Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods: Conference Proceedings, Rome, Italy, 13th-14th May 2010 9781407310831, 9781407340548

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BAR S2472 2013 LUGLI, STOPPIELLO & BIAGETTI (Eds)

Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods Conference Proceedings, Rome, Italy, 13th–14th May 2010 Edited by

Francesca Lugli Assunta Alessandra Stoppiello Stefano Biagetti

ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

B A R

BAR International Series 2472 2013

Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods Conference Proceedings, Rome, Italy, 13th–14th May 2010 Edited by

Francesca Lugli Assunta Alessandra Stoppiello Stefano Biagetti

BAR International Series 2472 2013

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2472 Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods © The editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2013 The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407310831 paperback ISBN 9781407340548 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407310831 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2013. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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CONTENTS PAG. 1

NOTE OF THE EDITORS

PAG. 2

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

PAG. 1 PAG. 5 PAG. 9 PAG. 18

PAG. 25 PAG. 31 PAG. 36 PAG. 42 PAG. 49 PAG. 53 PAG. 58 PAG. 63 PAG. 69

AKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A. CAZZELLA Ethnoarchaeology Today: Actions and Actors A. DULAM Sur la civilisation nomade

A. GALLAY Les fondements theoriques de l’ethnoarchaologie vis a travers une pratique africaine

1. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE: USE, FUNCTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL INTERACTION

M. CALVO , J.GARCIA ROSSELLO’, J. FORNES, S. GORNES An Ethnoarchaeological Approach To Pelt Processing. The Bussanga Workshop Of Bawku (North Of Ghana)

M. CALVO, J. FORNES, J. GARCIA ROSSELLO’, D. JAVALOYAS, M. SASTRE Houses and Society. An Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Mamprusi’s Houses (Bende, Northeast Ghana)

G. CHELIDONIO Recent Findings and Observations on Firestones and Gunflints, between Craftsmanship, Expedient Strategies and Warfare Conditions A. DEPALMAS, F.di GENNARO Before the Fridge and the Running Water. Considerations on Food Treatment

B. DJORDJEVIC Pottery Making in Zlakusa. First Ethnoarchaeological Research Project in Serbia

B. DJORDJEVIC, B. NIKOLOV Bread-baking Pan (crepulja/crepna) from Neolithic to Present in South-East Europe. The Beginning of Ethnoarchaeological Cooperation in the Region

C. LOI Preliminary Studies about the Productive Chain of Lentisk Oil through Ethnographic Witness and Experiments A. PECCI, C. VALDAMBRINI, V. BELLUCCI, M.A. CAU ONTIVEROS “Ethnoarchaeometry” of Oil Production: Chemical Traces in a Modern Oil Production Structure in Tuscany (Italy)

H. DE ANGELIS, M.E. MANSUR, R. PIQUE’ Ethnoarchaeology and Experimentation. Studies on the Use of Glass as Raw Material in the Selknam Society

PAG. 75 PAG. 81 PAG. 88 PAG. 99 PAG. 107 PAG. 113 PAG. 118

PAG. 123 PAG. 129 PAG. 133 PAG. 140 PAG. 146

2. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE: SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS AND MENTAL PATTERNS

I. BOGDANOVIC, R. PIQUE’, M.E. MANSUR Ethnoarchaeological “Calibration” of the Archaeological Record: Hain Ritual and Selknam Identity (Tierra del Fuego, Argentina)

I. BRIZ, I. ALVAREZ, E. CAMAROS, J. CARO, A. LACROUTS, L. SALVATELLI, L. VIETRI, D. ZURRO The Archaeology Viewed from an Ethnoarchaeological Perspective T. BURKA, C. GIARDINO Production vs. Destruction: Ethnoarchaeological Considerations on the Ideological Role of Metals in the Oromo Society and in Antiquity

S. DI CUGNO, S. MANTELLINI Traditional Techniques, Resources Exploitation and Archaeological Record: an Ethnographical Study from the Oasis of Samarkand (Uzbekistan) V. PARMIGIANI, M.E. MANSUR, I. BOGDANOVIC The Guanaco in the Symbolic World of the Selknam Society

L. PISONI Places and Exploits of The Bandit Castrin: Material Results, Events Perception and Memory Building

R.J.S. POLONI Contemporary Brazilian Ethnoarchaeology: Material Culture and Social Implications

3. LANDSCAPE ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY: INTERACTION BETWEEN MAN AND ENVIRONMENT AND CHOICE PROCESSES

S. BURRI, A. DURAND, M. ALILOU Way of Life and Technical knowledge of Moroccan Charcoal Burners: an Ethnoarchaeological Approach (Gharb and Middle Atlas, Morocco)

L.CASTELLETTI, M. BIRAGHI, C.COLOMBO, E. MARTINELLI Sixteenth-Century Charcoal Kilns at Alpe Del Rozzo (Cavargna Valley, Lepontine Alps, Lombardy, N-Italy) G. FORNI Les bases ethno-archéologiques de l’agriculture. Etho-ethnologie des communautés scientifiques et traditions d’origine préhistorique M. GREBSKA-KULOW Ethnoarchaeological Study of Communication Network in Southwestern Bulgaria

O. KUZNETSOV Ethnoarchaeology of Evenki Reindeer Hunters in Siberia: an Application to Late Paleolithic Settlements and Habitation Structures Analysis

PAG. 153 PAG. 158 PAG. 164

PAG. 174 PAG. 181 PAG. 187 PAG. 193 PAG. 202 PAG. 209 PAG. 217 PAG. 224

PAG. 235 PAG. 241

A. MARTINI The Branch and Reed Wall Construction Technology in the “Valle del Liri” (Latium, Italy): a Bioclimatic Building Technique M.I. PANNACCIONE APA, S. BARRERA RODRIGUEZ, M.F. BUONGIORNO Il teide. Le Isole Canarie e la cultura Guanche A. PRIULI High Camonica Valley: the Use of Territory from Protohistory to the Present

4. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND PASTORALISM

M. BAZZANELLA, G. KEZICH, L. PISONI Shepherd’s Writings and Shepherds’ Life on Monte Cornon (Fiemme Valley, Trentino, Italy): an Ethnoarchaeological Perspective M. BAZZANELLA, U. WIERER The Shelters Mandra di Dos Capel and Trato and the Beginning of astoralism in Fiemme Valley, Trentino, Italy S. BIAGETTI Designing a Pastoral Landscape in Saharan Massifs: the Role of Ethnoarchaeology

F. DELUSSU Economia e mobilità pastorale nel Supramonte tra mondo antico ed età contemporanea

D. GONZALEZ ALVAREZ Traditional Pastoralism in the Asturian Mountains: an Ethnoarchaeological View on Mobility and Settlement Patterns F. LUGLI Winter and spring camps in Mongolia

M. MIGLIAVACCA, F. SAGGIORO, U. SAURO Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoralism: Fieldwork in the Highlands of the Lessini Plateau (Verona, Italy) A. MONACO Activity Areas and Rubbish Management: The Pastoral Encampment in the Peninsula of Sithonia

5. REMOTE SENSING AND AUTOMATIC IDENTIFICATION TECHNIQUES OF THE “ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD”

F. CARRER Pastoralism Needs GRASS… A GIS Approach to the Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoralism in the Alps

A. DE GUIO, C. BETTO, M. MIGLIAVACCA, G. MAGNINI Mountain Fossil Landscapes and the “Archaeology of Us”: an object/pattern/scenery Recognition Experiment

PAG. 249 PAG. 260 PAG. 269 PAG. 275

PAG. 293 PAG. 298 PAG. 302 PAG. 311 PAG. 313 PAG. 314

6. URBAN ENVIRONMENTS ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

G. CALEGARI L’ecriture orale: des ideaux et des visions dans les traces urbaines de C.T.

B. CICCOZZI, W. GROSSI Du séisme au territoire: enquêtes ethnoarchéologiques sur le tremblement de terre de L’Aquila

E. BIGI The Contemporary Archaeological Record of Ornaments Manufacturing and Sale of Beads in the Rione Esquilino, Rome, Italy M. VIDALE Lettere di S. Antonio: cultura materiale in mutazione accelerata APPENDIX

K.F. ACHINO, D. PROIETTI, L. SILVESTRI, M. F. ROLFO Oral Sources and the Archaeological Data for the Study Case of the Mora Cavorso Grotto at Jenne (Latium, Italy) P. ANTONINI, G. CAPITINI, M. CARPANELLI The Ger, an Optimal Structure for Using Conditions and most extreme Stresses-Constructing Techniques and Structural Analysis G. FRINCHILLUCCI The Contribution of Ethnographic Museums to Ethnoarchaeology. Perspectives of Interdisciplinary Research

KONG Lingyuan Using Ethnographic materials to Analyse the Original Meaning of some Oracle-Bone and Bronze Inscriptions KONG Lingyuan Ethnoarchaeology in China

LI Yujie, KONG Lingyuan On the Origin of Prehistoric Religion and Li (ritual) in Central Plains of China

A Gherardo Gnoli

Note of the editors F.Lugli, S.Biagetti and A.A.Stoppiello

in China, is included in the appendix of this volume, mainly due to the ethnographic/historical value of the papers. Poster sessions were run as well.

This volume is a collection of the contributions to the ‘Ethnoarchaeology Conference: Current Research and Field Methods’, organized by the AIE-Onlus (Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia) together with IsIAO (Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente) , which was held in Rome in May 2010. The choice of the theme of the conference was driven by the aim of creating desire to create a starting point for future events. ‘Ethnoarchaeology: current research and field methods’, has actually been a good platform to attract Italian and foreign scholars, active in the field of ethnoarchaeology . As a matter of fact, the main theme explicitly targeted those who were directly involved in ethnoarchaeological research worldwide. We thus aimed to gather scientists doing ethnoarchaeology primarily in the field, in order to discuss research designs and methods. Ethnoarchaeology, even if it has a partially subordinate role compared to archaeology, is extremely vital and the scholars devoted to this discipline, are always interested in new perspectives, which don’t have historical, chronological and partly geographical limits, as archaeology in its various applications currently has. Even if ethnoarcheology has proved to be a sparkling and dynamic discipline, it still receives limited attention, from an academic and institutional point of view.

Different theoretical and methodological approaches were presented in the course of the Conference, testifying the plurality of sides that traditionally characterize ethnoarchaeology. The papers included in this book, which range from the direct historical approach to cognitivism, emphasize many other aspects of current archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research. On the other hand, theoretical issues were specifically addressed by the keynote speakers , whose papers dealt with some of the most important - yet controversial - facets of the discipline. In spite of their great diversity, the contributions in this volume not only offer a large outline of many current ethnoarchaeological projects, but are useful to focus on the key themes of current ethnoarchaeological research. Obviously, we are aware that these papers are far from being a fully comprehensive review of today’s ethnoarchaeology. However, they supply an up-to-date picture of the ethnoarchaeological issues addressed by several teams in Europe and abroad.

Aknowledgements

We wish to express special thanks to the directors of the sessions. We also thank all participants for their scientific contribution and all the listeners who have nurtured a fruitful discussion. The Conference has been realized thanks to the effective support of Is.I.A.O (Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente), A.U.A. srl. Land srl, ES srl, BCC Roma, DIMARNO, NEXTMEDIA, Zètema Progetto Cultura.

However since the age of the New Archaeology, when it was a matter of lively discussion, ethnoarchaeology has progressively found particular local developments, we believe that, in spite of this, the discipline has gained a maturity that makes a wider theoretical and practical debate propitious. With this in mind, we have aimed at establishing a link between those involved in ethnoarchaeological projects in various regions of the world, cross-cutting the specific archaeological themes and issues.

The basic concept that lay behind the Conference was to collect ethnoarchaeological views and methods on a series of issues, thus reverting the most common perspective of bringing together cross disciplinary approaches to a given phenomenon. Nevertheless, specific topics were identified by the organizers. One major problem associated with organizing a conference on such a large topic was to avoid the trap of falling into a general and vague discussion about ethnoarchaeology. In this view, we arranged five different sessions, each related to specific arguments rather than approaches. These were: Ethnoarchaeology and Material Culture: Use, Function and Environmental Interaction ; Ethnoarchaeology and Material Culture: Social Implications and Mental Patterns ; Landscape Ethnoarchaeology: Interaction between Environment and Mechanisms of Choice ; Ethnoarchaelogy and Pastoralism ; Remote Sensing and Automatic Identification Techniques of the Archaeological Record ; Ethnoarchaeology of Urban Environments (vi). A session focused on ethnoarchaeology 1

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Afuera 33°, Burgos 09003, Espańa, [email protected] CARPANELLI MADDALENA, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus. CARRER FRANCESCO, Museo Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, Via Mach 2, 38010 San Michele all’Adige (TN), [email protected] CASTELLETTI LANFREDO, Laboratorio di Archeobiologia , Piazza Medaglie d’Oro, 1 – 22100 Como [email protected], [email protected] CAU M.A., Università degli studi di Siena CAZZELLA ALBERTO, Dip. di Scienze Storiche Archeologiche e Antropologiche dell’Antichità, Sezione di Paletnologia, Università di Roma “Sapienza”, Via Palestro 63 - 00185 Roma, [email protected] CHELIDONIO GIORGIO, Progetto “Pietre del fuoco” ATM/UNESCO, Vicolo Moise 5, 37129 Verona, [email protected] CICCOZZI CARLA, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus, [email protected] COLOMBO CHRISTIAN, Laboratorio di Archeobiologia dei Musei Civici e Università dell’Insubria – Como DE ANGELIS HERNAN, CADIC-CONICET, Bernardo Houssay 200, Ushuaia, Argentina, [email protected] DE GUIO ARMANDO, Dip. Di Scienze dell’Antichità, Università degli Studi di Padova, Piazza Capitaniato 7, 35139 , [email protected] DELUSSU FABRIZIO, Dip. di Storia, Università degli Studi di Sassari, V.le Umberto 52, Sassari, [email protected] DEPALMAS ANNA, Università degli Studi di Sassari, Piazza Conte di Moriana, 8 Sassari, [email protected] DI CUGNO SERENA, Università di Bologna, sede di Ravenna, [email protected] DI GENNARO FRANCESCO, Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma, [email protected] DJORDJEVIC BILJANA, National Museum in Belgrade, Trg Republike 1a, Belgrade 11000, Serbia, [email protected] DULAM S., Université Nationale de Mongolie, [email protected], [email protected] DURAND ALINE, Université de Provence/LAMM, [email protected] FORNES BISQUERRA J., Grupo Arqueobalear. Universidad de las Islas Baleares (UIB), Espaňa, [email protected] FORNI GAETANO, Museo Lombardo di Storia dell’Agricoltura, via Keplero 33, 20124 Milano, [email protected] FRINCHILLUCCI GIANLUCA, Associazione Perigeo –

ACHINO KATIA, Università degli Studi di Tor Vergata, Roma ALVAREZ MYRIAN ROSA, Centro Austral de Investigaciones Cientificas, CONICET, B. Houssay 200, Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Argentina, [email protected] ANTONINI PAOLO, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus, [email protected] BACALINI LAURA, Associazione Perigeo – International People Community Onlus, [email protected] BARRERA RODRIGUEZ SERGIO, GSC Tenerife, Canarias, Spain BAZZANELLA MARTA, Museo Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, Via Mach 2, 38010 San Michele all’Adige (TN), [email protected] BELLUCCI V., Università degli studi di Siena BETTO ANDREA, C.I.S.A.S. (Centro Internazionale di Studi di Archeologia di Superficie), [email protected] BIAGETTI STEFANO, Università di Roma “Sapienza”, [email protected] BIGI ELISA, Facoltà di Conservazione dei Beni Culturali, Università di Bologna, Ravenna, [email protected] BIRAGHI MARCO, Laboratorio di Archeobiologia dei Musei Civici e Università dell’Insubria – Como BOGDANOVIC IGOR, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Espańa, [email protected] BRIZ IVAN, Dept. Arqueologia y Antropologia, IMFCSIC, C/Egipciaques, 15 – Barcelona 08001, Espańa, [email protected] BUONGIORNO FABRIZIA M., National Institute of Geophysics and Volcanology (INGV), Via di Vigna Murata 605, Rome 00143 BURKA TEMESGEN, Dept. of History and Heritage Management, University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, [email protected] BURRI SYLVAIN, Université de Provence,/ LAMM, [email protected], [email protected] CALEGARI GIULIO, Museo Civico di Storia Naturale, Milano, [email protected] CALVO TRIAS M., Grupo Arqueobalear. Universidad de las Islas Baleares (UIB), Espaňa, [email protected] CAMAROS EDGARD, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Lab. Arqueozoologia, Edifici M. Campus UAB. Bellaterra, Barcelona, Catalunya, Edgard. [email protected] CAPITINI GRAZIANO, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus. CARFORA MARISA, Museo Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, Via Mach 2, 38010 San Michele all’Adige (TN) CARO JORGE, Universidad de Cantabria, c/Llana de 2

International People Community Onlus, [email protected], [email protected] GALLAY ALAIN, Université de Genève, Professeur honoraire,13 Boulevard du Pont d’Arve CH-1205 Genève, [email protected] GARCIA ROSSELLO’ J., Grupo Arqueobalear. Universidad de las Islas Baleares (UIB), Espaňa, [email protected] GIANNICHEDDA ENRICO, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, [email protected] GIARDINO CLAUDIO, Università degli Studi “Suor Orsola Benincasa”, Napoli, [email protected] GONZALEZ ALVAREZ DAVID, Department of Prehistory, Universidad Complutense de Madrid (Spain), [email protected] GORNES S., Grupo Arqueobalear. Universidad de las Islas Baleares (UIB), Espaňa, [email protected] GREBSKA-KULOW MALGORZATA, Regional Museum of History Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria, [email protected] GROSSI WALTER, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus, [email protected] JAVALOYAS DAVID, Grupo Arqueobalear. Universidad de las Islas Baleares (UIB), Espaňa, [email protected], [email protected] KEZICH GIOVANNI, Museo Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, Via Mach 2, 38010 San Michele all’Adige (TN), [email protected] KONG LINGYUAN, History and Archaeology Department of Chongqing Normal University KUZNETSOV OLEG V., State University of Chita, [email protected] LACROUTS ADRIANA MARIELA, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina, [email protected] LI YUJIE, History and Archaeology Department of Chongqing Normal University, [email protected] LOI CINZIA, Università degli Studi di Sassari – Paleoworking Sardegna, [email protected] LUGLI FRANCESCA, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus, [email protected] MAGNINI LUIGI, Dipartimento di Archeologia, Università di Padova, [email protected] MANSUR MARIA ESTELA, CADIC-CONICET, Bernardo Houssay 200, Ushuaia, Argentina, [email protected], MANTELLINI SIMONE, Dip. di Archeologia, Università degli studi di Bologna, Via San Vitale 28, 48121 Ravenna, [email protected] MARTINELLI ELISA, Laboratorio di Archeobiologia dei Musei Civici e Università dell’Insubria – Como MARTINI ANNARITA, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – Onlus, annarita @gmx.de

MIGLIAVACCA MARA, Dip. di Archeologia, Università di Padova, [email protected], MONACO ANDREA, Università di Roma “Sapienza”, [email protected] NATALI LUCA, Associazione Perigeo – International People Community Onlus, [email protected] NIKOLOV GORDAN, Museum of Macedonia, Skopje, Macedonia PANNACCIONE APA MARIA ILARIA, Centro Nazionale Terremoti, UF Telerilevamento, National Institute of Geophysics and Volcanology, Via di Vigna Murata 605, Roma 00143, [email protected] PARMIGIANI VANESA ESTHER, CADIC-CONICET, Bernardo Houssay 200, Ushuaia, Argentina, [email protected] PECCI ALESSANDRA, Università di Barcellona, Spagna, [email protected] PIQUE’ RAQUEL, Departament de Prehistoria, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain, [email protected] PISONI LUCA, Museo Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, Via Mach 2, 38010 San Michele all’Adige (TN), [email protected] POLONI RITA JULIANA, University of Algarve, Portugal, [email protected] PRIULI AUSILIO, Museo d’Arte e Vita Preistorica, Capodiponte (BS), [email protected] PROIETTI DANIELE, Università degli Studi di Tor Vergata, Roma ROLFO MARIO, Dip. Scienze dei Beni Culturali, Università degli studi di “Tor Vergata”, Roma, [email protected] SAGGIORO FABIO, Dip. di Discipline Storiche, Artistiche, Archeologiche e Geografiche, Università di Verona SALVATELLI LORENA, Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, B. Houssay 200, Ushuaia, Tierra del fuego, Argentina, [email protected] SASTRE M., Grupo Arqueobalear. Universidad de las Islas Baleares (UIB), Espaňa, [email protected] SAURO UGO, Via Cengetti 1, 37021 Bosco Chiesanuova VR, [email protected] SILVESTRI DANIELE, Università degli Studi di Tor Vergata, Roma STOPPIELLO ASSUNTA ALESSANDRA, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus, [email protected] VALDAMBRINI CHIARA, Università degli studi di Siena, [email protected] VIDALE MASSIMO, Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia – onlus, Università degli Studi di Padova, [email protected]. VIETRI LUISA, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Espańa, [email protected] 3

WIERER URSULA, Università degli Studi di Siena, Dip. di Scienze Ambientali “G. Sarfatti” (U.R. Ecologia Preistorica), Via T. Pendola 62, 53100 Siena, [email protected] ZURRO DEBORA, Dept. Arqueologia y Antropologia, IMF-CSIC, C/Egipciaques, 15, Barcelona 08001, Espańa, [email protected]

Editing end graphic project by Maddalena Carpanelli [email protected] 4

Ethnoarchaeology Today: Actions and Actors Alberto Cazzella Abstract

Two principal views of Ethnoarchaeology have collided since the term was coined. The basic difference is between those who consider Ethnoarchaeology just a live study of archaeological deposit formation and those who take into consideration the wider relationship that exists between Ethno-Anthropology and Archaeology. Both of these views are useful, the first perspective specifically regarding actions, of which archaeological traces remain, the second one particularly studying (collective) actors, which acted in the past. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, Actions, Actors, New Archaeology, Agency Theory.

Résumé

Deux principal vues de l’ethnologie s’affrontent depuis le terme a été inventé. La différence fondamentale est entre ceux qui considèrent l’ethnologie une étude de la formation vivant du dépôt archéologique et qui considèrent les relations plus larges qui existent entre l’archéologie et l’ethnologie. Les deux perspectives sont utiles: le premier concerne principalement les actions qui sont transformée dans vestiges archéologiques, la deuxième étude en particulier des acteurs (collectifs) qui ont agi dans le passé. MOTS CLES: Ethnoarchéologie, actions, acteurs, Nouvelle Archéologie, Théorie de l’Action. Two principal views (each of them with many internal variations on the theme: a recent synthesis in VIDALE 2004) of ethnoarchaeology have been in conflict since the term was coined and widely adopted in the 1970s (BINFORD 1978; DONNAN, CLEWLOW 1974; GOULD 1978; KRAMER 1979, STILES 1977). As it is well known, the basic difference is between those who consider ethnoarchaeology just a live study of archaeological deposit formation as regards activities carried out by human groups using unusual techniques and those who take into consideration various kinds of relationships existing between ethno-anthropology and archaeology concerning the cultural choices applied in various situations. The first perspective (which was the most innovative when it was proposed) pointed out correct explanations of archaeological traces as effects of past actions. It has a more limited, but also a more precise application. So human actions leaving physical traces are the target of these kinds of studies, but they are considered more as natural phenomena (the changes in the physical world caused by human actions: BINFORD 1983: 22) than as human phenomena (the cultural meaning of those actions). The use of the term by Binford is very different from Hodder’s (HODDER 1987) and regards the former aspect (“…what happened in the past to bring into being the forms of patterning that archaeologists have observed?”, BINFORD 1983:77), not its semiotic implication (CAZZELLA199091). From this perspective ethnoarchaeology (and experimental archaeology) is more an analysis of the natural laws explaining how specific actions become specific archaeological traces (considering factors such as dimensions and physiology of the human body, features of the materials used, location in space of makers, etc.) than a study of cultural choices and intentionality in action. The constant feature of natural laws makes us sure that the

results of a single ethnoarchaeological research of this kind have a general value in similar situations (where the same natural laws are acting). In my opinion this perspective is still of great importance: there is much to be understood about the formation processes of archaeological records from a natural point of view. So ethnoarchaeology is a necessary method to avoid misinterpreting archaeological remains. As this kind of perspective obviously does not concern the ethno¬anthropologists, the field activity of archaeologists in exotic and traditional contexts is essential. Obviously it has to be linked to the studies of naturalists having an interest in archaeology too. In any case this perspective cannot go beyond the mentioned target, even if it is very important. Nevertheless, within new archaeology itself (for example considering cross--cultural studies) the problem arose of another kind of relationship with the results of ethno¬anthropological research. It is an absolutely different aspect from the above-mentioned one: it derives from an adaptive behaviouristic perspective. According to this principle, in various contexts, in similar conditions, human groups behave in a similar way. Behaviours with a high symbolic content, such as funerary customs (see the classical Binford’s study: BINFORD 1971), can also be included in this perspective. The necessary prudence once highlighted by Binford (we do not excavate societies, but actions fossilized in the archaeological deposits) has often been forgotten, sometimes by Binford himself, directly passing from actions to their cultural meanings in name of an adaptive perspective. For example, Binford’s study of sleeping areas (BINFORD 1983: 160-163, fig. 97, 98) aims at understanding social implications of features of the groups and sex and kin relationships of individuals which are possibly linked to 5

archaeological traces of “beds” in Palaeolithic contexts. These are just interesting hypotheses in a traditional sense deriving from recurring ethnographic analogies. In my opinion this second part of the new archaeology’s proposal is not so convincing and useful as the first one. It seems to be very hazardous: adaptation in similar conditions could imply different cultural responses and the general value of “laws” of human behaviour (the principle of “least effort” being the clearest of them) was rightly criticised by Post-Processualists (HODDER 1986). Binford also highlights some fine distinctions, but his idea of principle of inertia is not so different from the least effort’s one (BINFORD 1983: 200¬202, 221 “A system will remain stable until acted upon by forces external to its organization as a system”). In fact we can never exclude the cultural choice taken in a specific archaeological case study which differs from the statistically prevailing trend of reaction provoked by a stimulus. Within a more limited context (Schiffer’s behavioural laws regarding the formation processes of archaeological record, implying the effect of cultural aspects together with natural ones: SCHIFFER 1976), research of generalizations concerning the efficiency of refuse removal (an important theme in settlement archaeology, Pompeian destructions being generally lacking) runs the risk of schematizing various historical situations too: Hodder’s critique founded on the cultural and contextual feature of the concepts of dirt and cleanliness can be successful (HODDER 1982). Also avoiding a strictly behaviourist position, in any case the attempt to pass directly from specific archaeological traces to their cultural meanings is hazardous all the same: neither recurring ethnographic comparisons nor references to schematic patterns of social and economic organization (as band, tribe, and chiefdom) can be convincingly used in this sense. Ethno-anthropological research, (past and contemporary) can inform us about behaviours occurring in various contexts, giving us interpretive cues, not certainties. In any case, ethno-archaeological field studies, which are broadly speaking considered as studies carried out by archaeologists in ethnographic contexts, are not so abundant and they cannot help us very much in this target of creating suggestions founded on a large record of pertinent cases. Otherwise we return to unsystematic analogies founded on random ethnographic comparisons. Convenient generalizations (i.e. archaeological indicators), founded more on common sense than on ethnographic data, can be included in this category of scientific hazards too. Many of us, more or less consciously, use them. For example they are adopted to outline the level of social complexity (a child’s grave with a lot of grave goods indicates the existence of a system implying inherited social positions) or other social aspects (male/female couples’ graves are interpreted as married couples and linked to a patrilinear kin system). They are plausible hypotheses, but we cannot take for granted that they are true in a specific context without further archaeological data supporting them. As in the above-mentioned case of ethnographic comparisons as a source of inspiration, in my opinion

various steps (from the hypothesis’ proposal to its strengthening or refusal by independent data) ought to be followed. New archaeologists’ false hope of explaining all behaviours on the basis of efficient adaptation or least effort being vanished (at least in the opinion of the scholars who do not recognize themselves in that theoretical framework), a large range of archaeological questions remain unanswered. So other methodological tools are to be considered. This second perspective is not in contrast with the first one mentioned: they can be complementary, their targets being different. Once it has been understood (by ethnoarchaeology, experimental archaeology and natural sciences applied to archaeology) which kinds of actions were carried out in a specific archaeological situation, the following step is the interpretation of their cultural meanings in the framework of a global context. If their reason is not always the least effort, but there is the possibility to solve the problems that arise from the relations with nature and human groups in different ways, the cultural choices and the actors make them become the real centre of interest. Obviously from this perspective the links with Agency Theory (for example DOBRES, ROBB2000; GARDNER 2004) are very close, but it includes different points of view too. The principal difference concerns the object of study: it can either be single individuals or groups of individuals sharing the same social position (BLANTON, FARGHER 2008: 5-14; CAZZELLA, RECCHIA 2008). The former possibility is apparently easier: it is undeniable that single individuals are makers of specific actions. Nevertheless this fragmentary situation of manifold actions implying a range of variations oscillating from thoughtless habits to fully conscious choices is difficult to outline in archaeology (especially in prehistoric archaeology) and in any case is perhaps of major interest as an object of study in other disciplines (for example RICOEUR 1977). The collective feature of cultures and the social feature of human collective organizations (including internal divisions and competitions too) make it more meaningful to analyze actions carried out by corporate groups or categories of individuals by their archaeological traces. Even if it is not so easy, in my opinion it is feasible in several cases. Avoiding both the abstract rationalization of the effort, minimization and the absolute imponderability of the human spirit, we can deal with the problem of cultural choices reminding us of Polaniy’s proposal: the targets of cultural behaviours are social; the means to get to them are rational. More recently the problem was again taken into consideration in the framework of the Cognitive Theory (RENFREW 2004 included): mechanisms of human (at least of Homo sapiens) thought are uniform and rational, but the mental maps, i.e. the filters allowing perceptions of reality and interventions in it, are culturally contextual. The theme is much more accurately discussed in Prof. Gallay’s paper in this volume. So from the perspective of the Agency Theory, after the step of recognition of the specific actions made in the past starting from the explanation of their archaeological traces, there are divergences from new 6

archaeology (A) and inside Agency Theory too (B). A. The recognized actions are not to be directly considered “behaviours”, as it happens in new archaeology (in which, if they exist, they have an adaptive function), but they are to be contextually interpreted. B. As mentioned above, inside Agency Theory two principal trends collide. 1) The supporters of the “active individual” (Hodder is the most famous of them: HODDER 1986) highlight his free will and the negotiation of his social position in the relationships among the individuals constituting a community: every action can be a part of this very complex process of social interaction. 2) The supporters of the centrality of human groups and social categories of individuals emphasize the importance of recognizing recurring patterns of actions, as regards both their morphological and functional aspects: this position reminds us of Childe’s socially accepted behaviours. As it is well known, the same term “behaviour” has a very different meaning in Childe’s proposal and in Binford’s one. Developing particularly point B2, we must avoid more traditional approaches and their methodological weakness: cultures and societies (also in prehistory) are complex, not homogeneous entities; we have to be particularly interested in their internal articulation; there is no direct correspondence between styles and ways of production and use of artefacts on one hand and peoples on the other hand, but phenomena of transmission of information and cultural models among individuals and groups highly interconnected are a noteworthy theme of research. Obviously the related analysis aims at recognizing past cultural patterns and social interactions in an emic perspective. From this perspective both stylistic and functional (practical and symbolic) aspects, inserted in their spatial framework, are equally important. The boundaries between them are perhaps less strict than some years ago: technical ways of production and use of artefacts (technical styles: for example, in regards to pottery production, GOSSELAIN 1992 and DE CRITS 1994) are the object of studies on the characterization of cultural traditions, as stylistic aspects can give data on information exchange and social interaction (are they so different? Can they coexist, as it happens as regards intentional actions and thoughtless habits? HILL 1985). By these tools perhaps we can try to identify both groups of individuals acting together and categories of individuals acting separately, but following socially shared patterns of behaviour. As mentioned above, every culture and every related society sharing it are not uniform entities, each of them include sub-cultures and internal social groups. Factors such as location, kin, gender, age, activity, etc. can play a role in these phenomena of internal variability and we can aim at recognizing them and studying processes of interaction (from cooperation to competition) among the various social sub¬groups, besides the relationships with the natural environment and the external human groups, which are the object of a more consolidated tradition of research. Can the interaction with ethnoanthropological analyses in this kind of archaeological study be useful? How is it possible to link up specific ethnoarchaeological studies

with this wider, but more indefinite perspective of research? What remains besides the explanation of relationships between archaeological traces and related actions, limited just at the first step of study, if the cross ¬cultural analysis of world¬wide recurring trends is refused within a contextual theoretical framework? In my opinion an important point (emphasized also by some new archaeologists) to be taken into consideration in regards to ethnoarchaeology, is the need to widen the range of plausible hypotheses in the study of cultures which are very different from ours. To reuse the terminology (deriving from Hempel’s thought, once appreciated by some new archaeologists: HEMPEL 1965), we have to distinguish the context of hypotheses’ proposition from that of their validation (or refusal) made by specific archaeological data. ethnoarchaeology, broadly speaking including (as mentioned above) every research carried out by archaeologists in ethnographic (and traditional) contexts, bearing in mind archaeological problems, brings us into contact with different ways of solving problems that are unusual for us. So it can be a valuable aid in suggesting new hypotheses. Obviously we can never exclude further hypotheses, besides those suggested by ethnoarcheological research. Another contribution of ethnoarchaeology, seen as a source of “cautionary tales”, is apparently just the opposite of the former one: it warns us of the danger linked with the trend to project our contemporary experience or our knowledge of historical societies onto prehistoric cultures. Cautionary tales do not directly suggest new hypotheses, but induce us not to be satisfied with just one hypothesis. At last I think that another kind of relationship between archaeology and ethno¬anthropology is briefly noteworthy, even if in this case ethnoarchaeological studies were rarely so wide to be included in the perspective of the comparative studies. The modern origin of these studies, as well ¬known, is in the framework of the neo-evolutionary school, especially starting with Steward. They are distinguishable from the traditional generalizing evolutionary ones by the research of similarities and differences between every couple of compared situations, in order to understand the specific features of each of them better and not to fill gaps in our knowledge or to purpose cross¬ cultural laws. So in this case, if we would like to use a prehistoric archaeological situation as a comparison, it should be known well enough. The same goes for ethnoarchaelogical research with the same aim: the data collected must include many cultural aspects. This kind of comparative perspective seems to be far from the new archaeology’s nomothetic trend: for example Braidwood (a follower of Steward) and Sahlins were strongly criticized by Binford (1968; 1983: 215-220), but their comparative inclination was apparently ignored for being uninteresting. Nevertheless the idea of emphasizing differences and similarities among various cultural situations, especially looking for the reasons for the differences, is recurrent in Binford himself with a specific value: if reactions to stimuli are uniform, why does cultural variability exist? His “broad-spectrum” ethno-archaeological study on Eskimo 7

and pottery among Bafia of Cameroon. Man. 27, pp. 559586. GOULD, R.A. (ed.) (1978) Explorations in Ethnoarchaeology. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. HEMPEL, C. G. (1965) Aspects of Scientific Explanation. New York: Free Press. HILL, J. N. (1985) Style: a conceptual evolutionary framework. In: B. A. Nelson (ed.) Decoding Prehistoric Ceramics. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, pp. 362-385. HODDER, I. (1982) Symbols in Action. Cambridge: University Press. HODDER, I. (1986) Reading the Past. Cambridge: University Press. HODDER, I. (1987) The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings. Cambridge: University Press. KRAMER, C. (ed.) (1979) Ethnoarchaeology: Implications of Ethnography for Archaeology. New York: Colombia University Press. RENFREW, C. (2004) Towards a cognitive archaeology. In: C. Renfrew, E. Zubrow, (eds.) The Ancient Mind. Cambridge: University Press, pp. 3-12. RICOEUR, P. (1977) La sémantique de l’action. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. SCHIFFER, M. B. (1976) Behavioral Archaeology. New York: Academic Press. STILES, D. (1977) Ethnoarchaeology: a discussion of methods and applications. Man. 12, pp. 87-103. VIDALE, M. (2004) Che cos’è l’Etnoarcheologia. Roma: Carocci Editore.

groups in particular (BINFORD 1978, 1983) seems to express his will to go beyond an analysis of spatial distribution of bone and stone residues to reconstruct archaeologically recorded specific activities, location of hearths and sleeping areas to suggest hypotheses on social structure of seasonal groups and Nunamiuts’ land use during one person’s lifetime to create a real “cautionary tale” versus the Bordes’ hypothesis of Mousterian territoriality (BINFORD 1983: 114-117). The complex picture he gives of that cultural ethnographic situation as an archaeologist should have been perfect for allowing a comparison with glacial climate Palaeolithic hunters and gatherers, if we had enough archaeological data on one of those societies (as we hope will one day be the case). In any case, obviously, none of them could have had all the same features as a Nunamiut community and from these differences the question “why?” arises. Binford (1983: 203) emphasizes the environment features as the principal cause of cultural differences, but his master White also rightly mentioned the importance of adaptation to human environment. Finally, bearing in mind the Agency Theory, it’s clear that the phenomena that derive from human relationships are not uniform, and therefore have to be contextually interpreted.

References

BLANTON, R. E., FARGHER, L. F. (2008) Collective Action in the Formation of the Modern States. New York: Springer. BINFORD, L. R. (1968) Post-Pleistocene adaptations. In: S. R. Binford and L. R. Binford, (eds.) New Perspectives in Archaeology. Chicago: Aldine, pp. 313-341. BINFORD, L. R. (1971) Mortuary practices: their study and their potential. In: J. Brown, (ed.) Approaches to the Social Dimension of the Mortuary Practices. Memoirs of the American Archaeological Society, 25, pp. 6-69. BINFORD, L. R. (1978) Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology. New York: Academic Press. BINFORD, L. R. (1983) In Pursuit of the Past. Decoding the Archaeological Record. London: Thames and Hudson. CAZZELLA, A., RECCHIA, G. (2008) Marxism and Agency Theory. Paper presented to the “EAA 14th Annual Meeting”, 16-21 September, Valletta. CAZZELLA, A. (1990-91) Può servire a qualcosa la Semiologia per la Paletnologia? Origini, 15, pp. 23-34. DE CRITS, E. (1994) Style et technique: comparaison interethnique de la poterie subsaharienne. In : Terre cuite et société. La céramique, document technique, économique, culturel. Juan –les-Pins : Editions APDCA, pp. 343-350. DOBRES, M. A., ROBB, J. (eds.) (2000) Agency in Archaeology. London: Routledge. DONNAN, C. B., CLEWLOW, C. W. (eds.) (1974) Ethnoarchaeology. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Monograph 4. GARDNER, A. (ed.) (2004) Agency uncovered: Archaeological Perspectives on Social Agency, Personhood, and Being Human. London: UCL Press. GOSSELAIN, O. P. (1992) Technology and style: potters 8

Sur la civilisation nomade S. Dulam La civilisation mongole, en tant que civilisation nomade classique, se différencie totalement des civilisations sédentaires. Dans les œuvres des historiens des civilisations sédentaires des agriculteurs, l’élevage nomade est présenté comme quelque chose de primitif et sauvage. De ce fait ces historiens, la plupart du temps, ont pris l’habitude d’appeler les nomades du nord “des sauvages” et cette habitude a demeuré durant plusieurs siècles. Pour ce qui est de la forme de l’économie il existe une différence: une entretient un rapport avec la terre, l’autre avec le bétail. Seul la science moderne a fait comprendre qu’il n’y a pas de sens de considérer l’une comme supérieure à l’autre, ou à qualifier l’une de sauvage et l’autre de sophistiquée. Durant des années les chercheurs ont considéré qu’il y a eu une transition de l’économie d’extraction à une économie d’élevage et en suite à l’agriculture. Autrement dit, on considérait l’élevage comme une étape inférieure à l’agriculture. Aujourd’hui, pour la plupart des chercheurs, il est devenu évident que dans différentes régions du monde en fonction des conditions locales particulières, les secteurs de productions “l’élevage” et “l’agriculture” sont apparus parallèlement. Selon A.Toinbi, chercheur des civilisations, il est plus difficile de domestiquer des animaux, que de maîtriser la nature morte. La nature morte est soumise à la loi périodique qui se répète à des intervalles. Donc l’homme doit connaître cette loi et la suivre pour l’utiliser pour ces besoins. Par contre il est extrêmement plus difficile de comprendre de différentes formes et la complexité du monde vivant et de se comporter en conséquence. Un agriculteur habile à maîtriser la flore et un éleveur le monde animal, en regardant un ouvrier (producteur) fier “de maîtriser le monde” se moquent de lui et ils sont capables de rappeler que le seul domaine à étudier est bien celui de l’homme. (TOINBI 2007-173) (1). Si on compare la civilisation nomade avec la civilisation sédentaire d’agriculture, on peut constater certains avantages du nomadisme: 1) l’apprivoisement des animaux demande plus d’ habileté que de planter des végétaux. Car, cela signifie que l’intelligence et la volonté humaine emportent la victoire sur le comportement des animaux sauvages et indisciplinés. En d’autres termes l’éleveur est plus habile qu’un agriculteur paysan. Le nomadisme a été économiquement plus profitable que l’agriculture. Un agriculteur cultive un produit qui sait produire et le consomme (directement), tandis que le nomade au même titre qu’ un producteur (ouvrier) travaille des matières premières qu’il ne peut pas consommer lui-même directement. L’agriculteur cultive les céréales et les consomme. Un nomade utilise la végétation des pâturages. Il n’a pas besoin de cette végétation pour sa propre consommation, mais pour l’alimentation de son bétail. Il consomme du lait et de la viande du bétail et utilise la peau pour la fabrication des vêtements. L’élevage de bétail et l’utilisation de la végétation des steppes constituent des sources de développement de l’intelligence, du courage et

de l’endurance de l’homme. Le nomade durant toute l’année est à la recherche d’herbes pour le bétail dans la steppe aride et maigre en végétation. En suivant les changements des saisons, à travers des vastes étendus, il fait des longs déplacements d’un endroit à l’autre, du pâturage d’été au pâturage d’hiver ou de campement d’hiver vers le campement d’été. En faisant ainsi il emporte tout: le bétail, sa famille, tous les biens qu’il possède. L’éleveur, sans faire preuve de l’intelligence, de débrouillardise, sans l’endurance physique et mentale, ne saura pas maîtriser la nature et survivre dans des conditions climatiques extrêmement difficiles. Ce n’est pas pour rien que la religion chrétienne a qualifiée la vie quotidienne des nomades comme symbole de la valeur suprême du christianisme. “Image d’un éleveur qui a bon cœur». (Livre mentionné ci-dessus, 143). A notre avis il n’est pas possible de trancher clairement entre “la civilisation” et “la culture”. La civilisation est tout ce qui a été créé par l’intelligence et l’habileté des peuples et des nations, habitant depuis des siècles dans des conditions naturelles, géographiques et climatiques données, ce qui fait un tout et, est destiné à rendre les conditions sociales, culturelles et technologiques plus agréables. Cette notion n’a pas de rapport avec l’existence des villes et la culture des villes, comme le pensaient les hommes du 18ème siècle. Le seul rapport qui puisse exister consiste probablement dans l’origine de cette notion. Cela peut paraître bizarre, mais on peut parler d’une civilisation qui ce déplace. L’homme de la culture agricole, puisqu’il est lié à la terre, est cloué à un endroit. Il construit des habitations sûres et solides et il cumule différents objets. Dans les yeux des nomades les sédentaires accumulent des bien inutiles. Le nomade qui n’a pas de possibilité de rester longtemps dans un endroit et qui doit déménager, doit faire très attention pour ne pas s’encombrer de choses inutiles. Ces nomades qui ont “peu de bric - à - brac) apparaissent dans les yeux des sédentaires ayant accumulé toutes sortes de choses, comme des personnes pauvres, ne possédant rien et sauvages. Ce n’est pas la faute de sédentaires qui ont construit des villes et des forteresses, qui sont habitués aux biens palpables et visibles, de ne pas pouvoir voir la culture invisible et le savoir-faire qui peuvent être accumulés chez les nomades. Quand on parle de la culture, le citadin pense avant tout à ce qu’on peut voir, toucher, et il tendance à considérer la tradition transmise oralement et “le savoirfaire par cœur” comme de niveau inférieur. Les Mongols continuent à pratiquer l’élevage nomade jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Ce n’est pas parce qu’ils sont sauvages ou parce qu’ils ne connaissent pas “la culture agricole”. Il ne suffit pas de se poser la question “Pourquoi ils ont choisi seulement ce secteur d’économie?” La raison ne consiste pas dans “le retard de développement” des Mongols: La raison consiste dans la particularité du territoire que leur a confié le ciel bleu, les particularités climatiques, les formes 9

de l’économie adaptées à ces conditions naturelles, la tradition et la mentalité formées en conséquence. Ce plateau d’Asie centrale où les Mongols se sont établis depuis toujours est une partie très particulière de la planète : C’est un climat extrêmement continental et il représente un carrefour de courant de l’air froid du Nord et du climat chaud du sud. Les Montagnes sacrés d’Altai, de Khangai et de Khentii font rencontrer et mélanger ces deux climats et ces montagnes constituent le coeur de la planète qui a créée le climat particulier de notre pays natal. Etant donné que la terre était riche en herbes nutritives, au lieu de développer l’agriculture qui attache la plus grande importance au rendement de la terre, les Mongols ont préféré vivre en utilisant la terre comme pâturages d’été, d’hiver, de printemps et d’automne pour leur bétail. On trouve des traces d’une agriculture ancestrale près des grandes rivières. Mais ayant peur de fragiliser les terres, qui risquent d’être facilement détruites, seul moyen de leur existence, les nomades ont toujours préférer suivre leur ancienne croyance et leurs intuitions “même si celles ci paraissent non fondées scientifiquement», ils ont toujours évité de développer l’agriculture, préférant pratiquer l’élevage. Ce choix a été influencé par le contenu des anciens mythes, du chamanisme et des croyances ancestrales qui ont été basées sur la vénération de la nature. En d’autres thermes, le mode de vie des Mongols, leurs lois, leur politique et leur vision du monde consistaient à ne pas faire de mal à la nature, à profiter de ses fruits et à être en accord avec elle. Cette culture n’est pas née sous l’influence des sciences modernes et des slogans réclamant la protection de l’environnement. Il convient de dire que cette culture est une culture établie et créée à la base “d’un savoir faire par cœur», d’une tradition transmise par des ancêtres, des coutumes, des croyances et des convictions des Mongols. Nous ne serions pas loin de la vérité si l’on affirmait que “dans le monde il existe une vérité qui ne périt pas. Depuis les anciens temps les Mongols ont compris et sont conscients de la vérité que l’on ne peut pas reproduire la nature (sauvage) dans sa forme originelle”. Ici se cache la raison pourquoi, parfois, par des intuitions, on peut mieux prévoir l’avenir lointain que par des résultats des recherches. C’est pour cela que les Mongols ont développé une civilisation nomade et la considèrent comme leur “propriété”. Ce n’est pas parce qu’ils sont “sauvages», mais parce qu’ils considèrent que ces terres leur sont destinées par “le ciel éternel” et cette civilisation nomade est due aux conditions naturelles et climatiques particulières. Le sol des steppes et des montagnes des hauts plateaux d’Asie centrale où se trouve la Mongolie est prédestiné non pas pour l’agriculture, mais pour le pâturage de bétail. Malgré le fait que ce sol est constitué depuis plusieurs dizaines de milliers d’années, il est très fragile et n’est pas épais. Pour cette raison si on le creuse n’importe comment” ce sol risque d’être emporté par le vent. C’est pour cette raison que les Mongols ont inventé des innombrables contes sur l’interdiction de creuser la terre ou de déplacer des pierres des montagnes et des rochers. De ce fait les croyances, les traditions, les coutumes et le mode de

production des Mongols sont étroitement liées et constituent un ensemble. Il existe une idée particulière qui veut que la nature crée les formes des matières et la culture intellectuelle et la culture, en retour, protège les structures originaires de la nature. Si on comprend cela il devient très facile de comprendre les légendes, le shamanisme, et en général la culture mongole. Tout est la création du “Ciel éternel” et de la terre. De ce fait la nature et la société sont leurs résultats et donc le destin de chaque tribut et de chaque individu dépendent également du ciel et de la terre. Le territoire de l’Asie centrale, notamment le territoire de la Mongolie actuelle, fait partie des premiers territoires ou les animaux ont été domestiqués (M.Tumurjav). Les chercheurs considèrent que au nouvel âge de pierre, ou en 2000 avant notre ère, le climat relativement doux de l’Asie centrale a commencé progressivement à changer et il a été remplacé par un climat extrêmement continental et sec. Les grandes sources d’eau, les mers, les lacs et les rivières se sont asséchées et dans les régions de “Gobi” actuel a commencé la désertification. A cause du changement climatique dans cette région il est devenu impossible pour les hommes de vivre des fruits de la nature. Certain ont quitté leur lieu d’habitation pour chercher ailleurs leur moyen d’existence. Les autres ont cherché à s’adapter aux nouvelles conditions de vie et à chercher de nouveaux moyens d’existence. Donc ceux qui sont restés dans leur pays ont établi le début de la culture d’élevage de bétail et du nomadisme. La Mongolie se trouve à la frontière de la Grande Taïga de Sibérie qui est entourée au Nord et à l’Ouest par des Montagnes de l’Altaï, de Tagna, et de Saïan, et de passage au Désert de l’Asie central. Le territoire de la Mongolie est un Plateau relativement élevé. 81,2% se trouve à plus de 1000 mètres d’altitude au dessus de la surface de la mer et 50 % à 1500 mètres d’altitude. Le territoire de la Mongolie est divisé en zones géographiques: grande région montagneuse d’Altaï, grande région montagneuse de Khangai et de Khentii, la région de la grande steppe de Dornod et la région de Gobi. (Programme nationale 2000, 5) La Mongolie se trouve sur les lignes de séparation des trois océans et le carrefour de cette séparation est la montagne de Tsogtchandmani de Ar Janchivlan. Le climat d’un pays est constitué par l’interaction du rayonnement du soleil, des mouvements atmosphériques et de la surface du sol. Ces éléments constituent donc les éléments qui influencent le climat. La Mongolie se trouve dans la partie nord de la planète, dans l’Asie du Nord-Est (41° 35’-52° 09’ de latitude nord et entre 87° 44’-119 °56’ longitude est) sur un territoire (de 1 million 564 000 km quarré.) Cette situation géographique est la raison principale d’un climat froid. La Mongolie a 4 saisons bien distinctes. La différence de température dans l’année, d’un mois à l’autre et même dans la journée est considérable. Il y a peu de précipitations et le climat est extrêmement continental. La température la plus froide est de -31,1°C à -52,09°C au mois de janvier) et la température la plus élevée est de 28,5°C à 42,2°C au mois de juillet). La moyenne de précipitation par année est de 200 à 220 mm: dans les régions désertiques de Sud elle est de 50 à 100 10

Mongolie dans les termes suivants. “Les innombrables événements du monde ont leur côtés positifs et négatifs qui sont étroitement liés. Si on énumère les mauvais cotés de notre terre de Mongolie. Ils sont les suivantes: 1) La terre n’a pas de couche de sol. S’il y a du vent, le sable s’envole et le sol et la terre semblent s’unir. Les montagnes n’ont pas de sommet et les rochers n’ont pas de racines. Le tempête de sable de printemps souffle très fortement et se déplacent par d’autres endroits en gagnant en force. 2) L’eau ne coule pas et même l’été, l’eau de la pluie reste dans les lacs fermés. 3) Le climat est froid et glacial. 4) le soleil est loin, la neige tombe tôt et des fruits et des légumes ne poussent pas. 5) La nourriture de l’homme est de la viande, du sang, du lait et du beurre. 6) Les vêtements sont la peau, la peau de mouton et la laine. 7) Les hommes ont un caractère droit, mais sont jaloux, coléreux et ont arrière pensée. 8) Leurs corps sont petits et trapus, ils sont sauvages, leurs conversations sont dures et leurs comportements sont fières. 9) Leur allures sont sauvages et laides, leurs démarches ne sont pas sures et malgré leur stupide fierté, ils n’ont pas de courage et d’endurance. 10) Ils possèdent une force extraordinaire, mais ils n’ont pas d’endurance. 11) Ne connaissant absolument pas de manières et de code de conduite, ils ne connaissent pas la honte. 12) Tant les animaux et les oiseaux de steppes que le bétail des hommes sont sauvages. Ainsi c’est une terre du continent du sud perdue désespérément et ses hommes sont également méprisables. Ils sont menteurs au premier degré, ils sont vaniteux et on ne peut pas leur faire confiance. Ainsi nos frères Mongols sont des bêtes, ils sont des bêtes dans le corps d’homme et ils sont des êtres méprisables. Ils sentent les animaux, les chèvres et les moutons et lorsqu’on passe à côte d’eux on a mal au cœur. Ils sont vraiment le comble de la laideur qu’on ne peut même pas regarder. Mais malgré tout cela c’est un pays aux 10 merveilles. En quoi consistent ces merveilles? Regardons les une par une. 1) Ce pays ne connaît pas les fêtes et les plaisirs dévastateurs. 2) Ce pays ne connaît pas de maladies qui puissent causer des millions des morts. 3) Elle n’a pas l’inquiétude du danger d’être envahie par des innombrables soldats des ennemis 4) Elle ne connait pas le danger d’inondation de grandes rivières. 5) Elle ne connaît pas les incendies qui touchent les villes et les marchés, ni les tremblements des terres. 6) Les seigneurs ne connaissent pas les grandes ruses, ni les grandes cruautés et le peuple n’a pas de mauvaise foi, ni d’esprit de vengeance. 7) Il n’y a pas d’avidité et d’avarice provoquée par l’accumulation de grande quantité de biens et poussant des milliers des gens à faire la guerre 8) Il n’y a pas de risque d’être piqué par des insectes de 5

mm, et dans les régions montagneuses du Nord de 300 à 350 mm. Durant les 60 dernières années sur le territoire de la Mongolie la température moyenne a augmenté de 1,56 degré. Ce réchauffement se fait sentir dans les mois d’hiver, plus dans les régions montagneuses du Nord et de l’Ouest, que dans les régions de steppes et de Gobi. Par contre on constate une tendance à avoir des étés plus frais ce qui diffère de la moyenne régionale et mondiale. (Programme national 7) Par l’altitude élevé, le climat sec, la présence forte de l’énergie solaire, par le nombre des journées ensoleillés, et la durée de rayonnement du soleil la Mongolie diffère fortement des pays de climat humide et se trouvant à la même latitude. En moyenne par année le soleil brille de 2600 à 3000 heures. Il y a par année 250 jours ensoleillés et de 9 à 23 jours dans l’année le ciel est couvert. (Programme national 2000; 6) La particularité du courant atmosphérique de l’Asie centrale et notamment de la Mongolie consiste dans son changement considérable selon les saisons. Durant l’hiver en raison du fort refroidissement du continent d’Asie et de l’Europe un anti-cyclone s’établit dans l’Asie avec son centre au lac Uvs et le vallon de Tuva. Cela définit entièrement le climat hivernal de Mongolie. En raison d’anti-cyclone, le ciel est clair, le temps est froid, la vitesse du vent est modérée et il y a peu de précipitation et l’humidité est basse. Durant la saison de printemps, l’anticyclone d’Asie s’affaibli, la vitesse du vent augmente et on constate de très fréquents tempêtes de sable et de neige. Pour cette raison des nomades disent “il faut vous méfier du ciel printanier (Baldandash et autres “la météo et l’élevage”, 7) En Mongolie il y a “deux cœurs” qui battent. Ces deux cœurs sont deux grandes chaînes de montagnes. La chaîne de Khentii qui se trouve au nord du centre du pays et la chaîne de Khangai qui se trouve au centre de la région de l’Ouest de Mongolie. Le courant humide de l’Arctique à travers la Sibérie arrive jusqu’aux ces deux chaînes et apporte la neige et la pluie. Cette eau (pluie) en passant par de petites rivières, en courant vers l’ouest arrive à la rivière Selengue, au lac Baïkal et en suite par Angara revient à l’Arctique. Ce mouvement atmosphérique du nord vers le sud et le mouvement d’eaux de surfaces (rivières et de lac) du sud vers le nord constituent la grande circulation naturelle de la Mongolie. Ces deux chaînes de montagnes remplissent on peut dire la fonction du coeur pour assurer la circulation d’eau. Pour la Mongolie qui se trouve dans une partie très sèche du continent d’Asie ces deux chaînes de montagnes ont toujours joué un rôle très important dans le développement national de la Mongolie. Le passage de la chasse à l’élevage, l’éclatement du système de tribus suite au développement des moyens de production, et le passage à une économie de petits groupes de familles (khot ail) se sont déroulés en se basant sur ces deux cœurs. Il faut également prendre en considération que le développement des villes de Kharakhorine en 13ème siècle et de la ville d’Oulan Bator actuel s’est basé sur ces deux “ cœurs”, les chaînes de montagnes de Khentii et de Khangai. L’écrivain Vanchinbalyn Injinnash dans l’introduction “Tovchit tolt” de son roman “Kokh sudar” a écrit sur les conditions naturelles, géographiques et climatiques de la 11

Fig. 1.

sortes et de trouver la mort. 9) Il ne connaît pas les dangers de gaz et de brouillard, dont on ne pourrait réchapper. 10) Il n’y a pas de nécessité à trimer sans relâche des années et des mois entiers en faisant des travaux agricoles. Si on additionne ces 10 points; on arrive à la conclusion qu’on peut appeler ce pays “sans problèmes”. Le terme “sans problèmes” peut être remplacé par “direct”. Le mot “direct” peut être remplacé par “droit”. Le mot “droit” peut être remplacé par le mot “honnête”. (Injannashi I, 1957, 5254) A cause du réchauffement et des changements climatiques des 60 dernières années la température moyenne de notre pays a augmenté de 1,56 degrés centigrade. De ce fait une sécheresse touchant 25 % du territoire du pays arrive une fois tous les 2 à 3 ans et une sécheresse touchant plus de 50 % du territoire du pays arrive maintenant tous les 4 à 5 ans. Le nombre des jours de tempêtes dans les régions des steppes et de Gobi a augmenté de 4 fois par rapport à l’année1960. De ce fait les chercheurs prouvent que le fameux “Tuiren” de provenance de Mongolie arrive même aux Etats-Unis. (Le journal Unuudur du 6 juin 2005). Dû à la particularité du climat mongol la période de l’élevage de bétail est coupée en 6 périodes : le dégel (mars,

avril), le début de l’air de l’été (mai, juin), la période de grande chaleur d’été (juillet , août) , la période du début de la fraîcheur d’automne ( septembre et octobre), la période de début de l’air d’hiver (novembre et décembre), et la période de plain hiver (janvier et février).Ces périodes ont des objectifs précis pour l’ engraissement du bétail avec différents degrés: engraissement léger, moyen, fort, renforcement d’engraissement, sauvegarde de bon niveau

Fig. 2.

12

d’engraissement, rendre le bétail résistant au froid ,protéger le bétail de mauvaises conditions climatiques etc. L’apprivoisement de certains animaux a débuté à l’époque mésolithique qui a duré sur le territoire de la Mongolie actuelle environ 6 mille années. Les animaux furent capturés selon différentes méthodes: l’embuscade, le placement de pièges, les blessures légères, la domestication de petits animaux etc. A l’époque néolithique, c’est-à-dire il y a 8000 années, la domestication des animaux se déroulait intensivement en Asie centrale. Donc en peut considérer qu’il y a 5000 années, à l’époque de bronze, les animaux qui constituent le bétail d’élevage actuel, et qui étaient sauvages à l’époque, ont été domestiqués. Donc il y a une grande période qui sépare le début d’apprivoisement des animaux sauvages et la création de l’élevage classique. Une légende mongole parle de cette époque. Le héros de la légende a voulu choisir son cheval et le cheval lui dit “ si tu arrives à rester sur mon dos en comptant les étoiles au ciel et les racines de terres au sol, en même temps que j’essaierai de te renverser, tu peux devenir mon maître”. Cette légende est un exemple indiquant l’histoire de domestication des chevaux. On admet communément que l’élevage nomade de Mongolie a une histoire de 4500 à 5000 années. En 1994 les archéologues mongols, russes et américains ont découvert d’importants monuments de pétrographie comportant quelques 10 000 dessins à Tsagaan salaa et Baga Oigor dans la montagne d’Altaï de Mongolie. La plupart de ces pétrographies ont été faites au début de l’époque de bronze et de fer, de 3 à 1000 ans avant notre ère (Figs. 1-4). Parmi ces images les images des boeufs, présentés de différentes façons, attirent particulièrement l’attention des chercheurs. Les bœufs ont tous de longues queues et le poil au bout de la queue n’est pas épais. Ces bœufs ressemblent aux bœufs mongols. La figure 3 montre 12 images de bœufs montés par homme. On a dessiné des hommes montés sur le dos de boeufs et se tenant soit aux cornes de l’animal ou le tenant par une corde. On a dessiné également des hommes se tenant alignés derrière l‘animal (Fig. 3 A,C) et on voit des jambes (pieds) des gens par-dessous le ventre du bœuf. Peut-être, c’était une façon de dessiner des hommes montés sur les bœufs. Des équipements spéciaux, des selles n’ont pas été utilisées et des hommes de différents visages ont été dessinés. (Fig. 3 B,E,H). Certains d’entre eux tiennent un bras devant et l’autre derrière avec l’air de fouetter des mains l’animal (Fig. 3 B,H) Il faut attirer l’attention sur l’image d’un bœuf de grande taille, avec des grandes cornes enroulées, des jambes fines, et une longue queue. Il est monté par une petite fille. La fille montre deux tresses et au bout des tresses on a dessiné deux figures rondes. Au bout des cornes du bœuf on a dessiné également deux figures rondes, un peu plus grandes que chez la fille, probablement pour montrer le lien entre la fille et le bœuf. Probablement la fille est le maître de cet animal et elle monte habituellement ce bœuf. L’animal est dessiné, se tenant tranquillement debout, et “fientant”. Cela est probablement pour montrer que c’est un bœuf docile et qui peut être monté par un enfant. Dans ces dessins il y a plusieurs images où le bœuf porte une charge et l’homme est assis

au milieu des charges et semble diriger l’animal. Il y a des images d’un homme monté sur un bœuf chargé. (Fig. 3 D, I-N). Il y a aussi des images de petits enfants assis sur le dos d’un boeuf tiré par un adulte. (Fig. 3 A,N) Certains hommes qui conduisent des boeufs n’ont pas d’armes et ils portent des vêtements ordinaires et on voit des enfants dont on voit les têtes sortant des charges. (Fig. 3 L,M) Sur d’autres dessins les hommes sont armés à fond et on ne voit pas la tête des enfants. Les enfants sont bien cachés dans les charges. Par exemple un très grand bœuf fort et impressionnant portant des armures solides porte sur son dos des petits hommes (5 enfants) qui sont dessinés debout dans un chargement fermé (Fig. 3 N) Le bœuf est conduit par un adulte de grand taille portant un chapeau pointu en haut et avec des larges bords. L’homme porte dans une main un grand arc, dans sa ceinture il porte un carquois, sur son dos une arme et encore quelque chose. Sur les deux premières images on a reproduit le quotidien d’un éleveur qui est en déplacement avec des animaux et ses enfants. (Fig. 3 L,M) Sur la dernière image on est dans un temps incertain. Un homme armé a camouflé ses enfants et en cas de danger, il est prêt à les défendre. (Fig. 3 N) (Tseveendorj et autres 20-21).On peut conclure que sur le territoire de la Mongolie parallèlement à la culture d’élevage s’est développée une culture du nomadisme liée au bœuf. Les études archéologiques montrent qu’il y a 6 milles années il existait une tradition d’enterrer la tête des bœufs. Le bœuf (la vache) était le symbole de prospérité et nous pensons qu’il fut le premier animal domestiqué. Cela est prouvé également par certaines légendes. Dans les légendes mongoles le dieu et le diable se disputent pour savoir qui est le créateur et les deux se disputent à savoir qui est le créateur des 5 sortes de bétails des Mongols. D’abord le diable, plus débrouillard, et n’étant pas encore devenu expert pour faire du mal, a décidé avant le dieu, de faire du bien à l’homme et de lui donner un animal productif qui s’est appelé le bœuf. Le Dieu pour faire autant que le diable a crée un animal très rapide, qui puisse amener l’homme dans les pays lointains. Ainsi il a crée le cheval. Le diable pour faire encore mieux a crée un animal d’une allure bizarre comme lui, mais fort et résistant, avec deux bosses, pour que les hommes puissent se tenir à deux sur son dos. Ainsi il a créé le chameau. Le Dieu a dit “arrêtons de faire la compétition par la taille des animaux. Il a crée le mouton, animal très docile, avec une bonne viande et qui donne de la laine chaude. Le diable a dit “je vais créer un animal plus habile, qui peut courir dans les montagnes et qui sache se nourrir de meilleurs herbes. C’était la chèvre. De ces animaux, ceux qui ont été créé par le diable s’appellent les animaux avec “la bouche froide”, et les animaux créés par le dieu “les animaux avec une bouche chaude”. Les animaux avec la bouche froide ont été utilisés pour faire des offrandes aux esprits de la terre et de l’eau. Les animaux, créatures de dieu, ont été utilisés pour apporter des offrandes au ciel et aux esprits. Les Khidans d’origine mongole du 10ème siècle offraient un cheval blanc au ciel et un boeuf noir à la terre. Les légendes disent que le premier animal domestiqué par des Mongols était le bœuf. Les autres légendes disent que les Mongols 13

Fig. 3.

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considéraient que les 5 animaux domestiques des Mongols ont des origines différentes. Selon une telle légende, le cheval est né du vent, le mouton du ciel, le bœuf de l’eau, le chameau du soleil et la chèvre des rochers. Puisqu’on considère que le cheval est né du vent dans les comptes on a créé un cheval avec des ailes “qui vole plus bas que le ciel avec ses nuages, plus haut que les sommets pointus des arbres et qui fait raccourcir les distances d’une année à une distance de mois, les distances d’un mois à celle d’une journée, les distances d’une journée à une distance d’une heure et une distance d’une heure à une distance de quelques minutes”. Entre la première et la dernière légende on peut voir un rapport. Le Dieu, maître du ciel, a créé le cheval et le mouton. Cela correspond à l’idée que “le cheval est né du vent” et “le mouton du ciel”. Le diable qui est maître de la terre et du monde sous la terre a donc créé le bœuf de l’eau et la chèvre des rochers. En outre les peuples de l’Asie centrale et de la Mongolie vénèrent le cheval du vent “Khiimori” (en tibétain Lung-rta) et ces peuples font flotter au vent, sur les montagnes, les “ovoo” et à l’extérieure de leurs yourtes des petits drapeaux avec l’image du cheval de vent ou de l’air. Le cheval rapide du héros mongol des légendes est nommé “khii khuleg” ou le “cheval de l’air». D’autre part les Mongols en apportant des offrandes au ciel et aux esprits utilisent le mouton. On dit que le mouton rêve de voir le ciel et lorsque pour abattre le mouton, on le pose sur le dos, le mouton se réjouit qu’on lui ait donné la possibilité de voir le ciel. On peut donc dire que cela a un rapport avec la légende mentionnée ci-dessus. Les chèvres sont très habiles et aiment monter sur les montagnes et des rochers avec des sommets hauts et pointus. Les chameaux sont les plus résistants à la grande chaleur et à la forte sécheresse et ils deviennent des bateaux vivants du désert de gobi. Ces idées sont probablement à l’origine de cette légende. Dans les légendes et le symbolisme mongol le bœuf est considéré comme un animal de la terre et de l’eau et si on rêve d’un boeuf, on dit qu’il faut s’attendre à un malheur en rapport avec de l’eau. Des rennes en général et les rennes de Tsataan font partie aussi des animaux qui ont été domestiqués en premier (Dessins sur pierres de Bichigtiin Am étudiés par N. Ser-Odjav). Par la loi de la sélection naturelle, comme le résultat d’adaptation, seule les espèces les plus fortes ont été sélectionnées pour résister et survivre et elles deviennent les porteurs de la reproduction. Si les conditions de vie de ces porteurs restent stables et longtemps possibles, elles constitueront des populations qui sont capables de s’adapter. Le bétail de race mongole est une œuvre précieuse de la combinaison des lois naturelles, de travaux acharnés de nos ancêtres - éleveurs, des observations précises de la nature et des méthodes classiques de la sélection. Parmi le bétail existant au monde, le bétail mongol dans l’élevage nomade possède plusieurs caractéristiques particulières liées aux conditions modernes ainsi qu’aux conditions génétiques. Le bétail de race mongole, sous la protection des maîtres–éleveurs, durant les quatre saisons de l’année, sont aux pâturages en suivant les herbes de meilleure qualité et en buvant l’eau la plus

fraîche. Le bétail est engraissé durant la période de “bonheur douce” (été), “de la plus belle joie” (automne). Durant la période “dure blanche” (hiver) et de “grise calcédoine” (printemps) le bétail essaye de garder les graisses et de passer cette période bien en forme et sans avoir faim. Commençant par “elgen targa”, (engraissement léger) le bétail se couvre de 11 couches de graisse (il y a différents niveaux d’engraissement; allant de plus léger au plus fort) et il passe sans difficultés la période de zud (de grand froid). On donne différents noms comme “khar gedsen, makhan, ookhon, khaliman, toson, yasan” au niveau d’engraissements. En plus de l’armure de graisse il est important aussi de mentionner l’armure en poil. Si on prend l’exemple du mouton on doit l’engraisser pour devenir “une balle de graisse” afin de pouvoir survivre l’hiver et le printemps. L’extraordinaire qualité du cheptel des éleveurs mongols consiste dan sa capacité à s’adapter au climat extrêmement continental du pays natal, à la grande chaleur et à la forte sécheresse, au grand froid du 3ème et 9 jours (gurvan es) ainsi qu’aux changements drastiques de température durant une seule journée. De ce fait le corps de l’animal de l’élevage mongol est beaucoup plus endurci que le corps d’un animal d’élevage sédentaire (ou dans des fermes) et il est extraordinairement plus résistant face à toutes sortes de maladies contagieuses et non-contagieuses. Cela veut dire que le bétail mongol n’a pas perdu tellement son origine naturelle et de ses qualités originelles. La qualité du cheptel vient de sa capacité à se nourrir d’herbes sèches pratiquement durant la plus grande partie de l’année, à se reproduire et à donner ses fruits (lait, viande) et cette capacité à se nourrir de la végétation des pâturages est une qualité biologique unique du bétail mongol. De ce fait le bétail d’origine mongole est une création extraordinaire de la civilisation nomade mongole. Lors de la transformation de pratiques de l’élevage des anciens temps à l’élevage de pâturages, les Mongols ont apprivoisé le cheval, ont augmenté leur nombre et ont appris à monter à cheval. Cet apprentissage représente un acte charnière; Apprendre à monter à cheval a fourni à nos ancêtres un moyen de communication et de transport rapide et cela leur a donné la possibilité de domestiquer en même temps des vaches, des moutons et des chameaux. En outre nos ancêtres ont créé une habitation “ger” adaptée pour les déplacements ainsi que le char, équipement indispensable pour les déménagements. Ainsi ils réalisaient sans difficultés des déplacements de courte et de longue distance (démonstration de dessins de Tevch uul, de Yamaan us et de Morin tolgoi). Les éleveurs ont appris à bien observer et étudier les conditions de terre, le climat, la présence de l’eau et la qualité de pâturages. En conséquence les déplacements ont été faits suivant les pâturages riches en herbe de qualité et en eau fraîche. Durant la longue histoire de nomadisme pastoral, les Mongols ont développé des différents types de nomadisme. On distingue les déplacements sur une courte distance et celles de longues distances. Par la taille on distingue le grand déplacement, le petit déplacement; ou un déplacement léger. On distingue également le nomadisme périodique et le nomadisme en 15

Fig. 4.

suivant des pâturages de qualité. Les déplacements de nomades avec leur bétail sont classés en général en nomadisme périodique, le grand nomadisme, et le nomadisme en suivant la qualité des pâturages. Les déplacements permanents durant les saisons s’appellent le déplacement saisonnier.

sa mobilité constante et à l’époque où entre les tribus et les nations il existait des guerres incessantes, la mobilité des nomades a été un avantage incomparable. Pour conclure, on peut dire que le développement de l’élevage nomade, de la culture liée à ce mode de production, est une question centrale de la civilisation nomade de Mongolie. L’habitation des Nomades “la yourte” ou “ le ger», les vêtements, les bijoux, la nourriture, les fêtes, les coutumes, les jeux et les divertissements, la littérature orale, les croyances, la musique, les chants, et toutes les autres oeuvres d’art, se sont développés en rapport avec l’élevage nomade; ils sont tous étroitement liés et forment un ensemble riche et cohérent.

Le développement d’élevage a donné la possibilité aux hommes de ne plus connaître la faim comme durant le temps de la période de chasse. A l’époque de la chasse, où la chasse était le moyen d’existence, il n’était pas possible de faire des réserves en nourriture, car la nourriture accumulée en grande quantité pouvait se gâter et pour un certain temps on risquait de manquer de nourriture. Avec l’élevage les hommes ont eu la possibilité d’avoir une grande quantité de nourriture en réserve sous la forme de bétail vivant, et ainsi d’avoir une belle possibilité de les élever et de les consommer dans des quantités conformes à leur besoin. D’autre part ils ont eu la possibilité d’utiliser des produits d’élevage comme la laine, la peau pour en fabriquer des vêtements et des yourtes. Sans éprouver le besoin de garder le bétail enfernmé, on a choisi la méthode d’élever le bétail dans la nature, en sélectionnant les meilleurs pâturages. Cette forme d’élevage est l’élevage de pâturage ou nomade. M. Goto Tomiu, chercheur japonais des civilisations a dit “le nomade mongol a trouvé un moyen de consommer des herbes sauvages des steppes en les faisant passer par le corps de leur bétail. A l’heure actuelle où le monde entier parle des produits - bios, la viande de bétail des éleveurs mongols est un exemple modèle de produit écologique. Comme l’agriculture est devenue un moyen pour révolutionner le mode de vie pour les civilisations sédentaires, l’élevage a été un élément révolutionnaire dans le développement de la civilisation nomade. La particularité de l’élevage pastoral consiste dans

Des explications des pétroglyphes: A 15 km à ouest de Jargalant, centre de soum Biger dans l’aimag de Gobi-Altai il existe une montagne noir que les habitants locaux appelle Morin tolgoi, ou Molor tolgoi. A la face nord de la montagne sur les rochers on trouve des pétroglyphes présentant trois hommes en train de faire la chasse aux loups et aux chèvres sauvages. Un des hommes porte un

Fig. 5.

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chapeau avec des larges bordures. Sur le rocher à NordOuest il est dessiné un homme avec un chapeau et monté au cheval sans selle et il porte des vêtements des hommes de l’époque de Bronze (Fig. 2) A Uvurkhangai aimag, près du soum Bogd il existe une montagne qui s’allonge vers le Nord-Est et qui s’appelle Tevsh. Autours de cette montagne il existe des nombreux pétroglyphes, montrant en grandes parties des différents animaux, des scènes de chasse, des images des chasseurs et des scènes d’élevage et du quotidien des hommes. Dans les dessins présentant des scènes de la vie quotidienne il y a des dessins des bœufs portant des charges ou tirant des charges, des chameaux et des chevaux conduits par hommes, de bœuf avec un anneau dans le nez, des hommes qui font courir les chevaux. Ils sont à pied ou à cheval. Ces scènes témoignent que les hommes ont apprivoisé des animaux et ont commencé à mener l’élevage. Parmi des dessins de la montagne Tevsh, les images des anciens chariots attirent plus particulièrement l’attention des chercheurs (Figs. 1,4). Les archéologues comme A.P. Okladnikov, P.I. Kojin, D. Dorj, E.A.Novgorodova et D. Tseveendorj ont découvert ici auparavant des chariots avec des 4 roues, avec 4 chevaux attelés, des d chariots de deux roues sans rayons, avec des sièges quarrés, chariot à un seul châssis, ainsi que des chariots destinés à atteler 4 chevaux. Les roues ont différents nombres des rayons ce qui montre l’évolution des chariots. A.P. Okladnikov les a fait appartenir à l’époque des scythe (VII-III siècle avant notre ère), D. Dorj à III-I siècle avant note ère. Dorj considère ce chariot avec quatre roues et attelé par quatre chevaux comme “ger tereg”, chariot - yourte. La plupart de chercheurs sont d’accord avec cette position. Les études des pétroglyphes de la montagne Tevsh continue et en 1997 G. Gongorjav a découvert une petroglyphe présentant un chariot (Fig. 1), destiné probablement pour faire la chasse ou la guerre, attelé par 3 chevaux, ayant des roues à 8 rayons. Sur le chariot sont dessinés deux hommes debout. (page 52) Sur le territoire du soum Uench dans la province de Khovd il existe une étroite falaise avec une petite rivière, des hautes herbes et des rochers couverts des fumiers secs. Les chercheurs ont découvert un grand nombre de pétroglyphes sur ces rochers (Fig. 4). En haut, dans le coin droit de ces dessins il y a une image un chariot à deux roues et attelé par 4 chevaux. On peut voir clairement que le roue a 8 rayons. Un homme est assis dans le chariot. Devant et derrière le chariot il y a respectivement deux cavaliers. Il y a aussi un chariot à roue à 8 rayons et attelé par un seul cheval. Un homme est assis dans le chariot et sa figure est dessinée vaguement. Un homme sur un cheval est représenté devant le chariot, mais une partie de l’image de cavalier est effacée. Sur un autre rocher de la falaise de Yamaan-Us il y a aussi un chariot tiré par un cheval; Le chariot est dessine de haut et les deux roues du chariot et l’attelage du cheval sont bien représentés. Les formes des chariots découverts à Yamaan-Us sont proches des dessins des chariots trouvés dans les montagnes de Tevsh, dans le soum Bogd de la province de Uvurkhangai et des pétroglyphes de Tsagaan gol dans le soum Biger de la

province de Gobi-Altai. Ces pétroglyphes ont été faits à une même époque, notamment à la fin de l’époque de Bronze, de fin du 2ème siècle au 1er siècle avant notre ère.

Bibliographie

L. BALDANDASH, B. JIGMEDDORJ, G. NAMKHAOJANTSAN: Tsag agaar, malyn khariulgua. Red. R. Mijiddorj, UKHG., 1983. Mongol nutag dakh tuukh soyolyn dursgal (Sedevchilsen lavlakh). Buteeliig erkhelsen: L.Dashnyam, A.Ochir, N. Urtnasna, D. Tseveendorj, Red. G. gongorjav, Ulaanbaatar, 1999, 286. ONUKI MASAO Gendai Noogio journal (KhAA), extrait des articles sur la Mongolie. Trad. G;Serjav; le journal “Unen», 11.8.1988, № 192. M. TUMURJAV Nutgiin mongol mal Tuv Asiin baigal, tsag uur, ecologiin nokhtsold dasan zokhitson baidal. Olon ulsyn mongolch erdemtdiin VII ikh khural (du 12 au 16 août1997, Ulaanbaatar), volume1. “Mongolica», An international annual of mongol studies, vol. 9 (30), 1999, 337. Uur amsgalyn oorchloltiin undesnii khotolbor.Ulaanbaatar. 2000. G.TSEVEGMED Mongol aduu. Khyanan tohiolduulsan Ts. Borolzoi, UB., 2000. D.TSEVEENDORJ, V.D.KUBAEV, E.JACOBSON, Ts. OCHIRKHUYAG Mongol Altain Tsagaan salaa, Baga Oigoryn khadny zurag dakhi ukhriin tukhai. Studia Archaeologica, Tomus I(XXI), Fasc.2, 16-42. P.KHORLOO Mongol ardyn yavgan ulger. Studia olclorica, Tomus I, fasc. 8, EShKh., Ulaanbaatar, 1960. Mongyol jang uyile-yin nebterkei toil. Aju aqui-yin boti, Oyun-u boti. Burintegys youllan nayirayulba, Obur mongol-un sinjileku uqayan teknig mergejil-un keblelun qoriy-a, 1997, 1211,1999,1755.

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Les Fondements Théoriques de l’Ethnoarchéologie vus à Travers une Pratique Africaine Alain Gallay Résumé

Nous présentons ici les bases théoriques de l’ethnoarchéologie illustrées par notre pratique de la discipline en Afrique. On retient trois niveaux d’intégration: 1. Reconnaissance du rôle de la volonté des acteurs et des discours en langues naturelles veraculaires qui en rendent compte comme caractéristiques générales des sciences humaines et nécessité de développer un langage scientifique propre distinct de celui des acteurs. 2. Reconnaissance de l’opposition mécanisme, régularité, scénario permettant d‘intégrer toutes les disciplines d’observation portant sur des phénomènes connotés historiquement et du caractère polyvalent des explications dans les sciences impliquant une perspective historique. 3. Reconnaissance de la nécessité de développer, dans une perspective constructiviste, un langage scientifique présentant des contraintes propres au positivisme logique.

Abstract

Below is a description of the theoretical fundaments of archaeology as exemplified by my own practice in Africa. I here consider three levels of data integration: 1. Intake of the actors’ narratives as expressed in their vernacular language, and elaboration by the archaeologist of a distinct scientific language. 2. Identification of the respective role of mechanism, regularity and scenario which together cover observations (with a historical dimension) from all disciplines; and identification of the polyvalent nature of explanations from sciences having a historical perspective. 3. Absolute necessity to develop, in a constructivist perspective, a scientific language with embedded rules of logical positivism. La reconstitution du passé fait appel à des disciplines très diverses. Cette hétérogénéité des paradigmes disciplinaires pose un problème essentiel, celui de l’intégration des données dans une formulation d’ensemble cohérente pouvant répondre aux attentes de l’ethnoarchéologie, une question à la fois théorique et pratique. Nous examinerons ici cet enjeu à la lumière de notre expérience pratique africaine. Entre 1988 et 2004, nous avons en effet conduit une série de missions ethnoarchéologiques au Mali, dans

le delta intérieur du Niger et en Pays dogon. Ces recherches visaient à étudier les relations existant entre les populations très diversifiées de la région et les diverses traditions céramiques. Au delà des paradigmes disciplinaires, dont l’originalité et la spécificité des méthodes se justifient pleinement, se dessinent trois niveaux d’intégration supérieurs posant chacun des problèmes épistémologiques communs (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Intégration des programmes disciplinaires dans des questionnaires plus généraux.

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Particularités Propres aux Sciences de l’Homme par Opposition aux Sciences de la Nature

effet qu’il s’agit de structures artificielles imposées de l’extérieur par l’ancienne administration coloniale ou instrumentalisées aujourd’hui sur le plan politique. Ces partitions ne sauraient donc être une composante profonde de la société traditionnelle et, à ce titre, faire partie d’une analyse scientifique de la réalité sociale (AMSELLE 1985, 1997). Notre approche empirique de cette question montre néanmoins que les identités revendiquées actuellement par les acteurs jouent un rôle certain dans l’organisation socioéconomique de la société. Ces dernières peuvent ainsi être prises en compte dans notre discours savant en tant que composantes de nos typologies articulant caractéristiques céramiques (critères intrinsèques) et populations (caractéristiques extrinsèques). Répondant à une finalité propre, les termes connotant les identités acquièrent un certain pouvoir opératoire strictement limité, mais efficace, celui de pouvoir formuler des hypothèses sur la structure populationnelle d’une région à partir de l’analyse de la culture matérielle.

On peut montrer que les sciences de l’Homme partagent entre elles un certain nombre de particularités qui les distinguent des sciences de la Nature. Nous n’en retiendrons ici qu’une seule, stratégique: la place qu’occupe le discours des acteurs dans ces disciplines. De nombreux paradigmes des sciences humaines mettent en effet en avant, sous des dénominations et des contenus variables, l’importance de la volonté et/ou de la rationalité des acteurs dans la construction des faits sociaux, un niveau de conscience qui n’existerait pas, du moins à ce niveau de complexité, dans le monde animal. On doit donc se poser la question de la place de cette intentionnalité et des discours qui en rendent compte dans nos constructions scientifiques.

Les limites du langage naturel

Le discours “naturel” des acteurs ne peut répondre sous sa forme brute aux visées d’une démarche scientifique car: - Il ne répond pas aux mêmes objectifs. Les discours des acteurs expriment des préoccupations relevant de la survie au sens large; le discours scientifique cherche à construire un savoir le plus largement partagé, dont la signification devrait tendre vers le général, sinon l’universel. - Il ne se conforme pas toujours aux exigences du cycle prédiction-validation. - Les catégories mentales des acteurs ne sont pas, selon Edelman (1992), des catégories classiques au sens logique du terme. Les langages naturels ne peuvent pas répondre aux exigences des objectifs scientifiques et l’on doit rejeter les thèses avancées par le cognitivisme qui assimile la pensée humaine au fonctionnement d’un ordinateur. Il est donc erroné d’attribuer, comme Fodor (1975) le propose, les caractéristiques des constructions scientifiques humaines (telles que les mathématiques ou la logique) au raisonnement humain commun recourant au langage naturel. Nous avons rencontré cette question essentielle à deux reprises dans nos enquêtes sur la céramique africaine. Une première question concerne l’interprétation fonctionnelle de la céramique. La rationalisation et l’explicitation des catégories indigènes sur le plan des caractéristiques formelles des poteries n’aboutit pas à des clés de détermination efficaces. Nous avons donc résolu cette question en remaniant les catégories fonctionnelles indigènes de façon à ce qu’elles puissent s’adapter à des critères d’identifications extrinsèques simples, utilisables au niveau archéologique. Les partitions proposées permettent d’obtenir alors des classes typométriques cohérentes. La question de la place du discours des acteurs dans nos constructions scientifique se pose d’une autre manière dans le cas des oppositions qualifiées d’“ethniques”. On sait que l’ethnologie conteste aujourd’hui fortement la “réalité” et la pertinence des découpages ethniques. Elle considère en

Langage de l’observateur, langage de l’observé une distinction nécessaire

Revendiquer un langage scientifique spécifique pour nos recherches de la connaissance pose ainsi une question fondamentale propre aux sciences humaines: que faire des explications que nos interlocuteurs donnent aux scientifiques qui enquêtent? La logique du chercheur répond en effet à d’autres objectifs et doit se soumettre aux exigences d’un langage scientifique et une formulation si possible logiciste. Dans cette perspective il convient en effet de distinguer: les discours de l’observateur (ou du savant) sur le monde, les discours des acteurs sur le monde, les discours de l’observateur sur les acteurs, et éventuellement les discours de l’observateur sur les discours des acteurs. Toutes ces formes d’expression ont leur légitimité si nous les distinguons clairement en fonction des objectifs qu’elles poursuivent. Nous nous intéresserons ici plus particulièrement aux rapports entre discours des acteurs sur le monde et discours de l’observateur sur les acteurs. LéviStrauss (1950) avait bien saisi cette distinction dans son introduction à l’œuvre de Marcel Mauss, mais s’était trompé sur la nature du discours construit pour rendre compte du discours indigène. Placer les structures dégagées au niveau de l’inconscient est en effet soit une position idéaliste peu compatible avec une approche scientifique, soit un abus de langage qu’il convient de dissiper. Nous pouvons néanmoins contourner ce dilemme en considérant, dans la perspective du positivisme logique, que les structures dégagées sont de simples modèles construits par l’ethnologue et lui permettant d’opérer des prédictions. Nous ferons néanmoins remarquer que la distinction entre “observateurs” ou “savants” et “acteurs” n’implique aucune suprématie du premier sur le second et que le terme “savant” n’est d’aucune façon l’apanage d’une science “occidentale” que certains veulent voir comme impérialiste. Le langage scientifique, outil de connaissance, reste donc une construction extérieure à la réalité car il

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phénomènes naturels et n’ont pas à relever d’une explication spécifique. Ce modèle, qui est de type causal, est celui qui pose le moins de problèmes dans cette confrontation. Nous pouvons le situer du côté de la recherche des mécanismes car il se réfère dans sa forme la plus particulière au modèle nomologique-déductif des sciences dures. Les pôle rationaliste et intentionnaliste, dont il est surtout question ici, sont présents notamment dans les théories économiques, mais peuvent être élargis aux théories sociales. Ces derniers font intervenir les raisons des acteurs comme condition d’une action orientée vers une fin et comme mécanisme explicatif. Cette position réserve une place explicative centrale aux conduites “logiques” (Pareto) ou “rationnelles” (Weber) dans l’ensemble des actions sociales qui font l’Histoire (PASSERON 2001). Le pôle symbolique n’est pas intégrable lorsqu’il est présenté sous sa forme idéaliste traditionnelle qui voit dans les structures dégagées l’expression directe de l’inconscient comme le propose Lévi-Strauss. Une autre lecture du structuralisme est néanmoins possible dans la perspective du positivisme logique. Dans une perspective constructiviste les structures dégagées ne sont que des modèles ou des régularités rendant compte de divers phénomènes liés à l’activité symbolique de l’esprit humains. Leurs valeurs heuristiques restent intactes comme c’est le cas pour la linguistique structurale. Il existe en effet en science, en deçà de l’analyse causale, un type d’explication relevant de la compréhension des structures, parfaitement recevable (FRANCK 2001, 2002). Le pôle intentionnaliste se retrouve alors du côté des scénarios. L’intentionnalité des acteurs ne permet pas de construire un discours scientifique au sens fort du terme, il ne permet aucune prédictibilité raisonnable, aucune anticipation susceptible de validations ou de réfutation. Il a

poursuit un objectif limité et très particulier, avoir un pouvoir prédictif le plus largement partagé sur le monde et être susceptible de subir des tests de validation.

Nature de l’Explication

Toutes les disciplines d’observation analysant des phénomènes complexes se déroulant dans le temps se situent toujours au sein d’une opposition entre des processus récurrents généraux, sinon toujours universels, appelés ici mécanismes et des phénomènes diachroniques irréversibles relevant de l’histoire, appelés scénarios. Cette situation est valable pour des disciplines des sciences de la Nature comme l’astronomie, la géologie ou la biologie de l’évolution. Elle l’est également pour les sciences de l’Homme (GALLAY 1995). Ces oppositions permettent de mieux comprendre la diversité des sciences humaines mais également de les intégrer dans un schéma général. Ces oppositions permettent en effet de jeter un regard neuf sur les diverses théories de l’anthropologie. L’histoire de cette discipline présente le plus souvent ces dernières comme des points de vue irréductibles et s’attache surtout à définir les conditions historiques qui ont sucité leurs apparitions et leurs développements. Le modèle proposé permet par contre d’en saisir l’articulation en montrant que les points de vue développés ne sont pas irréductibles, mais au contraire parfaitement intégrables dans une vision globale de la discipline. Nous prolongeons ici le point de vue de Berthelot (2001-1 et 2) selon lequel les sciences humaines s’organisaient autour de trois pôles: le pôle naturaliste, le pôle symbolique et le pôle intentionnaliste (Fig. 2). Le pôle naturaliste est proche de l’idéal de Durkheim (1895) qui désirait étudier les faits sociaux comme des choses. Les phénomènes sociaux sont dans la continuité des

Fig. 2. Position des trois pôles des sciences humaines par rapport à l’opposition entre science et histoire.

20

néanmoins parfaitement sa place dans le processus de la connaissance dans le mesure où il permet de vraies explications a posteriori comme c’est le cas pour le jeu historique. Les théories fonctionnalistes et les théories de l’adaptation se situent dans la même perspective. Le regard que l’on peut porter sur ces paradigmes n’est toujours qu’un égard rétrospectif. Il est le même que celui de l’historien et n’exclut pas la possibilité d’identifier, sous certaines conditions, et a posteriori, des causes (GOULD 2001 : 310311). Cette dissolution des diverses facettes de l’anthropologie dans un modèle général est importante car elle montre que l’épistémologie que nous développons a un vrai pouvoir de généralisation. Nos travaux sur les relations entre traditions céramiques et populations de la boucle du Niger se conforment en tous points à ce modèle (Fig. 3) (GALLAY 2005, à paraître 1 et 2, GALLAY et al. 1998). Les mécanismes en jeu concernent une large base empirique réunissant les fondement des discours sur l’identité (FAY 1995, 1997), les fondements technologiques des distinctions entre traditions céramiques, les réseaux matrimoniaux assurant la diffusion des savoir-faire techniques au sein des sphères d’endogamie, ainsi que les réseaux économiques assurant la diffusion de la céramique dans l’espace (GALLAY 2010). Au plan des régularités le modèle d’une tradition céramique comporte une structure spatiale présentant trois cercles concentriques avec, du centre vers la périphérie, une décroissance significative du nombre de récipients: - une zone centrale, correspondant au coeur de l’ethnie (totalité du corpus céramique y compris la poterie

richement décorée faisant office de biens matrimoniaux), dont l’extension peut varier en fonction de l’ethnie, - une zone périphérique parcourue par les potières au delà des limites de l’ethnie (poterie commune essentiellement), dont l’extension peut être appréciée sur la base des distances parcourues par les potières pour se rendre sur les marchés, - une zone de découvertes sporadiques résultant uniquement des mécanismes d’acquisition par des individus étrangers à l’ethnie (poterie commune), dont l’extension peut être appréciée à travers les trajets des acheteurs fréquentant les marchés. Au plan des scénarios enfin une application des modèles « actualistes » a été proposée par Anne Mayor (MAYORHUYSECOM 2005). Ce type d’approche permet d’obtenir des éléments de discussion pertinents dans la recherche des peuplements anciens, du moins pour les périodes protohistoriques et historiques qui suivent la fin du Néolithique. On montre que l’étude des liens systématiques établis dans le présent entre les traditions céramiques et leur signification en termes d’identités ethno-linguistiques permet d’enrichir l’interprétation des vestiges archéologiques régionaux au-delà du 19ème siècle et de proposer des scénarios dans le domaine de l’histoire des peuplements remontant jusqu’au début des âges de Métaux dans la première moitié du 1er millénaire av. J.-C. La profondeur historique est de trois millénaires, couvrant l’ensemble de l’âge du Fer et de la période dite historique. L’ethnoarchéologie trouve ici sa pertinence localement dans une situation de continuité temporelle.

Fig. 3. Application du programme logiciste aux démarches ethnoarchéologique et archéologique dans le cadre des recherches sur les relations entre traditions céramiques et populations de la boucle du Niger. 21

Nature des Langages de la Description et de l’Explication

(ed.) Identités et appartenances dans les sociétés sahéliennes. Cahiers des sciences humaines 31, 2, Paris, pp. 427-456. FAY, C. (1997) Les derniers seront les premiers: peuplement et pouvoirs mandingues et peuls au Maasina (Mali). In: M. De Bruijn, H. Van Dijk, (eds.) Peuls et Mandingues. Dialectique des constructions identitaires. Keyde: Afrika-Studiecentrum; Paris: Karthala (coll. Hommes et sociétés), pp. 165-191. FODOR, J.A. (1975) The language of thought. Cambridge Mass : Harvard University Press (The language and thought serie). FRANCK, R. (2001) Histoire et structures. In: J.-M. Berthelot, (ed.) Epistémologie des sciences sociales. Paris: PUF, pp. 317-356. FRANCK, R. (ed.) (2002) The Explanatory Power of Models: Bridging the Gap between Empirical and Theoretical Research in the Social Science. Bostoná: Dordrecht; London: Kluwer Academic Publishers. GALLAY, A., (1986) L’archéologie demain. Paris: Belfond (Belfond Sciences). GALLAY, A. (1995) L’ethnoarchéologie entre sciences et histoire: une réflexion fondée sur le développement des sciences de la nature. In: A., Bazzana, Delaigue, M.-C. (eds.) Ethno-archéologie méditerranéenne: finalité, démarches et résultats. Table ronde (Casa de Velasquez; 35 juin 1991; Madrid), Madrid: Casa de Velasquez (Coll. de la Casa de Velasquez 54), pp. 17-27. GALLAY, A. (1998) Mathematics and logicism in archaelogy: a historical approach. In: S. Tabaczynski, (ed.) Theory and practice of archaeological research, 3: dialogue with the data: the archaeology of complex societies and its context in the ‘90s, Warszawa: Inst. of Archaeology and Ethnol., Committee of pre- and protohistoric sci., Polish Acad. of Sci, pp. 115-137. GALLAY, A. (2005) Céramiques, styles, ethnies: les traditions céramiques du Delta intérieur du Niger (Mali) entre ethnologie et archéologie. In: B. Martinelli, (ed.) L’interrogation du style: anthropologie, technique et esthétique. Colloque Style et expressions stylistiques (Collège de France ; 17-19 nov. 1999 ; Paris), Aix-enProvence : Publications de l’Université de Provence, Aix en Provence, pp. 97-115. GALLAY, A. (2007) 25 ans de logicisme: quel bilan? In: Congrès du centenaire: un siècle de construction du discours scientifique en préhistoire. 26ème congrès préhistorique de France (21-25 septembre 2004 ; Avignon). Paris : Société préhistorique française, Paris, pp. 23-36. GALLAY, A. (2010) Les mécanismes de diffusion de la céramique traditionnelle dans la boucle du Niger (Mali): une évaluation des réseaux de distribution. In: C. Manen, F. Convertini, D. Binder, I. Sénépart, (eds.) Organisation et fonctionnement des premières sociétés paysannes: structure des productions céramiques (Séance SPF, Toulouse, mai 2007), Mémoires de la Société préhistorique française, pp. 265-281 GALLAY, A. (à paraître 1) Potières du Sahel: traditions céramiques de la Boucle du Niger (Mali). Golion: Infolio. GALLAY, A. (à paraître 2) Pour une ethnoarchéologie

Nous devons désormais nous poser la question de la nature du langage que nous utilisons dans nos constructions. Rappelons tout d’abord que, à la suite C. S. Peirce et C. Morris, la seule approche compatible avec le positivisme logique reconnaît dans la sémiologie une étude des systèmes de signes utilisés dans le discours scientifique et s’écarte résolument de la néo-sémiologie de R. Barthe, P. Ricoeur ou U. Ecco, qui se voudrait l’émanation d’une omniscience de la symbolique des objets eux-mêmes. On distingue habituellement : - les langages naturels (LN) propres aux discours de tous les jours que nous pouvons retrouver sous des formes plus sophistiquées dans les œuvres littéraires, ou plus proches du discours scientifique comme c’est la cas pour le « pensée sauvage » selon Lévi-Strauss (1962), - les langages scientifiques (LS) qui, sous leurs formes traditionnelles, et mis à part leurs formulations mathématiques s. lato, se distinguent par un vocabulaire savant plus strictement contrôlé alors que la syntaxe ne diffère habituellement pas de celle du langage naturel. Le logicisme propose quant à lui une version plus contrainte du langage scientifique dans laquelle la syntaxe démonstrative répond, comme pour le vocabulaire, à des contraintes plus strictes, ou du moins plus explicites, sous la forme de dérivation de type si pi alors pi+1 (GARDIN 1979, GALLAY 1986, 1998, 2007). En conclusion, fonder théoriquement l’ethnoarchéologie implique une réévaluation fondamentale de la nature des explications dans les sciences humaines. Ce n’est qu’à ce prix qu’il sera possible de construire concrètement des outils performants de compréhension du passé.

Bibliographie

AMSELLE, J.-L. (1985) Ethnie et espaces : pour une anthropologie typologique. In: J.-L., Amselle, E. M’bokolo, (eds.) Au coeur de l’ethnie. Ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique. Paris : La Découverte (collection Textes à l’appui, série anthropologie), pp. 11-48. AMSELLE, J.-L. (1997) Préface. In: M. De Bruijn, H. Van Dijk, (eds.) Peuls et Mandingues. Dialectique des constructions identitaires. Keyde: Afrika-Studiecentrum; Paris: Karthala (coll. Hommes et sociétés), pp. 9-11. BERTHELOT, J.-M. (2001-1) Les sciences du social. In: J.-M. Berthelot, (ed.) Epistémologie des sciences sociales. Paris: PUF, pp. 203-265. BERTHELOT, J.-M. (2001-2) Programmes, paradigmes, disciplines : pluralité et unité des sciences sociales. In: J.M. Berthelot, (ed.) Epistémologie des sciences sociales, Paris: PUF, pp. 457-519. DURKHEIM, E. (1895) Les règles de la méthode sociologique. Paris: F. Alcan. EDELMAN, G.M. (1992) Biologie de la conscience (trad. De Bright air, brilliant fire). Paris: O. Jacob. FAY, C. (1995) Car nous ne faisons qu’un: identités, équivalences, homologies au Maasina (Mali). In: Cl. Fay, 22

théorique: mérites et limites de l’analogie archéologique. Paris: Errance. GALLAY, A., HUYSECOM, E., MAYOR, A. (1998) Peuples et céramiques du Delta intérieur du Niger (Mali): un bilan de cinq années de missions (1988-1993). Mainz: P. von Zabern (Terra Archaeologica 3). GARDIN, J.-C. (1979) Une archéologie théorique. Paris: Hachette (L’Esprit critique). GOULD, S. J. (2001) Les coquillages de Léonard: réflexions sur l’histoire naturelle. Paris : Le Seuil (Science ouverte). LEVI-STRAUSS, C. (1950, rééd. 1960). Introduction à l’œuvre de Marcel Mauss. In: M. Mauss, Sociologie et anthropologie. Paris: PUF, pp. IX-LII. LEVI-STRAUSS, C. (1962) La pensée sauvage. Paris: Plon. MAYOR-HUYSECOM (A.) (2005) Traditions céramiques et histoire du peuplement dans la Boucle du Niger (Mali) au temps des empires coloniaux. Volume 1: texte; volume 2: figures et annexes. Genève: Dép. d’anthrop. et d’écologie de l’Univ., Atelier de reprod. de la Section de physique. (Thèse de doctorat: Faculté des sciences. Section de biologie; Archéol. préhist. ; Sc 3686). PASSERON, J.-C. (2001) Formalisation, rationalité et histoire. In: J.-Y., Grenier, C. Grignon, P.-M. Menger, (eds.) Le modèle et le récit. Paris: Maison des sciences de l’homme, pp. 215-282.

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1. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE: USE, FUNCTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL INTERACTION

An Ethnoarchaeological Approach to Pelt Processing. The Bussanga Workshop of Bawku (North of Ghana) Manuel Calvo, Jaume García Rosselló, Joan Fornés, Simón Gornés Abstract

The following paper presents an approach to the operational chain of tanning, smoothing and dying the pelt in a workshop in northern Ghana operated by individuals of the Bussanga ethnic group. We analyse each of the phases that compose it, and the techniques and tools used, and we will relate these to the spatial distribution and sequences of all activities that integrate this technological process. KEYWORDS: Operational Chain, Skin Processing, Ghana, Bussanga, Spatial Analysis.

Introduction

generated and to the strong odours that the degradation of the waste produces. It is an associational activity, where profits are shared according to the materials produced by each person, although there is a single individual who coordinates the production. This is a controlled work performed exclusively by men, although women are responsible for transporting water to the workshop, an activity traditionally associated with the female gender. The Bussanga workshop of Bawku works, in turn, as a redistributor of pelt products. They get dry and pre-tanning pelts from the Kusasi in the surrounding villages. These groups extract the adipose and epidermal tissues and stabilise the pelt to avoid the process of putrefaction. Overall, this first phase includes the technological processes of the extraction of the pelt, fleshing, first scraping and pseudo-tanning. Once the pelt products are tanned and dyed in the workshop, the tanners sell them to Fra-Fra and Hausas groups’ residents in the town of Bolgatanga, where these buyers make different pieces. Because the creation of pelt products is not a traditional activity of the communities inhabiting the area of Bawku, the tools and materials needed for tanning and dying skin are not specific materials, with the exception of a blade that a blacksmith of the population makes exclusively for this purpose. Other materials such as ceramic containers or products used in softening and tinting (ash, bagaura and kara dafi) are purchased from the nearby Kusasi villages.

The study of the operational chain of pelt processing, in its different phases, has drawn the interest of numerous publications in the fields of ethnography and archaeology. However, most of these approaches are based on the study of the role of lithic tools used and in the study of the traces of use present on these tools. In this regard, our work has focused on the study of skin processing systems that do not use lithic materials to help increase the existing corpus of examples on this type of technical processes and to provide hypothesis and frameworks useful to prehistorians. For this work, we have adopted a perspective that permits the documentation of a series of technical data and kinematics through the operational chain concept. This also permits us to relate different processes and sequences with the spatial discourse that is generated during the work process.

Contextualisation

The village of Bawku is located in the northeast of Volta Blanco, in an area where there are different groups with different linguistic roots: Kusasi, Mamprusi and Bussanga. The ethnic group Bussanga, to which the people in the studied workshop belong, are located between the borders of Burkina-Faso, Ghana and Togo. They speak a Mandé language belonging to a divergent branch of the NigerCongo family. The bulk of the population inhabits the south-central Burkina Faso. However, it also extends to the northeast of Ghana around the villages of Bawku and Pusiga. It is one of the smaller ethnic groups of Ghana and inhabits one of the most ethnically mixed regions of the country, which has caused numerous conflicts between different groups living in this village (CEAR 2005). The processing of the pelt is an unknown type of craft in the groups in the area. Traditionally, this craft was performed by Hausa traders, groups that had spread through this area, from northern Nigeria. The group studied by us is the only one native to the area that performs this activity in all of northern Ghana. The workshop is run by several families who inherited the trade from their parents, who, in turn, had learned the techniques from the Hausa. The workshop is in a fringe area far away from population centre. This relates both to the animal organic waste

The Operational Chain of Manufacture

The aim of the skin processing is, through different consecutive activities, to transform an organic material, which deteriorates quickly, into a product that is much more stable and durable with which a wide range of products can be manufactured (CALVO 2004). Once the skin is dry and stabilised, a number of other technological processes are performed to achieve a permanent stabilisation and improvement of the product (tanning, smoothing and dying). The analysis presented here is focused on this second phase. While work on the fresh skin is made individually by each household at a time immediately after the animal sacrifice, the second stage takes place centrally, where the structure of work is not related to the family organisation but rather to social and linguistic ties. This is a much higher 25

production model chain and intended not for domestic use but for sale and redistribution. The operational chain of this second phase is structured around the following technological processes: 1. Technological process 0: Wetting of the skin. 2. Technological process I: Stretching and drying of the skin. 3. Technological process II: First washing and wetting of the skin. The process of washing and wetting the skin is achieved by immersion in water for about ten hours. For this purpose, three large, S-profile ceramic containers are used, with an inflection in the upper body, a round neck and a curved divergent edge (T1). The immersion of the skin is combined with regular extractions, drying and successive changes of water. 4. Technological process III: Immersion in water with ashes. Once the pelts are moistened, are immersed in a pottery container (T1) with water and ashes where they remain for two periods of 24 hours. The aim is for the skin to absorb the antiseptic properties of the ashes, which halt the action of microorganisms responsible for putrefaction and thus achieves a stabilisation of the skin. These activities are carried out in five cut or whole vessels (T1) partially buried by deposited ash debris and soil in the area. 5. Technological process IV: Shaving. Once the skins have absorbed the ashes’ antiseptics, they ‘ve moved to another area to remove the attached bristles using a sharp iron blade. This is a sheet about 50 cm long with a single cutting edge and a double wooden foot holder to each side. Along with this tool, the workers also use two wooden mortars. Cinematically, the worker sits on the mortar, supports the skin on it and with both hands grab the blade. This instrument presents a single cutting edge and is used by a unidirectional motion perpendicular to the axis of the active edge, inside out, working with a medium-high angle (45-75º). 6. Technological process V: Second washing. 7. Technological process VI: First drying. After washing, the pelt is dried by hanging it from the side braces supported by some simple logs located on one side of the processing area. 8. Technological process VII: First application of Bagarua pods (Acacia nilotica) to complete the tanning process. Once the skins are dry, antiseptic vegetable substances are applied, which increase the skins’ softness and flexibility. In this process, we can distinguish the following: Technological process VIIA: Crushing of the pods. The pods are deposited in a wooden mortar and crushed with a mallet. The mortars used for this process are same as in the entire region and are used for the grinding and crushing a wide variety of substances. These mortars are also used in other steps of the skin processing as chairs and supports. A mortar is multifunctional but may relate to a specific activity Technological process VIIB: Immersion of the skins in water containing crushed pods. This operation involves

immersing the skins in water containing crushed pods. This is performed in a number of vessels, among which we highlight two distinct types: type T1, where clean water is stored, and type T2, which is composed of hemispheric, large and open-mouth ceramics. These are used to mix water with the pods and place in the skins for about four hours. In the study area, there is a T1 large vessel and a total of eight T2 hemispheric vessels. 9. Technological process VIII: Third washing. 10. Technological process IX: Refining and thinning. Once the dry skin has been stabilised by tanning, a series of steps aimed at improving the finish of the skin are followed. For thinning and refining the skin, the same type of machetes, used for shaving, are used here. 11. Technological process X: Room Cleaning. 12. Technological process XI: Second application of bagaura pods (Acacia nilotica). 13. Technological process XII: Fifth washing. 14. Technological process XIII: Second drying. 15. Technological process XIV: Implementation of vegetable oils. When the skin is dry, workers use a variety of oils and fats to polish the pelt. The skin is impregnated with vegetable oils using a small bowl, generally a small bowl or hemispherical gourd (Type T3). With another skin or cloth impregnated with oil, they apply oils to dry skin that will slowly become softer and more polished and flexible. 16. Technological process XV: Tint. Technological process XVA: Immersion in water skin. The skin is immersed in water for about 10 minutes in T2 pots. Technological process XVB: Crushing of the dye. The ochre-tinted skin is achieved by the application of a plant named karan dafi or guinea corn (Sorghum vulgare). The karan dafi is pounded with a mallet in a mortar identical to those used for crushing bagarua pods. Technological process XVC: Mixing the dye with the skin. Once the karan dafi is crushed, the mortar is added to the skin and mashed together. This ensures that the dye gets into the pores of the skin, and this one takes on a reddish tinge. Technological process XVD: Mixing the dye with skin and immersion in water. At this point, the skins are immersed in water with dye in a ceramic bowl (T2). Technological process XVE: Mixing water with skin colour and ash. After the above operation, the skin is immersed in water mixed with ash, which fixes the dyed skin. 17. Technological process XVI: Third drying. 18. Technological process XVII: Smoothing and plastering. For this step, the skin is rubbed against a polished stone and a branch. This skin is anchored to a rock; one foot is clamped and attached to it. A cylindrical wooden stick is held with both hands in a horizontal manner, and the skin is rolled over it in a vertical movement. The end result is a friction plaster, and the skin takes on a much smoother texture. 19. Technological process XVIII: Cutting. Finally, the skins are cut to give an oval or square form and to remove irregularities. 26

Spatial Discourse

of tools in the workspace. With the exception of ceramics, only a few mortars are documented with their hammers, two knives and a grinding stone. Therefore, despite the functional importance of these tools, their visualisation in space is very limited, especially if we compare it with the oversized visualisation of ceramic remains. The spatial distribution of the ceramic complex can give us clues about the functionality of the various activities in the area of production. Along with the spatial distribution of the ceramic complex, the area is clearly structured by the presence of debris and waste generated. First, we find a whiter area, formed essentially by ashes. There is a second zone, where the fur is very abundant and very clearly perceptible, but it will be extremely difficult to document from an archaeological perspective because this residue disappears quickly. A third area would be marked by a brown colour and a high concentration of bagaura seeds. Finally, we document one last area with a very intense ochre colour permeating both the sediment and the outsides of the ceramics. These archaeological remains could be identified from sedimentological and biochemical analysis.

All skin processing is concentrated in a relatively small area of about 375 m2. Within it, we identify a clear distribution of each technological process and document the location of each of them, which is related to the temporary technological sequence required for pelt processing. On one hand, we document a spatial discourse associated with three related strategic activities: washing, drying, and application of bagaura pods. On the other hand, there are some activities that focus on the limits of the workspace. As with the dying, this is followed so as not to adversely affect other areas of work. The tuning also demands cleanliness and forces the workers to locate this activity in an area away from many of the activities involved in the processing of the skin. Finally, the infrastructure of drying also requires its location in one of the boundaries of the area so as not to interfere in other special discourses generated. The other activities are spatially located according to the temporal sequence in which they are placed. This creates a central area where the most of activities are performed. We document two different kinds of areas. On one hand, there is a kind of area that is easily identifiable by the waste generated in it (area of the application of ashes, use of bagaura pods, shaving or dying). On the other hand, there are other areas where the activities do not generate any visible residue. These include the areas of application of vegetable oils and plaster, where the area is identified not by the waste generated but rather by the location of the tools used.

Acknowledgements

These works would not have been possible without the cooperation of workers of the Bawku pelt workshop, who selflessly showed us their way of life. We especially would like to thank the assistance provided by Al-Hassan Gariba. In addition, we appreciate all the efforts made by Manolo Bonet, who made many of the necessary arrangements for our stay in Ghana and who opened his house to us. These works would not have been possible without the project “Archaeology in the upper white Volta basin. Northeast of Ghana”. Ministerio Cultura de España. SGIPCE/AMC/cmm (Arqueología exterior 2010).

Conclusions

The analysis in the Bussanga skin workshop of Bakwu has allowed us to identify some variables that permit us to establish interpretive frames of reference when comparing and identifying this activity with other labour traditions of both ethnological and archaeological types. The use of the operational chain concept is essential for organising the manufacturing processes and comparing the resulting space management. In this regard, we have identified the use of two types of tools: one, the blade, is specialised, and other are more versatile and not only utilised in this activity, but commonly used in numerous domestic activities. We believe that this is highly connected with the fact that the processing of the skin is not an original activity of the various groups inhabiting the area. This fact supposes the absence of specific tools and the rehabilitation of traditional materials to a new activity, which in this case is the skin processing. From an archaeological point of view, another interesting line of research is focused on possible identification by future archaeologists. It is true that many of the materials used in the skin processing are organic and will disappear over time, as they degrade. This makes it necessary to identify the location of these activities primarily from waste, tools or more durable materials and especially from the distribution and organisation of such remnants. In this sense, we have to bear in mind the reduced presence 27

Fig. 1. Geographic Location.

Fig. 2. Sketch of the work area.

28

Fig. 3. Technological process: 1. Work area view. 2. Stretched and dried. 3. Immersion in water with ashes. 4. Depilated.

Fig. 4. Technological process: 1. Immersion of the skins in water containing crushed pods. 2. Refined and thinned. 3. Pods crushed. 29

Fig. 5. Crushed dye for dying.

References

CALVO TRIAS, M. (1997) Análisis funcional y actividades documentadas en el nivel II de la Cueva del Parco (Alòs de Balaguer, La Noguera). Pyrenae, 28, pp. 940. CALVO TRIAS, M. (2001) Análisis Funcional de la Cueva del Parco, una aproximación a través de los análisis funcionales de la industria lítica y los sistemas de información geográfica. Ph.D. thesis, Universidad de Barcelona. CEAR (2005) Ghana. Informe por paises, Centro de documentación 1-2-2005. TAUXIER, L. (1924) Notes sur les Boussancé. In: L. Tauxier, (ed.) Nouvelles notes sur les Mossi et le Gourounsi, Paris: Lorosse, pp. 162-177. WRIGHT, D.R. (1984) Mande-Speaking Peoples. In: R. Weeks, (ed.) Muslim peoples : A world ethnografic survey. Penguin Books.

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Houses and Society. An Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Mamprusi’s Houses (Bende, Northeast Ghana) Manuel Calvo, Joan Fornés, Jaume García Rosselló, David Javaloyas, Magdalena Sastre Abstract

In this paper, we study the traditional houses of ethnic Mamprusi, specifically the houses of the village of Bende, in northeastern Ghana. The starting point is to understand the houses as an element of material culture that not only reflects their social and cultural context but also participates as an active element in shaping social reality. To do this, we will focus on analysing the essential features of houses to better understand what the social and cultural dynamics of the Mamprusi community of Bende are, and how the houses are actively involved in the maintenance, negotiation and subversion of such dynamics. KEYWORDS: Domestic Spaces, Ethnoarchaeology, Active Material Culture, Ghana.

Introduction

families. Four lineages exist in the village of Bende, and these lineages successively occupy the leadership of the village, are under the control of a territorial chiefdom and, ultimately, are under the power of the Na-Yiri, the king of the Maprusis. The domestic structure, which is embodied in a housing complex, consists of an extended family group, at the head of which is the landlord. He is responsible for organising the distribution of land, marriage and ancestor worship. The domestic structure is completed by different landlord wives, their children and, occasionally, spouses of their sons. In Bende, the population is basically animist, although some people are now adopting Christianity or Islam. However, most of the rituals continue to focus on the worship of ancestors. In this sense, the domestic space is closely linked to the sacred, through natural elements, libations, small altars and graves of family ancestors, linking the group with their forefathers.

Bende is a small village located in the district of Bunkprugu-Yunyoo, in northeastern Ghana, between the White Volta River to the north and the Oti to the southeast. The territory is mostly inhabited by the Bimoba and Komba populations, which belong to the linguistic group Gourma. However, there are two Mamprusi villages, speaking Mole-Dagbane: Bende and Yunyoo (WRIGHT 1984) (Fig. 1). These groups are descendents from immigrant communities who settled in this territory more than 300 years ago. The Mamprusi political organisation is structured in chiefdoms, which are organised into lineages, under the political control of the Na-Yiri, who resides in the palace of Nalerigu. The social organisation is based on a patrilineal system, structured in different lineages that descend from a common ancestor and that bring together the different

Fig. 1. Geographic Location.

31

Theoretical Approach

see, residents have recently begun to use industrial brick and cement to build and the walls zinc sheets to roof.

The study of houses has been a frequent topic in the scientific literature, but the main problem is that the approaches used have been excessively general. With these methods, we cannot comprehend the specific features of the different houses (forms, functions and meanings) because they do not consider the ways in which these houses are embedded in specific social and cultural practices (GERRITSEN 1999). They also tend to overlook the complexity and variability of human societies, essentialising our understanding of the world (ADÁNEZ PAVÓN 1999: 195). However, since the development of postprocessual currents in the 80s, there have been perspectives approaching houses with more sophisticated perspectives, taking into account the specific configurations of different domestic spaces and their active role in society (GERRITSEN 1999). In the development of these new theoretical trends, ethnoarchaeological studies, like the one we present here, have been of particular importance, with their main virtue being in analysing the houses (and the material culture) within a living social context and therefore leading to an understanding of the deep and complex relationships that create homes and people. The main objective of this work is the study of domestic spaces in the village of Bende from an ethno-archaeological perspective. To achieve this goal, we will depart from the idea that space is constructed socially, culturally and historically and, at the same time, should not be considered merely the result of human actions, but rather as also being an active element in shaping social reality (HODDER 1982, 1994). From this perspective, we will see how the Mamprusi houses reflect in large measure the socioeconomic reality of human groups who live there, and at the same time, we will observe how its inhabitants use them in their daily life to express and codify many messages and to renegotiate their positions in the social arena.

Two Cases: the Banjua and the Gazare House

In the present study, we will focus on the comparison of two different housing complexes. The field work conducted in the campaigns of 2009 and 2010 included a higher number of houses in the village of Bende, but for reasons of space and coherence, we have decided to focus our analysis on two of the most representative houses. The first (A) is the Pigimsoa landlord’s house and the main house of the Banjua lineage, the family of the current village chief (Figs. 2, 3). The second (B) is the house of Emmanuelle Dama, the landlord, and the main house of the Gazare lineage (Figs. 2, 4). The Banjua house (A) is a highly structured housing complex, with a high number of housing units and elements associated with them (kitchens and bathrooms). The elements that distinguish this complex from others we have studied are not only its size and complexity but also the presence of many elements related to ancestor worship. Here, in the central courtyard, there are different burials. It is common for those who follow the traditional religion of animistic nature to perform burials of certain individuals within the house. However, it seems that not all people are buried; rather, only those who have played an important role in the history of the family, especially the common ancestor who founded the house, are buried. In the particular case of the Banjua house, we observed a surprisingly large number of burials. In total, we have documented seven burials, comprising five men, marked with stones, and two women, marked with ceramics, which are distributed around the tomb of the common ancestor, which is located in a central position in the public courtyard. In this house, we also found a large number of altars dedicated to ancestors. These altars take many different forms, ranging from tripods supporting a ceramic timber with water that function as water troughs for wild birds, small spaces indicated with ceramics, where the family hold certain sacrifices of chickens in honour of their ancestors, through varied forms. Finally, another differentiating aspect of this example is the existence of a large residential unit located outside the front of the entrance to the complex, which was used some time ago as the space where the village chief would address the public and illustrates how in Mamprusi society the political locus is normally located outside the house. This example contrasts sharply with compound (B), the Gazare house. This house has a much smaller number of rooms (nine), which is related to the fact that the landlord only has two wives. It seems that this fact is related to the landlord’s following a Christian religion. The differences of this example with regard to the Banjua house are important: first, there is a high prevalence of the use of modern building techniques, based on industrial bricks and tin roofs; second, there is an absence of altars for the ancestors, which is also related to the religion professed by

Domestic Spaces in Bende

The typical domestic spaces we found in Bende are housing complexes organised around a central communal courtyard in which much of daily life occurs. The houses are formed by circular rooms of about 3 m in diameter whose doors open to the central courtyard. There is a wall with a height ranging from 1 to 1.5 m connecting the rooms on the outside and closing the central courtyard, except for a single entry, usually oriented to the west. Besides the rooms, we find different bathrooms and kitchens whose number is closely related to the number of women living in the complex. Outside the complex, several areas are devoted to animals, storing grain, and small vegetable gardens. Also on the outside and near the entrance, we found a small porch, made of wood, which is a prime meeting point for men of the house with different visitors. The major building materials are adobe or mud for the walls and twisted plants for the roof, although, as we will 32

Fig. 2. Sketches of Banjua house (A) and Gazare house (B).

Fig. 3. Banjua House. 1. Room with kitchen with porch. 2. Kitchen. 3. Toilet and Bathroom. 4. Female and male tombs.

33

Fig. 4. Gazare House. 1. Main facade of the complex. 2. Cristian tomb of lanlord’s mother. 3. Rectangular rooms of the sons. 4. Interior kitchen of the second wife and warehouse of the third wife.

of the community, but this does not mean that they are fully subject to men. They are responsible for much of the housework and the work related to agriculture, and, in many cases, they have achieved economic independence through the management of their own lands or through the development of different businesses such as the production of pitú (a kind of local beer). Similarly, their basic agricultural and stockbreeding economy is reflected in the existence of different areas dedicated to the storage of grain, the presence of corrals for domestic animals or that of vegetables gardens attached to the outside of the walls. Moreover, the house is also an element that is actively used in the negotiation of the positions of agents in the social space. One of the most interesting phenomena we have observed in this sense is a certain tension between tradition and modernity, which are followed in diverse and often contradictory ways. In this sense, the two examples discussed here have clear differences. Both houses belong to prominent families in the community but in the Banjua House (A), the display of prestige is articulated through the strengthening of its relationship with the past and its ancestors, which represent the source of justification for this community, which is located in the middle of a Komba and Bimoba territory. Meanwhile, in the Gazare House (B), to show the power and wealth of its owner, the traditional circular rooms made of adobe and/or mud walls are

the landlord. Finally, there is no burial inside the house; the two existing burial sites are located outside the house.

Reflexions on Mamprusi Houses

In the current Mamprusi community of Bende, we see a domestic space that largely reflects the socio-economic settings of its inhabitants. Therefore, a housing complex is formed by different rooms that belong to the landlord, his many wives and the grown sons who have already formed a family; that is, to the inhabitants who are considered full members of the community. The rooms are the true private spaces, as one might infer from the lack of visibility we have of them from the outside and from the presence of doors and even locks, which contrast with the public nature of the central courtyard, where most household tasks are performed. In addition, the question of gender is reflected in the spatial arrangement. On the one hand, the men of the house have their rooms in the area closest to the door and are the only ones using the existing wood porches near the entrance. On the other hand, each wife has her kitchen, where she prepares food for her children and even has private storehouses and other areas where independent economic activities are performed. Therefore, we can clearly see that women are located at the areas far from the entrance, which may be related to their absence in much of the political life 34

gradually replaced by rectangular rooms made with industrial bricks and roofed with zinc sheets, which are typical of urban areas and which the people of Bende associate with comfort, aesthetic beauty, richness and modernity. These processes offer very interesting insights to archaeologists from the point of view of how material culture is understood. We have discussed the benefits observed by the inhabitants of Bende when we asked about the new types of rooms. However, an analysis from the outside shows that these new types of rooms also present problems such as the high cost of construction or the unsuitability of the new roofs for the heat in the area. We also noted certain reinterpretations of foreign material culture under local canons. For example, room 12 of the Gazare house, which belongs to the second wife of the landlord, is made with traditional materials, including the roof, but has a rectangular shape and is painted in blue with industrial paint. While the adoption of these new rooms is a transformation of the appearance of homes, these changes do have profound socio-economic implications in moving from traditional and individual community-building activity to one that is specialised and rewarding. This phenomenon shows the beginning of the disintegration of traditional social patterns and the increase in the cash economy for this community located in the northeast of Ghana.

Acknowledgements

These works would not have been possible without the cooperation of the inhabitants of the village of Binde, who selflessly showed us their way of life. We especially would like to thank the assistance provided by Banzua II, Emmanuelle Dama and Al-Hassan Gariba. In addition, we appreciate all the efforts made by Manolo Bonet, who made many of the necessary arrangements for our stay in Ghana and who opened his house to us.

References

ADÁNEZ PAVÓN, J. (1999) Una aproximación antropológica a la interpretación del espacio en arqueología: una historia del debate teórico contemporáneo y una conceptuación del espacio doméstico. Ph.D. thesis, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. GERRITSEN, F. (1999) To build and to abandon: the cultural biography of late prehistoric houses and farmsteads in the southern Netherlands. Archaeological Dialogues, 6 (2), pp. 78-97. HODDER, I. (1982) Symbols in action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. HODDER, I. (1994) Interpretación en arqueología. Corrientes actuales. Barcelona: Crítica. WRIGHT, D.R. (1984) Mande-Speaking Peoples. In: R. Week, (ed.) Muslim peoples: A world ethnographic survey. London: Penguin Books.

35

Recent Findings and Observations on Firestones and Gunflints between Craftsmanship, Expedient Strategies and Warfare Conditions Giorgio Chelidonio Abstract

Both international and local studies have so far discussed technological solutions applied by european specialised gunflint makers : between XVI and XIX the three main productive traditions (French, English and Venetian) used diversified lithic “chaines operatoires” deeply oriented in standardising gunflints quality, shapes and forms to gun-locks evolution especially the military ones. Quite less consideration have instead devoted to non specialised and/or expedient gunflints production and commerce, including those used for strike-a-light purposes which lasted up to 1940 beneath European peasant (mountain) communities, and later in African and Asian marginal societies, such sheperds and nomadic groups. To this subject new data and observations are reported, along with the specific case of Cà Palui/Trezzolano (Verona hills) gunflint workshops, highly characterised by local Eocene non vitreous flint explotation: inspite of the large number of sites and the astonishing quantity of waste flakes and core left, its commerce and distribution remain still unknown. Finally the recent unusual finding of a French styled gunflint made of Eocene non vitreous flint opens a research hypothesis: the Cà Palui gunflints workshops (some of which still well preserved in isolated rockshelters) could have been occupied, between 1805 and 1814 by the French army, in order to stop a concurrent production based at the southern boundaries of Austrian empire. KEYWORDS: Flint, Quartzite, Gunflint, Flintlock, Strike-a-light.

XIX century in Provence or even in the Paris surroundings (as suggested by L.H.Barfield - personal communication). Although the “wedge-type” gunflints chronology remains

During the XX century not only the main traditional gunflints production (Meunes/F, Brandon/UK and Lessini Mountains/I) underwent to a deep decline owing to XIX century rifles and pistols technological changes, but also the “flint-and-steel way of” making fire have been substituted by the cerium lighters and, lately, by the piezoelectric ones. But since 1940 an increasingly demand of gunflints for sporting flintlock shooters (said to be accounted by hundred thousands in the U.S.A, Canada and United Kingdom) renewed the Brandon gunflints activity, which up to 1950 was carried by few flintknappers who produced “only” 2000 pieces each day, to be exported to African markets. In 1984 Fred Avery, probably the last professional gunflintknapper, had an yearly production of about 150.000200.000 pieces, mainly devoted to North American markets. Although some evidences suggest that the Monti Lessini(Verona/Italy) gunflints were still somehow produced (in Cerro Veronese) in the early XX century with a traditional blade-like based technology, main bibliographical data show that by the middle of XIX century both French and English gunflints were manufactured with the same “chaine operatoire” oriented to produce double-edged pieces. The ongoing production (both in Meusnes and in Brandon), which gunflints are shown for sale on Internet, use a quite similar technology well know and widely cited, but the presence of smaller historical non-professional knapping sites still remains largely unstudied. Within the firearms gunflints history a peculiar step is the presence of an older type, in English called “wedge type” (Fig. 1) or gunspall (probably produced also in France, where the blade-like technology has been proposed since 1643 in the Berry region (EMY 1978), but older wedge type-like specimen could have been still produced in the

Fig. 1. The so called “wedge type” gunflints, roughly shaped from a thick flake. 36

uncertain, a document “of an order received by London gunsmiths in 1661 to provide 15,000 ‘flintstones cutt’ for the garrisons in Tangier and Ireland” could be related to this earlier production because the so called “platform type” (i.e. knapped from a blade-like flake) gunflints are said to be manufactured not before the XVIII century (http://www.brecks.org/shared/pdfs/AxetoFlintleaflet.pdf). Other indications of wedge-type gunflints produced during the XVIII (or even XIX) century could be detected in different web site, such as: - the Dog River site (Alabama/USA) dated from 1720 to 1848, where at least 3 types of gunflints were discovered, including both from French and English blade-cut specimen but also some wedge type belonging to an unknown European production (http://www.southalabama.edu/archaeology/dog-riverweaponry.html). - the Occaneechi site, an XVIII century native village in North Carolina (USA) were a group of 40 european wedge-type gunflints were found (http:// www.learnnc.org/lp/editions/occaneechi-archaeologyprimer/1753). - the Royal Armory deposit in Nepal (established in 1813) , where in 2003 a buried supply of 1,3 million of gunflints was discovered. Since the whole deposit was sold to an American antique merchant, most of those specimen are now available “for sale” in many web sites1. It’s really a pity that such a sample could not have been studied, but the cited web images show some wedge-type gunflints within a majority of English and French typical blade-cut specimen. Another type of gunflints (or perhaps simply used by hand in the so called “flint-and-steel” technology) was produced in Albania at the end of the XIX century (EVANS 1887): its shape was roughly quadrangular and bifacially knapped by using a small iron hammer. Such a morphology could be also used in the so called “miquelet” or “mediterranean” flintlocks, better if inserted with a lead sheet as commonly practiced in the XVIII century European armies. Quite similar bifacially flaked gunflints were produced by the North American natives up to the XIX century, even if after 1640-50 they had wide and cheap opportunities of buying handcrafted European gunflints. A new evidence of bifacially flaked gunflints has been highlighted by some moroccan gunflints I had the chance to buy in May 2009 at Verona’s “mineral and fossils” fair: this small series consists of 6 gunflints, 3 of which were roughly flaked-off from some prehistoric and deeply patinated artifacts (Fig. 2A), while 2 others were roughly cut-off from corticated flint flakes. Only one looks somehow regularly knapped from a flat flake, probably imitating the XVIII century French “one edge” style (the so called “horse shoe” type), since its back side is deeply trimmed, also in its ventral face (Fig. 2B). The roots of this opportunistic gunflints production, so recurrent in many and distant regions, could simply derive from older adaptive strategies documented in Europe medieval communities, such as among XIX century

Hungarian shepherds or in Longobard (and German and/or Scandinavian graves): although rarely described, prehistoric flint flakes and tools were commonly collected to be re-used for making fire with flint-and-steel technology. To this purpose, simple flint, chert or quartzite chips were also commonly used in Nepalese regions: they are sometimes still included in their typical tinder pouches (as in some specimen of my personal collection). Moreover, the evidence that non-flint stones have been regionally used is highlighted by the name of a French village: Pierreaufeu-du-Var (Provence/F), named in medieval times (X century) as “Petrafoe” and, later, “Petrafoc”, “Petrafog” or “Rochafog” (http://jcpierrefeu. free.fr/). Geologically speaking this area is characterized by metamorphic rocks, with quartzites, but completely lacking of flint outcrops, so that its older name could mean that this village was widely know for its peculiar kind of firestones, of course suited for making fire with the strikea-light method or, may be, with the pyrite (or marcasyte) prehistorical technology if this mineral was available locally or by commerce. This older firemaking by percussion method, which generally needs only a sharp edge siliceous flake or fragment to be striken against an iron sulphur nodule, was widely employed by the Eskimo communities (http://www.scribd.com/doc/29234174/Atlas-of-the-NorthAmerican-Indian-Third-Edition). A meaningful and complex example is given by some burials discovered in the Port au Choix, (Newfoundland, Canada) maybe the northernmost Red Paint culture, a PreColumbian cultural facies which flourished between 5,000 and 3,000 years ago, so named after their symbolic use of red ochre to cover the dead bodies and the graves. In those burials, pyrite nodules and quartz or quartzite pebbles are fairly common, although only one specimen (burial 27, Locus 2) included a quartzite pebble showing wear traces of having been used as “strike-a-light”. The grave goods of this burial (a male young adult and a newborn) includes also 64 other quartz pebbles and two quartz flakes, but none cited as referred to firemaking (TUCK 1994). So, without a large number of specific wear traces analysis it seems difficult to distinguish, in this site as well as in any other similar case, if siliceous pebbles or sharp flakes (or even fragments) were an interchangeable approach for firelighting in areas particularly lacking of local flint outcrops. But, probably, this extra-european example, so chronologically and culturally distant from historical gunflints, should be better considered since an Italian case seems to be documented in an XVII century print by Giovanni Maria Tamburini: a pedlar of “azalino ed esca” (strike-a-light and tinder) is represented in Bologna market, while striking is steel tool not against a flake but on a medium-sized stone (Fig. 3), which produces big sparks (CHELIDONIO 2003). Being flint uncommon in this region (where many typical Verona gunflints have been found), the stone held in the pedlar left hand might have been a quartz crystal or a pyrite (or marcasite) nodule, since the iron sulphide minerals are available (for example in the 37

Fig. 2. Moroccan gunflints roughly produced by flaking-off from a prehistoric artifact (1), or perhaps imitating, by retouching a fresh flat flake (2), a XVIII century French “one edge” type. Gunflints made in Verona workshops by flaking local Eocene flint but in late XVIII century French style: 3, from Cà Palui; 4, unfinished gunflint from Coalo Ciaro rockshelter. 38

gunflints were flaked off only from local Eocene large nodules of non-vitreous ochreous flint, which range up to 50 kilos each. Lacking of archaeological excavations and chronology, these historical Eocene flint workshops are said to have been established probably in the second half of XVIII century (just a pair of venetian XVII copper coins have been, so far, collected in the Cà Palui gunflints workshops). Most of their traces consist of open air workshops, but a big one is completely preserved in the Coalo Ciaro, a rockshelter where waste flakes and cores are still surface discarded, accounting for at least one meter thick in stratigraphy. Surface collecting in the Cà Palui gunflints workshops started around in 1975, but very few specimen of finished products were so far found, mostly unfinished or discarded rectangular shaped gunflints. Cà Palui’s gunflints main operatory chain seems to have been oriented to produce large prismatic cores suitable to flake off medium-long sized blade-like products, while in the nearby cretaceous flint workshops mostly prevail the so called “single platform core” technology. Another intriguing characteristic is that vitreous gunflints from Verona mountains have been widely documented in Veneto and Emilia regions (CHELIDONIO 2003), while the Eocene Cà Palui’s gunflints, which material is very easily recognizable, have never been, so far, documented outside their production area, inspite of the impressive quantities of their waste products, left by hundred thousand in this hilly dorsal ridge. Now, recently, in the north-eastern part of Cà Palui basin, a carefully flaked Eocene gunflint was found (Fig. 2C): its shape seems to be typically an early XIX century French one (the so called “horseshoe” type, characterized by a single working edge), while its size is suitable for a military musket, a form practically unknown in the Verona gunflints production. Verona region was occupied by the Napoleonic army from 1796 up to 1814, but so far no document has been published or discovered reporting problems with Verona gunflint knappers in that period: we just know, from an economical report registered in 1816, that 500 flintknappers were still working (FACCIOLI 1956), but just one year later the main Verona’s gunflints wholesaler (ANDREIS, CHELIDONIO 2008) was complaining to the Austrian administration about a sudden lacking of their gunflint orders. This fact must be considered from two different points of wiew: - the Austrian empire, before occupying Verona, was heavily in need of gunflints, being its only workshop situated in Pian della Cenere (Avio/Monte Baldo) at the southern Tyrolean border. - the European request of military gunflints suddenly collapsed after 1815 with the end of Napoleonic wars. So Verona gunflints production underwent to a deep crisis, quite similarly to what happened, in the same years, in France and in the United Kingdom. Therefore we can consider the following hypothesis: during the occupation of Verona the Napoleonic army could have stopped the local gunflints production and employed some professional French flintknappers (named cailloutiers in

Fig. 3. Detail of an XVII century print (by G.M.Tamburini) showing a pedlar of strike-a-light and tinder in Bologna market.

hills surrounding the Monteveglio Abbey/BO) (http://www.parcoabbazia.it/default.aspx?KeyPub=M_PAR CO|10051516&Cod_Oggetto=10089677) in this Appennine hills. To this subject, we must also consider that, during the XVII century, amorphous pyrite and/or marcasite were widely used in igniting European wheellock firearms. In conclusion, I would like to stress a recent finding in the Cà Palui site: situated in the limestone hills eastward to Verona, its rich flint outcrops have been exploited since Lower Paleolithic (CHELIDONIO, CASTAGNA 2010), with recurrent workshops of Acheulean bifacial tools but also exploited for historical gunflints production. Although many other gunflints workshops were exploited in the below slopes rich in cretaceous vitreous flint, the Cà Palui 39

“piere assalìne” e selci focaie. Nuovi appunti e scoperte fra nomi, luoghi, complessità evolutiva ..e internet. In: La Lessinia ieri oggi domani, Lavagno (Vr): La Grafica Editrice, pp. 145-154. AVESANI, B., CHELIDONIO, G., ZANINI, F. (2007) Nuove tracce di officine litiche fra Arzaré, Brunelli e Prati. In: La Lessinia ieri oggi domani, Lavagno (Vr): La Grafica Editrice, pp. 73-82. CHELIDONIO, G. et al (1987) Le pietre del fuoco: folènde veronesi e selci europee, Catalogo n.42, Mostre Cassa Risparmio di Verona Vicenza e Belluno. CHELIDONIO, G. (2002) Quando le pietre focaie non erano acciarini. Tracce e appunti fra Paolo Orsi e Stefano de Stefani. Annuario St.Valpolicella, Centro Doc. Storia Valpolicella, pp. 119-124. CHELIDONIO, G. (2003) Le pietre del fuoco: un’archeostoria durata fino a 100 anni fa. Quaderni del Savena, 6, Archivio Storico Comunale “Carlo Berti Pichat”, pp. 125136. CHELIDONIO, G. (2004) Le pietre focaie: archeologia della continuità. In: E. Giannichedda, (ed.) Produzione e consumo dei manufatti. Metodi e pratica della cultura materiale, Ist. Internaz. di Studi Liguri, pp. 31-38. CHELIDONIO, G. (2005) Tracce e memorie di tecniche accensive in Trentino. Arkeo Works, 2, Provincia Autonoma di Trento, Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici, pp. 25-27. CHELIDONIO, G., WOODALL, J.N. (2006) Flintknappers and smugglers at the end of Venice Republic. In: Stone Age - Mining Age, Atti del VII International Flint Symposium, Bochum 1999, Der Anschnitt, Beiheft XIX, pp. 345-358. CHELIDONIO, G. (2006) Tracce linguistiche della storia del fuoco.., in rete. In: Internet e Storia, 4° Forum Telematico, 15 gennaio - 15 marzo 2006, www.internete storia.it www.medioevoitaliano.it, in www.drengo.it/ sm/archivio.a.htm. CHELIDONIO, G. (in press) Appunti su formazione e dispersione delle tracce di officina litica prodotte da artigiani delle pietre focaie fra il XVIII e gli inizi del XX secolo in Lessinia(Verona). In: F. Lugli, A.A. Stoppiello, S. Biagetti (eds.) Atti del 4° Convegno Nazionale Etnoarcheologia, Roma 17-19 maggio 2006 CHELIDONIO, G. (2006) Tracce e memorie di tecniche e tradizioni accensive in Trentino. Archeoworks, 2, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici Provincia Autonoma di Trento, pp. 25-27. CHELIDONIO, G. (2007) Folendari e contrabbandieri fra la Repubblica Veneta e l’Austria. In: A. e P. Brugnoli, (eds.) Sant’Anna d’Alfaedo, Centro di Documentazione per la Storia della Valpolicella-Comune di Sant’Anna d’Alfaedo, Rovereto(TN): Ed. Stella, pp. 244-245. CHELIDONIO, G., CASTAGNA A. (in press) Cà Palui (Verona-Mezzane): la più antica area di officine litiche veronesi. In: La Lessinia ieri oggi domani, Lavagno (VR): La Grafica Editrice. CHELIDONIO, G., PICCOLI, G. (2010) San Mauro di Saline: nuove tracce di “folèndari” storici. In: La Lessinia ieri oggi domani, Lavagno (VR): La Grafica Editrice. EMY, J. (1978) Histoire de la pierre à fusil, Société

the Berry military factories) who manufactured Cà Palui and Trezzolano eocenic flint in conformity with their traditional typology, the only one considered reliable by French soldiers at the end of XVIII century. Were these Verona’s French styled gunflints really used by Napoleonic army? Or simply stocked as reserve, being their Berry factories nearly 1000 miles away and/or urged by an increasing (1797-1814) request of well-shaped gunflints? A simple example could be given by the battle of Rivoli (1797) where 23.000 French faced 28.000 Austrian soldiers: every Napoleonic infantryman was supplied with 1 gunflint per 5 cartridge. So, how many gunflints have been used just in that battle, which caused nearly 10.000 deads? But also during war times French gunflints were internationally sold, also to enemy countries, being this commerce much in demand and so profitable. But the question put by this Veronese-french styled gunflint could be solved only by archeo-stratigraphical results of main workshops, such as the Coalo Ciaro rockshelter, where an half-finished French type gunflint (Fig. 2D) has been surface collected. This very interesting is situated along the so called Dabusi hill-stream, flowing almost parallel to the road named (in the 1847 Austrian Verona’s cadastre) “strada comunale detta La Costa della Pietà”, probably one of the main XVIII-XIX century itineraries along which gunflints “sporte” (the venetian name for baskets), were commonly traded (still at the end of XIX century) by 2000 or 3000 pieces each to the Verona market, from where this kind of products were shipped to Adriatic ports. Finally, speaking about the French hypothesis there’s another interesting clue: one day, nearly 25 years ago, while i was collecting gunflints just along side of the above mentioned road, I met, by chance, a very old men who told me: “through this old road the French soldiers flew away to Paris”. I had never a chance to verify this witness, but it could be a very interesting trace to follow.

Notes

Such as: http://www.earlyamerica.com/shopping/ebayproducts.html?itemi d=390214525395&rp=1700collectibles http://cgi.ebay.com/ws/eBayISAPI.dll?VISuperSize&item=39021 4525395 http://www.eknifeworks.com/webapp/eCommerce/product.jsp?M ode=Cat&Brand=&CatalogName=&PriceStart=&PriceEnd= &Feature=&Cat=16&SearchText=&filter=false&list=10&range= 251&order=Default&SKU=SMRR244 http://www.proxibid.com/asp/LotDetail.asp?ahid=794&aid=2809 0&lid=7783776#topoflot 1

References

ANDREIS, A., CHELIDONIO, G. (2008) Primi segni di declino dell’artigianato “folèndaro” in un documento del 1817. In: La Lessinia ieri oggi domani, Lavagno (Vr): La Grafica Editrice, pp. 159-164. AVESANI, B., CHELIDONIO, G, (2006) “Folénde”, 40

d’Eploitation de l’imprimerie Alleaume, Blois (Fr). EVANS, A.J. (1887) On the Flint-Knapper’s Art in Albania, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 16, pp. 65-68. FACCIOLI, G. (1956) Verona e la navigazione atesina. Compendio storico delle attività produttive dal XII al XIX secolo, Verona: Edizioni Lessinia. TUCK, J.A. (1994) Ancient people of Port au Choix. The Excavation of an Archaic Indian Cemetery in Newfoundland. Newfoundland Social and Economic Studies, 17, Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland, St.John (Canada).

41

Before the fridge and the running water. Considerations on food treatment Anna Depalmas, Francesco di Gennaro Abstract

The issues focused in this paper are well defined aspects of production of foods and their conservation and preparation as meals in the poorly equipped context of the protohistoric village. Some arrangements that have already been observed or reconstructed on archaeological basis, specifically when connected to particular found tools are discussed. In some cases the said arrangements have been only intuitively hypotyzed. With specific reference to the Italian protohistory, research on these items has been sometimes supported by ethnographic comparisons. In this search some already stated hypotheses, like those regarding the equipment of the “apennine civilization” are taken into account. Also, new investigation fields are proposed, using an ethnoarchaeological method implying comparisons with social groups not contemporary to the subject. In this case the comparisons are preferably conducted with habits and behaviour of present days rural people living in the research areas themselves. People living far away are not taken into account, but some references to past civilizations are anyhow made. It is possible to infer that many daily problems concerning conservation and handling of alimentary resources were coped in our villages according with ancient traditions, up to the introduction of electricity and current water in all the habitations. KEY WORDS: Food Conservation, Protohistory, Water Storage.

Riassunto

Questo lavoro intende richiamare l’attenzione su alcuni ben definiti aspetti della produzione dei cibi e della loro conservazione e preparazione come pasti, nell’ambiente scarsamente tecnologizzato del villaggio protostorico. Si discutono alcuni accorgimenti che sono già stati in parte osservati o ricostruiti su base archeologica, specialmente quando ricollegabili a specifici manufatti rinvenuti; in altri casi dette soluzioni sono state ipotizzate su basi del tutto induttive. Con riferimento specifico alla protostoria italiana, la ricerca su questi argomenti è stata talvolta supportata da comparazioni etnografiche. Si torna altresì a valutare ipotesi già formulate, come quelle riguardanti lo strumentario proprio della “civiltà appenninica”. Al tempo stesso si propongono nuovi campi di ricerca usando un metodo etnoarcheologico che ricorre a confronti con gruppi sociali non contemporanei alle civiltà antiche considerate, confronti nel nostro caso particolarmente indirizzati verso usi e comportamenti della cultura agraria moderna degli stessi territori di indagine. Non mancano tuttavia riferimenti a civiltà del passato, mentre non sono stati presi in considerazione popoli che vivono in aree lontane. Sembra possibile concludere che molti problemi quotidiani relativi alla conservazione e la manipolazione delle risorse alimentari venissero risolti, anche nei nostri villaggi, secondo tradizioni antichissime, fino alla recente introduzione dell’energia elettrica e del lavello con acqua corrente in tutte le abitazioni. PAROLE CHIAVE: conservazione dei cibi, protostoria, approvvigionamento idrico.

habits and behaviour of present days rural people living in the research areas themselves. People living elsewhere are not taken into account, but some references to past civilizations will be anyhow made. In fact there are several elements supporting the idea that many daily problems concerning conservation and handling of alimentary resources were coped in our villages according with ancient traditions, up to the introduction of electricity and current water in all the habitations. Let’s begin with bread storage and durability. Before the vacuum packaging and other conservation methods, gifts of modern technology, for giving a long durability to the bread it was necessary to dry it. This is still true and many of us use crackers or similar products. The more expressive example is represented by the well known sailor’s biscuits. In many Mediterranean regions exist kinds of long lasting dry bread that is soaked for consumption, as the friselle of southern Italy. Also the

This paper is intended to draw the attention on some issues regarding well defined aspects of production of foods and their conservation and preparation as meals in the poorly equipped context of the protohistoric village. We are going to discuss some arrangements that have already been observed or reconstructed on archaeological basis, specifically when connected to particular found tools. In some cases the said arrangements have been only intuitively hypotyzed. With specific reference to the Italian protohistory, research on these items has been sometimes supported by ethnographic comparisons. In this search some already stated hypotheses, like those regarding the equipment of the “apennine civilization” will be taken into account. In the same time, new investigation fields are going to be proposed. To this end an ethnoarchaeological method, implying comparisons with social groups not contemporary to the subject, will be used. In this case the comparisons are preferably conducted with 42

distribution of zuppe in the diets of many rural communities can be reconnected to both the chance of using an already dried bread, soaking it, and the need of deliberately driyng it. In the urban environment we are loosing the meaning of food to rehydrate before eating, as for the dry bread par excellence, the pane carasau, that together with the other pistoccos of Sardinia is the highest achievement in the field (Fig. 1 a,b). This bread is already completely dehydrated while baking: after the first baking of the original loafs, the two valves that are obtained are then toasted; the cutting operation to separate the two halfs, which have a smooth outer face and an internal rough one, corresponds to the verbs fresare and calpire. The next batch, which gives a bis-cotto, is similar to continental friselle, more rich in crumb (dried), and is an effective method for the further removal of the remaining water in the dough (before the availability of dryers and lyophilization). This was a carry on bread (in this context we should note the lightness conferred by the elimination of water) and that was to last several weeks in the regime of mobile pastoralism.

In relation to transport we must observe some morphological details of the shape as the central hole of friselle that allows to put them together on a small rope, or the semicircular bending or even a minor circular sector, given the carta da musica (another name for the pane carasau) at the time of the separation of the sheets. Therefore the carasato (ie. toasted) bread, must be rehydrated. So you can enjoy soups, or stuff the softened sheet, that at this point can be rolled, with cold meats, cheeses and other cold cuts or soft stuffing. A typical and tasty dish, that shows the practice and opportunity of rehydration of the carta da musica, is the pane frattau, which has nothing to envy to the best preparations of lasagna. So, the direct consumption of dried strips must be considered a deviant quirk of the restaurants. The spread of dehydrated bread, which is still present in Sardinia also with the squared pistoccu version, less thin of the most common carasau, trough continental and insular Greece (Fig. 1c) reaches at least the coasts of the Middle East with the Dodecanese kouloura. Even in the Tyrrhenian Sea basin we can find this type of bread made from dough of flour other than wheat. We mention that in

Fig. 1. a) First baking phase of pane carasau and (b) disks obtained after fresatura and biscottatura (from www.sardegnadigitallibrary.it); c) kouloura of Kalymnos; diam. 12 cm (photo Nikitas Diamadis); d) modern metato (from www.ibrigantidicerreto.com). 43

the Salento, the poor people friselle were made out of barley as well as in the Sardinian mountains the pistoccu was made of barley (MURRU CORRIGA 2005b: 243). We can, therefore, set a brief consideration, which recalls an unpublished discussion of the Third International Congress of Ethnoarchaeology in Mondaino, on the flours and alternative baking. Among the many flours named on that occasion we remember the chestnut one. The chestnut has had an enormous importance in the past. It was originally found in our mountains but with the Würm glaciation seems to have retired to the Middle East and has subsequently been reintroduced. Perhaps the chestnut was already in the Bronze Age diet (the chestnut tree is attested at Val de’ Varri: GÜLLER, SEGRE 1948). Subsequently and until the pre-globalization, its grinding offered an alternative to bread food in areas not suited to the cultivation of cereals: one of these is the Garfagnana (Fig. 1d), where the primary importance of the fruits of Castanea sativa is also attested by the wide poetical work of Giovanni Pascoli1. However, it was suggested that before the spreading of the chestnut in the Italian peninsula, an holm oak (Quercus ilex) flour was probably prepared. Quercus ilex, known as leccio or elce, is an oak tree with low tannin fruits. From the adjective iliceus probably derived the northern Tuscan term Neccio, then transferred to the typical chestnut bun of Lucca region (MASTRELLI 1959), as the name bagigi switched to peanuts from the Cyperus esculentus when they ousted him in the cultivation and in street trading2. In Sardinia is repeated, now only ritually, the making of the typical Ogliastra’s acorn bread, in which the tannins were counterbalanced by the addition of clay and ash (MAZZELLA 2005: 236). Plinius, about Hispanic people (Plinius, Naturalis historia, XVI, 15), and Strabo, with specific reference to the mountain people of Lusitania (Strabo, Geography, III, 7.11), describe the acorn flour bread. Moreover, even the Arcadians are defined balanifagòi (Plutarch, Life of Coriolanus, III, 3). We just recall that from antiquity to the present day come preparations of legume flour such as chickpeas, lentils, lupins, beans, and grains such as millet (from which migliaccio, lexical form similar to castagnaccio), oat and spelt. And let’s consider another staple food, milk. The production and the presence of rennet in the stomach, especially of babies, can paradoxically claim that one ingests milk, but in reality digests cheese, as can understand those lucky people to have tasted in Rome and surroundings the calf pajata, now banned by law. What is certain is that making cheese is the oldest and effective way to preserve milk and make it more digestible. But let’s start from the milk boiling. What was the purpose of boiling? Perhaps to keep the milk as long as possible or turn it into a processed food, or also to sterilize it, but not to make cheese. Contrary to what many people generally suppose, the cheese is almost cold prepared, at body temperature. The production of ricotta instead requires high temperatures3. In the Bronze Age settlements are found numerous

examples of cylindrical pots with an inner encircling continuous strip, sometimes with holes and occasionally discontinuous; usually the finds are only fragments (Fig. 2a), from which it is however possible to reconstruct the complete shape, rarely attested. Among the excavation findings is even more evident the presence of pottery cones with hollow bases and densely perforated walls (Fig. 2b). The shape can be articulated, instead of conical, and the holes can be more or less regularly arranged and not even cover the cone. What we can see now is the correspondence of the diameters of the two different types: the jar with the strip-pad and the inner cone. Salvatore Maria Puglisi proposed a convincing functional association (PUGLISI 1959: 35-37, Figs. 8,11). This would be a milk cooking pot with a device that prevents the pouring out of the boiling liquid (Fig. 2c). The frothing milk, flowing from the cone resting on the strip, cools down enough to lost, in contact with air, the driving force, and falls back through the holes in the jar. There are now some doubt on the interpretation of the Bronze Age clay kettle, which for someone would not serve the indicated purpose; but above all it must be admitted that the dimensions are very similar to those of modern bollilatte. A dictionary definition, for the word “Bollilatte”, states: Milk kettle with pierced lid able to avoid leakage of froth during the ebullition. The still traded metal kettles (Fig. 2d) are like surviving dinosaurs. In our homes, and of many acquaintances in the’60 and ’70, the lid, purchased together with the pot, was immediately and permanently shelved. But many of us remember how many times because of distraction, the milk came out of the pot and extinguished the flame of the stove. Although the perforated lid is commercially known as “anti-froth”, the explanation provided by the manufacturers is that it was needed, “when we boiled the milk, because once we used to boil the milk“, to prevent the spilling of the milk itself. (A.D.) About the function of this particular lid, we also collected the opinion that could be used to skim the milk (?), but the skimming is done more easily and effectively by cooling the milk. In our view, aforesaid that the performed tests with a specially rebuilt clay kettle seem to be decisive, is sufficient to clarify the function, the experiment done with the metal fossil. With a low heat, even if the conductivity of the metal item is undoubtedly superior to that of the more refractory clay one, the lid performs its function, while with an higher flame fails to stem the leakage of milk (Fig. 2e). Puglisi’s remarks on the challenges and corresponding solutions associated with the control of the temperature at which the bollitoi were exposed in fireplaces with the limited tools available to Bronze Age groups, are still valuables. Today, these observations can be better sorted on the basis of the chrono-typological attribution of artifacts (taralli ie. pottery rings, diaphragms, cooking stands) to different development stages of protohistoric age. Other considerations relate to conservation, or the 44

preservatives and the cold. We all know that milk is kept a little more, even a few days, in a cold environment, while with the heat goes rotten. Meat, if available, in absence of chains for the distribution and refrigeration, could not be butchered frequently and therefore it was necessary to preserve it. However, it’s to note that the basically sacred act of killing a domestic animal, also in antiquity provided for a project of

consumption and preservation of meat, to be achieved by less developed means than those made available by the organization of the distribution and management capabilities of cold. Meat could be partially dried and partially subject to salting; less probable indeed the conservation under oil, considering the preciosity of that vegetable fat, which just in the Bronze Age begin to be documented.

Fig. 2. a) Fragment of inside-listel pottery vessel from Conelle - Arcevia, AN; b) Bronze Age perforated clay cones; c) functional reconstruction of pottery milk-kettle (from Puglisi 1959);d) modern bollilatte; e) bad working following high flame. 45

Of great importance in this regard is the interpretation of coastal coarse ware pots deposits offered by Marco Pacciarelli, who recognizes them as ateliers de briquetage proving the local extraction of salt in protohistoric times (PACCIARELLI 1991: 171, nota 25). Certainly not all of the meat was intended for salting and you still need to preserve it fresh for the time necessary to work it. The “cool chain” was necessary also in prehistoric times. Everybody knows the summer temperatures in the Mediterranean area. There are at least two months in which, within epigeal structures, you cannot protect food from hot weather. In the territories of protohistoric communities which we are concerned, there are shady and windy valleys, but a very special role is played by caves. Normally the temperature of underground cavities is constant and corresponds to the annual outdoor average temperature. So that the temperature of a cave closely depends on the latitude and on the altitude at which it is the entrance of the same cave. This means that in our regions, at the height of a few hundred meters above sea level, the caves provide temperatures of 10-16 degrees centigrade. The cave temperature is obviously much lower than the local summer

temperature, but warmer than in winter. Only at great depths there is a progressive significant increase in temperature due to heat flow from the center toward the surface of the planet. We are not interested here in caves that are characterized by special features such as spas; also the presence of springs, although frequently connected to the very formation of caves, is in terms of this investigation only an occasional value. We have already expressed ourselves several times (CASI, di GENNARO 1992; di GENNARO 1999: 371) that the use of non-thermal caves, few in number, in the territories of the protohistoric communities, must be studied not excluding the lectio facilior level of the use of this caves determined by the climatic and environmental opportunities offered to daily and seasonal activities of ancient communities. We think in particular to: preservation and processing of meat, preservation and processing of fish, milk storage, skimming and preparation of butter, conservation of dairy products, conservation of plant foods. Several other activities, all to be defined, could take advantage of the microclimate of the caves: just think of

Fig. 3. Nuraghe Sirbissi-Osini (a) and the cave below (b) (from www.sardegnadigitallibrary.it); c) dug out cisterns in the calcareous bank of the talaiotic settlement of Torre d’en Galmes - Alaior, Minorca, Spain; d) rainwater recovering device from Trikeri - Magnesia, Greece. 46

the famous Cordari (Rope Makers) Cave of Syracuse, where, from the seventeenth century, some artisans worked and produced hemp ropes, aided by the natural moisture. Even the wine, regardless of the problem of its introduction, can be stored and aged at the temperature of natural caves. The presence of prehistoric settlements, often long term ones, near the mouth of caves above all deserves to be read in the light of the practical opportunities offered by the cavity. We cite as examples the settlements corresponding to the Grotta dell’Infernaccio or Grotta Nuova Cave and Grotta Misa in the Fiora valley (RITTATORE 1951) and the Sirbissi Nuraghe at Osini, lying above a natural cavity (CABRAS 2004: 94-112) (Figs. 3a,b). In the history of early settlements of the ancient communities, dwellers gradually proceed to the construction of artificial underground cavities, to get to the universally defined cellars. However, in prehistoric times a recurrent solution, which was one of the initial stages of this process of modification and adaptation of the environment is that of artificial wells. There are numerous cases of wells in which there isn’t an obvious water uptake feature, and can be considered to obtain a cold environment to be used for the preservation of otherwise perishable resources (eg. Sa Osa - Cabras: AA.VV. 2011). A different functional structure is the pozzo della neve; unfortunately this name has been attributed to a Matese cave by the speleologists, but cleared the field from the ambiguity determined in this way, we mention that there are natural cavities such as caves, depressions, sinkholes and narrow gorges, where it is possible to cram the snow in winter in order to have ice in the warmer seasons. The neviere, from simple wells to articulated structures present in most of the Italian territory, attest the value of the ice as a resource, that if is clearly valuable to present days communities, until the chance of making artificial ice, it must been this way from the remotest antiquity. As mentioned, we have deliberately ignored the recurring presence of water in caves, often linked to the same origin of the cavities. The presence of a spring in the surrounding territory of a village, whether in a cave or not, is always a great resource because water is used in large quantities. In fact, the last topic we want to touch is the rainwater harvesting. So, plunging ourself in the precious aliment, that does not propose severe problems for his conservation, we point out that the minimum requirement for the biological survival of a human being is 5 liters of water in 24 hours; the calculation clearly do not contemplates only water to drink. As we know we can live without food for a month, but no more than a week without water. For an acceptable living standard we need at least 50 liters of water a day per capita. Actually having 50 liters of water every day is not possible to billions of people; in fact the UN has chosen to target the right to a minimum of 40 liters. The average availability is 425 liters per day for the United States and 10 liters per day for Madagascar; in Italy is 237 liters and in France 150. To understand this better and not give room for doubt, we

think about the minimum level of a very low rainfall of 50 cm annually. Worse than thirsty Malta, a mean regime of almost the entire central Italy! Under these conditions for each square meter fall during the year 500 liters of rain, and for each 2 square meters soil projection collect 1m³ or 1,000 liters. In theory a person could live with water procured using a space of 2x2 meters. From a space of 5x5 meters are obtained 12,500 liters per year, equal to the need for 6 people. From an area, possibly outside, of 30x30 m, ie 900 m² are obtained, again with reference to a perfect waterproof surface, 450 m³ or 450,000 liters of water, enough for 108 people. A tank 3x3x3 meters, or of 27 m³, is filled with 54 m² of prepared surface, which means a panel of less than 7.35 meters on each side. The quantity of stored water in this case is of 27,000 liters, enough for 13 people. So for a large family unit that does not draw more water, a prepared surface for the collection of rainwater of 7.35x7.35 m is enough. Coming to a certain element of feedback, one of the early Bronze Age huts of Nola, Croce del Papa (ALBORE LIVADIE et al. 2005), we note that if you were only collecting the water that falls on the roof would have been available 35,000 liters of water, enough for 15 people; actually, comparing to the real and more intense rainfall in Campania, the obtained water would cater for the needs of at least 23 individuals. Let us now consider a commercial calculation for a filter based system: a building with 200 m² of uptake surface, made with a corrugated iron sheet roof, situated in the basin of Triveneto and with filter efficiency of 95%, we get a supply of water rain equal to 198,360 liters per year. Applying the same formula to the case of a building of only 10 m² of uptake surface, with corrugated iron sheet roof, situated in the some area (flow 58 mm approx.) and equipped with a filter with an efficiency of 95%, we get a supply of water rainfall just under 10,000 liters per year. Coming back to the archaeological landscape seems worth noting the frequent presence of outside areas of dwelling units that keep traces of exposed surface treatment. It is a matter that deserves the greatest attention in the continuation of research, since the presence of semi-sealed surface that convey the water into clay containers or cisterns (Fig. 3 c,d), it can be assumed that it was possible to collect water in surplus to the needs of men, even contemplating some of the needs of livestock. The mentioned calculations do not consider the additional ability to tap into streams, ponds or springs, which was not included in the ancient reality only for a few locations in some islands and few places on mainland. So in our regions is not feasible, the concept so dear and deeply rooted in archeology, including the non professional one, which in a certain area or hill you could not live because you miss the spring water, the result of a criterion of plausibility contradicted by undisputed evidence. (F.d.G.)

47

Notes

See for example the lyrics: “Il ciocco” in I canti di Castelvecchio and “Il vecchio castagno” in Primi poemetti. 2 In Italian: abelasia, babbagigi, bacicci, bagigi, cabasisi, cipero dolce, dolcichino, mandorla di terra, zigolo dolce, zizzola di terra, etc. 3 As S. M. Puglisi, that analyzed pastoral economy in relation with Italian Bronze Age communities, knew (v. PUGLISI 1959: 3141); in his mature age, describing cheese production process however he inverted the sequence of phases (PUGLISI 1987). 1

References

AA.VV. (2011) L’insediamento di Sa Osa-Cabras (OR) sul fiume Tirso. Tharros Felix, IV, pp. 157-319. ALBORE LIVADIE, C., VECCHIO, G., CASTALDO, E., CASTALDO, N., DELLE DONNE, M., MINIERI, L. and PIZZANO, N. (2005) Il villaggio di Nola - Croce del Papa (Napoli) nel quadro della facies culturale di Palma Campania (Bronzo antico), Pompei. CABRAS, G. (2004) L’archeologia. In: M.A. Fadda, (a cura di). Il futuro del passato di Osini Archeologia, Ambiente e Storia, Nuoro, pp. 63-124. CASI, C., di GENNARO, F. (1992) L’abitato delle Colle presso Grotta Misa. Rassegna di Archeologia 10 (Atti del Congresso: L’età del bronzo in Italia nei secoli dal XVI al XIV a. C.), 1991-1992, pp. 690-691. di GENNARO, F. (1999) Discussione. In: D. Cocchi Genick, (a cura di). Criteri di nomenclatura e di terminologia inerente alla definizione delle forme vascolari del Neolitico/Eneolitico e del Bronzo/Ferro, II, Atti Congresso Nazionale, Firenze 1999, pp. 370-372. GÜLLER, A., SEGRE, A.G. (1948) La stazione enea del grottone di Val de’ Varri nell’Appennino abruzzese. Rivista di Antropologia, 36, pp. 269-281. MASTRELLI, C.A. (1959) Per una interpretazione del toscano settentrionale néccio. Archivio Glottologico Italiano, vol. XLIV, II, pp. 142-176. MAZZELLA, M.T. (2005) Pane di ghiande: un’intervista di venti anni fa. In: AA.VV., Pani: Tradizione e prospettive della panificazione in Sardegna, Nuoro, pp. 236-238. MURRU CORRIGA, G. (2005a) I pani della tradizione. In: AA.VV., Pani: Tradizione e prospettive della panificazione in Sardegna, Nuoro, pp. 67-229. MURRU CORRIGA, G. (2005b) Perché l’orzo diventi pane. I saperi femminili perduti. In: AA.VV., Pani: Tradizione e prospettive della panificazione in Sardegna, Nuoro, pp. 242-247. PACCIARELLI, M. (1991) Territorio, insediamento, comunità in Etruria meridionale agli esordi del processo di urbanizzazione. Scienze dell’Antichità, vol. 5, pp. 163-208. PUGLISI, S.M. (1959) La civiltà appenninica. Origine delle comunità pastorali in Italia, Sansoni, Firenze. PUGLISI, S.M. (1987) Il sentiero degli scarabei, Palermo. RITTATORE, F. (1951) Scoperte di età eneolitica e del bronzo nella Maremma Tosco-Laziale. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche, VI, 1-2, pp. 3-33.

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Pottery Making in Zlakusa. First Ethnoarchaeological Research Project in Serbia Biljana Djordjević Abstract

In Serbia, ethnoarchaeology is an entirely new discipline in archaeological practice. The project of the National Museum in Belgrade Intangible Heritage: Ethnoarchaeological research on traditional pottery-making techniques, the first of his kind, has been systematically conducted in the village of Zlakusa, western Serbia, since 2005. Local legend says that in this village cooking vessels have been made for the last 300 years from a quite distinctive mixture of clay and calcite. The traditional pottery-making process is gradually being abandoned, but is still accessible to observation and research, which is one of the goals of the project. KeywordS: Pottery, Potter’s Wheel, Ethnoarchaeology, Intangible Heritage, Serbia.

Until recent times the method of extraction of the raw material was mostly archaic. The clay used to be dug from pits which were fresh opened every year. To reach layers of high quality clay a layer even 2 or 3 m thick had to be removed. In order to avoid landslips the dug out layer should not exceed 8 m. The digging was done by simple tools - picks7. It used to be transported by carts which was not an easy task before the modern, tarmac roads had been built. Simple tools were used for digging out calcite as well. This required great physical strength and great skill since the right “vein” had to be found to “cut” the rock exactly in the right place8. Transfer of calcite to Zlakusa was also done by carts. The clay would then be tempered by crushing and soaking in water for 24 hours. Calcite would be fired to be easily crushed with special wooden metal topped bat9. The crushed calcite would then be sieved to obtain the right size of granules needed for the planned type of vessel10. The clay would then be left to “age” for 24 hours and the redundant waters would be poured off. The clay would then be laid on a big piece of cloth and potter would tread on it after crushed calcite would be mixed in. The organic and inorganic impurities are permanently removed as they could hamper the process of pottery making or of the firing. Any remaining impurity would be cleansed during the modelling of clay. Pots are thrown by hand-turned wheels. originally the wheels were made of wood. A wheel consists of a 33 cc diameter disc (working surface) having a thickness of 5 cm and it rests on a 22 cm long shaft going through a cross the arms of which are connected to the disc by 14 cm long supports11. The entire construction is fixed to the wooden base which provides stability to the wheel12 (Fig. 1). The basic and most frequent form manufactured by this method is the pot. The building of a pot starts by placing a disc shaped clay batch on the wheel which previously has to be sprayed with crushed calcite to avoid sticking of the clay to the disc. The building begins from the bottom up. Then the coils are spirally pressed into the already attained height of the wall. The potter kneads each batch before making a coil out of it13. when the needed height is attained the potter applies a wooden round tool, a sort of a rib, on the inside of the pot to achievea uniform thickness of the wall.

ethnoarchaeology is a new scientific discipline being developed in Serbia. It is only recently that the relations between archaeology and ethnology or the ethnoarchaeology itself have become objects of interest for the researchers1. Studies of both archaeology and ethnology in Serbia were in their initial stage by the end of the 19th C and in particular at the beginning of the 20th C. By that time the need for closer connections and cooperation of these two scientific disciplines was recognized. This need, however, has never been precisely defined in the sense of its theoretical or practical application. The ethnologists looked in the past for the roots of contemporaneous phenomena while the archaeologists used ethnological parallels to explain certain features discovered in archaeological documents2. with time this connection between the two scientific disciplines gradually disappeared3. There are two reasons for this lack of contacts between archaeology and ethnology. Cultural-historical archaeology, which is even today the dominant theoretical and methodological attitude with Serbian archaeologists, is closed into its self-sufficiency and remains insensitive to possibilities provided by interdisciplinary approach. The second essential reason lies in reaction to certain isolated however existing abuses of ethnological or more precisely ethnographic parallels4. However we should be pleased with positive though slow changes in the last years. Serbian archaeology now gradually accepts the need for cooperation with related disciplines such as ethnology, anthropology and history. The project Intangible heritage: ethnoarchaeological research of traditional pottery making is the first of the kind systematically being carried out since 2005 in the village of Zlakusa in western Serbia5. The motivation for launching this project lied in the specific features and archaic quality of Zlakusa pottery making6. In the village there is no raw material available for pottery making. The clay has to be transported from the village of Vranjani some 18 km away, and the calcite is obtained from rupeljevo about 10 km distance from Zlakusa. Both the clay and the calcite are of equal importance for the Zlakusa pottery since they participate in the body by 50:50%. If bigger pots are made their ratio changes to 60:40% in favour of calcite. More stone than clay is one of the basic characteristics of these pots. 49

Fig. 1.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 2. Fig. 5.

round logs of calorific firewood are placed on a flat or slightly depressed space approx. 3x2 m large where the vessels prepared for firing are stocked. Space between the vessels is filled with wood enabling the air to circulate thus providing even firing. The whole construction is then covered with logs and branches and the fire is set on. Supposedly the temperature in this “bonfires” used to be between 700 and 8000 C. This has been recently proved correct in an experiment16. It was entirely up to the potter’s skill to estimate whether the pot is well fired and when to take it out of the fire. The right moment is when the pot turns white. The firing process would last about one hour or an hour and a half. well fired pots are of good quality and known for their strength and clear tone (Fig. 4). Traditional forms of vessels produced at Zlakusa are designed primarily for cooking and baking of food (Fig. 5). The range of pots varies from 1 to 100 litres capacity. The abandoned forms include those which are not in use any more such as small handless pots used by shepherds, pots for pouring out milk or vessel for keeping tar in it. New times brought new requirements but also led to new ideas, and the Zlakusa potters now provide new forms such as imitations of a dry cooker or flat barbecue plates. ethnoarchaeological researches at Zlakusa have been systematically conducted for the past six years. Its basic aims were to document and study the traditional methods of manufacturing utilitarian ceramics on a hand-turned wheel;

Fig. 3.

while the wheel is turning, the potter supports the outside of the pot. The burnishing and smoothing of the outer side of the pot, applying of decoration and adding handles are further steps (Fig. 2). The pot is then dried in the open or in a closed space depending on the period of the year and on weather conditions. when the leather hard condition is achieved the pot is treated further (Fig. 3). The prepared pot is left in a drying room to spend several hours at 100 and 200o C14 to allow the chemically bound water to evaporate. Bonfiring is the traditional method of pot firing in Zlakusa15. Stoke pit is usually in the vicinity of a workshop. 50

to establish relevant data base on locations, workshops, craftsmen, methods of work and final products; to critically analyse all segments in life of a pot applying specific ethnoarchaeological metodological approach, from its production, its usage to discarding objects; to note traces left by active dynamic processes; to compare obtained data with archaeological ones by establishing and testing relevant models; to complete the cross-cultural analysis and to contribute to protection of traditional technologies of ceramic production and their preservation for the future. The past researches proved that the high quality of Zlakusa pottery making must have been the reason for its survival. It has also been corroborated that material used was to great extent the agent guiding the manufacturing techniques. The hand-turned wheel had survived until the present17 because the characteristics of the material modelled would not allow for different method of work18. The artisans also confirmed that the usual 50:50% ratio of clay and calcite in the clay body was the standard applied by all manufacturers because it guaranteed quality. we ascertained that there was no such thing as “unpurified clay”. Any amount of unplanned substance either of organic or inorganic origin can seriously endanger the quality of the final product and no potter is willing to take such risks having in mind the efforts needed for making a pot. All sand particles, tiny pebbles, chaff, shells, which are so often detected in archaeological pottery and which certain archaeologists still call “impurities” are in fact deliberately added ingredients in order to improve the quality of pots and make them strong and resistant to temperature changes. each artisan leaves his personal mark on his products and it is best seen in the shaping of the vessels (pots and lids in the first place) and their decoration. The nature of variations is such that a less experienced researcher would create a rich taxonomic typology by studying just one type of pots of 5-6 litres with its lids and thus may mislead other scholars who would rely on his results which I am afraid is often the case with determination of archaeological ceramics19. This raises the issue of separating lids into specific type of ceramic vessels since they, if isolated from the receptacle, have no function whatsoever20. drying of vessels depends both on the raw material used and on the time of the year including the current weather situation. It is not precisely defined and this fact should be taken care of when an attempt is made to design technological model of ceramic production in the past. The abandoned workshops proved to be inadequate for exploration since there was no untransferable specific equipment in them and movable items and tools made of wood and other organic material had not left visible traces. on the other hand, stokes where the pots had been fired in bonfires near the abandoned workshops did leave traces. excavations of one of these stokes proved that 20 years of activities left a layer of about 10 cm of ashes21 and about 10 cm of burnt soil. Its surface, unlike usual floors in prehistoric houses, crushes and is not smooth. Baking in open fire can be considered as traditional, archaic recurrence of the method used but it is possible - having in mind that majority of artisans is convinced that this type of

firing yielded better results in the sense of quality22 - that here again we are witnessing a deliberate choice as was the case with the hand-turned wheel. durability of vessels and their possible secondary use was also object of research. It has been proved that good quality vessels can last for years, even decades. when damaged in use they were not repaired, however, their function was changed: they were used as flower pots, cattle watering troughs etc. Vessels damaged during firing are recycled, i.e. they are crushed and ground to partly replace the calcite quantity which is added to the clay body. Further researches at Zlakusa and cross-cultural analysis comparison with similar practice in the Balkan region, in South east europe and in the Mediterranean area - should enable establishing different models of pottery making and make reconstructions possible when dynamics of certain segments of community life in the past is concerned. europe and wider part of the Mediterranean circle at least when the pottery making is concerned still provide reliable sources of information for ethnoarchaeological researches. It is our duty to use that potential.

Notes

Palavestra 2005: 87-94; Porčić 2006: 105-121; djordjević 2009: 49-5. 2 Trojanović 1896: 1; M. Vasić 1906; Filipović 1951; Popović 1959, 1960; Gosden 1999: 27-31, 62-70. 3 Palavestra 2005: 87. 4 on certain aspects of abuses of analogies in Serbian archaeology more in: Palavestra 2010; r. radić 2005. 5 The projects is carried out within the framework of the programmes of the National Museum in Belgrade. director of the project is the author of this paper and Aca djordjević, senior curator of the NMB is the only standing member of the project. 6 According to local tradition the pottery in this village had been made for over 300 years in the same way. 7 Nowadays machinery is used for digging out the clay; however there are some potters who prefer digging the clay manually. 8 Now the dynamite is used for breaking the calcite layer in a broad excavation after the waste is removed. 9 Now the unfired, crushed calcite is mechanically ground. 10 Two kinds of sieves with various meshing were used. The tiniest sieved calcite would be used for smaller pots, slightly bigger granules were used for the bigger ones, and the rest was used for other vessels such as various baking pans. 11 dimensions are varying because the wheels are made by hand. For bigger pots wheels could have discs of about 40 cm, and other dimensions would remain same as for smaller wheels. It is possible to add additional plate of required diameter to a standard size wheel disc. For throwing ellipsoid vessels a plate of required size and form should be added to the wheel. 12 In order to achieve stability and durability in Zlakusa metal wheels are used. 13 By doing so, the potter cleans the clay from remaining impurities. 14 Temperature in the drying room was never measured and the potters do not always agree on the right temperature. 15 Bonfiring is not used anymore. Fortunately, the kiln building started only in 2000. Not every potter accepted the new method, and the kilns were built successively. It offered an excellent opportunity for researchers to monitor in vivo introduction of a new technological method, its experimental stage and adopting 1

51

technologies, diana 13, Belgrade, pp. 49-54. FILIPoVIĆ, M. (1951) Primitive Ceramics Made by women Among the Balkan Peoples, summary pp. 159-161 [original: М. Филиповић, Женска керамика код балканских народа, САН, посебна издања књ. CLXXXI, Етнографски институт књ. 2, Београд]. GoSdeN, C. (1999) Anthropology and Archaeology, routledge, London. PALAVeSTrA, A. (2005) Good-neighbourly uninvolvement. Serbian Archaeology and ethnology, summary pp. 93-94 [original: А. Палавестра, Добросуседско немешање, Српска археологија и етнологија, у: Етнологија и антропологија: стање и перспективе, Зборник Етнографског института САНУ 21 (Љ. Гавриловић ур.), Београд, 87-94]. PALAVeSTrA, A. (2010), The Invention of tradition: “Vinča script”, summary pp. 256-257 [original: А. Палавестра, Измишљање традиције: “винчанско писмо”, Етноантрополошки проблеми 2/2010, 239-258]. PoPoVIĆ, C.dj. (1959) Über die technik der primitiven töpferei in Jugoslawien, zusammenfassung s. 57-59 [original: Ц.Ђ. Поповић, Техника примитивног лончарства у Југославији, Гласник Земаљског музеја XIV - Етнологија, Сарајево, 25-52]. PoPoVIĆ, C.dj. (1960) Quelques devoirs et problemes de l’êtude de la poterie populaire, résumé pp. 57-59 [original: Ц.Ђ. Поповић, Неки задаци и проблеми у проучавању народног лончарства, Етнолошки преглед 2, Београд, 31-37]. PorČIĆ, M. (2006) ethnoarchaeology - the Present as key to the Past, summary p. 121 [original: M. Porčić, etnoarheologija - sadašnjost kao ključ za prošlost, Етноантрополошки проблеми 2/2006, Одељење за етнологију и антропологију Филозофског факултета у Београду, Београд, 105-121]. rAdIĆ, r. (2005) Srbi pre Adama i posle njega. Istorija jedne zloupotrebe: slovo protiv “novoromantičara” [original: Р. Радић, Срби пре Адама и после њега. Историја једне злоупотребе: слово против „новоромантичара“, Стубови културе, Београд]. rAIČKoVIĆ, A. (2007) Keramičke posude Zanatskog centra iz Viminacijuma, Arheologija i prirodne nauke 3, Centar za nove tehnologije, Arheološki institut, Beograd. randić-Barlek, M. (1990) Lončarstvo ručnog vitla (katalog izložbe), etnografski muzej, Zagreb. roMero, A., S. CABASA (1999) La tinajería tradicional en la cerámica española, Barcelona. SVoBodA, V. (2004) Participation of diana centre in International workshop Ceramics - our origins, Sarajevo 2003, diana 9, Belgrade, 90-93. TroJANoVIĆ, S. (1896) Starinska srpska jela i pića [original: С. Тројановић, Старинска српска јела и пића, Српски етнографски зборник 2, СКА, Београд]. VASIĆ, M. (1906) Starosrpska nalazišta u Srbiji. Prilozi za proučavanje stare srpske kulture [original: М. Васић, Старосрпска налазишта у Србији. Прилози за познавање старе српске културе, Старинар I, Београд, 39-88].

optimal use of newly acquired know how. 16 The experiment carried out at the Faculty of Applied Art in kilns with controlled temperature heights proved that quality of the samples fired at temperatures between 735 and 800oC matched those of the well fired pots from Zlakusa. 17 Besides Serbia it can still be found in Croatia (rANdIĆBArLeK 1990), Bosnia and Herzegovina (SVoBodA 2004), Spain (roMero, CABASA 1999; dJordJeVIĆ, BoGdANoVIĆ 2003) and Portugal (dJordJeVIĆ, BoGdANoVIĆ 2003). 18 In Zlakusa the clay body consists of 50% of clay and 50% of calcite, or even 60% of calcite and 40% of clay which does not allow for different methods of work. I was myself present when the centrifugal force actually catapulted already made pot due to the vehemently moved wheel and practically splashed it against the wall in the workshop. All attempts to introduce a kick wheel or the power-driven one failed as the final product was of such poor quality which made it useless. 19 For example, the Viminacium colony and typology of its ceramics are considered to have produced over 100 types of pots which in my opinion far exceeds the situation even in a bigger urban settlement of the province of Moesia Superior (rAIČKoVIĆ 2007: 25-30). 20 Standardization of taxonomic treatment of ceramic material in archaeological excavations has been accomplished in Serbia in 1980s as result of protective excavations along the danube banks from Kladovo to Prahovo during the building of the HePP djerdap II. This typology is still applied to ceramic material determination. 21 Although ashes used to be removed after every firing the layer found might belong to the last firing before the stoke was abandoned. 22 However, if you ask them if they would re-introduce the old method of firing they would all deny since that procedure was more strenuous and the result uncertain until the very end of the process having in mind that the lightest rain could bring to nothing work of many days.

References

dJordJeVIĆ-BoGdANoVIĆ, B. (1996) on Zlakusa’s pottery and its significance for ethnological and archaeological research, The first international colony of fine art ceramics „Zlakusa 96“, Zlakusa, pp. 13-15. dJordJeVIĆ-BoGdANoVIĆ, B. (1996a) Technology of pottery production through comparative archaeological and ethnological research, Journal of the Serbian Archaeological Society 12, summary p. 12 [original: Б. Ђорђевић-Богдановић, Технологија израде керамике кроз упоредна археолошка и етнолошка истраживања, Гласник САД 12, Београд, 7-12]. dJordJeVIĆ-BoGdANoVIĆ, B. (2003) Posibilidades de la etnoarqueología en el estudios de la cerámica prehistórica. M.A. thesis, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona. dJordJeVIĆ B. (2007) ethnoarchaeological research as a Method of Protection of Traditional Ceramics Technologies, in: M. Popović-Živančević (ed.) Condition of the Cultural and Natural Heritage in the Balkan region, Vol. 1, Proceedings of the regional Conference held in Kladovo october 2006. Belgrade, pp. 92-99. dJordJeVIĆ, B. (2009) The intangible heritage: ethnoarchaeological research of traditional ceramics 52

Bread-baking Pan (crepulja/crepna) from Neolithic to Present in South-East Europe. The Beginning of Ethnoarchaeological Cooperation in the Region Biljana Djordjević, Gordan Nikolov Abstract

The vessel for baking bread known as crepulja/crepna etc is one of the oldest utilitarian pottery shapes in South-East Europe. Its first appearance has been dated to the Neolithic, and it sporadically occurs on sites of other prehistoric and historic periods. In some parts of the Balkans it has survived until these. The manufacturing process is quite archaic and accompanied by distinctly ritual acts. As this type of pan has been made by women, it is known as female pottery. The only exception is the male pans from central and western Serbia, completely different in technological terms. Since the traditional mode of manufacturing the bread-baking pan, which is facing imminent disappearance, is common to almost all SEE countries, ethnoarchaeological research conducted on an international scale is fully justified and expected from the standpoint of both scholarship and intangible heritage protection. KEywordS: Handmade Pottery, Ethnoarchaeology, Intangible Heritage, South-East Europe. Crepulja, crepna, crepnja, çerep, ponitse2 are some local names for the ceramic vessel used for baking bread in an open hearth whose origin may be traced back to the Neolithic and which may be seen as a Balkan-wide phenomenon. Until the mid 1900s the crepulja was a mandatory piece of kitchenware, especially in the mountainous areas of Serbia, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Albania and Montenegro, where homes with open hearths survive3. It is quite possible that vessels serving the same purpose and manufactured in a similar way were in use in other parts of Europe and the eastern Mediterranean4. The breadbaking pan is considered one of the most archaic forms of utilitarian pottery persisting almost unchanged since the Neolithic5 (Fig. 1). Milenko Filipović, an eminent Serbian ethnologist, coined the term female pottery for this kind of ceramic production and defined it as “a type of pottery making and pottery products made exclusively by women only exceptionally assisted by men: women dig out the clay, women prepare it, women shape vessels with their hands without using the wheel, women dry them and fire them”, which has found corroboration in cross-cultural comparisons6. Given that the use of the thus made vessels is closely tied to kitchen work, most of all to the preparation of food, it may be assumed that in most cases it was women who made and used them in the past as well. There are pans

made by men, but these are also believed to derive from the so-called female pans7. Two basic types of bread-baking pans are those without a hole (eastern variety) and those with a hole in the middle (western variety), and in this respect there is no ethnic-based variation within one area. The non-perforated type typically occurs in Bulgaria, Macedonia and eastern central Serbia, while those made in southern and western central Serbia, in Kosovo-Metohija and in Montenegro are perforated. This goes for both male and female pans8. All other formal differences observed so far, whether in the archaeological or ethnographic record, are minor and amount to the form and position of the vessel wall. The process of making bread-baking pans9, or the chain of operations (chaîne opératoire) from clay extraction, transportation, preparation and shaping to drying and firing, is so simple (if there is such a thing in ceramic technology) and rudimentary that observing and studying the production process at the few remaining locations in Europe (and even beyond) and relying on the plentiful ethnographic accounts may help us create models that may be useful in developing a frame of reference for reconstructing a segment of the everyday life of human communities in the past, be it prehistory, antiquity or the middle ages. Locating the right clay source is the first step in the process. It is usually in the immediate vicinity of the village, but it may also be a few kilometres away. The clay is extracted by digging, sometimes to a depth of several metres to get to good-quality clays. The clay is taken to the village in sacks carried on the back or loaded on horses or carts. Before making a batch, the clay is crushed up, often also put through a sieve to remove all impurities, and then placed in barrels to soak in water (usually warm). After that, the surplus water is squeezed out and the clay spread out on a flat surface where it will be trodden. during the treading various admixtures are added to it. Bread-baking pan are rarely made from pure raw clay. what the maker will add to improve its properties depends on its quality, i.e. composition. The most commonly used being cattle dung, goat hair, bristle, tow, hemp and flax dust, straw, chaff, cinders etc. (Fig. 2). women tread the clay in group,

Fig. 1.

53

moving in circles, with one foot, resting the other on the ground, and move rhythmically and slowly. After a while, the clay is turned over and the process starts anew. The treading usually takes nine turns. The prepared clay body is then divided into chunks, each large enough for one pan. Each woman takes her chunk and place it where the pan is going to be shaped and left to dry. only experienced maker do the shaping. It is done entirely by hand, without the use of the potter’s wheel or any implement. The chunk of clay is patted flat and its edges built up into the wall which is 35 cm thick, and 7-13 cm high, with diameter of the bottom from 25 to 60 cm. dimensions are not standardized or uniform. The finished pan is smoothed with wet hands, or coated with thin mud or diluted dung to prevent cracking. It is then left to dry, from a few days to a few months. whether it will dry in the sun or in a draughty place or exactly the opposite depends on the properties of the clay. Female bread-baking pans are not fired. Their first use is in fact the beginning of their firing, and every new use makes them harder. That is not enough, though, and they easily break. Broken vessels are not repaired, but thrown away. Basically unfired, they easily degrade, which is why they are difficult to find on archaeological sites. In the eastern Balkans bread-baking pan used to come with lids made from the same clay body. It is hemispherical or conical and has a hole or a handle in the middle10. Another item made from the same clay body is the pad in the form of a truncated pyramid, 8-10 cm high. Its purpose being to ensure stability of the vessels in the hearth, at least three pads were made in one go. They are almost identical to loom weights in shape even though they perform an altogether different function. The bread dough is placed into a preheated pan, which is then returned to the hearth, either directly onto the embers or onto the pads, covered (or not) with a lid, and buried in embers. The procedure is always the same for all combinations: ceramic vessels and ceramic lids, ceramic vessels and metal lids, or metal vessels and ceramic lids11. All these artefacts, which can still be encountered in South-East European upland villages, are often found on archaeological sites. Clay lids which are made by men and have a stone pressed into their inner side to keep heat in, are also used in the hearth and can be traced back to prehistoric times12. The same clay body was also used for making clay platters used for cereal grain drying,

Fig. 3.

Fig. 2.

Fig. 4.

54

numbers: odd number of participants, odd number of kneading turns (usually nine), odd number of pans. Such a ritualized manufacturing process is also employed for making small human figures16. In the village of Kučevište near Skopje, Macedonia it is a male figurine with prominent genitalia made from the same clay body as the bread-baking pans. The figurine is protector of pans and is mounted on the first produced vessel, against the iron nail driven into its centre. It is believed to protect all manufactured pans from evil and cracking (Fig. 5)17. The ethnographic record contains many other references to magico-apotropaic aspects associated with bread-baking pans, their making and use18. No particular ritual elements may be connected with the making and use of the lid. worthy of note, however, is a cosmogonic myth from Macedonia which indicates its macrocosmic spatial structure where the pan stands for the earthly part of the cosmos and the lid for the sky19. The pads are believed to represent the ancestors20. In some western-Macedonian villages, women, before putting the pads in the hearth, utter words with cultic and chthonic significance: “Come grandpa and have supper with us for you to plough and to dig and to feed us”21. The ancestors are protectors of the household, the children and the land. Inviting them to a meal is believed to be a form of sacrifice offering. They are expected to ensure a good harvest in return. Long-term history, the slowly changing everyday life of human communities, is particularly well reflected in the kitchen. In ancient world, even in modern high-technology societies, life is not lived only in royal palaces, cities, villas and castles22. It unfolded then, as it does now, mostly in rural households, where life is lived more slowly, more naturally, in keeping with the change of seasons. what remains if the deposit of the present moment is removed is the timeless essence of survival, the struggle as well as harmony between man and nature that assume many forms. we have chosen to look at them from the perspective of cooking, or the kitchen, where the most important activities of turning raw foods into eatables take place. In doing so we have confined ourselves to the open hearth, which was obligatory in every house23, and there, on the simplest vessel for preparing a staple food - bread. we have seen in the main how these vessels were made. differences24 in the preparation of clay and in the shaping and use of vessels do not allow further generalization25. Today we know that bread-baking pans can still be found in eastern and southern Serbia, in Kosovo and in northern Macedonia. we know that they still exist and are used on occasion, but no longer manufactured. Elder women used to make them and would gladly describe the process, but it is virtually impossible to find a village where they are still being made. Attempts at understanding life in the past call for creating models, which in turn requires a large amount of data. That is what prompted the design of this project. The importance of ethnoarchaeological research for creating dynamic models of life in the past has been much and extensively discussed and written about26. Compiling as complete a database as possible of all surviving/recorded instances of making bread-baking pans and associated items should provide a

spindle whorls, bread ovens, stoves, pots (though rarely), as well as musical instruments and small human figures13 (Figs. 3, 4). while female bread-baking pans are always intended for home use (household crafts), male pans reflect labour specialization. They are either handmade by specialized makers, or shaped by potters on the hand-turned wheel14. They are different from female ones in that they are lighter, thinner and more regular in shape. In contrast to female pans, which are never made for sale (only traded for some other product, and always locally, with women unskilled in pottery making), male pans are intended for sale, which entails labour specialization and therefore more careful manufacture. Traditional pan making belongs to a sphere of typically female manufacturing activities where, in the Balkans many ritual and magical actions and beliefs persisted until recently. That the activity is purely archaic is indicated by a lack of clear differentiation between ritual and utilitarian actions. In the central and eastern Balkans only women were allowed to make pans until as late as the midtwentieth century. In some parts the restrictions went so far as to allow only those married women to participate in the manufacturing process who had participated in it before marriage, i.e. while they were virgins (virgo intacta). The participants in this ritual-manufacturing activity had to meet a number of other conditions, “ritual cleanness” being one of them. They were supposed to take a bath, put on clean clothes, usually their Sunday best, to exercise sexual abstinence, not to be in the phase of menstruation, pregnant, at odds with someone, in recent contact with a deceased person. In the house where someone had died pans were not to be made for forty days to one or even three years. during the process of preparing the clay women would pull the rear end of their ankle-length shirts forward between the legs to cover their genitalia and thus separate them visually from the clay. In that phase of the process talking was usually forbidden. In many cases, males were forbidden to attend, and not only adults but also children. Bread-baking pans were usually made on a fixed date (with some variation)15.An important role during the entire ritualmanufacturing process was played by the principle of odd

Fig. 5.

55

basis for a cross-cultural study which would look into all aspects and stages of the active existence of this ceramic artefact, thereby making it possible to create a dynamic model of one segment of everyday life in the past. This should equip us to recognize phenomena that have previously passed unnoticed or have not been seen as indicative during archaeological fieldwork, and to trace some contemporary phenomena back to their roots. Last, but not least, the project is expected to make an active contribution to the protection and preservation of traditional art of bread-baking pan making, and to the awareness of one’s own cultural heritage. International and interregional cooperation should play a key role in that.

A custom among the Mijaci, an ethnic group in western Macedonia, according to G. Nikolov’s research. 22 BrodEL 1990. 23 The term house is used here to denote household. In a good part of nineteenth-century Serbia, the word house was used for the kitchen area of the dwelling (TroJANoVIĆ 1896: 12). 24 “...these differences are mainly of local and regional significance, and that the contemporary national division plays virtually no role” (FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 2). 25 during fieldwork in the village of Gostuša in Stara Planina (eastern Serbia) in the autumn of 2009 we interviewed two women living just a few hundred metres apart. Their stories quite differed in details because they belonged to different groups of female bread-casserole makers. They even extracted clay from different sources. 26 See dAVId, KrAMEr 2001 and http://people.ucalgary.ca/~ ndavid/Homepage/ethnarkybib.pdf. 21

Notes

The original title of this paper was Bread casserole (crepulja/crepna) from Neolithic to present in South-East Europe. The beginning of ethnoarchaeological cooperation in the Region. After some very useful remarks in the Conference and after consultations with different translators, we decided to change the expression “casserole” into “pan” as a more appropriate in this case. 2 Crepulja, crepnja - Serbia; crepna, podnica - Macedonia; podnica, čirepnja - Bulgaria; çerep - Albania; ponitse - Greece etc. 3 PETroVIĆ 1936: 21-24, 1936A: 25-41; MoJSIĆ 1936: 48-50; MILoŠEVIĆ 1937: 201-2; FILIPoVIĆ 1951; ToMIĆ 1965: 3940, 1970: 43-55, 1983; SToJANoVIĆ 1981: 199-202; KULLASHI 1984: 415-20; BoŽoVIĆ 1988, 2005; ĆIrKoVIĆ 2005; TrIFUNoVSKI 1978: 127-31; CHAUSIdIS, NIKoLoV 2006: 97-160; EFSTrATIoU 1992: 311-28; TroJANoVIĆ 1896: 30; VUKMANoVIĆ 1937: 133-5. 4 orton et al. 1997: 140, Fig. 10.1. 5 FILIPoVIĆ 1951; ToMIĆ 1965; dJordJEVIĆ 2005: 61-9. 6 FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 1; MUrdoCK’S ETHNoGrAPHIC ATLAS 1967. 7 FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 6; ToMIĆ 1965, 1983. 8 FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 18. 9 For the most exhaustive description of the process, see FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 39-72. 10 FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 73-78; Tomić 1983: 18. 11 JoKSIMoVIĆ 1909: 495-6; PETroVIĆ 1936: 24; VUKMANoVIĆ 1937: 134; GAVAZZI 1978: 115. 12 For example in Bisnia and Herzegovina: TrUHELKA 1901: 227-287, Pls. XIX-XXI, XXV, XII; TrUHELKA 1914: 83; Serbia: NIKIToVIĆ 1986: 41, Pl. III/4; VASIĆ 1906: 43-5; BAJALoVIĆ HAdŽI, PEŠIĆ 1981: 35, fig. 43; Macedonia: BILBIJA 2004; Croatia: VINSKI, GASPArINI 1954: 119-20; BAToVIĆ 1987: 372, Pl. XXXV/14. 13 FILIPoVIĆ 1951: 72-106; ToMIĆ 1983: 20. 14 JoKSIMoVIĆ 1909: 485-7; ToMIĆ 1953: 170-6. 15 Generally, St Jeremiah’s day – 14th May. 16 FILIPoVIĆ 1951. 17 In the eastern Balkans a set of ritual acts has been preserved where analogous male figurines are made with even more prominent genitalia and a different purpose (FILIPoVIĆ 1951). Fig. 5 - reconstruction G. Nikolov. 18 FILIPoVIĆ 1951; ČAUSIdIS, NIKoLoV 2006: 97-160. 19 LAFAZANoVSKI 2000: 43-4: “when God made the Earth, it first was flat. Then He made the Sky and placed it on the Earth like a lid on a bread-baking pan…” 20 one of the many different names for the pad is starče = old man, grandpa.

References

1

BAJALoVIĆ HAdŽI-PEŠIĆ, M. (1981) Les ceramiques en Serbie au Moyen Age, résumé 141-148 [original: M. Bajalović Hadži-Pešić, Keramika u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji, SAdJ, Muzej grada Beograda]. BAToVIĆ, Š. (1987) Liburnska grupa, In: Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja V, Sarajevo, 339-390. BILBIJA, M. (2004) Kult kruha u neolitu Makedonije, Kultovi i verovanja kroz povijesna razdoblja, Pula. BoŽoVIĆ, B. (1988) Izrada crepulja u selu Bube [original: Б. Божовић, Израда црепуља у селу Бубе, Glasnik muzeja Kosova XV-XVI, Priština, 235-239]. BoŽoVIĆ, B. (2005) Ženska keramika u Bubama (rogozna) [original: Б. Божовић, Женска керамика у Бубама (Рогозна), Косовско-метохијски зборник 3, Београд, 207-212]. BrodEL, F. (1990) La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II, Armand Celin Éditeur. ĆIrKoVIĆ, S. (2005) Terminologija crepuljarstva kod Srba na Kosovu i Metohiji, M.A. thesis, University of Belgrade [original: С. Ћирковић, Терминологија црепуљарства код Срба на Косову и Метохији, Универзитет у Београду, Филолошки факултет]. CHAUSIdIS, N., G. NIKoLoV (2006) Crepna and vrshnik, Mythological-semiotic analysis, summary pp. 144145 [original: Н. Чаусидис, Г. Николов, Црепна и вршник. Митолошко-семиотичка анализа, Stidia Mythologica Slavica IX, Ljubljana, 97-160]. dAVId N., C. KrAMEr (2001) Ethnoarchaeology in Action, Cambridge University press 2001. (http://people. ucalgary.ca/~ndavid/Homepage/ethnarkybib.pdf) dJordJEVIĆ BoGdANoVIĆ, B. (2003) Posibilidades de la Etnoarqueología en el estudios de la cerámica prehistórica, M.A. thesis, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona. dJordJEVIĆ, B. (2005) Some ethnoarchaeological possibilities in the pottery technology investigations, Understanding people through their pottery, Proceedings of the 7th European Meeting on Ancient ceramics (EMAC’03) (M.I. Prudêncio, M.I. dias, J.C. waerenborgh eds.), Trabalhos de Arqueologia 42, 61-69. 56

EFSTrATIoU, N. (1992) Production and distribution of a ceramic type in Highland rhodope: an ethnoarchaeological study, Origini. Preistoria e protostoria delle civiltà antiche XVI, 311-327. FILIPoVIĆ, M. (1951) Primitive Ceramics Made by women Among the Balkan Peoples, summary pp. 159-161 [original: М. Филиповић, Женска керамика код балканских народа, САН, посебна издања књ. CLXXXI, Етнографски институт књ. 2, Београд]. JoKSIMoVIĆ, Ž. (1909) Užičke crepulje [original: Ж. Јоксимовић, Ужичке црепуље, Етнолошка и етнографска грађа, Српски етнографски зборник, књ. 13, СКА, Београд, 485-497]. KULLASHI, S. (1984) Making of earthenware dishes for baking bread in the village of Prçevo, summary p. 420 [original: S. Kullashi, Punimi i çerepëve në fshatin Përçevë, Glasnik muzeja Kosova XIII-XIV, Priština, 415-420]. LAFAZANoVSKI, E. (2000) Makedonskite kosmogoniski legendi [original: E. Лафазановски, Македонските космогониски легенди, Скопје]. LECHNEr, Z. (1962) die erzeugung der backdeckel, zusammenfassung s. 271 [original: Z. Lechner, Proizvodnja pokljuka u Požeškom Novom Selu, Osječki zbornik VIII, osjek, 255-272]. MoJSIĆ, I. (1936) Ausarbeintung des irdenen deckels zum Brot-backen im dorfe džvan in der Umgebung von Kruševo in Südserbien, zusammenfassung s. 50 [original: И. Мојсић, О изради црепуља у Џвану у околини Крушева у Јужној Србији, Прилози проучавању наше народне керамике, Етнографски музеј у Београду, посебна издања 6, Београд, 48-50]. MILoŠEVIĆ, M. (1937) La fabrication des pots au village Valakonje - arrondissment Boljevac, résumé p. 202 [original: Милошевић М., О изради црепуља у селу Валакоњу (Срез бољевачки), Гласник Етнографског музеја у Београду XII, Београд, 201-202]. Murdock’s Ethnographic Atlas (1967). NIKIToVIĆ, L. (1986) résultats des sondages dans le site archéologique d’Anište à Bresnica, résumé p. 46 [original: Л. Никитовић, Резултати сондажних истраживања на локалитету Аниште у Бресници, Зборник радова Народног музеја XVI, Чачак, 35-46]. orToN et al. (1997) La Cerámica en arqueología, Critica, Barcelona [original: orton C., P. Tyers, A. Vince, Pottery in Archaeology, Cambridge University press 1993]. PETroVIĆ, P. (1936) Traditional Pottery in the raška Valley, summary p. 25 [original: П. Петровић, О народној керамици у долини Рашке, Прилози проучавању наше народне керамике, Етнографски музеј у Београду, пос. издања 6, Београд, 12-25]. PETroVIĆ, P. (1936a) Traditional Pottery in Eastern Serbia, summary p. 41 [original: П. Петровић, О народној керамици у источној Србији, Прилози проучавању наше народне керамике, Етнографски музеј у Београду, пос. издања 6, Београд, 25-41]. SoKAČ-ŠTIMAC, d. (2007) Lokalitet Požega - Trg sv. Terezije, Požeško-slavonska županija, Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 4, Zagreb, 112-114. SToJANoVIĆ, r. (1981) La confection des couvercles en

terre pour la cuisson du pain dans le village de Brza, résumé p. 202 [original: Р. Стојановић, Израда црепуља у селу Брза, Лесковачки зборник XXI, Лесковац, 199-202]. ToMIĆ, P. (1953) Crepuljarstvo u selu Kotraža u Šumadijskoj Jasenici [original: П. Томић, Црепуљарство у селу Котража у Шумадијској Јасеници, Гласник Етнографског музеја у Београду XVI, Београд, 170176]. ToMIĆ, P. (1965) Narodna keramika u Jugoslaviji [original: П. Томић, Народна керамика у Југославији, Етнолошки преглед 6-7, Београд, 39-48]. ToMIĆ, P. (1970) “Crepulja” et “vršnik” - recipients de terre pour la cuisson du pain dans le Nord-Est de la Serbie (y compris des appréciations sur les autres régions de la yougoslavie), résumé p. 53-54 [original: П. Томић, Црепуље и вршници у североисточној Србији, са освртом на ове судове и у другим крајевима Југославије, Гласник Етнографског музеја 33, Београд, 43-53]. ToMIĆ, P. (1983) The development of pottery in Serbia main characteristics: summary pp. 70-73 [original: П. Томић, Грнчарство у Србији, Збирке I, Етнографски музеј, Београд]. TrIFUNoVSKI, J.F. (1978) Fabrication des couvercles en terre dans la region de Gostivar, Buletin de l’Institut Ethnographique de l’Académie Serbe de Sciences et des Arts, t XXVII, résumé p. 131-132 [original: Ј.Ф. Трифуновски, Црепуљарство у Гостиварском крају, Гласник Етнографаског института XXVII, Београд, 127-131]. TroJANoVIĆ, S. (1896) Starinska srpska jela i pića [original: С. Тројановић, Старинска српска јела и пића, Српски етнографски зборник, СКА, Београд]. TrUHELKA, Ć. (1901) Prehistorička sojenica u koritu Save kod donje doline, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja XIII/2-3, Sarajevo, 227-287. TrUHELKA, Ć. (1914) Kulturne prilike Bosne i Hercegovine u doba prehistorisko, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja XXVI, Sarajevo. VASIĆ, M. (1906) Starosrpska nalazišta u Srbiji. Prilozi za poznavanje stare srpske kulture [original: М. Васић, Старосрпска налазишта у Србији. Прилози за познавање старе српске културе, Старинар I, Београд, 39-88]. VINSKI-GASPArINI, K. (1954) Neke pojave kontinuiteta s područja arheologije u našim krajevima, Peristil, Zbornik radova za historiju umjetnosti i arheologiju, svezak I, Zagreb, 119-127. VUKMANoVIĆ, J.L. (1937) Sur la confection des pots et la cuisson du pain à Crmnica (Monténégro), résumé p. 135 [original: Вукмановић Ј.Л., О изради црепуља и печењу хлеба у Црмници, Гласник Етнографског музеја у Београду XII, Београд, 133-135].

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Preliminary Studies about the Productive Chain of Lentisk Oil through Ethnographic Witness and Experiments Cinzia Loi Abstract

The present work will analyse some methods to produce lentisk oil. Lentisk, Pistacia Lentiscus L., is an evergreen shrub with an intense, resinous and aromatic scent. It is typical of the Mediterranean bush and very widespread in Sardinia from mountainous to flat areas. Its leaves, rich with tannin, were used for hide tanning, while its wood, excellent to burn, was used to make vegetal coal. An oil was made from its fruits, that was mainly used for lighting, for treating kettle’s wounds and for dressing food in the poorest families. The subject has been dealt with on a multidisciplinary point of view. First, different operative phases have been set after a series of campaigns of ethnographic investigation in Barigadu, a historical region of Central Sardinia, and after bibliographical and archival studies. Then, the experimental researches on the production techniques have allowed to reproduce the techniques and to define the optimal characteristics of the tools to use. The operative process of every productive method has been documented. The multidisciplinary approach has allowed to find precious information in botany and archaeology. The information resulting from the experimental method has permitted a wider interpretation of the published information. KEYWORDS: Evergreen Lentisk, lentisk Oil, Central Sardinia, Ethnographic Research, Experimental Archaeology.

Résumé

Ce travail analysera des méthodologies de production de l’huile de lentisque. Le lentisque, Pistacia Lentiscus L., est un arbuste sempervirent avec un intense odeur résineux et aromatique qui est typique de la maquis Méditerranéenne. Il est très répandu en Sardaigne de la plaine aux zones montueuses. Ses feuilles, riches en tannin, étaient utilisées pour la tannage des peaux, tandis que son bois, très bon à chauffer, était utilisé pour produire charbon végétal. De ses fruits on tire un huile qui était utilisé surtout pour l’illumination, pour le traitement des blessures de bétail et sur les tables des pauvres pour un usage alimentaire. Le sujet a été traité dans une façon multidisciplinaire. A travers de différentes campagnes de investigation ethnographique dans le Barigadu, une région historico géographique de la Sardaigne centrale, études bibliographiques et d’archive, on a réussi à en établir les diverses phases opératives. Ensuite, des recherches expérimentales sur les techniques de production ont permis de reproduire les techniques mêmes et de définir les caractéristiques les meilleures des instruments à utiliser. Le procès opératif de chaque méthode productive expérimentée a été documenté. L’approche multidisciplinaire a consenti de repérer de précieuses informations dans les disciplines de la botanique et dans l’archéologie. Les informations acquises par la méthode expérimentale ont permis une interprétation encore plus large des informations publiées. MOTS CLES: lentisque, huile de lentisque, Sardaigne centrale, recherches ethnographiques, archéologie expérimentale. Lentisk (Pistacia Lentiscus L.) is an evergreen shrub belonging to the Anacardiaceae family1. The plant, that can be 3 - 4 metres tall, is a dioceous species: it has got only male flowers or only female flowers in raceme inflorescences (Fig. 1). The female flowers are green, while the male ones are dark red. Its red fruit is a 4-5 mm small spherical or ovoid drupe (a pulpy fruit with one only seed enclosed in a woody endocarp) that becomes black during the ripening period. It flourishes from March to April. Lentisk is a typical Mediterranean maquis plant, very widespread in Sardinia, where it is differently named: kèssa, su moddìttsi, lestìnku, listìnku, lostìnku2. Its leaves, rich with tannin, were used for hide tanning, while its wood, excellent to burn, was used to make vegetal coal3. Lentisk shoots were also used to make work basket framework, i.e. their hardest part4. Andrea Manca dell’Arca writes in his work “Agriculture in Sardinia” (1870): “From the same wood you can gather resin or a very medicinal rubber and as Sardinia is so rich with lentisk it may be a traffic for the strangers, but the experience proves that

neither the Sardinians nor the strangers living in the Reign like tiring themselves out of picking it, maybe because they do not know the time, the way and the care that its picking require”5. An oil was made from its fruits, that was mainly used for lighting, for treating kettle’s wounds and for dressing food in the poorest families6. Palladio, who owned large pieces of land in Neapolis area, in his work “Opus Agricoltura” suggested his readers the production of lentisk oil7.

Lentisk Oil Production Technologies between Ethnography and Experimentation

Following to a series of campaigns of ethnographic investigation in Barigadu, a historical region of Central Sardinia where the lentisk oil use (s’odzu ’e listínku) is documented till 1940s, different witnesses on its production have emerged and they are the subject of the present work8. The drupe picking (su lintisku), an activity for women only, 58

Fig. 1. Lentisk.

Fig. 2. Tools necessary to the drupe picking.

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took place from November to mid January, when the red drupes become black. The area by the Lake Omodeo, in Bidonì territory, was one of the best region for the picking. The picking required simple tools such as a sieve (su kilíru), held under the breast with a string passing around the neck, and a rough linen sack (Fig. 2). The picking was carried out through a hard rubbing, branch against branch, with both hands. (friĝare). Once the picking was finished, and after a short period of rest, the processing was carried out. The drupes were put into a large container in a large quantity of cold water that was made boil. When the cooking was completed they were picked as they rose to the surface and poured into an elongated sack. The squeezing, made in that area by a direct barefoot pressing on a simple stone - undoubtedly the most ancient method - or on a hollow trunk, was favoured by the constant use of hot water poured inside the sack (Fig. 3). In Logudoro area, otherwise, the sack content - manually held and leaned on a tilted table allowing the liquid to flow into the container - was pressed with a rolling pin9. The liquid so extracted was brought to the boil for about 3 hours, eliminating the froth forming on the surface (argentare). After the same period of time as for the boiling, the oil and the watery liquid were separated. The liquid was cooked once again so to carry out a second or third extraction. Pigs and hens were given the squeezing residuals. Besides the procedure above described, that allowed to produce 17 litres of oil at the most for a quintal of product, the cold procedure is also experimented with the use of

traditional manual tools10. The same paste has been homogenized through the kneading, i.e. another strong mixing up favouring the rejoining of the oil parts dispersed in it. The paste so obtained was now put in a screw press enabling the separation between the solid part (stone fragments, skins and pulp) and the liquid one (water and oil emulsion). After a short settling time, the resulting liquid that was poured in a tall and narrow container showed a thin oil layer on the surface. It could be interesting to analyse the oil so produced to verify if it shows better qualities than the one obtained through the hot process11. Barigadu women used lentisk oil to cook, especially to fry “sas tsippulas”, a Sardinia Carnival cake. A slice of bread or some orange peels were added to eliminate the bitter taste during the boiling. It has already told about its other uses.

Archaeological evidences about the Squeezing in the Territory of Barigadu

In Sardinia oil production techniques have probably been known since the Prehistory, as demonstrated, even though indirectly, by some findings in Corse12. According to Lilliu, this oil was used in Sardinia in the Nuragic Age as proved by a calcareous marl container for lentisk fruit maceration found in a room of Barumini nuraghe13. In addition a lot of examples of different kinds of oil lamp of the same period have emerged from the archaeological excavations14. In Barigadu, the finding of pressing bottoms (areae) and

Fig. 3. Squeezing through direct pressing.

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Fig. 4. Neoneli (Su Littu), press bottom.

Fig. 5. Sorradile (Candala), counterweight.

61

References

counterweights (stelae) in different Roman and high Medieval sites are likely to be linked to the oleum lentiscunum production15. In Neoneli, among the materials used for drywall building in the locality of Su Littu, a lithic press having a runnel ending with a nozzle along its border and in its middle was discovered (Fig. 4)16. In Neoneli, in the locality of S. Maria, another trachyte presser has been found. It is similar to the one documented in the locality of Su Littu. It is made up of one only block with a trapezoidal section that has got a runnel on the borders and in the middle ending with a drainage nozzle (with a thickness of 0.66 x 0.40/0.20 metres)17. Similar presses have been discovered in the nearby nuraghe Losa18. In Ardauli, in the locality of Idd’Edera, there are the remains of a probable Roman settlement19. The settlement is documented by a group of seven orthostates and by a funeral hut-shaped stone cippus along with a large number of trachyte squared blocks, tiles and vases. Among them there is a parallelepiped block of trachyte with a grooving along the thickness short and long borders that was likely to be used as a counterweight of a lever press. In the locality of Candala, on the left bank of the Lake Omodeo, a similar block has been found (Fig. 5)20. This area is now completely submerged by the Lake Omodeo.

BARBARA, M., PIGA, C., CARCASSI, A.M. (2003) Lentisk oil as poor condiment in Sardinia. Rivista di Scienze dell’Alimentazione, 32, 4. DEPALMAS, A. (2005) Le navicelle di bronzo della Sardegna nuragica. Cagliari. CHIAPPINI, M. (1985) Guida alla flora pratica della Sardegna. Sassari. DE LANFRANCHI, M., BUI THI MAI, F. (1995) Olèastre et Lentisque, plantes olèagineuses utilisèes en Corse au Nèolithique. Harvard. LILLIU, G. (1952-54) Il nuraghe di Barumini e la stratigrafia nuragica. Studi Sardi, XII-XIII. LOI, C. (in press) Testimonianze archeologiche nel territorio del comune di Neoneli. LOI, C. (unpublished) Emergenze archeologiche nei territori dei comuni di Ardauli, Boroneddu, Neoneli, Tadasuni, Ula Tirso, Università degli studi di Sassari, a.a. 2002-2003. LOI, C., MONTALTO, M. (in press) Cippi funerari a capanna da Ardauli (OR). Sardinia, Corsica et Baleares Antiquae. MANCA DELL’ARCA, A. (2000) In: G. G. Ortu, (ed.) Agricoltura di Sardegna, Nuoro. MASTINO, A. (1995) La produzione ed il commercio dell’olio nella Sardegna antica. In: M. Atzori, A. Vodret, (eds.) Olio sacro e profano. Tradizioni olearie in Sardegna e Corsica, Sassari, pp. 60-76. MELONI, G. (1995) Uso e diffusione dell’olio nella Sardegna medioevale. In: M. Atzori, A. Vodret, (eds.) Olio sacro e profano. Tradizioni olearie in Sardegna e Corsica, Sassari, pp. 77-84. F.C.P. (1919) Piccole industrie nelle macchie di Sardegna. La terra sarda, Società degli agricoltori sardi, A, 9, pp. 1216. PAULIS, G. (1992) I nomi popolari delle piante in Sardegna. Sassari. SERRA, P.B. (1993) I materiali di età storica: dall’Alto Impero all’alto Medioevo (secc. I-VII d.C.). Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica Provincie di Cagliari e Oristano, 10. TALLARICO, G. (1939) L’olivo, l’olivastro e il lentisco. Firenze. ZUCCA, R. (1990) Palladio e il territorio neapolitano in Sardegna. Quaderni Bolotanesi, 16, Bolotana, pp. 279-290.

Notes

The writer would like to thank Dr. Raffaele Bangoni for his precious help, Mr. Vittorio Cotza (President of the ProLoco of Escalaplano) and Mrs Monica Derosas ( “Agrisole” agritourism, Olbia), for their willingness. A special memory to Mrs Pinna, who has recently died. 1 CHIAPPINI 1985: 35, 37 2 PAULIS 1992: 421-425 3 F.C.P. 1919: 12-16 4 Information inferred by the writer. 5 MANCA DELL’ARCA 1780 (2000): 198 6 TALLARICO 1939: 85 7 ZUCCA 1990: 279-283 ii The research is based on the oral witnesses provided mainly by Mrs Pinna Bonacata, aged 90, from Ardauli and by Mr. Giovanni Flore, aged 73, from Bidonì. Both of them remember having participated actively in the different stages of lentisk picking and processing . 9 MELONI 1995: 79 10 The experimentation was carried out by Dr. Bangoni. 11 The most recent analyses of lentisk oil are in Barbar, Piga, Carcassi 2003. 12 DE LANFRANCHI, BUI THI MAI 1995 13 LILLIU 1952-54: 340 e sgg. 14 DEPALMAS 1995 15 On the subject MASTINO 1995: 67-69. 16 LOI cds. 17 LOI cds. 18 SERRA 1993: 127, tab. XXVII 19 LOI, MONTALTO cds. 20 LOI 2002-2003, sch. 45.

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Ethnoarchaeology and Experimentation. Studies on the Use of Glass as Raw Material in the Selknam Society Hernan De Angelis, Maria Estela Mansur, Raquel Piqué Abstract

The Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego is an excellent field of study for ethnoarchaeological research. Aboriginal communities lived there until the early twentieth century, but there is also an extensive documentary record produced by sailors, travelers, scholars and ethnographers since the seventeenth century. As part of a research project in the central part of the Island, an area inhabited by the hunter-gatherer Selk’nam society, one of the topics discussed was the use of glass as raw material for tool manufacturing. This is in fact the only material represented at the Ewan site, a ceremonial site dating from 1905. Based on the information obtained from the last Selk’nam people, and the observation of ethnographic materials from the area that are preserved at the Piggorini Museum, we generated hypotheses about glass flaking and the use of instruments. These hypotheses were the basis for experimental studies aiming to characterize débitage morphology as well as traces of use on glass artifacts. The results obtained let to explain the rapid replacement of local raw materials by an imported material of industrial origin, glass, which in the early twentieth century came to almost completely replace the local rocks. Also, at the methodological level, they demonstrate the value of ethnoarchaeological research to develop experimental programs that allow a better understanding of the archaeological record. KEYWORDS: Tierra del Fuego, hunther-Gatherers, Technology, Domestic, Ceremonial.

Résumé

La Grand Île de Terre de Feu est un excellent terrain d’étude pour les recherches ethnoarchéologiques. En fait, des communautés aborigènes y ont vécu jusqu’aux débuts du XXe siècle, mais il existe également un vaste registre documentaire produit par des navigateurs, des voyageurs, des savants et des ethnographes depuis le XVIIe siècle. Dans le cadre d’un projet de recherche dans la partie centrale de l’île, une région habitée par la société chasseur-cueilleur Selk’nam, l’un des sujets abordés a été l’utilisation du verre comme matière première pour la manufacture d’outils. Ce matériel est en fait le seul représenté sur le site Ewan, un site cérémoniel datant de 1905. D’après les informations obtenues des derniers Selk’nam, et l’observation des matériaux ethnographiques de la région conservés dans le Musée Piggorini, nous avons généré des hypothèses sur la taille du verre et de l’utilisation des outils. Ces hypothèses ont constitué la base pour des études expérimentales dans le but de caractériser la morphologie des restes de taille et les traces d’utilisation sur les outils en verre. Les résultats obtenus aident à expliquer le remplacement rapide des matières premières locales par un matériau importé d’origine industrielle, le verre, qui aux débuts du XXe siècle a presque complètement remplacé les roches locales. En outre, sur le plan méthodologique, ils montrent la valeur de la recherche ethnoarchéologique pour développer des programmes expérimentaux qui permettent une meilleure compréhension du registre archéologique. MOTS CLES: Terre de Feu, chasseurs-cueilleurs, technologie, domestique, cérémoniel.

Introduction

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The Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego constitutes an excellent field of study for ethnoarchaeological research. Located in the southernmost part of South America, it was inhabited by hunter-gatherer communities until the beginning of the 20th century. In this paper we focus on the study of the selknam society, that occupied diverse environments - coasts, forest, steppe- in practically all the surface of the Island, and about whom there is an ample documentary record produced by travellers, sailors and naturalists, since the 16th century. Within the framework of our research project1, one of the topics discussed was the use of glass as raw material for the manufacture of tools. For that, we have three sources of information.

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Texts and tales of informants: in the early 1900s, scholars and ethnographers interviewed the last Selknam informants, producing detailed texts that are a good source of information to contrast with the archaeological record. Museum collections in which varied ethnographic material is found. Information generated by investigation at the archaeological locality Ewan, located in the central area of Tierra del Fuego (Fig. 1.).

The Ewan Archaeological Site

It is located in the proximity of the extensive valley of the Ewan River, that drains into the Atlantic Ocean, in a zone 63

The Use of Glass According to the Selknam Informants

Numerous articles report the adoption of glass as raw material in moments before and after the European contact, when this material arrived to replace the local raw materials that, in comparison, had a lower quality for flaking. One of the publications is an article by F. Outes (1906), who describes in detail the instruments belonging to Capelo, a selknam man from the area of Thetis Bay, located on the eastern tip of Tierra del Fuego. According to Outes, he had a guanaco (Lama guanicoe) leather bag which contained a number of instruments consisting of wooden handles with inserted metal active parts; there was also a scraper, whose active part was glass. Description of the scraper is coincident with those of other contemporary and subsequent authors such as C. Gallardo (1910) and ethnographer M. Gusinde (1935). Aspects of the three main steps in glass processing may be summarized as: provision, manufacturing, hafting. - The provision of raw material was normally on the beaches, by remnants of glass from shipwrecks: “From what they can get on the coasts, thrown by the sea, the most used is the glass, for the manufacture of arrowheads called JEURRT; in addition they use such material to make scrapers with which they prepare hides and woods to make the arrows, to make themselves incisions when they want to show testimony of their sorrow, to make teeth on the knife blade so that it can cut, and sometimes even as a cutting tool” (GALLARDO 1910: 261). “…they abandoned the use of stone and nowadays, it can be assured that, except for rare cases, no other arrowheads are being made, but the glass ones.” (GALLARDO 1910: 277).

Fig. 1. The Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego and the Ewan locality.

of deciduous beech (Nothofagus antarctica) forest. In it, a research was conducted to define, characterize and interpret an archaeological site dating from the spring of 1905. When the investigations began, a clearing in the forest was located, with a hut of logs that was conserved partially still standing (Ewan 1 site). Oral information suggested that it was the site of a camp used by the Selknam society to perform the ceremony of initiation for adolescent males, the Hain. The surveys carried out in the site also allowed to locate a domestic area where at least 4 structures were detected; one of them was excavated (Ewan II-structure 1) (MANSUR et al. 2007, BOGDANOVIC et al. 2008, MANSUR and PIQUÉ 2009). The objective of the investigation was to elucidate the nature of the site based on the archaeological data, and to compare it with the ethnographic information on the Hain.

Fig. 2. Selknam man making an instrument by pressure flaking. (GALLARDO 1910: 272).

64

-

Regarding the manufacture of artifacts, the most cited is the confection of scrapers and arrowheads, by means of pressure retouching: “…The bones called COJEURRASSHE… with which, as if it were a clamp, small pieces are taken out from the stone or glass and thus forming the cute arrowheads that we know” (GALLARDO 1910: 272) (Fig. 2). - Finally, regarding its hafting: “Like brush, scrape or scraper they use… the CHAHAM, tool in which the iron… is replaced by a piece of glass, shell or stone”. “It is used for thinning and smoothing wood, as well as for scraping leather…” (GALLARDO 1910: 269). The chaham consisted of a wooden handle made of Antarctic beech (Nothofagus sp.) about 10 cm long and 3,5 cm in diameter, with a cavity on its distal end. In it, the scraper (lithic or vitreous) was inserted; it was protected by a filling of moss or algae and fastened with straps of guanaco leather (Fig. 3). The arrows were made with wooden shafts, of 60 to 80 cm

long and approximately 9 mm of diameter in its central part. Informants for Gusinde (1937) mentioned wood from Berberis ilicifolia trunks or branches of Maytenus. According to Lothrop (1928) branches or trunks were cut lengthwise into four parts, they were given a tapered form with the help of a scraper and then, they were loosened and straightened both warming them up repeatedly and with the help of their teeth. Then the surface was polished with special stones with grooves and with the skin of a fox in which a mixture with earth had been prepared. Finally, incisions were made to insert the arrow and to support the bowstring. The arrowhead was fastened with straps of guanaco leather, while in the opposite end two half feathers were attached.

The Glass in Ethnographic Collections

The arrows from Tierra del Fuego preserved in the ethnographic collections of the Vatican Museum and Archaeological Ethnographic Museum Luigi Pigorini (PIQUÉ 2006), date from the late 19th and early 1900s. The oldest ones with glass heads were donated by salesian missionaries and by Gusinde himself since 1883. - The arrowheads Most of the set has glass tips, confirming that this was the dominant material at that time. A great diversity in regards to color can be observed. Out of the glass arrowheads analized in detail, 6 were green, 3 were translucent and there was also one blue and a white. All the tips are triangular with peduncle. Its dimensions are variable and they do not seem to be related to the length of the shafts or the raw material (glass or stone). The length ranges between 1,7 and 3,7 cm (without considering the peduncle, semi-hidden in the shafts), the width is between 1,2 and 2,1 and the thickness between 0,2 and 0,4 cm (Tab. 1).

Fig. 3. Selknam scraper with wood haft and leather subjection. (MANSUR-FRANCHOMME 1986 : 221).

Table 1. Dimensions of the projectile points.

65

-

The hafting technique consists on the insertion of the peduncle in the distal slot and subsequent fastening with a leather strap. The shafts They are made from a segment of branch with its surface totally polished. The raw material used could not be determined since it was not possible to extract wood samples for analysis. Dimensions are quite regular. The shaft length ranges between 64 and 73,5 cm and its maximum diameter ranges between 0,6 and 0,9 mm. The shafts are thinner towards their ends; they reach between 0,4-0,5 at their proximal end (which corresponds to the feathers) and

between 0,3-0,6 at their distal part (where the tip is placed), with the shaft acquiring thus a tapered form that corresponds to the one described in the ethnographic literature. In the ends the slots follow a very regular pattern. The proximal end is convex and has the two half feathers. The distal has a slit of 0,3 mm in depth to fit the tip (Fig. 4).

Archaeological study of glasses in Ewan

The glass is the only raw material represented at the excavated sites. The remains are arrowheads, scrapers, and numerous micro flakes in Ewan II-structure 1 (the domestic hut), and exclusively micro flakes in the case of Ewan I (the ceremonial hut) (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Retouched tools of the archaeological locality Ewan. -

-

-

-

Fig. 4. Ethnographic arrowheads, col. Pigorini Museum. Down left: detail of distal end; down right: detail of proximal end. 66

The arrow points are made in two colors of glass, green and translucent; all of them show some degree of fracturing. The triangular morphology can be recognized in only two of them; they also present stem and wings (DE ANGELIS 2008). The scrapers correspond to unguiform scrapers, sizing around 2 cm by 2 cm, with fronts made by regular parallel retouch. The difference is shown in the colors, since two are made on transparent glass and one on green glass (DE ANGELIS 2008). The techno-morphologic analysis of microflakes allowed to determine that there are important differences between the two sites. On one hand, in terms of number of remains. The number of microflakes of Ewan II-structure 1 is more than 4000, while in Ewan I is only 83. An important difference can also be seen in regard to the colors of glass represented at the sites, 7 different at Ewan I site and only 2 at Ewan II. For the identification of microflakes, an experimental study of manufacture of arrowheads and scrapers was performed, followed by the analysis of flaking remains (débitage). The objective of the study was to see if, based on the analysis of microflakes, it would be

-

from 1905. These are fully comparable among themselves, both by their size, morphology (triangular tip with stem), manufacturing technique (pressure on fragment), and by the raw material (green and translucent glass). Concerning the second line of evidence, because text descriptions concerning manufacturing techniques and forms of utilization of glass instruments are more vague than those of other aspects of technology or, in general, of everyday life. As an example, it can be said that explanations concerning the manufacture of bows, arrows and wooden hafts are much more detailed and precise than explanations about any product of lithic/glass technology, suggesting on the part of the authors, ignorance about these technological issues.

possible to determine what types of instruments had being made in the sites. This way, it was possible to identify microflakes that are characteristic of arrowhead reduction, as well as others characteristic of scrapers retouch, based on a particular type of microflake that detach when scraper fronts are retouched (DE ANGELIS et al. 2009). Of these, in Ewan I a total of 9 could be recognized, while in Ewan II the number goes up to 153. Also, on the Ewan II site, 132 biface thinning microflakes could be recognized, that could indicate the manufacture of projectile points. Even though some of these microflakes were identified in Ewan I, its number was much lower. Functional Analysis: The microscopic analysis of the scrapers revealed traces of use on the edges, characteristic of hide working with transversal movement. Two of the scrapers edges had been resharpened, since they showed an important development of use traces in some section of the edge, as in the ends, and very little, not related to outstanding sectors, in the central parts of the frontal edges.

Aknowledges

We thank Gastón Delgado for the English translation of this paper.

Notes

Discussion and Conclusions

Project Society and Ritual: the use of forests as a ritual space among the Selknam from Tierra del Fuego, in cooperation between Univ Autónoma de Barcelona and CADIC (PICT n° 1236 Agencia Nacional de Promoción Cietífica y Tecnológica). 1

The differences between Ewan I and Ewan II are important and must be taken into account in order to discuss the functionality of each site. Ewan I is the ceremonial hut, where the initiation ritual of adolescent males is carried out and through which social relations are produced and reproduced and female subordination is maintained. In this hut, the diversity of glass colors could indicate the presence of people from different territories, who gather for the celebration of the Hain ceremony, providing different materials. Also, presence of microchips attributable to the manufacture of projectile points is consistent with a male gathering place. Finally, the small amount of microchips discovered and the total absence of instruments is consistent with the concealment of evidence that has been documented for other materials in the Hain environment. Ewan II- structure 1 is a domestic hut, where everyday activities of all the family group are carried out in it, there is a large number of flaking remains, but there are also finished and used instruments. There, hides were processed, an activity that all written sources attributes to women; also arrowheads were prepared and hafted, an activity attributed to men. Regarding spatial distribution, in Ewan II materials appear more dispersed in the interior of the hut, contrary to Ewan I, where they are concentrated within the hearth or in its immediate periphery. In conclusion, the analysis of glass remains, as well as all the archaeological materials of the two excavated sites, allows differentiating two contexts: ceremonial and domestic (MANSUR et al. 2007, BOGDANOVIC et al. 2008). From there, the comparison with the other two lines of evidence is extremely interesting. Concerning the first line of evidence, because the materials of the ethnographic collections were collected between 1883 and 1923, and they are so contemporaneous of Ewan materials, which date

References

BOGDANOVIC, I., CAMAROS, E., DE ANGELIS, H., LASA, A., MANSUR, M., MAXIMIANO, A., PARMIGIANI, V., PIQUE HUERTA, R., VICENTE, O. (2009) El paraje de Ewan, un lugar de reunión Selknam en el centro de la isla. In: Arqueología de la Patagonia: una mirada desde el último confín. Tomo 2, Ushuaia: Edit. Utopías, pp. 941 - 956. DE ANGELIS, H., LASA, A., MANSUR, M. E., SOSA, L., VALDEZ, G. (2009) Análisis Tecnomorfológico y funcional de Artefactos de Vidrio: Resultados de un Programa de Experimentación. In: Arqueometría latinoamericana. Segundo Congreso Argentino y Primero Latinoamericano, Buenos Aires: Comisión Nacional de Energía Atómica, pp. 134-141. DE ANGELIS, H. (2009) El vidrio como materia prima introducida en el período de contacto europeo en Tierra del Fuego. In: Arqueología de la Patagonia: una mirada desde el último confín. Tomo 1, Ushuaia: Edit. Utopías, pp. 335348. GALLARDO, C. (1910) Los Onas. Buenos Aires : Cabaut & Cia. GUSINDE, M. (1982) [1937] Los indios de Tierra del Fuego. Tomo 1: Los Selk’nam, 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Centro Argentino de Etnología Americana. LOTHROP S.K. (1928) The Indians of Tierra del Fuego. Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian (Heye Foundantion), 10. MANSUR-FRANCHOMME, M.E. (1986) Microscopie du matériel lithique préhistorique: Traces d’utilisation, altérations naturelles, accidentelles et technolo-giques. 67

Cahiers du Quaternaire, 9, Bordeaux: ed. du C.N.R.S, p. 286. MANSUR, M. E., A. MAXIMIANO, R. PIQUÉ, VICENTE O. (2007) Arqueología de Rituales en Sociedades Cazadoras-Recolectoras. Una aproximación desde el Análisis del Espacio Socialmente Producido. In: Arqueología de Fuego-Patagonia. Levantando piedras, desenterrando huesos... y develando arcanos, Punta Arenas: Ediciones CEQUA, pp. 741-754. MANSUR M. E., PIQUÉ R. (2009) Between the forest and the sea: hunter-gatherer occupations in the subantarctic forests in Tierra del Fuego (Argentina). Arctic Anthropology, 46(1-2), pp. 144-157. MANSUR, M. E. and PIQUE’, R., VILA MITJA, A. (2007) Etude du rituel chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs. Apport de l’ethnoarchéologie des sociétés de la Terre de Feu. In: Chasseurs-cueilleurs. Comment vivaient nos ancêtres du Paléolithique supérieur. Paris : Editions du CNRS, pp. 143150. OUTES, F. (1906) Instrumentos modernos de los Onas. Anales del Museo Nacional, 13 (série III, t. VI), Buenos Aires, pp. 287-296. PIQUE’, R. (2006) L’uso del legno nelle società fuegine: manufatti dalle collezioni del Museo Pigorini. In: A. Salerno, A. Tagliacozzo, (eds.) Finis Terrae. Viaggiatori, esploratori e missionari italiani nella Terra del Fuoco, Roma: Museo Nazionale Prehistórico Etnografico “Luigi Pigorini”, pp. 286-293.

68

“Ethnoarchaeometry” of Oil Production: Chemical Traces in a Modern Oil Production Structure in Tuscany (Italy) Alessandra Pecci, Chiara Valdambrini, Valentina Bellucci, Miguel Ángel Cau Ontiveros Abstract

Oil production is an important aspect of ancient economy. There are many archaeological studies on the installations used to produce this substance. Archaeometry, and in particular the chemical analysis of absorbed residues, provides instruments to better identify the production structures, both understanding the substances actually produced and the spatial distribution of the activities carried out. For the interpretation of the chemical traces of the activities and in particular of their distribution in space, it is important to investigate modern known contexts, that provide cases to prove the methods, assumptions and interpretations, and that may provide a good reference in the reading of the archaeological traces. The contribution presents the study of the abandoned oil mill at Polveraia (Scansano, Grosseto), while presenting some obviously “modern” aspects, has kept traditional oil production elements. This is why it was decided to sample and analyze its floor surfaces. The samples were analyzed using spot tests aimed at identifying the presence of phosphates, protein residues and fatty acids in the samples. The results of the analyses were plotted in the Geographic Information System (GIS) platform of the structure and interpolated with Inverse distance weighting (IDW) to obtain spatial distribution maps for each compound that allow identifying the areas related to the production of oil. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeometry, Archaeometry, Oil Production, Chemical Traces, Organic Residues.

Introduction

the structures possibly used to produce wine and oil in order to differentiate among them (BRUN 1993:516-17). Nevertheless the cases in which this has actually be done are very scarce. Few examples are the analyses carried out by Garnier on some basins of the regio VII at Pompei, in which vegetable oils and animal fats traces were identified (BRUN 2004:33), the analysis of a Roman basin found at Lecce by D’Andria, in which oil was identified (PECCI 2007), and the analyses of Late Roman basins found at Somma Vesuviana carried out by the authors. In which wine traces were identified in other cases, such as the excavations of Pyrgos (Cyprus), it was the analysis of the materials recovered in situ that allowed suggesting the function of the area under study, in this case an oil and perfumes production area (BELGIORNO 2007). For a better interpretation of the chemical traces of the activities and in particular of their distribution in space, it is very important to take into account the investigations carried out in modern known contexts, that provide cases to prove the methods, assumptions and interpretations and that may provide a good reference in the reading of the archaeological chemical traces. As this kind of investigation involves both the chemical analysis of residues (archaeometry) and an ethnoarchaeological work, we believe that the term “ethnoarchaeometry”, previously used for the study of traditional ceramic production processes (BUXEDA, CAU, KILIKOGLOU 2003), can be applied to this kind of investigation. The study of chemical residues of modern contexts has been carried out mainly for domestic structures (BARBA and ORTIZ 1992, BARBA et al. 1995, FERNÁNDEZ et al. 2002, MIDDLETON et al. 2010) or ceramic production areas (PECCI et al. 2006, LÓPEZ VARELA et al. 2004), but no study cases on food production structures exist.

The olive and its by products have accompanied the Mediterranean people in their lives for thousands of years. Among the products of the olive, the most important one is surely the oil that was used for food purposes, for lighting, for medical uses, for body care, and to make colours. The use of oil has left, as a consequence, material culture that can be found at archaeological level, such as the amphorae used to trade it and the oil production installations. Some archaeological studies exist on the installations that were devoted to these activities (i.e. BRUN 1993, 2003a, 2003b). Nevertheless, problems can arise in the interpretation of the archaeological traces, as wine and oil production structures are often similar (BRUN 1993). In particular, in Roman and Late Roman times they show the presence of mills, presses and basins to collect the oil/wine produced. If the production is centred in wine, usually dolia coated with pitch are also present. However, when the production installations are only partially known, the structures, although slightly different, can be easily confused. Archaeometry, and in particular the chemical analysis of the organic residues left by the substances offer a good instrument for the interpretation of the function of the structures, both for the identification of the substance/substances actually produced, and for the understanding of the spatial distribution of the activities carried out in the investigated areas. Liquid or semi-liquid substances used in human activities are in fact impregnated in the floors of the rooms/areas where they are carried out and, although they are subjected to some chemical alteration, they can be studied in order to understand the activities performed (BARBA 1986). Brun already proposed the use of the residues preserved in 69

The Case Study

The objective of this research is to identify the chemical traces of oil production. For this reason an abandoned modern oil mill was studied. This oil installation, located at Polveraia (Scansano, Grosseto), and abandoned since 1963, while presenting some aspects obviously “modern” such as the pumps used for the presses, has kept the traditional oil production elements (Figg.1-3). The structure is characterized by the presence of a mill, two presses with two basins, and an area where the olives were stored before the milling (Fig. 1). The mill was placed at the end of the building (Fig. 3). While its external part is made of metal, the millstones are still stone ones, as it used to be in ancient times. The other side of the structure is characterised by the presence of the presses. There are two of them and they are both connected to a basin, where the oil was kept to be decanted. The area in which olives were stored waiting to be crushed is placed next to the entrance, to the left. Small walls, approximately 1.50 cm high separate all these activity areas. To the end of the structure there are two “orci”, a big ceramic vessel internally glazed (the modern Tuscan

Fig. 2. Old picture of oil production at Bolgheri (Tuscany). version of the Roman dolia), where oil used to be kept (Fig. 4). All these elements do not differ much from the Roman and Late Roman ones, when wine and oil production structures where characterized by the presence of mills, presses and basins to collect the oil/wine produced.

Fig 1. Map of the Polveraia oil mill with the major elements still present. 70

Fig 4. “Orci”, big jars used to store the olive oil. 2007), but have proved to give good results also in the interpretation of the activities carried out in the Mediterranean area (PECCI 2009, MIDDLETON et al. 2009). Phosphates scale is between 0 and 6; protein residues scale is between 7 and 12, and fatty acids between 0 and 3. The results of the analyses were plotted on the pla of the structure using a Geographic Information System (GIS) and interpolating them with Inverse Distance Weighting (IDW) to obtain the spatial distribution maps for each compound (Fig. 5). The concentration and/or absence of the different compounds in an area, allow establishing a relationship between the residues identified and the activities carried out, and in particular the main areas where the oil production was carried out.

Fig 3. Mill.

Methodology

All the floor of the installation was sampled, trying to focus on the areas where the activities were carried out and to preserve the original floor. Eighteen samples were collected from the floor surface of the structure. The sampling points can be seen as black spots in Fig. 5. The samples were analyzed using spot tests aimed at identifying the presence of phosphates, protein residues and fatty acids in the samples. These semi-quantitative tests were developed in Mexico (BARBA et al. 1991, BARBA

Results of the Analyses

The results of the analyses indicate the presence of fatty acids in almost all the floor surface (Fig. 5). This shows that all stages of oil production (milling, pressing) produce “fatty dirt” (oil) that is deposited and absorbed by the floor.

Fig 5. Results of the analyses: distribution maps of the phosphates, protein residues and fatty acids present in the samples, with the scales. The black spots show the sampling points. 71

carried out. The identification of the chemical traces of the oil production will help in the understanding of the structures found at archaeological level, and in particular to establish those that were used for oil. Furthermore, it will also help in making hypothesis on which areas could have possibly been used to produce oil although no other archaeological remains survive (BRUNI 2004, PECCI in press). Also structures used to produce oils different from olive oil have been reported, such as the oil of Fagus (beech) seeds, used for lighting (MILANESE 2007: 48). This shows that different oils could be produced also in archaeological installations and that it is important to study ethnoarchaeological cases to be aware of the existence of these productions and to know the organization of the production. At archaeological level, with no written records and no living memory of the inhabitants, the chemical analysis of the residues provide a good tool to obtain information on the substances produced in the installations. Nevertheless, to better understand the residues absorbed in the floors and coatings of the structures, the use of space, and, more in general, the function of the installations, this should to be accompanied or preceded by an ethoarchaeometrical study.

No differences can be appreciated among the fatty residues left by the different activities, as all the floor is characterized by maximum values of fatty acids. Protein residues are also present in some areas rich in fatty acids. There is just one area with no presence of fatty acids, while protein residues and phosphates are relatively higher than in the other samples of the area. No evident material culture is present in this point nowadays, but it is possible to think that something was done there that had to do with substances different from oil and therefore without fatty acids. A specific mention has to be done on the area next to the entrance (Fig 1). This is the area where olives were accumulated with the leaves, before milling. The samples taken in this area are the poorest in fats and protein residues and the richest in phosphates. Together with olives also leaves and possibly some earth could have been deposited on the floor and they could be responsible for the presence of phosphates. On the other hand, people came to this area to bring the olives, and while accessing from the outside they used to bring dirt - mainly in the shoes - with them. This would explain the high level of phosphates in the area. On the other hand, fatty acids are lower than in the rest of the structure because this is the only area in which no stages of oil production were carried out. Nevertheless fatty acids are not completely absent, as it would be expected in such a “no productive area”. This could be related to the fact that being olives rich in oil, although they are not crushed or pressed, being accumulated in the same area one on top of the other, they released some oil. Similar data emerged during the study of a modern wine cellar at Marrucheti (Campagnatico, Grosseto). Here, the brick floor of the cellar was sampled in order to identify the chemical traces of wine production (PECCI 2005). The results of the analyses of the samples carried out with gas chromatography-mass spectrometry were surprising. In fact they showed, besides the tartaric acid, that is considered to be the marker of wine, also the traces of a vegetable oil, possibly olive oil. The mystery of the oil traces in a wine production structure was only solved when the owner said that when he was a child this used to be the place in which olives were accumulated before they were taken to the oil mill. The ethnoarchaeological work therefore allows to understand that the traces of oil should not only be present where the oil was actually produced, but also where the olives where stored.

Acknowledgements

This work was performed in the framework of the project “Production, trade and consumption of food in Late Antiquity” (PROFOLANT), PIEF-GA-2009-235863 funded by 7th Framework Programme, People, Marie Curie actions, IEF. This work was performed in the framework of the project “Production, trade and consumption of food in Late Antiquity”, PIEF-GA-2009-235863 funded by the Marie Curie actions and of the project LRCWMED (HAR200908290/HIST) Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovaciòn, with contribution of FEDER funds. Mr. Dino Rosati opened the doors of the oil mill that used to be property of Mrs. Maria Grazia Cavalli. Elena Chirico collaborated in the realization of the plan of the structure with the total station and Luca Deravignone in the making of the distribution maps.

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Conclusions

The ethnoarchaeometrical study of the structure has allowed understanding the traces of the oil production, in its different phases. It also allowed establishing that residues are not only present in the exact place where production was carried out, but also in the areas used for storing olives. This provides the means to identify this kind of areas at archaeological level, when fats are present but there are no material traces of the production of oil (mills, presses or basins). More in general, the ethnoarchaeometrical study of floors suggest the distribution of the different activities 72

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2. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE: SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS AND MENTAL PATTERNS

Ethnoarchaeological “Calibration” of the Archaeological Record: Hain Ritual and Selknam identity Igor Bogdanovic, Maria Estela Mansur, Raquel Piqué Abstract

The archaeological record is a new reality, in which we cannot find remains of subjective stances of past communities. One of these subjective stances per excellence is the group identity. The critical use of ethnographical record as a valuable resource for this kind of information is the fundamental element of the research project concerning hunter-gatherer communities at the inland of the Tierra del Fuego. Archaeological research revealed a ceremonial site at the Ewan Valley. There two different structures were excavated (Ewan I and II); they were interpreted as a ritual hut and a domestic unit respectively, corresponding to celebration of the selknam ritual of “Hain”. The Hain was practiced by Selknam people and it was an expression of their cosmology and their origin myth. Detailed information about this ritual was provided by ethnographers who witnessed the last decades of indigenous groups life in this part of the world. In this paper, we will contrast the archaeological record of the Ewan site against available ethnographic information, in order to define a role of “Hain” in the self-perception of Selknam community and to find out eventual material patterns of their distinction from contemporary “others”. KEYWORDS: Tierra del Fuego, Hunter-gatherer, Ceremonial.

Résumé

Le registre archéologique est une nouvelle réalité, dans laquelle il n’est pas possible de trouver des restes des aspects subjectifs des sociétés passées. Un de ces aspects subjectifs par excellence est l’identité de groupe. L’utilisation critique du registre ethnographique en tant que ressource utile pour ce type d’information est l’élément fondamental du projet de recherches concernant les communautés de chasseurs-cueilleurs de l’intérieur de la Terre de Feu. Les recherches archéologiques ont révélé un site cérémoniel dans la vallée de l’ Ewan. Là deux structures différentes ont été fouillées (Ewan I et II); elles ont été interprétées comme une hutte rituelle et une unité domestique, respectivement, correspondant à la célébration du rituel selknam du “Hain”. Le Hain était pratiqué par les gens Selknam, et il était une expression de leur cosmologie et leur mythe d’origine. Des informations détaillées sur ce rituel ont été fournies par des ethnographes qui ont été témoins des dernières décennies de la vie des groupes indigènes dans cette partie du monde. Dans ce travail, nous confrontons le registre archéologique du site Ewan avec les informations ethnographiques disponibles, afin de définir un rôle du “Hain” dans l´auto perception de la société Selknam et pour chercher d´éventuelles traces matérielles de leur distinction des “autres” contemporains. MOTS CLES: Terre de Feu, chasseur-cueilleur, cérémoniel.

Introduction

archaeological methods: repetition, not spontaneous activity, ‘special’ behavior, order, rules and guides that institutionally include and exclude, segregate and integrate participants, etc. They have a collective dimension, are carried out in singular time and space and use multiple and heterogeneous channels of expression. But also, as mentioned by different authors (e.g. CLAUDE RIVIÈRE 1997; RAPPOPORT 2001; BELL 1992) they contain a great symbolic charge. Among regular rituals in huntergatherer societies, rites of passage play a fundamental role in the transmission of values, maintenance of group solidarity, transmission of social differentiation by sex and asymmetric relations between them. Within the framework of the project “Society and ritual in the Selknam society of Tierra del Fuego (Argentina)1” we have emphasized the archaeological analysis of the Selknam ritual called Hain. We believe that ethnoarchaeological research is the only possible way to propose archaeological methodologies for the analysis of ritual, and therefore of all the other aspects relating to it (MANSUR, PIQUÉ, VILA 2007). In this paper we will

The inheritance of the historical-cultural Ethnology school of Vienna is still very apparent in archaeology; one of its consequences is the fact to believe that it is possible to make ethnic identifications starting from the material record. However, archaeological information does not confirm that there is a direct relationship between ethnicity and material record. Moreover, in cases where there is sufficient ethnohistoric information on distinct social groups, as is the case of Tierra del Fuego, rigid divisions between these are not confirmed. The awareness of belonging to a group is essential for the construction of a collective or ethnic identity. In this sense, it is important to emphasize the role of ritual for the maintenance and continuity of a collective identity. This can be corroborated in the selknam case where, as we shall see, the elements related to symbolism and ritual are more durable, while aspects related to production are more permeable to change. Rituals are characterized by having a series of formal properties that allow recognition through 75

prepared to be integrated as workers in farms and women usually as domestic employees. In ethnographic studies about the selknam society, one of the aspects that received most attention is the Hain ceremony, which was carried out for the initiation of young men. The importance of the Hain for selknam society is evident in the fact that, in spite of the decline of the population and the destructuration of their traditional way of life, still various Hains were done along the XX th century, as last informants told to A. Chapman (1982). Up to now, we know about only three foreigners who saw at least parts of the ceremony and published their testimonies: - Lucas Bridges (1948), who was present at several hain ceremonies since the beginning of XX century. He was himself initiated with his brother in one ceremony, probably held in 1906. - the Salesian Father Juan Zenone, who was witness to a hain, probably before 1914. - Martin Gusinde, who participated during 5 weeks in a hain in 1923; this is without any doubt the best documented, since Gusinde realized a detailed written and photographic record of the ceremony (Fig.1). Information about the hain is complemented by the research of Anne Chapman (1982) who could interview direct witnesses of these ceremonies in the sixties of the 20th century. Among her informants, Chapman had at least three men who had been initiated in their youth. The last hain we know about was celebrated in 1933. The ethnographic documentation on the selknam ceremony of Hain allows knowing the various roles that it played for

focus on the issue of the selknam identity, from the analysis of the material evidence of the initiation ceremony of Hain. To do so we start from the analysis of ethnographic sources and of material evidence recovered from the ceremonial site Ewan, during the excavations and surveys conducted between 2003 and 2007.

The Selknam Society and the Hain

The population known in historical times as “Selknam” lived in the central and northern portions of the Big Island of Tierra del Fuego until the beginning of XX century. The first occidental immigrants to those latitudes settled on the island in the middle of XIX century; among them, Anglican and Catholic missionaries and farmers who introduced sheep breeding. A varied and complete bibliography describing the Selknam traditional way of life was generated during the brief contact between the last selknam people and the Western visitors or settlers. The most recent and complete writings are certainly those by Martin Gusinde (1937) and Anne Chapman (1982). Before the arrival of Europeans, the Selknam society based its subsistence in guanaco hunting, fishing, shellfish and vegetables collection. Social organization was based on a rigid sexual division of labour. Contact with missions and farms, as well as with all kinds of adventurers, resulted in a drastic decrease of the population mainly due to the introduction of diseases, the destructuration of selknam way of life and even to murder. On the other hand, they were quickly reduced in missions, where men were

Fig. 1. Picture of the Hain ceremony made in 1923 by Martin Gusinde.

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this society. Following Chapman (1982), we can mention: - the Hain was firstly a secret Selk’nam male youth initiation ceremony. During the ceremony they were taught all the important things for their future adult life. The young boy received training as a hunter and teaching on values and qualities he should have as an adult male: strength, fortitude, gallantry, value, etc. - The initiates were also instructed on the secrets of adults and among these, the origin of male power over women. The ceremony served as a reminder and reinforcement on the social order for the entire population. Its aim was to preserve the patriarchal society, maintaining dominance over women. Men controlled the means of production (inheritance of land, i.e. hunting and camping territories) by means of patrilineal and patrilocal institutions. They also had the monopoly of the most prestigious hierarchical positions: shaman, sage, and prophet. In general all decision-making depended on them. Consequently, for men, the possibility of installation of a matriarchal system was seen as a chaos. - During the Hain ceremony, people coming from all the selknam territory camped together, so they could meet, young people could know others from the same generation, they could establish matrimonial alliances and with these, alliances between families which were basic for group survival. The Hain became thus a meeting place where raw materials and products, as well as information, could be exchanged. It was time of sociability and even fun for men and women.

-

The Hain as a Selknam identity element is also an important aspect. Participation in the Hain was restricted. To access, it was essential to be part of the selknam society, whose members shared the belief system and therefore could understand the scope and meaning of what was represented there. Despite this exclusion, there are news that at least four white men (William and Lucas Bridges, Martín Gusinde and a sailor named Jack) participated in this ceremony and were initiated. The importance of the Hain as a mark of selknam identity can be appreciated, as we have pointed out, in the fact that last rituals took place at a time in which selknam society had been virtually exterminated (CHAPMAN 1982). Despite the small number of survivors who could participate and the fact that most of them worked in the farms or were reduced in the missions, this ceremony remained until the 1930s, when took place the last Hain of which we have news.

Ewan, a Ceremonial Site

Ewan site was discovered through local informants. It is located in a clearing in the deciduous forest of Antarctic beech (Nothofagus antarctica), where the structure of a log hut is partially preserved (Fig. 2). According to informants, it was a big hut used for a Hain ceremony. Likewise, according to the same sources, people participating in this ritual had also settled in the area. Early observations made in Ewan suggested features

Fig. 2. Remains of the wooden hut Hain ceremony in 2003.

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Tradition and Innovation

compatible with those expected in the case of a Hain. Therefore systematic research was carried out, which allowed for conclusions about its main features (MANSUR, PIQUÉ in press, MANSUR et al. 2007, BOGDANOVIC et al. 2009). Both the location and spatial distribution of items are consistent with those described in the ethnographic record for the Hain ceremony. The ceremonial hut called Ewan I, is situated on the edge of the forest clearing. The morphology of the hut and its internal structure also correspond to those described in ethnographic sources. Spacial distribution of archaeological materials in the site is consistent with the same model. It is important to emphasize that most archaeological residues are burnt and accumulated inside the combustion area, as a result of the intentional destruction of evidence by the participants in the ceremony. The surveys revealed the existence of an area with several indications of at least four fireplaces. One of them was excavated (Ewan II-structure I). Its diameter was smaller than Ewan I, the wooden structure was not preserved in foot and its characteristics suggested a hut smaller than Ewan I. In this hut waste was also found in the heart, but there were also not burnt residues around the hearth. The study of wood remains from Ewan by dendrochronology allowed to date the time of construction of the ceremonial hut, whose trunks were cut in the spring of the year 1905 (BERIHUETE et al. 2009).

However, the research also allowed us to show certain discrepancies between the archaeological record and the ethnographic sources, especially in relation to the resources consumed. We believe that such discrepancies are the result of a society in transformation, where tradition and innovation coexist. This coexistence is result of Western influence and indigenous resistance to be diluted by the imposition of new religions or incorporation as workers in farms. Spatial organization is where most of the guidelines of ritual are preserved; this is how it has been possible to recognize the nature of the Ewan site. The organization of spaces and the building techniques are respected: - construction of the ceremonial hut and its relationship with the selknam heavens determine the position of the main logs of the hut structure. - location of domestic huts respects the settlement pattern regarding the situation of the ceremonial hut (Fig. 3). - archaeological items distribution is the result of cleaning activities, necessary to preserve the “secret” of the spirits of the Hain. Among food remains, however, we begin to observe the penetration of foreign habitudes in everyday life. Both traditional foods (guanaco, limpets, fish, berries) and introduced food (sheep) are consumed (CAMARÓS et al. 2008, CAMAROS, PARMIGIANI 2008, BERIHUETE

Fig. 3. Plant of the clearing where the site Ewan is located. It shows the position of the ceremonial hut (Ewan I) and domestic structures (Ewan II). 78

innovations are adopted more rapidly, while everything that the selknam society associates with the signs of identity tends to be conserved. The increased persistence of certain traditional elements in the ritual environment is certainly related to the ritual itself, since it determines paraphernalia, actions, addresses and spaces.

2010). However there are differences between the food consumed in the ceremonial hut and the domestic huts. Only traditional foods are consumed in the ceremonial hut (Lama guanicoe, limpets, Empetrum rubrum), while the domestic hut also documents the consumption of sheep (Ovis sp). This could be interpreted as a consequence of maintenance of dietary restrictions in ritual activities. Regarding technology, it is noted the introduction of nonindigenous technologies to build the huts and obtaining plant fuel. Specifically cut marks produced by metal axe were documented both on pieces of firewood half consumed that were found in the fireplace of Ewan I, as well as on the logs used to build the ceremonial hut (CARUSO 2008, CARUSO, MANSUR, PIQUÉ 2008, CARUSO, MANSUR, PIQUÉ 2009). These technologies coexist with traditional technologies, such as flaking or treatment of hides and skins, the latter deduced from techno functional analysis of flaked glass instruments recovered from Ewan (DE ANGELIS et al. 2009). While knapping techniques remain, it is important to mention that choice of raw materials is the aspect where the greater penetration of foreign influences is observed. In fact, in Ewan, allochthonous industrial raw materials seem to have entirely replaced the traditional materials. The introduction of glass for projectile points and scrapers is documented (DE ANGELIS 2009), as well as the introduction of metal to produce undetermined products (due to the process of degradation undergone by iron) (Fig. 4).

Notes

Research was part of a joint project between Barcelona Autonomous University and CADIC (Argentina), with grants by Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (España), Generalitat de Catalunya and Agencia Nacional de Promoción Cietífica y Tecnológica (Argentina).

1

References

CLAUDE RIVIERE (1997) Socio-anthropologie des religions. Paris: Armand Colin. BELL, C. (1992) Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press. BERIHUETE, M. (2010) El papel de los recursos vegetales no leñosos en las economías cazadoras-recolectoras. Propuesta para el estudio de su gestión: El caso de Tierra de Fuego (Argentina). Phd Tesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. BERIHUETE, M., CARUSO, L., MANSUR, M., E., MASSACCESI, G., MENSUA, C. PIQUÉ, R. (2009) El aprovechamiento de los recursos vegetales entre los Selknam de Tierra del Fuego (Argentina), una aproximación etnoarqueológica. In: A. Capparelli, A. Chevalier, R. Piqué, (eds). La alimentación en la América precolombina y colonial: una aproximación interdisciplinar, Madrid : Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, pp. 21-36. BOGDANOVIC, I., CAMAROS, E., DE ANGELIS, H., LASA, A., MANSUR, M.E., MAXIMIANO, A., PARMIGIANI, V., PIQUÉ, R., VICENTE, O. (2009) El paraje de Ewan, un lugar de reunión selknam en el centro de la Isla (Tierra del Fuego, Argentina). In: M. Salemme, F. Santiago, M. Álvarez, E. Piana, M. Vázquez and M. E. Mansur, (eds). Arqueología de la Patagonia. Una mirada

Final Words

In short, all what is observed in Ewan points to the fact that the ideologic - symbolic world represented in the Hain ceremonial remains to be the identity reference. This is preserved to a greater extent than other aspects of the selknam life. Raw materials are the element that changes more quickly, but it seems to constitute no danger for selknam identity. In the middle lie aspects such as nutrition and processing of raw materials, that retain some traditional components but instead introduce some others that are completely new; the exception is that traditional food remains in strictly rituals areas. Then, technological

Fig. 4. Raw material from Ewan. Left: glass endscrapers and projectile points; right, iron remains.

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desde el último confín, Ushuaia: Ed. Utopías, pp. 941-956. BRIDGES, L. (1948) Uttermost part of the Earth. London: Hodder [El último confín de la Tierra. Emecé, Buenos Aires, 1952, 1978]. CAMARÓS, E., OLIVA, A., PARMIGIANI, V., VERDÚN, E., GÓMEZ, F. (2008) Arqueozoologia de tiempos históricos: Los dos lados de la frontera. Fortín Otamendi (Buenos Aires) y Ewan I-II (Tierra del Fuego). In: J.C. Díez, (ed.) Zooarqueología hoy. Encuentros hispanoargentinos, Burgos: Universidad de Burgos, pp. 131-147. CAMAROS, E., PARMIGIANI, V. (2008) Análisis del material faunístico de sitios de la localidad Ewan (Tierra del Fuego). In: Actas del XVI Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, Rev. Pacarina, Jujuy, pp. 619-623. CARUSO, L. (2008) Los usos de la madera entre los cazadores-recolectores selknam de Tierra del Fuego. Tesis de 3er ciclo, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona CARUSO, L., MANSUR, M.E., PIQUÉ, R. (2008) Voces en el bosque: el uso de recursos vegetales entre cazadoresrecolectores de la zona central de Tierra del Fuego. Darwiniana, 46 (2), pp. 202-212. CARUSO, L., MANSUR, M.E., PIQUÉ, R. (2009) Las chozas de madera de la zona central de Tierra del Fuego. In: M. Salemme, F. Santiago, M. Álvarez, E. Piana, M. Vázquez and M.E. Mansur, (eds.) Arqueología de la Patagonia. Una mirada desde el último confín, Ushuaia: Ed. Utopías, pp. 445-456. CHAPMAN, A. (1982) Drama and power in a hunting society: The Selk’nam of Tierra del Fuego. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DE ANGELIS, H., LASA, A., MANSUR, M.E., SOSA, L., VALDEZ, G. (2009) Análisis Tecnomorfológico y funcional de Artefactos de Vidrio: Resultados de un Programa de Experimentación. In: T. Palacios et al., (eds.) Arqueometría latinoamericana. Segundo Congreso Argentino y Primero Latinoamericano. Buenos Aires: Comisión Nacional de Energía Atómica. DE ANGELIS, H. (2009) El vidrio como materia prima introducida en el período de contacto europeo en Tierra del Fuego. In: M. Salemme, F. Santiago, M. Álvarez, E. Piana, M. Vázquez and M.E. Mansur, (eds.) Arqueología de la Patagonia. Una mirada desde el último confín, Ushuaia: Ed. Utopías, pp 335 - 348. GUSINDE, M. (1937) Die Feuerland-Indianer. Band I. Die Selk’nam. Mödling bei Wien: Anthropos. MANSUR, M.E., PIQUÉ, R. (in press) Ethnoarchaeological approach to the selknam ceremony of Hain. A discussion of the impact of ritual on social organization in hunter-gatherer societies. In: K. Hardy et al., (eds.) Archaeological invisibility and forgotten knowledge. B.A.R., Oxford. MANSUR, M.E., PIQUÉ, R., VILA MITJA, A. (2007) Etude du rituel chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs. Apport de l’ethnoarchéologie des sociétés de la Terre de Feu. In : S. de Beaune, (ed). Chasseurs-cueilleurs. Comment vivaient nos ancêtres du Paléolithique supérieur, Paris: Editions du CNRS, pp. 143-150. MANSUR, M.E., MAXIMIANO, A., PIQUÉ, R., VICENTE, O. (2007) Arqueología de Rituales en

Sociedades Cazadoras-Recolectoras. Una aproximación desde el Análisis del Espacio Socialmente Producido. In: F. Morello, M. Martinic, A. Prieto, G. Bahamonde, (eds.) Arqueología de Fuego-Patagonia. Levantando piedras, desenterrando huesos... y develando arcanos, Punta Arenas: Ediciones CEQUA, p. 741. RAPPAPORT, R. (2001) Ritual y religión en la formación de la humanidad. Madrid: Cambridge University Press.

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The Archaeology Viewed from an Ethnoarchaeological Perspective Ivan Briz,, Manuel Álvarez, Edgar Camarós, Jorge Caro, Adriana Mariela Lacrouts, Lorena Salvatelli, Luisa Vietri, Debora Zurro Abstract

The aim of this paper is to show how an ethnoarchaeological perspective can be profitable when applied to improve a crucial issue of the archaeological and anthropological fields of research: processes of social aggregation between huntergatherer populations. For that purpose, we present the analytical framework of a project addressed to identify the material correlates of an aggregation event developed by hunter-fisher-gatherer societies who inhabited the southern tip of South America. KEYWORDS: Etnoarchaeology, Aggregation Process, Hunter-Fisher-Gatherers, Tierra del Fuego, Methodology.

Résumé

L’objectif de cet article est de montrer comment une perspective ethnoarchéologique peut être rentable appliquée pour améliorer une question cruciale de l’archéologique et anthropologique: le processus d’agrégation sociale entre les populations de chasseurs-cueilleurs. À cette fin, nous présentons le cadre d’analyse d’un projet adressé à identifier les corrélats matériels d’un événement d’agrégation développés par les sociétés de chasseurs-pêcheurs-cueilleurs qui ont habité l´extrême sud de l’Amérique du Sud. MOTS CLES: ethnoarchéologie, agrégation sociale, chasseurs-pêcheurs-cueilleurs, Tierra del Fuego, méthodologie.

Introduction: the Ethnoarchaeological Perspective

otherwise dispersed. They promote cooperative activities and constitute an arena for dynamic social interaction (CONKEY 1980; SAFFIRIO 1980; DEL REAL 1981; WENIGER 1987; HAYDEN 1993; KELLY 1995; HOFMAN 1994; FRIESEN 1999; SHOTT 2004). Nevertheless, archaeologists have had to face two problems in considering this issue. First, the situations under which an aggregation might occur are very variable, so the material correlates of an aggregation process are difficult to identify (CONKEY 1980). Second, the limited temporal resolution of many cultural deposits makes this topic difficult to undertake. According to our ethnoarchaeological approach the study of aggregation processes may be best addressed by assuming an Ethnoarchaeological approach focused on the critical review of ethnographical sources to formulate hypothesis that will be tested against the archaeological record. In what follows, we will attempt to show that Ethnoarchaeology is a valuable tool for archaeological research, giving an account of the aims and analytical framework of an ongoing project that has being carried out on the Beagle Channel region (Tierra del Fuego, Argentina) with the aim of studying the social aggregation processes between hunter-gatherer societies.

For many years archaeologists have been improving theories, methods and techniques in order to achieve more accurate explanations of past societies. Within this scenario Etnoarchaeology has become a powerful tool to unveil the material correlates behind different social processes (GOULD 1980; AGORSAH 1990; ESTÉVEZ, VILA 1996; BÉYRIES 1997; DAVID, KRAMER 2001; KUZNAR 2001; BRIZ et al. 2006; ROUX 2007). Despite the lack of an overall consensus to define what Ethnoarchaeology encompasses that led to significant debates and disagreements into the archaeological field (BRIZ 2010), this approach can be envisioned as an interpretative framework that involves the critical use of comparative data from historically/ethnographically documented populations to develop applicable models and methods that would serve to relate material culture (VILA, PIANA 1993). Based upon the unicity of the social sciences, -regarding to their object of study-, this Ethnoarchaeological proposal (ESTÉVEZ, VILA 1996; VILA, ESTÉVEZ 2001; VILA et al. 2007) relies on the dialectical contrast between the anthropological knowledge and the archaeological inquiry. This mutual confrontation between methods, sources and outcomes between both fields of knowledge opens the possibility to readjust and to reassess the ethnographical information yielding at the same time the improvement of archaeological methods and techniques. Following this conceptual framework we started to carry out a project addressed to analyze the processes of aggregation between hunter-gatherers societies in order to unveil the mechanisms of cooperation and the dynamic of social interaction (BRIZ et al. 2009). Aggregations represent the transitory banding together of groups

Case Study

In the mid-Holocene, the Magellan-Fuegian archipelago, located in the southernmost extreme of South America, was peopled by nomadic hunter-gatherer-fisher societies (specialized in the exploitation of maritime resources) who moved along the coasts and the channels using some nautical craft (ORQUERA, PIANA 1999). Their economy heavily relied on the exploitation of littoral resources such 81

Fig. 1. Map of Tierra del Fuego.

as pinnipeds (Otaria flavescens and Arctocephalus Australis), marine birds, like seagulls (Larus dominicanus) or albatross (Diomedea exulans), fishes, shellfishes and stranded cetaceans; on the other hand, guanacos (Lama glama guanicoe) constituted the only terrestrial faunal prey hunted by sea-nomad people, and mineral and forestry’s sources from the inlands (Fig. 1). Nearly all of the known archaeological sites recorded on that region are shell middens that form isolated domes or anular structures on the ground surface. The annular shell middens are interpreted as the result of the accumulation of the human residues around the perimeters of dwelling units that were placed in the same spot during a length of time on different occupational events (ORQUERA, PIANA 1992; ESTÉVEZ, VILA 2006a). The study of the formation processes led to recognize very short episodes of midden deposition; as a result, a fine-scaled record of past societies’ activities was achieved (BAILEY 1977; ORQUERA, PIANA 1992; STEIN 1992; ESTÉVEZ, VILA 2006A; VILA et al. 2009). These contexts decrease the acidity in the soil providing increased preservation of organic artifacts allowing the use of independent lines of research. During historical times, these societies were called Yamana or Yaghanes (GUSINDE 1937) and their long-standing system (ORQUERA et al. in press) collapsed due to the arrival of the Europeans who provoked a deep disintegration of their social order as a consequence of introduced diseases, the over-hunting of pinnipeds carried out by western industrial exploitation and the forced integration into a western way-of-life by the missions (GUSINDE 1937). In contrast, the western populations provided a rich ethographic and historical record of Yamana

people, mainly during the period spans over XIXth Century to the beginning of XXth Century (ESTÉVEZ, VILA 2006b; VIETRI 2010). According to the ethnographic sources, temporary concentrations between Yamana people occurred when cetacean or sardine beached and offered the opportunity to celebrate youngsters´ initiation ceremonies (GUSINDE 1937). Consequently, the archaeological and ethnographic records hold enormous potential to carry out an ethnoarchaeological approach addressed to identify the material correlates of the aggregations that could be applied to different archaeological contexts (BRIZ et al. 2009; BRIZ et al. in press) (Fig. 2). Lanashuaia archaeological locality -placed on the northern side of Beagle shore (54° 52,75’ S - 67°16, 49’ W) provides valuable data for testing the aggregation hypothesis (PIANA et al. 2000) due to the spatial organization of shell midden structures (evenly spaced, in a linear distribution and presumably corresponding to simultaneous occupations), their depositional pattern and the presence of whale bones and offshore fish remains that might have implied cooperative capture techniques. Up to the present research in the area has been focused on two adjacent structures: Lanashuaia I, fully excavated during different field seasons: 1995 and 1996 (PIANA et al. 2000), and 2005 (ÁLVAREZ et al. 2009) and Lanashuaia II, which started to be digged in 2009 (BRIZ et al. 2009) (Fig. 3).

Methodological Improvement

In order to analise the intra-group interaction processes in the context of an aggregation event, we are developping a transdisciplinar multidimensional approach that combines 82

Fig. 2. Lanashuaia archaeological locality on Cambaceres Bay.

Fig. 3. Lanashuaia II site. Annular structure.

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different lines of research. After a critical review of the ethnographic sources from an ethnoarchaeological perspective, the main hypothesis as well as methodological steps could be drawn. One of the primary issues of this topic to elucidate if the dwelling units (Lanashuaia I and II) are in fact the result of simultaneous occupations. The achievement of this purpose implied both appropiately designed fieldwork strategy and accurate laboratory analytical techniques. Different lines of research have been implemented to accomplish this issue: - Radiocarbon dating program that includes the dating of charcoal samples collected from different layers of both sites; - Refitting of lithic artifacts and faunal remains (HOFMAN, ENLOE 1992; ENLOE 2003, 2004; MORIN et al. 2005; COOPER, QIU 2006); - Sclerochronology (which includes the analysis of the periodic growth structures in limpets (Nacella magellanica); this technique provides indirect indicators of contemporary occupations to the extent that it allows to define seasonality of shell midden deposits (QUITMYER et al. 1997; VERDÚN et al. in press) (Fig. 4). - Improvement of DNA analysis on whale bones remains (COOPER, WAYNE 1998; REUTHER et al. 2006) in order to establish if they belong to the same species, and, if so, to the same individual (Fig. 5). The second challenge of this project consists on unveiling the spatial patterns and organisational principles of group gathering during the aggregation event. Extensive excavations (ORQUERA, PIANA 1996; ESTÉVEZ, VILA 2000), including exhaustive three-dimensional plotting of the finds, and detailed stratigraphic studies have being undertaken with the aim of understanding the formation processes (ORQUERA, PIANA 2001) that lead to shell midden accumulations, obtaining a chronological and spatial framework to place the human finds and post depositional disturbances as well as the recording of the residential spaces and activity areas in and around the annular structures (MOYES 2002). The stratigraphic studies also involved the analysis of matrix composition of the discriminated layers of sediments to detect single depositional units (ORQUERA 1996; ESTÉVEZ, VILA 2000). Following the aforementioned procedures, the intersite variability can be assessed and the cooperative practices can emerge. From our perspective, a shared management of social space, resources and their production and consumption processes, like lithic tools production and use, or the direct consumption of the same sea lion by the inhabitants of both dwelling units, for example, can be assumed as cooperative activities markers (BRIZ et al. 2009). Finally, the social practices involved in the event are another key issue in the study of the aggregation process. An array of standard and novel methods are being integrated to tackle this question following a model of resources exploitation derived from the ethnographic information. Current zooarchaeological and anthracological studies, bone and lithic technology examination that

include form-function relationships and use-wear analysis have been conducted to unveil the production-consumption activities developed in both sites. However, the historical sources point out that Yamana people took advantage of a wide range of resources that do not preserve in the archaeological record. For that reason a residue analysis approach has started to be developed in order to overcome this constraint. This approach includes two independent methodological procedures. The first procedure consists on the extraction of possible residues from stone tool edges (phytoliths, fatty acids, blood residues) and the afterward confrontation with the results obtained from use-wear analysis (SHANKS et al. 2001; ZURRO et al. 2008). A control sample of the matrix in which the stone tool was recovered is also examined to identify possible contamination problems (ÁLVAREZ et al. 2009; BRIZ et al. in press). The second procedure implies phytoliths and fatty acids of sediment samples collected in different places of the dwelling units with the aim of identifying productive and/or consumption areas. This procedure is supported by an intensive sedimentary sampling program. These studies combining with the spatial distribution activities will enable to distinguish areas of production and consumption of resources.

Concluding Remarks

The increasing interest of archaological research in the analysis of social relationships poses a remarkable inflectional point that encourages a theroretical and methodological debate. The study of intra-group interaction processes in the context of an aggregation event, can contribute to this discussion providing important insights into the analysis of social relationships. Within this framework, Etnoarchaeology become a heuristic tool to the extent that it can be used as an experimental framework to derive and to adjust different methods and techniques from the ethnographical information.The critical review of historical sources available for Yamana case study allowed us to develop testable hypothesis about social aggregation and its material correlates, including more accurate methods to deal with the archaeological record.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia for the invitation to assist to this Congress. Special thanks also go to the people who collaborate during the fieldwork seasons. The projects from which this paper arises benefitted from funding by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, USA (Social aggregation: a Yámana Society’s short term episode to Analyse Social Interaction), Ministry of Science and Innovation of Spain (Marcadores Arqueológicos de Relaciones Sociales: etnoarqueología de cazadores-recolectores en el Canal Beagle-HAR200906996) and National Council of Scientific and Technical Research-CONICET, Argentina (PIP0706).

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Fig. 4. Lanashuaia II: shell midden layer.

Fig. 5. Lanashuaia II: whale and pinniped bones.

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Production vs. Destruction: Ethnoarchaeological Considerations on the Ideological Role of Metals in the Oromo Society and in Antiquity Temesgen Burka, Claudio Giardino Abstract

The introduction of metals, particularly iron can be regarded as an important starting point of departure in revolutionizing the socio-cultural, economic and political aspects of human development. This is particularly the case with its ambiguous positions it occupied from the outset. Metal has always served as instrument of production and destruction. The ambivalent position of metal tool (iron) not only complicated its interpretation but also gave it special significance so that it continuously affected various facets of the society. By implication, it has also resulted in the ambiguous position of the metalworkers themselves-namely they are feared and respected. The discussion regarding the double roles of iron tools among the Oromo traditional believers in Wollega and elsewhere in time and space gives prominence to how the material is handled. Various researches, in Africa in particular, have dealt with these positions in relation to the roles of its workers in the society. The data for the discussion of this paper is obtained from an ethnoarchaeological fieldwork at traditional ritual (belief) sites of the Oromo, called the Qaalluu in Wollega, western Ethiopia. It was part of a search for the various destinations of the tools after unleashed from the smith’s cottage. The paper is aimed at bringing into light the secular and spiritual role of metal objects among the society under discussion and helps situate in a wider perspective of knowledge. The examination of the Oromo traditions gives the possibility for a reflection on the spiritual role of metals in European archaeological contexts. KEY WORDS: Iron, Mythology, Africa, Oromo, Wollega, Ethiopia, Qalluu, Siida, Sibila, Gurracha.

The Oromo and the metals

few decades ago, it was possible to observe in the country all the steps of the operative chain for iron working, from mining the ore up to the artefact production. This character makes this people particularly suitable to analyse not only the technological aspects, but also - and most of all - the symbolic features related to the use of iron. Metal utilization is reflected both in the Oromo language and in the creation by the local blacksmiths of special “powerful” iron objects, which have a high symbolic value and meaning. The history of the archaeology of iron production in Ethiopia is far to be well documented (BURKA 2006, 2008, 2009, in press). However, it is well noted that since about the middle of the first millennium BC (DE CONTENSON 1981; PHILLIPSON 1977, 1993; TODD 1985) advanced metal production has developed in connection with ‘preAksumite’ civilization (see also FATTOVICH 2009; PHILLIPSON 2009). From existing fragmentary evidence, it is tempting to argue that metallurgy might have been a backbone in Ethiopian ancient architectural developments such as the Axumite obelisks, rock-hewn churches, etc (BURKA 2006, 2008). This argument is cued by some previous work by such authorities as David Philipson (PHILIPSON 1977) and may not necessarily be cause and effect. His excavations at Gobedra rock shelter have produced significant signatures of metal working activities (e.g. fragments of tuyéres and slags) close to the major quarry center for the pre-Christian Axumite stele production. Axumite steles are dated to pre-Christian period before the fourth century AD. Metal tools must have served different areas of life in the form of bush clearing, farming, carving cultural objects (stele, monuments, etc.) from blocks of stones, that in the end must have enabled population increase and the rise and development of complex societies. Utilizing the data from Butaa Nadoo

Frequently archaeometallurgical studies have recourse to ethnological parallels, mainly to understand better and to help the reconstruction of the ancient technological procedures. Nevertheless, it was less frequent to resort to anthropological data in order to examine rituals and beliefs that lay at the bottom of the metallurgical knowledge and that constituted a relevant part of the symbolic universe connected to metals. This is particularly significant if the purpose of the research is to analyse some special metal tools, in the light of their role in ethnological or archaeological societies. A great potential of ethnoarchaeological research is in focusing on correlations between specific forms of human behaviour and their material expressions in the ethnographic records, to identify similar residues in archaeological contexts (BINFORD 1987). Africa still offers considerable opportunities of investigation, thanks to the special preservation of its environment and its life style. As underlined by Childs and Herbert, Africa is one of the very few regions in the planet where archaeology and ethnography still complement and inform each other (CHILDS, HERBERT 2005: 276). The present research focuses on the Oromo from Ethiopia, a people who lives in northeastern of the African continent; they express intriguing traditions and myths still today. Traditionally, the Oromo are mainly farming and cattlebreeding communities; they are settled in the Wollega region (Fig. 1), a large area south of the Nile and east of the Sudan border. For this research, it is relevant to stress that some iron ore deposits are in this territory, and that local metallurgists actively exploited them up to the recent past. Therefore, the Oromo were acquainted with metals: until 88

Fig. 1. The Siidaa of the Odaa Bulluq in northeastern Wollega. meteorites are composed by iron-nickel alloys and Widmanstätten patterns are their typical metallographic structure (cf. GIARDINO 2010: 195-197). The use of meteoritic iron was observed until recent times in artefacts manufacturing by ethnological communities. The Cape York meteorite is named for Cape York, the location of its discovery in Savissivik, north-west Greenland, and is one of the largest iron meteorites in the world. The iron masses from the Cape York meteorite - that collided with Earth nearly 10,000 years ago - were well known to the Inuit. For centuries, Inuit living near the meteorites - that they called Ahnighito, the Tent, (weighing 31 tons), the Woman (3 tons), the Dog (400 kg) and Agpalilik, the Man (20 tons) - used them as a source of iron for tools and harpoons, with a non-pyrotechnological technology, substantially coming from stone working (RICKARD 1941; BUCHWALD 1992). The Hopewell Indians of the Ohio Valley made use of meteoritic iron to produce knives, chisels and ear ornaments by cold hammering (BURKE 1986: 231). The ideological connection between the iron and the sky must have been rooted in the fact that people first began to utilize celestial iron before they developed the technological knowledge of exploiting terrestrial one. This all put together with the ambiguous roles iron or metals play in the society have highly complicated the nature of

traditional belief site, the paper attempts to present the role of some metal objects/tools as a medium of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism among the Oromo society and in a wider setting.

Belief Systems Related to Iron

roles have not actually been limited to secular aspects of human life. There is a wide spread belief that the first iron has been dropped from heaven (BURKA 2008; 2009, in press; HAALAND 2007; HAALAND and HAALAND 2007; MCOSH 1979). These beliefs appear to be spread between lots of different peoples. The Sumerian term AN-BAR, the most ancient written name to define the iron, was constituted by two pictographs joined together, that one of the “sky” and that other of the “fire”. Among ancient Egyptians iron was called with the term biz-n.pt, whose meaning is “metal of the sky”, most probably referring to a meteoritic origin of this metal (ELIADE 1991: 17-18). Archaeometallurgical analyses revealed the presence of nickel and/or Widmanstätten patterns in many of the iron archaeological objects from Near East (Iran, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Anatolia) found in 5th - 3rd millennium BC contexts (BURKE 1986, tab. 4, p. 230); this evidence suggests that they were probably made by meteoritic iron. In fact iron 89

Waaqa continued to dominate the various facets of the society’s life particularly fused with Orthodox Christianity. One can also find it in syncretism with other religions. The Oromo traditional belief that is conducted by worshiping Waaqaa on the top of mountains, near water bodies and under the shades of selected trees needed no preacher or messenger but the intermediary roles of the Qallu and Qallitti (male and female spiritual heads). The Qaalluu/Qaallitti who occasionally are possessed by spirits (BARTELS 1983), act like prophets who foretell, as witch doctors and provide medicine for the sick or as judges for resolving conflicts among the people of their domains. The material culture through which the spiritual culture of the people is addressed is documented from the ritual places of the intermediaries centered at its Siidaa. The Siidaa is a secluded area where a number of stele are erected under a Podocarpus tree, an evergreen tree regarded as father of all plant species; it is one of the most revered quarters of the ritual site (Fig. 2). Although the purpose of this work is not about the steles, a highlight would help our understanding of the ritual place where metal objects are brought for action. In the event of a ceremony concerning, for instance, an oath various metal objects are brought in front of the Siida. So, the place is highly revered and feared. In our ritual site of presentation, we could count eighteen stele in two rounds of nine each

the discussion connected with it. In this paper, first we would introduce the traditional Oromo belief system in light of the ritual institution that governs this belief system mediated by metal objects. In this way, the idea that favors the interrelationship between the Waaqa, the intermediary ritual head and the smith who forges the intermediary metal object (BURKA 2006, 2008) is brought forward. In the second part, we would present some selected metal items from one of the Qalluu institution sites, the Butaa Naadoo of highland northeastern Wollega, which are still used for different ritual purposes, particularly as instruments of curse and blessings beyond what we know of their use as common objects. Finally, we would attempt to place the data from northeastern highlands of Wollega in the wider context of the ritual role of iron among various societies.

Iron: its Myth of Origin and Rituality in Oromo

In the last one or two centuries, the Oromo society was highly exposed to different religions than their indigenous belief system (BURKA 2009). The major outside religions adopted by the Oromo of different localities are Islam and different denominations of Christianity. Despite the impinging roles of the new religions, the traditional belief system in the name of Waaqeffana, meaning belief in

Fig. 2. Plan of Ethiopia; Wallega in gray.

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erected encircling the tree trunk. Two of the steles erected parallel to the entrance are phallic shaped and some fibers are tied around the “necks”. In front of the phallic steles are situated one incense burner and a Birille, a small bottle with a long neck and bulbous bottom used for drinking mead (Booka), also needed for rituality such as blessing ceremony during marriage, conflict resolution etc because it symbolizes cleanliness, sweetness and pleasant odor. Outside the enclosure, on both sides of the only single entrance two steles are also erected. There are at least two means of reconstructing the myth of the origin of metals in Oromo. The first has to do with the name given to metals (particularly iron) and the second is the relationship it holds with the traditional belief system of the people (BURKA 2009). As Kassam and Megerssa (KASSAM, MEGERSSA 1989) attempted to relate from the myth of the ritual father’s origin in Boran Oromo of southern Ethiopia, iron is connected to heavenly origins. According to them, it is a common belief in the Oromo tradition that the first religious father Qaalluu (BURKA 2006) has descended from Waaqaa to whom ultimately are connected the blessed marginal Waata hunters (see KASSAM, BASHUNA 2004) for discovering him in the jungles. During his appearance, the Qaallu was decorated with the black, white and red Oromo colors as well as metal bracelets and shell objects. In this, it is argued that Abba Muuda (Qaalluu) has combined the symbolic relationship between maleness and femaleness through metal and shell objects (MEGERSSA, KASSAM 1989) respectively. It has for some time been suggested for considering the connection between three interrelated elements in Oromo cultural manifestations namely-the black color of the cloth, the black color of the Oromo creator and the black color of metal iron (BURKA 2006, 2008, 2009). Furthermore, the link between the Qaalluu and the smiths is under scrutiny (BURKA 2009). According to the tradition, the black part of the Oromo ritual clothes is a representative on earth of the heavenly Oromo black God, Waaqa Gurraacha. The clothes that the ritual heads (Qaallu and Qallitti) dress during ritual ceremonies and the ideology of which became a basis as symbol of the people’s national color is rooted in this kind of legend. Black is representing the unbounded powers of Waaqa, white Waaqaa’s promises in the form of fogs and the red one symbolizing blood of animals, which the people sacrifice for appeasement (BURKA 2006; cf. also MEGERSSA 1994). One of the metal decorations connected to the first Qaalluu and wich continued to be the case with his descendants, is a phallic object called Kallacha (Fig. 3), which the anointed father wears on his forehead (BURKA 2009; KASSAM, MEGERSSA 1989; KNUTSON 1967). This object is regarded as sacred because it is believed to have a heavenly origin. It is always kept in a milk container made of plant fibers and is only brought out during annual a ritual occasion. Its material could be bronze or copper, which is tied on ritual man’s forehead but our record, showed it is iron. This object is a instrument of fertility and blessings. According to the religious father who allowed us to photograph it, Kallacha cannot be used as an object of

curse but for blessings and a medium of oath. In our understanding, however, there is only a thin line between the two practices, oath and curse. It has eight smaller nipples-like projection around its neck making it totally a nine-headed instrument. The number nine is a symbolic number in Oromo representing Salgan Borana, the Nine Borana, the ritually clean, chiefly and priestly class of the Oromo society. The number of ritual council, the shanee (or salgee) under the Qaallu is also nine (BURKA 2009). However, since the aim of this paper is confined to the role of the black metal, sibila gurracha, (iron) and the spiritual role of the object, the meaning of other ritual objects is left out. The Oromo term for iron is sibila gurraacha (WAINWRIGHT 1942; BURKA 2006, 2008). This might have been connected to the universal belief that iron has originated from sky, Waaqayyao that is black in color as well as water in the Oromo (BURKA 2006). It is therefore plausible to establish a reasonable connection between the colors given to both the sky and iron, in which the origin of the latter is associated with the former. While the productive roles of iron seems paramount in the Oromo, from different attributes of metal objects particularly after they arrived at traditional ritual sites, the role the objects play become independent of their primary uses. In the following, we would present some metal objects, that are used together to peacefully resolve various social problems. According to our informant, into the objects has been transferred a formidable power after dipping them into

Fig. 3. Kallacha.

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blood and sanctifing, the action of which is repeated every year. To begin with, these objects include such a bush knife (gajamoo), a double edged ‘throat cutting’ knife (haaduu gorraasuu), an horse harness (samsaa fardaa), a foot chain, grill (waxalee), a two-point spearhead (eeboo qaralamaa), a needle (mutaa), an harpoon (xeerguuree), a plough share (qottuu), an axe (qottoo), a broken whip (alangaa quluxuu), a metal scepter (bokku), a pincer (qabduu) and a plough harness (qonyee). In this discussion, we are obliged to use the Oromo terminologies of the objects since the local names also provide the special meanings they convey during oath or curse. Traditional ritual sites were areas where court-like activities were conducted. Since in the past the Oromo is far from the government offices in the towns, where modern legal performances take place, the people were dealing with their affairs and solving various problems with the centrality of the religious fathers and their metal objects. They are still allowed to continue to function. We are aware of the fact that a great deal of cultural meanings can be formed in their appearance in the ritual context than their primary ones in secular contexts. We also found it important that the explanation of the primary meanings of the objects could be used to convey the powerful symbolic meanings they obtain at ritual sites.

Qottuu and Qonyee

Qottuu (Fig. 4) and Qonyee (Fig. 5) the two important farming implements form components of metal objects used to resolve conflicts through oath/curse. Their primary (secular) use is very clear. Whereas Qottuu is used for splitting the ground, the other serves the role of harnessing together the components of the plough. It is to cultivate land. It penetrates and tears the ground apart to prepare it for cropping. It is an instrument of agricultural production. To own it means to be able to feed himself or his family. This primary characteristic of the tool is symbolically used in a sense of object of punishment. Under the condition when the plaintiff and the defendant present their cases in front of the ritual court, the symbolic meaning of the tools is put at their disposal. The Qaalluu and the Shanee use this object for ruling over the matter as a truth finder. This becomes adjuratory under the situation where the accused denies the alleged crime. Then, the ritual heads ask if he would like to take an oath in the medium of Qottuu and Qonyee. If he agrees, then he has to take oath passing through all objects in the package and be freed. The accused would echo after the head of the shanee. According to the spiritual father, the wrong doer would say: “… if I did wrong, for which I am accused of, let the sharp plough end of Waaqaa penetrates my body, my kids and my family’s body apart. Let the strong grips of the Qonyee of Waaqaa make me immobile, paralyze me; let my farmstead remains uncultivated, let me do not have any produce that Qottuu and Qonyee bring for life, let me, my kids and family miss the fruits of these and starve etc.”. The oath does not stop here; it continues in the medium of other objects.

Fig. 4. Qottuu.

Fig. 5. Qonyee.

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Saamsaa Fardaa

dumbness, deafness and close me from inside’. Meanwhile, the defendant either crosses (jumps) over the objects from right to left or finger-point to them, while calling all misfortunes onto him.

In the practical functional sense, this object is an instrument of control and deterrence of the animal (Fig. 6). Since the harness is put between the jaws of the horse, it is neither able to eat nor chew nor move forward at will. The horse cannot also make noises. It is generally an instrument of suppression and control of the wild behaviors. Symbolically, saamsaa serves to harness wickedness and directs to righteousness. In the context of the ritual court, the wrong doer begins to call curses on himself, family and his property mimicking the effects of the tool. He goes on reciting, what the head of the shanee spells out as ‘let samsaa of Waaqaa shuts my mouth and the mouth of my family, and my livestock; let me not say a word or let my family, children alike utter a word again if I really committed the crime. Let Waaqaa brings on me the

Mutaa

Under normal circumstances, a mutaa (needle) performs (Fig. 7) various important utilitarian roles such as sewing clothes or baskets or for unmaking woman’s hair. It is also used to take out thorns or other sharp objects that could prick into ones footstep. It has also symbolic significance. It forms among the contents of marriage gift objects during the stage known as suuqqata, where some ritual grasses and other objects are inserted in to the hair of the bride. In this context, it represents man’s strength. Therefore, mutaa has wider economic and social roles (see Burka in press). It is also regarded as providing protective role against malicious forces. Mutaa is used to protect beasts from attacking domestic animals by inserting it in the fireplace (BURKA 2006). Despite such practical and symbolically positive roles it plays, the object is also used as instrument of punishment. Sometimes, compatriots might betray each other on their common projects. There is time when the wronged could not bring the wrong doer to the spiritual site. Then muutaa

Fig. 6. Saamsaa fardaa.

Fig. 7. Mutaa.

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weapon (Fig. 9A). According to the tradition, the fighter keeps the thorny spear (eeboo qoraattii, xeer-guuree) in his hands. It is not a throwing spear in the traditional spear fighting. However, it is thrown at games to gradually inflict damage and bring the stabbed animal down. The spear is meant to inflict an in and out damage. In this case, on both sides of the spearhead close to the socket, a number of sharp points are added. These points are used to drag out inside organs after stab. On the other hand, the two-headed spear (eeboo qaralamaa) is not commonly used (Fig. 9B). It is only found in such ritual, symbolizing to inflict simultaneous wounds. Therefore, during the oath time (or when reconciliation through oath is made) the persons are expected to call on themselves the consequences (physical and spiritual) that the sharpness of such weapons brings on themselves and their close families and properties. The whole idea emanates from the belief that such weapons exist in both earthily (visible) and heavenly (invisible) worlds. Therefore, in the ritual context, it is the ‘invisible’ severity of the harpoon or two-headed weapon that is made use of. The person would say let the thorn of this spear steers my inside out, let my body feels the thorny pains that this weapon inflicts, let the thorn of Waaqaa tears me all around, let the double head spears of Waaqaa inflict its wounds on me and family etc. The ritual fathers claim that it is so rare that people would get courage to take the oath through the tools and weapons unless they did not do wrong.

is used to resolve the difficult case. The wronged would go to the spiritual site, discuss with the councilors and the head and would be advised to call on nuisances on the wrong doer inserting the needle near the revered site, the Siidaa. In the same token, this object is used to convince the wrong doer in the face-to-face dialogue. The accused would say: “…let the sharpness of this needle pierces deep into my heart and tears it apart, let its pains be felt deep inside me…” Then the Qaalluu and his councilors would proceed with the rest of tools.

Qabduu

It is clear that qabduu (pincer) is used for grasping objects, which are not appropriate otherwise (Fig. 8). The Oromo term provides us an insight into an indirect meaning of the tool. For instance, the phrase “Qabaa Waaqaa” literally Waaqaa’s grips connote supernatural infliction in the form of various illnesses. It is therefore such aspects of the object, which is used during oath or curse. The person symbolizes this object with Waaqaa’s hard grips that inflict enduring pain and calls on himself and his family and property the various forms of punishment if he really wronged his companion.

Eeboo Qoraatti (Xeer-guuree) and Eeboo Qarlamaa These two are very special types of spears. Eeboo Qoraatti is an harpoon-like spear point that is used for stubbing while the latter is not in any combat use and is a symbolical

Fig. 8. Qabduu.

Fig. 9. A: Eeboo Qoraatti; B: Eeboo Qar-lamaa.

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Reflection on the Spiritual Role of Metals

fearsome weapons. It symbolizes the god Thor, who uses the thunderbolt as his weapon. Thor presides over the rain with the thunderbolt and therefore he has also the power to fertilise the land. Therefore, Thor works like his Mediterranean counterpart, the Greek god Zeus (or the Roman Jupiter) (FRAZER 1922: 161-162). The thunderbolt - so as the meteorite - that falls on the ground symbolizes, besides, a holy marriage, a hierogamy: it represents the mystical union of the Sky and the Earth (ELIADE 1991: 16). There are archeological evidence of Thor’s hammer in some of the rock carvings from Scandinavia. One of these is the Stenkvista runestone (designated as runic inscription Sö 111 in the Rundata catalog); it is located near the church at Stenkvista (Skogstorp, Södermanland County), in Sweden (Fig. 10). Other runestones or inscriptions depicting Thor’s hammer include runestones U 1161 in Altuna, Sö 86 in Åby, Sö 140 in Jursta, Vg 113 in Lärkegapet, Ö l1 in Karlevi, DR 26 in Laeborg, DR 48 in Hanning, DR 120 in Spentrup, and DR 331 in Gårdstånga (HOLTGÅRD 1998; MCKINNELL, SIMEK, DÜWEL 2004: 116-133). Amulets representing the Thor’s hammer were widely popular in Scandinavia and in the northern European regions during the early middle age, mostly between Viking warrior aristocracies, also in areas with a Christian influence (TURVILLE-PETRE 1964: 83). Particularly significant is an iron pendant with the Mjölnir found in Yorkshire, England, dating to ca. 10th century AD: it has an inscription preceded and followed by a cross, a possible evidence of syncretizing “pagan” and Christian symbolism (ELLIS DAVIDSON 1965: 81). This syncretism is a good indication that the idea of the magic

The discussion regarding the spirituality of metals (iron) is rooted in the myth of the origin of the material itself. Iron is believed to have dropped from sky in Oromo traditions. This myth of a celestial origin is again connected with the mythical religious father who has “originated” from the sky and who was himself a smith (see Burka 2006, 2009). Waaqaa’s colour is black, the same colour of the ritual clothing. This colour is tightly bound to iron: hematite (Fe2O3), one of main iron mineral, is in fact generally black. Colour constitutes a relevant symbolic device, even though culturally specific (COONEY 2002: 93); it can supply important indications to value the symbolic universe of a particular people. To imagine the God-sky blacksmith as black in colour may allow complex meanings, including, likely, a connection with the meteoritic metal. Most of the iron meteorites (siderites) have a shining black-bluish colour because of the fusion crust due to the entrance in the Earth atmosphere (GIARDINO 2010: 194). The ambivalent aspect, divine and diabolical at the same time, is a remarkable element in analysing the symbolic meanings of the metal in the Oromo societies. This aspect is reflected in the social position of the metalworkers in these African communities. In fact, metal allows men to create useful tools that increase enormously their productivity. As already underlined by Gordon Childe long time ago (CHILDE 1974: 34), the use of metals enlarges the human control on external environment, supplying tools that could not be made in wood, bone or stone. For example, the utilization of the metal saws permitted the manufacturing of the wheels: the wheel is an innovation that helped a lot trades (wheels for charts) and pottery (wheels for potters). Besides, the use of metallic tools produces a relevant increase of productivity in farming, because they make possible better and more efficient cultivation techniques. Therefore, as a result, metal tools induce more efficient and plentiful harvest growth. Finally, they increase the chance to feed a greater number of people. Ultimately, metal employment affects directly on the potential fertility of the community. Nevertheless, metal can be usefully employed to produce also weapons of extraordinary functionality and cruelty, and therefore tools for suffering, destruction and death. The European prehistoric daggers and halberds are a good example of this very early use of metal. They were spread in Europe during the Copper Age and the Early Bronze Age; thanks to their high war potential and capability, these weapons assumed also the role of rank indicators, stressing the eminent social position of the warrior-chiefs that were their owners. Metal ambiguity and power is self evident between the Oromo; it finds intriguing parallels in some mythological beliefs of the ancient Scandinavian peoples. Mjölnir (or Mjölner) is the hammer of Thor, a major god associated with thunder in Norse mythology. According with Snorri’s Edda - a poem written in 13th century AD, but based on preChristian sources - Mjölnir is depicted in as one of the most

Fig. 10. Stenkvista runestone (Sö 111), with a Thor's Hammer, in 1916. The inscription says: "Helge and Fröger and Torgöt raised rune-decorated landmarks in memory of Tjudmund, their father". 95

power attributed to the Thor’s hammer was strongly set in Northern European peoples. Also in our modern societies, still exists the memory of the strong magical power connected to iron. The Italian superstition of “touching iron” is an evidence of these beliefs: iron has an apotropaic significance, deflecting misfortune. The horseshoe, originally made of iron, is still considered in most of the Western countries to powerful talisman: to hang it to the door of the house should bring good luck to the owner. It is intriguing to note that iron “brings good luck” between the Oromo too. They use to bury an iron slag and an axe under the back door of the countryside houses in order to protect them from spells (see Burka in press). The symbolic meaning of the ritual Oromo spears, the Eeboo Qoraatti and the Eeboo Qaralamaa, has a peculiar interest for the archaeological studies. Evidence of spears as symbols of power and leadership is well documented in European pre-protostohistoric contexts too. It has been pointed out that some of the spearheads from central and southern Italy of Early Iron Age should be interpreted like emblems of power - both political and religious - rather than simple weapons. Generally, they are large-sized and have a schematic depiction of a human face at the base of the socket, likely the symbolic representation of a God (BIETTI SESTIERI, MACNAMARA 2007: 23, 122, pl. 81: 387-388). Also in Alpine area there are graffito depictions of spears on rocks associated with inscriptions, like the lithographs from Loa at Berzo Demo (Brescia), in the Camonica Valley (Lombardia, Italy), dateable to the 3rd century BC (SOLANO, MARRETTA 2006) (Fig. 11). The spear was used as a symbol of power also in the Roman culture. Likely should be attributed to Verrius Flaccus this definition: “Hasta summa armorum et imperii“ (Fest. 55. 3; cf. ANFÖLDI 1959: 1). Often the Roman emperors were

portrayed wearing ceremonial spears in official depictions, like Trajan in the reliefs of its triumphal column in Rome (113 A.D.); helmeted bust of the emperor holding the spear was a common image on the coins, especially from the 3rd century AD (Fig. 12). This representation was also maintained in the Byzantine coins (Fig. 13). It means that in Rome the spear became the expression of the ruling power. The special symbolic meaning of the spear between the Romans is also testified by the hasta pura or hasta donatica, a decoration for merit awarded in the Roman army (cf. Suet., Claud. 28); the hasta donatica is represented in the aureii and denarii of M. Arrenius Secundus (41 BC) (Fig. 14). It would be very attractive

Fig. 12. Probus, Antoninianus, 276-282 AD.

Fig. 13. Justinian I, solidus aureus, 527-565 AD.

Fig. 11. Petrogliphs of spears on rocks from Loa, Berzo Demo (Brescia, Italy).

Fig. 14. M. Arrenius Secundus, 41 BC, aureus; the hasta donatica is in the middle. 96

pursue the role of the hasta in Etruria too. Probably the use of the spear as a powerful symbol came in Rome just from the Etruscans. In the wall painting of the tomba Golini at Orvieto (4th century BC), there is an intriguing representation of Etruscan royalty. In the hand of the sovereign, there is the spear, instead of a sceptre (GIGLIOLI 1935, pl. 245): the Etruscan God of afterworld, Hades-Eita is solemnly enthroned with his long royal spear of the ruler in his right hand (Fig. 15). On 2005 spearheads, the regalia belonging to the emperor Maxentius were found at the base of the Palatine hill: there was a sceptre together with ceremonial lance heads. Maxentius drowned in the Tiber while fighting forces loyal to Constantine, at the battle of the Milvian Bridge (312 AD). It is believed that Maxentius’ supporters hid the regalia during or after the battle to prevent it from falling into enemy hands. The spearheads were of two different types: with two blades and with six blades. The latest type had the socket made with iron and oricalchos (brass) (PANELLA 2007).

Metallurgists and Society

The farmers are at the top of the social hierarchy of the Oromo society. They regard themselves as the first born of the ancestors: they are rulers and citizens. The artisans are a step below them in the social structure. In the past forgers were not allowed to marry farmers, but also they could not take part to some social activities or ritual ceremonies. Therefore, although the divine origin of the first metallurgist, Waaqaa, the social position of the smiths between the Oromo remains still today ambiguous and in some way marginal. This is a well known role between many cultures both ancient and ethnological, where the position of the blacksmith is subjected to similar situations. Smiths are powerful and dangerous and therefore they must stay at the borders of the society. It is a matter of fact that metallurgists are frequently marginal creatures and that they are generally represented as disabled persons in ancient mythologies: the dwarves created Thor’s hammer; the Cyclops (monocles) and Ephaistos (lame) produce Zeus’ lightning. Nevertheless, Oromo smiths had the duty and the authority to create the religious and emblematic instruments as the eeboo qaralamaa, the mutaa, and the xeerguuree, metal tools and weapons that possess symbolically powerful force to resolve conflicts in a peaceful manner. Like their mythological counterparts, dwarves and Cyclops, Oromo forgers are in some way social subordinate position, but the magic power of creativity lies in their hands.

Fig. 15. Tomba Golini at Orvieto: the god Hades-Eita with his royal spear (from 19th century drawing).

and discussion with the ritual sites. We are grateful particularly to Zonal culture officials Obbo Belay Shiferaw and Obbo Chenet Waqweyya for accompanying us in the fieldwork. We are also grateful to the organizers of the 5th Italian Ethnoarchaeology conference to present the draft of this paper, the input of which in the long run enabled us to expand its scope.

References

ANFÖLDI A. (1959) Hasta - Summa Imperii. The spear as embodiment of sovereignty in Rome, AJA 63 (1), pp. 1-27. BARTELS L. (1983) Oromo Religion: Myths and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia: an attempt to understand, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlog. BIETTI SESTIERI A. M., MACNAMARA E. (2007) Prehistoric Metal Artefacts from Italy (3500-720 BC) in the British Museum (with a scientific report by Duncan Hook), London: British Museum Press. BINFORD L. (1987) Researching Ambiguity: Frames of Reference and Site Structure, in Kent S. (ed.), Method and Theory for Activity Area Research, New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 449-512.

Acknowledgement

We are very much grateful first of all to the indigenous religious father Obbo Abdisaa Qixxeessaa who allowed us access to the ritual objects and his revered site in order to photograph and record explanations. We thank also provincial cultural heads in northeastern Wollega for providing legal assistance to establish a favorable contact 97

S. (eds.) Runeninschriften als Quellen Interdisziplinärer Forschung: Abhandlungen des Vierten Internationalen Symposiums über Runen und Runeninschriften in Göttingen vom 4-9 August 1995, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. p. 727. Kassam A., Bushana A.B. (2004) Marginalization of the Waata Oromo Hunter-Gatherers of Kenya: Insider and outsider perspectives, Africa. Journal of the International African Institute, 74 (2), pp. 194-216. KASSAM A., MEGERSSA G. (1989) Iron and Beads: Male and female symbols of Creation: A study of ornament among Booran Oromo, in Hodder I. (ed.) The Meaning of Things. Material culture and symbolic expression, London: Unwin Hyman Ltd. KNUTSON K.E. (1967) Authority and Change: A study of the Kallu institution among the Macha Galla of Ethiopia, Gotenborg: Ethografiska Museot. KNUTSON K.E. (1967) Authority and Change: A study of the Kallu institution among the Macha Galla of Ethiopia, Gotenborg: Ethografiska Museot. MCCOSH F.W.J. (1979) Traditional iron-working in central Africa with some references to the ritualistic and scientific aspects of the industry, Zambezia, VII (ii): 155170. MCKINNELL J., SIMEK R., DÜWEL K. (2004) Runes, Magic and Religion: A Sourcebook. Vienna: Fassbaender. MEGERSSA G. 1994, Knowledge, Identity and the Colonizing Structure: the case of the Oromo in East and Northeast Africa, Ph D Thesis, University of London. PANELLA C. (2007) (ed.) I Segni del Potere. Realtà e immaginario della sovranità nella Roma imperiale, Roma: Electa. PHILLIPSON D.W. (1977) The Excavation of Gobedra Rock Shelter, Axum: an early occurrence of cultivated finger millet in Northern Ethiopia, Azania, XII, Journal of the British Institute in Eastern Africa. PHILLIPSON D.W. (1993) The antiquity of cultivation and herding in Ethiopia, in Andah B., Okpoko A., Shaw T., Sinclair P. (eds.) The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns, London: Routledge, pp.345-357. RICKARD T. A. 1941, The Use of Meteoric Iron, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 71 (1/2), pp. 55-66. SOLANO S., MARRETTA A. (2006) Berzo Demo (Brescia), loc. Noa. Nuovi dati sui rapporti fra scrittura e incisioni rupestri nella protostoria camuna, in Pessina A., Visentini P. (eds.), Preistoria dell’Italia settentrionale. Studi in ricordo di Bernardino Bagolini. Atti del convegno (Udine 2005), Udine: Edizioni del Museo Friulano di Storia Naturale, pp. 609-614. TODD J. A. (1985) Iron production by the Dimi of Ethiopia, in Haaland R., Shinnie P. (eds.) African Iron Working: Ancient and Traditional, New York: Norwegian University Press, pp.88-101. TURVILLE-PETRE E.O.G. (1964) Myth and Religion of the North: The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. WAINWRIGHT G.A. (1942) Early Records of iron in Abyssinia, Man 42, pp. 84-88.

BUCHWALD V. F. (1992) On the Use of Iron by the Eskimos in Greenland, Materials Characterization 29 (2), pp. 139-176. BURKA T. (2006) Iron Smelting in Wollega, Ethiopia: An Ethnoarchaeological Study. MA Thesis, University of Bergen, Norway. BURKA T. (2008) The Socio-cultural aspects of furnace shape, decorations: Iron smelting activities among the Oromo of West Wollega, Ethiopia, Nyame Akuma 69, pp. 19. BURKA T. (2009) Why the Tumtuu are Not Marginalized: New Perspectives on the Positions of the Smiths in Western Ethiopia, Wollega, Nyame Akuma, 72, pp. 12- 20. BURKA T. (in press) Cultural Aspects of Metallurgy in Ethiopia: the case of Iron production in Wollega, in Giardino C. (ed.) Archemetallurgia dalla conoscerza alla fruizione, Bari: Edipuglia. BURKE J. G. (1986) Cosmic debris. Meteorites in history, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. CHILDS, S. T., HERBERT E. W. (2005) Metallurgy and its Consequences, in Stahl A. B. (ed.), African Archaeology. A Critical Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 276-300. CONTENSON de H. (1981) Pre-Aksumite culture. Mokhtar, G. (ed.) General History of Africa II: ancient civilizations of Africa, Berkeley: University of California Press. . COONEY G. (2002) So many shades of rock: colour symbolism and Irish stone axeheads, in Jones A., MacGregor G. (eds.) Colouring the Past. The Significance of Colour in Archaeological Research, Oxford, New York: Berg, pp. 93-107. ELIADE M. (1991) Arti del metallo e alchimia (ed. orig.: Forgerons et alchimistes, Paris: Flammarion 1977), Torino: Bollati Boringhieri. ELLIS DAVIDSON H.R. (1965) Gods and myths of Northern Europe, London: Penguin Books. FATTOVICH R. (2009) Reconsidering Yeha, c. 800-400 BC, in African Archaeological Review 26 (4), pp. 275- 290. FRAZER J. G. (1922) The Golden Bough: a study in magic and religion (ed. 2009, New York: Cosimo Classics). GIARDINO C. (2010) I metalli nel mondo antico. Introduzione all’archeometallurgia, Roma-Bari: Laterza (new revised edition). GIGLIOLI G. Q. (1935) L’Arte Etrusca, Milano: S.A. Fratelli Treves Editori. GORDON CHILDE V. (1974) L’evoluzione delle società primitive, Roma: Editori Riuniti (ed. orig. Social Evolution, Cleveland, Ohio: Meridian Books, 1951) HAALAND G., HAALAND R. (2007) God of war, worldly ruler, and craft specialists in the Meroitic Kingdom of Sudan: Inferring social identity from material remains, Journal of Social Archaeology 7 (3), pp. 372-392. HAALAND R. (2007) Say it in Iron: Symbols of Transformation and Reproduction in the European Iron Age, Current Swedish Archaeology, 15, pp. 1-20. Holtgård A. (1998) Runeninschriften und Runendenkmäler als Quellen der Religionsgeschichte, in Düwel K., Nowak 98

Traditional Techniques, Resources Exploitation and Archaeological Record: an Ethnographical Study from the Oasis of Samarkand (Uzbekistan) Serena di Cugno, Simone Mantellini, Amreddin Berdimuradov Abstract

The paper provides some consideration on the useful combination of archaeological data and ethnographical observation in the oasis of Samarkand (Uzbekistan). Attention will be focused on two of the most typical aspects of daily life in the territory surrounding the city, water management and building techniques, in the attempt to better understand the archaeological pattern and process throughout the ethnographical comparison. The data collected will be analyzed at a different scale, from the regional extension to the reality of the small village of Naizatepa compared with the data available from the close excavation in the Early Middle Age fortress of Kafir Kala. KEYWORDS: Samarkand, Traditional Techniques, Water Management, Clay, Architecture.

Research Context

hundreds of artificial tells, better known in Central Asian archaeology as tepa, spread over the territory between the Karatyube Range at south, the border with Tajikistan at east, the Zeravshan River at north and the Eskì Angar canal at west. Although land reclamation carried out by the Soviets during the 1960s-70' brought to the flattening of 43% of the archaeological sites1, it is possible to date the major part of the surviving tepa to the so-called Kushan (1st c. BC - 5th c. AD) and Sogdian (5th c. - 1st half 8th c. AD) Periods, the latter corresponding to the Early Middle Age in

The oasis of Samarkand lies along the middle stretch of the Zeravshan River and it is historically one of the most important regions of Central Asia. Despite of the low degree of annual rainfall (300 mm) that makes this area almost arid, since ancient times the water of the Zeravshan allowed for the irrigation of more than 3,500 sq. km., making agriculture the base of the local economy (Fig. 1). The archaeological landscape of Samarkand is shaped by

Fig. 1. The area of investigation with the places mentioned in the article.

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the Central Asian chronology. The present paper outlines the results of both the field survey carried out in Samarkand area and the excavation of the upper citadel of Kafir Kala. The activities sponsored by the Italo-Uzbek Archaeological Project, started in 2001 under the direction of Amreddin Berdimuradov (Institute of Archaeology of Samarkand, Uzbek Academy of Sciences) and Maurizio Tosi (Department of Archaeology, University of Bologna). Given our interest for some of the primary resources such as water and clay, the present study only concerns the plain territory surrounding the actual city, where traditional techniques are still employed and local knowledge is still valuable. The piedmont area to the South of the city, where wood and stone are mostly exploited and water supply is chiefly based on wells or streams (locally known as sai), is therefore out of the scope of this report.

though the 1st May Dam, built up in two stages between 1914 and 19324, at the height of Ravatkhodja village, where Zeravshan narrows and its width does not exceed 200 m. Moreover, at this point, the left bank of the river is a mass of conglomerate of 15 m and the excavation of a tunnel allow, even today, to lead the water from the intake to the open-air canal5. This was the most suitable place for the construction of an hydraulic device to supervise the water supply of the whole Samarkand’s region6 as testified by the presence here of the ancient settlement of Varaghsar, well known thanks to the historical sources. According to many scholars, the sogdian toponym Varaghsar means “head of the dam” and it was the place where all the enemies usually started their conquest of Samarkand in the attempt to stop its water supply7, as occurred during the Arab conquest of the region in the beginning of 8th c.8. If the modern tunnel excavated in the conglomerate can have replaced the ancient one, it is unlikely that in antiquity a clay dam crossed Zeravshan because too fragile in consideration of the high-rate flow of water and the flood hazard, thus was still unclear how the water of the river was braided into the tunnel. A feasible solution to this question can be suggested after noting a traditional system employed nowadays by the inhabitants of the small village of Khodjayuz, located 22 km south-east of Samarkand and 16 km north-west of Dargom intake at the 1st May Dam9. Given the proximity of the village to Zeravshan, the area is subject to erosion caused by the seasonal floods that damage the strip of fields cultivated along the river and the houses of the village itself. That’s why the inhabitants are use to prevent this throughout a traditional system locally known as sepaya10, a Persian word meaning “three feet” (se = three and pay-a = feet)11. Indeed, it is a barrier formed by a series of wooden tripods, each one a built up with three tree trunks planted diagonally in the ground and then weighted at the base with earth, wood and river pebbles (Fig. 2). In Khodjayuz the sepaya formed a semi-elliptical line with 30 m of maximum length but after the last flood the inhabitants did not yet reconstruct it, thus we were able to watch only the three

Ancient and Modern Water Management at Regional Scale

Irrigation agriculture in Samarkand always depended on a very complex network based on two canals fed by the Zeravshan: Dargom at south of the river basin and Bulungur at north. Although the development of this irrigation network is related to the growing settlement pattern, the origin of these canals is still an open question whose answer lies in the many hypotheses tempted by a number of scholars2. Major attention has been devoted to Dargom canal, in the attempt of reconstructing the early settings of the upper canal, antecedent to the construction of the modern dam. Dargom is a 100 km long canal realized cutting through the small water courses descending from the Karatyube range and following as far as possible the natural slope and aspect3. The canal is constantly fed by the water of Zeravshan, originated in the high glaciers of the Northern Pamir, but the draining of the piedmont watercourses increase its capacity, particularly during the rainy seasons. Nowadays the water of Zeravshan are braided into Dargom

Fig. 2. The traditional technique of sepaya in the village of Khodjayuz.

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survived tripods. According to the peasants of the village, the sepaya is a very ancient system, that has been locally employed from the old generation up to today, and in the past it could be found in the territory of Samarkand even bigger than the one in Khodjayuz. If we consider the sepaya as an old system and that its building requires the same resources locally available today as in the past, i.e. wood, clay and stones, it is supposable that the earliest system diverting the water of Zeravshan into the tunnel might be a sepaya, in the shape of a long earthen embankment entering into the river with a line of wooden tripods fixed to the ground in order to give more stability to the whole structure. This hypothesis seems to be confirmed by some elements. Firstly, within the 1st May Dam area there is a building

where two rooms at the ground floor house a small museum on the history of water management in Samarkand. Here a lot of old pictures are fixed to the walls and collected inside big albums. Two of those pictures show, without specifying the name, the sepaya system and reporting that one picture has been taken in the “Upper part of the dam[1917-1932]. View from the Right Bank”, i.e. from the Bulungur side looking toward Dargom (Fig. 3a), whereas the second one cites that “Before the Revolution [1917] and the construction of the dam, the water for the irrigation canals were tapped throughout primitive technologies”12 (Fig. 3b), thus considering as “primitive” each construction built up according to the traditional system instead of the “modern way” mainly based on the employment of the cement. The second element is an update etymology of the toponym

Fig. 3. The traditional technique of sepaya in the historical pictures.

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Varaghsar. If there are no questions that Varaghsar means “head of the dam”13, according to Pavel Lurje, the Persian word varγ is a loanword from an East Iranian language such as Sogdian or Bactrian (where this word is unfortunately not attested so far), where *βarγ “dam” might be derived from *bagra- “dividing one”14. Looking on the pictures found at the museum, the idea is that the sepaya really enters though the river for splitting its water in two, the natural river and the artificial canal. Finally, the inhabitants of Khodjayuz remarked that the sepaya requires each year a big labour investment by the community in order to keep the system well working. This reason might justify the information available in the written sources, according to whom the inhabitants of Varaghsar were required to keep watch the “dam” on Dargom as a labour duty, in exchange for which they were exempted from land taxes15.

The observations concern the typical architecture in mudbricks and pakhsa19, the floors and the plasters, some wooden elements and, finally, the fire structures. In Central Asian building techniques, the mud is the primary resource, obtained mixing water, clay and straws to provide a superior grip and improve the natural sun drying20. The raw material is available in the same place of building: once chosen the area, the ground is excavated for tens of centimeters and then the empty space is filled by water. The mud is shuffled several times by the workers and pressed by bare feet, following a rhythmic motion akin to a dance21. At this point the mud can be put in place either as rectangular-shaped bricks or in block of pakhsa. In the former case the mud is poured into wooden rectangular moulds and left to dry in the sun after having marched the mold, so to have all the mudbricks arranged in regular rows. In the latter technique of pakhsa, also very typical of ancient and modern Central Asian architecture, some square clay blocks of 80-100 cm height are put in place in several levels also left to dry in the sun. The building of structures in pakhsa requires the cooperation of several workers, at least three: while the first worker presses the mud by feet, a second launches with the spade the mud tiles to a third worker, usually staying on a stair, who puts them in place. Some farmers interviewed in the village of Naizatepa evaluate in 3 days with three workers the time required to build up a wall 100 m long and 1.5 m height. In the mud structures of both the site of Kafir Kala and the village of Naizatepa, the low rate of straws in the mixture can cause some fractures during the drying process but without any later problem of stability of the structures (Fig. 4a). For this reason, the people are use to hidden the fractures throughout covering the wall by a thick layer of plaster22. A very meaningful comparison has been provided by the wall curtains. On a wall from the village of Naizatepa, we can see at least five different layer of remake in adobe mudbricks on the early structure in pakhsa. This situation is comparable with that one found in the Room 12 of the citadel of Kafir Kala, where a wall curtain in clay and fragments of mudbrick was covered by a layer of pakhsa (Fig. 4b). The mud is also employed as plaster for covering walls and for creating floors. The layers of plaster, generally 1 cm thick, are easy to identify in the walls of the ancient structures and several examples, different in fabric and

Traditional Building Techniques at Local Scale

The ethnographical analysis at local scale concerns the comparison between traditional building techniques employed in the small village of Naizatepa and archaeological-architectural evidences found out in the excavation of Kafir Kala. This allowed to understand both the physical behavior of the materials employed in building techniques and the succession of different phases of construction, delivering at the same time very fruitful information for the reconnaissance of the archaeological records and a more accurate stratigraphical analysis. Naizatepa is a small village of a thousand inhabitants, located on the right bank of Dargom canal 12.5 km southeast of Samarkand where the people live essentially of agriculture. The monumental complex of Kafir Kala lies in front of Naizatepa, on the opposite side of Dargom. The site covers more than 20 Ha and it is located in a strategic position along the southern part of the ancient Silk Road heading to Samarkand16. The excavations conducted since 2001 on the upper citadel by the Uzbek-Italian Archaeological Expedition have identified two main periods of occupation17. In the Early Middle Age, Kafir Kala played a crucial administrative role, as testified by the discovery of more than 500 clay sealings in the central courtyard of the citadel18. The presence of a thick layer with burnt wooden beams, charcoal and ash witnesses the end of this occupation, that seems to be caused by the Arab conquest of Samarkand in 712 AD.

Fig. 4. a) The technique of pakhsa from the village of aizatepa (left) and from the citadel of Kafir Kala (right).

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Fig. 4. b) Wall curtain from aizatepa (left) and from Kafir Kala (right).

Penjikent23. The type of the ancient woodworking are resembled today in many arcades in both public buildings and private households, like the little mosque built up close to the archaeological site of Naukaztepa24, where the wooden tile at the base of the columns is identical to those found in Kafir Kala (Fig. 5a). The final observations regard the fire structures, that have an important role in the daily life because used for backing bread and boiling water. On tne basis of the morphological, structural and functional aspects, the fire structures can be divided in different typologies, from the most complex tandir ovens to the simple fireplaces. In this case the ethnography was essential to better understand the function of the structures found within the excavation of Kafir Kala25.

color, have been found in the excavation of the citadel of Kafir Kala. For instance, the sample coming from the eastern side of the wall closing the Room 7 at north is of the same type of the one used nowadays in Naizatepa (Fig. 4c). Differently from the plaster, the floors are obtained by beating and pressing a very thin layer of mud, thus it is very difficult to detect them in the archaeological record. About the architecture, some additional consideration are provided by the wooden materials. The dry climate and the low rainfall of his region allow the preservation of several organic artifacts, such as leather shoes, textiles and wooden elements. The most important remains come from the upper citadel of Kafir Kala, where an early-medieval (7th c. AD) porch formed by 18 wooden columns has been found, very similar to those discovered in the near archaeological site of

Fig. 4. c) Clay plaster from aizatepa (left) and from Kafir Kala (right).

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a

b

c

Fig. 5. a) Wooden tile at the base of columns from the village of aukaztepa (left) and from Kafir Kala (right); b) Tandir from a bazaar in Samarkand (left) and from the Room 11 in Kafir Kala (right); c) Simple fireplace (ochag) from an isolated farm near aizatepa (left) and from the Room 17 in Kafir Kala (right).

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The tandir oven is a large clay dome, ca. 50 cm long at the base, that can be either lying on the ground, like those of the bazaars24, or built over a small clay platform 50-100 cm height. The main hole, horizontal or slightly inclined so to allow the loading of wood frontally to the user, is in the upper part while the hole used for both to remove the ash and to aerate the dome is at the base27. Once the tandir reaches the right temperature, the flat breads are attached inside the inner walls and left there until they are baked. The tandir with platform is the most common type in the village of Naizatepa, where the platform can be used as a work surface and it is often associated with a smaller fireplaces used for boiling water or cooking food. At Kafir Kala, the three tandir found out during the excavation of the citadel seem to be built directly on the ground, even though the presence of some adobe elements can be interpreted either as a platform or as a protective structure (Fig. 5b). The tandir of Samarkand find a good comparison to those available thanks to the ethnographical projects at Alalakh and Kenan Tepe (Turkey), where the structure of the tandir is also usually incorporated within three walls forming a room so to protect the oven from the wind and to allow the use even in bad weather conditions28. A second typology of fire structures is know within the local tradition as achak and it can means both the simple fireplace with charcoal and ash spread on the ground as well as a small clay structures mostly employed for boiling water (Fig. 5c). The most interesting observation come from the latter type. It is a structure 20-30 cm height with an almost rectangular shape, usually encased within three sides whilst the forth is left open to fill the fire. A mudbrick or a heap of mud is placed in the center to form a surface for the water pots. This type is more common in the small farms isolated from the villages where the farmers are used to stay during the field working than in the household so it main functions is to protect the fire from the wind. Even in that case, the ochag found out in the Room 17 of the excavation of Kafir Kala is the same one still employed nowadays by the farmers of Samarkand.

field survey in the 2007 season. For an overview on the irrigation technique along Zeravshan valley see MUKHAMEDJANOV 1978: 237-240. 11 Translation courtesy provided by Daniele Guizzo and Pavel Lurje. 12 Translation from Russian courtesy provided by Gian Luca Bonora. 13 This is also confirmed by the 10th c. Persian geographer Hudud al-alam, who describes the Varaghsar as the qismatgah-i ab, i.e. “the place of water distribution” (MINORSKY 1973: 113). 14 Pavel Lurje, communication held at the Workshop “Sogdiana” organized in Berlin on 28th November 2007 by Desmond DarkinMeinsterernst at the Turfan Studies of the Berlin-Brandeburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities 15 BARTHOL’D 1965, Vol. 3: 197; MUKHAMEDJANOV 1994: 272. 16 MANTELLINI, BERDIMURADOV 2005. 17 BERDIMURADOV et al. 2009. 18 CAZZOLI, CERETI 2005. 19 For a detailed description of the technique of pakhsa see FODDE 2009: 150-156. 20 FODDE 2009: 146, 148, 153-154. 21 PARKER, BARIŞ UZEL 2007: 11. 22 Ibid.: 155. 23 KHMEL’NITZKIY 2000: 46-51. 24 The site of Naukaztepa (code Tay-058) is between the villages of Naukaz and Rabat, to the North of Saryasiya (administrative district of Taylak). 25 PARKER 2010. 26 PARKER, BARIŞ UZEL 2007: 7-8. 27 Ibid : 14. 28 For Alalakh see MURAT 2007; for Kenan Tepe see PARKER, BARIŞ UZEL 2007: 14-15 and PARKER 2010. 10

References

BARTOL’D, V. V. (1965) Sochineniya, Tom III. Raboty po istoricheskoy geografii. Moskva: Izdatel’stvo Nauka. BERDIMURADOV, A. E., DIMARTINO, R., GIORGETTI, D., MANTELLINI, S. (2009) Samarcanda. Indagini nel complesso altomedievale di Kafir Kala. OCUS, Quaderni della Scuola di Specializzazione in Beni Archeologici dell’Università di Bologna, 17, pp. 246-249. CAZZOLI, S., CERETI, C. (2005) Sealing from Kafir Kala: Preliminary Report. Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia, 11(1-2), pp. 133-164. FODDE, E. (2009) Traditional earthen building techniques in Central Asia. International Journal of Architectural Heritage, 3(2), pp. 145-168. GRENET, F., DE LA VAISSIERE, E. (2002) The last days of Panjikent. Silk Road Art and Archaeology, Journal of the Institute of Silk Road Studies, 8, pp. 155-190. KHMEL’NITZKIY, S. (2000) Mejdu Kushanami i Arabami. Arkhitektura Sredney Azii V-VIII vv. Berlin-Riga. Akademiya Nauk Uzbekskoy SSR (1979) Irrigatziya Uzbekistan, Tom 3, Tashkent: Izdatel’stvo FAN Uzbekskoi SSR. ISAMIDDINOV, M. K. (2002) Istoki gorodskoy kul’tury samarkandskogo sogda. Tashkent: Izdatel’stvo narodnogo naslediya imeni A. Kadyri. MANTELLINI, S., BERDIMURADOV, A. E. (2005) Archaeological Exploration in the Sogdian Fortress of

otes

In addition to the need of extending the cultivable area, a second reason lies in the use of the tepa as quarries for the supply of raw materials used in building houses, stables and warehouses. The evaluation of the degree of destruction is update to the season 2010 after the full investigation of the districts of Samarkand City, Taylak and Urgut and the partial investigation of the district of Pasdargom and the steppe to the South-East of the city. 2 ISAMIDDINOV 2002: 15. 3 STRIDE et al. 2009: 75. 4 Akademiya Nauk Uzbekskoy SSR 1979: 143. 5 MUKHAMEDJANOV 1994: 271. 6 At the same height of Dargom intake, Bulungur canal was also excavated in order to supply water for irrigation agriculture and villages on the right bank of Zeravshan. 7 MUKHAMEDJANOV 1994: 272. 8 GRENET, DE LA VAISSIERE 2002: 156. 9 The village of Khodjayuz is in the administrative district of Taylak and the described system was found because just on the left of an ancient cemetery (site code Tay-076) noted during the 1

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Kafir Kala (Samarkand Region, Republic of Uzbekistan). Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia, 11(1-2), pp. 107-131. MINORSKY, V. (1937) Hudud al-alam: “The regions of the world”: a Persian geography, 372 AH - 982 AD, London: Luzac & Co. MUKHAMEDJANOV, A. R. (1978) Istoriya orosheniya bukharskogo oazisa. Tashkent: Izdatel’stvo FAN. MUKHAMEDJANOV, A. R. (1994) Economy and Social System in Central Asia in the Kushan Age. In: J. Harmatta, (ed.) History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. II. The development of sedentary and nomadic civilizations: 700 B.C. to A.D. 250, Paris: UNESCO Publishing, pp. 265-290. MURAT, A. (2007) Tell Atchana / Alalakh. Making a tandir. [Online] [Accessed 9th Sept 2010] http://www.alalakh.org/tandir2008.asp PARKER, B. J., BARIŞ UZEL, M. (2007) The Tradition of Tandir Cooking in Southeastern Anatolia: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective. In: T. Takaoğlu, (ed.) Ethnoarchaeological investigations in rural Anatolia, Vol. 4. Istanbul: Ege Yayinlari, pp. 7-43. PARKER, B. J. (2010) Setting the stage for a more productive Ethnoarchaeology. In: P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock, L. Nigro, N. Marchetti, (eds.) 6th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient ear East, (Rome, 5-10 May 2008), Wiesbaden: Harrassowits Verlag, pp. 507-520. STRIDE, S., RONDELLI, B., MANTELLINI, S. (2009) Canal versus Horses: political power in the oasis of Samarkand. World Archaeology, 41(1), pp. 73-87.

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The Guanaco in the Symbolic World of the Selknam Society Vanesa Parmigiani, Maria Estela Mansur, Igor Bogdanovic Abstract

The guanaco (Lama guanicoe) is the main terrestrial mammal of Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego. This territory, located at the southern tip of South America, was inhabited by aboriginal communities until the early 20th century. This investigation is part of a research project at the central zone of Isla Grande, occupied in historical times by the Selknam society, hunter-gatherer, on which there is a vast documentary record. One of the aspects of this research was the analysis of ethnographic and historical sources on the Selknam society, where descriptions of myths, legends and ceremonies were studied. The guanaco appears in many of them, sometimes playing an essential role. These data were confronted with the study of the archaeozoological record of Ewan site, a ceremonial site dating from 1905. The results obtained from the integration of both types of data confirm the relevance of the guanaco for selknam society, not only in the subsistence and economic spheres, as revealed by archeozoological analysis, but also in the symbolic world, as an integrating and vertebrating axis of this society. KEYWORDS: Tierra del Fuego, Hunter-Gatherer, Hain, Myths, Archaeozoology.

Résumé

Le guanaco (Lama guanicoe) est le principal mammifère terrestre de la Grande Île de Terre de Feu. Ce territoire, situé dans l’extrémité australe d’Amérique du Sud, a été habité par des communautés aborigènes jusqu’au début du siècle XX. Notre travail est encadré dans un projet de recherches développé dans la zone centrale de la Grande Île, occupée dans les temps historiques par la société Selknam, chasseur-cueilleur, sur laquelle il existe un vaste registre documentaire. Un des aspects abordés a été l’analyse des sources ethnographiques et historiques sur la société Selknam, où les descriptions des mythes, des légendes et des cérémonies ont été étudiées. Le guanaco apparaît dans beaucoup de ces récits, où il joue parfois un rôle essentiel. Ces données ont été confrontées avec l’étude des restes archéozoologiques du site Ewan, un site cérémoniel daté de l’année 1905. Les résultats obtenus à partir de l’intégration des deux types de données confirment l’importance du guanaco pour la société selknam, non seulement quant aux sphères de la subsistance et l’économie, révélées par l’analyse archéozoologique, mais aussi dans le monde symbolique, comme axe vertebreur et intégrateur de cette société. MOTS CLES: Tierra del Fuego, chasseurs-cueilleurs, hain, mythes, archeozoologie.

Introduction

that extend toward the South, to the Cape Horn. It is surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, the Pacific and the Strait of Magellan (Fig. 1). It is 400 Km East-West and around 300 Km North-South, with a total surface of 66,000 Km2 (TUHKANEN 1992).

The fueguian archipelago, situated in the southern tip of South America (between 52º and 56º lat S), is formed by a main island, the Isla Grande, and a series of smaller islands

Fig. 1. Geographical location of Tierra del Fuego.

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Fig. 2. Lama guanicoe (guanaco). This region was inhabited by hunter-gatherer societies since the end of the last glacial event, at least 10000 years ago (MASSONE 2002), until the European colonization, occurred at the beginning of the 20th century (cf. ref. in MANSUR, PIQUÉ 2009). At the time of the arrival of the first Europeans, practically all of Isla Grande was the territory of the Selknam society, a hunter-gatherer society who occupied the different environments of the island, from the flat steppe to the cordilleran forest. According to the written sources, the axis of the selknam economy was the exploitation of the major terrestrial mammal of Tierra del Fuego: the guanaco (Lama guanicoe). This South American animal integrates the Camelidae family [along with the Vicuña (Vicugna vicugna), the Llama (Lama glama) and the Alpaca (Vicugna pacos)] that entered South America through the isthmus of Panama some 3 million years ago, during the great exchange of fauna that took place among both American continents. For about 2 million years, the guanaco has co-evolved along with the patagonian environment (SARASQUETA 2001). Currently, it is defined as a social mammal, characterized by its polygyny and high territoriality (MARINO AND BALDI 2008) (Fig. 2). To confront the written sources, we have an exceptional archaeological example, Ewan, dated from the year 1905.

Ewan is the location of a ceremonial site of the Selknam people, where they met to celebrate the initiation ritual of the male adolescents, the Hain ceremony (CHAPMAN 2008 b). It is formed by a big ceremonial hut and the domestic camp in which people settled (Fig. 3) (MANSUR, MAXIMIANO, PIQUÉ, VICENTE 2007; BOGDANOVIC et al. 2009).

The Guanaco and the Sources

There are abundant and different written sources regarding the Selknam society, since their first contacts with navigators and explorers in the 16th century; the best and most complete are those written by authors such as C. Gallardo (1910), L. Bridges (1951), and the ethnographers M. Gusinde (1937) and A. Chapman (1986). They had the opportunity to work intensively with the last Selknam informers, who had lived, when they were young, in the traditional way of life. All the documents coincide in indicating that the most exploited animal resource was the guanaco. Its use was not reduced to food, but to the whole economic sphere (clothing, technology, etc). Moreover, the guanaco integrated the symbolic world of the Selknam, taking part in myths, rites and songs of the everyday life, as well as of

Fig. 3. Geographical location of Ewan site I and II, detail of the ceremonial hut.

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Sakanusoyin, son of a guanaca and a man who hunted guanacos by running and provided meat to people. In times of shortage, when they suffered hunger, he was forced to hunt his own mother, the only female guanaco left. Shortly after he died; since then the Selknam had to learn how to hunt with bow and arrows. Without any doubt, the most important one is the myth that consecrates the prohibition of incest. Like in most myths, it is ambiguous regarding the nature of the characters, which are presented as human/superhuman, but already with some traces of the animal in which they will turn into (CHAPMAN 2008). The myth tells the story of a manguanaco, a widow who falls in love with his two daughters, who live with him. He especially wants to sleep with his older daughter. As he does not know how to achieve this, after thinking it over, he decides to trick: he will fake his own death… Before doing this, he talks to his daughters, advising them that when he dies, they should marry a good man that he knows; they will recognize him at once because he looks identical to his father, but he will not be him. Then the father-guanaco fakes his own death, and his grieving daughters decide to leave towards the lands of their kin. On the road, they find the man exactly like their father, who starts seducing them. One of the daughters distrusts what

the Hain ceremony. One of the first extensive quotes about utilization of guanaco products in technology is that of C. Gallardo (1910). He describes what products were obtained from it and how they were employed. Among them he mentions: - Wool, fat and skin: wool to clean the children; fat, to prepare the ákel, red paint used for treating leathers; to grease different parts of the body such as hair, face and hands every morning, etc; skin to elaborate elements of clothing (cloaks or fur blankets, skirts, genital covers, footwear), bags and containers, the tent for dwelling, mattresses for the children, etc. - Bones, for many purposes, such as wedges to tear apart wood; once burned, to make with them white paint; to carve awls, arrow tips, harpoons and knives; to use as dish plates, etc; - Nerves, to make ropes, laces, nets, cords of all thicknesses, to sew clothes, the tent, the bags, to tie the tips or the feathers to the handle, to form the string of the bow, for the necklaces and bracelets, etc.

Beliefs and Myths

According to the Selknam mythology, all the forms of nature, the atmospheric phenomena, the elements in the sky and the animals were once human beings, transformed then in mountains, rivers, animals, etc. The guanaco has great intensity in the selknam representations. The quantity and the content of the myths and beliefs related to him reflect the importance and respect attributed to him. For example (according to GUSINDE 1982 [1937]): - If men go hunting without their Kocel (a triangle of guanaco fur placed on the forehead), the guanacos will be able to see them and they would flee quickly from them. - If a hunter sees a guanaco standing on his rear legs, making weeping sounds, an emissary will arrive a few days later from that direction, with news about the death of somebody in his family. - If a guanaco standing on his rear legs, tries to give short leaps and kicks the air quickly with his front legs, there will be war. - If a guanaco approaches a man on his rear legs, he will die soon. - If a man wasted meat of a guanaco, they will get offended and punish him: even being a very good hunter, during months he will not carry any meat back home upon returning from hunt. The guanaco is also present in many of the origin and structure-forming myths of the Selknam society. For example: - In the story about the peopling or the Island; the first people had crossed from the North to hunt guanacos. They came with a herd of them, but they were big and different from those in the island. Therefore, whenever a hunter found a guanaco that was tall, with a big body, he did not hunt it, since it was one of the guanacos they had brought in from the continent. - In the story of how they began to hunt. It is the myth of

Fig. 4. Lola Kiepja, Rio Grande 1965, photograph by Anne Chapman (2008 a: 172).

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she sees and runs away. The father-guanaco seduces the other; in that moment, they are both transformed into guanacos. Besides stating about the prohibition of incest, the myth explains the social structure of guanaco herds, with “harems” where the males copulate with several females, including their own “daughters”. For this myth, there is an exceptional song in the voice of a woman, Lola Kiepja (Fig. 4). She was the last Selknam informant who was “Born in a tent made of guanaco skin, throughout her childhood and youth she dressed in guanaco fur, camped with her family on the beaches, in the forests and along the shores of lagoons, and participated in the traditional ceremonies” (CHAPMAN 2008 a: 21). The song was recorded by A. Chapman in the winter of 1966, a few months before Lola´s death. She left, through her voice, the gift of the song k’méyu, property of Amilkin1, a shaman from the western sky that she once knew: Yohwn ténsh kai´?ainn wlejohe yohwn k?mná // Yohwn k?akshi ?ainn márren, márren nit ?ainn ?ainn // k?mná yohwn winá ja ten nas (here)// naim yohwn ténsh t´?ainn or k?mná winá// ´?ainn temá shonníjish kil ja hash áshni márren k´tam //soshits chimen mik hárnik ja haash ók´en k´wínta // ´ai winen káxen or kórié káxen wirik k´oosh chítish // chinen ?ainn tam ni haash ashni wit nia tam ni hash // k´auk she? mai mak´she? min k´chinen k´tam // k´she?min ni marren t´kari son winma // té sei jixen páaika// Soshits chinen mik harnik k´swién mam harník// 2.

Graphic. Fauna of Ewan I and II sites. smaller to 2 cm. We concentrated in counting them, determining degrees of thermal alteration and, whenever possible, attributing them to an anatomical and taxonomical categories. From this analysis 30,933 fragments were counted, from which 821 could be determined anatomically and taxonomically. In the domestic hut (Ewan II-Structure 1) the bone remains correspond mainly to guanaco (Lama guanicoe) and sheep (Ovis aries), although there are also remains attributable to fish, rodents, foxes and birds (Graphic 1). They show different degrees of thermal alteration, from unaltered to calcinated bone fragments. They are distributed all over the site, so much inside the fireplace and in its immediate periphery as outside of it. On the contrary, within the ceremonial hut (Ewan I), all the bone remains were burnt, very fragmented and concentrated in the fireplace area. Most of the fragments that could be identified belong to guanaco. There is a scarce representation of rodents, fish and birds, and there are no sheep remains preserved in the site.

Ewan, a Ceremonial Site

The archeozoological studies developed in the Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego have permitted to generate an important corpus of archaeological, experimental and actualistic information that helps in understanding the economy of the selknam and preselknam societies, as well as the importance of the guanaco, the selection of anatomical parts, the cutting techniques and the hunting strategies, etc. Nevertheless, in this work we refer exclusively to an archaeological example, since it represents an exceptional case: that of the archaeological site Ewan. Ewan is a clearing in the forest where different structures were discovered. On one side there is a big log hut, while on the other there is a series of structures belonging to smaller huts; one of them was entirely excavated. This settlement pattern corresponds to that of the Hain ceremony, attribution that was confirmed by means of different lines of investigation (spatial, carpology, anthracology, dendrochronology, lithic analysis, archeozoological analysis, etc.): Ewan I is the ceremonial hut, where the men gathered, while Ewan II-Structure 1 is one of the domestic huts.

Discussion and Conclusions

The archaeological record can be used as a key element to validate the information of documentary record (MANSUR, PIQUÈ, VILA MITJA 2007). In this case, for the Selknam society, the importance of the guanaco in subsistence sphere is known from the archaeological record of the numerous studied sites (FRANCHOMME 1983). The results of Ewan I and Ewan II sites allow corroborate its importance in the symbolic world. The comparison of the archeozoological record of both sites allows to put into evidence at least two essential aspects. The first one arises from the distributions of materials inside the huts, and shows that in the ceremonial hut there was a careful disposal of the residues, which were all burnt into the fireplace. On the contrary, in the domestic hut, “not incinerated” trash remains were allowed to stay inside the hut. This management of the residues in the ceremonial hut is coherent with the eagerness to conceal the activities that took place inside the Hain. The second

The archeozoological record of Ewan

The archeozoological analysis offered important results for the interpretation of both sites (CAMAROS and PARMIGIANI 2007; CAMAROS et al. 2009). In general, bone remains were deteriorated by thermal alteration and consequently very fragmented. Consequently, the analysis was based on the study of these fragments, most of them 110

References

aspect arises from the taxonomic diversity. In the domestic hut, different types of fauna are represented, showing a more varied consumption including even sheep (Ovis aries), an allochthonous fauna introduced in Tierra del Fuego by the white settlers not long before. On the contrary, in the ceremonial hut, no traces of bone remains of this taxon were found. These archaeological results can be confronted with the ethnographic information regarding the Hain ceremony. As we said at the beginning, the Hain is an initiation ritual for adolescent males; they entered as children and, after passing innumerable tests, they graduated like adult hunters. Most of the tests, as well as food taboos to be respected during the execution of the Hain, had to do with the guanaco. Consequently, this representation of the guanaco as main food in the ceremonial hut is completely coherent with the archaeological record expected for the Hain ceremony. We believe that this confrontation between the ethnographic and the archaeological information allows corroborating, from the archaeological data, the importance of the guanaco in the symbolic world of the Selknam society.

BOGDANOVIC, I., CAMAROS, E., DE ANGELIS, H., LASA, A., MANSUR, M. E., MAXIMIANO, A., PARMIGIANI, V., PIQUÉ HUERTA, R., VICENTE, O. (2009) El paraje de Ewan, un lugar de reunión Selknam en el centro de la isla. In: M. Salemme et al. (eds.) Arqueología de la Patagonia: una mirada desde el último confín, vol 2, Ushuaia: Edit. Utopías, pp. 941 - 956. BRIDGES, L. (1978) [1951] El último confín de la Tierra. Buenos Aires: Marymar. CAMARÓS, E., PARMIGIANI, V. (2007) Análisis del Material Faunístico de sitios de la Localidad Ewan (Tierra del Fuego). In: XVI Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina. Tras las Huellas de la Materialidad. Número especial, Pacarina, I, pp. 619-623. CAMARÓS, E., PARMIGIANI, V., VERDÚN, E. (2009) Espacio ritual, espacio doméstico: diferencias en el uso del recurso faunístico en la sociedad selknam. In: M. Salemme et al. (eds). Arqueología de la Patagonia: una mirada desde el último confín, vol 2, Ushuaia: Edit. Utopías, pp. 707-716. CHAPMAN, A. (1986) Los Selk’nam. La vida de los Onas. Buenos Aires: Emecé editores. CHAPMAN, A. (2008 a) End of a Word: The selknam of Tierra del Fuego. Ushuaia: Zagier & Urruty. CHAPMAN, A. (2008b) Hain:Iinitiation Ceremony of the Selknam of tierra del Fuego. Ushuaia: Zagier & Urruty. FRANCHOMME, J.M. (1983) Le guanaco dans les cultures indiennes de Patagonie. Archéologie, ethnologie, art rupestre. Mémoire de l’ EHESS, Paris. GALLARDO, C. (1910) Los Onas. Buenos Aires: Cabaut & Cia. GUSINDE, M. (1982) [1937] Los indios de Tierra del Fuego. Tomo 1: Los Selk’nam, 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Centro Argentino de Etnología Americana. MANSUR, M. E., MAXIMIANO, A., PIQUÉ, R., VICENTE, O. (2007) Arqueología de Rituales en Sociedades Cazadoras-Recolectoras. Una aproximación desde el Análisis del Espacio Socialmente Producido. In: Arqueología de Fuego-Patagonia. Levantando piedras, desenterrando huesos... y develando arcanos, Punta Arenas: Ediciones CEQUA, pp. 741-754. MANSUR, M. E., PIQUÉ, R. (2009) Between the forest and the sea: hunter-gatherer occupations in the subantarctic forests in Tierra del Fuego, Argentina. Arctic Anthropology 46 (1-2), pp. 144-157. MANSUR, M. E., PIQUE’, R., VILA MITJA, A. (2007) Etude du rituel chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs. Apport de l’ethnoarchéologie des sociétés de la Terre de Feu. In: Chasseurs-cueilleurs. Comment vivaient nos ancêtres du Paléolithique supérieur, Paris: Edit. du CNRS, pp. 143-150. MARINO, A., BALDI, R. (2008) Vigilance Patterns of Territorial Guanacos (Lama guanicoe): The Role of Reproductive Interests and Predation Risk. Ethology, 114 (4), pp. 413-423. MASSONE, M. (2002) Los antiguos cazadores del fuego. In: Doce Miradas. Sobre Selknam, Yaganes y Kawesqar, Santiago de Chile: Taller Experimental Cuerpos Pintados,

Acknowledgements

Research at the Ewan sites was part of a joint Project between Barcelona Autonomous University and CADIC (Argentina). This research corresponds to PICT n° 1236 Agencia Nacional de Promoción Cietífica y Tecnológica. We thank Mr Gaston Delgado for the English translation of this paper.

Notes

Every selknam woman owned one or various traditional songs k’méyu. These songs were inherited according to the sky to which they belonged. Amilken, the shaman who gave Lola this song, belonged to the West sky, the same sky to which guanacos belong. 2 The guanaco said (to his daughters, when) your father dies (sing) the lament// Bury the guanaco, (your) father, the old male guanaco, the old male guanaco, (your) father, father// I am speaking (singing) the woman’s lament of the guanaco// (Thus) the women (the guanaco´s daughters) sang the women´s lament after their father´s (death)// Their father followed the footprints of this daughters, sexually excited, urinating (while he was running), the old guanaco// One (daughter) ran away, the father mated (whit the other)// Vocalization. His daughter took care of the old male guanaco// (The old guanaco) son found the footprints (of his daughters)// (The daughters) went away after burying (him) in the White clay (and left), as he himself (asked that) his face (remain) uncovered// The father ran (after his) daughters (following their) footprints, urinating, (following in) his daughters footprints// (When) they mated (the other daughter) ran away// (When) the old male guanaco (became her) lover, (they were) not (no longer) family (and she not) a woman. (having made love to his daughter they were no longer human family: they became guanacos)// She was his love-woman// One (daughter) ran away, (He) made love (to the other) daughter, away (in the fields)//. (Chapman 2008 a: 241;242;244). 1

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pp. 117-143. SARASQUETA, D. (2001) Cría y reproducción de guanacos en cautividad Lama guanicoe. Comunicación técnica Nº 110. Recursos naturales-fauna, INTA-GTZ. TUHKANEN, S. (1992) The climate of Tierra del Fuego from a vegetation geographical point of view and ecoclimatic counterparts elsewhere. Acta Botanica Fennica, 145, pp. 1- 64.

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Places and Exploits of the Bandit Castrin: Material Results, Events Perception and Memory Building Luca Pisoni Abstract

The text concerns the life of the bandit from Trentino Abramo Zeni (1912-1986), captured by Nazis in 1944. A first aim is to connect the biographical reconstruction of his life with the archaeological deposit discovered in the cave where he used to live after going into hiding. A second aim is to understand, thanks to the interviewed people, the mechanisms of memory-building concerning those events. The most important result is a methodological one: archaeology, as well as historical sources, is able to reconstruct even the story of a single person. Lastly, very interesting are the different kinds of memory: the outlaw “Robin Hood”, the rebel bandit and the “noble bandit”. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, Oral History, Banditry, Memory-Building, Material Culture Studies.

Résumé

Cette contribution concerne la vie du bandit trentin Abramo Zeni (1912-986), capturé par le Nazis en1944. Un premier objectif est celui de connecter la reconstruction biographique de sa vie avec le dépôt stratigraphique retrouvé dans la grotte dans la quelle il se réfugia lorsqu’il été fugitif. Un deuxième objectif est celui de déceler, à travers les personnes interviewées, les mécanismes d’élaboration de la mémoire relative à ces mêmes épisodes. Le résultat le plus important se trouve au niveau méthodologique: l’archéologie, de paire que les sources historiques, est capable de reconstruire également les événements liés à une seule personne. En plus, sont aussi très intéressantes les différentes types de mémoires: le bandit “Robin Hood”, le bandit révolté et le “bon bandit”. MOTS CLES: ethnoarchéologie, histoire orale, banditisme, construction de la mémoire, étude de culture matérielle.

a single person, equally peculiar and not representative of broader segments of population (GINZBURG 1976). In other works, Ginzburg takes issues with both Fernand Bruaudel and the structural-functionalist French historiography, which see, with strongly negative connotations, the microhistory as “evenemential history” that cannot be reconnected to the inner structure of society. In Ginzburg’s opinion, on the contrary, we have to think about society as “…the result of the interaction between numerous individual strategies; an interweaving which only a close observation allows to reconstruct” (GINZBURG 1994).

Introduction

The exploits of the bandit Abramo Zeni, perhaps even because he never killed anyone, have had so strong a kind of Romantic appeal on a large number of people, that the figure of “el Castrin” inspired a local band song, was taken as an example of social riot by a group of Anarchists and can finally be seen amongst the characters of a painting. The continuous allusions to a refuge, emerging from a number of accounts, gave me the motivation for a first survey to the Bus del Castrin, a cave located above the village of Sarche (Fig. 1); in this place it was possible for me to examine what remained of the bandit refuge. This is the starting point of the idea of a cross-disciplinary research in which all the different sources of information can be inserted. The problems concerning similar studies has been recently discussed by Marco Milanese (MILANESE 2005), which lingered over the relationship between archaeology and oral sources. As for the relationship between events and memory, some school of thoughts of cultural anthropology show how memory is not necessarily (or closely) related to the fact in itself and, as a “cultural construction”, it is formed in totally different ways depending on the social status of the individual or of the group (FABIETTI, MATERA 1999). But is it possible to start a cross-disciplinary study concerning a single individual? And with which meanings and developments? The famous work by Carlo Ginzburg, “The Cheese and the Worms”, talks about the miller Menocchio, who lived in Friuli (Italy) in sec. XVI; as in the present case, it concerns

Fig. 1. Southern Trentino and some of the places frequented by Abramo Zeni. 113

emigrant returning from a long trip. Here is presented an extract from the interviewed which was published on the newspaper “L’Adige” (July, 18th, 1973; Fig. 2). “I practically never knew my parents; since I was a child I was a resident guest in the Nursing Home in Cavedine, and then I started working as a shoemaker. On March 1939 I was called up; I was assigned to the Yugoslav front, but I deserted. It was then that my life of torment started; I had to steal in order to survive, but I gave what was more to my fellows countrymen which were poorer than me. I was then arrested and, after one year of jail, called up again. Once again I deserted (1941). Together with some fellows, on February, the 9th, 1944, I went to the village of Pergolese to “settle the scores” with Noè Frioli, a person with which I had made some robbery, but which I suspected to have made the stolen goods disappear from my refuge. We had weapons with us; we stopped in front of his house, and I called him out loud. Frioli let himself down a window which was in the back, then entered the cowshed and went out of it with a fork in his hands. I shot him in his left leg, but he succeeded in hitting me in the forehead and in the eye with an axe. I recovered consciousness in the hospital of Arco, where I was arrested by the Germans; I tried to speak in my defence by confessing that my desertion had political origins (I was with the partisans) and they sentenced me to 24 years of jail, to which they added all the condemns for minor offences (thefts).

On the archaeological horizon, even Ian Hodder polemized with Braudel, reckoning that the latest has given too much importance to structures at the expenses of single events (HODDER 1987). On the contrary, Hodder underlines that archaeology has to stress the importance of both the facts, the individual and the social action (Agency; HODDER 2000).

Tasks and Methods

A first task of this work is to connect the historicalbiographical reconstruction of Abramo Zeni (1912-1986) with the archaeological deposit found in the cave in which the bandit set his refuge during his absconding. With this aim I used three lines of research: the examination of the newspapers of the period, the interview to direct witnesses to the life of the bandit and an inspection in the cave. A second task is to understand, in the interviewed people, the mechanisms of memory elaboration, which led to completely different results depending on the social status of the interviewed.

The interviews to the newspaper “L’Adige” and “L’Alto Adige”

On June 27th 1973 Abramo Zeni went back to his village after 29 years of imprisonment and, as it is noticeable from the newspapers’ titles, he was welcomed back as a poor

Fig. 2. On the right Abramo (Gino Zeni), welcomed back by his fellows countrymen when he was released from jail; on the left, Zeni with the Major in the village bar (“L’Adige, July, the 18th, 1973). 114

The Interviews to the Witnesses

The other interviews

From the other interviews it emerges how the Castrin was not actively wanted, both because he stroke terror into people (even into the police), and for the “social connotation” of his actions which gained him the respect of people (a consistent number of informants confirm the food gift made to the poor families). Equally interesting are the accounts of some people who were robbed by him, amongst which there are a peasant from Pergolese, a shopkeeper from Cavedine and the son of a miller from Calavino. Besides being seen as tolerable happenings, these facts are now just funny anecdotes to be told, part of a role playing game in which the players were on one hand the rural bourgeoisie, and on the other the outsiders (bandits, shepherds); at these figures we now look with a sense of nostalgia thinking about those past times in which lives where free from social constrictions. The Castrin thus becomes a kind o “noble bandit” (vaguely resembling the “noble savage” myth, which was equally free from the restrictions of civilization), which in the end never killed anyone and, overall, never put in serious danger the existing social equilibrium. On the contrary, different is the point of view on this story of both the rock band La Guerrigliera and the group of Anarchists; both the text of the song Abramo (http://www.laguerrigliera.it/Abramo.html) and the article on the Anarchist periodical Adesso (ADESSO 2002),

Between the year 2004 and 2009, together with Ivan Montagni, I made about fifteen interviews to different people in order to reconstruct the main events in the biography of Abramo Zeni.

The boy from Sarche

First of all, our source told us about a big leather theft in the shoe factory of Sarche, for which everyone blamed the bandit. The informant led then us in the nearby of the socalled “Bus del Castrin”, a cave located over the village of Sarche; he told us that, as a child, he used to pass next to this place when putting the goats out to pasture, he feared that place and tried to walk quicker when getting there in that, sometimes, it was possible to feel the presence of someone and, in some cases, to see a gun barrel popping out from the inside.

The girl from Sarche

The informant remembers well the Castrin lover, called “La Spongina”, which was said to sleep with the bandit in the “refuge” and could be sometimes seen walking through the village streets. During the winter she used to wear a fur, and this was the only fur which both the informant and all the villagers of Sarche had ever seen.

Fig. 3. The gorge made by the river Sarca and the Bus del Castrin. Inset above: one of the two entrances, which is located above the street.

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underline the courageous choice to rebel against a system which forces its son to fight in war. More generally, the interview show a basis of collective memory, which can be recognized clearly in the sentence (which was repeated to me a lot of times, even by informants very different in age and social status): “The Castrin was a person which took [things] where there were enough and put them where there weren’t”.

The Bus del Castrin: Area, Structures and Objects

The Bus del Castrin is a narrow cleft in the rocks of Monte Casale, and it runs all across the rock face until its base, where the river Sarca flows (Fig. 3). It is possible to reach it both from the top and from the bottom of the mountain, by climbing for various metres up the rock which from the street below leads to a narrow crack. The survey on the cave, which took place on May, the 11th, 2009 in accord with the Soprintendenza dei Beni Librari ed Archeologici di Trento, allowed me to discover the remains of two hearths and a lot of objects which suggest a structure’s collapse.

Fig. 5. The objects found in the Bus del Castrin. between two big rocks and the rock wall (Fig. 4.2). A small adjoining space, from which pieces of wooden beams, wires and an open food tin come, was used as a garbage dump (Fig. 4.4).

The structures

The concentration of objects (Fig. 4.3) covers a length of about 3,5 metres, and is constituted of small pieces of wooden beams, sheets of corrugated iron, bricks and broken glasses; these objects are usually used in roofing. At the northern extremity, the concentration ended against a great rock, where it was possible to see the presence of a hearth made of a great concentration of pieces of coal (Fig. 4.1). A second hearth was found not very far from the first,

The objects

From the cave come several objects, of which I here present only a small sample. The fragment of dish (Fig. 5.1) was lying amongst several others, and on its bottom is written the name of the factory:

Fig. 4. The inside of the Bus del Castrin.

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Zemanek & Cornell, Trieste. Surfing the net, the only information one can retrieve comes from Ebay, where there is still the track of a sale announcement, which is unfortunately expired, about two commercial letters of Zemanek & Cornell, dated 1924. The pitar fragment (Fig. 5.3) comes from one of the several potteries produced in the neighbourhood between sec. XVIII and XIX, which were used for household use. The use of such vases can vary, depending on the cases, from food conservation, to food cooking, to serve water or wine (KEZICH, EULISSE, MOTT 2002). I showed the food tin (Fig. 5.2) to two old local storekeepers, and they say they have dealt with such tins; the tins contained fish and were sold to people in funds already immediately before the Second World War. The lack of brands, inscriptions or other elements does not allow to set the characteristics of the steel knife (Fig. 5.4). I showed the leather piece (Fig. 5.5) to an expert local shoemaker, which made me notice that the object, if cut with a knife or another sharp implement, can be interpreted as the waste material of a bigger piece of leather. Moreover, from the refuge comes a small glass bottle which, in the opinion of the researchers of the Museo del Profumo in Milan, belongs to the production of the Maison Grenoville in Grenoble (Fig. 5.6). This bottle is a standard one, which was produced in a continuative way between the Twenties and the Forties, and was used to contain perfumes, lotions and other cosmetic preparations.

study, can provide a lot of information which often other disciplines cannot provide. The second aim, that is to analyse the mechanisms of the elaboration of memories, that are formed in totally different ways depending on the social status of the individual or of the group, is derived from the subjects analysed in the introduction, concerning the work by Carlo Ginzburg. It can be noted that there is a level, which can defined “popular”, where the bandit is seen as a sort of Robin Hood, he who “took [things] where there were enough and put them where there weren’t”; this sentence was repeated to me from many informants different in age and social status, and its influence reached even the front page of the newspaper “L’Adige”. The memory-building made by both the rock band La Guerrigliera and the group of Anarchists has a political and social connotation instead, since they put the stress on the aspects of revolt against war and against the system. The figure of the “noble bandit” has its origin in the middle class, and was created by those who were victims of his robberies; they identified as “otherness” the image of the outlaw free from the social restrictions, to which they used to look with regret.

Acknowledgements

The Author would like to acknowledge Franco Nicolis (Soprintendenza Beni Librari e Archeologici di Trento) for the archaeological data; Marina Chemotti for the English translation; Nadia Pisetta for the French translation.

Conclusions and Considerations

References

The first aim of the present work is to intersect the three lines of research and verify whether they support each other or, on the contrary, are in conflict one with the other. The comparison between the lines led to find some common points where the sources overlapped, coinciding one with the other in different ways. Think for example to the interview the bandit granted the journalist, in which he defined himself a partisan; this fact finds no equivalent in any of the accounts, nor in the historical horizon, and could have led him to consequences worse than being imprisoned. In other cases, like for example for the leather piece and the shoemaking profession of Zeni, which was revealed by he himself to the newspaper, the different sources are perfectly complementary. The plates, the French perfume bottle and the fish tin, which at that time must be considered as real status symbol, are maybe what remains now of the bandit stolen goods. The French perfume bottle is perhaps a gift by Zeni for his lover (as it was maybe the fur described by the girl from Sarche, too). The hearths, the ruined refuge and the garbage dump indicate that the refuge itself was used as a “dwelling place”. The most important result is therefore a methodological result; in fact, firstly, it becomes clear how both biography and archaeology can operate together in reconstructing a single person’s life, and secondly, we have confirmation that archaeology, and more in general the material culture

“ADESSO” (2002) Castrin. Adesso, 13, 6 giugno 2002, Rovereto (TN), p. 5. FABIETTI, U. MATERA, V (1999) Memorie e identità: Simboli e strategie del territorio, Maltemi, Roma. GINZBURG, C. (1976) Il formaggio e i vermi: il cosmo di un mugnaio del ‘500, Einaudi. GINZBURG, C. (1994) Microstoria: due o tre cose che so di lei. Quaderni Storici, 86, pp. 511-539. HODDER, I. (1987) Archaeology as long-term history, (New directions in archaeology), Cambridge University Press. HODDER, I. (2000) Agency and individuals in long-term processes. In: M.A. Dobres, J. Robb, (eds.) Agency in archaeology, London: Routledge, pp. 21-33. KEZICH, G., EULISSE, E., MOTT, A. (2002) Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina. Nuova guida illustrata, Trento (Italia). MILANESE, M. (2005) Voci delle cose: fonti orali, archeologia postmedievale, etnoarcheologia. Archeologia Postmedievale, 9, pp. 11-30.

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Contemporary Brazilian Ethnoarchaeology: Material Culture and Social Implications Rita Poloni Abstract

The aim of the present work is to investigate the theoretical and methodological perspectives used in scientific texts on ethnoarchaeology published in Brazil since the 1980s. This study focuses on MA theses and Ph.D. dissertations to obtain information on the employed methodologies and the theoretical field, as well as constructing a picture of penetration of this scientific field in Brazil. Finally, these data will be related to social and political transformations that have taken place in Brazil during the last two decades. The purpose of this exercise will be to perceive how the historical context of the country has influenced this scientific field and its power of social influence. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, Theory, Methods, Society, Brazil.

Introduction

the chosen topics. Some of these topics were taken from the book Ethnoarchaeology in Action (DAVID, KRAMER 2001:70), particularly from the third chapter, entitled ‘Fieldwork and Ethics’. These relate to the technical and methodological aspects of ethnoarchaeology deemed necessary for the development of research within this theoretical field. These topics are identified as the following: - Political, social, economic and cultural context of the research. - Ethnographic methods and techniques. - Archaeological research methods. - Qualifications and relationship with assistants (paid) and informants. - Records collected. To these topics, I added a few more that I have created in regards to the theoretical perspectives of analyzed works. These seek to understand the theoretical preferences of the works and detect the degree of explanation and importance given to those perspectives. They are as follows: - Theoretical context of the research. - Degree of theoretical explanation. - Direct or indirect theoretical references. Here are five points to describe ethnoarchaeology in Brazil: - Brazilian ethnoarchaeology, like ethno-history, seeks to rebuild the historical and cultural trajectories of researched indigenous peoples, emphasizing their own cultural logics, paths, and options; and showing the interferences, limitations, and transformations that took place as part of contact with national society. Comparing the relationship between the total number of pages of the text itself, and the pages dedicated to this issue, we notice that the presence of the historical and cultural reconstructions in these works is, generally, rather strong (Tab. 1). - The preference for the themes related to indigenous natives. All of the works studied here are focused on the material culture of brazilian indigenous peoples. Such preferences are justified by a variety of reasons, from personal motivations (works by other researchers that aroused an interest on the topic, contact with indigenous tribes, interest in getting to know these peoples more

Brazil is a nation that considers ethicity to be an ideological component in the understanding of its own identity. Strongly marked by the presence of Indigenous, African and European ethnicities, Brazil has been challenged since the colonial period to enter into dialogue with these cultural universes. This is something Brazil has done from the standpoint of the different perspectives in different periods. Since the 1980s, when Brazil underwent a process of redemocratization after twenty years of military dictatorship (1964-1985), such issues have been re-considered and discussed not only under a scientific scope, but also in the arenas of political and social discourse. Therefore, it becomes interesting to consider how the brazilian scientific community beginning the 1980s came to view ethnoarchaeology, a theoretical-methodological subfield of archaeology dedicated to the study of contemporary indigenous groups. Likewise, it is important to see how this archaeological approach has taken a social and political dimension. Accordingly, I will try to understand the similarities and differences between the theoretical and methodological perspectives in certain MA and Ph.D. theses in ethnoarchaeology from the 1980s. It is my intention to offer a description of the scientific field in the context of contemporary brazilian citizenry.

Theoretical and Methodological Description of Brazilian Ethnoarchaeology

I analyse seven scientific theses with the goal of trying to answer how ethnoarchaeology has been developing in Brazil in the post-military dictatorship context. Four are MA theses and three are doctorate theses, written between 1993 and 2007 and developed in brazilian research organizations1. The choice of these publications was made according to visibility criteria as well as for their scientific exposure, in addition to possessing the theoretical and methodological frameworks of ethnoarchaeology. To interpret these works, certain topics served as guides for the analysis of the studies, in order to make comparisons between them about the presence, absence and quality of 118

Tab. 1. The historical context in the studies.

Tab. 2. Theoretical approaches.

Tab. 3. Type of fieldwork.

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deeply) to scientific reasons (the need for information and research about a certain people) or even political and social concerns (the need to study certain regions or peoples that are being disturbed by infrastructure development in their traditional living areas). - The tendency of theoretical framework within the scientific horizons of Post-Processualism. Although the theoretical debates sometimes do not appear clearly defined in the texts, both regarding the theoretical insights of Archaeology and the specific theoretical frameworks of ethnoarchaeology, we can see the concern of the authors to emphasize the importance of cultural and historical specificities and the contexts of the human artefactual production. Although the second figure includes only the authors’ explicit choices about the theoretical approaches of their studies, we can note a preference for this scientific view (Tab. 2). - Although the majority of the works analyzed in this study have included ethnoarchaeologic fieldwork, we notice that some of the works did not include fieldwork, merely citing archaeologic excavations, documents referring to the excavations, or research in works on ethnology and indigenous history (Tab. 3). - Lack of clarity regarding ethnographic methods and fieldwork descriptions executed by the researchers. Although such matters and procedures are clearly described in some works, the majority provide little information on these issues. This includes the data regarding the sample group chosen for the study; the strategies; the number of villages, families or individuals; their representation of class, social position, status, roles or gender; the use of assistants; the researchers’ qualifications and relationship with the informants in the studied community; as well as their cultural knowledge about the group being researched and its language. Although the data presented in figure four only includes items that can or cannot be found in the studies, we notice the lack of attention given to many of these issues (Tab. 4). Clearly, however, such absences do not invalidate the

explanatory power of these works, but only describe the choice of a descriptive approach closer to historical rhetoric than to ethnographic and archaeological approaches. This may be explained by the nature of ethnoarchaeology related to the indigenous groups in Brazil that seeks to rebuild a cultural and ecological history of these peoples at once intersected by the European colonization of America and the emergence of the Brazilian nation. Finally, it should be noted that the characteristics of Brazilian ethnoarchaeology do not cover all of the features of this scientific field in Brazil. This work is merely an attempt to characterize the ethnoarchaeology as practiced in the country.

Conclusions: science and social conditions

As a science that seeks archaeological knowledge through ethnographic studies, ethnoarchaeology cannot refrain itself from the fact that, besides constructing abstract knowledge about the human experience and its artefactual and cultural productions, it also deals with issues relating to the history and culture of contemporary peoples, who may use this information in the fight for rights in the national society. At this point, Brazilian ethnoarchaeology has not set aside the importance of the issues concerning Brazilian indigenous peoples, denouncing the domination and colonization suffered by researched peoples in the past, but also the needs and claims of those peoples in the present. But other ethnic groups, which also have great scientific potential in the search for archaeological analogies, become increasingly visible on the national scene and draw attention to the study of their historical and cultural trajectories and to the discussion of their approaches, worldviews, and claims. In particular, we highlight the importance of the Quilombo communities to rewrite a story that not only points to the domination and enslavement of African peoples in Brazil, but also to forms of struggle and resistance in an attempt to maintain an alternative way of life to the impositions of dominant elites.

Tab. 4. Characteristics of the fieldwork.

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Notes

On the other hand, Brazilian ethnoarchaeologists are confronted with a challenge and an important critique: we need to pay attention to the fact that our work should not be used as material for cultural homogenization. We must be always ready to observe the people we are studying, not only from the typology, the fossil directors, the similarities and permanencies perspective, but also to understand the cultures they study, as elements made of pluralities that change through time. Solange Schiavetto writes about this in her book “A arqueologia Guarani. construção e desconstrução da identidade indígena”: “It is not simply about unlinking the material culture and ethnic groups, saying, for instance, that the prehistoric Guarani has nothing to do with the known Guarani or the current Guarani (...) Instead, it’s about accepting the possibility that the ethnic groups are seen as entities who have a situational and fluid character, rethinking the traditions and sub-traditions used in archaeology to date” (SCHIAVETTO 2003:101). Such issues do not only include Guarani culture, but all the scientific studies about culture. We need to be aware of such issues, even if they lead us to rethink the goals of our research and strive for new questions that cause us to extend our views and horizons of study. Of course, this is not to devalue the importance of the categories for archaeology and anthropology in the relationship with their surroundings, both human and natural. One should not forget that, ultimately, any study is a construction, a vision of a scientist and a science about its purpose. Regardless of the chosen scope and focus, the reasoning built around it will never cover its complexity altogether. It has to do with being aware that the categories we choose to analyze as archaeologists, and particularly as ethnoarchaeologists, cannot be used to subdue the differences, or to ignore them. We should not analyze lives so that they become compatible with analyzed categories when we are faced with situations that question our choices and ratings. We must recognize that the theories, methods and techniques we use in our studies are only analyses and angles of insight to a reality the complexity of which may not ever be completely understood. We cannot subject that complexity to our analyses when reality forces us to reassess our options, or simply to acknowledge our limitations in the analysis of a given object.

They are, respectively, Sem Tekotá não há Tekó: Em busca de um Modelo Etnoarqueológico da Aldeia e da Subsistência Guarani e sua Aplicação a uma Área de Domínio no Delta do Rio Jacuí-RS (1993), A Produção Cerâmica como Reafirmação de Identidade Étnica Maxakali: Um Estudo Etnoarqueológico (1999), Cenários da Ocupação Guarani na Calha do Alto Paraná: um Estudo Etnoarqueológico (2001), Organização e Uso do Espaço em duas Aldeias Xerente: Uma Abordagem Etnoarqueológica (2003), A Tecnologia e seus Significados. Um Estudo da Cerâmica dos Asuriní do Xingu e da Cestaria dos Kayapó-Xikrin sob uma Perspectiva Etnoarqueológica (2000), Etnoarqueologia dos Grafismos Kaigang: Um Modelo para a Compreensão das Sociedades Proto-Jê Meridionais (2001) e Os caçadores Ceramistas do Sertão Paulista: Um Estudo Etnoarqueológico da Ocupação Kaingang no Vale do Rio Feio/Aguapeí (2007).

1

References

DAVID, N., KRAMER, C. (1979) Ethnoarchaeology in Action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. MOI, F. PRADO (2003) Organização e Uso do Espaço em duas Aldeias Xerente: Uma Abordagem Etnoarqueológica. Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia da Universidade de São Paulo (MAE/USP). Tese de Mestrado NOELLI, F. S. (1993) Sem Tekohá não há Tekó: Em Busca de um Modelo Etnoarqueológico da Aldeia e da Subsistência Guarani e sua Aplicação a uma Área de Domínio no Delta do Rio Jacuí-RS. Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUC - RS). Tese de Mestrado. OLIVEIRA, L. MONTEIRO (1999) A Produção Cerâmica como Reafirmação de Identidade Étnica Maxakali: Um Estudo Etnoarqueológico. Universidade de São Paulo (USP). Tese de Mestrado. RODRIGUES, R.A. (2001) Cenários da Ocupação Guarani na Calha do Alto Paraná: um Estudo Etnoarqueológico. MAE-USP. Tese de Mestrado. RODRIGUES, R.A. (2007) Os caçadores Ceramistas do Sertão Paulista: Um Estudo Etnoarqueológico da Ocupação Kaingang no Vale do Rio Feio/Aguapeí. MAEUSP. Tese de Doutoramento. SCHIAVETTO, S. NUNES DE OLIVEIRA (2003) A arqueologia Guarani. Construção e desconstrução da identidade indígena. Annablume editora. SILVA, F.A. (2000) A Tecnologia e seus Significados. Um Estudo da Cerâmica dos Asuriní do Xingu e da Cestaria dos Kayapó-Xikrin sob uma Perspectiva Etnoarqueológica. Universidade de São Paulo. Tese de Doutoramento. SILVA, SERGIO BATISTA DA (2001) Etnoarqueologia dos Grafismos Kaigang: Um Modelo para a Compreensão das Sociedades Proto-Jê Meridionais. Universidade de São Paulo. Tese de doutoramento.

Aknowledgements

The central thesis of this article relates to the insights discussed in my master’s thesis, defended in May 2008 at the University of Algarve, Portugal. The project was the result of a cooperation between the university, advised by Prof. Nuno Bicho, and UNICAMP, Brazil, advised by Prof. Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari. I thank both of them deeply for their constant availability and insight into the scientific horizons of ethnoarchaeology.

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3. LANDSCAPE ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY: INTERACTION BETWEEN MAN AND ENVIRONMENT AND CHOICE PROCESSES

Way of Life and Technical Knowledge of Moroccan Charcoal Burners: an Ethnoarchaeological Approach (Gharb and Middle Atlas Morocco) Sylvain Burri, Aline Durand, Mohamed Alilou Abstract

In Western countries, the ways of life of forest artisans have left very few traces, either in the earth or in archives. The mobility of these persons, the fact that their activity was dependent upon the cycle of regeneration of the plant cover and their marginalization provide an explanation. The use of ethnoarchaeological sources is thus vital to guide the textual and archaeological interpretation (ACOVITSIOTI-HAMEAU 1995; FABRE 1996; LUGLI, PRACCHIA 1995; MUSSET 1996). This ethnoarchaeological approach helps the archaeologist to discover, identify and interpret the structures that he finds. From this standpoint, the study of post-depositional processes is necessary to better conduct archaeological excavation and better understand the series of operations that occurred and the associated technical actions. The Moroccan countryside today is a veritable repository of traditional ways of life and technical knowledge in Mediterranean lands, knowledge that has completely disappeared from Western Europe. This is particularly the case for the production of charcoal in the eucalyptus forests of the plain of Mârmora and in the evergreen oak forests of the Middle Atlas, studied in 2008 and 2009 (Fig. 1). In the latter case, the biogeographic and topographic situation is identical to that of the medieval sites for charcoal production being excavated in lower Provence. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, Post-Depositional Processes, Charcoal Production, Gharb and Middle Atlas, Morocco.

I. Typology of Charcoal Production by Rick in Morocco Today

charcoal burner and charcoal transporter. The wood to be carbonised is de-branched, bevel-cut and then stacked, one meter wide by five to ten meters long by a meter in height. The rotation of cutting is ten years maximum. The leaves are kept to coat the ricks, a task always carried out by the charcoal burners, preferably mixed with earth already containing charcoal. The ricks are between 5 and 6 m in diameter and 2.50 m high, that is 50 m3 of wood. They produce between 700 and 800 kg of charcoal. For reasons of security, they must be situated less than 5 meters from a service road and about 8 meters from the edge of the plot of land. There must be between 5 and 10 meters between two ricks. The plot of land, according to its size, may accommodate between 30 and 90, but only 4 to 10 ricks are burning on a plot at the same time. The pyrolysis lasts about 15 days, the charcoal burner must check it at least twice during the night. The earth used for coating is reused as fertiliser or compacted for fire-lighting. Charcoal burning practised in the Middle Atlas at altitudes of between 800 and 1800 m is very similar to the traditional way as the charcoal burner carries out the entire technical process in a family or cooperative situation. The wood is mainly evergreen oak, and to a lesser degree orange, olive, carob and jujube, but not juniper, the cutting of which is prohibited. Unlike Gharb, the green or dry wood is always burned with its bark, or it is considered to be of poor quality. Because of the mountain relief, the rick, which takes four days to build, is constructed on an artificially flat area or ledge made of dry stone. Its dimensions are more variable than in the Gharb.

Traditionally, the charcoal burner uses the technique of carbonisation in a rick with a central flue and vent-holes (ACOVITSIOTI-HAMEAU 1995; LUGLI, PRACCHIA 1995). The transmission of this technique is generally from father to son and only exceptionally otherwise. This activity is not officially recognized; the charcoal burner is considered to be a peasant.

A. Charcoal burning restricted by legislation

In Morocco, the state has become the main owner of wooded areas, and the forestry code regulates their use by declaring periods when exploitation is prohibited because of the risk of fire. The allocation of forest plots for charcoal burning restricts the production (volume, type and cycle) and the spatial and technical organisation. At Dar Bel Amri (nearby Khemisset), semi-industrial enterprises managing between 40 and 60 simultaneous pyrolyses are specialised in the production of fruit tree charcoal from orchard trees (orange, apple, pear, quince, fig, pomegranate), which they cut, as well as removing the stumps. Each charcoal burner is qualified to carry out all the operations need for the pyrolysis of the wood: cutting up of the wood, construction of the rick, coating, management of the burning and removal of the charcoal produced. Each rick of 40 tons of wood produces 10 tons of charcoal, that is, three times the artisanal production, and the pyrolysis lasts nearly one month. The rick is surrounded by a ditch into which water is poured to increase the humidity of the earth. The regular production of charcoal in the eucalyptus forests of the plain of Gharb is characterised by a technical series of operations divided into different specialised activities, those of woodcutter, stump remover, rick constructor,

B. Illegal forms of charcoal burning

Illegal charcoal burning is just as widespread. It is practised occasionally in the forests. Small ricks 2.50 to 3 meters in diameter and about 3 m high are built into the heart of a tree stump. They are often managed by young girls. But some peasants regularly produce charcoal to complement 123

Fig. 1. Location of study areas in Morocco.

Fig. 2. Eucalyptus fresh leaves coating the rick of Ben Aïssa Ben Rabhat. Douar Sidi Sefe (29/09/2009) (N 34° 08’ 102’’ et W 006° 02’ 715’’ ± 6 m). 124

their incomes. This is a sedentary form of charcoal burning organised according to the needs of the market. Far from being marginal, this practice sometimes concerns the whole village, including the women. The clandestine nature of the activity means that only a single small rick (3-4 meters in diameter) is built a few metres from the house. The wood is collected in the nearby eucalyptus forests within a radius of no more than fifteen kilometres. Only the dead wood or the waste from legal cutting is collected, except for some green branches for covering the rick (Fig 2). Another particularity: the presence of a stump placed next to the rick, intended to mitigate the possible collapse of the burning structure, which plays a ritual and prophylactic role. The black earth from repeated carbonisations in the same spot is used as a fertilizer and an additive in the fabrication of manure.

II. Residential strategies and temporary dwellings A. Residential strategies related to charcoal burning

A residential strategy corresponds to each organisation of the work of charcoal burning. The fact that this activity is carried out in a domestic setting, in the forests near a village or farther away, has consequences on the way of life of these artisans, whether itinerant or sedentary. The only case of truly sedentary artisans is that of the industrial charcoal burning of fruit tree wood (Dar bel Amri). The distance between the main residence and the place where the raw material is found determines the choice of a temporary stay or not. In the case of domestic production or in nearby forests, the artisan moves back and forth from residence to resource, either to transform the raw material on the spot or extract it and carry it to the dwelling where it will be transformed. However, in the case of artisanal charcoal burning on a plot that has been allocated, the artisan must stay there during the exploitation time, far from his village (Fig. 3). This situation concerns either a group of associated artisans or artisans accompanied by their wives and children and even their relations and in-laws.

Fig. 3. Residential strategies related to the different kind of charcoal burning.

to another on the plot of land to be as near as possible to the spot where the charcoal is made. They take down their dwelling and transport it to the next spot. This removability is very important for discovering the traces of such structures. In the Middle Atlas, the distance and the duration of the activity implies the setting up of family encampments which are more or less extensive and complex according to the holder of the allocation and the surface of the plot of land. In the case of large exploitations carried out by charcoal cooperatives, actual village-encampments are created, inhabited by several families. In one of these, a mosque was even constructed during the month of Ramadan. These encampments are located in different areas of the plot of land and are moved to follow the advance of the exploitation. The temporary dwellings are constructed exclusively in plant materials (wood, branches). They differ in their plan, surface area and manner of construction, but can be related to classical typologies of wooden archaeological and ethnoarchaeological structure of dwelling (CHAPELOT, FOSSIER 1980; EPAUD 2009). For their cabin, the charcoal burners gather dead wood from the plot or reuse wood from the cabins abandoned by the woodcutters. Today, plastic and jute cloth have replaced the plant materials. The choice of manner of construction and of the plan of the structure is not particular to each activity or to each artisan as the same forms are found among the

B. Typology of the encampments and organisation of the domestic space

In the Gharb, the segmentation of the series of operations leads to particular situations. On the same plots of land the encampments of woodcutters, rick builders and charcoal burners succeed each other. Each activity according to its particular requirements creates particular types of encampments. The woodcutting phase requires a high level of manpower, which leads to large encampments made up of several temporary family dwellings which move on as they follow the line of woodcutting. The time needed to construct the rick to burn the charcoal being relatively short, the artisans do not stay overnight but return to their homes each evening. The only traces of their work, besides the rick, are hearths for cooking and tea-making. Unlike the woodcutters, the encampments of the charcoal burners do not include their families. They are made up of artisans working and living together on the same plot. To deal with the production, the artisans move their cabin from one place 125

domestic objects. The rest of the space is used for the belongings of each charcoal burner. Annexes to the dwelling make up the encampment. First there are round hearths for cooking. In bad weather, cooking is carried out under conical shelters of about 1 meter protecting a hearth. In the Middle Atlas, a bread oven completes the domestic equipment. Other structures are for the animals. The encampment is sometimes enclosed by a protective fence made of wood cutting waste.

C. Study of the post-depositional processes

Observation of what the production sites become after abandonment is as important for the archaeologist as the observation of how they function. The example of the plot at Naour (Province of Beni-Mellal – Middle Atlas) where charcoal was produced by Mouha Baghbou from June to November 2008 (Fig. 5) provides evidence for the impact of anthropic post-depositional processes (removal of construction materials, voluntary destruction…) and/or the natural processes (bioturbations, erosion…) and thus the transience of the remains. The assemblage studied consists of an encampment made up of a temporary dwelling and a bread oven situated halfway up a slope overlooking all the flat areas where the charcoal burning took place. One year after in the autumn of 2009, the remains of the site had particularly suffered from erosion, because of the slope and the lack of vegetation due to crops planted higher up. Thus the ledges for charcoal burning made of dry stone had become completely gullied. The process of destruction of the encampment was increased by the fact that the artisan had taken away the construction material (wood and plastic covering). Only the bread oven and the excavated ledge for the cabin were still visible (Fig. 6).

Fig. 4. Temporary hut of the charcoal burners Hassan and Rachid. Sidi Yahya (14/10/2008) (N 34° 17’ 060’’ W 006° 11’ 566’’ ± 6 m).

different activities and the same artisan may produce quite different forms of dwelling. These choices of architecture and habitable surface are dictated above all by the number of occupants and the life duration of the structure. The first type is a conical structure made of wooden timbers embedded in the ground and joined in a central point at a height of about 1.70 m where they are tied together with a plastic band (Fig. 4). The entrance is 0.90 m wide on average. The covering, made in the past from interlacing branches, is today replaced by plastic tarpaulins covered by a coating of branches and eucalyptus leaves. On the exterior, a roll of earth excavated from around the structure covers the base of the covering to hold it in place. Variations with horizontal beams have been observed. The second type is a cabin with timbers forming a triangular inclined roof carried by posts and a main roof beam (Fig. 6). Rectangular in plan, these cabins are sometimes flanked by apses. The framework of wood rests on two posts bearing a main beam at a height of about 1.70 m. The structure consists of a series of embedded timbers that are inclined, regularly spaced and tied to the main beam by cloth ties or string. The entrance is formed by two embedded posts and generally measures 0.80 m wide and 1m 40 high. The domestic space is divided into several areas with differing functions. This division is sometimes made by trunks laid horizontally on the ground. An area for sleeping is thus defined, with a bedding of leaves and/or a series of rugs. Near the entrance a zone is designated for

Conclusion

Observation of the types of charcoal production by rick in Morocco reveals that they are becoming industrialised, one of the consequences being the sedentarisation of the artisans. This is accentuated by the fact that the children go to school, breaking the transmission of technical knowledge and the family organisation of the production. These changes that have taken place in the plain of Gharb favour segmentation and specialisation of the metier. The variability of personal situations and modes of organisation of production does not allow a clear picture to emerge. Except for the sector of Mârmora, whether they are irregular or regular producers, the charcoal burners exercise other activities to differing degrees, an aspect that should be stressed. This approach underlines also the transience of the traces left by this type of non-sedentary craft as much for the dwelling as for the structures of production. The rapidity and the impact of the combined effect of the removal of materials, erosion and bioturbations after one year accentuate the difficulty of finding archaeological remains. Complete erasure over time is most probable, indicating that to conclude that productions of this type did not exist because remains are absent would be wrong.

126

Fig. 5. Encampment of Mouha Baghbou. Naour (19/10/2008) (N32° 28’ 996’’ W 005° 50’ 560’’ ± 5 m).

Fig. 6. Encampment of Mouha Baghbou. Naour (07/10/2009) (N32° 28’ 996’’ W 005° 50’ 560’’ ± 5 m).

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Acknowledgements

We really thank M. Abdallah Saleh, directeur du Patrimoine (Direction du Patrimoine Marocain) and M. Ben Hammou Bouzemouri, directeur du Développement Forestier (Haut Commissariat aux Eaux et forêts et de la lutte contre la desertification) for leanding their support to our mission. We also thank the GDR 2517 Regards interdisciplinaires sur les activités et etchniques agricoles anciennes et préindustrielles (resp. P. Anderson - DR CNRS/CEPAM UMR 6130) for the financial support.

References

ACOVITSIOTI-HAMEAU, A. (1995) Côté colline, pratiques et constructions de l’espace sylvopastoral en Centre Var. Aix-en-Provence: Publications de l’Université de Provence. CHAPELOT J., FOSSIER, R. (1980) Le village et la maison au Moyen Âge. Paris: Hachette, p. 357. EPAUD, F. (2009) Approche ethnoarchéologique des charpentes à poteaux plantés: les loges d’Anjou-Touraine. Archéologie médiévale, 39, pp. 121-160. FABRE, L. (1996) Le charbonnage historique de la chênaie à Quercus ilex L. (Languedoc, France): conséquences écologiques. Thèse de doctorat de biologie des populations et écologie, Université de Montpellier II. 2 vol., 164 p. + (vol. 2 non paginé). LUGLI, F., PRACCHIA, S. (1995) Modelli e finalità nello studio della produzione di carbone di legna in archeologia. Origini, XVIII, pp. 425-479. MUSSET, D. (1996) De mémoire de charbonniers. Mane: Les Alpes de Lumière, 119, p. 104.

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Sixteenth-century Charcoal Kilns at Alpe del Rozzo (Cavargna Valley, Lepontine Alps, Lombardy, N-Italy) Lanfredo Castelletti, Marco Biraghi, Christian Colombo, Elisa Martinelli Abstract

Within the projects Interreg “Le Montagne tra i due Laghi” (“The Mountains between the Lakes”) and SITINET Censimento, valorizzazione e messa in rete di siti geologici e archeologici (Census, increase of value and placing in the web of geological and archaeological sites), as a result of an extensive survey carried out in Cavargna Valley between 900 and 2.000 m, numerous charcoal kilns had been identified and studied with anthracological analysis. The attention had been concentrated on a group of charcoal kilns in the site of Alpe del Rozzo, at 1.500 m, dated C14 at the XVI century AD, and on a second group between 1.600 and 1.700 m near Mutata del Rozzo, without a C14 date. Waiting for the results of archival data studies, finalized to verify the territorial correspondence between the charcoal kilns identified and the localizations of the ordered ones, discrepancies between the official botanical data and the information obtained from interviews carried out in loco has already be noted. These interviews signal that Abies alba was still present during the WWII post-war period, information unknown by reference botanical literature. Anthracology had founded out an almost exclusive use of this species, while during the survey it had been noted the presence of a silver fir-wood in a phase of renewal, coherently with oral tradition. In charcoal kilns situated at higher altitudes at Mutata del Rozzo, Abies alba gives up its place to an association of Larix decidua and Picea abies, but is well represented also Alnus viridis. The discovery is contextualized within other evidences of an intensive use of fire in Cavargna Valley, dated from the Neolithic to the Middle Ages. KeyWorDs: Charcoal Kilns, Silver Fir, Anthracology, Human Frequentation, Human Impact.

Résumé

Avec les projets Interreg “Le Montagne tra i due Laghi” (“Les Montagne entre les deux Lacs”) et SITINET - Censimento, valorizzazione e messa in rete di siti geologici e archeologici (recensement, augmentation de valeur et automatisation des sites géologiques et archéologiques), en raison d’un “survey” intensive effectuée en la val Cavargna entre 900 et 2.000 m, de nombreuses charbonnières ont été identifiées et étudiées sous l’aspect de l’anthracologie. En particulier, l’attention avait étée concentrée sur un groupe de charbonnières à l’Alpe del Rozzo, environ à 1.500 m, datées au XVI siècle, et sur un deuxième groupe placé entre 1.600 et 1.700 m chez de la Mutata del Rozzo. En attendant les résultats de la consultation des archives (actes notariés), finalisée à vérifier la correspondance entre les données du terrain et la localisation des charbonnières par les documents historiques, nous avons observé des discordances entre les données botaniques officiels, les informations renseignées par le habitants de la vallée et la présence actuelle du sapin dans la vallée. Le bois utilisé est surtout le sapin qui donne lieu à une alliance avec le mélèze et l’épicéa à une majeure altitude chez Mutata del Rozzo; mais l’aune vert (Alnus viridis) est aussi bien représenté. La découverte se place parmi les autres témoignages d’un usage intensif du feu dans la vallée Cavargna du Néolithique moyenne jusqu’à l’âge moderne. MoTs CLes: charbonnières, sapin, anthracologie, fréquentation humaine, impact de l’homme.

messa in rete di siti geologici e archeologici (Census, increase of value and placing in the web of geological and archaeological sites), a territory of Cavargna Valley about 2,5 Km2 wide had been explored minutely between 2006 and 2008, at altitudes included between 900 e 2.000 m a.s.l. (surveys realized by archaeologists M.Tremari and s.Morandi). The aim of this project is to locate, in the Insubrian territory, interesting geological and archaeological sites worth realizing interventions of cultural and touristic valorisation. In the territory between Alpe del Rozzo and Mutata del Rozzo (Fig. 5), in Cusino township (Como province), had been observed some morphological anomalies of the ground, at altitudes between 1.470 e 1.570 m. These

Val Cavargna (Lepontine Alps, Lombardy, N-Italy) (Fig. 1), included in the Insubrian territory, is located north of Lugano Lake and west of the northern part of Como Lake. The charcoal kilns here examined are placed in Cusino township, in Como province (Fig. 1). The charcoal kilns had been located by the side of the road from Alpe del Rozzo and Mutata del Rozzo, connected with green bands (Fig. 2) visible in Autumn and constituted by earth laid downhill during the realization of “piazzole” (the flat open space where charcoal kilns were prepared). Within the project Interreg “Le montagne tra i due Laghi” (“The Mountains between the Lakes”), realized in Cooperation between Italy and switzerland, and continued during the project SITINET - Censimento, valorizzazione e 129

Fig. 1. Position of Cavargna Valley (in the square) and of the site of Alpe del Rozzo (arrow).

Fig. 2. Positions of Alpe del Rozzo (1.500 m), links and Mutata del Rozzo (1.700 m), right and localization of charcoal kilns (arrows) as viewed in an aerial photo.

Fig. 3. Percentage values of taxa in charcoal kilns of Alpe del Rozzo and transversal section (50 X) of Abies alba (silver fir). 130

Picea abies and Larix decidua usually prefer higher places than Abies alba. Data obtained from anthracological analysis show an almost exclusive use of Abies alba during the XVI century, especially in the charcoals kilns located at lower altitudes (Alpe del Rozzo). once Abies alba was a plant very diffuse, then it gradually diminished because of climate changes and of the impact of man who, through fire, deforestation and pasturage - above all the ovicaprine one - has caused the disappearance of these species in wide zones (TINNer et al. 2005), and then replaced it recently with Picea abies and Larix decidua. Abies alba has demands very similar to Fagus sylvatica and in general to broadleaves. As regards the presence of Abies alba in Cavargna Valley, discrepancies between official botanical data and the information obtained from interviews carried out in loco had already been noted. These interviews signal that this species was still present during the WWII post-war period, information unknown by reference literature. In fact, during the survey carried out by Musei di Como in 2007, it had been noted the presence of a silver fir-wood at Alpe del Rozzo in a phase of strong renewal (Fig. 5), also in the beech-wood below, coherently with oral tradition. Today Abies alba survives also in senagra Valley between Alpe di Livrea (1.300 m) and Alpe di Nesdale (1.610 m), where “...si trova un fitto bosco di Abete bianco (Abies alba) la cui presenza deve essere ricollegata al clima frescoumido e all’altitudine. Pur essendo una conifera, l’Abete bianco ha esigenze ecologiche molto simili alle latifoglie, viene infatti definito “latifoglia travestita da conifera” (“...there is a thick silver fir-wood, the presence of which has to be connected with a cool and wet climate and to the altitude. Also if it is a conifer, Abies alba has ecological demands very similar to the broadleaves ones, in fact it is defined “broadleaf disguised like a conifer”) (seLVA 2005). These demands explain the co-presence of Abies alba and Fagus sylvatica in the typical beech-woods of high elevations, that at higher altitudes give up their place to Abies alba without Fagus sylvatica. The silver fir-wood

anomalies are constituted by a flat sub-elliptical space, with the longest axis of about 10-14 m and the shortest axis of about 7-10 m; in general, there are one or rarely two dry walls downhill. The flat area, obtained after the excavation of the slope, shows in section normally one sub-horizontal layer with charcoals: so, these anomalies had been interpreted as “piazzole” for charcoals kilns, finalized to the production of wood charcoal. The dating resulting from radiocarbon analysis of a sample of charcoal drawn from one of the charcoal kilns at Alpe del Rozzo (UT 51) is 305 ± 40 BP (XVI century AD). 1 σ (68.2%): 1519 - 1594 AD; 1619 - 1646 AD. 2 σ (95.04%): 1473 - 1659 AD. Anthracological analysis carried out on 395 charcoals drawn from samples of Alpe del Rozzo (Fig. 3) show an almost exclusive use of Abies alba, while other taxa, i.e. Picea abies, Ericaceae, Larix decidua, Alnus viridis, Fagus sylvatica and Corylus avellana, are present in exiguous quantities. At the moment in Cavargna Valley, between 1.500 and 1.900 m, the alpine prairies are very developed, dominated by Rhododendron ferrugineum, Vacciunium myrtillus and Calluna vulgaris, species belonging to the Family of Ericaceae, with also Alnus viridis. The presence of charcoals of these shrubby plants, often of little size like Vaccinium myrtillus, strengthens the idea of their use for the cover of the pile before the laying of the earthy mantle, operation that was often carried out with “ginestra dei carbonai” (broom of charcoal burners - Sarothamnus scoparius), which is no longer present at the level of Alpe del Rozzo. Abies alba is the species more represented also in the 227 charcoals (Fig. 4) drawn from Mutata del Rozzo, also if the percentage of this species is smaller that the one of Alpe del Rozzo. The presence of charcoals of Picea abies and Larix decidua (Fig. 4), altogether in a quantity that is about the same as that one of Abies alba, is explained by the fact that Mutata del rozzo is located at higher altitudes (1.600 - 1.700 m) than Alpe del Rozzo (about 1.500 m): in fact,

Fig. 4. Percentual values of taxa in charcoal kilns of Mutata del Rozzo and radial section (400 X) of cf. Larix decidua (European larch). 131

Fig. 5. Distribution of charcoal kilns of Alpe del Rozzo and detail of the silver fir-wood situated in the vicinity. all’analisi archeobiologica: la ricerca scientifica per la valorizzazione del territorio della Val Cavargna, Tesi di laurea del Corso di Laurea in scienze dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali, Università dell’Insubria, Como. CAsTeLLeTTI, L., MoTeLLA De CArLo, s., ProCACCI, G. (in press) Archeologia del Paesaggio nelle Alpi Lepontine meridionali fra Italia e svizzera. Il caso della Valle Cavargna, Actes du Colloque: Paysage…Landschaft…Paesaggio, 15-16 mars 2007, Genève. CAVIGIoLI, e., CITTerIo, s., ZAHoVA, A., MArZIANI, G. (1999) Analisi archeobotanica dei legni e carboni rinvenuti nella zona mineraria di Carena (Val Morobbia, TI). Minaria Helvetica, 19b, pp. 41-49. GrANDI, G. (ed.) (2002) Il travaglio del ferro in Val Cavargna e dintorni. Miniere, forni, fucine, boschi, e carbonaie. Materiali per la storia delle antiche attività minerarie e siderurgiche nel settecento e ottocento. Associazione Amici di Cavargna. LUGLI, F., PrACCHIA, s. (1995) Modelli e finalità nello studio della produzione del carbone di legna in Archeologia. Origini, 18, pp. 425-479. ProCACCI G. (2003) Uso del territorio e deforestazione in Val Cavargna (Alpi Lepontine meridionali) fra terzo millennio a.C. e primo millennio d.C.:un caso di studio pedoantracologico, Tesi di Laurea inedita, Università degli studi di Milano, Facoltà di scienze Matematiche, Fisiche e Naturali, Corso di Laurea in scienze Naturali, Milano. seLVA, A. (2005) Flora e Vegetazione tra Lario e Ceresio, Comunità Montana Alpi Lepontine, Comunità Montana Lario Intelvese, Como. TINNer, W., CoNoDerA, M., AMMAN, B., LoTTer, A.F. (2005) Fire ecology north and south of the Alps since the last ice age. The Holocene, 15, pp. 1214-1226.

in senagra Valley is constituted also by specimens of conspicuous dimensions, with diameters sometimes longer than one meter. As a supplement to what written above, it’s to add that other surveys had been realized in Cavargna Valley in 2003, along a transect starting from the locality of Buggiolo (about 1.000 m) and finishing not far below the top of Mount Garzirola (about 1.900 m). In particular, 11 profiles, pointed out by the flooding of the excavated road, had been analyzed under pedological and anthracological aspects. The constant datum coming out from anthracological analysis is the predominance of Abies alba, which is replaced by Ericaceae between 1.700 and 1.900 m (ProCACCI 2003). In the area of Mount Garzirola very deep layers of wood charcoals had been founded between about 1.000 and 1.800 m, dated from the Middle Neolithic to the Ancient Bronze Age, and until the late Middle Ages and the Modern Age. The results show that the men had frequented these areas, probably periodically, and that they had exploited different resources from VII millennium b.C., in a landscape in which, at high altitudes and at least from Ancient Bronze Age, Abies alba was prevailing; this species had lived through alternate vicissitudes, as discussed above, in this area in quite numerous groups until nowadays (CAsTeLLeTTI et al. in press). In the future, it will be interesting to deepen further the theme of charcoal kilns also under historical point of view, carrying out archival researches. The object of these investigations will be to verify the territorial correspondence between the founded charcoal kilns and the localizations, reported in notarial deeds of that epoch, of the charcoal kilns ordered in the examined area.

References

BIrAGHI, M. (2008) Dalla ricognizione archeologica 132

Les bases Ethno-Archéologiques de l’agriculture. Etho-Ethnologie des communautés scientifiques et traditions d’origine préhistorique Gaetano Forni Résumé

L’article commence par une brève analyse du comportement des communautés scientifiques qui fait ressortir son caractère substanciellement dogmatique. Ensuite, à partir de l’ethno-archéologie, deux cas sont analysés: la validité de l’utilisation du fumier et de l’incendie périodique des forêts, deux pratiques d’origine préhistorique qui montrent la supériorité du savoir traditionnel sur celui de l’actuelle communauté scientifique officielle. La conclusion analyse les limites de la connaissance humaine qui explique les paradoxes pris en compte MOTS CLES: fumier, dioxyde de carbone, nutrition, igniculture, igniélevage.

Abstract

The first part of the article is a short analysis of the behaviour of the scientific communities with its dogmatic outcome. Furthermore, two different issues have been illustrated with an ethnoarcheological prospective: the valuation of the manure’s utility and the periodic woods fire. Remarkable is how the traditional knowledge with its prehistoric root has a superior standard in comparison with the predominant scientific community. The article ends up with the analysis of the limits of human knowledge which explain the illustrated paradoxes. KEYWORDS: Manure, Carbon Dioxide, Nutrition, Fireculture. Firebreeding.

produire des germes alimentaires pour soi ou pour les animaux n’est plus un simple chasseur/cueilleur: il est déjà un cultivateur et/ou un éleveur grâce à l’utilisation du feu, ou pour le dire de façon plus concise un “igniculteur” et/ou un “igniéleveur”. Après ces prémisses, nous chercherons à montrer dans cet article la contraposition ou la concordance entre éthologie/ethnographie, c’est-à-dire entre le comportement des scientifiques officiels (avec leurs idées, leurs théories et leurs conceptions) et les traditions rurales de nos contrées, celles des Aborigènes australiens et tasmaniens qui remontent à la préhistoire, étayées archéologiquement et par les recherches ethnographiques et paléoethnographiques locales.

Bipolarisme entre pratiques traditionnelles d’origine préhistorique et leur confirmation/ réfutation par la science moderne

L’ethnoarchéologie est par nature une discipline bipolaire: ethnos et archéo ; entre ces deux pôles circule un flux de persistances, d’analogies, de continuités: la confirmation et la poursuite, par la science moderne (= ethologie/ ethnographie de la science, du comportement des scientifiques) de pratiques agricoles traditionnelles, dont certaines remontent au paléolithique et au mésolithique. Par exemple l’igniculture (= culture par le feu). D’autres pratiques remontent au néolithique, comme la fertilisation par le fumier ou le travail du sol avec un ou plusieurs outils: pioche, bêche et plus tardivement charrue. Mais ces deux pôles peuvent s’opposer: et cette opposition peut aller de la simple critique à la démolition et même à la réfutation. En est un exemple l’ostracisme affiché par la communauté scientifique contemporaine contre certaines pratiques traditionnelles, souvent d’origine préhistorique. Il convient de préciser qu’Homo sapiens, dès son origine, a toujours œuvré de façon logique selon le principe de cause à effet, principe souvent appliqué expérimentalement: si on sème sur les cailloux, on voit que les graines ne germent pas, si on arrose les plantes qui se flétrissent à cause de la sécheresse, elles retrouvent leur vigueur. Et cela peut-être après avoir noté que les plantes autour d’une source ne sèchent pas durant la sécheresse, contrairement à celles qui sont plus éloignées et qui meurent. De la même façon, l’Homme a remarqué qu’après un incendie de forêt certaines plantes germent rapidement et que ces germes sont très appréciés des hommes et des animaux. L’homme qui pratique ce type d’incendie pour

L’étho/ethnographie scientifiques

des

communautés

Guido Visconti est non seulement un scientifique reconnu, physicien et chimiste de l’atmosphère, professeur à l’Université de l’Aquila, mais aussi un excellent observateur du comportement des scientifiques, donc un ethnographe, non des populations rurales ou des indigènes australiens ou américains, mais des scientifiques officiels contemporains. Son chef-d’œuvre dans ce domaine est sans aucun doute son essai La febbre del pianeta, sur l’Effet de serre, argument de grande actualité (VISCONTI 1992). Alors que dans les premières pages il illustre les rapports complexes entre les scientifiques et divers secteurs économiques, politiques et du journalisme, plus avant (pp. 133-4) il ajoute: “Que l’on lise le rapport des travaux de l’IPCC (Commission Internationale sur le Changement 133

Climatique, constituée principalement de scientifiques : météorologues, physiciens de l’atmosphère etc…) on ne trouvera pas trace de dissension (…). Aujourd’hui, dans toutes les sciences, il est très difficile de trouver des théories en compétition (…). Il est vrai que la science n’est pas basée sur le consensus, mais sur le système des peer reviewers ou referees : quand on envoie les résultats de son travail de recherche sous forme d’article scientifique à une revue spécialisée, celle-ci envoie l’article à des arbitres anonymes (…). qui jugent la qualité du travail et donnent leur avis sur l’opportunité d’une éventuelle publication. Il est évident (…) que si j’écris un article dont les résultats sont clairement contraires aux théories des « censeurs », il y a de très fortes chances que mon article ne soit pas publié par la revue (…) Avec ce système on ne peut construire que du consensus (…). Il permet la création d’incroyables lobbies, surtout quand il s’agit de théories émergentes (…) pour lesquelles les spécialistes du nouveau secteur sont si peu nombreux qu’ils vont devoir se juger eux-mêmes. De cette façon le nouveau secteur peut connaître une croissance exponentielle, ce qui est en général néfaste en vue du progrès scientifique. Le problème de l’Effet de serre présente presque tous ces aspects négatifs…” On peut observer dès l’antiquité cette propension des dépositaires de la connaissance à promouvoir une pensée unique, une conception finalement dogmatique (FORNI 2011) et unitaire des secteurs de la réalité dont ils s’occupent. En est un exemple paradigmatique l’histoire des Conciles chrétiens, avec les disputes acharnées entre doctes théologiens. Bien entendu cette homogénéisation est facilitée par la convergence de nombreux facteurs : d’abord le prestige, le charisme d’un leader. Dans le domaine qui nous intéresse, celui de la nutrition végétale, on assista à une révolution scientifique primordiale à la fin du dixhuitième siècle, quand l’expérimentation et la recherche montrèrent que le carbone, le composant principal des végétaux, de leurs fruits et donc de tous les êtres vivants, n’est pas absorbé par les racines dans l’humus du sol riche en cet élément, mais par les feuilles, dans l’atmosphère où il est contenu sous forme de CO2 à l’état de traces : moins de 0,4%. Les résultats de cette extraordinaire découverte ont été exposés rigoureusement pour la première fois par Nicolas Th. de Saussure (1765-1845), en 1804, dans son traité Recherches chimiques sur la végétation (de SAUSSURE 1804). Il est évident que la portée de cette révolution scientifique n’était pas seulement théorique, comme celle de Copernic/Galilée (que la Terre tourne autour du soleil ou le contraire n’a pas d’influence sur la vie de tous les jours), mais elle était aussi concrète, bouleversant la fonction des différents travaux agricoles et donc l’agriculture dans son ensemble. Depuis sa naissance lors de la préhistoire, la réponse à la question “à quoi servent les différentes pratiques culturales?” était claire: on travaille le sol, on le fertilise, on combat les parasites pour permettre la croissance des plantes que l’on cultive. Cette réponse est vraie, mais elle est superficielle et indirecte. Le véritable objectif, même si on l’ignore, est de renforcer le

mécanisme d’absorption du CO2, le nutriment fondamental des plantes, dont dépend leur développement et donc la production alimentaire. En effet, plus la plante se développe, plus elle augmente sa partie aérienne, et donc l’absoption de CO2. Par exemple, quand l’agriculteur apporte un engrais azoté au sol, il augmente la nutrition azotée, mais celle-ci, en provoquant le développement de l’appareil végétatif stimule, de ce fait, l’absorption de CO2 atmosphérique et donc la nutrition carbonée ; elle est à la fois cause et effet, et donc la combinaison entre les deux fonctions: développement végétatif et augmentation de la nutrition carbonée, constitue, au moins partiellement un processus autocatalytique. Il faut en effet se souvenir que, pour cent parties de matière sèche végétale produite suite à une fertilisation azotée, si la teneur moyenne de la plante en azote oscille autour de 0,340% (MENOZZI 1946 : 333; GIARDINI 1994 : 406-7), alors que la teneur en carbone est, come on l’a vu, de 50%, il en découle que la nutrition carbonée consécutive à la nutrition azotée a été en moyenne 147 fois supérieure à cette dernière. Nous pouvons en conclure que toutes les opérations culturales, ou presque toutes, sont des opérations qui augmentent, au moins indirectement, la nutrition carbonée, et même celles qui, par nature, n’augmentent pas la concentration en CO2 de l’atmosphère. Au vu de ces réalités, de Saussure introduisit la pratique de la fertilisation carbonée, réalisable alors seulement en milieu clos, alors qu’aujourd’hui, grâce à la providentielle (pour les plantes) production de CO2 d’origine anthropique on pourrait la pratiquer, à petite échelle, mais avec un fort impact économique, à ciel ouvert. Mais on tend à la limiter, suite aux craintes induites par la contribution partielle du CO2 à l’hypothétique réchauffement climatique (SCAFETTA 2010). Changement qu’il conviendrait de distinguer des variations climatiques normales.

Le cas/l’erreur des chimistes officiels

C’est une thèse complètement différente qu’adopta Justus von Liebig (1803-1873), scientifique prestigieux et l’un des fondateurs de la chimie organique et père de la chimie agricole. Enseignant cette matière à la fameuse université de Giessen, il consacra une grande partie de sa vie, à partir de 1840 (LIEBIG 1840), à la réfutation de ce qu’il considérait comme un mythe erroné de l’agriculture traditionnelle : “le fumier, prince des engrais”. Un savoir paysan codifié déjà par les grands agronomes latins: Caton (De re rustica, V), Varron (De agricoltura, I, 13), Virgile (Georgiques, I, 79-81), Columelle (De agricultura, II, 5). La logique scientifique de Liebig et des très nombreux chimistes agraires qui suivirent sa pensée était linéaire: le fumier est un engrais enfoui dans le sol. Les plantes y absorbent de nombreux éléments nutritifs, en particulier de l’azote, du phosphore, du potassium, du calcium. Ces trois derniers éléments, considérés respectivement comme des oxydes et des anhydrides par les traités de chimie agraire, de ceux de Boussingault et de Liebig (XIX° siècle) aux classiques du XX° siècle (PRATOLONGO 1946, 134

GIARDINI 1994, etc…), ne constituent que 2% environ du fumier frais. Le reste, en plus de l’eau, est constitué par de la matière organique (cellulose, lignine, etc…) provenant principalement de la litière. Dans le fumier mûr les sels minéraux (azote, phosphore etc…), même si leur proportion double, celle-ci reste en général sous 5%. Les chimistes agraires en déduisent que l’apport nutritif du fumier est très limité par rapport aux engrais artificiels qui en contiennent des quantités très supérieures: en moyenne 30% environ. Mais arrivés à ce point, pour comprendre l’étendue et la gravité de l’erreur des chimistes officiels et le pourquoi et le comment de la validité, même informel, du savoir traditionnel remontant à la préhistoire, il convient d’approfondir nos connaissances sur la nutrition carbonée des végétaux. Si la teneur en carbone de la matière sèche de la plante est

d’environ 50% et celle des autres éléments de 2% au total, il est évident que le besoin nutritif en carbone est au moins 25 fois supérieur à celui de l’ensemble des autres éléments. “Au moins” parce qu’une partie du carbone absorbé est libéré, suite à la respiration. Il convient également d’établir une confrontation significative entre le carbone et l’élément nutritif le plus important pour les plantes: l’azote. Le besoin en carbone est environ 150 fois plus important que celui en azote. Les recherches de plus en plus approfondies des phytophysiologistes ont montré qu’en moyenne (TONZIG 1948 : 721) les plantes peuvent profiter de concentrations en CO2 atmosphériques arrivant à 8-10%, c’est-à-dire environ 250-300 fois la teneur actuelle. STRASBURGER (2004 : 260) ajoute qu’à cause de l’interdépendance des facteurs de développement de la plante, le facteur le plus défavorable constitue le facteur limitant à l’utilisation des

Fig.1. Dans ce tableau reproduit à partir du traité de botanique de S. Tonzig (fig. 22, p. 722) sont résumées les recherches pluriannuelles de E. Reinau, concernant la nutrition carbonée des plantes cultivées. 135

serait inutile : il est absorbé par les feuilles), alors il ne faut se préoccuper que de ces éléments. Voilà quel fut le raisonnement de Liebig. L’utilisation du CO2 comme engrais atmosphérique, comme on l’a vu à partir des tentatives de de Saussure, n’est possible que dans un lieu clos. A ciel ouvert, à l’époque de Liebig, c’était impossible. La quantité de dioxyde de carbone produite par la motorisation des transports et par l’industrie était alors encore très réduite. Voilà donc l’origine de la dévalorisation du CO2. Et voilà ce qui facilitera, un siècle plus tard, le passage à sa démonisation, sur la base de ce qui, après tout, n’est encore qu’une hypothèse : une mutation climatique due à l’augmentation de sa teneur atmosphérique. De là la complète occultation, de la part des médias, du fait que ce gaz constitue le nutriment fondamental, directement pour les végétaux et indirectement pour les animaux et l’Homme. De là le comble de l’absurde : prétendre nourrir le monde en réduisant le CO2, la nourriture à la base de toutes les autres.

autres. Cela signifie que, souvent, l’irrigation et des fertilisations abondantes ne donnent pas de résultats proportionnels aux apports, dans la mesure justement où c’est la teneur en carbone atmosphérique (CO2) à l’état de traces (0,04%) qui constitue le facteur limitant. MARIANI (2007) l’explique en rappelant que les feuillus sont apparus au cours de périodes géologiques où le CO2 était disponible en quantité très supérieure et que donc les plantes sont structurées pour des teneurs plus élevées. Mais d’où provient le carbone présent dans l’atmosphère sous forme de CO2 absorbé par les plantes? Il convient de préciser que pour pouvoir utiliser des données objectives relatives au dioxyde carbonique, il faut utiliser celles qui sont antérieures aux années quatre-vingts, dans la mesure où les données successives sont sont souvent entachées de préjugés (FORNI 2009) et parfois même falsifiées. Faisons donc répondre à notre question TONZIG (1948 : 721-723) un des plus grands botanistes du XX° siècle: “Normalement du sol”, écrit-il. En effet le sol de nos champs fumés et labourés, donc remués, émet d’importantes quantités de CO2. Ce gaz, légèrement plus lourd que les autres composants de l’atmosphère, est plus concentré au voisinage du sol. Les centaines de millions, voire les milliards de micro-organismes contenus dans un gramme de terre utilisent, en l’oxydant, l’abondante matière organique du fumier et produisent donc le CO2 dont sont si friandes les plantes. Voilà donc expliqué le mystère du fumier: c’est le principal fournisseur de carbone des basses couches de l’atmosphère, là où se fournissent principalement les plantes. Et voilà l’explication de son extraordinaire utilité. On est loin du fétiche ou du mythe, fruit de l’ignorance paysanne! Mais cette prise de conscience sur la fonction effective du fumier nous incite à examiner l’utilité concrète de mille autres pratiques traditionnelles qui remontent à la préhistoire: du travail du sol (piochage, labour, hersage etc…) à la jachère, au soin méticuleux apporté à la disposition des plantes dans une parcelle, à l’éclaircissage, à la lutte contre les parasites foliaires et ainsi de suite. Des pratiques en vue d’améliorer la disponibilité en CO2 afin d’en augmenter l’absorption foliaire. L’erreur traditionnelle remonte à la préhistoire: alors que jusqu’à de Saussure on pensait que la forte quantité de carbone contenue dans le fumier était absorbée par les racines, en réalité, comme on l’a vu, elle est émise comme CO2 par la microflore du sol et est absorbée par les feuilles des plantes. L’erreur des chimistes officiels, influencés par l’industrie productrice d’engrais, provient du fait qu’ils pensent que le carbone du fumier n’est pas utilisé par les plantes. La quantité de CO2 émise par le sol et directement absorbée par les plantes a été clairement montrée par les recherches de E. Reinau citées dans le traité de botanique de Tonzig (p. 722). Si l’on réfléchit bien sur les conséquences de l’aveuglement de Liebig, celles-ci ont une portée immense, inimaginable. Si l’Homme peut nourrir et donc fertiliser les plantes en n’apportant dans le sol que les éléments nutritifs absorbés par les racines et quantitativement relativement peu importants: azote, potassium, etc… (il ne peut pas apporter le carbone car ce

Le Cas des “Ignitechniques” des Aborigènes Australiens. Celles-ci nous permettent, grâce à l’Ethno-archéologie, d’analyser en direct le schéma technologique de l’“Igniculture” et de l’“Igniélevage” pratiqués depuis des dizaines de milliers d’années.

Sylvia HALLAM (1975) écrit que l’un des premiers explorateurs de l’Australie, Abel Tasman, le marin hollandais qui donnera son nom à la Tasmanie, raconte (1644) qu’il a observé “des feux et des fumées… le long de toute la côte (australienne)”. Une gravure de C.A. Lesueur de 1802 illustre la même vision des côtes de la Tasmanie. Elle a été reproduite par R. JONES (1969). Cet auteur décrit méticuleusement les aborigènes qui incendient le bush durant la saison sèche. De cette façon on élimine toute la végétation qui ne résiste pas au feu et les débris secs : écorces, branches, tandis que les eucalyptus ne font que roussir. En effet, ces arbres émettent immédiatement de nouveaux bourgeons et de nouvelles feuilles, plus efficacement durant la saison des pluies. D’autre part, come l’incendie est rapide et bref, les graines des herbes annuelles échappent à la combustion et les racines des plantes pérennes ne sont pas endommagées de sorte qu’après les pluies, les eucalyptus bourgeonnent et les graines des plantes annuelles germent. Cela explique comment se sont formées les grandes prairies où dominent les Poacées et où prolifèrent les kangourous. On peut présumer que ces clairières se sont formées là où la végétation arborescente originale n’était pas composée de pyrophytes, par exemple celles où dominait le sous-genre Nothofagus. Les Aborigènes, après les pluies, pouvaient chasser sur ces zones et aussi capturer des animaux, récolter facilement de grandes quantités de végétaux. Il s’agit, aussi bien pour Jones que pour Hallam, d’une symbiose homme, herbe, eucalyptus, kangourou, basée sur les incendies périodiques, symbiose qui remonte à au moins trente mille ans, si ce n’est plus. Epoque qui, selon ces auteurs, est, 136

plus de 70 tonnes en moyenne par hectare, et empêcher le développement d’un sous-bois encombrant. Dans cette situation, les éventuels incendies spontanés ou accidentaux dans ces forêts, constituées en grande partie de sclérophytes, devenaient totalement incontrôlables et dévastateurs. Jones (1968) rapporte aussi les plaintes que les colons avaient déposées, depuis plus d’un siècle, à partir de 1850, contre des mesures analogues. Celles-ci avaient eu les mêmes conséquences négatives. La revanche des Aborigènes réside dans le fait que des techniques d’incendies répétés et périodiques, inspirées ou analogues à celles qu’ils pratiquent, ont été adoptées par les corps spécialisés de protection forestière dans le monde entier sous le nom de pare-feux, contre-feux etc… Ce retournement de stratégie a mûri graduellement : après la dévastation de la capitale de la Tasmanie, après la terrible tempête de flammes qui en 1988, aux Etats-Unis, a ravagé le parc de Yellowstone et l’enfer incandescent qui, en 1993, a réduit en cendres 25.000 hectares de forêt, de la Californie au Mexique. C’est alors qu’aux Etats-Unis a commencé un débat passionné sur l’opportunité d’étendre la technique du “feu contrôlé”: un système qui utilise le feu comme moyen de gestion du territoire, afin de réduire la biomasse combustible et donc d’éviter qu’un incendie ne devienne dévastateur. D’autant plus qu’il existe des avantages secondaires comme le contrôle des parasites végétaux, l’élimination des espèces peu recherchées par le bétail ou, par exemple, la stimulation de la germination de certaines graines. Comme l’écrivait Flavia FIORENTINO (1994), dans un article incisif, que nous syntétisons ici: “avant que les européens n’arrivent en Amérique, le feu provoqué par la foudre ou par les Indiens, qui l’utilisaient pour créer des clairières destinées à la chasse, nettoyait si régulièrement les forêts et les prairies, que l’écosystème était devenu dépendant du feu, comme il l’est du soleil et de la pluie. Durant ce siècle, au contraire, le feu a toujours été considéré comme un ennemi à abattre. Toutefois, les multiples efforts de préventions se sont révélé vains et les incendies se sont multipliés en devenant plus intenses et plus difficiles à contrôler. De ce fait, durant un congrès sur les désastres provoqués par les incendies qui s’est tenu en octobre 1994 à West Tisbury (Massachussets), les experts sont tombés d’accord pour soutenir qu’en obligeant les écosystèmes à être privés de feu, on favorise une accumulation exagérée de branches mortes, de feuilles et de bois variés qui alimentent les grands incendies sauvages, lesquels n’auraient pas eu lieu si le feu avait pu “se défouler” de façon naturelle. “Plus longtemps on laisse s’accumuler un tel carburant, pire sera le feu qui en découlera et plus grande sera la probabilité d’avoir un feu incontrôlable”, a déclaré le Dr Dennis H. Knight, écologue de l’Université du Wyoming. Voilà donc, (conclut l’auteur de l’article), que la politique forestière des Etats-Unis est maintenant d’accord pour affirmer que, pour prévenir les incendies, la méthode la plus sûre et la plus écologiquement correcte est d’utiliser le feu lui-même”. Il convient d’ajouter que, dès 1974, un manuel reconnu d’écologie consacré au thème Fire and ecosystems,

grâce aux datations au carbone 14, celle de l’arrivée de l’homme en Australie. N’allons pas en conclure que cette symbiose soit le fruit d’une idée géniale des premiers immigrés en Australie. Sans aucun doute, à part la présence humaine, elle était déjà préexistante, souligne GOUDSBLOM (1996), à cause de la présence d’incendies spontanés, provoqués par la foudre ou par l’autocombustion. L’Homme n’a fait que profiter de cette situation, en accentuant le processus naturel. On peut vérifier un phénomène analogue en Amérique. Les premiers pionniers européens trouvèrent en Nouvelle Angleterre un paysage jardiné: de rares arbres sur des espaces quasiment privés de sous-bois, ou même d’immenses prairies occupées par des troupeaux de bisons. Un paysage dû à la pratique des Indiens de mettre le feu deux fois par an pour stimuler la production de fourrage et augmenter ainsi la population de bisons. Après tout, les cow boys modernes ne font que continuer à appliquer cette technique à l’élevage extensif, en ayant substitué les bovins aux bisons. CRONON (1983) ajoute que la pratique d’incendies périodiques par les Indiens d’Amérique ne favorisait pas seulement l’augmentation des populations de bisons, mais aussi celles des cerfs, des élans, des lièvres, des dindons et des porc-épics.

Pour la “Australian Natural History” (1969) le savoir écologique plurimillénaire des Aborigènes analphabètes est supérieur à celui des écologues Universitaires des Années 60.

Mais comment les hommes préhistoriques évitaient-ils les incendies de forêt dévastateurs? L’explication claire nous vient, en particulier, des critiques des colons australiens et de certains naturalistes et anthropologues de ce pays à l’encontre de la politique, édictée par le gouvernement local, d’interdiction absolue des incendies périodiques pratiqués précédemment, depuis des millénaires, par les Aborigènes. Après le désastreux et dramatique incendie du 7 février 1967 qui a détruit la forêt de Hobart, la capitale de la Tasmanie (Confédération Australienne), avec une puissance équivalente à celle de deux bombes atomiques, et qui a aussi dévasté d’importantes implantations humaines, l’ “Australian Natural History”, organe des naturalistes de cet état, reconnaît, en publiant l’article de Jones (1969) la faillite totale de la stratégie écologique suivie par le gouvernement. Une stratégie bien évidemment suggérée par les autorités scientifiques spécialisées pour prévenir les incendies de forêt, mais qui au contraire, poursuit Jones “a amené nos bois et nos forêts à sa situation actuelle dangereuse et dramatique: la série d’incendies catatrophiques est le résultat de l’interdiction faite aux Aborigènes de pratiquer leurs incendies de forêt périodiques”. Ces incendies étaient très utiles pour éviter l’énorme accumulation de débris organiques: écorces, branches et plantes mortes, feuilles sèches, qui, selon les calculs de JACKSON (1968: 50-55), pouvaient représenter 137

actuelle. Mais aujourd’hui aussi, dans la couche d’air proche du sol des terrains labourés et fertilisés avec du fumier, la teneur en CO2 est considérablement plus élevée. Le tableau de Tonzig/Reinau reporté ci-dessus montre: 1) la nature du fumier en tant qu’engrais principalement carboné, grâce à la transformation oxydative de ses principaux composants en CO2, émis ensuite dans l’atmosphère par le sol; 2) le développement déterminant de la nutrition carbonée aérienne des plantes, conséquence du travail du sol, dans la mesure où ce dernier augmente de façon décisive cette oxydation; 3) les aspects contradictoires, au niveau agronomique, d’un semis direct sans labour; 4) l’influence d’une hausse de la température et du vent: la première augmente la production de CO2 émis par le sol, le deuxième, en revanche, le disperse. (traduit par le Centre Culturel Français de Milan).

coordonné par KOZLOWSKI et AHLGREN (1974), exposait prudemment de nombreuses thèses citées en 1994 par Fiorentino. En Italie, MARTINI (1992) a réalisé une analyse critique sur l’adoption de ces nouvelles orientations.

Conclusion. Nature des connaissances humaines: origine des erreurs et des paradoxes

BONCINELLI, Professeur de neurologie et de génétique à l’Université San Raffaele de Milan, dans une de ses publications récentes (2010), dont nous extrayons, synthétiquement, certains passages conclusifs, montre les limites de la connaissance humaine, même scientifique. Il part (p. 177) d’une illustration des résultats des recherches actuelles sur la perception du monde extérieur par notre cerveau. Ce processus commence par créer, dans la conscience, une carte de chacune de nos perceptions. La base de notre savoir se formera ensuite par la combinaison (p. 210) de cette carte des perceptions avec celles des pensées. Analysant ce phénomène, Boncinelli arrive à conclure (p. 216) qu’au cours de la phase prélogique, les concepts n’ont pas encore de caractère sémantiquement bien défini et qu’ils sont donc un peu ambigus. Passant ensuite à la physiologie du raisonnement, il souligne (p. 223) que notre intelligence n’est logique et rationelle que jusqu’à un certain point… Notre rationalité est toujours limitée et influencée par les émotions du moment (p. 225), donc, pour les choix opérationnels, nous nous basons fortement sur des jugements intuitifs et probabilistes qui sont souvent incorrects et unilatéraux. En conclusion, si telles sont les caractéristiques de notre faculté de connaître et de savoir, elles expliquent les limitations propres également à notre savoir scientifique et son unilatéralité et donc le pourquoi et le comment des paradoxes que nous avons cherché à analyser. De plus, nous avons contribué à illustrer les bases ethno-archéologiques de certaines pratiques agricoles traditionnelles au niveau de différents continents. Dans ce tableau reproduit à partir du traité de botanique de S. Tonzig (fig. 22, p. 722) sont résumées les recherches pluriannuelles de E. Reinau, concernant la nutrition carbonée des plantes cultivées. Dans les champs régulièrement fumés et labourés, on remarque la prédominance absolue de l’utilisation, par les plantes, de dioxyde de carbone (CO2) émis par le sol, par rapport à celui déjà présent dans l’atmosphère. Il est possible de comprendre la signification de ces recherches fondamentales si l’on tient compte du fait que: a) le carbone est le composant principal de la matière sèche des plantes; b) il en dérive que leur nutrition de base la plus fondamentale est centrée sur l’absorbtion de CO2 dans l’air; c) leur développement est souvent limité par la présence très réduite de CO2 dans l’atmosphère (0,04%). Les traités de botanique (TONZIG 1948, p. 658) définissent cette situation comme étant “tragique” en soi pour les plantes. En effet, les plantes aériennes sont apparues à des époques géologiques où la concentration de CO2 dans l’atmosphère était beaucoup plus importante que la concentration

Références

BONCINELLI, E. (2010) Mi ritorno in mente. Milano:Longanesi. CRONON, W. (1983) Changes in the land: indians, Colonists and the ecology of New England. New York: Hill and Wang. De SAUSSURE, N.T. (1804) Recherches chimiques sur la végétation, Paris. FIORENTINO, F. (1994) Piccoli incendi frequenti fanno bene ai boschi, Corriere della Sera - Le Scienze, 6 nov. 1994, Milano, p.33. FORNI, G. (2009) Agricoltura e nutrizione carbonica dei viventi, Rivista di Storia dell’Agricoltura, XLIX, n.1, pp. 163-198. FORNI, G. (2011) Fisiologia semantica degli strumenti agricoli e dell’agricoltura, Atti Convegno Il Restauro degli strumenti rurali, museo del Lino, Pescarolo, CR. GIARDINI, L. (1994) Agronomia generale. Bologna: Patron. GOUDSBLOM, J. (1992) Fire and civilization. London: Allen Lane. Penguin Press. HALLAM, S. (1975) Fire and hearth. A study of Aboriginal usage and European usurpation in south western Australia. Canberra: Austrialian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. JONES, R.(1969) Fire stick farming, Austrialian Natural History, 16, pp. 224-228. KOZLOWSKI, T.T., AHLGREN, C.E. (1974) Fire and ecosystems. New York: Academic Press. LIEBIG VON, J. (1840) Organic Chemistry in its application ti Agriculture and Physiology. MARIANI, L. (2007) Elogio alla CO2, XXI secolo, 5, pp. 20-22. MARTINI, E. (1992) Boschi in fiamme. Genova: Jagep. MENOZZI, A. (1946) La concimazione carbonica. In: A. Menozzi, U. Pratolongo Chimica agraria. Milano: Hoepli, pp. 204-224. PRATOLONGO, U. (1946) Chimica agraria II. Milano: Hoepli. SCARFETTA, N. (2010) I cambiamenti climatici sono regolati da cicli naturali di origine astronomica, XXI secolo, Mlano, 1, pp. 5-10. 138

STRASBURGER, E. (2004) Sitte, P. Ziegler, H., Ehrendorfer, F., Brezinsky, A. Trattato di botanica, vol. I, 9° ed. italiana sulla 34° tedesca. Roma: Antonio Delfino. TONZIG, S. (1948) Elementi di botanica. Milano: CEA. VISCONTI, G. (1992) La febbre del pianeta. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer.

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Ethnoarcheological Study of Communication network in Southwestern Bulgaria Małgorzata Grębska-Kulow Abstract

Southwestern Balkans are important factor in communicating system between the Eastern Mediterranean and Central Europe. Three large rivers: Vardar (Axios), Struma (Strymon) and Mesta (Nestos) with their longitudinal orientation, form the natural corridors leading to the interior of Europe. It is assumed that in prehistory this region played a key role in the process of neolithisation of the Balkans and the major part of Europe. In later periods the region was the scene of important historical events. Road infrastructure from the end of the 19th century gives positive information about road network from the earlier periods. It largely repeats old traditions influenced by the strong dependence on natural circumstances and seasons. In this context, ethnographic information on routes is invaluable in the correct interpretation of the processes in the past. In the 19th century already existed road infrastructure consisted of bridges, inns, market places and control posts. Similar structures were identified in the earlier periods (“Gradišta” in the Roman period, stone building in the Late Bronze Age). These structures precisely truck the roads used in the different periods. Ethno-archaeological data show that the roads along Struma and Mesta valleys gave limited opportunities for free circulation and didn`t play a major role in Antiquity, Bronze Age and Neolithic period in the processes of dislocation. Consequently, they were not very actively involved in the process of neolitization. KEywoRdS: Communication Network, Migration, Neolithisation, Southwestern Bulgaria, Struma valley.

Actual road - E79 is relatively new, built in the middle of 20th century. In Southwestern Bulgaria, it is formed by numerous tunnels and bridges which cross the Struma River especially in the Kresna gorge (Fig. 1). The adoption of new technologies doesn’t avoid a number of dangers, such as erosion or falling rocks. one can hardly assume that this route in its modern form was used in earlier periods. Ethnographic and ethno-historical data indicate that until the beginning of 20th century road network in the Struma and Mesta valleys differed significantly from the current (Etnografia na Balgaria, 1983: 142-170). other items were used for transportation. Two main ways of dislocation were in use: caravans with animals (horses, mules, camels and dunkies) or on foot. Mechanical means, such as chariots were less popular due to specific geographical circumstances (Etnografia na Pirinski kraj, 1980: 368375). Invaluable source for roads network in Macedonia are the notes of Vasil Kančov from the end of 19th century

South-western Balkans are an important factor in communicating system between the Eastern Mediterranean and Central Europe. Three large rivers: Vardar (Axios), Struma (Strymon) and Mesta (Nestos) with their longitudinal orientation, form the natural corridors leading to the interior of Europe. However, this is the most mountainous part of the Balkans and almost the entire area is covered with high mountain ranges, difficult to pass through. It is assumed that in prehistory this region played a key role in the process of neolithisation of the Balkans and the major part of Europe (NIKoLoV 1989). New economical system, based on agriculture, breeding and sedentary life, firstly developed in the Middle East and Anatolia, was subsequently transferred and adapted on the Balkan Peninsula and gradually spread across Europe. This implies the existence of a communication network whereby the contacts were made. In later periods the region was the scene of important historical events, as the crusades of a Thracian ruler - Sitalk, Philip II - king of Macedonia, his son - Alexander the Great, and later the Romans. we use terms like migration, diffusion and trade for the explanation of these complex processes (dAVId, CRAMER 2001: 267-283; 360-378). Behind them stand human behavior and social infrastructure that have not reached our days and is impossible to recognize through archaeological data (STEFANoVIČ 2003: 95-108). Indirect information about all these processes lies in the ethnographic data. The purpose of this paper is, following the ethnographic data: - to trace roads in the past and reconstruct infrastructure around them - to determine patterns and mechanism of movements - to recover the subjective circumstances which inhabitants faced during the process of displacement

Fig. 1. Modern main road E-79 in the Kresna gorge, Struma river valley. 140

called “Gradište”. Furthermore, special posts were built to charge who wanted to cross bridges or wanders (KANČoV 1970: 136). The natural circumstances and traffic limitations found the most exact reflection in the system of exchange created in the region and especially the existence of several market places, which have acted for only a few days during the early autumn. All the trade of Eastern Macedonia was grouped in four main market places: in Serres, Tarliš, Nevrokop and Sklave, The agricultural and livestock products and specialized production of each region were offered (KANČoV 1970: 210). To what extent these data are the reflection of the ancient road network and its infrastructure? In Roman period, after the conquest of the Balkan Peninsula, Rome built three main roads on Balkan Peninsula: Via Egnatia, Via Diagonalis and Danube military road. They were all oriented east - west and connect the western part of the empire with the eastern provinces. Theoretically Struma valley, in a straight line, connected two capital cities, Serdica and Thessaloniki, but there are no evidences in the written sources about the existence of such a road. In Tabula Peutingeriana, a kind of ancient guide for this region, the only road connecting Heraclea Sinthica with Philippi, oriented east-west is mentioned (GERoV 1961). Existence of a Roman road infra-structure in Struma valley is indirectly verifiable through archaeological data, but a great help and support is given by particular ethnographic information. In the part between Rupel and Kresna Gorge ancient authors have evidenced several urban centers (Fig. 4), most of them located on the left bank of Struma. The majority of ancient settlements are also grouped on the same side of the river. In the settlement system from the Roman period special attention should be paid to so called “Gradišta” situated on the difficult to access places. on several places the fragments of cobbled road, so called “roman track” are preserved. Several colomns indicating the distance between the urban centers were found on the left side of the Struma on foothill zone of Pirin (PIRIN 1930). In the epigraphic monument found in the ancient town of Sandanski from 210 Ad (GERoV 1961: 157), a three-day market organized in close proximity to the city is

(KANČoV 1970). He traveled in Southwestern Bulgaria and Northern Greece and gave detailed descriptions of the landscape, roads condition and edifices around them. Based on his description, it is obvious that by the end of the nineteenth century road network was poorly developed in this region. The roads were quite bad and hardly accessible for chariots. This was rather a network of trails of different sizes. There were quite a lot of sections, where the road was limited to a small path with the possibility to move only for pedestrians. This was especially the case with the roads along the numerous gorges in Struma and Mesta valleys. The road in the Struma River valley followed the left bank, in most part remotely from the river on the western slopes of Pirin Mountain. Thus the danger of flooding, its permanent destruction was avoided. In several gorges, where mountain ranges on both sides are very close, the road has been carved into the rock next to the river (Fig. 2). In the lowlands it was fairly wide; suitable for chariots, but mostly it was narrow truck available only for caravans. Its western exposition provided long sunshine and faster snow melting. However, there were serious obstacles to passage through, as the deep valleys of the numerous tributaries of Struma. The tributaries descending from Pirin were very violent, with plenty of water that dragged big stones and trees during the snow melting or violent storms. For these reasons Kančov caused that the “journey is easy only in summer, but in winter in spring and autumn the road is closed for lack of bridges” (KANČoV 1970: 119-120). These data show that travel along the valleys of the Struma and Mesta was quite difficult and in practice possible only during the summer and early autumn, but in the rest of the year the traffic was very limited and practically suspended. There was little infrastructure built along the roads, like bridges, inns (han) and market places. Kančov mentioned only three wooden bridges on Struma: near Serres, Kresna and Simitli (KANČoV 1970: 36,159,162-163). Another elements closely related to road`s network were inns or so called “hans”. on Struma road at the end of 19th century there was a dense chain of inns. one of them is still preserved, in the center of the village Senokos (Fig. 3). Near it one fragment of cobbled road, most probably from Roman period is still preserved next to the ancient site so-

Fig. 2. Road from the end of 19th century in the Rupel gorge, Struma river valley (Album-Almanach “Macédoine”, 1931).

Fig. 3. Inn from 19th century in Senokos village.

141

Fig. 4. Road system in the Struma and Mesta valleys during the Roman period.

in spring and autumn. In regards to whether there was a main road along Struma, but certainly there were many paths connecting neighboring geographic regions. Ancient “Gradišta” may be compared with later inns which, except for surveying the roads, played a role of hostels and are especially good markers of ancient trucks. during the Late Bronze Age (the end of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first mill. BC), when we observe the rapid augmentation of the population, the settlement system is quite dense (GRĘBSKAKULoVA, KULoV 2007: 291-294). The interesting phenomena from this period are the stone buildings, registered until now only in the northern part of Struma valley (KULoV, STEFANoVIČ 2005). They are positioned on the strategic side for transport places (Fig. 5) and it`s highly possible that they played the same role as inns or “Gradišta” and thas marked the trucks used during the LBE. on some of such places, a long chronological succession is observed, with the remains from the Late Neolithic, LBA and Roman period. More of them are

mentioned, the proceeds of which supported the city’s budget. Animals, silver and iron products and slaves were traded. This market corresponds, as location, to the market in the vicinity of Sklave, mentioned by Kančov (KANČoV 1970: 157). Following this logic, it is highly possible, that market places pointed out of Kančov are evidences of the old auction from the Roman time. In the vicinity of each market from the end of 19th century an important site from the Roman period is registered. These observations indicate, that the road net from the late 19th century largely repeats the system built during the Roman period, respectively ethnographic data in this point are largely a reflection of the situation in the past. Features to overcome and existing difficulties in the late 19th century were the same as in Roman period. The problem that the people faced as the most important was the hard passage through not only Struma and Mesta but also their tributaries. The problem of crossing Struma was avoided by tracing the road along the western slopes of Pirin, oblique and sunny. The real problem was rather linked to numerous tributaries of Struma, difficult to cross, especially

142

Fig. 5. Probable road network in the Late Bronze Age in the Struma and Mesta valleys.

transportation. In the Early Neolithic, transport was only on foot, the terrain was much grimmer, with the possibilities to displace only during summer months. Maybe these circumstances explain the small number of Early Neolithic settlements in this region. The fourth site, Brežani is located in the northern periphery of Pirin at an altitude of 600 meters. Archaeological studies carried out in 2009 (GRĘBSKA-KULoVA, KULoV 2010) showed that in terms of material culture this village emphasizes no similarities with the Early Neolithic settlements in the southern part of the valley, but exceptional links and resemblances with a cultural group Gǎlǎbnik developed in the Upper Struma valley. once again the Kresna George was a serious barrage to pass through. These archaeological data from different periods of cultural development find a full explanation in the ethnographic information. All problems related to the road network from the end of 19th century existed in the past (Roman period, Late Bronze Age and Neolithic Period), with even greater force. The main factor was not only the Struma river, that was much more full-water, with no bridges on it, but also its numerous tributaries especially in the conditions of violent storms and snow melting. From the prehistory until the end of 19th century the same logic of choice is observed,

situated on the east-west axis than along the Struma valley. once again it seems that the road along the Struma posed serious problems to pass through also during the Bronze Age. To what extent these data may draw near our information and the circumstances surrounding remote prehistoric tracks in the region in the context of the special importance attached to it in the process of neolithisation of Central Europe? In the region of Middle Struma Valley only five Early Neolithic settlements are registered (Fig. 6). Three of them are situated on the left side of the Struma, remotely from the river bed, on the foothills of the Pirin Mountains. The distance between them is about 30 km. The most significant is Kovačevo (LICHARdUS-ITTEN et al. 2002), the most southern settlement in this region. The next site - Ilindenci, emphasized the exceptional similarities with the later phase of Kovačevo in respect of all aspects of culture (pottery, architecture, jewelry). It is quite possible that this village was established by the incomers from Kovačevo. This observation gives ground to suppose that there was a track along the western slops of Pirin and that a road existed at the end of 19th century that largely repeated the prehistoric one. we must not forget all the problems associated with

143

Fig. 6. Reconstruction of communication network during the Early Neolithic in the Struma and Mesta valleys. -

the preferences were given for the western slopes of Pirin, as more sloping and sunny. Conversely, information on road network in the late 19th century gives us good reason to search new, undiscovered settlements on this trajectory.

Conclusions -

-

Road infrastructure from the end of the 19th century gives positive information about the road network from the earlier periods. It largely repeats old traditions influenced by the strong dependence on natural circumstances and seasons. In this context, ethnographic information on routes is invaluable for the correct interpretation of the processes in the past. In the 19th century already existed a road infrastructure that consisted of bridges, inns, and market places and control posts. The last gave a security for passengers who were often subject to robbery. These buildings precisely marked routes. Similar structures were identified in the earlier periods (“Gradišta”, stone building from the Late Bronze Age). By analogy, these objects precisely track the roads used in different periods. This observation is entirely confirmed by ethnographic data, as sometimes in proximity to the so called “Gradišta” later inns were built.

Ethno-archeological data show that the roads along Struma and Mesta valleys, due to serious natural obstacles, gave limited opportunities for free circulation and didn`t play a major role in Antiquity, Bronze Age and Neolithic period in the processes of dislocation. Consequently, they were not very actively involved in the process of neolitization. It seems that much more important was the road along Vardar valley.

References

Album-Almanach “Macédoine” (1931), Sofia. dAVId, N. KRAMER, C. (2001). Ethnoarchaeology in action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Etnografia na Bǎlgaria (1983), Sofia. Etnografia na Pirinski kraj (1980), Sofia. GERoV, B. (1961) Proučvane vǎrhu zapadnotrakijskite zemi prez rimskoto vreme. Godišnik na sofijski universitet, filosofski fakultet, pp. 154-391. GRĘBSKA-KULoVA, M., KULoV, I. (2010) Rannoneolitnoto selište pri s. Brežani-Raven. Archeologičeski otkritija i razkopki prez 2009, Sofia, pp. 42-44. GRĘBSKA-KULoVA, M., KULoV, I. (2007) Prehistorical Sites in the Middle Struma River Valley between the End of the VIIth mill. BC and the beginning of 144

the Ist Mill. BC. In: H. Todorova, M. Stefanovich, G. Ivanov, (eds.) The Struma/Strymon River Valley in Prehistory. In the Steps of James Harvey Gaul, t.2., Sofia, pp. 279-296. KANČoV, V. (1970) Izbrani proizvedenia, vol. I. Pǎtuvane po dolinata na Struma, Mesta I Bregalnica. Bitolsko, Prespa i Ohradsko. Sofia. KULoV, I., STEFANoVIČ, M. ( 2005) Selišten život prez kǎsnata bronzova epoha v Blagoevgradskoto pole. In: G. Kitov, d. dimitrova, (eds.) Zemite na Bǎlgaria lulka na trakijskata kultura, II, Sofia, pp. 27-39. LICHARdUS-ITTEN, M., dEMoULE, J.-P., PERNICEVA, L., GREBSKA-KULoVA, M., KULoV, I. (2002) The site of Kovacevo and the Beginnings of the Neolithic period in Southwestern Bulgaria. The FrenchBulgarian excavations 1986-2000. In: M. Lichardus-Itten, J. Lichardus, V. Nikolov, (eds.) Beiträge zu Jungsteinzeitlichen Forschungen in Bulgarien. Bonn, pp. 99-158. NIKoLoV, V. (1989) das Flußtal der Struma als Teil der Straße von Anatolien nach Mitteleuropa. In: S. Bökönyi, (ed.) Neolithic in Southeastern Europe and its Near Eastern Connections. Internationale Conference Szolnok-Szeged. Varia Archeologia Hungarica, 2. Budapest, pp.191-199. PIRIN (1930) Magazine, II, br.1. STEFANoVIČ, M. (2003) Paleobalkanskite etnosi i predizvikatelstva na sǎvremennosta. Sofia.

145

Ethnoarchaeology of Evenki Reindeer Hunters in Siberia: an Application to Late Paleolithic Settlements and Habitation Structures Analysis Oleg V. Kuznetsov Abstract

Ethnoarchaeology appears to be one of the approaches in contemporary processual and post-processual archaeology that is based on the use of knowledge of contemporary cultures of peoples following traditional lifeways for explaining material remains (features and structures) of the past. From an archaeological perspective, such a basis allow us to develop hypotheses about prehistoric peoples’ behaviour based on ethnographic data and then to test it at an archaeological excavation. The ethnoarchaeological approach combines archaeological and ethnological methodologies to understand how the behavioural patterns of living of traditional cultures relate to the distribution of material remains. Ethnoarchaeology remains at the forefront of the use of analogies and social models in both archaeology and anthropology. In the 1930s-1950s archaeology of the former Soviet Union, Marxist archaeologists often used direct historical analogies to interpret archaeological data. Even in the 1970s-1980s, most archaeologists in Russia followed a more positivistic approach and were distrustful of direct analogy. It appears that post-Soviet archaeologists have been allergic to the use of ethnographic analogies, which is why ethnoarchaeological investigations have not been very popular here. On the other hand, the crisis of Soviet-style methodology allows a new generation of Russian researchers to take a fresh look at the problems of interpretation of archaeological remains. Ethnoarchaeology is becoming popular in Siberia, where some indigenous groups, like Evenki are still following a traditional way of life. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, Siberian Indigenous, Late Paleolithic, Settlement Organization, Habitation Structures.

Résumé

L’ethnoarchéologie est une des approches de l’archéologie contemporaine. Processuelle et post-processuelle, elle est fondée sur l’utilisation de la connaissance des cultures contemporaines pratiquant un mode de vie traditionnel pour comprendre certains vestiges (dispositifs et structures). Dans une perspective archéologique, cette approche permet d’émettre des hypothèses sur les comportements des peuples préhistoriques sur la base de données ethnographiques, et ensuite de les tester lors de fouilles archéologiques. L’approche ethnoarchéologique combine des méthodologies archéologiques et ethnologiques pour comprendre comment les modèles comportementaux traditionnels peuvent être reliés à la distribution des restes matériels. L’ethnoarchéologie reste au premier rang pour l’utilisation des analogies et des modèles sociaux à la fois en archéologie et en anthropologie. Dans l’archéologie URSS des années 1930-1950, les archéologues Soviétique ont souvent utilisé des analogies ethnographique directes pour interpréter des données archéologiques. Ensuite, dans les années 1970-1980, la majorité des archéologues russes ont suivi une approche plus positiviste, méfiante vis-à-vis des analogies directes. Les archéologues post-soviétiques ont été allergiques à l’utilisation de l’analogie ethnographique, ce qui explique que les recherches ethnoarchéologiques ne sont pas très populaires en Russie. Cependant, cette crise de la méthodologie dans le style soviétique permet à une nouvelle génération de chercheurs Russie d’avoir un œil neuf sur les problèmes d’interprétation archéologique. En particulier en Sibérie où ils vivent les populations autochtones est un mode de vie traditionnel. MOTS CLES: ethnoarchaeology, siberian indugenous, Late Palaeolithic, settlement organization, habitation structures.

Ethnoarchaeological Approach Perspectives in Siberia

and

its

The most general ground of ethnoarchaeological approach is relation between social structure and material culture expressed via behavioral patterns. From an archaeological perspective such a ground allow us to develop hypothesis about behavior of prehistoric foragers based on ethnographic data and then to test it along an archaeological excavation (DAVID, KRAMER 2001). From the beginning ethnoarchaeology was related with foragers studies and they still occupy a substantial place in contemporary research (GAMBLE, BOISMIER 1991), often to be combined with settlement archaeology and experimental archaeology. In the USSR in 1930s - 1950s archaeologists used direct historical analogies for interpretation of archaeological records very often. But even in 1970s - 1980s Soviet

The decoding of the archaeological records, particularly when those consist of complex images used as symbols in ancient times is one of the most difficult problems in archaeology. As it is well known ethnoarcheological approach has emerged out of processual archaeology that was a response to the intellectual critiques of the 1960s. The founders of processual or so called “New” archaeology were disappointed with methodology of traditional cultural history”s methods and argued that the Past is knowable, that archaeology should adopt the scientific approach, using data to produce hypotheses to be tested by additional data (BINFORD 1983, 2000). 146

Fig. 1. The map of Siberia and Trans-Baikal region.

Late Paleolithic Settlements and Habitation Structures in Trans-Baikal Region of Siberia

archaeologists were distrustful to direct ethnographic approach. Most of Post-Soviet archaeologists still feel some kind of allergy in applying of ethnographic analogy for interpretation of archaeological remains that is why ethnoarchaeological investigations were not very popular in Russia until nowadays in spite of long tradition of ethnographical research of indigenous peoples” cultures. On the other hand, the crisis of soviet-style methodology allows the new generation of Russian researchers to take a new look at problems related with understanding and interpretation of archaeological records. A modern trend is the change of focus from artifacts based typology and chronology to understanding the settlements as dynamic units with a significant internal spatial organization. Of course, this approach does not exclude traditional typology based approach, but places it in a dynamic relation with other methodological approaches such as refitting, microwear analysis and distribution analysis. Ethnoarchaeology is becoming popular in Siberia, where various indigenous groups still following traditional ways of, hence provide a unique opportunity for understanding subsistence strategy and settlements organization of prehistoric foragers.

Ethnoarchaeology as one of the approaches in contemporary archaeology is becoming popular in Siberia because of discovering in last decades of several Late Paleolithic settlements with well preserved habitation structures. Among others the most representative settlements are containing an important information on spatial organization and dwelling floors structure such as “Studenoye”-I, II; “Kosaya Shivera” and “Ust-Menza-I, II, III” placed in Trans-Baikal region of Siberia (Fig. 1). The most remarkable features of the habitation floors are so called “tent-ring” structures that are usually interpreted by researchers as the rests of mobile tent dwellings (KONSTANTINOV 1994; KUZNETSOV 2006). Most of dwelling structures are representing a space encircled with cobbles which are lying down as a “tent-ring” sometimes dense, sometimes not. The hearths represent charcoal length (1,5-2,5 cm) with diameter around 80 cm surrounded by cobbles and situated in the center of “tent-ring” structures. The bulk of archaeological remains are concentrated inside “tent rings” and around the hearth (Fig. 2). Since the surfaces of river terraces were seasonally flooded, these habitation floors of Late Paleolithic 147

settlements must represent different occupation periods related with warmer half of the year. The small amount of archaeological materials as well as bone waste and charcoal, give us evidence that occupation periods were of very short-term. At the same time all archaeological features and structures look almost undisturbed that could be a result of fast conservation by deposited sand and silt sediments. The “tent-ring” internal space organization at “Studenoye”I, II; “Kosaya Shivera” and “Ust-Menza”-I, II, III settlements usually consist of the hearth encircled by cobbles as a central dwelling feature, and an adjacent area of charcoal and artifacts concentration around the hearth. Such a pattern looks similar to those registered on shortterm hunter camps described by Lewis Binford for Alaskan Eskimo (BINFORD 1983). Late Paleolithic settlements of

Trans-Baikal region also show us a case with space organization representing two contemporary “tent-ring” habitation structures as it was discovered in cultural layers 19/4 and 18/2 at “Studenoye”- I settlement. An analysis of space organization at Late Paleolithic settlements of Trans-Baikal with well preserved “tent-ring” structures, a small amount of archaeological remains and bone waste as well as technological and functional analysis of toolkits allow us to interpret those sites, as short-term hunter camps of mobile foragers. The period of the occupation at those hunter camps might only consist of several days. The patterns of settlement organization are repeated from one cultural layer to another showing us most probably an undisturbed cultural continuity for several thousands years.

Fig 2. Late Paleolithic “tent ring” habitation structures. Trans-Baikal region. Siberia. “Studenoye”- I settlement, 1) cultural layer 17; 2) cultural layer 17; 3) cultural layer 14, 4) cultural layer 17. “Kosaya Shivera” settlement. 148

Ethnoarchaeology of Trans-Baikal Habitation Structures and Settlements

Evenki

organization and habitation structures (GRØN, KUZNETSOV 2003; KUZNETSOV 2006, 2007). Evenki is representing one of the indigenous peoples wide spread in Eastern Siberia. Some researchers based themselves on archaeological data even propose that Evenki culture developed from the Neolithic time in the Baikal Lake area (VASILEVICH, SMOLYAK 1956). Trans-Baikal Evenki traditionally are rather hunters than reindeer herders. They subsistence was based on the hunt of wild reindeer, elk, red deer, musk deer and mountain sheep, as well as birds and fish from the lakes and rivers (ANDERSON 1991; SHIROKOGOROV 1929). Later under pressure of Mongolian nomads penetrated from Central Asia, Evenki had to retreat to Northern part of Trans-Baikal, where they basically had a bear cult. Ethnoarchaeological approach to habitation structures of Evenki provide for researchers the possibility to find an explanation how social relationships is reflected in the space organization of settlements. One of the earlier remained hunters using domesticated reindeer for transportation (VASILEVICH, SMOLYAK 1964). Evenki as some of indigenous peoples of Siberia, characterized by high mobility and life are dispersed in “taiga” forest following seasonal routes of reindeer herds. In some remote areas of Baikal Lake region they still use conical shape tents covered by larch bark and canvas, the so called “dyukcha” and preserve Shamanism as their traditional beliefs and spiritual practice related with concepts of Evenki habitation structures as proposed by Shirokogorov in 1929 (SHIROKOGOROV 1929). Later the description of the structure of internal space of tent dwellings has been delivered by Tugolukov (TUGOLUKOV 1969) and Anisimov (ANISIMOV 1952). The general overview of habitation structures and settlement organization of indigenous peoples of Siberia, including Evenki, also has been done by Sokolova (SOKOLOVA 1998). Taking into account a large diversity in Evenki settlement organization in different regions of Siberia we can propose a generalized pattern of space use at Trans-Baikal as it was observed in our field research and ethnographic sources. Evenki settlements are usually located at places rich in natural resources such as water, firewood and moss for reindeer as well as prey animals. As a rule Evenki have chosen the places for their summer settlements at the surface of river terraces or at the lake shores in several meters to water line. In the autumn they moved to higher locations, and spent extremely cold winter season in windless hollows rich in firewood and close to mountains. In spring period they start a new seasonal round moving down to river valleys. The pattern of Evenki settlements organization includes as a central feature the conical tent dwelling “dyukcha”. Traditionally the framework of “dyukcha” tent consisted of 3 poles tied together at the top, 21 - 35 poles were added depending on the size of the tent. The tent cover consisted of lurch bark or birch bark in worm time or reindeer skin “rovduga” in winter season. (Grøn, Starting from the beginning of XX Century Evenki also use canvas for covering tents. (Figs. 3-4). There was a hearth in the centre of the tent, sometimes

In archaeological reasoning researchers often use ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological information concerning subsistence strategy and settlement organization of Eskimo or Bushmen, who live under extreme (cold\hot) environmental conditions, but it is not a case with Late Paleolithic of Trans-Baikal. To understand behavior of prehistoric foragers of Siberian boreal forest “taiga” it is important to study contemporary foragers living in the same type of environment and landscape. The Trans-Baikal region represents a part of the mountain area that separates the Central Asiatic Steppe of Mongolia in the South from the Siberian Plateau in the North (Fig. 1). The highest mountains have altitudes up to 3.000 m. Above the open grass areas in the broader river valleys is an open forest of pine, larch, fir, a little Siberian cedar and some birch in the moister places and with reindeer mosses strongly represented in its floor. This forest vegetation “taiga” continues up to the tree line at an altitude of about 2.000 m. The average temperatures vary from -40º C in the winters to +20º C in the summers with extremes around 55º C and +35º C. This, combined with the restricted snow cover due to the low humidity in the area, maintains permafrost conditions. The South-East part of Trans-Baikal is transitory to the plane Mongolian steppe and covered by grass. The present day fauna consists of reindeer, red deer, roe deer, musk-deer, moose and wild boar. This fauna developed at the end of Pleistocene, when the large mammals such as rhinoceros and bison disappeared. Mammoths have been seldom in the area because of dry climate. The study of habitation structures and space organization of mobile foragers” settlements became very common in contemporary ethnoarchaeological research in western archaeology. For last three decades, many archaeologists have deeply concentrated on the study of these issues (BLANTON 1994; KENT 1987; PEARSON, RICHARDS I994; WHALLON 1973). For example, as Gerald Oetelaar noted, there were plenty of papers in ethnoarchaeology of space organization inside native Americans dwellings and stone circle (tent-ring) structures, which provided a strong framework for interpreting the organization and use of space within the remains of a former dwelling (OETELAAR 2000). Unfortunately such a research trend is still not very common among archaeologists of Russia, but we suppose that ethnoarchaeological study of settlement organization and habitation structures of such Siberian indigenous like Evenki can help us to understand obtained archaeological records. For understanding habitation structures and space organization in Late Paleolithic settlements we launched an ethnoarchaeological project in Trans-Baikal region that was organized by State University of Chita (Dr. Oleg Kuznetsov) and Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage research (Dr. Ole Grøn), the project was focused on analysis of site formation processes, settlement 149

Fig 3. General view on space organization at contemporary Evenki settlement in Trans-Baikal. a) bark covered conical dwelling “dyukcha”; b) bark covered storage; c) bark covered shelter for reindeer; d) cooking hearth “gyluvun”; e) bones storage (Photo: O. Kuznetsov). surrounded by cobbles. Above it, on an horizontal pole “ikeptun” with one end attached to the back of the tent framework and the other to a vertical pole “chimka” standing next to the hearth, were teakettles and pots suspended. Usually firewood lay between the hearth and the entrance in so called “tjongay” area. Kitchen utensils, containers and food was stored against the wall just inside

and on both sides of the entrance in female area “tjongay” whereas male equipment such as hunting gear and weapons, male clothes was stored against the wall on the men’s side. On the opposite of the entrance, beyond the fire and the back side of the tent was placed the most sacred part of the dwelling “malu” area. The dolls of spirits “barrilak” cut

Fig 4. a) bark covered conical dwelling “dyukcha” courtesy of Trans-Baikal Museum (19 Century); b) the cooking hearth “gyluvun” placed in the front of “duykcha” (Photo: O. Kuznetsov). 150

out of wood were stored here in a wooden box. Each was kept in a little skin bag with the wooden spoon that belonged to it. Women were not allowed to pass over this place. (SHORIKOGOROFF 1929; VASILEVICH, SMOLYAK 1964). In the back of the tent was also a small sacred opening through which an hunted sable had to be passed into the dwelling. During the night the wife moves to man’s side and the couple normally sleeps parallel to the wall with their feet to the door in the area called “be”. The children were sleeping in “malu” at the backside of the tent. Usually the settlements of Evenki have been composed from 1 to 2 - 3 families living in 1 - 2 conical tents that were widely spaced about 3 - 6 m (Fig. 4a). During our field research in Trans-Baikal we registered such “tent ring” weights representing the rests of “dyukcha” conical tents left behind at abandoned Evenki settlements (Fig. 5). The rest of habitation structures such as cooking hearths, elevated storage platforms, reindeer bones platforms etc. were allocated in relation to tent dwellings according to activity areas present at the territory of Evenki settlements. In front of the tent on some distance (3 - 5 m) a hearth for cooking “gyluvun” with hooks for hanging a pot or kettle, sometimes surrounded by cobbles was placed (Fig. 4b). The low platform for personal belongings and reindeer saddles named “umnevyn” made of several stakes lay

together situated on the right or to the left of a tent. Elevated storage platforms “dalken” and reindeer bones platforms “gulick” were usually placed at the periphery area of the settlements. As forest foragers Evenki use large amounts of firewood. Apart from fuel for the kitchen hearths, in summer they keep a number of smudge fires “honan” burning constantly to create a smoky zone where their reindeer can stay protected from the clouds of bloodsucking insects (Fig. 3). The duration of occupation at Evenki settlements was depending on the season, weather and available natural resources but usually consisted of 2 3 days to a couple of weeks.

Application of Ethnoarchaeological Data for Archaeological Explanation Ethnoarchaeological approach provides us important information concerning the general concept of “settlement”. As our field research shows in the case of Evenki the settlement seems not to be a small restricted area but a large zone the could cover a half of square kilometer that gradually merges into the surrounding landscape. The areas where the tents are built up are normally void of higher vegetation apart from some larger trees that have been left for protection of the reindeer and the dwelling against sun, rain and strong wind. Around the central area

Fig. 5. Contemporary Evenki settlement of Trans-Baikal region. Bark covered conical dwelling “dyukcha” with stone weights encircling the base. (photo: Oleg Kuznetsov). 151

References

of the settlement, marked with habitation structures, a zone where the forest vegetation is clearly modified due to the cutting of firewood, collection of bark from the larch trees etc. is surrounded. At the summer time a zone of relatively young trees is often formed here. The settlement may also contain the remains of “tent-ring” dwellings left from earlier occupations. Some structures, for instance storage platforms, may be used through a long time from dwellings occupying varying parts of the settlement. Next observation is related with management of “waste” at the settlements. Our field research demonstrates that there were surprisingly small amount of bone pieces left on the surface of still inhabited settlements with numerous old “tent ring” habitation structures. Most of hunted animal bones observed at Evenki settlements were deposited in accordance with elaborate ritual on special elevated platforms. The bones of wild reindeer should be deposited on special triangle shape elevated platforms “gulick” normally placed at the settlement periphery behind the tent dwellings and away from the water line. The main idea is that the killed animals should be treated with respect so that their souls feel well and like the area where their bones are deposited. The soul of hunted animals should then tend to choose to reborn as a new young animal in the same area. The skulls of musk deer are put on the top of young larches as a gift to local spirits “berilakh”. The bones and the skinned body of sable (Siberian marten) had to put with respect into a hole in a tree in the forest or on a special small-size platform. The bear is buried on a platform with a log box. In contrast the bones, skin and antler of domesticated reindeer may be hung on trees, and we have observed a domesticated reindeer calf that died accidentally that was wrapped in a canvas bag and hung from a 3 meters high tripod on the side of the river opposite the settlement. The results from the analysis of Evenki settlements and habitation structures show that repeated patterns in space organization can be distinguished and they are a result of a similar type of human behavior. Our studies also show that the settlements are structured in accordance with a set of spatial organization rules (GRØN, KUZNETSOV 2003; KUZNETSOV 2006, 2007). Meanwhile more and better information is needed if we shall be able to gain a detailed understanding of the interaction between spiritual and material culture - how and why these material patterns are formed. These observations have some obvious consequences. One must take the possibility of evaluation of the archaeological material in accordance with behavioral and spiritually based rules and customs that have a very pivotal role in interpretation of prehistoric settlements. The different cultures use of strict spatial rules for their organization of the dwelling spaces seems to suggest from an archaeological point of view to be one of the most useful general features observed in archaeology and anthropology. Because it provides some relations between spiritual and material culture, we have a chance to get information on the social organization of prehistoric foragers if the cultural and natural conditions have preserved the traces.

ANDERSON, D. (1991) Turning Hunters into Herders: A Critical Examination of Soviet Development Policy among the Evenki of Southeastern Siberia. Arctic, 44 (1), pp. 1222. ANISIMOV, A. (1952) Shamanskii chum u evenkov i proishozhdenie shamanskogo obryada. Sibirski etnograficheski sbornik, vol. 1, pp. 199-238. BINFORD, L. (1983) In pursuit of the Past. Decoding the Archaeological records. New York: Academic Press. BINFORD, L. (2000) Constructing Frame of Reference. University of California Press. BLANTON, R. (1994) Houses and Households: a Comparative study. New York: Plenum Press. DAVID, N., KRAMER, C. (2001) Ethnoarchaeology in Action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. GAMBLE, C., BOISMIER, W. (1991) Ethnoarchaeological approach to mobile campsites. Hunter-gatherers and pastoralist case studies. Michigan: Ann Arbor. GRØN, O., KUZNETSOV, O (2003) Evenki Forest Hunters. Ethnoarchaeology and the Archaeological Settlement Concept. In: A. Weber, H. Mackenzie, (eds.) Prehistoric Foragers of the Cis-Baikal, Siberia, Edmonton: Canadian Circumpolar Institute, pp. 197-215. KENT, S. (1987) Method and Theory for Activity Area Research: An Ethnoarchaeological approach. New York: Columbia university Press. KONSTANTINOV, M. (1994) Kamennyi vek Vostochnoy provincyi Baikalskoi Asyi. Ulan-Ude. KUZNETSOV, O. (2006) Ethnoarchaeology in Siberia: an implication to Late Paleolithic settlements analysis. Etnoarqueología de la Prehistoria: más allá de la analogía. Madrid, Treballs d”etnoarqueología, vol. 6, CSIC, pp.173189. KUZNETSOV, O. (2007) Ethnoarchaeological approach to Late Paleolithic settlements and habitation structures (Tans-Baikal, Siberia). Les Civilisations du Renne D’Hierre at D’Aujourd”hui, Antibes. PEARSON, P., RICHARDS, C. (1994) Architecture and Order: Spatial Representation and Archaeology. Architecture and Order: Approaches to Social Space. London: Routledge, pp. 39-72. SOKOLOVA, Z. (1998) Zhilishe narodov Sibiri (opyt tipologii). Moskva: Nauka. SHIROKOGOROV, S. (1929) Social Organization of Northern Tungus. Shanghai. TUGOLUKOV, V. (1969) Sledopyty verhom na olenyah. Moskva: Nauka. OETELAAR, G. (2000). Beyond activity areas: structure and symbolism in the organization and use of space inside tipis. Plain Anthropologist, 45 (171), pp. 35-61. VASILEVICH, G., SMOLYSK, A. (1964) The Evenks. In: M.G. Levin, L.P. Potapov, (eds.) The Peoples of Siberia, Chicago and London, p. 620-654. WHALLON, R. (1973) Spatial Analysis of Occupation Floors: Application of Dimensional Analysis of Variance. American Antiquity, 38, pp. 320-328. 152

The Branch and Reed Wall Construction Technology in the “Valle del Liri” (Latium, Italy): a Bioclimatic Building Technique Annarita Martini Abstract

The rural landscape is characterized by constructions, that have one or two floors. They are made using the “fratticcio” and/or “graticcio” technique. The constructions were used as houses or stables, haylofts or shelters and they represented a typical building typology and a social life organization form. This construction technique was already described in the last Italian Conference on Ethnoarchaeology (May 2006). This technique could be compared to the one used during the archaeological excavations in S. Giulia in Brescia, where some huts were found. They were half-timbered huts made with branch-frame walls, which were not similar to structures of the Roman era, or to local rural constructions. These buildings are now outdated and are likely to disappear, however, if some of the technologies are still used in contemporary bioclimatic architecture, for example the bamboo reed surface of the public housing designed by the FOA (Foreign Office Architects) for Madrid’s suburbs (built in 2007). The knowledge of this traditional building art should be kept alive and not be lost; as these constructions could still be useful in dealing with some architectural problems. Unfortunately however their use is dying out even in Sora where they originated. KEY WORDS: Rural Houses, Timbered Constructions, Branch and Reed Wall, Bioclimatic Architecture, Valle del Liri, Italy.

Riassunto

Il paesaggio rurale della Media valle del Liri è caratterizzato da costruzioni ad uno o due piani realizzate nella tecnica a “fratticcio” e/o a “graticcio”. Esse fungevano da abitazione a stalla, da fienile a ricovero e rappresentano un tipo caratteristico di tipologia edilizia e di forme di organizzazione della vita sociale. Di queste strutture si è già parlato nel precedente convegno di etnoarcheologia. In questa occasione vorremmo confrontare questa tecnica con quella riscontrata in alcune capanne rinvenute durante gli scavi nel complesso di Santa Giulia a Brescia. In questo scavo archeologico sono venute alla luce delle strutture a graticcio con pannelli di ramaglia riconducibili alle fasi di età longobarda, per le quali gli studiosi che se ne sono occupati non hanno trovato confronti, né nelle strutture simili di età romana in cui venivano utilizzate le canne, né in strutture del paesaggio rurale. Queste strutture oggi desuete e destinate a scomparire presentano alcuni elementi utilizzati nella bioedilizia contemporanea, ne sono un esempio i pannelli realizzati in canne di bamboo nelle case popolari progettate da FOA (Foreign Office Architects) nella periferia di Madrid (anno di realizzazione 2007). Sarà quindi necessario conservare le conoscenze su queste tecniche costruttive tradizionali, che nei propri contesti di origine saranno presto non più riscontrabili, ma che si dimostrano ancora oggi valide per la soluzione di alcuni problemi architettonici. PAROLE CHIAVE: case rurali, strutture a graticcio, bioedilizia, Valle del Liri, Italia.

The Valle del Liri rural landscape is characterized by halftimbered constructions built with a local wattle and daub infill technique, called “fratticcio” (MARTINI 2011; BERANGER 1998; MASTROIANNI, SIMONE 2003: 6275). These are multi-purpose structures built on one or two levels above ground, that have been used as houses, stables, haylofts, and refuges and represent both a building typology and a social life organization form (Fig. 1). Most of them are buildings built on one level above ground, that have a main structure of wooden pillars wedged on the ground, which supports a “false” truss (Fig. 2). The walls are timber framed and have smaller vertical wooden pillars, which are nailed to horizontal wooden beams. The spaces between the structural members are filled with materials such as elm branches and a well pressed mixture of water and clay, pebbles or potsherds, wheat straw and hull (Figs. 2 a,b). The “false” truss has a reed coating, covered by wooden

Fig. 1. Rural house, Valcomberta, Sora, Italy.

153

Fig. 2. Rural house, Valcomberta, Sora, Italy. Ground floor plan. planks and on the top there is a layer of tiles (Fig. 2, c). Just one wall is made of stone, where the fireplace and the traditional oven are located. The wall is built with irregular sandstone blocks held together by clay mortar similar to the one used for the frame. The paving is made of pressed concrete. There is usually another room or two attached to the main construction which is built of reed walls (vertically stuffed up reeds without any clay infill) and compacted soil paving. This room is usually used as a tool shed or as a stable. (Fig. 2, d). Reed wall buildings with clay-coating are rarer and mostly present in the flatland valley, by the Liri River (Figs. 3, a) This construction technique belongs to the tradition of the “poor” buildings, which need a low level of technological specialisation to be built. However, these buildings were not refuges, but small houses. They were all built to last a long time and were perfectly inhabitable. They were adapted to meet all the needs and activities of their owners, and could cope with adverse climatic conditions and the high seismic risk of that region. The use of this technique was also used for rooms attached to stone houses, which

Fig. 2. a) Valcomberta, Sora, Italy. Elm branch.

154

Fig. 2. d) Rural House, Valcomberta, Sora, Italy. Stable with reed walls.

Fig. 2. b) Rural House, Valcomberta, Sora, Italy. Construction particular.

Fig. 3. Flatland building, Sora, Italy.

Fig. 2. c) Rural House, Valcomberta, Sora, Italy. Construction particular. shows that the diffusion of this technique was not always due to the need to spare money, but was rather a conscientious choice. For years and years, and sometimes still today, local farmers and shepherds have been employed in construction and woodworking thanks to this tradition. However these buildings are so undervalued, that for the time-being no one still capable of building them has been located. There is a long history behind this technique, Romans used to build half-timbered buildings with reed frames and claycoating, but in the Middle Ages the use of branch frames increased. This was the conclusion of the study of the excavations in Santa Giulia in Brescia. During these excavations three kinds of houses belonging to the third period (450-680 AD) were found: - houses with part stone walls and part half-timbered walls with branch frames and possibly planks; - sunken-floored dwellings with branch frame walls; - and surface dwellings with timber framed walls laying on stone walls (the stones were held together with no

Fig. 3. a) Flatland building, Sora, Italy. Construction particular

mortar) interspersed with wooden pillars wedged in the ground. The branch frames of all three types of houses were made of horizontally and vertically weaved branches mixed with pebbles and grass shafts (Fig. 4). These frames represent the real innovation compared to the use of reed frames in the Roman era, besides the innovative use of sunken155

floored dwellings. Tests on coals showed, that the most common types of wood used were chestnut, oak, pomoideae and elm, but it was impossible to prove that these types of wood had also been used for the walls (CASTIGLIONI, ROTOLI 2005: 397-410; BROGIOLO 2005: 411-422). The sunken-floored dwellings were specific to the 3rd B Period (586-680), characterized by the presence of the Lombard people, and were probably connected to their knowledge of construction (BROGIOLO 2005: 414; BROGIOLO 1999: 15). The presence of these varieties of technique also appears in other archaeological sites of that time and according to Brogiolo is due to a local reprocessing of allochthonous

know-how, brought by Goths and Lombards (BROGIOLO 2008: 9-22; BROGIOLO, CHAVARRIA ARNAU 2008: 261-281). Excavations in the Po valley brought to light surface dwellings with wooden pillars wedged on the ground, that had one or two rooms even in settlements dating back to the 9th century (BROGIOLO 2008: 9-22). The buildings of Sora seem to have continued this tradition and it would be interesting to value the influence that the presence of Lombards in Sora territory could have had in the establishment of this traditional technique (SENNIS 1996: 27-62). It is nevertheless impossible for the timebeing to make assertions in this direction, since there is no archaeological evidence that proves the existence of this technique in this territory in the Middle Ages and its use in the followings centuries. The half-timbered constructions in the Liri valley are not only a landmark of the rural landscape and know-how, but they share some similarities with contemporary bioclimatic architecture and the construction of passive houses (Figs. 56). This research moves towards the increase of climate control through a better energy exchange between building and environment, decreasing the use of mechanical systems, focuses on wooden constructions using the traditional building techniques of the local area, particularly utilizing caulking methods (SPERZEL 2004). Such studies are particularly present in the Alps and are promoted by the CIPRA, Commissione Internazionale per la Protezione delle Alpi, engaged in the sustainable development of the Alps. In these studies wood has a wide range of use and is

Fig. 5. Bamboo reed surface, particular, FOA, Foreign Office Architects Carabanchel 16, Public Housing Development, Madrid, Spain.

Fig. 4. Brescia, Santa Giulia, structure of the wooden walls (from Castiglioni, Rottoli 2005). 156

media valle del Liri. In: Science and Technology for the safeguard of cultural heritage in the Mediterranean Basin, CNR, I. Catania, Palermo, pp. 133-140. BROGIOLO, G. P. (1999) Introduzione. In: G.P. Brogiolo, (ed.) S. Giulia di Brescia: gli scavi dal 1980 al 1992. Reperti preromani, romani e alto medievali, Firenze, pp. 13-24. BROGIOLO, G. P. (2005) La sequenza del periodo III di Santa Giulia nel contesto di Brescia. In: G. P. Brogiolo, F. Morandini, F. Rossi, (eds.) Dalle domus alla corte regia. S. Giulia di Brescia. Gli scavi dal 1980 al 1992, Firenze, pp. 411-422. BROGIOLO, G. P. (2008) Aspetti e prospettive di ricerca sulle architetture altomedievali tra VII e X secolo. Archeologia Medievale, 35, pp. 9-22. BROGIOLO, G.P., CHAVARRIA ARNAU, A. (2008) Dai Vandali ai Longobardi: Osservazioni sull’insediamento barbarico nelle campagne dell’occidente. In: G. M. Berndt, R. Steinacher, (eds.) Das Reich der Vandalen und seine (Vor-)Geschichten, Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 13, Wien, pp. 261-281. CASTIGLIONI, E., ROTOLI, M. (2005) I muri in terra cruda di Santa Giulia. In: G. P. Brogiolo, F. Morandini, F. Rossi, (eds.) Dalle domus alla corte regia. S. Giulia di Brescia. Gli scavi dal 1980 al 1992, Firenze, pp. 397-410. COMMISSIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LA PROTEZIONE DELLE ALPI www.cipra.org FOA www.f-o-a.net MARTINI, A. (2011) Le costruzioni rurali della media Valle del Liri: un esempio di organizzazione dello spazio domestico nella cultura agro-pastorale. In: F. Lugli, A.A. Stoppiello, S. Biagetti, (eds.) Atti del IV Convegno di Etnoarcheologia, Rome 17-19 May 2006, British Archaeological Reports, International Series. MASTROIANNI, M., SIMONE, L. (2003) Guida per la conoscenza dell’architettura rurale nella valle del Liri. Cenni per il recupero e la manutenzione. Arce. SENNIS, A. (1996) Un territorio da ricomporre: il Lazio tra i secoli IV e XIV. In: AA.VV. Atlante storico-politico del Lazio, Bari, pp. 27-62. SPERZEL, N. (2004) Edifici energeticamente efficienti costruiti con legno regionale nello spazio alpino, Schaan (www.climap.info).

Fig. 6. Southern face, FOA, Foreign Office Architects Carabanchel 16, Public Housing Development, Madrid, Spain.

easy to work with. It is hard and durable and compared to its volume is proportionally light. It is at the same time rigid and solid and able to withstand remarkable strains without deformation or breaking. Furthermore, it is a good insulation material and therefore especially suitable for energy efficient buildings. Finally, the use of local wood in its place of origin decreases costs and provides employment. The use of coppices is recommended, as a young, healthy and stable wood could protect more effectively against natural incidents (www.cipra.org). The CIPRA studies are just an example of the present way to relate to traditional architecture, but more and more building firms and architecture offices are specializing in the construction of low energy buildings and passive houses; whereby increasing the use of clay blocks and straw-clay panels benefiting from the effective insulation properties of these materials. The “fratticcio” buildings are therefore an example of passive houses, as with their high level of elasticity are able to withstand earthquakes, which are quite frequent in the Sora region (BERANGER 1995; BERANGER 1997: 201203). This explains their development and establishment thoughtout the decades and maybe even centuries. It may could have met the specific needs of the region where they originated and could therefore still be useful in the present day.

References

BERANGER, E. M. (1995) Ancient earthen constructions and antiseismic dwellings: Boni’s project after the earthquake of 13th January 1915 (Avezzano, Italy). Annali di Geofisica, 38, 5-6, pp. 785-789. BERANGER, E. M. (1997) Pagine per servire allo studio del terremoto del 13 gennaio 1915. L’opera di Vincenzo Simoncelli in difesa delle popolazioni e del patrimonio storico-artistico della Media Valle del Liri ed alcune ipotesi per una rapida ricostruzione dei paesi distrutti. Rivista storica del Lazio, 6, pp. 161-203. BERANGER, E. M. (1998) Le architetture di terra nella 157

Il teide. Le isole Canarie e la cultura Guanche Maria Ilaria Pannaccione Apa, Sergio Barrera Rodriguez, M. Fabrizia Buongiorno Riassunto

La cultura Guanche colonizzò l’isola di Tenerife, probabilmente non prima del IX sec. a.C. La struttura sociale, basata sul chiefdom, povera in tecnologia e strettamente dipendente dalle risorse naturali ed alimentata da un’economia limitata alla sussistenza del gruppo familiare, risulta un modello di sussistenza vincente in un territorio estremamente difficile governato dall’attività vulcanica. I Menceyatos più esposti ad eventuale rischio vulcanico, erano in ogni caso popolati. Vi fu un totale adattamento al paesaggio, confermato dall’alta percentuale di occupazioni in antichi tubi vulcanici riadattati alle esigenze della comunità ed i meccanismi di resilienza per prevenire e mitigare i rischi erano probabilmente trasmessi attraverso i Consigli degli anziani, i Tagoror. PAROLE CHIAVE: Isole Canarie, Guanche, Attività vulcanica, Resilienza.

Abstract

The volcanic origin and activity of the Canary island territory represent one of inhabitants growing factors of the along the recent geology, besides, the rich land fertility due to lava flows, was one of the reasons of their colonization by Guanche culture. Their social organization, based on chiefdoms, aimed to preserve the canary volcanic landscapes. The volcanic eruptions with low explosive features during last 10.000 years did not cause major cultural changes, whereas large ash falls produced a real damages with the consequence of human displacements along the limited island territories. An ethno-historical approach and a resilience analysis supported by related ancillary scientific information and available data collections for Guanche culture facing volcanic hazards, is discussed. KEY WORDS: Canary Islands, Guanche, Volcanic Activity, Resilience.

Introduzione

Vulcanismo di Tenerife

Nel Settembre 2007, l’Unità Funzionale di Telerilevamento ha svolto una campagna di validazione sul Pico del Teide, Tenerife (Canarie, Spagna) nell’ambito del progetto comunitario FP6 “PREVIEW” (PREVention Information and Early Warning). In quest’occasione è stata pianificata un’ulteriore analisi dedicata alla vulnerabilità ed alla resilienza antica attraverso lo studio delle informazioni archeologiche disponibili in relazione con la storia geologica ed eruttiva a partire dalle prime informazioni di insediamenti umani sull’isola di Tenerife. Dal punto di vista archeologico, Tenerife è, in generale, molto difficile da classificare, soprattutto a causa del contesto geografico con il continuo rimodellamento del paesaggio dovuto alle eruzioni che sono seguite nel tempo ed all’assenza di una cronologia archeologica assoluta e contestuale dell’intero Arcipelago.

L’isola si è formata, come la maggior parte delle Canarie, con sovrapposizione di scudi vulcanici. La sua genesi si data tra i 12 e gli 11 milioni di anni fa tra il Miocene Superiore ed il Pleistocene. A partire dai 4 milioni di anni, l’attività vulcanica si restringe allo scudo centrale, da cui si sviluppa l’edificio Las Cañadas, il complesso vulcanico del Teide e delle Dorsali di NE e di NW (CARRACEDO

Inquadramento Geografico e Climatico

Le isole Canarie sono parte di un insieme di arcipelaghi (con le Azzorre, Madeira e Cabo Verde, anticamente conosciuto come Micronesia) situati nell’Atlantico NE tra le latitudini 14° e 40N e lungo la costa africana. L’isola di Tenerife è la più grande dell’Arcipelago. Presenta forte bio-diversità dovuta a differenti condizioni climatiche dettate dai venti, dall’anticiclone delle Azzorre e dalla Corrente del Golfo (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. L’Arcipelago delle Canarie e la costa occidentale africana: i territori settentrionali di Tenerife sono soggetti al raffreddamento della Corrente del Golfo, prodotto dall’arrivo di venti polari da N, dagli alisei da NW e NE; per converso, a meridione il clima è arido a causa dei venti tropicali provenienti da E e SW. 158

ascrivibile al periodo Neolitico, contestualmente agli insediamenti in grotta del nord Africa (CUSCOY 2008). Basando il parallelismo su criteri tipologici, già nel 1939 Pérez de Barradas definiva i primi gruppi umani insediatesi alle Canarie come proto-guanches, ipotizzando inoltre una possibile migrazione africana anteriore a quest’ultimi, formata da genti provenienti dall’area sahariana dell’Alto Atlante. E’ probabile che la cultura Guanche tipica sia il risultato di scambi con gruppi africani. Ciò è sicuramente valido per le produzioni ceramiche, i modelli delle armi (lance, punte, giavellotti, propulsori, mazze bugnate, etc.); oscuro ed incompleto resta ancora il quadro che riguarda i corredi suntuari, ove è evidente l’uso unico ed esclusivo della pelle conciata e tinta, e la totale assenza di tessili, malgrado l’abbondante materia prima derivante dalle greggi di capre e pecore. Tenerife archeologica è difficile da contestualizzare da un punto di vista esclusivamente stratigrafico. Le datazioni più antiche finora accertate risalgono intorno al IX-VIII secolo a.C. (GONZALEZ, DEL ARCO 2007) in concomitanza con l’espansione berbera e gli insediamenti-fattoria fenici lungo le coste dell’Africa occidentale sahariana.

Fig. 2. Genesi dell’attuale isola di Tenerife. 2006). Il primo scudo vulcanico, lo Scudo Centrale, occupò la zona centrale dell’attuale isola e si sviluppò tra i 12 ed i 9 milioni di anni fa. Al grande scudo Centrale iniziale si sovrapposero, a W il massiccio del Teno (tra i 6 e 5 milioni di anni fa), a E quello di Anaga (tra i 5 ed i 4 milioni di anni fa). In questa fase l’isola entra in un periodo di quiescenza, con scarsa attività vulcanica, che risulta molto più dilatato nell’Edificio Centrale. I massicci del Teno ed Anaga dal momento della loro fase di sviluppo ad oggi risultano senza attività vulcanica; d’altro canto, il periodo di quiescenza della parte centrale termina intorno ai 3,5 milioni di anni, con la costruzione, dell’Edificio Cañadas (in tre fasi costruttive principali: Cañadas I, II e III, seguite da massicci scivolamenti laterali) sopra lo scudo centrale miocenico che raggiunse circa 40 km di diametro, lambendo i massicci del Teno ed Anaga (CARRACEDO 2006). (Fig. 2). L’attuale Caldera Las Cañadas si formò a seguito di un gigantesco collasso laterale avvenuto circa 200.000 anni fa. Quest’ultimo episodio delimita l’ultima fase vulcanica di Tenerife, in cui termina la formazione degli stratovulcani Teide e Pico Viejo (CARRACEDO 2006). Il terreno di natura vulcanica inoltre ha dato origine a suoli molto fertili, la cui permeabilità ha permesso il costante rifornimento naturale di acqua. Questo ha prodotto le premesse per la scelta insediativa di gruppi Guanche provenienti, probabilmente da Lanzarote e Fuerteventura.

Problemi di metodo storico

L’inquadramento culturale dei primi abitanti è stato variamente assimilato a differenti periodi cronologici, cercando agganci concreti attraverso l’analisi e la comparazione delle produzioni materiali presenti nelle isole con esemplari mediterranei e nordafricani di periodo neoeneolitico e/o protostorico europeo. Il problema sorge, a nostro avviso, nel voler incastonare per forza la cultura Guanche e le sue produzioni materiali a periodi storici generalmente in uso, presupponendo parallelismi tali da poter permettere un esatto inquadramento cronologico ascrivibile e parimenti assimilabile ad epoche e facies della preistoria e protostoria europea. In realtà, il poco dedotto dagli anni di studio e ricerca non ha fornito sufficienti prove per comprovare effettivi interbreedings culturali avvenuti, nell’arco di tre millenni, tra i nativi canari ed il resto del mondo. Al contrario, si percepisce una società fortemente slegata ed estranea ai mutamenti tecnologici e politici del Mediterraneo, ferma ad uno stadio primitivo e troglodita, cronologicamente molto ampio. Prendendo in considerazione la sola Tenerife, i problemi per la costruzione di un metodo storico effettivamente applicabile sono i seguenti: 1) In molti casi mancano markers culturali per datare correttamente i siti; 2) Le produzioni materiali (ceramiche, armi, utensili da pesca) non presentano evidenti variazioni tipologiche: si può dedurre che determinate forme, assimilate culturalmente in epoca preistorica, siano rimaste invariate fino all’arrivo dei primi navigatori europei; 3) L’isolamento geografico ha prodotto entropia economica e sociale, in cui nessun elemento è indicatore di avanzamenti culturali e/o tecnologici: l’assenza di complessi urbani e l’alta percentuale nell’uso polivalente delle grotte e dei ripari suggeriscono una società poco numerosa, distribuita su un territorio vasto ma impervio, divisa socialmente il piccoli gruppi di famiglie allargate

I Guanche

La discussione sull’origine delle popolazioni Guanche è ancora materia di controversia, motivata da problemi di datazione. Allo stato attuale delle scoperte, le datazioni più antiche sono date dai depositi archeologici di Barranco de la Monja e Villaverde (Fuerteventura): tra la fine del III e l’inizio del II millennio a.C. (ORNUBIA et al. 1997) con il ritrovamento frammenti ossei di pecora, e di La Graziosa (Lanzarote): inizio del I millennio a.C. (GARCIATALAVERA 2003). Per L. D. Cuscoy, padre dell’archeologia canaria, il popolamento dell’Arcipelago è 159

relazionate tra loro da matrimoni esogamici e l’uso condiviso di determinate zone per il pascolo d’alpeggio; 4) L’economia resta confinata al livello della sussistenza, senza ulteriori progressi verso la creazione di fonti specializzate in eccedenze produttive per lo scambio dei beni; 5) L’assoluta mancanza nella pratica di lavorazione delle lane (fusi, telai) per confezionare abiti è estremamente importante, in quanto conferma sia gli scarsissimi contatti al di fuori dell’arcipelago che dall’assenza di una reale economia di mercato, il cui incipit è lo scambio di beni tessili (PANNACCIONE APA 2001). Infine, non è stato finora rilevato archeologicamente alcun cambio strutturale tale da poter definire chiaramente il passaggio della cultura Guanche dalla fase preistorica a quella protostorica. I raffronti con le produzioni di contesti materiali nordafricani (fenicio-cartaginesi), non sono elemento sufficiente per poter parlare di un cambio culturale che d’altronde continua ad essere radicato ad un modello di sussistenza basato sulla pastorizia e caccia-raccolta, tipico dei seminomadi e transumanti e non di società già organizzate e stratificate socialmente, con insediamenti urbani permanenti e mercato del surplus. Limitatamente all’informazione prodotta dalle evidenze archeologiche a disposizione, dai racconti dei primi cronisti del XV (Torriani, De Viera y Clavijo, Nuñez de la Peña, etc.) e dall’analisi delle strategie di sopravvivenza generate dall’entropia sociale, è lecito ipotizzare, rispetto a quanto proposto finora, una fase preistorica cronologicamente molto più dilatata ed assente una successiva fase protostorica, in quanto non si palesano effettivi mutamenti nella struttura sociale, salvo alcune piccole novità estremamente locali nelle produzioni materiali provenienti da modelli protostorici nordafricani.

Fig. 3. Abitati in: a) grotta, b) all’aperto, c) Tagoror; produzioni materiali; inumazioni e mummificazione.

mummie hanno rivelato una popolazione in gran parte dedita alla valorizzazione del territorio interno dell’isola, dedicando alle coste solo interesse parziale. La dieta era generalmente povera, limitata quasi esclusivamente alle carni ovine, e parzialmente completata dalla piccola agricoltura intensiva, dalla pesca costiera e molluschi. Un prodotto tipico, rimasto inalterato nella tradizione canaria ed ancora sulle tavole degli attuali abitanti di Tenerife è il gofio, una farina tostata di cereali, probabilmente di origine berbera. I corredi suntuari sono privi di elementi in tessuto e/o filato, esclusivamente confezionati in pelle di pecora/capra. Lo sfruttamento e del territorio era direttamente relazionato alla sua geografia, con barriere naturali difficili da superare, altresì permettendo la definizione culturale dei confini tra chiefdoms la cui belligeranza per il controllo di caccia/pascolo era attenuata da alleanze esogamiche per il comune uso di determinati piani ecologici (es.: Caldera Las Cañadas). E’ da notare che anche gli attuali insediamenti dell’isola sono soggetti a scelte d’insediamento obbligate dovute alla morfologia dell’isola, risultando sovrapposti alle zone di occupazione Guanche (Fig. 3).

Modelli d’insediamento ed uso del suolo

Il contesto antropico è principalmente caratterizzato da insediamenti in grotta (sia ad uso abitativo che di necropoli) sfruttando maggiormente tubi vulcanici e ripari naturali (ripari sotto roccia); sono presenti, inoltre, abitati all’aperto formati da strutture circolari in pietra con copertura probabilmente in materiale vegetale. Il versante meridionale dell’isola presenta un discreto numero di recinti per animali (pecore e capre) a partire dai 1500-1700 m.s.l.m. utilizzati per la transumanza stagionale, ed i Tagoror, circoli in pietra per il Consiglio degli anziani. Come visto, Tenerife presenta differenti piani ecologici, sfruttati dai gruppi guanche residenti, limitatamente alla disponibilità territoriale di ogni chiefdom. I dati archeologici informano dell’intensivo uso del suolo con transumanza stagionale e piccola attività agricola di supporto alla pastorizia, principale risorsa della vita quotidiana degli antichi isolani. La caratteristica più rilevante è il repertorio delle sepolture in grotta che sembrano direttamente legate agli insediamenti circostanti, fornendo molte informazioni sulla vita e sul livello di organizzazione sociale. Inoltre, la tradizione della mummificazione, riservata solo a determinati individui, indica una gerarchizzazione sociale presente e trasversale ai chiefdoms di Tenerife. Le analisi antropologiche delle

Organizzazione sociale

La struttura sociale era organizzata in Menceyatos, chiefdoms probabilmente con strutture di parentela patrilineari-patrilocali. A partire dal XV secolo, le cronache spagnole informano che Tenerife, era divisa in 9 menceyatos indipendenti: Adeje, Daute, Icod, Taoro, Taroconte, Tegueste, Anaga, Abona e Güimar (Fig. 4), governati ognuno dal proprio Mencey (monarca). Nel XV secolo, i nove Menceyatos erano soggetti ad una gerarchia interna dell’isola, in cui il clan dominante era quello di Adeje. L’intero sistema politico dell’isola era governato dal consiglio degli anziani incaricati di gestire la giustizia, dirimere i conflitti tra i chiefdoms ed eleggere i nuovi Mencey. Le guerre si generavano principalmente per il predominio e lo sfruttamento del limitato territorio dell’isola, in cui la trasversalità della pratica pastorizia era direttamente legata al possesso di determinati alpeggi stagionali per i pascoli degli ovini. A conferma delle informazioni riassunte nelle cronache spagnole dei secoli 160

meridionale di Tenerife nei Menceyatos di Güimar meridionale, Abona, Adeje, Daute e Icod; 3) Zona Costiera: In epoca preistorica sfruttata per pesca di sottocosta e raccolta di molluschi, i cui depositi (concheros) di conchiglie marine sono stati individuati, ancora in situ, lungo le coste meridionali dell’isola. Alcune incisioni rupestri, ritrovate a Tenerife ed in altre isole, raffigurano diversi modelli di imbarcazioni: di piccolo cabotaggio, probabilmente di fabbricazione locale e limitate alla pesca costiera; con maggiore tonnellaggio, confermerebbe che l’arcipelago canario sia stato frequentato anche da pescatori provenienti dalla vicina costa africana, (IX-VIII secolo a.C., ca.) che battevano le rotte migratorie dei tonni. Particolare è la varietà di ami ritrovati nei corredi funerari. Le dimensioni variabili indicano una certa specializzazione nell’arte della pesca anche per prede marine di grossa taglia.

Interpolazione tra gli eventi vulcanici e la strategia insediamentale Guanche

Fig. 4. I 9 Menceyatos e la distribuzione dei siti. In rosso: Adeje, il chiefdom dominante (Elaborazione da originale di Cuscoy 2008: 308).

Seguendo il corposo ed esaustivo lavoro sul vulcanismo di Tenerife svolto e pubblicato nel 2006 da J. Carlos Carracedo, è possibile ipotizzare alcune interazioni tra la scelta strategica insediamentale e gli eventi di natura vulcanica di cui possono avere avuto percezione i gruppi umani presenti sull’isola. Considerando come valida l’ipotesi che il popolamento di Tenerife sia avvenuto a partire dal X-IX secolo a.C., abbiamo preso in considerazione tale data come terminus non ante quem per costruire un modello analitico dell’ uso spaziale del paesaggio, come proposto dalla landcape archaeology, ed analizzare, sulla base dei dati storici ed archeologici attualmente a disposizione, se tra i fattori promotori per una strategia conservativa nella scelta insediamentale, vi sia

XVI e XVII, le ricerche archeologiche hanno rilevato sia la presenza di siti dedicati alle assemblee di anziani (Tagoror) che le stazioni d’alpeggio lungo Las Cañadas del Teide. La mancanza di risorse differenziate che avrebbero potuto permettere specializzazioni esclusive per ogni Menceyato, con la conseguente nascita di mercati locali interconnessi per lo scambio di beni differenti e selezionati, produsse una economia non-interattiva, dando sempre più frequentemente luogo a pesanti guerriglie con conseguenze disastrose e talvolta lesive per l’intero ecosistema dell’isola (PANNACCIONE APA et al. 2008). La distanza dalla terraferma ed il contesto geografico difficile, talvolta quasi impraticabile, hanno accelerato questo processo di implosione economica e sociale. In ogni caso, si registra uno sporadico commercio con la vicina isola di Gran Canaria, molto più ricca in biodiversità. Malgrado ciò, non venne mai perfezionato un vero e proprio import-export inter-insulam.

Distribuzione spaziale degli insediamenti e sfruttamento climatico

La strategia d’insediamento a Tenerife è strettamente relazionata alla sua geografia e clima. Analizzando la mappa di distribuzione dei siti archeologici elaborata da L. Cuscoy si potrebbe sintetizzare il seguente: 1) Zona Umida: Generalmente, siti permanenti (abitato e necropoli) concentrati lungo la zona costiera dell’isola; si nota una maggiore concentrazione a N-NE, in cui l’alto tasso di umidità favorisce lo sviluppo di ampie foreste (laurisilva sp.), sorgenti d’acqua e facile accesso alle spiagge, ad esclusione dei Menceyatos di Tegueste, Anaga e la parte settentrionale di Güimar; 2) Zona Secca: Maggiormente sfruttata per i pascoli. La pratica della transumanza è confermata da molteplici recinti stagionali per il ricovero delle greggi lungo le Cañadas del Teide, e nella parte

Fig. 5. Datazioni delle lave nel Rift di NW. Cerchi in nero: l’eruzione del vulcano El Ciego (Elaborazione da originale di Carracedo 2006:27, fig. 13).

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stata la percezione del rischio vulcanico. E’ dunque ipotizzabile che l’eruzione vulcanica percepita per la prima volta dalle comunità Guanche fu quella del vulcano olocenico El Ciego, 2794 anni fa, nel Rift di NW, all’interno del territorio del Menceyato di Daute (Fig. 5). L’asperità e la quasi impraticabilità del suo territorio è testimoniata da una sporadica percentuale di insediamenti, confermata inoltre dall’assenza di markers culturali e cultuali strettamente legati alla convivenza uomo/vulcano, come nel caso della Cordillera Andina, delle Hawaii, ecc.

Meccanismi di Resilienza

Il quadro finora presentato descrive una popolazione: 1) Dipendente, da una economia di sussistenza in un territorio limitato naturalmente; 2) Isolata perché sufficientemente lontano dalle coste continentali per poter praticare scambi periodici tali da promuovere nuove acquisizioni culturali e materiali; 3) Aggressiva, in quanto la continua necessità di acquisire zone per nuovi pascoli e/o ecosistemi per caccia/raccolta/piccola agricoltura intensiva, portava a scontri cruenti tra Menceyatos, confermato dalle analisi antropologiche; 4) Vulnerabile, in virtù dei suddetti fattori e per il fatto di vivere su un’isola con attività vulcanica. La strategia di un popolo nel fondare i propri insediamenti, permanenti, temporanei e necropoli, è dettata da vari fattori. La distribuzione territoriale degli insediamenti per ogni Menceyato suggerisce due fattori di scelta: a) Economica: lungo la fascia costiera, con paesaggi meno impervi e più vicini alle zone ricche di prede terrestri e marine; b) Sociale: lungo i confini tra Menceyatos, probabilmente per via di alleanze matrimoniali che permisero la vicinanza di villaggi altrimenti antagonisti.

Fig. 6. La mappa mostra la sovrapposizione dei siti archeologici alla distribuzione delle colate laviche e le attuali zone sottoposte a maggiore rischio vulcanico (Elaborazione da originale di Carracedo, 2006: 56, fig.3); nei quadri rossi: i Menceyatos più esposti in epoca preistorica.

calamità naturali dovrebbero prendere in considerazione: a) La capacità di assorbire la pressione attraverso la resistenza e/o l’adattamento all’evento appreso in precedenza (memoria storica); b) La capacità di gestire o mantenere funzioni di resilienza; c) La capacità di recupero socio-economico dopo l’evento. In base ai suddetti processi è possibile estrapolare quali siano stati i principi di resilienza delle comunità Guanche (Fig. 6): 1) Conoscenza del fenomeno: è difficile al momento definire che percezione del rischio e quale conoscenza ne avessero le comunità preistoriche, ad ogni modo è evidente che vi sia una maggiore concentrazione di insediamenti verso il massiccio di Anaga, forse più dovuto ad una maggiore densità di popolazione, derivata dall’alta biodiversità di questo versante dell’isola che ad una premeditata strategia conservativa del gruppo di fronte alle catastrofi naturali; 2) Trasmissione della conoscenza: E’ possibile che piani strategici per contrastare gli eventi naturali fossero discussi durante i Tagoror, ma non si ha finora nessuna informazione precisa avallata dai dati archeologici o dalle cronache spagnole; è ipotizzabile che la distanza cronologica tra gli eventi eruttivi non fosse così rimarchevole da rappresentare una preoccupazione tale per cui essere tramandata attraverso la trasmissione orale (leggende, racconti, favole, ecc.) e materiale (incisioni e/o pitture rupestri) allo scopo di conservare la memoria storica per le future generazioni. In ogni caso, la costante instabilità politica tra Menceyatos, le cui guerre potrebbero aver prodotto diversi vuoti generazionali e la mancanza di una politica economica interattiva, potrebbero aver prodotto un andamento discontinuo della trasmissione orale tradizionale tra chiefdoms, rendendo frammentaria l’acquisizione di informazioni cruciali per fronteggiare le calamità naturali.

Mitigazione del Rischio: ipotesi per la creazione di un modello di studio

Seguendo l’attuale strategia applicata dal Gobierno de Canarias (Planes de Emergencia) specializzato in catastrofi naturali a Tenerife, abbiamo provato a sovrapporre l’attuale conoscenza della mitigazione dei grandi rischi alla mappa di distribuzione degli insediamenti: 1) Rischio vulcanico: Intorno al X-IX secolo a.C. fu coinvolto solo il Rift di NW senza effetti gravi, circostanziato a zone localizzate, come il territorio di Daute. Il modello d’insediamento, principalmente basato su abitati in grotta e ripari sottoroccia, preferendo tubi in lava pahoehoe e con poca evidenza di architetture all’aperto, fu una strategia di resilienza vincente in caso di terremoti, risultando altresì un modello fragile di fronte al pericolo di frane, prodotti piroclastici, fuochi e tutti gli effetti concatenati ad una eruzione; 2) Tempeste: Il fenomeno delle tempeste,di maggior impatto e molto frequente nelle isole, è di solito associato con tempeste che possono generare importanti rischi idrogeologici, trombe d’aria, frane e colate di fango. E’ probabile che vi siano stati periodi di carestia dovuti ad invasioni di cavallette provenienti dalle vicine coste africane e trasportate dai forti venti sahariani, la frequenza di questa calamità a Tenerife è confermata anche dalle cronache spagnole del XVI. Vi sono, in generale, tre tipi di comportamento che le comunità insediate in zone di grandi 162

Conclusioni

In generale, la struttura sociale Guanche, basata sul chiefdom, come il Menceyato, povera in tecnologia e strettamente dipendente dalle risorse naturali ed alimentata da un’economia limitata alla sussistenza del gruppo familiare, può essere considerata un modello di sussistenza vincente in un territorio estremamente difficile governato dall’attività vulcanica. I Menceyatos occidentali, più esposti ad eventuale rischio vulcanico, erano in ogni caso popolati. Vi fu un totale adattamento al paesaggio, confermato dall’alta percentuale di occupazioni in antichi tubi vulcanici riadattati alle esigenze della comunità ed i meccanismi di resilienza per prevenire e mitigare i rischi erano probabilmente trasmessi attraverso i Consigli degli anziani, i Tagoror. Ringraziamenti

Si ringraziano gli archeologi Dott.ssa M. Carmen del Arco Aguilar, Un. La Laguna, Tenerife, e Dott. R. González Antón Museo Archeologico di Tenerife, inoltre il vulcanologo Dott. J.C. Carracedo del Departamento: Estación Volcanológica de Canarias (CSIC), per averci fornito pieno supporto scientifico.

Bibliografia

CARRACEDO, J. C. (2006) El Volcan Teide, Volcanología, Interpretación de Paisajes e Itinerarios Comentados. Caja Canarias. CARRACEDO, J. C. (2009) Teide volcano: Summary and Eruptive History. Smithsonian Institution website. CUSCOY, D. L. (2008) Los Guanches: vida y cultura del primitivo habitante de Tenerife. Instituto de Estudios Canarios, La Laguna-Tenerife eds. GARCIA-TALAVERA, F. (2003) Depositos marinos fosilíferos del Holoceno de la Graciosa (Islas Canarias) que incluyen restos arqueológicos. Revista de la Academia Canaria de Ciencias, XIV,3-4, pp. 19-35. GONZALEZ ANTON, R., DEL ARCO AGUILAR, M.C. (2007) Los enamorados de la Osa Menor, navegación y pesca en la protohistoria de Canarias. Museo Arqueológico de Tenerife, Organismo Autónomo de Museos y Centros del Cabildo de Tenerife. ONURBIA PINTADO, J. et al. (1997) Paleoclimatología y presencia humana holocena en Fuerteventura. Una aproximación geoarqueológica. In: Homenaje a Celso Martín de Guzmán (1946-1994), Un. Las Palmas. Excmo Ayuntamiento de la ciudad de Gáldar. Dirección General de Patrimonio Historico, pp. 363-372. PANNACCIONE APA, M. I. (2000) Un vestito per l’Imperatore. In: Atti del I° Convegno Italiano di Etnoarcheologia, Roma, Archeologia Postmedievale, 4, pp. 175-183. PEREZ DE BARRADAS, J. (1939) Estado actual de las investigaciones prehistóricas sobre Canarias. Memoria acerca de los estudios realizados en 1938 en “El Museo Canario”. Las Palmas de Gran Canaria. 163

High Camonica Valley: the Use of Territory from Protohistory to the Present Ausilio Priuli Abstract

A territory as the one of the high Camonica Valley (BS) has had principally and endless pastoral use from prehistory till about 50 years ago, with supplementary agricultural and iron mining activities. During time it has not seen great environment alterations (with no consideration for the ones due to the recent big touristic development) and it has had the same way to frequent it and to exploit its resources, with the same housing-structural solutions but with a new organization: no longer community-“vicinia” but private-family. Current researches from 4 years, by the writer on behalf of the Union of the Municipalities of the High Camonica Valley, have permitted to discover at different altitudes from 900 m to 1800 m above sea level, a great series of evident traces of ancient settlements, probably started about the half of the first millennium b. C. and some of them maybe before, their use has lasted maybe more or less till the end of the Middle ages. They are remains of real villages of half underground houses disposed along steep slopes scarcely productive, on the sides of productive areas, with structures of the same dimensions orderly in repetitive schemes and of a various number from 6 to more than 20 and in direct relation with the productivity of the nearer spaces. These settlements of half mountain or first pasture and of high mountain or summer pasture, with the birth of the private property, have been abandoned and replaced with others answering the same productive needs, while some of the bottom of the valley have replaced the previous ones. The discovers allow to rewrite the history of the peopling and the economy of the High Camonica Valley, helped by the fossilization of the local cultures strongly bounded to their territory and to a “poor” agricultural-pastoral economy. The perseveration of the tradition as the one to light ritual bonfire on dominant positions the mentioned settlements has allowed to find many Brandopferplatze, so places of prehistory and protohistory votive bonfires. KEYWORDS: Protohistoric Settlements, Rhaetian Culture, Camuni, Camonica Valley. Since many years we are studying prehistory in Valle Camonica and particularly we are engaged in archaeological research especially in the middle and lower valley, thinking that the ancient human settlements characterized above all this wide territory. In the middle and low Valley there has been, during time, an infinite number of prehistoric and protohistoric remains and archeological in general; but this area is and will be for a long time under investigation, since many remains are still to be discovered. The great number of rock engravings placed from Pisogne to Edolo and particularly in the surrounding territory of Capodiponte, is certainly indicative of an assiduous frequentation of this long valley, with greater or lesser intensity in different periods of recent prehistory till the Romanisation; however the sedentariness could be uncertain just for the presence of paliconographic events and so the presence of a society numerically substantial and well distributed in the territory too, since the rock carvings are particularly linked to spiritual activities more than material and living ones. In this long stretch of valley together with the engravings there are stable settlements too, located everywhere but particularly at the top of the numerous alluvial cones that characterize the entire territory that goes from Lovere-Pisogne up to Edolo. Unfortunately up to now the research has been mostly involved in the studying of rock engravings and has almost totally neglected the human inhabit and consequently the study of the human relationship with the territory and with its resources, there has been only sporadic interventions

with this aim: in the Dos dell’Arca area in Capodiponte, on the hill of Breno castle, on the Coren Pagà hill of Rogno, those in the area of megalithic influence of Ossimo and Cemmo, in the area of Cevo’s Dos Curù or in Temù, Berzo Demo and Pescarzo of Capodiponte. The continuation of the researches and the greater attention to the human “inhabit” during time, the excavation and the study of human settlements, will allow in future to understand the history of the stand of the valley and also the social and economic organization of the different communities distributed along the valley and their relations with nearer cultures This wealth of investigated archaeological presences contrasts with the almost total absence of similar recoveries in the upper valley, from Edolo to Ponte di Legno, (between 900 and 1300 m) at the foot of Tonale and Gavia. For a long time we have thought that there was no presence of rock engravings, also because it had never been made any notice of theme to excluding the “Sass de le Strie“ of Vezza d’Oglio ones, with not figurative signs attributed to the witches (LAENG 1959) and some cupels in Varadega of Monno (PRIULI 1992), but particularly it has not been suggested that there could be stable human settlements of a certain importance. Only in the first 1970s traces of a settlement longobard were identified located on Bles mountain and a necropolis, of the same period, in Vione (MIRABELLA ROBERTI 1987), where on a fragment of a tomb coverage were also present some cupels of clear prehistoric tradition. In the 2000, by pure chance, have come to light the remains

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of a small portion of “a rhaetian house” in the town of Temù (POGGIANI KELLER 2001), otherwise there were only some place-names indicative of presences of possible ancient settlements. Among all it must be reminded “Castelass” and “dos Castel” (Incudine); “Dos Castelet” (Monno) and in the same municipality the place-names “Locher” and “Luco” probably a derivation from “Lucus” (Sacred Forest) and “Stodegarda”; “Castel” of Villa Dalegno and few others. Local historians and ethnologists have in many occasions narrated of the ancient presences and have often mentioned places where divinities lived or where rites of fertility, processions and plentiful of rituals were celebrated, leaving uncertain the effective or presumed preroman presence, never supported by archaeological evidences (COMINOLI 1979). Unfortunately often investigations and researches were lead where there were already some evidences, where a real trace justified the investigation, but for the scarce presence of evidence the high valley, Edolo at the head that separates the high Valtellina, from Val di Sole and of Pejo, was not considered from an archaeological point of view, as it was not inhabited in ancient times and it was only considered as a way of transit to reach Trentino. Perhaps for this reason, it was not done research in the high valley and the stable human presence, at least till Middle Ages, was not even supposed. Surely for these reasons and for many others factors, the high valley was considered an “archaeological limbo” and it was not worth to be investigated. Among these reasons our wrong way of relating with the philosophy of life of our predecessors had a great influence and our inability to consider, with a different point of view, the ancient relationship between man and the surrounding territory. The prehistoric and historic human thinking way was significantly different from our one because his material and spiritual needs were different, but some logistical choices were probably not very different from ours or better from those of our predecessor peasant society’s ones. A village was to be built in a safe place, along communication ways and in a position of control; to a certain distance from nearby villages so that it couldn’t interfere with the interests of others villages but it had its own autonomy production; it had to have availability of water nearby for a private use, for irrigation and for the livestock. Of course it was to be well exposed and protect from draught; certainly its location had to be in direct logistic report with its territory so that it could be easily reachable and usable. The village dimension and consequently the number of its inhabitants was related to the extension of the territory and to the quantity of its goods, as, an uncontrolled rise of population, would compromise the social and economic balance of the community with the consequent birth of conflicts or the need for someone to create new community or to join other ones creating new parental bonds.

probably they are the result of protohistoric living continuity, that had consider all those mentioned factors and certainly many others that today we cannot consider. It is well known that until the full advent of the industrial society, people of the high valley, with the exclusion of few individuals, lived and died in their village and their life was performed wholly within the small territory that offered them enough to live and they moved seasonally from the valley bottom to the mountain pasture farmhouse where they spent the hay-making and the pasture season and with the arrival of the first hoarfrost they went down again to the village to pasture livestock in the surrounding meadows till the snow arrival. The few contacts with the outside world were going to the market of Edolo or of Ponte di Legno even just during the annual Fair of S. Giovanni or that of S. Pietro of Ponte di Legno, where people often sold or swapped their dairy and handcrafted products, connected to production activities, with what they used in the house or with the flour for making polenta or with seed. News arrived thanks to the Fair and the markets or at least thanks to some assiduous street trader with whoed they changed whole turned dried rabbits, cats, foxes and marten skins, with ceramic or iron crockery. Every village had its mill, its sawmill, often the forge and the hammer, the factotum farrier, the midwife, the priest and a grave-digger, the sage (maybe with an earring) who was consulted in case of need and as a mediator. Even the lads who came from near villages to court girls were considered stranger and were considered suspiciously and jealously, as they getting married took possession of a community good, while the girls who got married in other villages were considered stranger and in many cases were considered in this way all life long. The last hundred years have changed the high valley too, have strikingly transformed the settled areas and the inhabitants, have introduced a new way of life and to consider life. Some cultural transformations were already happened in the past: perhaps during the pre and Roman period, other certainly during the stormy Middle Ages when the valley become a transit way for people and troops; others, and most considerable the end of the Middle Ages and during Renaissance, but today with our unskilled eyes, this microcosm is as today we see it, and we don’t even consider that in past times it was different, that people was different and their way of life, their thinking way and as they considered the environment was different too. For us, for example, the built up area of Vezza d’Oglio is there where we see it; it has always been in that place and would seem insane thinking that in past times it could be in an another place. The dozens and dozens farmhouses distributed in many small properties in the wide Val Grande and in all those halfway up the mountain meadowy spaces, are considered by us immutable elements of the landscape as if they were always existed in that place and even the owners think that in past times they didn’t exist or were displaced and organized in a different way as the territory was perhaps enjoyed in a different way. None of us would think that, during the protohistoric period

The Historical Settled Areas

Many historical settled areas, especially in mountain environment, have considered all these factors and 165

The Structures

and perhaps till the Roman one four villages existed in Vescasa territory and at least two ones near Passo del Tonale (1700 m of altitude) and many others between 1600 and 1800 m. of altitude, because we are very far from that old way of think and of consider and exploit the territory. Then, to understand the man of the past and in particular of the prehistoric and historic period, to rebuild his history, his environment and his way to enjoy it, we must leave our knowledge and try to think a little bit as he did, but to do this we must not underestimate all anthropological aspects of alpine cultures that have lived an environmental condition and consequently a cultural one different from those of the plain, and we have to consider all the ethnological and folkloric aspects, well illustrated by the historians and local connoisseurs, and the religions’ history too, as the spirituality of prehistoric and protohistoric people was a support for the material life too. Very important was the analysis of the territory use, agricultural and pastoral, during the last 500 years. This process is certainly not easy, but in our case it helped us to discover man of that time through an infinite number of archaeological evidences that allow to rewrite history of some frequentations and certain stages of peopling in the high Camonica Valley. The surface researches, conducted by the writer and still in progress in the High Valle Camonica, have surprisingly highlighted presences which are not considered possible: rock engravings, traces of seasonal Mesolithic hunters settlements, traces of worship places, rests of productive activities related to the mining minerals and of their working and especially the remains of villages of permanent use, of settlements of seasonal use and small scattered settlements with exclusively pastoral use, that allow to rewrite, at least partly, the history of the human settlements in the High Valle Camonica.

The identified traces are formed by square “holes” of different deepness dug in the soil, on meadow lands, generally along slopes, today softened by reclamations in order to practise the mowing grass and the pasture. The size of holes is variable from 5-6 meters deep from the front to the bottom containment wall, to 9-8-10 meters wide and they are probably what remains of partly underground houses and in some cases, of larger dimensions, of structures linked to productive activities of the villages. The excavation at the bottom of the house has produced filling material in the area opposite the bottom of the house, which has extended the stepped level ground in front of the entrance; more or less of the same size of the space occupied by the house itself. In some cases, the bottom of the house was sunk compared to the outside area. Except rare cases the structures were formed by a single room delimited by perimeter walls in dry stone with the evident function to contain the ground and above theme there probably was the structure by wood, generally of superimposed trunks jammed at the corners (blockbau),they were not much different from many present-day alpine huts especially in Trentino, South Tyrol and more generally in the Retic region, but also present in the High Valle Camonica for example at Chistòl in Vione and in Vallaro valley. Certainly in the villages there were structures with a single floor and structures with two floors.

The Use of the territory in the Iron Age

We won’t here analyze the rocks and boulders engraved, the mesolitic traces and other archeological evidences come to light during the research, but we will just briefly take into consideration, the rhetical settlement traces of the iron age. During the Iron Age all the High Valle Camonica was strongly anthropized and the first important archaeological datum is certainly from the fortuitous discover of ruins of a portion of a protohistoric house and the resulting archaeological investigation carried out by the Archeological Office of Lombardy at Desert, Temù, where it was not only able to see some aspects of the settlement structures, but also its relationship with the metals activities, in a territory where there is the presence of copper deposits and most of all of iron ones (POGGIANI KELLER 2001). We have to remember that in this period there was a persistent use, in all the territory, of Brandopferplatze, it is confirmed by the sites and the materials found in this area, which attest also a massive presence of settlements on the bottom Valley and on the basic side reliefs but also at higher altitudes at least until the plain roman coming, but perhaps even beyond.

Fig. 1. Hypothesis of reconstruction of the houses partly underground with a floor and two floors.

Fig. 2. Predalbuino: example of a today present masonry structure, underground and with filling material outside.

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Permanent Settlements of the Bottom Valley. Settlements of first summer pasture. Summer settlements

As already said, the discoveries have helped to highlight the presence of three basic types of settlements: permanent settlements of the bottom valley, between 950 meters and 1400 m of altitude, and those of the half way up the mountain, between 1400-1600 meters of altitude and the summer ones, higher, between 1650 and 1800 m. and farther. Fig. 3. Valle delle Messi: examples of masonary presentday structures with two floors, built in the ground.

The permanent settlements at the bottom of the Valley

In addition to those hidden by today villages that inevitably are born on pre-existing ones and that have expanded themselves at the top of promontories or however on relief of bottom side, permanent settlements are, for example, those ones of Savena, of Martini of Monno, of Davenino (Incudine), those of Carona (Vezza d’ Oglio) and those of Val Paghera of Vezza, those of Lissidini and Case Vallaro (Stadolina), those of Desert (Temù) and those of Pontagna; higher that one of Poia (Ponte di Legno) and higher those ones of Ravinale and Plapezzo at the foot of Pezzo. These were generally settlements of considerable size formed by living and productive structures and by livestock shelters, they were arranged close together and they formed real

Fig. 4. Vione. examples of half underground hol/bottom of houses.

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villages organized with an horizontal disposition on big steps or with adjacent houses generally in pairs or even more, distributed in vertical along the slopes. An example of horizontal distribution on different levels, is that of Carona of Vezza d’Oglio, while another of vertical distribution, always on different levels, it could be the one of Davenino or that of Ravinale (Pezzo), while those ones of Savena and of Martini of Monno have all the two spatial types of structures distribution. Settlements of this type, and therefore those at the bottom of the valley and the permanent ones, have the half undergrounded base of houses generally square and rectangular and measure variously by 6 x 6 to m. 6 x 9 approximately and often as well as x 10 and more, but among them there are also bottom of constructions of larger dimensions, also partially undergrounded, long from 15 to 20 metres and more. These last types are not present in the settlements of high-altitude while there are a sporadic presence in those of the half level. Large structures are recognizable at Savena of Monno, at the side of the bigger settlement, Carona of Vezza d’ Oglio, Pontagna and Poia, here too at the side of groups of structures with an evident housing function, so they may be spaces or real stables used in to house animals during the long winter season. These settlements are placed in

general at the side of extensive production space carefully reclaimed, stoned and cleared from trees; in a position that they does not disturb the more fertile areas, on the contrary, they generally were in lean spaces, with little land, with rocks of alluvium warp almost on surface and steeper than the surrounding area, therefore less productive. In general their location has taken account of the good sun exposure and the front of the houses, where it was possible, was facing the south or east. All the settlements have been built up near natural waterways or springs: with regard to this it may be recalled the relation between the house of Desert, Temù with the small spring found near and a river in the west marked the boundary of the major settlement of Pontagna river that descends from the Val Signora and this settlement has simultaneously also a source that has been meticulously equipped with masonry structure and canalizations. The big village of Ravinale of Pezzo was almost entirely built on the top of a massive morainic deposit which is fed by alluvial events and bordered on both sides by two courses of water one of which comes from the biggest one coming from Viso Valley. All the settlements were erected by natural communication ways, that maintained themselves during time and they have been strengthened and they are still in use today.

The settlements of half coast or of first summer pasture The settlements at the halfway up the mountain located more or less between 1400 and 1600 metres of altitude or little higher, are much more than those of the bottom valley, but it is probably due to the fact that many of those of the bottom of the valley, as we said, have been hidden by settlements still in use and by the recently massive building expansion. An example could be offered from the territory of Vione where there are vague traces of presences at the bottom of the valley at Stadolina, at the bottom of the Vallaro valley, to Temù, Pontagna and Vione, while it enumerates more than a dozen of large settlements and as many as of smaller dimensions of the first summer pasture. Among these noteworthy is the site of Premia, where it is possible to recognize easily on the big spaces 35 funds of houses half undergrounded, which are distributed in three distinct areas, and many other certainly are not easily legible. The small housing settlements of half way up the mountain could be considered those of Savena of Monno; those that from Rosolina and Plassacu are on meadow spaces along the sides of Val Grande of Vezza d’Oglio up to Patulì and Roche; all those that characterize the half way up the mountain meadow spaces of the right side of the presentday village of Vione and of Temù even up to 1600 m of altitude and over, starting from Magine of Stadolina, Size, Margine of Vione, Chistòl, Zocchi, Figadòie, Premia, Doch, Suncané, Marmor, Stodegarda and Pamprà and, on the other side of the valley, that one little farther the Paghera in the Vallaro valley. The settlement of Zocc could be considered as an half way

Fig. 5. Monnno: general sight of the meadow area with the presence of ancient settlements.

Fig. 6. Distribution map of the old settlements Savena of Monno. 168

up the mountain one (1600 m.) near the sospringurce of S. Apollonia to the entrance of the Valle delle Messi. Also these settlements, although not permanently used, but probably only during the first spring pasture and the last autumn one before coming down again to the bottom builtup area, have the same features of these last ones and their dimension is in connection to the surrounding spaces usable for grazing or mowing. Small group of few bottom houses are for example those of Cemmo of Monno, Margine of Stadolina, of Zocchi, Doch, Pamprà and Prebalduino; settlements of large dimensions are those of Chistòl that it counts at least 13 or that of Marmor that it counts at least ten, while the biggest, as it is said, is that of Premia, where it can still count 35, which form three different villages near and connected. Once again it notes that all the settlements are located on communication ways that go up from the bottom of the valley and move towards to the summer settlements and along those that from the first ones depart and go horizontally to connect the “balconies” of glacial origin reclaimed and transformed in productive space. The settlements are always in close relationship with water courses or sources and generally built at the sides of most fertile and productive areas. Also here the settlements, considering the soil’s form, are distributed with an horizontal trend even with structures based on different levels, such as the settlement of Chistòl and the villages of Plas and Gabriella of Premia, or with vertical trend as the village of Muiacc still of Premia. In the villages of half way up the mountain it remains doubtful the presence of large structures that characterize the ancient settlements of the bottom of the valley, that is the presence of probably large structures-stables that they would not have had reason to exist in places where the pasture takes place only during mild seasons and the animals were constantly outdoors. The incredible number of settlements of this type leads to envisage an high density of population in the territory and seasonal drift of many people from the bottom of the valley to the mountain spring pastures or better the almost entire move of the inhabitants. As said, these settlements were used mostly for the first spring pasture in general during May and part of June,

waiting to move to the settlements at higher altitude to exploit in the summer period to use the Alpine prairies too. People, after grazing high alpine pastures, with the first frost over 1700 m. returned to the half way up the mountain pastures, where in the meantime grass had been mowed and dried, which would have been useful for winter, and here stopped until there was grass to graze, then they went down to the valley and graze still the meadows around villages until the arrival of the first snows.

The High Altitude Summer Settlements

The settlements of high-altitude over 1600 m of altitude, made mostly to exploit Alpine prairies, are not many as those of the half way up the mountain ones, however particularly numerous in relation to those identified till now at the bottom of the valley and distributed in all the High Valley even up to about 1800 m of altitude. The highest, till now, documented seems to be that in locality DossAndreole a little far from Passo del Mortirolo, municipality of Monno, at about 1800 m of altitude, formed by at least five houses, the bottoms of which are easily legible and are half buried at the side of a plateau overlooking the valley of Mortirolo. Settlements of high altitude are those of Scudeler and others that move towards the high Val Grande of Vezza up to Caret at 1726 meters of altitude. That of Scudeler, although not exceeding 1600 m of altitude, can be considered a summer

Fig. 7. Vione, Premia: seasonal present-day settlement in the wide meadow space characterized by at least three ancient settlements.

Fig. 8. Vione, Premia: example of spatial distribution of the old settlements in relation to the one born in the 16 and 17 centuries. 169

pasture for the type of environment and the immediacy of the Alpine prairies at its back. Summer settlements were certainly those of Case del Ponte Vialazzo and of Priz in Canè Valley and probably those of Prebalduino, high above Villa d’Allegno, as well as a summer settlement was the old one of Case di Viso, located approximately at 1800 meters of altitude. Above Ponte di Legno five summer settlements were those distributed to Vescasa Alta and Vescasa Bassa, as well as, towards the Tonale the big settlement of Cà dei Poi at about 1700 m of altitude and the Pegrà. These settlements were generally of considerable size arriving also to be made of a fifteen houses: real villages well organized, of the same type of those at half way up the mountain and of the bottom of the valley, with structures more or less of the same dimension and arranged in the same way in relation to host soil morphology. Among these settlements it is possible to recognize some ones with an horizontal distribution along more or less natural slope offsets, as that one n. 2 of Vescasa Bassa, consisting of at least 14 funds of houses some of which put on two levels and the others line up one near the other; others with near houses generally in pairs or even more, distributed in vertical along natural slopes, such as the villages n. 1 and 2 of Vescasa Alta or the bigger village discovered little far from Cà dei Poi just below the Cantoniera of Tonale. As for all other settlements it remains constant and the relation with courses or water points, with ways connected to the bottom of the valley and passing from intermediate alpine pastures with ways that connected horizontally the same high altitude alpine pastures too and their strategic marginality compared to the extended spaces used with a productive function in which the livestock went up as the day become warmer and then went down to the village when temperatures went down. The frequentation of these settlements was from June to September, when the cattle went to low mountain pasture waiting for going further down to spend winter on the bottom of the valley.

The Temporal Position Settlements-Villages

of

the

the recurrent environmental choices, the distribution type in the territory, the relationship with courses or water points, the relationship with ordinary ways of the bottom of the valley and with those climbing to mountain pastures, the relation with rocks engraved, with ore deposits and with Brandopferplatze and the discovery in some cases of ceramic fragments, are elements that feeds the idea that if they aren’t all of the same period they however are culturally of the same type and may be the result of the same type of housing need and of use of the territory, therefore, of their duration. They were used till the half of the Iron Age, some of theme from the Bronze Age, until the full Romanisation and for others until the Middle Ages, many of them were abandoned in a not identifiable moment between the high Middle Ages and the first Renaissance, with failing of the community uses of the productive spaces for their division and the ownership of small spaces for private use. In addition to some findings, an evidence of the antiquity of these settlements is also the almost total absence of an historical memory of the same and the absence of documents relating to the presence of many settlements before the end of the Middle Ages. Massimo della Misericordia (DELLA MISERICORDIA 2009) documents the lack of settlements in intermediate pastures, also because never mentioned in Federici’s documents and never among the properties of the churches of S. Giulia and S. Remigio in Vione too. He points out “…, the present major private pasture and the May hay settlements were originated from those that in the 16th century were municipal shepherd’s hut, while other places, where in the following centuries real complexes of rustic buildings arose, as Vescasa 1718 metres above sea level), in the late Middle Ages are attested, but nothing suggests that there was already that articulate settlement. In short, all new elements emerging from the analytic reading of the private and statutory documentation confirm, till now, the suggestion that the intercrop habitat were organized only during modern age”. The same author in more occasions says, thanks to the many documents of the Middle Ages, which he consulted, that: “…the collective property was of incredible extension all spring and summer pastures were of collective property, which, just above 1300 meters above sea level, were dotted by municipal mountain shepherd’s huts. …peculiar of the agrarian landscape of d’Allegno is the absence of an intercrop settlement for temporary residence; …”. Therefore the settlements, subject of recent discoveries, aren’t certainly post medieval; based on the incontrovertible considerations above quoted, may not be medieval, so they are at least protohistoric, as already said.

Identified

It should be stated that it is not yet established that all the settlements are of the Iron Age, but the kind of settlements,

Archaeological Comparisons

To support the possibility that the identified ancient settlements are protohistoric there is a series of archaeological comparisons both in Valle Camonica as out of this. The ancient settlement dug in Berzo Demo, built along a

Fig. 9. Tonale, Cà dei Poi: traces of ancient settlement.

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populated and culturally strongly linked to the Rhetical world, which was already evident, even only thanks to the observation of the manifestations of figurative culture that characterised mainly the centre of the valley.

References

AA.VV. (1999) Culti nella preistoria delle Alpi, Bolzano: Folio Editore. COMINOLI, A. (1979) La storia di Ponte di Legno. Malegno. CORAZZA, S., VITRI, S. (1999) Modalità insediative e tecniche costruttive tra l’età del Ferro e l’età della romanizzazione in Friuli: gli abitati di Montereale Valcellina (PN) e Flagona (UD). In: R. Poggiani Keller, (ed.) Atti del II convegno archeologico provinciale, Grosio 20-21 ottobre 1995, Sondrio, pp. 191-212 DELLA MISERICORDIA, M. (2009) I nodi della rete. Paesaggio, società e istituzioni a Dalegno e in Valcamonica nel tardo Medioevo. In: La Magnifica Comunità di Dalegno, pp. 113-335. GLEIRSCHER, P., MARZATICO, F. (1989) Note sulla preistoria della regione Trentino-Alto Adige e riferimenti alle relazioni con le vallate lombarde. In: Valtellina e mondo alpino nella preistoria, pp 126-153. LEONARDI, G., RUTA SERAFINI, A. (1981) L’abitato protostorico di Rotzo (altopiano di Asiago) Preistoria Alpina, 17, pp 11-75. MARZATICO, F. (1993) Sanzeno. Scavo nel fondo Gremes. Con note preliminari sull’assetto protourbano dell’abitato “retico”. Archeologia delle Alpi, 1, pp. 31-73. MARZATICO, F. (1999) L’abitato di Fai della Paganella e i modelli insediativi retici in Trentino. In: R. Poggiani Keller, (ed.) Atti del II convegno archeologico provinciale, Grosio 20-21 ottobre 1995, Sondrio, pp. 151-164. MIRABELLA ROBERTI, M. (1987) Presenze d’età longobarda a Vione in Valcamonica. Convivium, pp 133140. PACCOLAT, O., WIBLE’, F. (1999) L’habitat indigène du Valais roman: état de la question. In: S. Santoro Bianchi, (ed.) Studio e conservazione degli insediamenti minori romani in area alpina. Atti dell’incontro di studi, Forgaria del Friuli, 20 settembre 1997, Bologna, pp. 199-206. POGGIANI KELLER, R. (1992) Risultati dell’indagine in corso nell’insediamento del Castello di Parre (Provincia di Bergamo). In: I. Metzger, P. Gleirscher, (eds.) I Reti, Bolzano, pp. 309-330. POGGIANI KELLER, R. (2001) Un abitato dell’età del Ferro a Temù. Temù. POGGIANI KELLER, R. (2009) Un passato millenario. L’abitato dell’età del Ferro di Temù (Valle Camonica). In: La magnifica comunità di Dalegno, pp. 7-76. PRIULI, A. (1979) Preistoria in Valle Camonica. Museo didattico d’Arte e Vita Preistorica, Capodiponte, Brescia. PRIULI, A. (1985) Incisioni rupestri della Valle Camonica. Ivrea, Torino: Priuli & Verlucca Ed. PRIULI, A. (1991) La cultura figurativa preistorica e di tradizione in Italia. 3 Vol., Pesaro: Ed, Giotto Printer. PRIULI, A. (1996) Arte Rupestre. Ivrea: Ed. Priuli &

Fig. 10. Cevo, Pla Lonc-DOS Curù: Structures of "Rhetical" kind (stables) on different levels, half dug in the soil, excavated by the Archaeological Superintendence of Lombardy.

slope on artificial terraces at different levels, with small houses collected in the soil and all oriented in the same way with masonry structure perpendicular to the development of the terraces of the slope, has had a long attendance, at least from the sixth century b. C. to the II century a. C. (SOLANO 2008). A settlement of the same type, with at least five homes of rustic kind, with a single room half undergrounded, so with the same ordered organization, is that one of Darfo Boario Terme in 2000 (SOLANO 2007). Perhaps the most significant, being at high altitude (at about 2000 m.), as many of those of the high Valley and subject of this presentation, is the one of Plà Lonc above the DOS Curù of Cevo and still under investigation by the Soprintendenza Archeologica of Lombardy. Here a dozen of remains of half underground structures are recognizable along the slope to constitute a village of shepherdsmetallurgists used once again at least from the VI century. A. C. up to the Roman period and perhaps even beyond. Among the structures it can recognize together with two small house also two stables of considerable length, which seem to find precise dimensional respect and in the dispositions of some of structures of the settlements of the bottom of the valley for example of Carona of Vezza d’Oglio, Simoni of Monno and Pontagna, but also of high mountain as those of Vescasa of Ponte di Legno. The same type of organization housing is common for numerous alpine settlements of the iron age, as that of Fai della Paganella (MARZATICO 1999) and S. Zeno in Trentino (MARZATICO 1993), Montereale Valcellina, Castelvecchio di Flagogna (CORAZZA, VITRI 1999), Trissino (RUTA SERAFINI 1999) and the Bostel of Rotzo on the table land of Asiago in Veneto (LEONARDI, RUTA SERAFINI 1981), Parre in Bergamo (POGGIANI KELLER 1992, 2006) and, as already said, to Waldmatte in Swiss Valais (PACCOLAT, WIBLE’ 1999). To the very high number of permanent and seasonal settlements identified must certainly added many others not mentioned or that they are not been discovered during this first search of the territory, however they allow to say that, especially during the Iron Age, the high valley was densely 171

Verlucca. PRIULI, A. (1997) Analisi delle tecniche di incisione in Valle Camonica, In: Atti del II Convegno di Studi, Darfo Boario Terme. PRIULI, A. (2006) Il linguaggio della preistoria. Torino: Ananke. PRIULI, A. (2010) Etnoarcheologia in alta Valle Camonica e il mistero dei villaggi scomparsi. U.C.A.V.C. RUTA SERAFINI, A. et al. (1999) Nuovi dati dallo scavo dell’abitato d’altura di Trissino (VI). In: R. Poggiani Keller (ed.) Atti del II convegno archeologico provinciale, Grosio 20-21 ottobre 1995, Sondrio, pp. 127-150. SOLANO, S. (2008) Le strutture e l’organizzazione topografica. In: Berzo Demo, Un abitato alpino fra età del Ferro e romanizzazione, pp. 35-50. SOLANO, S. (2007) Forme minori del popolamento della Valcamonica fra tarda età del Ferro e romanizzazione: insediamenti e luoghi di culto. TOGNALI, D.M. (2004) La mia terra, la mia gente. Breno.

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4. ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY AND PASTORALISM

Shepherds’ Writings and Shepherds’ Life on Monte Cornon (Fiemme Valley, Trentino): an Ethnoarchaeological Perspective Marta Bazzanella, Giovanni Kezich, Luca Pisoni Abstract

Monte Cornon in the Fiemme Valley (eastern Trentino) is a limestone massif which rises above the villages of Tesero, Panchià, Ziano di Fiemme and Predazzo. In the recent past, its slopes were subject to intensive use in a local economy based on forestry, tillage and grazing. Thousands of inscriptions are still visible on these slopes today, showing that shepherds passed through the area and used it for grazing. The most common types of inscription are initials, abbreviations, dates, names, animal head counts, animal drawings and greetings. The writings are executed in a local red ochre. Ethnoarchaeological research carried out by the ethnological Museum of the Uses and Customs of the People of Trentino and involving interviews with the older shepherds from the valley aimed at deciphering the strange phenomenon of pastoral writings. Excavations were carried out on shelters in order to seek confirmation of the information gathered during the interviews with the shepherds. Serial evidence of settlement was discovered below the historical layers, characterised by the presence of hearths and carbon layers and the absence of a material culture. Radiocarbon dating of these levels indicated use of the shelters from prehistory/proto-history on. KEYWORDS: Northern Italy, Trentino - Fiemme Valley, Shepherds’ Inscriptions, Ochre, Pre-Protohistory.

Riassunto

Sulle pendici del monte Cornon in Valle di Fiemme (Trentino orientale), un massiccio calcareo che si erige a monte degli abitati di Tesero, Panchià, Ziano di Fiemme e Predazzo e che è stato oggetto nel più vicino passato di intenso sfruttamento nell’ambito di un’economia agrosilvopastorale, sono ancor oggi visibili migliaia di scritte che testimoniano il passaggio e l’attività pastorale in loco. Si tratta di iniziali, sigle, date, nomi, conteggi del bestiame, figure di animali, messaggi di saluto. Le scritte sono realizzate con un’ocra rossa, reperita localmente. La ricerca etnoarcheologica condotta dal Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina tra i vecchi pastori della valle al fine di fornire un’interpretazione al particolare fenomeno delle scritte pastorali, ha portato all’individuazione di due ripari sottoroccia usati rispettivamente come luogo di sosta temporanea, nell’ambito di una spostamento giornaliero dagli abitati di fondovalle, e come ricovero stagionale, durante la stagione estiva. Le campagne di scavo, condotte nel 2007 nei due ripari per cercare riscontro alle informazioni avute dai pastori intervistati, hanno messo in luce, al di sotto dei livelli storici, una serie di frequentazioni caratterizzate dalla presenza di focolari e di livelli carboniosi nonché dall’assenza di cultura materiale. Le datazioni radiometriche dei carboni di questi livelli hanno evidenziato un’occupazione dei ripari già a partire dalla preistoria/protostoria. PAROLE CHIAVE: Italia settentrionale, Trentino - Valle di Fiemme, scritte pastorali, ocra, pre-protostoria.

are in pigment paint obtained from a local hematite known as ból, which is readily found in theValaverta on Monte Cornon. The dates inscribed form an unbroken sequence stretching roughly from 1720 to 1960. These are four-digit Common Era notations, more or less elaborate two or three letter initials, simple numbers referring to livestock statistics, religious symbols, and the somewhat more mysterious ‘family symbols’ belong to the homesteads on the valley floor, as well as decorative doodlings and somewhat less frequently naturalistic representations and/or very brief textual notations or epigraphs in good and normally legible dialectic Italian.

From the beginning of the 18th century on, graffiti became customary among those tending sheep and goat flocks in the Val di Fiemme in eastern Trentino. This habit of the solitary shepherds driving small flocks on their brief seasonal transhumance of tagging rocks with decorative inscriptions in a very methodical and conscious fashion is already well-known from many other grazing contexts in the Alps and elsewhere. An obvious case in point is Cornon Monte - a limestone massif situated on the right side of the valley orographically speaking (Fig.1), a little south of the more famous Latemar group and the Alpe di Pampeago where the concentration of inscriptions is some times amazing (Fig. 2) on the slopes between about 1200-2000 metres above sea-level, or along the flat ledge formed by the southern slopes at the lower edge of the old pasturelands of the municipalities of Tesero, Panchià, Ziano di Fiemme and Predazzo. The ‘writings’ (dates, initials, symbols, drawings, texts…),

The Research Project, Objectives and Methods

Taken together, the graffiti seems to carry on almost into the contemporary era at least some of the conventions and 174

Fig.1. Monte Cornon in the Fiemme Valley. customs of pastoral rock art as we know it from the evidence to be found in many other classic pre- or protohistoric sites of this type, or from more or less remote ethnographic contexts in temporal and spatial terms, to this end the following factors should be noted: - the generally ‘remote’ location of the graffiti sites, or their representation of the remote character of the grazing areas; - the basic habit of marking or inscribing a rock wall to the highest level reachable with an outstretched arm and/or using artificial aids (for example a tree-trunk placed against the rock wall); - the overall conventional nature of the inscriptions, in other words the generalised use of well-defined stylistic features, and a tendency to use auto-referential short-

hand and/or cryptograms; the tendency for the graffiti to be grouped or crowded at certain points on the cliffs, which thus became real rock blackboards (to cite just one of many, the so-called ‘Coròsso dai nomi’ in Valaverta in the townlands of Ziano (Fig. 2). This density of placement, sometimes to a striking degree, is a good indication of the chaotic, non pre-ordained, anarchic and essentially impulsive nature of the basic graffiti urge. In contrast to pre- and proto-historic rupestrian art, the original meaning of the Val di Fiemme graphemes is still in part accessible to us for the not insignificant reason that at least some of the last authors of the writings themselves and some of the shepherds who acted as their users, or rather readers, are still alive today. -

Fig.2. Writings in Valaverta.

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The ongoing historical-ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological research of the ethnological Museum of the Uses and Customs of the People of Trentino on the rupestrian sites of the Cornon massif aims to reveal the circumstances of pastoral life in the Val di Fiemme over the last three centuries by studying the writings, and thus also to discover the particular socio-economic and cultural context which allowed the graffiti to emerge. In this regard, mutatis mutandis, it will perhaps prove possible to project into the past at least some of the constituent connotations of this casual pastoral graffiti of modern times, and thus even to reveal the hidden social causes and meanings providing its inner inspiration, in order to evaluate the degree to which it might possibly shed some light on its more or less illustrious antecedents of pre- and proto-historical times. A first and interesting element in this regard, which emerges in coherent fashion from the statements of interviewees, has to do with the moderately but most definitely transgressive nature of the graphic act, almost as if the tagging of bare rock with an initial and a date in fact represented a sort of challenge to some unwritten prohibition, or an assertive and somewhat shameless proclamation of an individual principle of identity. ‘Here it is... the sin! (sic)’ was the comment from an old interviewee (F. D.) when faced with a piece of rock which he had marked with his own initials more than 65 years before (22.7.1941): while another local interviewee (G. V.), a forestry officer by profession, and very well versed in rural graffiti to the extent being the author of an important book on the subject (VANZETTA 1991), responded to the question of whether he himself had ever felt the impulse to indulge in the difficult art of ból graffiti by answering categorically and energetically that he hadn’t (‘No. Never. ... Why not? Because I just didn’t!’). Furthermore, the interviewees’ interpretation of at least some of the more recent writings also regard these from the same perspective of an art-form inspired by a subtle sense of secrecy and surrounded by an equally subtle aura of reproof, befitting of the marginal or marginalised status enjoyed by shepherds in village life both present and past. Typical would be the more or less ubiquitous initials, still legible today and dating from the years around 1930, of one S. G., a legendary tender of flocks who was caught up in more than one harsh boundary dispute and also suspected by some of being directly responsible for the arson of one of the very few bàiti or Alpine huts in the area (the ‘Bàito dai Sassi’ dating from about 1800), which in fact was never rebuilt, with serious repercussions on a grazing culture already in rapid and inexorable decline. The question of the elusive S.G.’s boundary incursions and graffiti work bring us to our second major theme, Viz. the function of the writings as territorial markers in pastures. This function can be understood in a general sense, since the writings are distributed over an area which taken together is exactly coterminous with the lands given over to grazing activities; but also in a more particular sense, given that each inscription, albeit implicitly, stands at least as an indirect (and possibly a very much direct) claim of basic and individual rights to graze.

In a general sense, the microcosm of the graffiti is that of small-scale domestic sheep and goat rearing exercised by single households, by a number of households together, or by hamlets or villages confined to the orographic right of the valley (the left-hand side is more fertile and was and remains today the province of cattle grazing), bounded from below by tillage and coppice-woods, and limited above by the highland meadows where hay making was practised up until about 1960, which required an absolute and categorical ban on grazing. Thus, despite the vast variations in altitude to be found inside an area of rural landscape characterised by the most forbidding sheer drops, the space actually given over to grazing activities appears as a relatively ‘closed’ space, shut in from all sides by ‘other’ land uses, and riven internally by divisions and boundaries (for example, between the individual Municipalities of the valley floor or between the lands of Magnifica Comunità or Commons of the Val di Fiemme and the municipalities themselves), which required of the individual shepherds a perfect knowledge of the complex and rather inflexible etiquette attaching to rights of use. Within this space - which is only vast and airy in appearance, but which was in fact limited not only by the above-mentioned restrictions but also by environmental difficulties which it would be difficult to overestimate - the activity of pastoral graffiti was practised during the periods of free-time and boredom in the grazing work cycle, which were possibly also times of frustration. It took on that specific character, often shared by graffiti artists and writers of any time or space, which highlighted certain performance-oriented and laconic qualities native to any ritual activity, and indeed to such small, ineffable and private settlings of accounts.

Surveying - Excavations

Surveying of the writings of the Latemar-Cornon group, which started in July 2006, led to the discovery of two rock shelters, where in 2007 two excavations were carried out by the Museum of Uses and Customs and the People of Trentino, in order to estimate the chronological range of deposits: the shelters in question are those of Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel (BAZZANELLA, WIERER in this book). As regards the archaeological framework of the area, notable Mesolithic finds (LEONARDI 1991) have been made at altitude near the Passo di Pampeago (1980 metres a.s.l.) and the Passo del Feudo (2121 metres a.s.l). A Neolithic ground stone axe-head was also found in an unspecified location in the surroundings of Ziano, and a late Bronze Age axe-head, in bronze, was found in the Mandrizzi dai Sassi area to the north-east of the village; a bronze spearhead was also found in the Valaverta area. A number of finds from Roman times were made in the area between the alluvial fan and the entrance to Valaverta, and more particularly in the environs of the hamlet of Zanon, including a residential area and burial grounds. Also worthy of mention is the Brandopferplatz in Monte Rocca/Corno 176

Nero (Passo degli Occlini) about two kilometres as the crow flies from Cornon, the ‘Rhaetian’ dwelling of Tesero Sottopedonda, the Dos Zelor site in Castello di Fiemme inhabited during the late Bronze Age, the late Iron Age and in Roman times -, and the second Iron Age evidence from the Dos della Tavanella in Castello di Fiemme and the Dosso of San Valerio in Cavalese. The archaeological surveys and excavations were carried out in July 2007 in two different rock shelters (the Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel shelters) situated respectively right in the centre (1500 m) and at the upper limit (2000 m) of the area in which the graffiti is found. They attempted to investigate the specific circumstances of what would seem to be a relatively continuous pastoral presence in these apparently very remote areas, as well as to ascertain and corroborate the timeframe indicated by the writings themselves (1720-1960). More in general and regarding the established timeframe, it had at first been expected that long and continued periods of use of the shelters prior to the introduction of semidomestic and locally based grazing practises could be excluded as a possibility. C-14 AMS analyses of the carbon finds recovered from the various layers however have allowed confirmation of the use of these sites in pre- and proto-history. This allowed establishment of a completely new timeframe - the beginning of the Bronze Age or perhaps even the transitional phase between the Copper and Bronze Ages - for the introduction to the Val di Fiemme of sheep and goat rearing, which could in turn be made to coincide with the presence in the valley of well-structured sedentary or semi-sedentary settlements. In this context, the importance of sheep or goat rearing and forestry in areas with no great tradition of tillage (also

underlined in the ethnographic studies of D.P.S. Peacock) is evident from the Roman inscription on Monte Pèrgol, in the Val Cadino, which marks the boundary between the municipia of Tridentum and Feltria, indicating how important these grazing resources must have been. It should not therefore be excluded that the Val di Fiemme was involved in the production and trading of wool, which was firmly established and well-structured both in the Iron Age and in Roman times among settlements in the preAlpine areas of Veneto and the proto-urban centres of the plains.. Finally, timber from the Alps - the axe-heads mentioned above should be borne in mind in this regard - satisfied the needs of furnaces, ship-building yards and builders (especially in the case of Coastal towns such as Altino and Aquileia, which erected impressive stockades).

Surveys of Writings

Between 2009 and 2010 two research campaigns were carried out on the Latemar-Cornon group aimed at surveying the writings, buildings and objects left behind by the shepherds, following two lines of research: a field study to survey material evidence of 300 years of grazing and a series of interviews with the last living shepherds in order to confirm findings. To date about 1600 rock walls have been discovered bearing the traces of one or more inscriptions, which can provisionally be numbered at around 10,000. Fifty three structures have been identified which can be divided into 3 broad categories: large Alpine huts (Fig. 3), small Alpine huts (Fig. 4) and rock shelters (Fig. 5). Finds consist of work implements (bells, files, blades, nails

Fig.3. Large alpine huts in Bonetta Valley.

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Fig. 4. Remains of a small alpine hut.

Fig. 5. A rock shelter on the Monte Cornon.

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References

etc.), carved wooden objects (unused decorated spatulae and knives) and tin cans for food, more recent and datable to the industrial period. Interviews with shepherds have allowed definition of the features of the grazing economy in this part of the valley, the purpose of some of the buildings and interpretation of the strategic and symbolic meaning of the writings. On the basis of the data gathered from the two lines of research, it is possible to see grazing as an activity which was strictly regulated by the local institutions, including the Magnifica Comunità or Commons of the Val di Fiemme and the Società Malghe e Pascoli - Dairy and Grazing Companies - managed by the municipalities. The surveys have also shown that the writings are mainly distributed on rocks from just above the village up to an altitude of 2000 m: an area used in spring and summer grazing. Almost none have been found in the pastures located at high altitude, which were used for mowing or for grazing late in the season. In this area, situated above 16002000 metres, are found the large huts which, depending on their location and the time of year, were used by shepherds, mowers, or by both. The huts made up a sort of “system” around which was organised a complex network of rock shelters and smaller constructions, also but not exclusively used by shepherds and hay-makers. Data gathered also reflect the changes which came about in society in general and in the lives of shepherds in particular in the Valle di Fiemme of the 20th century. If in the inscriptions dating from the 18th and 19th centuries references to religion or to grazing are often found next to the name and date, during the 20th century there are several examples of writings of a political (UP LENIN) or nationalistic (UP SWITZERLAND, UP AUSTRIA) nature which are much more concerned with purely secular life, as well as self-portraits (of the shepherd S.G.), as if the attention of the shepherds were turning progressively away from the creator and his creation to give more importance to human matters. As for the study of objects found, the numerous rusted food cans, together with other finds from modern times, allow us to assemble a sort of material periodisation (in the manner of J. Deetz) which would accompany historically defined periods to mark the onset of industrialization and the spread of standardised mass-produced items. As research continues it will allow elaboration of a model for the periods spent at the various altitudes of the mountain environment, which can be used as a starting point for the interpretation of human use of the mountains in pre and proto-historic times.

ANATI, E. (1995) Il museo immaginario della preistoria. L'arte rupestre nel mondo. Milano. BEBBER, A.E. (1990) Una cronologia del larice (Larix decidua Mill.) delle Alpi orientali italiane. Dendrochronologia, 8, pp. 119-140. BELLI, R., LONARDELLI, I., QUARANTA, A., GIRARDI, F., CUSINATO, A., DALMERI G. (in press) Archaeological Ochre Fragments coming from Riparo Dalmeri (Trentino, Italy): A Study to Understand the Prehistoric Painters’ Knowledge of Colours Transformation” In: Proceeding of AIAr Conference, March 2007, Firenze, Italy. CAVADA, E. (1992) Fiemme prima: le tappe della ricerca archeologica. In: D. Magugliani, (ed). Fiemme montagna che scompare, Milano. DEETZ, J. (1977) In small things forgotten: the archaeology of early american life. New York: Anchor Books. DEL VAI, G. (1903) Notizie storiche della Valle di Fiemme. Trento. DELLANTONIO, E. (1995) Geologia delle valli di Fiemme e Fassa. Trento: Cromopress. FABRE, D., VOISENAT, C., DE LA SOUDIERE, M. (eds.) (1997) Par écrit: Ethnologie des écritures quotidiennes. Ethnologie de la France,11, Paris. GRAZIOSI, P. (1956) L'arte dell'antica età della pietra. Firenze. HUESKEN, W., SCHIRMER, W. (1993) Three tree-ring chronologies from the Prags dolomites, south Tirol. Dendrochronologia, 11, (data archived at the World Data Center for Paleoclimatology, Boulder, Colorado, USA) pp. 123-137. LEONARDI, P. (1953) Fiemme preistorica e protostorica. Cultura Atesina, VII, pp. 3-8. LEONARDI, P. (1991) La Val di Fiemme nel Trentino: dalla preistoria all’alto Medioevo. Trento. LEROI-GOURHAN, A. (1965) Préhistoire de l'Art Occidentale. Paris. MARZATICO, F. (2007) La frequentazione dell'ambiente montano nel territorio atesino fra l'età del Bronzo e del Ferro: alcune considerazioni sulla pastorizia transumante e l'“economia di malga“. Preistoria Alpina, 42, pp.163-182. MÖLLER, A. (1977) Steinzeit-Fund am Latemar. Südmark, 11. PERINI, R. (1991) Tesero, località Sottopedonda: scavi 1982. Contributo alla conoscenza delle metodologie costruttive della “casa retica protostorica”. In: AA.VV. (eds.) Per padre Frumenzio Ghetta. Scritti di storia e cultura ladina, trentina, tirolese e nota bio-bibliografica in occasione del settantesimo compleanno, Trento,Vigo di Fassa, pp. 511-540. POPELKA-FILCOTT, R.S., ROBERTSON, J.D., GLASCOCK, M. D., DESCANTES, CH. (2007) Trace element characterization of ochre from geological sources. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, 272, 1, pp. 17-27. ROBERTI, G. (1924) Per la valle dell'Avisio sulle tracce

Notes

We adopt the terminology proposed by Dellantonio, 1995. Both axe-heads are conserved in the Museo del Castello del Buonconsiglio in Trento. 3 Housed in Musei Civici in Rovereto (TN). 4 Funded by the Autonomous Province of Trento within the framework of the APSAT project (Ambiente e Paesaggi dei Siti Trentini di Altura - Environment and landscape in the high mountain sites of Trentino). 1 2

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die suoi primi abitatori. Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche, 5, pp. 1-22. SANGA, G. (1987) Marginali e scrittura. La Ricerca Folklorica, 15, pp. 15-18. SIEBENLIST-KERNER, V. (1984) Der Aufbau von Jahrringchronologien für Zirbelkiefer, Lärche und Fichte eines alpinen Hochgebirgsstandortes. Dendrochronologia, 2, pp. 9-30. SILVESTRINI, E. (1982) Pastori e scrittura. La Ricerca Folklorica, 5, pp. 103-118 . VANZETTA, G. (1991) Le scritte delle Pizzancae e la “cava del bol”. Trento: Manfrini, Calliano.

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The Shelters Mandra di Dos Capel and Trato and the Beginning of Pastoralism in Fiemme Valley, Trentino (Italy) Marta Bazzanella, Ursula Wierer Abstract

On the Mount Cornon in the Fiemme Valley (Eastern Trentino) thousands of modern inscriptions made in a local red ochre are visible on the rock-faces attesting the intensive use of the mountain slopes for the local economy. Shepherds frequented the area for grazing and left signs of their passing. The inscriptions consist of initials, names, dates, animal head counts, drawings and greetings. An ethno-archaeological investigation aimed at deciphering the strange phenomenon of pastoral writings was carried out by the Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina. It consists of interviews with old shepherds, archive research and archaeological excavations. Two rock shelters, Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel, were excavated following indications received from the old shepherds of the valley. Evidence of serial settlement was discovered below the historical layers, characterized by the presence of hearths and charcoal layers but without culture material findings. Radiocarbon dating of the archaeological layers indicates the use of the rock shelters from prehistoric times on, respectively from the Bronze and the Copper age. KEYWORDS: Northern Italy, Trentino, Fiemme Valley, Shepherds’ Writings, Ochre, Pastoralism, Pre-Protohistory, Radiocarbon Dating.

Résumé

Sur les roches calcaires du Monte Cornon dans la vallée de Fiemme (Trentin oriental) on trouve des milliers d’inscriptions d’époque moderne, réalisées avec une ocre rouge locale nommée “bol”. Ces peintures indiquent une exploitation intensive de la montagne. Les bergers devaient garder leurs troupeaux en dessous des hautes prairies qui étaient réservés à la fenaison. Les inscriptions sont des initiales, des noms, des dates, des décomptes de troupeaux, des dessins, des formules de salutation, des petits messages anecdotiques. Le Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina a conduit une recherche ethnoarchéologique sur toute la vallée de Fiemme consistant en interviews aux vieux bergers du Cornon, recherches d’archive et fouilles archéologiques. La recherche a mis en relief deux abris sous roche, Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel, utilisés soi comme lieu de pause temporaire dans le déplacement quotidien des habitations des villages du fond de la vallée, soi comme refuge saisonnier. Les datations au radiocarbone des niveaux archéologiques des dépôts fouillés ont dévoilé une occupation des abris qui remonte respectivement à l’âge du Bronze et à l’âge du Cuivre. MOTS CLES: Italie du Nord, Trentino, vallée de Fiemme, inscriptions de bergers, ocre, pastoralisme, pre-protohistoire, datations au radiocarbon.

Introduction

The surveys and the interviews led to the identification of two shepherds’ shelterings: Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel (Fig. 1), which were chosen for an ethno-archaeological investigation. The here presented work illustrates mainly the results of the excavations.

Since several centuries shepherds left signs of their passing on the walls of Mount Cornon in the Fiemme Valley (Eastern Trentino). Thousands of writings are concentrated between 1200 and 2000 m a.s.l. The inscriptions were made using a local red ochre, which is called „bol“, and which clearly contrasts with the white limestone walls. The signs are formed by initials, signs of families and dates. Thanks to this last evidence the pastoral writings of Mount Cornon can be dated approximately from the second half of the 17th Century to the first half of the 20th Century (BAZZANELLA et al. in press; VANZETTA 1991). In 2006 the Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina of San Michele all’Adige (Trentino) started a project to study the shepherds’ rock inscriptions in order to find explanations for the singular phenomenon concentrated at Mount Cornon. Systematic surveys were conducted on the territory, research done in the historical archives and furthermore an ethnographic investigation among the shepherds of the valley (BAZZANELLA, KEZICH in press).

The Investigation of Trato Rock Shelter

The Trato rock shelter lies in the municipality of Ziano di Fiemme at a height of 1550 m. a.s.l. The place is situated in a very steep territory, accessible with one hour’s walk from Ziano di Fiemme, along one of the main access routes to the Pizzancae, the high-mountain pastures on the top of the Cornon. According to the information given by the interviewed shepherds, these pastures were destined for making hay. Therefore the shepherds had the task to look after sheep and goats underneath those pastures until haycut on autumn. This corresponds to the altimetrical belt where the inscriptions are found. The walls of the Trato shelter feature a group of writings with Common Era dates between 1756 and 1901, written by shepherds using the local red ochre. From the 181

Fig. 1. The Mount Cornon in the Fiemme Valley with the localization of the shelters Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel (Photo: L. Gasperi).

Fig. 2. Trato rock shelter: the excavation and the palimpsest of writings (Photo: M. Bazzanella).

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Fig. 3. Trato rock shelter: the stratigraphy (by: U. Wierer). fragmented ribs belonging to an animal of small size (from unit 1) no finds, emerged from the excavation, al-though the sediment has been dry sieved using 1x1 mm meshes. The results of this investigation and the absence of material culture from the various layers uncovered at Trato indicate a sporadic use of the shelter. The C-14 AMS dating made on charcoal by CEDAD laboratory of Lecce gave astonishing results: the shelter was not only used in modern times but shows several prehistoric frequentations (Tab. 1). At present the most ancient level dates back to the middle Bronze Age (XV Century B.C.). It is followed by a protohistoric occupation during the second Iron Age (420200 B.C.) and by other occupations until 1640 AD. This corresponds also to the time of the oldest inscription found at the Cornon which date back to 1666, 1679 and 1695.

dimensions of the shelter it can be assumed that it would have served for both shepherds and their flocks. The absence of water sources in the immediate vicinity would explain the use of the shelter for short stays. This follows also from the analysis of the writings and the ethnological investigations conducted in the Fiemme Valley. The excavation itself was made to the east of the palimpsest of writings and involved an area of 1x3 m2 (Fig. 2). The stratigraphic sequence was investigated to a depth of about 1m, until large fallen blocks were uncovered. The deposit is made up of detritus interfigerea with some charcoal layers represented by UUSS 1,7,6 and 15 (Fig. 3). The areas of combustion are represented by carbon layers and small ash concentrations as well as thicker layers containing scorched stones. No evidently structured use of the area was identified. Except an iron nail (from unit 4) and two

Tab. 1. Trato: radiocarbon dates. Calibration with OxCal Ver. 3.10 (REIMER et al. 2004).

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The Investigation of the Mandra di Dos Capel

and differently preserved. The base of this cabin was formed by a platform of 16 stakes resting on 2 beams set perpendicular to the shelter itself. The roof consisted of 2 uprights leaning against the rock, onto which planks were nailed in such a way as to enclose a space of about 2 m2. A hearth area is located to the west of this structure identifiable thanks to the blackening of the rock and the presence of charcoal-filled soil. Ethnographic investigations have located the last shepherd to have used the shelter (C. T. from Ziano di Fiemme). He established that the planks covering the shelter were put in place by his father at the beginning of the 1940s. At that time the structure of the refuge was pre-existing and its builder unknown. The structure has been documented and taken down during the archaeological investigation done in July 2007. The wooden elements underwent dendro-chronological

The second shelter, Mandra di Dos Capel, is located at 2030 m a.s.l., above Zanon, a locality in the municipality of Ziano di Fiemme. The site lies on the southern border of the Val Bonetta pastures, on a terrace high above the Valaverta. “Mandra” means enclosure, a place used as pasture for livestock, and indeed still nowadays the place shows an open environment suitable for grazing and overnight stays. But also this site is far away from any water source; the nearest spring can be found at 40 minutes walk near the so called “Baiti” of Valbonetta. The walls of the shelter, located in a rocky prism situated on a very steep slope, are covered by several inscriptions made by the shepherds. The place contained an apparently archaic refuge used as sleeping place (Fig. 4). It was made up of a series of 29 wooden elements of various dimensions

Fig. 4. Mandra di Dos Capel rock shelter: the refuge of the shepherd (Photo: M. Bazzanella).

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Fig. 5. Mandra di Dos Capel rock shelter: the stratigraphy (by: U. Wierer). analyses by CNRS/IVALSA laboratory of San Michele all’Adige (TN). The results tell about different phases of use and restoration. The oldest phase dates back to 1776 and is interpreted as re-use of a preceding structure. The following restorations date to the end of the XIX Century (1894, 1895, 1897), to the beginning of the XX Century (1905, 1906, 1911), the following to 1919, 1920, 1923... and the last one to 1942-43 (BAZZANELLA et al. in press). The two last periods of occupation correspond to the information gained from the ethnographic investigation. The archaeological excavation was conducted over 2x4 m comprising both the area occupied by the sleeping place and by the hearth, in order to verify the shepherd’s information regarding the use of the shelter. The deposit was investigated down to a depth of about 1m until reaching the sterile soil. Two hearths (units 1-2 and 8) and some charcoal layers (units 12, 18 and 32) were documented (Fig. 5). Furthermore a dry-stone wall was identified at a distance of about 3 m from the rear wall of the shelter running parallel to it. Its function was probably to prevent soil erosion.

The anthropogenic finds recovered during the excavation (the sediment was dry-sieved in 1-mm-fraction) are mainly metal objects, some wooden fragments and rare animal bones. The metal items were found in the upper units (1-2, 8, 12 and 13) and date to historic times: various nails, probably related to the construction of the wooden structure, tools (a shovel and a file), a rivet, wire and various thin metal plates. In the uppermost unit an Austrian coin (“carantano“) from 1858 was found. The seasonally occupied Mandra di Dos Capel shelter has therefore allowed the discovery of the remains of a rather frugal material culture which however is quite in line with what we know of the extremely limited economic conditions of the shepherds. The C-14 AMS dating made on charcoal particles recovered from the archaeological excavation revealed a surprisingly early use also of this shelter, starting already from prehistoric times: the site was used during the Copper Age, the recent Bronze Age and the early and late Iron Age (Tab. 2).

Tab. 2. Mandra di Dos Capel: radiocarbon dates. Calibration with OxCal Ver. 3.10 (REIMER et al.2004).

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Conclusions

The investigations of the two shelters, Trato and Mandra di Dos Capel, made in order to get more and detailed data about the pastoralism in the Fiemme Valley which gave origin to the phenomenon of the ochre inscriptions, has though delivered unexpected results : the discovery of a prehistoric frequentation of the Mount Cornon with the use of the same places frequented much later by the modern local pastoralism. The frequentations are discontinuous and short, maybe related already at that time to stays during high-mountain pasture activity. The fact that both sites revealed human use since prehistoric times makes us think of a systematic exploitation of the mountain territory of the Fiemme Valley already starting with the 3rd-2nd millennium BC. This systematic exploitation of the mountain was not only relevant for seasonal pasture activity, but could also serve at obtaining wood, game and iron ore.

Notes

The archaeological excavation and the writing of the paper is the result of a co-operation. The contribution of the authors in this paper in therefore equivalent.

References

BAZZANELLA, M., BERNABEI, M., BONTADI , J., BELLI, R., KEZICH, G., TONIUTTI, L., WIERER, U. (in press) Le scritte dei pastori delle Pizzancae in Val di Fiemme (Trentino): verso un’ipotesi interpretativa del graffitismo pastorale alpino. In: Atti XLII Riunione I.I.P.P. “L’arte preistorica in Italia”, Trento, 9-13 Ottobre 2007, (Preistoria Alpina). BAZZANELLA, M., KEZICH, G. (in press) Il peccato dei pastori. Valle di Fiemme 1720-1960: antropologia del graffito e metodologia etnoarcheologica a confronto. In: Atti del decimo Seminario dell’Archivio della Scrittura Popolare del Museo Storico di Trento “Alfabetizzazione e scritture popolari di montagna”, Trento, 15-17 Novembre 2007. REIMER, P.J., BAILLIE, M.G.L., BARD, E., BAYLISS, A., BECK, J.W., BERTRAND, C.J.H., BLACKWELL, P.G., BUCK, C.E. (2004) IntCal04 Terrestrial Radiocarbon Age Calibration, 0-26 Cal Kyr BP. Radiocarbon, 46, pp.1029-1058. VANZETTA, G. (1991) Le scritte delle Pizancae e la “cava del bol”. Trento: Manfrini, Calliano.

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Designing a Pastoral Landscape in Saharan Massifs: the Role of Ethnoarchaeology Stefano Biagetti Abstract

In this article, I outline some points related to the study of the archaeological landscape in arid lands, via a particularistic ethnoarchaeological approach. Drawing upon my ethnoarchaeological research among the Kel Tadrart Tuareg of SW Libya, I shall show how the role of the present can enhance the archaeological interpretation of past landscapes, going beyond the mere recognition of objectified environmental and geomorphological characteristics of the study area. Specific elements of the archaeological record of the Tadrart Akakus can be re-interpreted under the light of ethnoarchaeological data, demonstrating that the role of ethnoarchaeology can support alternative visions of past cultural trajectories, whose evidences are folded in the landscape. KEY WORDS: Landscape, Ethnoarchaeology, Pastoralism, Arid Lands.

Résumé

Dans cet article, je décris quelques points relatifs à l’etude du paysage archéologique dans les terres arides, grâce à une approche ethnoarchéologique particularistes. S’appuyant sur ma recherche ethnoarchéologique chez les Touaregs Kel Tadrart de SW Libye, je vais montrer comment le rôle de l’actuel peuvent améliorer l’interprétation archéologique des paysages du passé, allant au-delà de la simple reconnaissance de les caractéristiques objectivées environnementales et géomorphologiques de la zone d’étude. Des éléments spécifiques du patrimoine archéologique de l’Akakus Tadrart peut être ré-interprété à la lumière des données ethnoarchéologiques, démontrant ainsi que le rôle de l’ethnoarchéologie peut soutenir des visions alternatives des antiques trajectoires culturelles, dont les preuves sont repliés dans le paysage. MOTS CLES: paysage, ethnoarchéologie, pastoralisme, terres arides.

Introduction

in size, raising between dune fields at its east and a large valley, the wadi Tanezzuft, at its west, where the oasis of Barkat, Fewet, Tahala and notably Ghat are set. Al Awaynat is the only oasis located north east of the Tadrart Acacus. The Akakus Mts. are mainly made of sandstone (CREMASCHI 1998), and are cut by several wadis (dried river valleys). Rainfall is extremely low (0-15mm per year) and erratic (FANTOLI 1937; WALTHER and LIETH 1960), but can occasionally reactivate streams. Climate is hyperarid, although permanent plant cover of the Saharomontane type (MERCURI 2008) is to be found mainly along the wadis. Altitude ranges from 800 to 1100 metres a.s.l. on the highest peaks raising in its western part, where the profile of the Akakus features a steep slope, set along a fault-line (CREMASCHI 1998). While the western side of the massif is hardly accessible, but by some mountain trails, the eastern ranges of the massif are easier to pass through. In addiction, eastern valleys are more suited for human occupation, due to the higher availability of water and pastures. Water is available within gueltas, namely rock pools where rainfall collects, and within man made wells. Government’s intervention in the 1980s increased water availability by boring two mechanized wells, as a response to the severe droughts of the 1970s and 1980s.

Archaeologists have a long lasting liaison with nomadic people. Hunter-gatherers and pastoralists have attracted generations of scientists that challenged the difficulties related to the investigation of lightly equipped and mobile societies worldwide. In doing this, ethnoarchaeology has been a constant source of ideas, models and cautionary tales that have deeply affected the archaeological study of nomadism. On the other hand, it is well known that ethnoarchaeology has suffered severed criticisms, basically due to its failure in establishing clear and cross cultural correlates in the present, to be used by archaeologists for the interpretation of material occurrences (e.g. CUNNINGHAM 2009). This is probably the most relevant issue that attracted dissatisfaction with this discipline. Yet, it is precisely in the field of mobile societies that ethnoarchaeology is going through some kind of revivalism (e.g. SELLET et al. 2006; BARNARD and WENDRICH 2008), which is consolidating traditional avenues of the research and highlighting some new ideas. Drawing upon my ethnoarchaeological research among the Kel Tadrart Tuareg of SW Libya, I shall outline some of issues related to the ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in arid lands, showing how different perspectives on landscapes can be obtained through a particularistic approach.

The people

The Kel Tadrart Tuareg are the sole inhabitants of the Akakus Mts. Currently, eleven Kel Tadrart households dwell the Akakus Mts., averagely made of by 5,3 individuals. Although they belong to a single lineage, households are the basic units of production. Every

Overview of the Study Area

The Tadrart Akakus massif is located in the south west corner of Libya (Fig. 1). This massif is 150 x 50 kilometres 187

household is thus economically independent, yet benefiting from the support of the kin in case of animal losses or other needs. Raising stocks of sheep, goats and, in some cases, camels is the main source of income for the Kel Tadrart of the Akakus. Tourism constitutes a relatively new resource, given the increase of visitors recorded in the area since the end of the embargo in 1996. Their settlements are dispersed throughout the valleys, from north to south of the massif, and are clearly recognizable within the natural landscape (Fig. 2). Kel Tadrart households have been the object of ethnoarchaeological study since 2003. In 2007, however, systematic investigations were carried out, aimed at exploring a variety of aspects of Kel Tadrart society. It is

out of the remit of this paper to discuss the whole ethnoarchaeological project, elsewhere presented (BIAGETTI 2011; BIAGETTI and CHALCRAFT in press). Rather, I shall focus upon some relevant issues of broader applicability and relevance, raised from my own experience among the Kel Tadrart.

The “Aridity Paradigm” in the Archaeology of Holocene Sahara

Climatic history of the Holocene presents a large regional variability, however included within the general framework of global oscillation between arid/dry and wet/warm. This

Fig. 1. The Tadrart Akakus and its surrounding areas.

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be directly observed in the present in our study area. In the Tadrart Akakus, the onset of current hyperarid conditions dates back to c.2,500 years ago. However, the Kel Tadrart inhabit its valleys, as they did - at least - in the recent past. Ethnohistorical reports, although generally overlooking the Akakus Mts., do not indicate that in the XX century the massif was abandoned as well. In other terms, we have evidence of a kind of continuity in human occupation in the study area, in spite of the overall environmental conditions. Furthermore, current Kel Tadrart recognize that every 2 or 3 years a ‘heavy’ rainfall occurs. Even if the data about last century human activity in the Tadrart Akakus are scarce, there is no clear reason to hypothesize a two millennia long hiatus in human occupation. In fact, past archaeological interpretation of cultural dynamics in the area have generally emphasized that, since the advent of current environmental condition the Akakus should have been crossed, rather than inhabited (CREMASCHI et al. 2005; LIVERANI 2005; ZAMPETTI 2005). However, it is worth to notice that, although fewer than in the previous Pastoral periods, archaeological evidences show that human frequentation continued (MORI 1965; BARICH 1987). Rock art (MORI 1965; ZAMPETTI 2005; DI LERNIA and GALLINARO in press), rock inscriptions (BIAGETTI et al. in press), potsherds, and veritable layers of archaeological deposit (e.g. at Uan Muhuggiag: BARICH 1987), testify to the long lasting human frequentation of this area. Leaving aside any specific argumentation related to every single type of evidence, it is worth to notice that these have been generally read as the signs of the passage of people. Surely, the recognition and the study of post Neolithic material was not a priority for the archaeologists carrying out mainly prehistoric research in the Akakus massif. However, a range of settlement patterns have been recognized in the present (BIAGETTI and CHALCRAFT in press) and described in 1900s (SCARIN 1937), demonstrating that pastoral societies may well adapt to inhospitable (at least in our western perspective) environments. In the last 100 years, specific events have occurred, such as the colonial rule, the droughts of the 1970s and 1980s, the attempts of sedentarization pursued by Gadafi’s administration, the introduction of motor vehicles, and many others, all of these being the product of unique historical processes. However, it is relevant to stress that people in the study area reacted in various way to these events, and that abandonment was only one of the options, moreover among the less practiced.

Fig. 2. Kel Tadrart main settlements in the Akakus Mts. is surely an important characteristic of contemporary Saharan archaeology as well, configuring as a veritable interdisciplinary matter. In the study of Saharan prehistory and history, in fact, reconstructions of cultural dynamics are generally made in strict connection with climatic oscillation and subsequent environmental modifications (GASSE 2000; KROPELIN et al. 2008). Several local trajectories have contributed to sketch regional schemes, in the scope of matching cultural and environmental sequences of such a vast regions. Clearly, we cannot deny the intrinsic strength of this concept, which focuses upon the idea that cultural trajectories develop synchronously with the modification of the environment. However, in a genuine anthropological perspective, we may question the validity of universal-like responses of the humans to environmental events, such as climatic oscillations. Specific adaptive practice might have developed in certain contexts, given the uniqueness of every (pastoral) society as the outcome of unrepeatable historical contingencies. Several factors interact within human groups and determine the choices to adopt in response to climatic changes. In this perspective, some studies (e.g. INGOLD 2000) have emphasized the role of the agents in the domain of the relationship between men and the environment. This can

Landscapes made of locales and lines

Several approaches have been designed in recent times to study pastoral societies worldwide. Peculiar nature of pastoralism requires, in fact, specific techniques to identify ‘ephemeral’ evidence of husbandry on the ground. The issue of the visibility of pastoral sites has thus become a typical topos in the archaeological discourse around pastoralism, not only in Africa. Admittedly, ethnoarchaeological and ethnographic studies (e.g. ROBBINS 1973, GIFFORD 1978; HOLE 1979; SMITH 189

by buying extra fodder in the market of Awaynat, where Kel Tadrart are used to sell the by-products of animal husbandry. There is thus a variety of settlement patterns that can be recognized from the household level, up to that of the whole community. This variety generates different types of settlement that, once abandoned, can be generally identified, on the basis of what observed in the present. However, even abandoned settlements are dynamic evidences, insofar these are subjected to occasional modifications and adjustments in their structures, due to further reoccupation. Although, the distribution and nature of features within campsites are far from being static evidence of past frequentation, some insight for the interpretation of these can come from the ethnographic present. On a landscape level, some areas resulted to be more rich in both inhabited and abandoned campsites, highlighting more favourable areas to human settlement in the Tadrart Akakus.

1980; KHAZANOV 1984; CRIBB 1991; BANNING and KOHLER-ROLLEFSON 1992; BRADLEY 1992, SHAHACK-GROSS et al. 2003; BIAGETTI and DI LERNIA 2003) have jointly played a major role in supporting archaeologists in the search of ancient pastoralists of Africa and Asia. Furthermore, some of these studies stressed the importance of a landscape approach (e.g.: LANE in press), drawing the attention to a variety of landscape’s elements of potential relevance for pastoral groups. In the study of the Kel Tadrart landscape I have focussed on the recognition of inhabited and abandoned campsites (i), and locales of interests (ii).

Kel Tadrart campsites

Widespread along the Akakus valleys, Kel Tadrart campsites occur on smooth terrains close to wadis. These settlements are generally made of few circular shaped huts built with stones and plant materials, and livestock facilities. Main settlements are those where the household members spend most of their time and when they returns after seasonal movements. Transhumances occur unevenly in the Tadrart Akakus, as a proper alternance between wet and dry season cannot be envisaged. Generally, movements occur after rainfall, according to temporary needs. Mobility is, in principle, an option viable for every Kel Tadrart household, yet it has been actually practiced by some of these in the course of the last years. Some households has one or two secondary and generally smaller settlements, that can be used when the resources around the main campsites become scarce. In addiction to veritable relocations, when the whole household moves, short term displacement occurs as well, toward higher pastures, located in more recessed areas of the Akakus massif. In this case, Kel Tadrart tend to exploit existing shelters or to build simple windbreaks. On the other hand, few households are characterized by lower degree of mobility, being almost sedentary. These integrate the naturally available resources

Locales of interest

More frequented areas of the Tadrart Akakus are likely to be those where natural resources are plentiful. It is undoubted that in some districts of the massif, human activity has been - and still is - more intense. Not all the wadis are the same, and some difference in their potential capacity of generating pasture has been already discussed (BIAGETTI and CHALCRAFT in press). The erratic nature of precipitations, that often fall unevenly on the Akakus, may boost - for instance - the growth of green grass in the north, without affecting the south. Similarly, there are hundreds of gueltas within the Akakus massif, but only a dozen is considered reliable by the Kel Tadrart (DI LERNIA et al. in press), insofar these can retain water for considerable time span (one year or more). In other words, we cannot deny the importance of the natural environment and its features, that conditions the strategies adopted by pastoralists to pursue some kind of ecological balance with

Fig. 3. Campsite SUG_07/1 in northern Akakus (Photo S. Biagetti).

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identified in the course of the present study, it is clear that the sole “productivity” of the natural environment cannot explain the distribution of the evidences of recent and current occupations so far discussed. Dots, areas, and lines constitute a network of locales of interest that has to be taken into account when reconstructing pastoral landscapes, trying to unravel possible interconnections between their elements as well.

Conclusions

The short lines above are meant to demonstrate how a particularistic approach to the present can be helpful for the archaeologists, especially when dealing with culturally far environments. The issues raised by the present study, are likely to affect similar investigations, not by serving as mere direct analogous. As acutely argued by Cunningham (2009), it is precisely the contribution coming from the other’s perspective that assist us in identifying layers, locales, and points of interests, going beyond a mere recognition of objectified environmental and geomorphological characteristics of the study area. Surely, the ethnoarchaeological study of pastoral landscape may well hold high relevance in case of regional continuity, and especially when limited time has passed between archaeological and ethnographic evidence. However, my idea is not to map the present onto the past, rather to uncover in the present regularities and anomalies that can help in the comprehension of key elements of the landscape. Thanks to the information collected among the Kel Tadrart, the direct observation of these, and the analysis of the material evidences, some differences in the use of natural features of the Tadrart Akakus have been stressed and matched against the archaeological and ethnoarchaeological record, positively affecting the construction of archaeological explanations.

Fig. 4. A mountain path in Northern Akakus (Photo S. Biagetti).

the available resources. On a very short term basis, in fact, every year can be different, according to the quantity and localization of rainfall, and subsequent exploitation by pastoralists of greener zones. This imply that on the longdurée perspective we can only reconstruct a smoother picture, where geomorphological features allowing better regeneration of resources counterbalance year-to-year variability. Clearly, time-factor is extremely relevant to our discourse. We may expect that, even if this variable scenario, some locales have more frequently featured better conditions for human occupation, and this can be recovered on the ground. Beside the evidences from living and abandoned campsites, in fact, we stress the occurrence of rock engravings, dated from c.2,000 years go to present times. These are both rock art carvings of the so called “Camel phase” (DI LERNIA and GALLINARO in press) and veritable texts carved in Tifinagh characters (BIAGETTI et al. in press). These marks on the rock feature intrinsic problems, related to their accurate dating and their meaning. However, the place of these is unquestionable, being the firmest characteristic of both rock art and inscriptions. Distribution of both evidences often overlap, although with some differences. This highlights that some passageways on the western side of the massif, some gueltas, and some wadis feature higher discernible concentrations of engraved evidences. From this overview on the elements of pastoral landscape so fare

Acknowledgments

This study is included in the research of “The Italian Libyan Archaeological Mission in the Acacus and Messak (Central Sahara)” directed by S. di Lernia, and founded by the “Ministero degli Affari Esteri” (DGPCC) and by the Sapienza - Università di Roma (Grandi Scavi d’Ateneo). I am grateful to S. di Lernia, K.C. MacDonald, and M. Gallinaro for their useful comments and support.

References

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ethnoarchaeology in Luristan, Iran. In: C. Kramer (ed.) Ethnoarchaeology: implications of ethnography for archaeology. New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 192-218. INGOLD, T. (ed.) (2000) The Perception of the Environment. Essays in livelihood, dwelling and skill. London and New York: Routledge. KHAZANOV, A. M. (1984) Nomads and the outside World. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. KROPELIN, S., VERSCHUREN, D., LEZINE, A-M., et al. (2008) Climate-Driven ecosystem succession in the Sahara: The past 6000 years. Science, 320, pp. 765–768. LANE, P.J. (in press) Archaeologies of East African pastoralist landscapes: places and paths of memory. In: V. Broch-Due (ed). Path versus Place: reconfiguring Nomads to Fit the State. Uppsala. LIVERANI, M. (2005) The Trans-Saharan Caravan Trade. In: M. Liverani (ed.) Aghram Nadharif: The Barkat Oasis (Shabiya of Ghat, Libyan Sahara) in Garamantian Times. AZA Monographs 5. Firenze: All’Insegna del Giglio, pp. 445-456. MERCURI, A. M. (2008) Human influence, plant landscape evolution and climate inferences from the archaeobotanical records of the Wadi Teshuinat area (Libyan Sahara). Journal of arid environments, 72(10), pp. 1950-1967. MORI, F. (1965) Tadrart Acacus. Arte rupestre e culture del Sahara preistorico. Torino: Einaudi. ROBBINS, L.H. (1973) Turkana material culture viewed from an archaeological perspective. World Archaeology, 5, pp. 209-214. SCARIN, E. (1937) Nomadi e seminomadi del Fezzan. In: Il Sahara italiano. Fezzan e oasi di Gat. Roma: Reale Società Geografica Italiana. Parte prima, pp. 518-590. SELLET, F., GREAVES, R., YU, P.L. (eds.) (2006). Archaeology and ethnoarchaeology of mobility. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. SHAHACK-GROSS, R., MARSCHALL, F., WEINER, S. (2003) Geo-Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoral Sites: The Identification of Livestock Enclosures in Abandoned Maasai Settlements. Journal of Archaeological Science, 30(4), pp. 439-459. SMITH, S. (1980) The environmental adaptation of nomads in the West Africa Sahel: a key to understanding prehistoric pastoralists. In: M. Williams, H. Faure (eds.) The Sahara and the Nile: quaternary environments and prehistoric occupation in northern Africa. Rotterdam: Balkema, pp. 467-87. WALTHER, H., LIETH, H. (1960) Klimadiagramm. Weltatlas. G. Fischer Verlag, Jena, Germany. ZAMPETTI, D. (2005) The Garamantian Rock Art in the Akakus. In: M. Liverani (ed.) Aghram Nadharif: The Barkat Oasis (Shabiya of Ghat, Libyan Sahara) in Garamantian Times. AZA Monographs 5. Firenze: All’Insegna del Giglio, pp. 41-47.

BARNARD, H., WENDRICH, W. (2008) The Archaeology of Mobility: Old World and New World Nomadism. Cotsen Advanced Seminars 4. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. BIAGETTI, S. (2011) Taxonomies, Pastoralisms, andArid Lands. Ethnoarchaeology as a study of variation. In: F. Lugli,A.A. Stoppiello, S. Biagetti (eds.) Proceedings of the 4th Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, 17-19 May 2006, BAR S2235. Oxford: BAR Publishing, pp. 218-225. BIAGETTI, S., AIT KACI, A., MORI, L., and DI LERNIA, S. (in press) Writing the desert. The “Tifinagh” rock inscriptions of the Tadrart Akakus (south-west Libya). Azania. BIAGETTI, S., CHALCRAFT, J.M. (in press) Imagining aridity: human environment interaction in the Acacus Mountains. In: T. Ingold, M. Janowski (eds.) Imagining Landscapes, Anthropological Studies of Creativities and Perception. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited. BIAGETTI, S., DI LERNIA, S. (2003) Vers un modèle ethnographique-écologique d’une société pastorale préhistorique. Sahara, 14, pp. 7-30. BRADLEY, R. (1992) Nomads in the Archaeological Record. Meroitica, 13, Berlin. CREMASCHI, M. (1998) Late Quaternary geological evidence for environmental changes in southwestern Fezzan (Libyan Sahara). In: M. Cremaschi, S. di Lernia (eds.) Wadi Teshuinat. Palaeoenvironment and Prehistory in south-western Fezzan (Libyan Sahara). Milano, Quaderni di Geodinamica Alpina e del Quaternario, 7, pp. 13-48. CREMASCHI, M., ZAMPETTI, D., ZERBONI A. (2005) Different paths: rock art, sites and territories in wadi Raharmellen (Tadrart Acacus- Libyan Sahara). Origini, 27, pp. 191-217. CRIBB, R. (1991) Nomads in Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CUNNINGHAM, J.J. (2009) Ethnoarchaeology beyond correlates. Ethnoarchaeology, 1(2), pp. 115-136. DI LERNIA, S., GALLINARO, M. (in press) Working in a UNESCO WH site. Problems and Practices on the Rock Art of the Tadrart Akakus (SW Libya, central Sahara). Journal of African Archaeology. DI LERNIA, S., MASSAMBA N’SIALA I., ZERBONI A. (in press) “Saharan Waterscapes”. Traditional Knowledge and Historical Depth of Water Management in the Akakus Mts. (SW Libya). In: L. Mol, T. Sternberg (eds.) Changing Deserts: Integrating Environments, People and Challenges. Cambridge: White Horse. FANTOLI, A. (1937) Clima. In Il Sahara Italiano. Roma: Società Italiana Arti Grafiche, pp. 97-119. GASSE, F. (2000) Hydrological changes in the African tropics since the Last Glacial Maximum. Quaternary Science Review, 19, pp. 189–211. GIFFORD, D.P. (1978) Ethnoarchaeological observations of natural processes affecting cultural materials. In: R.A Gould (ed.) Explanation in Ethnoarchaeology. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, pp. 77-101. HOLE, F. (1979) Rediscovering the past in the present: 192

Economia e mobilità pastorale nel Supramonte tra mondo antico ed età contemporanea Fabrizio Delussu Riassunto

Il paesaggio del Supramonte, aspro territorio carsico della Sardegna centro-orientale, è caratterizzato dalla presenza delle tradizionali strutture abitative e produttive degli allevatori di capre e maiali. Queste costruzioni, che in passato erano realizzate esclusivamente con i materiali disponibili in posto, senza l’uso del metallo e della malta, presentano suggestivi richiami alle strutture protostoriche e, in particolare, alle capanne di età nuragica. Il Supramonte è da tempo oggetto di ricognizioni di superficie, aventi lo scopo di ricostruire il tessuto insediativo di età romana e tardo antica, che costituiscono parte integrante del progetto dedicato allo studio della romanizzazione della Barbagia curato da chi scrive. Le indagini hanno dimostrato che i siti individuati finora si localizzano in genere in prossimità degli insediamenti pastorali e/o in prossimità delle vie della transumanza utilizzate per gli spostamenti stagionali degli animali. L’analisi dell’economia pastorale del Supramonte si rivela in effetti assai utile nell’ambito della ricostruzione delle scelte insediative antiche e, in generale, delle modalità di sfruttamento del territorio; la conoscenza degli itinerari della transumanza sta contribuendo inoltre allo studio della viabilità romana nel territorio in esame. PAROLE CHIAVE: Supramonte, Strutture Pastorali, Economia Pastorale, Transumanza, Viabilità Romana.

Il Supramonte

barraccu o barracu a Baunei e Urzulei6, pinnetti a Orgosolo7, pinnettu a Oliena8, è costituita da una base circolare (diametro interno 3-6 m circa) realizzata con un muro in pietre a secco (altezza 0,80/1 m circa, spessore 1 /1,50 m circa), portante o di rincalzo, e da un conoide realizzato con travi di legno (Fig. 1). Il cuile9 era costruito con i materiali disponibili in posto, blocchi o lastre di calcare e, solitamente, tronchi di ginepro10 (Juniperus oxycedrus e Juniperus phoenicea). La costruzione del cuile prevedeva innanzitutto la sistemazione di tre o quattro travi principali (dorgalese culuminzos)11, inclinate verso il centro e incastrate nella sommità, e di due travi utilizzate per delimitare l’ingresso (dorg. traes de canterjale), alle quali venivano lasciati alcuni rami laterali per la sistemazione dell’architrave e della tettoia della porta; alle travi principali venivano poi accostate le travi ausiliarie a loro volta rivestite di altre travi più sottili; se queste erano troppo corte era talora necessario realizzare un anello intermedio nel corpo del tetto da cui riprenderne l’accostamento dei rami12. I pastori del Supramonte occidentale erano inoltre soliti ricoprire il tetto con frasche di ginepro, lentisco o leccio per renderlo più impermeabile. I cuiles in base alla tecnica di costruzione si distinguono in tre tipi principali: con tutte le travi infisse nel terreno (dorg. cuile pesau dae terra), con tutte le travi inserite all’interno di un basamento murario (dorg. cuile a muridina), con travi principali infisse nel terreno e travi ausiliarie inserite nel basamento murario. Nel primo caso, i tronchi di ginepro venivano infissi direttamente nel suolo e inclinati fino a formare una struttura conica, un muro a secco era poi addossato esternamente alle travi per dare maggiore solidità alla costruzione; nel secondo caso si realizzava un muro di pietre a secco che costituiva il basamento del cono di copertura, le cui travi erano conficcate nella struttura muraria; il terzo caso rappresenta una tipologia ibrida. Secondo alcuni intervistati, i cuiles più antichi erano quelli realizzati con la prima tecnica13: si tratta però di strutture più piccole e maggiormente soggette al rischio di incendi e, forse per questo motivo, destinate ad essere sostituite dalle

Il coronimo Supramonte indica il sistema montuoso calcareo1 della Sardegna centro-orientale che si estende dalle pendici del Gennargentu fino al Golfo di Orosei per quasi 35.000 ettari ricadenti nei comprensori dei Comuni di Baunei, Dorgali, Oliena, Orgosolo e Urzulei (Baunei: 14670 ha; Dorgali: 7570 ha; Urzulei: 4580 ha; Orgosolo: 4050 ha; Oliena: 3780 ha)2. Si tratta di un territorio particolarmente aspro e impervio, caratterizzato da una complessa e talvolta spettacolare morfologia carsica: imponenti gole, profondi canaloni, doline, grotte tra le più lunghe d’Europa, pianori più o meno estesi, alte pareti a falesia, vette che superano i 1000 m sopra il livello del mare. Il paesaggio è caratterizzato dalla presenza di estesi boschi di lecci, di superbi esemplari di tasso, di vaste aree ricoperte dalla macchia mediterranea e di ampie superfici a roccia affiorante prive di copertura vegetale. Si può distinguere un Supramonte occidentale e un Supramonte orientale o costiero, separati da una lunga fascia dove emergono le rocce del complesso plutonico (granodioriti, monzograniti) e del complesso metamorfico (metarenarie, quarziti e filladi)3.

Le strutture abitative e produttive

L’allevamento brado e transumante di capre e maiali, e limitatamente di bovini, rappresenta la tradizionale forma economica praticata nell’area del Supramonte. Il paesaggio supramontano è in effetti segnato dalla presenza di caratteristiche strutture pastorali comprendenti, principalmente, la capanna del pastore, il recinto destinato ad accogliere le capre e i ricoveri per i maiali4. Non di rado queste strutture erano ricavate all’interno di ripari rocciosi sufficientemente ampi o in prossimità di grotte.

La capanna del pastore

La tipica costruzione del Supramonte destinata alla dimora del pastore e alla caseificazione, chiamata cuile a Dorgali5,

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Fig. 1. Cuile Onamarra (Baunei) (Foto: F. Delussu).

Fig. 2. Cuile Mereu (Baunei) (Foto: F. Delussu).

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Il recinto per le capre

capanne del secondo tipo14. La costruzione del cuile poteva concludersi con la realizzazione di un cappello sommitale (dorg. cucumenale, baunese cugumale, olianese pupusa, orgolese uhurale, urzuleino coromalu), in sughero, in legno o costituito da una lastra di calcare, che serviva per dare un ulteriore riparo dalla pioggia; i barracus di Baunei e Urzulei presentano in genere un caratteristico cappello largo e spesso (Fig. 2). Al centro del pavimento, realizzato con un semplice battuto o con un lastricato, era sistemato il focolare (dorg. ochile), costituito da una fossa di forma quadrangolare delimitata con lastre di calcare. L’accesso al cuile, in genere rivolto a Est o a Sud, in passato era chiuso con una porta non molto alta e piuttosto stretta realizzata con una lastra di leccio (dorg. perrone) o, più di recente, con tavole di ginepro o di altro legno; la porta era protetta da una piccola tettoia (baun. gennale e antalena, dorg. runda). Al soffitto del cuile era sospeso un ripiano ligneo (baun. stassile, dorg. cannittu, olian. e org. annittha, urzul. cannitta) dove si sistemava il formaggio per l’asciugatura e l’affumicatura. L’arredamento interno prevedeva un ripiano pensile in legno (baun. parastagiu, dorg. cadalettu, olian. istathu) e un semplice giaciglio per dormire; per sedersi si utilizzavano sgabelli (dorg. zumpeddos) in ferula con il piano in sughero rivestito di pelle caprina o semplici blocchi di calcare. Per appendere oggetti o contenitori si impiegavano ganci o cunei di legno (dorg. unchinos e piros) inseriti nelle travi. Come nelle capanne nuragiche, nello spessore murario si ricavavano spesso delle nicchie per essere utilizzate come armadi a muro.

Nei pressi di ogni cuile era sempre presente il recinto per le capre (dorg. mandra, baun. e urzul. corte) destinato al ricovero del gregge e utilizzato per la mungitura e l’allattamento. Il recinto, generalmente scoperto o dotato di copertura in alcuni punti lungo il perimetro, presentava pianta sub-circolare o sub-ellittica e dimensioni rapportate all’entità del gregge. La struttura era realizzata con tronchi di ginepro, alti 2 m circa15, infissi in una zoccolatura di blocchi di calcare e, laddove possibile, anche nel terreno (Fig. 3); i tronchi erano lievemente aggettanti per garantire solidità alla struttura e riparo alle capre e sostenuti da un sistema più o meno articolato di travi e puntelli. Talora nel recinto era incorporato un ginepro i cui rami servivano da struttura di appoggio, come spesso accadeva nella realizzazione di un cuile, allorquando un grosso ginepro era scelto per sostituire una delle travi principali. L’accesso alla struttura, solitamente disposto a Sud, avveniva attraverso un varco richiudibile con travi mobili o con un piccolo cancello in legno. Il cortile interno poteva presentare una superficie più o meno regolare, talvolta anche con accentuato dislivello, oppure una superficie piana pavimentata con lastre di calcare. Le mandras dorgalesi, sostanzialmente simili a quelle olianesi e orgolesi, presentavano un cortile principale (dorg. crapile) dove avveniva la mungitura e un piccolo cortile secondario (dorg. e olian. cherìna, org. cherìnu) dal quale si accedeva alle nicchie (dorg. edìles) per i capretti, talora realizzate con particolare cura; in questo piccolo spazio i capretti

Fig. 3. Mandra del cuile Piddi (Baunei) (Foto: F. Delussu).

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venivano allattati e trovavano riparo dalle intemperie e rifugio da eventuali predatori. Le cortes costruite dai pastori di Baunei presentavano generalmente un unico cortile destinato al lavoro di mungitura e all’allattamento (baun. corte de maniggiu) dal quale erano accessibili le nicchie che custodivano i capretti (baun. cerinas) direttamente o passando attraverso un piccolo recinto (baun. passialeddu); quelle di grandi dimensioni in qualche caso si presentavano più articolate, con un’area destinata alle capre che non dovevano figliare (baun. corte de su bagadiu) e recinti dove erano tenuti i maschi (baun. passiale ‘e us beccos); nei recinti ancora più grandi l’allattamento poteva svolgersi in un altro recinto accessibile dalla corte (baun. su passiale) e collegato con le cerinas16. Le cortes costruite, specie in tempi recenti, dai pastori di Urzulei si articolavano in uno spazio dove avveniva la mungitura e l’allattamento (urzul. corte ‘e su madriau), un recinto dove venivano sistemati gli individui maschi, le capre che non figliavano o non producevano latte e i capretti di oltre un anno di età (urzul. corte ‘e su acadiu o ‘e seperu) e un piccolo recinto (urzul. cherìna) che dava accesso ai piccoli ambienti richiudibili che custodivano i capretti (urzul. edìles)17.

accadere che mungitura e produzione di formaggio si effettuassero solamente di sera21. Dopo la mungitura del mattino le capre pascolavano liberamente in una vasta area attorno al cuile. Anche i maiali erano allevati allo stato brado nei cuiles localizzati in zone boscose, come ad esempio in alcuni tratti del Supramonte di Orgosolo; essi erano importanti fornitori di proteine animali sotto forma di carne e insaccati. È particolarmente interessante rilevare che le capre e i maiali, come anche i bovini, allevati nel Supramonte presentano spiccati caratteri rustici e caratteristiche biometriche paragonabile a quelle degli individui delle stesse specie che popolavano la Sardegna nel corso dell’età del Bronzo e del I Ferro22. L’allevamento era integrato da altre attività di sostentamento: presso molti ovili esisteva un orto (dorg. ortu) dove si coltivavano patate e legumi; in quasi tutti gli ovili dorgalesi si praticava l’apicoltura, che in alcuni casi, come nei cuiles localizzati presso M. Tundu, raggiungeva livelli ragguardevoli per numero di arnie (dorg. mojos) e quantità di miele prodotto23. In alcune zone, ad esempio presso il cuile Toddeitto (Dorgali) o il cuile Bidunie (Baunei), si coltivava inoltre il grano e l’orzo: in entrambe le località è ancora visibile l’aia (dorg. arzola) utilizzata per la trebbiatura.

I ricoveri per i maiali

Aspetti della cultura materiale

Al ricovero dei maiali erano destinate strutture di pianta sub-rettangolare (baun., dorg. e urzul. cumbulas, org. e olian. arulas), realizzate con rami di ginepro infissi all’interno di un basamento in blocchi di calcare o direttamente sul terreno e disposti a formare una copertura più o meno regolare a due falde; l’accesso a questi ricoveri era collegato a un piccolo cortile (dorg. porchile) costruito con fusti di ginepro fissati su una base litica. Per sistemare la figliata di una scrofa si apprestava un piccolo riparo temporaneo (baun., dorg., org. e urzul. aulla, olian. sidagliu) all’interno di un albero cavo o con rami di ginepro18. Per mettere insieme le scrofe e le loro figliate (dorg. ghettadorzu a pare) dopo il periodo dell’allattamento si utilizzava il porchile, dove i maialetti potevano muoversi liberamente senza tuttavia poterne uscire19; i caprai di Orgosolo costruivano per lo stesso scopo una struttura simile a un piccolo pinnetti (org. sidarju)20.

Nell’ambito della cultura materiale meritano particolare attenzione gli strumenti utilizzati per la caseificazione, in qualche caso realizzati a mano dai pastori24 (Fig. 4). Il riscaldamento e la lavorazione del latte avveniva all’interno di un calderone in rame (dorg. lapiolu), internamente stagnato (Fig. 4a), che veniva poggiato sopra un treppiede in ferro (dorg. tripide), a sua volta sistemato sopra il focolare. In passato, quando non esisteva il treppiede, il latte veniva riscaldato all’interno di un recipiente di sughero (dorg. malune) di forma cilindrica, nel quale si immergevano pietre arroventate nel fuoco25. Il latte addensato nel calderone veniva mescolato con un bastone di ginepro (Fig. 4b) terminante con diverse biforcazioni monche (dorg. pilisa). Quando il latte era rappreso, sopra i bordi della caldaia si poggiava un supporto a forcella (dorg. urchidda) in legno di ginepro (Fig. 4c) che serviva per sostenere la fascera (dorg. pischedda) dentro la quale prendeva forma la cagliata di latte: si trattava di stampi in legno, provvisti di fori per fare colare il siero, che conferivano la foggia finale al formaggio (Fig. 4d); per agevolare la fuoriuscita del siero si utilizzava anche una punta di legno (dorg. punzone). Nel corso della preparazione della ricotta si utilizzava un raccoglitore (dorg. murica) costituito da un lungo manico in legno nella cui estremità era infisso un sottile pezzo di sughero di forma trapezoidale o emisferica (Fig. 4e). Durante la lavorazione del latte si utilizzava un coltello in legno (dorg. tazzacasu), spesso decorato a incisione (Fig. 4f), simile a quello utilizzato per la produzione della ricotta (dorg. secarecottu). Dopo l’uso gli arnesi venivano lavati e appesi a un tronco di ginepro (dorg. udulu) fissato solitamente di fronte all’ingresso del cuile.

L’allevamento e il sostentamento: tecniche e prodotti

Dall’allevamento di capre e maiali i pastori ricavavano i prodotti necessari per il proprio sostentamento. Dal latte di capra si ottenevano formaggi e altri derivati come la ricotta, la tipica cagliata acida o salata di latte (dorg. frue) e la cagliata di colostro (dorg. casada). I capretti, i maschi castrati e le femmine non produttive sopperivano invece al fabbisogno proteico. Questi prodotti erano destinati al consumo familiare, alla vendita o allo scambio: formaggi o carne contro altre merci o prestazioni di lavoro e servizi. La mungitura delle capre aveva luogo solitamente alle prime luci del giorno e di sera mentre la caseificazione avveniva preferibilmente di mattina o, se il gregge era particolarmente numeroso, di mattina e sera; d’altra parte d’estate, se le capre producevano poco latte, poteva 196

Fig. 4. Cuile Buchi Arta costruito da Billia Mereu (Dorgali), strumenti per la lavorazione del latte: a) lapiolu; b) pilisa; c) urchidda; d) pischedda; e) murica; f) tazzacasu (Foto: F. Delussu).

Fig. 5. Cuile Pipilloddi (Dorgali) (Foto: F. Delussu).

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Le scelte insediative

dell’area di Punta Su Contu e il cuile Murgulavò (Baunei), realizzati presso insediamenti nuragico-romani.

Secondo i dati raccolti sembra che la scelta del punto dove costruire un cuile era in qualche modo affidata alle capre che erano sempre in grado di segnalare al pastore il luogo che per condizioni climatiche era più adatto al loro benessere: in genere si trattava di luoghi non troppo freddi e umidi e al riparo dai venti dominanti26. Se il pastore ignorava i segnali delle capre poteva succedere che esse scegliessero spontaneamente di spostarsi in un’altra zona a loro più congeniale. Naturalmente rivestiva particolare rilievo anche la presenza di pascoli, mentre la presenza o la vicinanza di sorgenti non era ritenuta essenziale.

La mobilità e la viabilità

Come è già stato osservato, l’allevamento praticato dagli allevatori del Supramonte era di tipo transumante e prevedeva movimenti stagionali e, spesso, spostamenti di lunga durata35. Il deperimento stagionale del pascolo costringeva i pastori a trasferimenti verso i pascoli d’altura dove peraltro le capre, se non accompagnate, tendevano a spostarsi spontaneamente. Spesso lo sfruttamento intensivo di una stessa area per molti anni obbligava i pastori ad abbandonare definitivamente un cuile e a costruirne un’altro altrove. Testimonianza di questo fenomeno sono le centinaia di rovine di cuiles, solitamente riferibili al basamento, osservabili in tutto il Supramonte (Fig. 5). Gli spostamenti stagionali avvenivano di norma in primavera avanzata, allorquando i pastori spostavano le greggi verso i cuiles posizionati a quote più elevate (dorg. cuiles d’eranu) dove i pascoli e le condizioni climatiche erano migliori; per motivi analoghi, all’inizio dell’autunno avveniva il rientro al cuile invernale (dorg. cuile ‘e hierru). Molti pastori di Orgosolo nel mese di maggio transumavano invece verso pascoli localizzati all’esterno del Supramonte, dove trascorrevano tutta l’estate. La transumanza prevedeva spostamenti più o meno lunghi e impegnava uomini e animali per una o più giornate lungo i sentieri impervi del Supramonte. I pastori sceglievano le vie da percorrere tenendo conto della geomorfologia del territorio e individuando i percorsi più brevi e non eccessivamente difficoltosi per gli animali; i passaggi più complessi, in genere utilizzati solo dagli uomini, erano adeguatamente attrezzati con tronchi di ginepro (dorg. udulos), in qualche caso formanti delle passerelle aggettanti nel vuoto che potevano essere attraversate anche dalle capre (dorg. iscala ‘e ustes).

Rapporto tra i cuiles e gli insediamenti antichi

Alcuni degli studiosi che si sono occupati dell’architettura pastorale non sembrano avere dubbi sul fatto che i cuiles “ricordano da vicino le capanne nuragiche”27 e che “derivano la loro tipologia costruttiva dalla capanna nuragica”28, argomento avvalorato anche dai principali studiosi di architettura nuragica29. Con ogni probabilità si deve dunque individuare nelle capanne nuragiche l’archetipo strutturale dei cuiles, ma a ben vedere capanne a base circolare litica e copertura di legno e frasche sono note fin dal Neolitico Recente (3800-2900 a.C.), come dimostra ad esempio la domus de janas “a capanna circolare” di S. Andrea Priu (Bonorva)30, e sono attestate anche nell’Eneolitico, nell’ambito del III millennio a.C.31 Non si dispone tuttavia di dati che consentano di analizzare questa lunga evoluzione; a memoria d’uomo i cuiles più antichi conosciuti risalgono alla fine del XIX secolo; alla prima metà delle stesso secolo rimontano le testimonianze di V. Angius32 e di A. Bresciani33. Si rileva in ogni modo che molti cuiles sono costruiti in prossimità di abitati antichi, generalmente villaggi di epoca nuragica spesso riutilizzati nell’età romana e nel tardo antico, allorché nelle stesse aree si formarono insediamenti civili più o meno vasti34. In alcune località i cuiles e gli abitati antichi si trovano a contatto diretto e dunque in rapporto stratigrafico: è il caso dei cuiles edificati sopra l’area occupata dalle rovine di insediamenti nuragico-romani, riutilizzandone le pietre, fenomeno osservabile ad esempio nei cuiles di Doinanicoro (cuile Sos Costis) e di Nuraghe Mannu (cuile Tascone), entrambi nel territorio di Dorgali. Un altro caso molto interessante riguarda il villaggio nuragico di Bidunie (Baunei), dove una delle capanne dell’abitato è stata trasformata in un cuile: la struttura originale è stata riutilizzata semplicemente riadattando l’ingresso con blocchi di reimpiego provenienti da altre capanne e rifacendo lo svettamento del muro con blocchi di calcare di pezzatura differente rispetto a quelli utilizzati dai costruttori nuragici. È più frequente il caso dei cuiles costruiti in prossimità di abitati nuragici e romani/tardo romani: tra gli esempi più interessanti si ricordano i cuiles dell’area di Sa Portiscra costruiti presso il villaggio nuragico di Or Murales (Urzulei), i cuiles di Doinanicoro (Ziu Raffaele, Pedde Crua, Pipilloddi (Fig. 5) etc.), il cuile Sa Senèpida (Orgosolo), i cuiles (Su Cuggiu, Orthini etc.) di Sovana (Oliena), i cuiles (Su Contu, Anghiddai etc.)

La presenza e la viabilità romana nel Supramonte

La conformazione del Supramonte, territorio fatto di passaggi più o meno agevoli ma più spesso di catene invalicabili o di passaggi obbligati e che pertanto era necessario conoscere bene36, ha dunque condizionato la viabilità pastorale e poiché si tratta di fattori operanti in ogni epoca non è un caso che le vie della transumanza molte volte coincidano con i tracciati protostorici e con le successive strade di età romana, spesso ancora in uso ai nostri giorni; d’altra parte i tracciati viari benché limitati dalla morfologia del territorio lambivano, per quanto possibile, le aree antropizzate. A questo punto acquista significato anche la presenza di siti archeologici in prossimità dei cuiles: l’occupazione degli stessi luoghi, rappresenta l’esito della scelta da parte delle comunità che si sono succedute nel tempo di occupare le zone dal clima più salubre e adatte allo sfruttamento economico per la presenza di pascoli, piccole aree coltivabili e sorgenti. Si tratta peraltro di forme economiche immutabili in ogni epoca in quanto nel Supramonte è possibile praticare esclusivamente l’allevamento di capre e maiali dagli 198

spiccati caratteri rustici o di razze bovine locali37. Le ricerche condotte dallo scrivente, basate su ricognizioni mirate, hanno consentito di verificare i rinvenimenti di età romana e tardo romana noti nel Supramonte, di scoprire nuovi siti38 e di ipotizzare alcuni tracciati viari di collegamento tra gli abitati identificati. Al momento i siti accertati con sicurezza nel Supramonte occidentale, con esclusione dei siti a ridosso di questo territorio, sono: Doinanicoro e Tiscali (Dorgali), Sa Senèpida e M. Novo S. Giovanni (Orgosolo)39, Sovana (Oliena). La presenza romana nella dolina di Tiscali è ancora oggetto di interpretazione40, mentre negli altri casi si tratta di evidenze riferibili ad abitati/insediamenti più o meno vasti. Nel Supramonte orientale è ben conosciuto, in quanto oggetto di scavi, l’insediamento sviluppatosi attorno al Nuraghe Mannu e l’abitato di Bonacoa (Pranos), entrambi in territorio di Dorgali41; altri abitati romani sono stati identificati nell’area di Ghivine (Dorgali), nel campo di Bidunie, presso i nuraghi42 Lovete ‘e Cannas, Pedru Saccu, Solulli, e in località S’Utturu ‘e Murgulavò (Baunei), nella zona di Monte Oseli e Serra Oseli (Urzulei). Tenendo presente l’evidenza archeologica e le rotte della transumanza si può tentare di ricostruire il quadro della viabilità nel Supramonte. Nel Supramonte occidentale esisteva probabilmente un collegamento che dall’abitato romano di Surtana (Dorgali), passando per Doloverre, Cucuttos e Filos d’Ortu, conduceva dopo una ripida e difficoltosa salita al campo di Doinanicoro dove si trova l’omonimo insediamento43. Era possibile raggiungere Doinanicoro anche dalla valle di Lanaitto, dove è collocato l’insediamento nuragico-romano di Ruinas (Oliena)44, passando nei pressi dell’abitato di Tiscali: era questa la via preferita dagli allevatori di pecore, che spostavano le greggi da Iloghe e Isalle, a Nord del territorio di Dorgali. La valle di Lanaitto era inoltre sicuramente collegata con l’abitato di Sovana. Da Doinanicoro era possibile raggiungere, attraversando Campu ‘e su Mudrecu, l’abitato di Sa Senèpida e proseguendo verso sud-ovest, il sito di M. Novo S. Giovanni (Orgosolo) che ha restituito anche materiali riferibili all’età romana. Da questo punto era possibile raggiungere l’antica Sorabile (Fonni) e l’importante arteria (aliud iter ab Ulbia Caralis) che collegava Olbia con Carales attraversando il centro della Sardegna45. Nel Supramonte orientale un tracciato collegava presumibilmente gli insediamenti di Nuraghe Mannu e Bonacoa con quello di Ghivine46, da dove era possibile giungere al passo di Suttaterra e al villaggio nuragico di Sa Tilimba (Dorgali), del quale però non è nota una fase romana. Un altro abitato, localizzato nell’altopiano di Bidunie, era presumibilmente in rapporto con la grotta Sos Sirios, che ha restituito numerosi frammenti di anfore tardo-repubblicane e della prima età imperiale47, e collegato con il tratto costiero di Cala Luna. Più a sud, nel Supramonte di Urzulei, un diverticulum che si dipartiva all’altezza della Caserma dei Giustizieri, collegava la strada orientale (a Portu Tibulas Caralis)48 con gli abitati di Monte Oseli e Serra Oseli (Urzulei); un altro diverticulum, forse localizzabile a Genna ‘e Salbene, raggiungeva gli insediamenti di Solulli, Pedru Saccu, Lovete ‘e Cannas e

S’Utturu ‘e Murgulavò, localizzati nel Supramonte di Baunei; in alternativa si può ipotizzare un solo diverticulum che da Serra Oseli proseguiva per Solulli e verso gli altri agglomerati, dai quali era poi possibile raggiungere il mare di Cala Sisine. Il Supramonte orientale era collegato a quello occidentale attraverso un tracciato che da Suttaterra scendeva verso l’abitato di Surtana, lambendo gli insediamenti nuragico-romani di Marchesi e Maidreu, dove peraltro erano localizzati alcuni cuiles49, entrambi nel territorio di Dorgali. Il centro di Surtana era tra l’altro probabilmente toccato dal tracciato della via a Portu Tibulas Caralis, che da questo punto proseguiva verso la chiesa di S. Anna, situata presso l’imboccatura della gola di Gorroppu, e poi risaliva verso Silana. Tutti i casi rilevati sono riferibili ad insediamenti, di ignoto statuto giuridicoamministrativo, caratterizzati da un’economia pastorale integrata da un’agricoltura di sussistenza che sopperiva al fabbisogno locale; viceversa i prodotti dell’allevamento (formaggi, latticini, pellame etc.) erano destinati, verosimilmente, anche allo scambio con le merci che giungevano attraverso i traffici marittimi; i materiali d’importazione rinvenuti nei siti del Supramonte menzionati attestano in effetti le correnti commerciali attive tra l’età repubblicana e l’alto Impero dalla penisola italica (Dressel 1 e 2/4) e, soprattutto, in età imperiale e tardo antica, dall’Africa Proconsolare (sigillate A-D, ceramiche da cucina e anfore africane).

Considerazioni finali

I siti di età romana e tardo-romana del Supramonte, come i villaggi nuragici e i cuiles, si localizzano nelle zone più adatte all’allevamento di specie rustiche e dove era possibile praticare limitate attività agricole; in effetti si trattava di agglomerati agropastorali che traevano sostentamento dalla produzione e dal commercio dei prodotti pastorali che attraverso le reti commerciali operanti tra l’età repubblicana e la tarda antichità raggiungevano alcuni dei più importanti mercati del Mediterraneo occidentale. Con ogni probabilità la romanizzazione della regione più impervia della Barbagia è avvenuta, almeno da una certa fase in poi, non tanto con l’uso indiscriminato della forza quanto con la pacifica attività dei mercanti che entrarono in contatto con le comunità locali.

Note

Il Supramonte dal punto di vista geologico è strutturalmente costituito da una successione di depositi carbonatici di piattaforma: Formazione di Monte Bardia e Formazione di Monte Tului (calcari bioclastici, calcari oolitici e micritici, talora selciosi); Formazione di Dorgali (dolomie, dolomie arenacee, calcari dolomitici); cfr. CARMIGNANI 1996. 2 Per una sintesi sulle caratteristiche del Supramonte cfr. RUIU 2004; per l’accesso al territorio cfr. anche GILI 2007, con cartografia. 3 Il Supramonte occidentale è delimitato a Nord dalla congiungente P.ta Ortu Camminu (1331 m) e M. Coazza (331 m), a Est dalla congiungente M. Coazza, M. Tundu (501 m) e M. 1

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21 Testimonianze di Pantaleo Fancello, Giovanni Fronteddu, Nicolina Fronteddu, Paolo Lai, Anna Mula, Giovanni Antonio Patteri, Michela Pettorru e Nicolina Fronteddu. 22 DELUSSU 1997:191-192. 23 Sulla produzione del miele nei cuiles del Supramonte cfr. FANCELLO 2003:109-110. 24 Su questo argomento cfr. ANGIONI 1989: 123-126; FANCELLO 2003:108-109; CABRAS 2010b: 48-49; sulla produzione trdizionale del formaggio cfr. anche BANDINU 2006: 35-41. Interessanti esemplari di utensili utilizzati per la caseificazione, mostrati e descritti da Antonio Fancello e Lino Fronteddu, sono conservati nei loro cuiles di Buchi Arta (Dorgali). 25 Notizia fornita da Battista Arba; cfr. anche LE LANNOU 206:224-225; BANDINU 2006: 37. 26 Testimonianze di Gaetano Cossu, Giovanni Gabbas, Pantaleo Fancello, Giovanni Fronteddu; cfr. anche le informazioni fornite da Billia Testone raccolte da L. Fancello, riportate in FANCELLO 2003: 157. 27 FANCELLO 2003: 13, 71-72; FANCELLO 2005: 31; cfr. Anche GIOTTA, PICCITTO 2006: 62. 28 CABRAS 2009 : 37. 29 MOSSA 1957 : 30, 177-180; LILLIU 1988 : 439; CONTU 2006 : 549. 30 LILLIU 1988: 206-207, fig. 60; cfr. anche MOSSA 1957: 24-25; MOSSA 1961: 6; SANNA 1988: 164. 31 Presentano basamento litico circolare il «nuraghe» Sa Korona di Villagreca (Ca), attribuito all’Eneolitico ma riutilizzato in età nuragica, e alcune delle capanne attribuite alla Cultura di Monte Claro (2900-2550 a.C.); cfr. CONTU 2006: 303, 324, 551. 32 ANGIUS 1834: 186, s.v. Baunei: «Una porzione dei baonesi attendono alla pastorizia. Passano gran parte dell’anno nel monte e nelle lande, riparandosi entro meschine capanne, che là compongono di rami e frasche, e coprono di sala, o felce, dove convenga per la copia del pascolo e per l’opportunità delle acque stabilire la mandra»; ANGIUS 1840: 228, s.v. Dorgali: «I pastori formano le loro capanne con un cerchio di pietre, sopra il quale formano un cono di rami d’alberi e di frondi». 33 L’autore fornisce una puntuale descrizione dei cuiles della Sardegna: «Non si costuma in Sardegna né tende, né trabacche; ma siccome menano i branchi in paese largo ov’hanno di che pascere a lungo, piantano nel centro della contrada tabernacoli di palanche e li vestono di fronde d’alberi, e di fasci di ginestra, di felci, o di stoppia. La forma di lor capanne è rotonda, e termina in un comignolo aguzzo; mercé che infiggono le lunghe pertiche a cerchio, e inclinandole verso il centro ivi le raccolgono in un fascio e con vincigli le legano fortemente. E però l’interno è una grande stanza a cono sfogato, entro alla quale dimorano, e nel mezzo hanno il focolare. Circondano essa capanna d’un largo frascato che l’assiepa e lascia intorno un vasto cortile o piazza: dall’un de’ lati di cotesta chiudenda è un’apertura d’entrata che chiudon la notte con uno stangato, il quale gira sopra un perno, e s’assicura in una forcella confitta in terra. Rincalzano tutto intorno la fascinata con piote di zolle, o di loto, e simile la capanna», cfr. BRESCIANI 2001 (1850): 325. 34 FANCELLO 2003: 24-26, 41, 43, 48, 55, 62, 66; per i riferimenti cartografici cfr. anche FANCELLO 2005. 35 Sulle modalità della transumanza cfr. LE LANNOU 2006: 217223; MELONI 1982; MELIS 2008: 14-21. 36 Su questo punto di vista cfr. CABRAS 2010a: 36. 37 CANCEDDA-CANCEDDA 2007: 64-67; CALTAGIRONE 1988: 59. 38 Ringrazio il collega Demis Murgia per l’aiuto fornitomi nel corso della ricognizione archeologica del Supramonte di Baunei e Urzulei. 39 ROWLAND Jr. 1981: 90; FADDA 2006: 80-81, 87-88. 40 DELUSSU 2009a: 71-72. 41 DELUSSU 2009b: 6-11. 42 TARAMELLI 1929: 14, 16-17, nn. 7, 15, 17. 43 Ritrovamenti di «molte urne cinerarie con monete imperiali in mezzo alle ossa bruciate» sono segnalati da R.J. Rowland Jr. (1981, p. 90) presso il cuile Pipilloddi che lo studioso colloca erroneamente nel territorio di Orgosolo, ma che in realtà è localizzato nel lato dorgalese del campo di Doinanicoro; l’abitato nuragico-romano è comunque ubicato nell’area del cuile Sos Costis,

Oddeu (1063 m), fino alla gola di Gorropu, e dalla congiungente P.ta Cucuttos (888 m) e P.ta Is Gruttas (1089 m), a Sud dalla spezzata P.ta Is Gruttas – P.ta Ispignadorgiu (1232 m), a Ovest dalla congiungente P.ta Gantinarvu (1239 m), P.ta Sa Pruna (1416), P.ta Cateddu (1199 m), M. Corrasi (1463 m) e P.ta Ortu Camminu. Il Supramonte orientale è delimitato a Nord dalla congiungente M. Bardia (882 m) e M. Irveri (616 m), a Est dalla linea di costa del Golfo di Orosei, a sud dalla congiungente Pedra Longa, Cuccuru Mannu (663 m) e M. Bissicoro (776 m), a Ovest dalla spezzata M. Bissicoro – P.ta S’Abbadorgiu (947 m) – P.ta Turusele (1024 m) – M. Oseli (984 m) – P.ta Salavarrò (1030 m) – M. Bardia. Per i riferimenti cartografici e toponomastici utilizzati nel presente lavoro, cfr. Carta d’Italia - scala 1:25000, F°500 Sez. I – Galtellì, Sez. II – Dorgali, Sez. III – Oliena; F° 517 Sez. I – Cantoniera Genna Silana, Sez. II – Baunei, Sez. IV – Funtana Bona; F° 518 Sez. III – Capo di M. Santu, Sez. IV – Punta ‘e Lattone. I toponimi menzionati nel testo sono trascritti secondo la pronuncia locale che spesso si discosta dalla trascrizione dei nomi delle medesime località riportata nella Carta d’Italia. 4 La ricostruzione dell’economia e dell’architettura pastorale del Supramonte si basa sullo studio del territorio, sull’analisi diretta delle strutture, che sono state georeferenziate e documentate con rilievo fotografico, e sui dati raccolti attraverso le interviste ad alcuni pastori e ai loro familiari che si ringraziano per la cortese collaborazione. Le persone intervistate, delle quali si riporta la data di nascita e la provenienza, sono: Ignazio Patteri, 1959, Pietro Tendas, 1943 (Baunei); Antonio Fancello (Anzellu), 1975, Pantaleo Fancello (Anzellu), 1939, Giovanni Fronteddu (Berritta), 1933, Nicolina Fronteddu (Marzane), 1932, Paolo Lai, 1928, Antonio Fronteddu (Marzane), 1942, Lino Fronteddu (Marzane), 1972, Anna Mula, 1939, Giovanni Antonio Patteri (Zuighe), 1928, Michela Pettorru (Mandoi), 1932, Filippo Sotgia (Lana), 1949, (Dorgali); Francesco Congiu, 1920, Sebastiano Congiu, 1943, Giovanni Puddu (Meloneddu), 1932, Giovanni Gabbas (Predungianu), 1941 (Oliena); Gaetano Cossu, 1939 (Orgosolo); Battista Arba, 1926, Salvatore Arba (Puddinu), 1953, Simone Arba, 1977, Tonino Mereu, 1959 (Urzulei). Si esprime un saluto e un ringraziamento particolare a Pietro Tendas malauguratamente scomparso mentre questo lavoro era ancora in corso. 5 Secondo L. Fancello (comunicazione personale), studioso che ai cuiles ha dedicato uno studio approfondito, un tempo a Dorgali si utilizzava il termine pinnettu, ma le persone intervistate nel corso della presente ricerca non hanno confermato questo argomento; tuttora nella comune parlata dei Dorgalesi si utilizza esclusivamente il termine cuile (pl. cuiles); cfr. anche FANCELLO 2003: 13, 7374, 83. 6 ANEDDA 1999: 8; CABRAS 2009: 36-39. 7 Testimonianza di Gaetano Cossu. 8 Testimonianze di Francesco Congiu, Sebastiano Congiu, Giovanni Gabbas, Giovanni Puddu. 9 Per comodità espositiva nel testo si utilizzerà il termine cuile per indicare la capanna del pastore. 10 Il taglio del ginepro avveniva preferibilmente all’inizio dell’inverno, per tradizione nei giorni di luna calante; cfr. CABRAS 2009: 39-41; CABRAS 2010c: 52-53; FANCELLO 2003: 87. 11 Secondo la testimonianza di Antonio Fronteddu, la lunghezza delle travi utilizzate per realizzare il cono di copertura equivaleva al diametro della capanna che si intendeva costruire; in genere erano lunghe oltre 3,50 metri, cfr. FANCELLO 2003: 83. 12 Per le caratteristiche e le tecniche costruttive dei cuiles cfr. FANCELLO 2003: 83-88; CABRAS 2009: 41-46. 13 Testimonianze di Giovanni Fronteddu (Berritta) e Paolo Lai. 14 Per l’evoluzione dalle capanne del primo tipo (a cono) a quelle del secondo e terzo tipo (con basamento e cono) cfr. MOSSA 1957, p. 26; CATALDI 1990:138-139. 15 FANCELLO 2003: 91. 16 Testimonianze di Pietro Tendas e Ignazio Patteri; per le cortes di Baunei cfr. anche CABRAS 2009: 48-50. 17 Notizie fornite da Tonino Mereu, Salvatore Arba e Simone Arba. 18 Strutture descritte da Gaetano Cossu, Pantaleo Fancello, Giovanni Gabbas e Tonino Mereu; cfr. anche FANCELLO 2003, pp. 92-93. 19 Particolare reso noto da Pantaleo Fancello. 20 Notizia fornita da Gaetano Cossu.

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anch’esso nel territorio di Dorgali. 44 ROWLAND Jr. 1981: 88. 45 MASTINO 2005: 352-355. 46 DELUSSU 2009b: 11. 47 DELUSSU 2002: 1374-1380. 48 MASTINO 2005: 341-352. 49 Giovanni Antonio Patteri testimonia che nella zona erano localizzati il cuile Porcedda e il cuile Sa Pala ‘e su Juale; secondo questa fonte altri due cuiles erano localizzati presso la vicina chiesa di S. Anna, come conferma anche Filippo Sotgia.

2000, pp. 1363-1380. DELUSSU, F. (2009a) L’incontro tra Sardi e Romani in Barbagia: l’evidenza del sito di Tiscali. Sardegna Mediterranea, 25, pp. 69-72. DELUSSU, F. (2009b) Nuraghe Mannu (Dorgali, Nu): scavi dell’abitato tardo-romano e altomedievale (campagne 2005-2006). The Journal of Fasti Online, www.fastionline.org/docs/FOLDER-it-2009-165, pp. 1-13. FADDA, M.A (2006) Il Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Nuoro. Sardegna Archeologica, Guide e itinerari,Sassari: Carlo Delfino Editore. FANCELLO, L. (2003) Cuiles - Gli insediamenti pastorali del Supramonte - storia, racconti e tradizioni. Dorgali. FANCELLO, L. (2005) Trekking dei cuiles - Guida pratica ai sentieri dei Supramontes. Nuoro: Editrice Archivio Fotografico Sardo. GILI, G. (ed.) (2007) Supramonte, I sentieri della memoria, n. 6 - Guida di accesso al territorio, Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali. Novara: Istituto geografico De Agostini. GIOTTA, C., PICCITTO, M. (2006) Pinnettos. Antichi ovili della Sardegna. Mogoro: PTM Editrice. LE LANNOU, M. (2006) Pastori e contadini di Sardegna, Cagliari: Edizioni Della Torre. LILLIU, G. (1988) La civiltà dei Sardi dal Paleolitico all’età dei nuraghi. Torino: Nuova Eri. MASTINO, A. (2005) Le strade romane in Sardegna. In: A. Mastino, (ed.) Storia della Sardegna antica, Nuoro: Il Maestrale, pp. 333-385. MELIS, L. (2008) Tramudas - Guida ai percorsi della transumanza. Gli attori, i luoghi, i prodotti, la flora e la fauna. Nuoro: Eikon snc. MELONI, B. (1982) La Transumanza. In: F. Manconi, G. Angioni, (ed.) Le opere e i giorni - Contadini e pastori nella Sardegna tradizionale, Milano: Silvana Editoriale, pp. 157159. MOSSA, V. (1957) Architettura domestica in Sardegna. Contributo per una storia della casa mediterranea. Cagliari: Edizioni della Zattera. MOSSA, V. (1961) Architettura quotidiana (Dialogo nella “pinnetta” con interventi del pastore). Sassari. Edizioni di Ichnusa. ROWLAND, Jr. R.J. (1981) I ritrovamenti romani in Sardegna. Roma: «L’Erma» di Bretschneider. RUIU, D. (2004) Il Supramonte. Nuoro: Il Maestrale. SANNA, A. (1988) Il recinto, la corte, la cellula abitativa. In: F. Manconi, G. Angioni, (ed.) L’architettura popolare in Italia - Sardegna, Bari: Laterza, pp. 161-188. TARAMELLI, A. (1929) Edizione archeologica della Carta d’Italia al 100.000. Foglio 208, Dorgali. Firenze: R. Istituto Geografico Militare.

  Bibliografia ANEDDA, G.L. (1999) Gli antichi cuiles del Supramonte di Baunei. Sardegna Antica: culture mediterranee, 15, pp. 811. ANGIONI, G. (1989) I pascoli erranti. Antropologia del pastore in Sardegna. Napoli: Liguori Editore. ANGIUS, V. (1834) s.v. Baunei. In: G. Casalis, Dizionario geografico-storico-statistico-commerciale degli Stati di S. M. il Re di Sardegna, vol. 2°, Torino. ANGIUS, V. (1840) s.v. Dorgali. In: G. Casalis, Dizionario geografico-storico-statistico-commerciale degli Stati di S. M. il Re di Sardegna, vol. 6°, Torino. BANDINU, B. (2006) Pastoralismo in Sardegna. Cultura e identità di un popolo. Cagliari: Zonza Editori. BRESCIANI, A. (2001) [1850] Dei costumi dell’isola di Sardegna comparati cogli antichissimi popoli orientali. In:B. Caltagirone, (ed). Nuoro: Ilisso. CABRAS, S. (2009) Coiles - Architettura, storia, conservazione. Cagliari: Arkadia Editore. CABRAS, S. (2010a) Il pastore, l’ambiente, l’ovile. In: Antichi Mestieri e Saperi di Sardegna - 1. Il mondo pastorale, Editoriale La Nuova Sardegna, pp. 36-45. CABRAS, S. (2010b) Il barracu del Supramonte e gli oggetti del quotidiano. In: Antichi Mestieri e Saperi di Sardegna 1. Il mondo pastorale, Editoriale La Nuova Sardegna, pp. 46-51. CABRAS, S. (2010c) Architettura pastorale: il ginepro. In: Antichi Mestieri e Saperi di Sardegna - 1. Il mondo pastorale, Editoriale La Nuova Sardegna, pp. 52-55. CALTAGIRONE, B. (1988) La montagna coltivata. Usi e rappresentazioni dello spazio in Barbagia. In: G. Angioni, A. Sanna, (a cura di). L’architettura popolare in Italia Sardegna, Bari: Laterza, pp. 58-68. CANCEDDA, M., CANCEDDA, G. (2007) “Sorgolina”, “Pettiatza”, “Istringada”, “Bertigada”: una antica e/o nuova razza bovina in Sardegna in via di estinzione. Civiltà del Mare, 4, pp. 61-67. CARMIGNANI, L. (ed.) (1996) Carta geologica della Sardegna, 1:200.000, Servizio Geologico Nazionale, Regione Autonoma della Sardegna. CATALDI, G. (1990) La capanna di pietra - Ipotesi evolutive d’inquadramento sistematico. In: A. Ambrosi, E. Degano, C.A. Zaccaria, (ed.). Architettura in pietra a secco, Atti del 1° Seminario internazionale, Fasano (BR): Schena Editore, pp. 131-140. CONTU, E. (2006) La Sardegna preistorica e nuragica. Sassari: Carlo Delfino Editore. DELUSSU, F. (1997) Le faune dell’età del Bronzo del Nuraghe Miuddu (Nu). Rassegna di Archeologia, 14, pp. 189-204. DELUSSU, F. (2002) Le ceramiche di età romana di alcuni insediamenti costieri della Sardegna centro-orientale. Nuovi dati archeologici e archeometrici. In: M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri, C. Vismara, (ed.). L’Africa Romana, Atti del XIV convegno internazionale di studi, Sassari 7-10 dicembre

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Traditional Pastoralism in the Asturian Mountains: an Ethnoarchaeological View on Mobility and Settlement Patterns David González Álvarez Abstract In this work we study, from an ethnoarchaeological perspective, the different ways of live in the traditional communities of pastoralists in the mountain areas of Asturias (Northern Spain). Different solutions are documented on settlement patterns and residential mobility in a very small geographic space. Rural communities in these mountainous areas have preserved, until very recently, some traditional ways of life in which livestock have had a major influence on their livelihoods. The domestic animals have been exploited with an interesting variety of specialized formulas, involving different settlement patterns and residential mobility systems. It is very interesting to contrast the coincidence of different groups of shepherds - with different ways of life - in a limited mountainous space, and the strong geographical and environmental constraints of Asturian mountains. This creates a research context where we can reflect on the great variability of social and cultural aspects within Pastoralism. We will try to understand the construction of identities in a frontier area and to discuss about the use of labels like “nomads” or “transhumants” in prehistoric archaeology. KEYWORDS: Pastoralism, Mobility, Mountain Areas, Identity, Frontier Areas.

Introduction

evolved different formulas to use their environment, with pastoralism becoming particularly important after the Neolithic period and the Bronze Age (DE BLAS 2008: 556560; MARÍN 2009). The relief of the Asturian landscape is extremely complex.

The region of Asturias occupies the western part of the Cantabrian coast in northern Spain (Fig.1). Since prehistoric times human communities in this area have

Fig. 1. Location of Ausurias (NW Spain). 202

am currently carrying out on the territorialisation and social construction of the Iron Age landscape in this particular geographical area.

Peaks of more than 2600 metres high are found in the Picos de Europa massif, only 20 kilometres or so from the Atlantic Ocean. These great differences in altitude give rise to an environmental reality which has favoured the development of different models of mobile pastoralism which had remained in use until a few years ago (GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ 2003). In this region, characterised by an Atlantic climate, herds and flocks can be sustained by making seasonal use of the different ecological niches that result from variations in height.

Subactual Pastoral Systems and Mobility

An interesting diversity of pastoral forms entailing seasonal mobility is found in the Cantabrian Mountains (GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ 2003; LÓPEZ, GRAÑA 2003; VALLADARES 2005). Pastoralist families feed their livestock over the annual seasonal cycle by making use of the diverse ecological niches found at different levels of altitude. This has led to a marked dualism in which the separation between summer and winter has a strong influence on aspects related to the economy, sociology and religion (GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ 2008). Certain phenomena associated with isolation and endogamy have been observed in these mountain areas, which are described in studies carried out on forms of marriage (GÓMEZ 2001). In contrast with the predominantly pastoralist ways of life described below, the traditional settlements of sedentary peasants are grouped in small villages forming the basic cells of rural space organisation (GARCÍA FERNÁNDEZ 1980). In the Asturian mountains we find three systems of pastoralism, depending on the patterns of settlement and mobility.

Aims

In this presentation I shall describe an ethnoarchaeological study on the forms of habitat in the upper pastures and their exploitation by traditional groups of Asturian pastoralists. The most interesting finding is the remarkable variability in pastoral ways of life within the same mountainous areas. This kind of studies will be used like interpretative points of reference in my ongoing doctoral research on the social construction of the Iron Age landscape in this area. The ethnoarchaeological study of the last forms of pastoralism still practised today has given me a better understanding of this subactual cultural landscape, which in some respects might well resemble that of the pre-Roman communities with regard to land use, settlement and perception of the surroundings (GONZÁLEZ ÁLVAREZ 2009). However, I do not intend to establish mechanical analogies between a subactual reality and the Iron Age. I believe instead that this ethnoarchaeological approach can provide me with interpretative stimuli and throw some explanatory light on matters relating to herding and mobile pastoralism that are so difficult to contrast in prehistoric records. The continuity of certain material forms, such as field systems and settlement patterns, does not mean there has been continuity of cultural forms since prehistoric times. We would be making a great mistake if we drew mechanical parallels between these historical realities as this would result in a simplification of reality.

Transterminant transhumance)

pastoralism

(short-distance

In communities that practise transterminant pastoralism the main dwelling place is found in the villages of the mountain valleys. Pastoralism is combined with a small-scale agriculture. Neither agriculture nor livestock is predominant; rather, they complement each other as the basis of a subsistence model. The livestock is fed by making use of the diverse ecological niches which, thanks to differences in altitude, are found in close proximity to each other in the mountain valleys. Procedures involving the movement of livestock are regulated by local by-laws established by common law. This is the most common formula for mobile pastoralism in the Asturian mountains. It is not a homogeneous activity. It has variations depending on the different species of livestock, the length of stay in the upper pastures and the herders’ established patterns of movement between the brañas and the villages. The brañas and mayadas also show local differences in their formal characteristics (ÁLVAREZ GONZÁLEZ 2001; BARRENA 2001; GRAÑA, LÓPEZ 2007; CONCEPCIÓN et al. 2008; LINARES 2004). The livestock, which includes mainly cows, sheep and goats (also horses and even pigs), is taken up the mountains to the fresh summer pastures at the beginning of spring. Here the animals graze together either on open spaces or in enclosed fields, depending on the particular circumstances. It is in these higher areas that we find the groups of huts known as brañas or mayadas. The livestock is attended by different people who go up to the pastures and either spend

The Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoralism in the Asturian Mountains

The traditional dedication to pastoralism in the rural communities of the Asturian mountains is clearly reflected in the settlement patterns. Different forms of mobile pastoralism have had a considerable influence on the anthropisation of this area (LÓPEZ SÁEZ et al. 2006; LÓPEZ MERINO 2009; MORENO et al., in press). Pastoralist activities developed without any great changes until some 50 years ago, when a strong cultural shift towards the present-day capitalist society led to the demise of the rural world in its traditional form (GONZÁLEZ ÁLVAREZ in press). This locally-evolved type of pastoralism - which even in its present form has its roots in the late Medieval era (FERNÁNDEZ CONDE 2001) will be one of the interpretative points of reference in the doctoral research I 203

the night in the brañas or go back down to the villages. Apart from tending the animals, their job entails milking and taking the products obtained (such as milk, cheese and lard) down to the villages. Traditionally, it was elderly people, women and young people who went up to these pastures while the adult males stayed down in the villages harvesting and processing cereals and hay. Recent restructuring of the rural environment has led to families abandoning subsistence agriculture in order to specialise in livestock. As a result, it is the men that now go up to the pastures. In the pastoral brañas and mayadas there was place for leisure and fun. Young people from nearby summer settlements would often gather together and improvise festive activities. Livestock fairs and feast day celebrations also took place with dancing, feasting and traditional games (SORDO 1997: 73-74; LÓPEZ, GRAÑA 2003: 107-108). On such occasions people from different sides of the mountain were able to mix and this provided opportunities to exchange produce or, in the case of young people, do a bit of flirting. The seasonal settlements of transterminant communities can be grouped into two categories, depending on their form and their use (GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ 2003; LINARES 2004; GRAÑA, LÓPEZ 2007). - Equinoctial brañas, used in spring and autumn, are found at lower altitudes. Although they are above the tree line they are quite close to the villages. The buildings are rectangular constructions, with either tiled or thatched roofs, each consisting of a stable for the

-

animals on the ground floor, a hay loft under the roof and a room for the shepherd. They are surrounded by enclosed fields that provide hay in summer, which is stored and used as a reserve in autumn. The buildings are complemented by drinking troughs and structures for keeping the milk fresh (Fig. 2). Beyond the enclosed fields, livestock belonging to all the families grazes together in the pastures. In these lower level brañas there may be small scale cultivation of rye, spelt wheat and potatoes. Use of these settlements begins in spring after the last snowfall. When summer arrives the herds are taken up to higher settlements until their return in September. Thanks to the barns and access to stored hay the animals are able to stay here well into the autumn, when the risk of snowfall and severe overnight frost makes it advisable to move them down towards the valleys. In winter they graze in pastures close to the village, spending the night in barns and complementing their feed with hay harvested in summer. The summer brañas are found at a higher altitude in what are the best pasture lands in the Cantabrian Mountains. They are occupied between June and September, usually after the animals have been in the equinoctial brañas, which is where they return at the end of the summer, although some families only take their livestock up to the summer brañas and remain in the villages in the valley for the rest of the year. The huts are small and rudimentary, with neither a stable nor a hay loft. They are generally circular, with

Fig. 2. La Pornacal (Somiedo, Asturias) a typical equinoctial braña.

204

production. They resemble sedentary villages in appearance, with a few crops, enclosed fields and multipurpose dwellings with a stable and hayloft. Nevertheless, there are important differences. The architecture of the houses is different, both in form and function, from those of other rural parts of Asturias. The main areas of the house are the barn and the hayloft, which determine its size and shape. Although there are some horticultural plots, agriculture is of minor importance. The houses form the core of the vaqueiros d’alzada summer settlement with the productive areas lying around it. Enclosed fields are found in the most fertile zones near the houses and consist of a few family properties bounded by stone walls and used as grass meadows or for crops (Fig. 4). The pastures, which are exploited collectively, are found some distance away and constitute the most important area as they provide sustenance for the livestock which is mainly cattle. Winter settlements have a similar layout, although the land is of poorer quality. These settlements serve as shelters from the harsh mountain winters. Apart from pastoralism, they occasionally turn their hand to commerce and transportation between the two sides of the Cantabrian Mountains. This was a way of obtaining enough money to buy cereals suitable for bread-making, which their own land did not produce in sufficient quantity. The exclusive nature of this group within Asturias can be distinguished by a series of peculiarities relating to its identity and economy, as well as to more material aspects. Traditionally, the vaqueiros were to some extent

either corbelled stone or thatched roofs, although some may be slightly larger and rectangular in shape. Here there are no enclosed fields to provide hay (Fig. 3). The surrounding pasture land is for collective use and the livestock grazes freely. In addition to tending the animals, other activities are carried out in these settlements, such as cheese-making. Equinoctial and summer brañas are typical of the most widespread systems of mobile pastoralism in these mountain areas. Similar parallels can be found in other mountainous regions in the north of the Iberian Peninsula.

The vaqueiros d’alzada

The vaqueiros d’alzada (ACEVEDO 1893; URÍA 1976; GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ 1988; CÁTEDRA 1989; SÁNCHEZ GÓMEZ 1989; GONZÁLEZ ÁLVAREZ 2007) include a unique group found in the central and western parts of Asturias. They are communities of transhumant pastoralists who practice a biseasonal pattern of mobility between their winter villages, situated in the coastal and inland valleys, and the summer villages in the mountains, where they stay for up to nine months. The journey from one settlement to the other is known as the alzada. It takes several days and the great symbolism attached to it helps to reinforce the group’s identity. The whole family changes their place of residence, taking their herds and their possessions with them. The settlement pattern of the vaqueiros d’alzada is centred on the summer villages which are the key to their forms of

Fig. 3. A little mayada in the Ventaniella Pass area (Ponga, Asturias).

205

Fig. 4. La peral ( Somiedo, Asturias) is a summer village in where the vaqueiros d’alzada still practise transhmance nomadays.

Fig. 5. Merino shepherds with their flock in the Cantabrian Mountains, September 1957 (LOMBARDÌA and LÒPEZ, 2003: 207) 206

pastures of the Cantabrian Mountains brought about the cohabitation of different groups of people in the same area. This gave rise to an interesting flow of social and economic relations between the different communities. Not only was it possible to exchange products, but also information and orally transmitted stories (VÁZQUEZ VARELA 2001; LÓPEZ, GRAÑA 2003). Contact between different groups gave each group a greater knowledge of the world. It became a support for the construction of their respective identities (sensu HERNANDO 2002), either through reference or opposition with regard to “the other” (GONZÁLEZ RUIBAL 2003). This was something that was of great importance in pre-industrial communities with a tendency to be isolated, like these mountain communities.

marginalized. It was widely believed that they formed a “different race” whose ancestors were not of common Asturian stock. Of the many stories that went around, aimed at substantiating this, the most predominant was the idea that they were descended from the Moors. However, a more likely motive for this marginalisation was to be found in issues related to the economy, ecology and religion (GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ 1988; CÁTEDRA 1989).

Merino Shepherds

Until a few decades ago, large flocks of transhumant sheep from Extremadura and Castile were moved over long distances to the pastures of the Cantabrian Mountains. These were the last heirs of the guild known as the Honrado Concejo de La Mesta. The journey between the grasslands of Extremadura and those of the Cantabrian foothills took between 20 and 30 days. The shepherds led their flocks on foot, accompanied by mastiffs and pack mules (Fig. 5). The use of pastures at such great distances from their place of origin was made possible thanks to rental arrangements agreed with the local communities. These received payment, both in money and in kind, from the outsiders. The shepherds stayed in huts made of plant material which were built when they arrived at the mountain passes towards the end of May. These were sufficiently robust to last a few years although every year the local youths destroyed the huts once the shepherds had left (LÓPEZ, GRAÑA 2003). These were not simple acts of vandalism; the youths would help the shepherds build the huts when they arrived to the pastures. In exchange, the shepherds used to prepare a feast in which they cooked and served lamb after sacrificing one of the best sheep in the flock. It was the only occasion on which sheep were slaughtered to be eaten. This is a good example of the ritualised pacts between different pastoral communities on the usufruct of high pasture land in frontier areas. The stay in the mountains lasted until October when it was time to begin the journey back to the pastures of Extremadura where winter would be spent.

References

ACEVEDO Y HUELVES, B. (1893) Los vaqueiros de alzada en Asturias. Oviedo: Imprenta del Hospicio Provincial. ÁLVAREZ GONZÁLEZ, M. (2001) El teito de escoba en Somiedo. Oviedo: Colegio Oficial de Aparejadores del Principado de Asturias. BARRENA DÍEZ, G. (2001) El hábitat de los pastores de los Picos de Europa. In: F. Rodríguez Gutiérrez, (ed.) Paisajes y paisanajes de Asturias. Organización del espacio y vida cotidiana tradicional. Gijón: Trea, pp. 6584. BLAS CORTINA, M.A. de (2008) La Prehistoria reciente: el brumoso inicio de las sociedades neolíticas en Asturias. In: J. Rodríguez Muñoz, (ed.) La Prehistoria en Asturias. Un legado artístico único en el mundo. Oviedo: Editorial Prensa Asturiana, pp. 489-566. CÁTEDRA TOMÁS, M. (1989) La vida y el mundo de los vaqueiros de alzada. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas. CONCEPCIÓN SUÁREZ, J., GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ, A., MAYOR LÓPEZ, M. (2008) Las brañas asturianas: un estudio etnográfico, etnobotánico y toponímico. Oviedo: Real Instituto de Estudios Asturianos. FERNÁNDEZ CONDE, F.J. (2001) Ganadería en Asturias en la Primera Edad Media: algunas características de la economía castreña y romana. In: J.L. Gómez-Pantoja Fernández-Salguero, (ed.) Los rebaños de Gerión: pastores y trashumancia en Iberia antigua y medieval. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, pp. 139-158. GARCÍA FERNÁNDEZ, J. (1980) Sociedad y organización tradicional del espacio en Asturias. Gijón: Silverio Cañada Editor, Biblioteca Julio Somoza. GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ, A. (1988) Los vaqueiros de alzada de Asturias. Un estudio histórico-antropológico. Oviedo: Consejería de Educación, Cultura y Deportes del Principado de Asturias. GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ, A. (2003) La trashumancia en Asturias. In: L. Elías Pastor, F. Novoa Portela, (eds.) Un camino de ida y vuelta. La trashumancia en España. Barcelona: Lunwerg editores, pp. 95-107. GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ, A. (2008) Antropología de Asturias I. La cultura tradicional, Patrimonio de futuro. Oviedo:

Final Remarks

The variability in patterns of animal husbandry in the Asturian mountains has produced an interesting and diverse process of anthropisation of the landscape, in which we find different synchronised models of settlement related to different forms of mobile pastoralism. This provides an excellent point of reference for those of us involved in research on the Prehistory of mountainous regions. In general, when pastoral mobility is considered as a hypothesis for understanding the ways of life of prehistoric groups, the finer points of each form of mobility are not usually specified in detail beyond the proposal of labels like “nomads” or “transhumants”. Ethnoarchaeological approaches such as this help us take account of the enormous variability within pastoralism, both in forms of habitat and mobility. The ascent of shepherds and their flocks to the upper 207

según las últimas publicaciones. Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares, 64, pp. 305-324. SORDO SOTRES, R. (1997) Pastores y puertos. Asturies: memoria encesa d'un país, 4, pp. 71-75. URÍA RÍU, J. (1976) Los Vaqueiros de Alzada y otros estudios. (De caza y etnografía). Oviedo: Biblioteca Popular asturiana. VALLADARES ÁLVAREZ, J.A. (2005) El brañeo en Asturias. Oviedo: Real Instituto de Estudios Asturianos. VÁZQUEZ VARELA, J.M. (2001) El contraste ecológico promueve la comunicación entre las culturas: nuevos datos sobre los pastores trashumantes en A Serra de Ancares (Lugo y León). Semata: Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades, 13, pp. 251-260.

KRK. GÓMEZ GÓMEZ, P. (2001) Trashumancia y matrimonio en la Cordillera Cantábrica. España. (Estudio biodemográfico). Revista de Demografía Histórica, 19 (1), pp. 35-55. GONZÁLEZ ÁLVAREZ, D. (2007) Aproximación etnoarqueológica a los Vaqueiros d’Alzada: un grupo ganadero trashumante de la montaña asturiana. ArqueoWeb. [Online]. 8(2) . GONZÁLEZ ÁLVAREZ, D. (2009) Aportaciones de la Etnoarqueología al estudio de la Edad del Hierro en el Occidente cantábrico. Entemu, 16, pp. 65-85. GONZÁLEZ ÁLVAREZ, D. (in press) Casas nuevas para nuevos tiempos. Cambio cultural y materialidad en las brañas-pueblo de Somiéu (Asturias). In: ORJIA (ed.) Actas de las II Jornadas de Jóvenes en Investigación Arqueológica (JIA 2009). GONZÁLEZ RUIBAL, A. (2003) La experiencia del otro. Una introducción a la Etnoarqueología. Madrid: Akal Arqueología. GRAÑA GARCÍA, A., LÓPEZ ÁLVAREZ, J. (2007) Los teitos en Asturias. Un estudio sobre la arquitectura con cubierta vegetal. Gijón: Red de Museos Etnográficos de Asturias. HERNANDO GONZALO, A. (2002) Arqueología de la Identidad. Madrid: Akal Arqueología. LINARES GARCÍA, F. (2004) La arquitectura de las brañas somedanas. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid. LOMBARDÍA, C., J. LÓPEZ ÁLVAREZ (eds.) (2003) José Ramón Lueje. La montaña fotografiada (1936-1975). Gijón: Fundación Municipal de Cultura, Educación y Universidad Popular, Ayuntamiento de Gijón. LÓPEZ ÁLVAREZ, J., GRAÑA GARCÍA, A. (2003) Noticias sobre pastores y vaqueros. In: C. Lombardía, J. López Álvarez, (eds.) José Ramón Lueje. La montaña fotografiada (1936-1975). Gijón: Fundación Municipal de Cultura, Educación y Universidad Popular, Ayuntamiento de Gijón, pp. 103-122. LÓPEZ MERINO, L. (2009) Paleoambiente y Antropización en Asturias durante el Holoceno. Departamento de Ecología, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Unpublished PhD. dissertation. LÓPEZ SÁEZ, J.A., LÓPEZ GARCÍA, P., LÓPEZ MERINO, L. (2006) El impacto humano en la Cordillera Cantábrica: Estudios palinológicos durante el Holoceno Medio Zona Arqueológica, 7(1), pp. 123-130. MARÍN SUÁREZ, C. (2009) De nómadas a castreños. Los orígenes de la Edad del Hierro en Asturias. Entemu, 16, pp. 21-46. MORENO, A., LÓPEZ MERINO, L., LEIRA, M., MARCO-BARBA, J., GONZÁLEZ-SAMPÉRIZ, P., VALERO GARCÉS, B., LÓPEZ SÁEZ, J.A., SANTOS, L., MATA, P., ITO, E. (in press) Revealing the last 13,500 years of environmental history from the multiproxy record of a mountain lake (Lago Enol, northern Iberian Peninsula). Journal of Paleolimnology, DOI: 10.1007/s10933-0099387-7. SÁNCHEZ GÓMEZ, L.A. (1989) Los vaqueiros de alzada 208

Winter and spring camps in Mongolia Francesca Lugli Abstract

The analysis of winter and also some spring camps, represents an aspect of Mongolian nomadism of extreme importance. During the cold months the camps remain occupied throughout, which varies slightly from region to region and the same camps are reused every year by the same families. In contrast to the summer camps, there are some fixed structures to enclose some of the animals. These structures may be made of wood, stone and/or dung, depending on the region. Another point of particular interest is the presence of visible signs of use, for example, the accumulation of rubbish. Occasionally petroglyphs and other archaeological evidence can be found near the winter camps. Mongolia is currently undergoing a rapid process of urbanization which makes it urgent to study and document nomadism before it’s too late; both to understand the past and to prevent the future loss of a millenary identity and a sense of belonging that is still, as a matter of fact, a fundamental feature of Mongolian culture. Ethnoarcheology is an essential research methodology, which is not only able to contribute to the development of the local archeology of pastoralism, but is also able to provide valid interpretative parameters for the future development of nomadism. KEYWORDS: nomadism, pastoralism, winter camps, spring camps, threatened culture, petroglyphs, Mongolia.

Riassunto

Lo studio degli accampamenti dei mesi freddi rappresenta un aspetto del nomadismo mongolo di estrema importanza. Durante i medi freddi i campi rimangono stabilmente occupati, con importanti differenze da regione a regione, gli accampamenti, inoltre vengono riutilizzati ogni anno quasi sempre dalla medesima famiglia. Contrariamente a quanto avviene negli accampamenti estivi, negli accampamenti invernali esistono alcune strutture fisse a protezione di parte degli animali. Queste strutture possono essere di legno, di pietra e/o di sterco, a seconda delle regioni. Di estremo interesse possono essere gli accumuli di rifiuti che si formano negli accampamenti. Occasionalmente petroglifi e altre testimonianze archeologiche possono essere rinvenute in corrispondenza degli accampamenti invernali o nelle immediate vicinanze. In Mongolia attualmente è in atto un veloce processo di urbanizzazione che rende urgente studiare e documentare il nomadismo prima che sia troppo tardi; sia per comprenderne il passato che per arginare in futuro la perdita di un’identità e un senso di appartenenza millenaria che costituisce, di fatto, ancora una caratteristica fondamentale della cultura mongola. L’etnoarcheologia costituisce un’indispensabile metodologia di ricerca in grado contribuire sia per lo sviluppo di un’archeologia del nomadismo sia a fornire parametri interpretativi validi per un corretto sviluppo del nomadismo nel prossimo futuro. PAROLE CHIAVE: nomadismo, pastoralismo, accampamenti invernali, accampamenti primaverili, cultura minacciata, petroglifi, Mongolia.

Introduction

even with the important changes that have occurred over the centuries and those that are occurring at a fast pace today, nomadism still has traits and features in common with the nomadic lifestyle of the past (LUGLI 2008a; 2008b, 2010). It is therefore important, and even urgent, to document fragments of a world that may disappear completely, or at the very least will radically change. In 2002 the Italian Associacion of Ethnoarchaeology – Onlus, with the financial support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in collaboration with the National University of Ulaanbaatar began an ethnoarchaeological study concerning nomadic camps in different regions of Mongolia, in order to verify differences and repetitions regarding the socio-cultural and/or environmental aspects of the camps1. Ethnoarchaeology, is indeed a valuable tool in accurately contributing to the development of the archeology of steppe

Mongolia, thanks to its mineral resources and the growth trend of eastern economies, is currently experiencing extraordinary economic development and the country is facing an urbanization phenomenon like never before. It is enough just to consider that approximately 45% of Mongolia’s 2,754,685 inhabitants live in the city of Ulaan Baatar, and another 23% in other permanent towns and villages (Wikipedia 2010). Consequently only about 32% of the population is still devoted to a nomadic or seminomadic pastoralist lifestyle. It can therefore be said that Mongolian nomadism, is an ancient process of adapting to the environment, which dates back to protohistory, and which is now changing or dying out.² It’s indubitable that Mongolian culture is undergoing a momentous change and that the culture of nomads is in serious threat, yet Mongolian nomadism is still present and, 209

were fully grown and 9 million were young animals ….(OYUN 2002: 69). L’errata scelta del luogo dove stabilire l’accampamento o un errore di tempistica di movimento da un accampamento all’altro può essere fatale. The wrong choice of where to set up camp, or badly timing the move to another camp, can be mistakes with fatal consequences for the nomads. For instance in 2008, in the Khenti region, many nomads moved to summer camps at the end of May which proved to be too early. During the night the weather changed and many animals died because they were in the valleys in an area that was unprotected from the Siberian wind. The winter and spring camps are so important that the Mongolian government in the 70’s and 80’s decided to help families to build stronger structures for livestock. As previously mentioned, fixed winter and spring camps are usually in the mountains, at a higher altitude to summer camps. Nomads occasionally however prefer to stay at a lower altitude where they are less protected. This is because in the mountains there can be too much snow and as a consequence animals can find it harder to eat the grass underneath. The choice of where to set up camp depends on many recurring factors such as finding a sunny south-facing position which is sheltered from the cold Siberian wind. A winter camp also requires a water source from ice or snow and ideally there should be green grass near the camp for animals to be able to feed. Nowadays the choice of location can also be influenced by the proximity of a village and/or a road. Besides material factors, religious or ritualistic factors can also exist. For example in the region of Bulgan, in the district of Mogod, it is interesting to observe the existence of two mountains which are considered sacred. Women are forbidden to go to one of these mountains or to touch it and therefore no camps can be found there. In parts of Mongolia the concept of private property has recently been reintroduced. Even though it is now possible to buy land, it still hasn’t prevented nomads from freely moving from one place to another. The possibility to be able to move is considered priceless. For example, many families currently move eastwards to richer pastures and infrastructures which allow parents to continue their activity as shepherds whilst allowing children to continue their studies. Education, in fact, is one of the biggest motivators for nomads who are willing to make great sacrifices in order that their children might be educated. Having said this, winter camps can be owned by one family who return every year to the same camp. These particular camps are usually used by the same family for many generations. Nevertheless, according to the flexibility which is distinctive of the nomads of the steppe, most camps do not have an owner and can be inhabited by any family if they are found to be abandoned. As an example, in the district of Mogod (Bulgan region) some camps had been abandoned for many years due to an earthquake and they have only recently been reused.

nomadism; in documenting a rapidly changing world, and in actively providing useful parameters for the development of nomadism for the near future (LUGLI 2011: 195).

The camps - general features

Although Mongolian nomads share some common features, several important differences in the strategies of adaptation to the territory are also present. These variations are mainly determined by different climatic-environmental factors. In Mongolia, in fact, there are many different ecosystems, therefore different types of livestock; of exploitation of the land and of roaming. All year round a tent (ger) is used. It’s a self-supporting structure which doesn’t require poles to be inserted into the ground. In general the most popular type of roaming in the various regions of Mongolia is the permanent occupancy of a camp during the cold months, usually located in the mountains, which is sheltered from the prevailing winds and where it’s possible to find pasture for the animals, and several temporary camps in warmer months, usually in valleys close to a water source. In the southern and western desert regions, nomads may be forced to move numerous times, sometimes travelling long distances in search of pasture and water. Depending on the region, shepherds usually move an average of 3/4 times a year, but can move as many as 32 times in the western desert areas, covering a minimum of a 3/7 km, and in some cases, up to 150km (LUGLI 2011: 198). Summer and autumn camps do not have fixed structures contrary to the cold months’ encampments, which generally have stable structures to protect the animals and, sometimes even have structures to store foodstuffs such as ice, salt or meat.

The winter camps

The cold season, which affects more than half of the year, is a long and difficult period, during which, even under ideal conditions, the winter pastures are much reduced in respect to those of the summer and fall. Furthermore, the cold months are often affected by actual climaticenvironmental disasters (Dzud) determined by several factors such as: the layer of snow being too thick to allow the animals to reach the underlying grass (white dzud); or the formation of a layer of ice over the snow, usually following a sudden rise in temperature (iron dzud) which equally doesn’t allow the animals to feed. The strength of the animals and their stored fat, or in other words their physical condition built up over the summer months and the choice of a suitable campsite for the winter are the only means to survive these disasters. Each year during the cold months in Mongolia, nomads lose several head of cattle, and sometimes may even lose all of their cattle. It has been calculated that “.... over the last five decades due to drought and dzud disasters a total of 32 million head of livestock have been lost, of these 23 million 210

Apart from the regular seasonal moves it was also possible to observe moves for other reasons such as: A) when a problem arises and nomads move temporarily but eventually they return to the original area; B) when nomads search for a better situation or pasture and they slowly move in a new direction; C) when nomads intentionally move to a new location from one area to another. It is also interesting to note that sometimes the location of

winter camps can correspond to the presence of archaeological remains such as petroglyphs (Fig. 1). The camps always have one or more tents, which are southfacing (Fig. 2), and there are two poles with a rope to tether the horses south of the tent. The camps are preferably situated in a sheltered area sometimes making use of the natural shelter of a mountain or else a fixed structure to protect some of the animals (Fig. 3). These structures, depending on the region, can be made of different materials such as stone and/or dung (southern, eastern and western regions) (Fig. 3) , wood (north-central regions) (Fig. 4), and clay (western regions) (Fig. 5). Nowadays it is even possible to observe shelters partially made of wood in desert regions thanks to modern transport (Fig. 6). It is difficult to provide exact parameters of camp dimensions and of the space utilized by nomads and their animals. It can be said however that in camps where there are between 200-500 and 1500-2000 animals, the usual space used which includes the tent or tents, shelter for the animals and the poles for the horses, is around 1000 sm. Families with thousands of animals were also interviewed. These families employed workers and had larger campsites as they used more tents and shelters . The earth inside the shelter for the animals is regularly removed as it builds up over time and becomes too hard to retain heat and keep the animals warm (Fig. 7). This earth, which is made of compacted dung, can be used as a combustible. This implies that from a theoretical point of view it would be possible to analyze a cross section of the soil in the shelter. In the same way it would be important to study the layers around the shelters (LUGLI 2008; 2006). In some camps a structure to store meat and ice is often present. Such structures can be tents smaller than those which are lived in, or else made of wood with a cover. These structures are preferably positioned to the southwest or southeast of the camp. There can be a large accumulation of rubbish especially in camps which have been used for decades (Fig.8). These piles of rubbish are usually found between 50 and 100 steps from the tent towards the east or west, although some have also been observed to the south of the tent. The position, composition and quantity of rubbish, in relation to the continued use of the same camp can be an important archaeological indicator.

Conclusion

The observation of winter camps definitely constitutes an important aspect in the study of Mongolian nomadism and also of central Asian steppes. It’s a priority to observe and to identify the models which are at the basis of the choice of the location and the organization of the camps, as well as the roaming of the nomads and lastly the possible archaeological indicators which accumulate over time in the camps which are reused many times.

Fig. 1. It’s also interesting to remember that sometimes the location of winter camps can correspond to the presence of archaeological remains such as petroglyphs. This is the case of a site in the Mogod district( Bulgan) (2009) where the tent is close to the petroglyphs.

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Fig. 2. The camps always have one or more tents, which are south-facing, and there are two poles with a rope to tether the horses south of the tent, like in the site 4/2009 (Mogod district -Bulgan).

Fig. 3. The camps are preferably situated in a sheltered area sometimes making use of the natural shelter of a mountain and a stone pen for the animals (Ovorkhangai 2007). 212

Fig. 4. In northern and central regions winter camps usually have wooden fixed structures for the animals (Arkhangai 2007).

Fig. 5. In the western regions the winter camps can have fixed structures made of clay and stones for the animals (Western regions 2006). 213

Fig. 6. Nowadays it’s possible to observe winter camps with wooden fixed structures for the animals also in the desert regions like in the site 08/2005 Tsogt ovoo (Sangiin Dalai). 214

Fig. 7. Sometimes the camps may have seven wooden poles which they dress like a scarecrow and use to scare away wolves. It’s clear that their use is mainly symbolic.

Fig. 8. The earth inside the shelter for the animals is regularly removed as it builds up over time and becomes too hard to retain heat and keep the animals warm. The picture shows, in a macroscopic point of view, the layers of dung regularly removed (Mogod 2010). 215

Fig. 9. Rubbish accumulation at a winter camp (Mogod –Bulgan 2010) which has been used for many years .

Notes

pp. 135-145. LUGLI, F. (2011) The nomadic camps in the middle Gobi region. The case of Shar Udag site (Luss-Dundgov) and of Bueenher site (Delgerhangai-Dundgov), Proceedings of the 4th Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, 17-19 May, 2006, BAR International Series 2235, pp. 195-206, Oxford. GARAM-OCHIR, D. (2010) A Beginning of Globalization in the World, in Nomadic Studies, 17, pp. 62-71, Ulaanbaatar. OYUN, R. (2002) Pastoral Animal Husbandry and Information Systems, in Market Economy - Nomads Technology, pp.69-99, Ulaanbaatar.

1 The project is directed by Francesca Lugli. The architect Graziano Capitini is responsible for the graphic documentation and photography. Since 2006 the missions have been conducted in collaboration with prof. Dulam, director of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the National University of Ulaan Baatar of which some students have also participated in the missions. The project aims at studying and documenting the nomadic camps of the various regions in order to verify the repetitions or the diversities regarding the socio-cultural and/or environmental aspects. The missions have taken place in different regions several times during the four different seasons in order to observe cold season camps (winter and spring) and summer/autumn camps. The aim is to provide interpretative parameters to put an actual archaeology of Mongolian nomadism into practice.

References

ENKHTUVSHIN, B. (2009) Statehood Traditins of the Mongolian Nomads and Great Mongolian State. “Mongolica”, vol. 22 (43). Pp.335-344. LUGLI, F. (2008) The nomadic camps of mid-west Mongolia: the case of the spring site of Hulhiin Shiliin (IhTamir). In: F. Lugli, A.A. Stoppiello, (eds.). Proceedings of the 3rd Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Mondaino 17-19 marzo 2004, BAR International Series 1841, Oxford, 216

Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoralism: Fieldwork in the Highlands of the Lessini Plateau (Verona, Italy) Mara Migliavacca, Fabio Saggioro, Ugo Sauro Abstract

The Lessini high pastures lie to the north of the city of Verona and have been exploited by groups of shepherds since prehistory and through time until nowadays, although very few traces of this exploitation survived. A systematic field survey has been made by the authors since 2005 in order to: - detect and document the traces of shepherds and sheep farming in the area and their change through times; - understand the patterns of these traces inside the frameworks of the different elements composing the landscape of the high pastures; - understand the interaction between sheep farming and the time-changing environmental and landscape features in the mountain ecosystem; - single out the specific characters of pastoral sites, selecting the common and repetitive features of shepherds’ occupation through time. At the moment, more than 300 pastoral structures have been documented and put on a map thanks to GIS technology. A data-base was carried out, which collects geo-morphological as well as architectural information. A typology of the structures is proposed, according to the differences detected in their geo-morphological collocation, in the employed building material, in their form, dimensions and possible use. Some archaeological excavations have been performed in order to try a chronological assessment of the structures. The preliminary results evidence the poorness of archaeological objects present inside the sedimentary framework and the scarcity of elements of chronological significance. The work is meant to be important also for the future of this mountain area, that needs to be recognized as a significant part of Italian cultural heritage. KEYWORDS: Lessini High Pastures, Breeders’ Houses, Shelters, Sheepfolders, Artefacts.

characterised by a beech forest, fading, in some summit areas, to shrubs. From the proto-history, man has gradually cleared the forest to expand the grazing areas. It came so to identify 112 units of the summer grazing, today called “malghe”, which can support a total of over 7000 adult cattle. The “malghe” territories are characterised by a predominance of pasture areas, but there are small islands of large beech trees, relicts of the original forest, called “ripari” in which livestock can shelter from sun and rain; and there are also small plots of forest delineated by walls,

The Lessini Plateau Highlands

The main objective of the research project started in 2005 is the identification and study of the traces left in the past by the summer grazing sheep, once the prevalent soil use in the upper part of Monti Lessini; today the entire area of the high pastures is utilised to graze cattle. Lessini Mountain (Fig. 1) is the group of Venetian Prealps more protruded inside the Po plain, at the foot of which the town of Verona is placed, which has been founded at a fluvial bend where a meander of the Adige river touch the slopes. This explains the close relationships between the town and this mountain group. The upper plateau area has always been accessible from the plains along the natural pathways following the main valleys, called “vaj”; a “vajo” is a deep canyon, like an incision, trending along the meridians, starting from the plain and firstly wide and then more and more narrow. The grazing area corresponds to the upper part of the plateau, between 1300 and 1800 m of altitude, for a total area of about 80 km2. Here the ridges are wide and rounded, intercalated by smooth basins and easy to be crossed in east-west direction. From the geological point of view, the plateau consists of a series of tectonic blocks made up by limestone formations of Jurassic and Cretaceous age, which mainly are: the group of “Calcari Grigi”, the “Calcari Oolitici di San Vigilio”, the “Rosso Ammonitico” (that can be quarried in slabs used for the construction of the buildings), the “Maiolica”. The holocene climax vegetation of the high Lessini was

Fig. 1. Location of the Lessini plateau.

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focusing as the first step on shepherds activities. The aims of the project are: - to detect and document the traces of shepherds and sheep farming in the area, distinguishing them from the traces left by the other activities performed in the territory; - to understand the patterns of these traces inside the frameworks of the different elements composing the time-changing landscape of the high pastures; - to understand the changes that pastoral structures undertook through times as well as the interaction between sheep farming in the mountain ecosystem and the environmental and landscape features of other ecosystems: it will be important therefore to detect the traces of ancient routes connecting the plateau to the valleys and the Po plain; - to single out the specific characters of pastoral sites, selecting the common and repetitive features of shepherds’ occupation through time. The first aim of our research was achieved. A systematic field survey covered the all Lessini highlands. In this way more or less 300 pastoral structures were discovered, recognized and registered in databases collecting their geomorphological collocation and architectural features. The buildings were also put on a map thanks to GPS technology. A GIS was realized using ArcView GIS 9.0 software (Fig. 2). A typology of the buildings is proposed in this paper. At the moment, we are working at the other goals of our research, that is presented in its preliminary results. (M.M.)

known as “riserve”, providing in the past the firewood for the processing of milk and other necessities in the huts. (U.S.)

Land Use in the Highlands

The Lessini plateau highlands have been exploited since historical times until nowadays for many purposes that are typical of a mountain zone. Very little is known about the exploitation of the high pastures in Roman times and before, although a series of significant fortified hill top settlements (such as Monte Loffa, Monte San Giovanni, Le Guaite, Sottosengia, Monte Purga, San Vitale) occupied during the Iron age the southern fringe of the high plateau. Some of them (Monte Purga for example) were occupied by Roman soldiers, and it is difficult to think that the Romans living in Verona area were not interested to exploit and control this mountain area. Since Xth century, charcoal was made out of wood, that was used also as building material, but this exploitation was improved as German groups came from Baviera and Tyrol during the XIII century, occupying expecially the zone between the Illasi and the Falconi valleys; this activity took place between 600 and 1300 metres a. s. l., leaving traces as abandoned charcoal pits and the huts of charcoal burners. A poor agricolture (devoted to cereals as well as fruits and vegetables) have been developed by the already quoted German groups until up to 1400 m or more above sea level; traces of this activity are the garden enclosures made of stone. Since XV and XVI centuries, stone quarry workers and stone dressers have been cutting the Scaglia rossa, which is very easy to work as building material, and also Rosso ammonitico in the central and eastern area of the plateau, leaving remains of open quarries and of the buildings in which they lived. During XVIII and XIX centuries, the production of ice became important to satisfy the needs of the plain and of the town of Verona, so we can recognize the ice storage buildings. Anyway, the most important activity in the plateau was stock raising: since X century shepherds have been using the high pastures, in medieval times according to the will of influential important monasteries and influential families in Verona. The sheep went up to the high pastures from the plain, crossing the impassable woodland belt; the shepherds used temporary shelters up in the high pastures, while the first permanent settlements spread between 900 and 1300 m a. s. l. with the arrival of the German groups. During the XVIII and XIX centuries, cattle husbandry prevailed over sheep rearing. (M.M.)

First Results

The project began 5 years ago, and we can underline both the good results achieved (more than 300 structures discovered and recorded) and the difficulties in interpreting the remains of a poor architecture, adapting itself to the resources offered by the mountain environment. The structures can be divided into three main types: sheep folders, shepherds’shelters and breeders’houses. The all of them show a strong connection with the geology of the high plateau, that is expecially persuasive for the shepherds’shelters.

The Breeders’ Houses

This category is the most difficult to define, because of its great variability, and to recognize on the ground, where simple - if any - stone alignments remain. A first distinction can be made looking at the dimensions, as the length of these structures is bi-modal, with a group arranging around 3 metres and another around 12 metres. The second group (Fig. 3) consists in about 50 large buildings, from 9 to 17 m. long and 5-6 m large. The geology associated with these buildings is various, as their quote above sea level, which does not perfectly respect the lower limit of the high pastures, which is more or less the upper limit of permanent dwellings (1350 m a. s. l.). They were always built in dominant position, from where it was

The Project: Methodological Approaches

In order to gain more information about the most ancient exploitation of the zone, and also to detect the traces left on the ground by the activities performed in historical times, a project has been undertaken since 2005, that is 218

Fig. 2. Distribution of the pastoral buildings found during the survey. Smal circle: sheep folds; small square: shepherds’ shelters; small triagle: breeders’ houses.

Fig. 3. The remains of a wooden casone, large building connected with cattle husbandry.

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possible to control the surrounding pastures. They are probably the remains of the wooden casoni, large buildings connected with cattle husbandry where many activities (surely involving milk processing in a room, cheese storage in another) were performed. They are quoted in historical sources since XV century, were substituted by the malghe built in stone during the XIX century, but some of them were still in use in the ’50: a stone basement supported the wooden blockbau structure. The ability in wood working is probably due to the German skilled workers who arrived in eastern Lessinia during the XIII century. The highlands were controlled by the town organization of Nobile Compagnia through massari, casari and vaccari. The 40% of the casoni have one curved short side, possibly to endure wind or to substain the radial beams of the roof: it is possible that these structures with apse are the most ancient. A second significant group (of about 40 squared buildings) has a very small area (from 4 to 11 squared metres), repeating the dimensions found in the shelters (see below) and suggesting an analogous function of simple repair: they were connected with sheep farming (Fig. 4). It is interesting to underline that they are settled on “calcari grigi”, “calcari oolitici di San Vigilio”, and “maiolica”, and only in few cases on the limestone formation of Rosso Ammonitico, on which the natural shelters have been utilized. In most cases, the traces of these small buildings are hollows lightly buried in the soil, sometimes with remains of stone walls

that supported a wooden elevation. In some cases, these structures are not far from charcoal pits. As a matter of fact, the casotto/kasun, a very rough wooden or leather made repair observed by Baragiola at the end of XIX century in the Asiago plateau (BARAGIOLA 1908 fig.15, 67, 93, 94), was used either by the shepherd or by the woodcutter or by the charcoal-burner. In other cases these small buildings were completely realized in stone and worked out with ability, probably by the stone-cutters who appeared in the high pastures in the XVI century when there was a change from the wooden built structures to the stone built structures. They carried out the most impressive of the buildings in the pastoral economy, the cheese store-houses (casello/ cassina/ casera) (Fig. 5), the first stone built buildings in the highlands. We discovered more or less 30 of these buildings, that have an area ranging from 10 to 40 squared metres and are settled in most of cases in situations open to winds in order to maintain fresh the cheese. The same preoccupation explains the high (up to 1,70 m- 1,90 m), thick (up to 70/80 cm), often double courtained, stone walls and sometimes the half-buried foundation. (M.M.)

The Shelters (Fig. 6)

The most simple natural shelters firstly utilized by the shepherds are the few caves and the many natural rocky overhangs. More recent shelters are those made up by stone

Fig. 4. The remains of a casotto/kasum, small building used by shepherds, or woodcutters, or charcoal burners.

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slabs, probably realized starting from the XV and XVI centuries, when the stonecutters begun to open quarries in the summer grazing areas and to build constructions of limestone. Most of the natural shelters are situated within the outcrops of the limestone formation of Rosso Ammonitico. Normally, they are very low and only a few square meters in surface, good to stay recumbent for one or two persons. Probably, the first users have improved their protective characters by canopies covering the outer side. Only with the arrival of the stonecutters many shelters have been partly closed with stone slabs or dry walls. Most of the utilized shelters were at sight of a sheepfold, to give the possibility to control the flock also during the night. Dairy and general farm-products was carried out elsewhere, not by the shepherds, with the milk of both the sheep and the cattle. In the past, the dairy structures utilized for this were large wood huts called “cason”, now substituted by stone buildings called “baito”. An other type of building, the “casara”, was the storage place for the butter and the cheese. (U.S.)

To improve or complete the closures of a fold, beside the natural obstacles, such as the small cliffs of the Rosso Ammonitico blocks, the shepherds were able to construct wood fences; starting from the XV century the stonecutters, interacting with the shepherds, have built many new fences made of dry stones and slabs walls. It was important to maintain gathered the flock both to prevent loss of sheep, and to defend them against attacks by bandits or wild animals; but a fold was also useful to maintain the flock reunite for the daily milking, and for the wool shear. Some folds are subdivided into multiple compartments in which the flocks were kept separated by sex and age. In the Lessini Mountain, over the centuries the sheep grazing was gradually “marginalized” from the finest and continuous pastures, such as those on the chalk type limestone, to improve the grazing of the more productive dairy cattle. So the sheep were secluded in the slopes rich of rocky outcrops, as those of Rosso Ammonitico. The folds identified are very different in size: the average is around 1500 m2, but the variability is very high also according to the restraints of some natural niches. A possible classification of the sheepfolds is: - folds located in karstic and periglacial hollows, - folds in karst dolinas, - folds located in karst corridors in Rosso Ammonitico, locally called “Vallina,” - folds realized inside quarry depressions.

The Sheepfolds (Fig. 6)

A sheepfold is a closed structure bounded by a natural barrier or by a fence, normally situated in a natural niche.

Fig. 5. The remains of a cheese store-house.

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Fig. 6. A shepherds’ shelter controlling a sheep fold at Malga Baston.

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Settembre 1989, estratto dalla Rivista di Studi Liguri, A. LVI (1990), Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri, Bordighera 1991, pp. 315-328. MIGLIAVACCA, M. (2001) Per uno studio dello sfruttamento pastorale antico nelle Valli Grandi Veronesi: dall’archivio etno-antropologico alla ricaduta archeologica. In: F. Lugli, M. Barogi (eds.) Atti del II Convegno Nazionale di Etnoarcheologia, Mondaino (Rimini) 7-8 giugno 2001, pp.179-186. MIGLIAVACCA, M., SAGGIORO, F., SAURO, U. (2009) Shepherds/ environment relationships from prehistory to the XVIII c.: the case-study of Lessini high pastures (Verona, Northern Italy). Poster presented to the 15th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists, 15-20 September 2009, Riva del Garda, Trento. SAURO, U. (1973) Il Paesaggio degli alti Lessini. Studio geomorfologico. Museo Civ. di St. Nat. di Verona, Mem. f. s. , 6, pp. 161, geomorphological map. SAURO, U. (1977) Aspects de la morphogenèse anthropique dans le milieu karstique Alti Lessini. Norois, 95 (bis), pp. 149-163. TURRI, E. (1969) La Lessinia. Sommacampagna, Verona: Cierre edizioni.

A large number of folds is strictly related with one or more shelters from which it was possible to control the flocks. To check some folds missing of visible shelters, the shepherds probably used small transportable wood huts (called “baitei”). (U.S.)

Preliminary Archaeological Excavations

During last three years of archaeological survey small-finds were found at the pastoral shelters. These are mainly iron finds, not always diagnostic in order to date the sites. Among these different types of iron-finds we noted a large presence of nails of different sizes and types. We report, in addition to a substantial amount of modern nails for wood (post 1930), some small nails or studs (less than 4 cm lenght) characterized by a hemispherical head, probably intended for small items of furniture (wooden boxes), as we have found in Camporotondo di Sopra. Among the oldest types we can recognize also nails obtained by hammering and forging: they are square-rectangular in cross-section. These nails were probably used to block small structural elements, walls and wall boards and have been found in many contexts: they mean that the structures had to be stable. Despite the limits of data collected, it should be noted that the presence of nails with rectangularhead or otherwise processed is also associated with some coin finds which could suggest their use from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. It is also interesting to report the discovery of several indicators related to the presence of the horse: we observed some fragments of iron and some nails for shoeing. Ceramics seems absent, although at few sites, like Parparo (site called “Bertoldo’s house”), few fragments of glazed sgraffito seem to indicate a residential occupation of the area between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. For the medieval period our research has identified a cave occupied between XI and XV century, along the western rock-side of the Illasi valley. In the cave were found some fragments of unglazed ceramic functionally linked to cooking and/or storage of foods. The cave entrance is limited by a low wall, partially collapsed and heavily damaged, probably intended to close the entrance. (F.S.)

References

BARAGIOLA, A. (1980) [1908] La casa villereccia delle Colonie Tedesche Veneto-Tridentine. Vicenza: Comunità Montana dell’Altopiano dei Sette Comuni. BERNI, P., SAURO, U., VARANINI, G. M. (eds.) (1991) Gli Alti Pascoli dei Lessini Veronesi. Vago di Lavagno-VR: La Grafica Editrice. MIGLIAVACCA, M. (1985) Pastorizia e uso del territorio nel Vicentino e nel veronese nelle età del Bronzo e del Ferro. Archeologia Veneta, VIII, pp. 27-62. MIGLIAVACCA, M. (1991) Pastorizia e uso del territorio nell’età del Bronzo nel Veneto: linee di approccio al caso della bassa pianura veronese - altopolesana. In: Atti della Tavola Rotonda Internazionale Archeologia del Pastoralismo in Europa meridionale, Chiavari 22-24 223

Activity Areas and Rubbish Management: the Pastoral Encampment in the Peninsula of Sithonia Andrea Monaco Abstract

Function and articulation of activity areas represent, in the field of archeology, an essential key to assess the season of occupation of a site and to trace the economic/settlement strategy of a group. The dynamics of decay of the archaeological evidence, due to post-depositional events, can involve difficulties in both sites identification and functional attribution. Here is presented an ethnoarchaeological study on a series of pastoral activities recognized among the Sithonia peninsula herders (Greece), directed to the investigation of the spatial organization of the encampments where the activities related to the flocks care are practiced. The articulation of activity areas, together with the production and waste management, can be an useful research tool for both the recognition of frequency of occupations and period of use of a site within the annual economic cycle and to establish the thresholds of relevance referable to the areas devoted to the animal care. It is also worth stressing that the abandoned encampments are strongly affected by post-depositional processes in conjunction with the presence and distance to other camps still in use within an active territory. KEYWORDS: Abandonment, Activity Areas, Encampment, Fence, Rubbish.

Résumé

Dans le domaine archéologique l’organisation et la fonction des domaines d’activité représentent un indicateur indispensable pour déterminer la saison d’utilisation d’un site e pour remonter aux stratégies économiques et d’établissement d’un groupe. Les dynamiques de dégradation des indices archéologiques, liées aux processus de formation du dépôt successif à l’abandon, peuvent entraîner des difficultés tant au niveau de l’identification qu’au niveau de l’attribution de la fonction du site. On présente ici une analyse ethnoarchéologique des activités des bergers de la péninsule de Sitonia (Grèce), consacrée à l’étude de l’organisation dans l’espace des campements dans lesquels sont pratiquées les activités de soin du bétail. L’organisation des zones d’activité, tout comme la production et la gestion des déchets peuvent constituer des paramètres utiles à l’identification de la fréquence et de la période d’utilisation d’un site dans le cadre du cycle économique annuel, ainsi qu’à établir le seuil d’importance relatif aux zones dédiées au soin des animaux. En outre il est intéressant de remarquer que les campements abandonnés sont fortement concernés par les processus postdépositionnels liés à la présence et à la distance par rapport à d’autres campements encore utilisés, à l’intérieur d’un territoire actif. MOTS CLES: Abandon, zones d’activité, campements, clôture, déchets.

Introduction

reconstruction of human behaviour, based precisely on a “scene”, may risk distorting the reality of the past. Pompeii gave us only a static image, a day within a year, a limited time within a day. The presence and dispersion of materials should not necessarily reflect either the type of activity practiced or the destination of the use of spaces; other variables can intervene with the formation of the deposits whose natural state is the result of natural and cultural events, which repeated over time produce a specific situation. In addition to optimal documentation of the deposit, there is the need to isolate the cultural and natural processes which have contributed to its “transformation” (SCHIFFER 1987). To reconstruct the life of an object, whether it is represented by an artefact, a structure or an entire site, according to the processes of use, damp and abandonment, may contribute to its re-interpretation. The aim of this work is to analyse the way in which the formation processes of archaeological deposits in a community engaged in pastoral activities can be determined. These pastoral activities, despite a marked variability in relation to production systems and strategies

The function of the spaces actually represent one of the principal arguments in the field of archaeology in order to understand the organization of a group in economic and social terms and therefore in relation to its production. The importance of these aspects is clearly perceptible in the increasingly close co-operation of geological sciences, in the order of the analysis of sediments, in the introduction of equipment and software able to geo-reference archaeological records and put these in relation to the context of the discovery. As has been noted in 1981 Binford published “Pompeii Premise” (BINFORD 1981). He formally expressed the need to refine theoretical lines on the interpretation of human behaviour. The catastrophic destruction of the ancient Roman city of Pompeii, together with its swift abandonment which was followed by the complete and total obliteration of the site, makes us spectators of an “ancient scene”. The debate has been developed from this point of view in recent years. The 224

The overgrazing and a considerable change in the landscape are due to the abandonment of the phenomena of transumanza during the summer, started in the last 15 years, together with the food character of this animal and the progressive increase in the number of livestock in recent years.

are employed to share decisive aspects that inevitably create common needs and lifestyles. The focus of this economic practice comes from unceasing necessity, coupled with frustration, to search for new tools of investigation useful for the recognition of archaeological contexts which don’t produce substantial architectural evidence and considered in literature as “invisible.” Ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological study of pastoral encampments, especially after being abandoned, show the ephemeral state of the evidence (ROBERTSHAW 1978; CHANG, KOSTNER 1986; CRIBB 1991B; HOLL 1998; RUTH SHAHACK-GROSSA et al. 2004). This paper explores an actual pastoral context in the Mediterranean area, to observe (on the basis of various indexes such as ecological location of camps, distribution of activity areas within each field, formation processes of abandoned structures) what the chances are that this economic practice has to survive archaeologically and which are the factors which help to drive a survey directed to the identification of seasonal camps.

Method

Although the encampments are scattered across the peninsula, the research is limited to the investigation of a sample area, corresponding to the southern side, in the territory of Sikya, reaching an extension of 100 sq km where a more dense presence of camps is established (Fig. 1A). Currently the camps, although in many cases providing housing facilities, are intended only for the animals. The owners of the flocks live in Sikya and go daily to work in their camps which are distributed in the surrounding areas. The survey was directed towards the analysis of the camps in use and those who presented a state of abandonment. Fortyseven camps have been identified (Fig. 1B). Of these, 10 were in a state of abandonment, in most cases permanently. Of the 37 encampment in use photographic documentation was carried out and only in 5 camps was a survey of facilities conducted. The documentation of the active camps differ in terms of quality from those not in use at the time of the survey. In both cases (active camps / not in use camps) all the structural evidence (fences, stalls, houses, troughs) were detected. Abandoned encampments are treated as archaeological contexts, detecting and documenting all the objects visible on the surface, abandoned or lost during abandonment. In the camps in use it was possible to document only the most obvious concentrations of waste. The field analysis was supplemented by formal interviews aimed at owners of flocks in order to obtain information on breeding strategies and especially on the management of camps.

Sithonia Herders: Ethnographic Background

Ethnoarchaeological research was conducted in the peninsula of Sithonia, located on the Halkidiki Peninsula during 2009 through financing received from the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Sithonia has an extension of 400 sq km occupied largely by hills that do not exceed an average of 600 metres above sea level. Actually approximately 80% of the land is characterized by open areas used like pasture for animals, 10% is occupied by forest and the remaining 10% of the area is used for agricultural activities. The morphological and soil characteristics of the peninsula make the landscape more exploitable for the development of pastoral activities rather than for agricultural purposes. The only valley areas where agriculture is practiced more intensively are the Sarti and Sikya districts, which are also the two largest towns in the whole area. The city of Sikya, in particular, has a population of about 3000 inhabitants. Most families are involved throughout the year in pastoral activities, followed by tourism and agriculture. The village is located about 25 m above sea level, in a valley flanked by mountains where the pastoral camps (locally called Mandrias) are located. The climate is Mediterranean with an annual rainfall of no more than 600 mm and an average temperature of 16° C. The rainfall is concentrated during the winter and spring seasons. Summer is characterized by relatively high temperatures and excessive dryness while during the winter the mild temperatures and lack of snow make this area particularly attractive for the retrieval of pasture. Pastoral activity is concentrated on the breeding of goats. The choice of this animal comes from two key priorities, one more strategic - the goat’s capacity to adapt to different food regimes allowed the breeding of sedentary types, and the other most popular belief - that the goats are cleaner than sheep. The breeding activity is at present well placed inside a market economy in which products such as meat and especially milk, are the main resources for this circuit.

Encampment (Mandrias)

Surface area of the camps is between 0,5 hectares to a maximum of 4 hectares. The inner surface is scattered by coprolits that, in areas close to the fences, can reach considerable thickness (Fig. 1C). Different areas of activity are present in Mandrias, among these the most representative areas are the pens with a typical shape of a C and constructed using the slope areas, with the opening towards the steep slope (Fig 2A). The inclination is intended to facilitate the draining of water and dung towards the outside to avoid legs infection of the animals caused by stagnant water. The older fences are built with vegetable materials, and the new ones are constructed with corrugated iron. The perimeter side is covered and this acts as shelter for the animals. In any Mandrias, on the basis of the season and the number of animals can be between one to 10 fences. The number of fences could suggest the number of animals in 225

Fig. 1. A. Sample area in the peninsula of Sithonia where the research was conducted; B. Distribution of the pastoral camps in the study area; C. Permanent encampments occupied for the whole year.

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Fig. 2. A. Fences in the form of a C: The camp No. 1, 15, 22 are in use; the camp No. 2 is a winter camp abandoned permanently. B. Permanent encampment in use. Camp No. 1: Fences area not in use during the research. Camp No. 9: activity area abandoned permanently within the camp in use. 227

on the soil, the ecological position in a territory becomes a decisive factor for recognition of the seasons of occupation and the function of a site (CHANG 1992). The questions we ask here are: how can we archaeologically distinguish a permanent camp from a winter or summer camp? And which are the discriminating aspects of identifying the season of the camps and to understand production strategies?

every flock. In any case not all of the fences in the camp have been used at the same time. The fences have been used alternatively based on the season, the number of the new born and maintenance of the pens (Fig. 2B). In the camps there are also fences abandoned in a permanent way. Despite no longer in use, they are generally kept clean, constituting, together with other structures, archaeological palimpsest difficult to isolate temporally. Both fixed and transportable facilities are present in Mandrias: the troughs, where animal feed is supplemented with purchased fodder; drinking troughs; living structures, used only as a shelter for the herder or to maintain their objects; stores for fodder and, in some circumstances, more formalized stalls than generic “C” enclosures. It’s possible to distinguish, on the basis of direct observation and information gathered by the shepherds, three categories of camps whose connotation comes from the season of use: i) permanent camps, ii) winter camps and iii) summer camps.

Analysis and Results

Activity areas and needs

5 camps were found at the time of the survey and they were abandoned in a permanent way (Fig. 3A). They were used only during the winter season by the shepherds coming from other parts of Greece (central northern Greece) who moved towards the Sithonian peninsula, characterized by less severe winters. This pattern of land use was abandoned for at least 15 years. The characteristics of the winter camps are similar to the permanent camps both for dimension and for the articulation of activity areas.

In every encampment, either occupied in a permanent way or during the winter or summer season, most of the pastoral activities focused on the production of primary and secondary goods are carried out. The fixed and transportable evidence present in a camp reflect specific behaviours or needs by herders addressed to achieve the final goal, the care of the flocks. Although some of the evidence has little chance to survive archaeologically whilst others, such as the stalls or housing structures are overrepresented in the present context, the goal is to make a typological division of encampments based on the “needs”. The presence of specialized areas do not depend on the type of activities practiced in the camp, rather from the need to practice them in a satisfactory way on the basis of the current season. Observing the distribution of some “fixed” and “transportable” evidence within some camps, these are more evident in winter and permanent camps and become less obvious in the summer camps (Table 1A). Excluding the transportable evidence like the troughs or the drinking troughs, which could be transferred from one place to another, the fixed evidence like the stalls, domestic structures, the storage are concentrated in the camps which faced the winter seasons. During the winter it is necessary to protect the fodder and the tools, and to practise the activity of the care of the animals in the most protected places, both for the herders and for the animals.

Five camps were detected in the study area, of these 2 were in use and 3 in an advanced stage of abandonment. Until 15 years ago the Sithonia’s goatherders, during the summer season, moved toward the northern side of Greece, in the mountains or, alternatively they moved into the Sithonian peninsula occupying a camp located in strategic areas to cope with dry seasons. With the abandonment of the practice of transumanza in the summer season, the herders now rarely move within the same area. The summer Mandrias are different to the other ones; the sizes are limited and range from 1000 sq m up to half a hectare (Fig. 3B). The dimensions allow their construction in areas morphologically irregular as there are steep slopes or are on the rocks. Usually a single C fence is present and housing facilities, stores, and stalls to protect the animals, are absent. In archaeology, the study of society engaged in pastoral activities, because of the few traces of material culture left

Reconstruction of human behaviour can be obtained, in most cases, from a garbage analysis. Whereas almost all of the archaeological record is usually composed of food waste, broken and abandoned objects, etc., the archaeological record, in agreement with William Rathje, is nothing but a “garbology in action” (RATHJE 1992). Archaeological literature promoted on the concept of optimization, in regard to rubbish management, in terms of degree of mobility of the group, weight, value and encumbrance of the objects (HAYEDEN, CANNON 1983, SCHIFFER 1976a). If we want really identify a common denominator on the organization of the rubbish for each human group, that goes beyond the concept of effort and encumbrance, this would correspond to: i) people produce waste, ii) waste in any place on the world is managed. Each group, on the basis of their economic choices, the index of mobility, available technology and the availability of raw materials, produces a certain category of garbage.

Permanent camps

Occupied for the whole year, they are the most representative in relation to the strategy of land exploitation actually most in use. Usually they reach a considerable size and are characterized by a greater articulation of the activity areas within which different tasks are carried out. In addition to fences, domestic structures, stores for fodder and for tools, stalls, milking areas, shearing areas are present (Fig 2B).

Winter camps

Summer camps

Management of rubbish

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Fig. 3. A. Winter encampments abandoned permanently; B. Summer encampments.

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one. Each pen was in use at different times (Fig.5B). Regarding the huge amount of bulky waste, such as containers, tanks, repositories, plastic and metal boxes, the refuse present in Camp No. 17 had to be considered like “post abandoned refuse”, linked to the presence of the immediate vicinity of another site, camp No. 1. The proximity between two camps was made possible because until 10 years ago, during the summer season, the owners of camp No. 1 (currently used) moved with their animals to the north of Greece (Kilkis), leaving the area free to owners of camp No. 17 who lived here only during the dry season. With the abandonment of the practice of transumanza, the owners of camp No. 1 started using the area intensively throughout the year, making the grazing capacity of the area unable to sufficiently support two camps during the summer. At this point camp No. 17 was abandoned. Unless we want to consider the enormous amount of material present in camp No. 17 as representing a form of abandonment with a scheduled return (CAMERON, TOMKA 1993), the most plausible hypothesis, supported by the oral information gathered is that this area, once abandoned, was used as a secondary refuse area from the owners of camp No. 1 and therefore should be regarded as post-abandoned materials to relate to another site (Fig. 5B). The presence and the mutual distances between sites and their respective times of abandonment should be considered as determinants in the archaeological deposit formation. Also chronologically isolated differing activities areas in the same site may appear complex. In pastoral mobile encampment, especially, there is often a slippage of the site, under an annual cycle system of exploitation of that area, which could lead to use of the previous area as a place where the garbage is deposited.

So, “What kind of rubbish is produced from the group that we study?” Only the permanently abandoned camps (winter camps / summer camps) were considered in the analyzed ethnographic samples where the distribution of all objects on the surface were recorded. The objects were divided into classes according to the size and functions (Graph.1B). Almost all of the objects were no longer usable since they had deteriorated. The graph shows as in winter camps, in addition to the presence of more objects, there is a stronger diversification attributable not to the type of activities practiced in the camps but to the greater articulation and formalization of the activity areas imposed by the season. With regard to waste management in the space, beyond the concepts of dirty and clean which are relative concepts, the people tend to keep the functional areas empty from waste, or even better those areas where specific activities considered essential by the group are practiced, and that require cleaning. In the case study, the concentrations of waste are found in marginal areas of the camps or along the hilly slopes; the fences are the only areas to be kept clean continuously (Fig. 4C). Even in the camps no longer in use, despite the distribution of rubbish which appears contaminated by post-depositional processes after abandonment, the structures designed to accommodate the animals continue to contain fewer objects (Fig. 5A). Returning to the concept of “dirty”, the objects represented in the present camps are made of plastic, glass and iron, materials that could be considered “dangerous” to be placed in the proximity of animals. In prehistoric contexts an abandoned broken ceramic vessel, or a grinding stone no longer in use in an activities area (in this case, fences) should not be a threat to animals, unlike a broken glass bottle or a rusty metal object. Although this aspect should be taken seriously in consideration within analogy, it is interesting to note how the same objects in glass, plastic and metal, kept away from activity areas most affected by the presence of animals, are sometimes scattered around domestic areas as if to express a greater attention of care to the goats rather than to the people.

Conclusion

The examined context has allowed a link to specific “economic” strategies of material evidence which, beyond their possible degree of conservation can be used to put forward categories and to arrive at causal factors. The specific case of specialized pastoralism in the Sithonian peninsula has made possible the following considerations in reference to “ethnographic” record formation: - The degree of complexity and articulation of a pastoral camp is not necessarily associated to the kind of activities that are conducted there. In all categories of camps the same tasks, which are necessary to care for the animals, are practiced. The aspect that determines the complexity of a site is the season of occupation. It creates the need to organize the camp in a more articulated way (stores, home areas, stables, milking pens) in order to practice daily activities independently of meteorological factors. - In the camps occupied during the summer season, the presence of formal structures is unnecessary. The low articulation of the camp, the small size and the position in the landscape affects their visibility. - The size of the camps and the number of pens must be used with caution if it is with these factors that we

The encampment 17

Within the camps, although there is some regularity in respect of the articulation of activities areas and waste management, based on seasonal occupation, there is a degree of variability associated to personal strategy and historic family roots, and from factors linked to particular formation processes of post-abandonment deposit. Table 1 and graph 1 show how the abandoned camp No. 17, in spite of the fact that it had been used during the summer season, had similar features to the winter camps and to the permanent camps, like the number of fences, the presence of living structures and a large quantity of refuse. In the camp there are three pens that show a different state of deterioration. The field observation has allowed us to distinguish their time of abandonment and to chronologically isolate the different stages of use for each 230

Fig. 4. A. Distribution of fixed and transportable evidence within the camps; B. Distribution of different categories of refuse in the interior of the abandoned winter and summer camps; C. Rubbish distribution in some camps in use. 231

Fig. 5. A. Rubbish distribution in abandoned camps; B. Abandoned summer camp No. 17. Fence No. 3: first fence used (invisible); fence No. 1: second fence used (collapsed structure); fence No. 2: last fence used (preserved in height, absence of cover). 232

Garbage. New York: Harper Collins. ROBERTSHAW, P.T. (1978) The archaeology of an abandoned pastoral camp-site. South Africa Journal of Science, 74, pp. 29-31. SCHIFFER, M.B. (1976a) Behavioral archaeology. New York: Academic Press. SCHIFFER, M.B. (1987) Formation processes of the Archaeological record. University of New Mexico.

intend to return to the question of the numbers of animals owned. The pens can be used either cyclically through the seasons or they can also be permanently abandoned in the camps still in use. - The waste generated in pastoral camps do not appear significant; in summer camps, in particular, the possibility of recognizing the location of the site based on the materials scattered on the surface is very low. The kind of materials that are found depend on the season of occupation and thus the degree of articulation of the activities areas. The rubbish is generally accumulated in the marginal areas of the camps. The only areas that are usually kept clean are the pens, and so those are the areas which contain the most valuable goods, the animals. - In the dynamics of the archaeological deposit formation, the isolation or, alternatively, the presence of other nearby sites, are discriminating factors in the connotation of the record. The goal of an ethnoarchaeological investigation is to enhance an ongoing “traditional” context (in this case at a European level), which is not well documented by literature, and to try to document it before its total disappearance. On the other hand, this kind of research, although time-limited, can offer the possibility to observe directly the modality of deposit formation, isolating the interior from external agents.

References

BINFORD, L.R. (1981) Behavioral archaeology and the “Pompeii” premise. Journal of Anthropological Research, 37, pp. 195-208. CAMERON, C.M., TOMKA, S.A. (1993) Abandonment of settlements and regions: ethnoarchaeological and archaeological approaches. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CHANG, C. (1992) Archaeological Landscapes. The Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoral Land Use in the Gravena Province of Greece. In: J. Rossignol, L, Wandsnider, (eds.) Space, Time, and Archaeological Landscape, New York: Plenum Press, pp. 65-89. CHANG, K.C., KOSTER, H. (1986) Beyond bones: towards an archaeology of pastoralism. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, 9, pp. 97-148. CRIBB, R.L.D. (1991b) Nomads in archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. GROSS, R.S., MARSHALL, F., RYAN, K., WEINER, S. (2004) Reconstruction of spatial organization in abandoned Maasai settlements: implications for site structure in the Pastoral Neolithic of East Africa. Journal of Archaeological Science, 31, pp. 1395-1411. HAYDEN, B., CANNON, A. (1983) Where the garbage goes: Refuse disposal in the Maya Highlands. Journal of anthropological archaeology, 2, pp. 117-163. HOLL, A.F.C. (1998) Livestock husbandry, pastoralism, and territoriality: The west African record. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 17, pp. 143-165. RATHJE, W. (1992) Rubbish!: The Archaeology of 233

5. REMOTE SENSING AND AUTOMATIC IDENTIFICATION TECHNIQUES OF THE “ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD”

Pastoralism Needs GRASS... A GIS Approach to the Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoralism in the Alps Francesco Carrer Abstract

Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism has often focused on pastoral sites, trying to identify which remains pastoral groups use to leave on the ground. In this paper a new approach is proposed, and it means to shift our attention from what we can find in a pastoral site to where we can find a pastoral site. In order to do that, an “ethnoarchaeological” spatial analysis has been experimented. Grass GIS 6.4 tools have been used to identify which environmental features have influenced the settlement patterns of the current shepherds of Val di Fiemme (Central Italian Alps, Trentino), and it seems to be clear that the malghe (the typical upland pastoral dwellings) are usually sited at middle-high elevation, in a gentle slope side and very close to a stream. An ethnographic survey has suggested that there could be a connection between this patterns and the productive stategies of the local communities. From this data an “ethnoarchaeological predictive model” has been then created, and it has been applied in Val di Sole (Central Italian Alps, Trentino). Here 6 archaeological pastoral enclosures have been identified , and 4 of them match with the slope and proximity to streams parameters identified in Val di Fiemme. This preliminar test seems to suggest that a predictive model for pastoral archaeological sites based on current pastoral structures could work. The available data are still few, and further researches and tests are going to be carried out to confirm this suggestion. KEywordS: Pastoralism, Alps, Malghe, Environment, Predictive Modelling.

Introduction

The Sample Area: Val di Fiemme (Trento)

As sample area for this research Val di Fiemme has been selected (Fig. 1). Placed in the north-eastern zone of the Trento district, it is part of the Avisio river basin, and its surface is around 497,5 sq km. Its southern side (catena del Lagorai) is part of the porphyric Atesina platform, while the northern side (gruppo del Latemar) is mainly composed of carbonatic rocks. The lowest point of the Valley is around 633m asl, and the highest is around 2831m asl. Here, at least from the XII century Ad, there has been a political economical institution, called Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme, aimed to manage common lands, such as pastures, meadows and woods (PANToZZI 1990; ZIEGEr 1996). This institution still exists nowadays, even if, obviously, it doesn’t have the same importance it had in the past (www.mcfiemme.eu). However, the shepherds of Val di Fiemme, to herd their cattle and sheep, still need the permission of the Magnifica Comunità. In fact, they use to bring their livestock into the

Ethnoarchaeology has an important role in the definition and comprehension of pastoral strategies of the past. The reason is that only the study of current strategies of pastoralism allows us to interpret and recognize archaeological pastoral sites, landscapes and material culture (CArrEr in press). For this reason, the main part of ethnoarchaeological researches on pastoralism has focused on intra-site approaches, dealing with the description of facilities, artifacts, ecofacts and formation processes of archaeological records that are peculiar of pastoral territorial managements (dAVId KrAMEr 2004: 242-270; SHAHACK-GroSS et al. 2003; CHANG 1999; ArNoLd, GrEENFIELd 2005; ToMKA 1993). otherwise, in his masterpiece about the Zagos and Taurus nomads, roger Cribb (CrIBB 1991) has proposed also a contextual approach, analyzing the relationship between settlement patterns of current nomads and environmental features. The aim of this approach was to focus local archaeological surveys on the areas that seem more suitable for shepherdsi. His research has finally confirmed that shepherds are effectively influenced in their locational choices by some territorial features (elevation, slope, vegetation, distance from water sources...). In my research, Cribb’s “human ecology” approach has been applied to the Alpine ambit2, using a means that is fundamental in the current landscape archaeological researches: GIS. In particular, Grass GIS software has been used. It is a free open source software (FoSS) that is useful to manage a huge quantity of geographical data, and expecially raster data3, and it allows to transform the interesting Cribb’s suggestions into useful models with a predictive potential.

Fig. 1. Val di Fiemme in the Trento District (central Italian Alps). 235

Comunità di Fiemme) and dr. Giovanbattista dambros (dICA, Università di Trento), all the malghe of the Val di Fiemme have been identified and positioned as vector points (.shp); these malghe are 83, 26 of which are still in use, while 57 have been abandoned during the XX century. At the end of this preliminar phase, some analytic algorithms of Grass GIS software (6.4 version) have been applied. First of all, slope, aspect and profile curvature raster maps have been created using the r.slope.aspect command. Then a morphometric features map has been created using the r.param.scale command. Then 2 raster maps have been created to represent the distance from rivers (lines) and lakes (polygons) with the command r.cost. Besides, a filter has been created (with r.mask) in order to remove all the areas that are below 1000m of elevation, excluding from the analysis those places in which the villages are sited. All the maps and the vector files of malghe have been then imported in r5, a statistical opensource software that manages also Grass GIS files (using the spgrass6 library). The purpose was to verify if the relationships between the malghe location and the different territorial features of the valley are statistically significant or not. And to do that, it has been necessary to apply the “Monte Carlo test”6, an univariated non-parametric statistical test that samples a number of random points from a raster map and compare their cumulative distributions with the distribution of our data (malghe): if the difference between these is lower than a critical value, then we cannot reject the null hypothesis (it means that our values are not

common upland pastures during the warm season, and then to stable them during the winter (so they need also the hay mowed from the common meadows). during the summer they use to live in small upland dwellings that are the of a productive unit called malga (Alm in German) (Fig. 2). Here, they use to milk the livestock to produce cheese, butter and ricotta4. Thus, this kind of pastoral strategy (upland herding and cheese producing - winter stalling and foddering) is named economia di malga (Almwirtschaft in German) (ZANETTI, BErNI, LIGUorI 1988). It is typical of the Alpine ambit (NETTING 1996:32-65) and it is still particularly important for the economy of Val di Fiemme (CroCE 1972). The persistence of a “close corporate community” and of a viable pastoral economy are the two main reasons why I have selected Val di Fiemme as sample area for my project.

The GIS Analysis: “Desk Ethnoarchaeology”

This ethnoarchaeological research on the locational models of the malghe (here we mean the upland pastoral dwellings) of Val di Fiemme has started with a GIS analysis. This first phase of research has been called “desk ethnoarchaeology”, to point out that it is essentially computer based. The first step has been the creation of the “platform”. Some of the geographical files created by the Provincia Autonoma di Trento have been used, such as 10m dTM (.dtm) and idrography (rivers and lakes) vector files (.shp). with the help of dr. Andrea Bertagnolli (Magnifica

Fig. 2. A typical malga/Alm of the Val di Fiemme: Malga Cadinello Alta, Val Cadino (Val di Fiemme, Trento). 236

The elevation values of the malghe show a normal distribution as well. The mean (μ) is 1777m, and the standard deviation (σ) around 257. So the 66% of the malghe lies between 1502 and 2034 metres of elevation. The number of malghe is also in inverse proportion to the distance from streams, and looking at the 3rd Quartile value we have seen that the 75% of malghe are within 200 metres from streams. As we can see, there seem to be some environmental constraints that have influenced the location of the upland pastoral dwellings (malghe) in Val di Fiemme. otherwise we need to know how and why these constraints (slope, elevation, distance from streams) have been so important for the seasonal settlement patterns of the Alpine shepherds.

Fig. 3. The slope, elevation and distance from streams/rivers maps of Val di Fiemme (Trento).

statistically significative). This test has been applied to all our maps, except the morphometric features one. In fact it represents discrete (non continuous) values, and for this reason it is better to apply a simpler “chi-squared test”, that compare the observed values with some expected values: if the sum (Σ) of the squared ratio between observed and expected values is lower than a critical value (that is proportional to the degrees of freedom of the system), we cannot reject the null hypothesis. At the end of these analysis, the only environmental features for which it has been possible to reject the null hypothesis have been: slope, elevation and distance from streams/rivers (Fig. 3). For what concerns slope, the plot of the values of the malghe shows a normal distribution. The mean (μ) is around 22 degrees of slope, and the standard deviation (σ) is around. It means that the 66% of the malghe are sited between 14 and 30 degrees of slope.

Interpreting the Data: “Field Ethnoarchaeology”

In order to understand these values, an ethnoarchaeological survey of the malghe of Val di Fiemme has been carried out. This part of the project has been called “field ethnoarchaeology”(Fig. 4), to underline its difference from the first GIS-based part7. The upland management strategies have been analyzed in some of the current malghe of Val di Fiemme, focusing on the difference between cattle, sheep and goats, between milk-producing and “dry” animals and between transhumant and local

Fig. 4. A “field ethnoarchaeology” image: goats inside the stable of malga Agnelezza (Val Calamento, Val di Fiemme, Trento) during the morning milking; July 2010 (Photo: F.Carrer). 237

(CrIBB 1991: 139). The purpose, at this point, is to verify if these values may be useful to predict the location of pastoral archaeological sites too. The northern side of Val di Sole, in the north-western part of the Trento district, has seemed to be a useful area to test the “ethnoarchaeological predictive model”9, because here some preliminar remote sensing analyses had already started and some structures had been identified in the uplands (as well as because this part of Val di Sole is morphologically and geologically quite similar to the southern part of Val di Fiemme). The archaeological field survey, carried out in June 201010, has confirmed that the observed structures are pastoral stone enclosures11 (Fig. 5). Up to now, 6 enclosures have been identified, distributed in a quite limited area inside the Mezzana disctrict territory. Here the Grass GIS algorithms have been applied. Using the r.mapcalc command, those part of the uplands that have a slope value between 14 and 30 degrees and those that have a distance to stream less than (or equal to) 200m have been highlightened12. It has been decided not to take into account the elevation, because of the previously underlined interpretative problems. At the end, the Grass algorithms have shown that 4 of the 6 enclosures are positioned within 200m from streams, and that all of them are sited between 14 and 30 degrees of slope. As we can see from these preliminar data, a predictive model for archaeological pastoral sites based on modern pastoral sites location seems to work. otherwise, we need to find out some more pastoral sites in Val di Sole in order to enlarge the archaeological sample, as 6 sites are not sufficient to test a model.

shepherds. In fact, if we study directly the behaviour of the shepherds in the uplands, their use of the landscape and their mobility, it is probably easier to understand their relationship with the environment, and then to interpret their locational patterns. As this part of the research has just begun, it is not possible to give definitive data yet; otherwise, the first ones seem to suggest that the upland dwellings are sited close to streams for “physisological” needs (shepherds and milk-producing livestock need to drink quite often...) as well as for productive needs (stable cleaning, cheese making...), and in gentle slope sides because these areas seem to be better drained and protected agaist avalanches, wind and lightning. However, for what concerns elevation, the question is still not so clear. The malghe of Val di Fiemme can be divided in two types: the lower (used in May, in the early June and in the late September and october) and the higher (used between the late June and the early September). Then why is the distribution of the malghe elevation evidently unimodal and not bimodal, as we expected? And why is the consequent single mean around 1780m asl8? These are still open problems, and further spatial analysis and further field works are necessary to solve them.

An Archaeological Test: Upland Sites in Val di Sole

The values that have emerged from GIS analysis, and that have still to be understood full well, seem to be a good starting-point to predict where there should be placed the pastoral settlements in the uplands, as suggested by Cribb

Fig. 5. Two of the enclosures (see the black dots) identified in Val Molinaccio (Val di Sole, Trento). The highlighted area corresponds to the two values taken into account: slope and distance to rivers. As you can see, the enclosures lay exactly within it. 238

Conclusion

Foundation for Statistical Computing ISBN 3-900051-07-0. web site: www.r-project.org. For further informations on statistical application in archaeology and quantitative archaeology see http://wiko.iosa.it/ 6 Crema E. (2009), “mc.test.r function”, version 2.0 ([email protected]) 7 This ethnoarchaeological survey has been organized with the help of Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme, Società Malghe Pascoli di Castello di Fiemme, Società ovi-caprini Val di Fiemme, Associazione Allevamento ovini, Società Malghe e Pascoli Tesero and ruggero divan. 8 It doesn’t seem to be strongly related to the timberline, the border between the wood and the open natural pastures. In fact, during the Holocene, this line has always been higher than the extrapolated range (see TINNEr, VESCoVI 2007). 9 For the “predictive modelling” theory and practice, see CoNoLLy, LAKE 2006: 179-186, woodMAN 2000 10 The organizers of this field survey have been Prof. d. Angelucci (Università di Trento) and me. other participants have been dr. G. Baratti (Università di Trento), G. Foradori, dr. A. delpero, dr. r. daprà. 11 Similar structures have been found in the French Alps (wALSH, K., MoCCI and PALET-MArTINEZ 2007), in the Austrian Alps (MANdL 2009) and in the Alps of Andorra (orENGo et al in press). The most ancient of them date to the end of the III millennium BC, the most recent ones to the XVIII century Ad. 12 I have preferred, for this first phase of my work, not to apply the linear and logistic regression analysis and I have decided to create a simple binary model (site - no site).

we have previously seen that the current malghe are influenced in their location by some peculiar environmental features. we have also tried to understand the reasons of this influence, but there are still many doubts about it. we have then noticed that there is the possibiliy to create an archaeological predictive model using these locational patterns. The research is still in progress, but the first tests seem to be very promising. This first experiment of “ethnoarchaeological predictive modelling” is supposed to be very useful to plan an archaeological survey, combining the GIS spatial analysis to an anthropological framework, as suggested by some pioneers of predictive modelling in archaeology (EBErT, KoHLEr 1988). Furthermore, this new approach to ethnoarchaeological analogy could allow us not only to predict the location of sites, but also to understand the productive strategies of pastoralism in the past. In fact the same locational choices are supposed to be connected to similar livestock management strategies, and so if current pastoral patterns match with the archaeological ones, it may also mean that pastoral strategies in the past were quite similar to the current ones. Particularly, this supposition may let us understand if in the past there was a cheesemaking activity in the uplands (just like the modern economia di malga or Almwirtshaft), as there is still a great debate about this issue (PrIMAS 1999: 3; PEArCE, dE GUIo 1999; MArZATICo 2007: 174-176).

References

ArNoLd, E.r., GrEENFIELd, H.J. (2005) The origins of Transhumant Pastoralism in Temperate Southeastern Europe. A zooarchaeological perspective from the Central Balkans. oxford: BAR International Series 1538. CArrEr, F. (in press) (2011) Upland sites and pastoral landscapes. New perspectives into the archaeology of pastoralism in the Alps. In: G.P. Brogiolo, d.E. Angelucci, A. Colecchia, F. remandino, (eds.) Atti della Summer School APST 2009, The Archaeology of Mountain Landscape. CHANG, C. (1999) The ethnoarchaeology of pastoral sites in the Grevena region of Northern Greece. In: L. Bartosiewicz, H.J.Greenfield, (eds.) Transhumant pastoralism in Southern Europe. Recent Perspectives from Archaeology, History and Ethnology, Budapest: Archaeolingua, Series Minor, 11, pp.3-4 CoNoLLy, J., LAKE, M. (2006) Geographical Information Systems in Archaeology. Cambridge. CrIBB, r. (1991) Nomads in archaeology. Cambridge. CroCE, d. (1972) L'economia pastorale in Val di Fiemme. Economia Trentina, 4, pp.35-63. dAVId, N., KrAMEr, C. (2004) Ethnoarchaeology in Action. Cambridge. EBErT J.I., KoHLEr T.A. (1988) The theoretical basis of archaeological predictive modelling and a consideration of appropriate data-collection methods. In: w.J. Judge, L. Sebastian, (eds.) Quantifying the present and predicting the past: theory, method, and application of archaeological predicting modelling. denver, pp.97-171. MANdL, F. (2009) Hallstatts bronzezeitliche Almen. In:

Acknowledgment

This paper depends on the suggestions, the help and encouragement of many people. I want to take the opportunity to thank some of them: A. Pedrotti (Università di Trento), G. Barker (University of Cambridge), d. E. Angelucci (Università di Trento), F. Cavulli (Università di Trento), M. Bazzanella (MUCGT), K. Kvamme (University of Arkansas), E. Crema (University College of London), L. Pisoni (MUCGT), I. Cavada (MUCGT), A. Bertagnolli (MCF), G. dambros (Università di Trento), P. Forlin (Università di Trento), G.:Baratti (Università di Trento) and all the shepherds that I have interviewed so far.

Notes

“...locational preferences suggest where archaeologists should begin to look for the kinds of sites that interest them.” (dAVId, KrAMEr 2004: 251) 2 This paper deals with a part of my Phd project, that I am carrying out at the Università di Trento, and that is part of the APSAT Project (http://apsat.mpasol.it), a multidisciplinary project that aims to study the hilltop and upland landscapes of Trentino. 3 Further informations available on http://grass.itc.it/ or http://grass.osgeo.org/ 4 The typical malga uses to be composed of a number of different buildings, each one linked to a specific activity: la stala (the stable), la mandria (the enclosure), la casera (the dwelling), el casel (the cheese-making place) etc... 5 r version 2.9.2 (2009-08-24) Copyright (C) 2009 The r 1

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Alpine space - man & environment, vol.6: Klimawandel in Österreich. Innsbruck, pp.97-104. MArZATICo, F. (2007) La frequentazione dell'ambiente montano nel territorio atesino fra l'età del Bronzo e del Ferro: alcune considerazioni sulla pastorizia transumante e “l'economia di malga”. In: P. della Casa, K. walsh, (eds.) Interpretation of sites and material culture from mid-high altitude mountain environments. Proceedings of the 10th annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists. Preistoria Alpina, 42, pp.163-182. NETTING, r.M. (1996) In equilibrio sopra un'Alpe. Continuità e mutamento nell'ecologia di una comunità alpina del Vallese. San Michele all'Adige. orENGo, H.A., EJArQUE, A., PALET, J.M., MIrAS, y., rIErA, S. (in press) (2011) Prehistoric Landscape dynamics and occupation in the High Mountain Pyrenees: an Interdisciplinary Case-Study in the Madriu-PerafitaClaror Valleys (Andorra). In: P. della Casa, T. reitmaier, (eds.) The Inner Alps, 5500-2500 BC: Data, Models, Perspectives. Session of 15th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists, 15-20 September 2009, riva del Garda (Trento, Italy). PANToZZI, M. (1990) Pieve e Comunità di Fiemme. Ricerca storico-giuridica. Calliano (TN). PEArCE, M., dE GUIo, A. (1999) Between the mountains and the plain: an integrated metals production and circulation system in later Bronze Age north-eastern Italy. In: P. della Casa (ed.) Prehistoric alpine environment, society and economy. Papers of the international colloquium PAESE '97. Zurich, Universitäts-forschungen zur Archäologie, 55, Bonn, pp. 289-293. PrIMAS, M. (1999) From fiction to facts. Current research on prehistoric human activity in the Alps. In: P. della Casa (ed.) Prehistoric alpine environment, society and economy. Papers of the international colloquium PAESE '97. Zurich, Universitäts-forschungen zur Archäologie, 55, Bonn, pp. 1-10. SHAHACK-GroSS r., SIMoNS, A., AMBroSE, S.H. (2003) Identification of pastoral sites using stable nitrogen and carbon isotopes from bulk sediment samples: a case study in modem and archaeological pastoral settlements in Kenya. Journal of Archaeological Science, 35(4), pp. 983-990. TINNEr, w., VESCoVI, E. (2007) Ecologia e oscillazioni del limite degli alberi nelle Alpi dal Pleniglaciale al presente. Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali, Acta Geologica, 82, pp. 7-15. ToMKA, S.A. (1993) Site abandonment behavior among transhumant agro-pastoralists: the effect of delayed curation on assemblage composition. In: C.A. Cameron, S.A. Tomka, (eds.) Abandonment of settlements and regions. Ethnoarchaeological and archaeological approaches, Cambridge, pp. 11-24. ZANETTI, L., BErNI, P., LIGUorI, G. (1988) Formaggi e cultura di malga. Verona. ZIEGEr, A. (1996) La Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme. Cavalese. wALSH, K., MoCCI, F., PALET-MArTINEZ, J. (2007) Nine thousand years of human/landscape dynamics in a

high altitude zone in the southern French Alps (Parc National des Ecrins, Hautes-Alpes). In: P. della Casa, K. walsh, (eds.) Interpretation of sites and material culture from mid-high altitude mountain environments. Proceedings of the 10th annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists. Preistoria Alpina, 42, pp. 9-22. woodMAN, P.E. (2000) A Predictive Model for Mesolithic Site Location on Islay using Logistic regression and GIS. In: S. Mithen, (ed.) Hunter-gatherer landscape archaeology: The Southern Hebrides Mesolithic Project 1988-1998, Vol.2, Archaeological fieldwork on Colonsay, computer modelling, experimental archaeology, and final interpretations, Cambridge, pp. 444-464.

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Mountain fossil landscapes and the “archaeology of us”: an object/pattern/scenery recognition experiment Armando De Guio, Andrea Betto, Mara Migliavacca, Luigi Magnini Surfaces of complexity

ethnoarchaeological record or “Grandfather’s Archaeology” in our jargon (but this is in fact, at least for me, being living on the above mentioned highlands for two decades since the fifties, an “Archaeology of us”). With such different sources of evidence a major problem in mountain surface archaeology (DE GUIO 2001, 2004, 2006) is given by “equivocity” or “equifinality” in featureformation processes due to the variety of the actors involved (either physiographic, biological or human ones) and the interactive, palimpsestic interaction of their “scripts”: it is the case, for instance, of discrimination between linear features such as animal or human trampling tracks or polygonal/circular features such as bomb craters, trous-monticules (deforestation holes) , or smelting platforms (cp. Fig. 2). This is basically a typical task in the domain of GIS-driven “Risk and Uncertainty Management” (cp. EASTMAN 2009) and E-Cognition procedures (cp. DEFINIENS 2009). The basic goal (no matter if you are operating in a military, biological or archaeological frame of reference) is to automate to some extent the process of object (an pattern/scenery) recognition, by letting some kind of “inferential engine” work on “expert-rules” related to geometric, spatial and relational properties to do the major heuristic job. Along this direction is very important to spot out both the redundancy (a key ingredient for object cross-validation)

The experiment can be evaluated as a by-product (if not a “collateral damage”) of the project “Ad Metalla (DE GUIO 2004, 2005), focussed on palaeometallurgy and jointly run by the Dept. of Archaeology of Padua University and the CRM Soprintendenza of Trento on the pre-alpine plateaux of Vezzena, Luserna and Lavarone (Western Trentino Region, Italy). The area, with a local average altitude of 1300m, and marked by a total absence of sources of cupriferous minerals, shows an apparently paradoxical, extraordinary concentration of metallurgical (copper) activity of Late Bronze Age: this is in fact related to a deliberated ‘de-localisation’ of a specific segment of the relevant production chain (roasting/ smelting) at the periphery/margin of a highly connected “World System” (PEARCE, DE GUIO 1999, DE GUIO, ZAMMATTEO 2005; DE GUIO 2006; PEARCE 2007; DE GUIO, FRIZZO in press). Another major domain of inquiry within the project is the “Archaeology of War”, mainly directed to the detection of the local very bloody I° World War “warscape” (DE GUIO 2002, 2003, 2003b, DE GUIO, BETTO 2005, 2011; DE GUIO , ZAMMATTEO 2005; DE GUIO et alii 2006). A further key line of research, directly relevant to the subject at stake, is targeted to the rather exceptional

Fig. 1. Research area of the Project “Ad Metalla”.

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You have to collect stones in piles both to manage with timber transport and to create good pastures avoiding injures for the animals. Some kinds of wood are burnt to create charcoal that will be used in furnaces where metals are worked, but also in the houses of mountain people to heat them, and finally to obtain lime from limestone. Lime will be used to build the dwellings of mountain people, in addition to the amount that will be sold out. The presence of roads, connecting the different places where the phases of these activities take place, and connecting mountain system with the valley bottoms or the plain, is also predictable. The relationship with the settlements in the plain, or in the valley bottoms, often developed other activities, such as the production and storage of ice, to be sold in the markets of the cities. All these activities of course leave traces on the ground. Cattle breeding, for example, needs buildings both for the animals and the farmers, and also for the processing of animal by-products, so we should expect, from an archaeological point of view, remains of summer dwellings for the farmers, remains of stables, cheese-houses, enclosures, summer pasture pools and stone piles. In this paper we are concerned only with circular or semicircular traces that are easy to mistake when analyzing aerial photos. Therefore, as far as pastoralism is regarded, we are interested in summer pasture pools and stone piles; as far as woodland exploitation is concerned, we are interested in stone piles, deforestation holes (that is, holes produced in the ground by the uprooting of big trees) and charcoal pits; as far as the exploitation of stone quarries is concerned, we are interested in lime kilns; and with regard to metal working, we are interested in charcoal pits and roasting/ smelting furnaces. The ice market needed ice storage places that tend to be circular as well.

and the specific detection capabilities in recognition and discrimination by independent sensors and/or algorithms. By using a fine-tune Remote Sensing metaphor it is like to recognise the “spectral signature” of your target objects. Remote Sensing itself (e.g. NDVI indexes based on the red and near-infrared bands, Lidar and Radar Imagery: see below) is offering a sophisticated toolkit in this respect: we basically relied on it (and on the following “ground truth” verification) to implement an apparently simple experimental design aimed at discriminating some very basic and recurrent features in the mountain environment such as artificial pools (either active or abandoned “fossil”) made by shepherds since prehistoric times among number of seemingly circular man-made features well known from the (ethno)archaeological or “actualistic” record. (A. De G.)

Etnoarchaeological evidences of mountain economies: the outstanding attributes for ecognition

Mountain economies tend to be predictable as resources are limited: the exploitation of wood, pastures and stone quarries is widespread; in some areas also metal ores are present and exploited. If we ought to find out the main items of these economies, we should put woodland exploitation, pastoralism, stone quarries, in some areas metal working, and of course building, the last one being perhaps the only one that doesn’t produce exportable goods. It is worth noticing that these activities are tied and interconnected with each other. When you use the trees for their wood, you also make forest clearance and create new grassland.

Fig. 2. “equifinality “ /”isomorphism” of surface mico-morphologies : trous-monticules (eradication of woodlands), bomb craters and cross-trampling/sentierage.

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Remote Sensing: comparative analysis of the features identifiable from different sources in the area of Millegrobbe (Lavarone, TN)

In addition to these traces, other traumatic events can leave their mark in the mountain landscape: so in the Italian mountains it is not difficult to find bomb craters going back to I World War, which tend to be circular as well. In order to distinguish all these circular or semicircular traces one from the other, it is important to carefully record the peculiarities of shape, section, measures of each; and it is essential to put each trace in its geomorphological context and to evaluate its connection with other traces in the landscape (see table 1). (M. M.)

Millegrobbe (Lavarone, Trento) is a wide flat area, that is utilized for skiing during winter and for grazing during spring and summer. This area was interested during LBA by palaeo-metallurgical activities, which left clear traces around two pools, still active nowadays (PREUSCHEN 1973; SEBESTA 1992). During the WWI, in the area a road

Tab. 1. The main mountain evidences presenting a circular, or sub-circular, shape, with indications on their attributes and context. 243

was built to connect to the Luserna, Fort which was located on the top of a mountain at the southestern limit of the area itself. The road represents the only impact of the war there. Other traces of human impact are related to the traditional activity of grazing and pastoralism, such as: an enclosure, fossil pools and abandoned “malghe” (VICARI 2002-3). We decide to analyze this area intensively because: - we were very familiar with it. In fact, we have been working there between 2001 and 2006, doing multiple surveys and we got a rather detailed knowledge of the relevant literature; - we already had the possibility to study a very interesting time series of aerial imagery, such as WWI, 1944 RAF, 1986 aerial photos, 2000 digital orthophoto and LiDAR data (BETTO 2003-2004); - we had recently the possibility to acquire two brand new sources of imagery: near-infrared digital orthophoto and

radar SAR data. The aim of this new analysis was to compare the results obtained from every singular coverage to verify which one was the most useful. Furthermore, we wanted to compare the different visibility of every feature through time (time series analysis) and through images caught by different sensors (basically: photos and digital ortho-photos that are more oriented to vegetation/soil/grass/crop-marks and LiDAR and SAR RADAR, quite instrumental in enhancing microtopographical features (Fig. 3). As shown in Fig. 4, aerial photos and digital ortophotos give more or less the same information. Nevertheless, nearred images are extremely more informative: e.g. they show a considerable number of features that appears to be in relation with the prehistoric metallurgical activity located near the two above-mentioned pools. These features were also enhanced through the NDVI index.

Fig. 3. Results of the Remote Sensing analysis from the different supports used.

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LiDAR data confirmed some features (or part of them), through the critical enhancement of the variation of the local microtopography., giving the best results in enhancing surface underneath woodland . Hence, it was possible to see some features that could be interpreted as abandoned terraces. These features were invisible also in the WWI aerial photos that represent the land at the minimum extension of tree coverage. Radar SAR data gave important different results. In fact, interpherometry showed a lot of curvilinear features that were invisible in all the other imagery. We think that these features cannot attributed to signal noise, because of: 1) the self-evident spatial coherence that these features seem to have; 2) LiDAR data showed sometimes similar features, although at a limited extent. These features should be interpretated as trackways (some of them in relation with the prehistoric metallurgical activity). briefly, the analyses we performed on the different sensors mentioned above has shown a high heuristic potential. We compared all the features identified and we saw that only a few did return in every image. This is important because we can suppose that redundancy on independent sources of

Fig. 4. Redundancy and sensor-specific capability in object recognition.

Fig. 5. The area of Millegrobbe (digital orthophoto 2006).

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The following step of classification extracts the data contained in each image-object and allows toidentify specific features (DEFINIENS 2009). To distinguish pools from pastures and woodland in aerial photographs, it was necessary to apply a sequence of several different algorithms: “mean” on the red layer is the first one of them. This permitted to selection only areas with the same peculiar brown/beige color. Since some of the pools were composed by two different image-objects, “merge region” allowed tocombine proximal ones. At this point “area” algorithm removed all objects which did not fit in the dimensional variability of mountain pools. “Roundness” algorithm then identified without ambiguity the three mountain pools in the photograph. The classification of elliptic features on infrared images can be obtained with a significantly different process, always starting with multiresolution segmentation. In this case, the main data were contained in the three chromatic layers, which were individually analyzed using the “mean” algorithm. After that, “merge region”, “area” and “roundness” algorithms were used to complete the analysis. It’s important to point out that the software provided a

evidence is crucial in object cross-validation. On the other hand, the presence of a feature in only LiDAR and/or radar SAR data could be attributed to the differential sensitivity and spatial resolution of their sensors. (A. B.)

Archaeological applications of eCognition: the study-case of mountain pools in Malga Millegrobbe (Trento, Italy)

eCognition is an image-object rather than a pixel based image analysis software. In order to verify its applicability to archaeological matters, it was decided to employ it – as a first case-study – to locate automatically mountain pools on high resolution aerial photographs and infrared images of Millegrobbe area (TN, Italy; Fig. 5). An eCognition project always starts with a segmentation process (Fig. 6), which cuts the image/s into small groups of pixels (the so called image-objects) associated considering their color, shape, texture, size and context relationships. To determine circular and elliptic features, multiresolution segmentation proved to be the best choice.

Fig. 6. Example of segmentation using eCognition.

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DE GUIO, A., BETTO, A. (2011) Archaeology and Ethnoarchaeology of War. In: F. Lugli, A.A. Stoppiello, S. Biagetti (eds). Proceedings of the 4th Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, 17-19 May, 2006, BAR International Series 2235, Oxford, pp. 321-330. DE GUIO, A., CAVICCIOLI, M.E. (2011) Malghe (Alpine shephend’s huts): a “highly”important case. In: F. Lugli, A.A. Stoppiello, S. Biagetti (eds). Proceedings of the 4th Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, 17-19 May, 2006, BAR International Series 2235, Oxford, pp. 168-183. EASTMAN, J.R. (2009) Idrisi Taiga. Guide to Gis and Image Processing, Worcester-Mass. MAGNINI, L. (2010-2011) OPSR: object, pattern, scenery recognition in archeologia. L’approccio eCognition al caso di studio di Millegrobbe (TN), Bachelor Thesis, Dept. of Archaeology University of Padova. LUGLI, F., STOPPIELLO, A.A., BIAGETTI, S. 2011 Proceedings of the 4th Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, 17-19 May, 2006, BAR International Series, 2235, Oxford. PREUSCHEN, E. (1973) Estrazione mineraria dell’età del bronzo nel Trentino. Preistoria Alpina (Rendiconti), vol. 9, Trento, Museo Tridentino di Scienze Naturali, pp. 113-150. SEBESTA, G. (1992) La via del rame. Economia trentina, (supplemento), 3. VICARI, S (2002-2003) Dal presente al passato: un percorso di ricerca etnoarcheologica fra le malghe degli altipiani di Luserna e delle Vezzena, Bachelor Thesis, Dept. of Archaeology University of Padova.

different treatment to the three pools: the S-E one was considered as a unique image-object, the central was divided in two separate image-objects, while only the external border of the last one was recognized; this disparity can probably be linked with the different water levels inside the three pools. This case of study demonstrates that eCognition provide an extremely useful tool for archaeologists to automate object recognition in remote sensing imagery (MAGNINI 201011). (L. M.)

References

BETTO, A. (2003-2004), Archeologia della Grande Guerra: i casi di studio di Vezzena e Luserna (TN), Bachelor Thesis, Dept. of Archaeology University of Padova. DEFINIENS AG (2009) eCognition User Guide, document version 1.2.0, Munich. DE GUIO, A. (ed.) (2001) ‘Superfici di Rischio’ e C.I.S.A.S. Se lo conosci, non lo eviti. In: M.P. Guermandi, (ed). Rischio Archeologico: se lo conosci lo eviti, Firenze, pp. 265-306. DE GUIO, A. (2002) Archeologhi in guerra. In: D. Leoni, P. Marchesoni, A. Rastelli, (eds). La macchina di sorveglianza, Trento, pp. 88-103. DE GUIO, A. (2003a) À la guerre comme à la guerre…: un ‘percorso di guerra’ per l’archeologia. Journal for the Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology, 1, pp.117. DE GUIO, A. (2003b) Archaeology at War. In: M. Forte, Ryan (eds), pp.33-48. DE GUIO, A. (2004) Archeologia delle superfici-tempo: dal survey alla navigazione virtuale ai GIS attoriali. In: Rosada (ed). Topografia archeologica e Sistemi Informativi, Venezia., pp. 147-162. DE GUIO, A. (2005) Archeologia di frontiera: il progetto «Ad Metalla». In: A. De Guio, P. Zammatteo (eds), pp. 87123. DE GUIO, A. BETTO, A. (2005) Archaeology of the War, Archaeology through the War: an analytical frontier. In: M. Forte (ed). Archaeological Landscapes through Digital Technologies, Proceedings of the 2nd Italy-United States Workshop, Rome, Italy, November 3-5, 2003, Berkeley, USA, May 2005, BAR International Series 1379, Oxford, pp. 153-170. DE GUIO, A., ZAMMATTEO, P. (eds.) (2005) LusernaLa storia di un paesaggio Alpino, Atti del Convegno Sul Confine….Percorsi tra archeologia, etnoarcheologia e Storia lungo I passi della Montagna di Luserna, Padova. DE GUIO, A. (ed.) (2006) Archeologia di Montagna: il progetto «Ad Metalla». Quaderni di Archeologia del veneto, XXII, pp. 233-246. DE GUIO, A., BETTO, A. KIRSCHNER, P., MANZON, V., ZAMBON, D. (2006) Sentieri di Guerra e ‘Archaeology of the mind’: percorsi per vecchi scarponi e per la mente. In: S. Campana, R. Francovich, (eds). Laser scanner e GPS. Paesaggi archeologici e tecnologie digitali 1, Firenze, pp. 227-272. 247

6. URBAN ENVIRONMENTS ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

L’ecriture orale: des ideaux et des visions dans les traces urbaines de C.T. Giulio Calegari Résumé

Au cours des années ’70, de nombreux artistes ont adressé leur recherches dans la direction sociale. Certains d’entre eux ont définit leur travail “art anthropologique”. En participant à cette tendence, je me suis approché de l’anthropologie urbaine et j’ai recueilli en particulier une vaste documentation sur C.T. (Carlo Torrighelli 1909-1983). C.T. fréquentait le centre ville de Milan, lançant des messages sociaux, anarchiques et visionnaires. On peut résumer sa pensée dans une métaphore, celle de “la meurtrière” que les églises employaient pour tuer hommes et animaux. Cet article recueille beaucoup de phrases de C.T., celles qui reproduisaient sa voix et que j’ai choisies parmi les petites affiches qu’il allait coller sur les murs et les inscriptions à la peinture blanche, laissées sur les trottoirs de Milan. MOTS CLES: C.T. (Carlo Torrighelli), art anthropologique, ethno-archéologie urbaine, vague meurtrière, inscriptions urbaines.

Abstract

In the ‘70s a lot of artists were steering their researches into social matters. Some of them defined their work as “anthropological art”. Following that trend, I started studying some aspects of the urban anthropology and I gathered a lot of documents about C. T. (Torrighelli, 1909-1983). C.T. used to hang around the down town of Milan leaving his social messages, anarchical and visionary ones. His thought could be summarized in the metaphor of the “killer wave” that was used by the churches, from secret installations, to kill men and animals. This short text gathers a lot of C.T.’s sentences based on the manifestoes he used to post on the walls and on his graffiti on the Milan’s pavements. KEYWORDS: C.T. (Carlo Torrighelli), Anthropological Art, Urban Ethnoarchaeology, Killer Wave, Urban Graffiti. Je me répète: ce que plus me fascine (ou m’appartient) dans l’ethno-archéologie est sa capacité de se confondre et dialoguer avec de nombreuses et souvent inattendues disciplines. Si, comme je crois, l’etnho-archéologie aura des perspectives toujours plus vastes de développement, ce sera en raison de sa qualité de transmutation, de sa disponibilité à acceuillir et à se mêler avec d’autres adresses de recherche, en se fondant avec celles-ci pour renaître à partir d’une matière pauvre, sans craindre les fautes qui pourraient en sortir et, en même temps, en évitant de se laisser mortifier par des schémas putréscents et prétentieux, propres de la culture accadémique conservatrice. En ce cas les réflexions sur le personnage C.T. nous permettent de percevoir cet échange entre ethnoarchéologie et art contemporain qui se manifeste de façon très vive et en même temps réciproque. Il vaut la peine de remarquer cet aspect peu connu par les chercheurs, puisqu’il s’agît d’un argument extrêmement fécond. Vers la moitié des années ’70 (les année très engagées, selon une définition de nos jours) des artistes définissent “anthropologique” leur art: un choix utopique où l’oeuil est adressé vers la nature avec un égard écologiste et l’engagement est politique et social. Rien à voir - je tiens à le souligner - avec ces épisodes de vol et détournement de pensées et de produits ethnographiques ou archéologiques. Je ne vais pas m’attarder sur la description de cette période historique-artistique dans son ensemble et je préfère renvoyer le lecteur à la bibliographie (CASERO et DI RADDO 2009). A Milan j’ai eu l’occasion de faire partie de cette expérience d’”art anthropologique” dès 1973, en participant

à des expositions personnelles et collectives, à des séminaires et groupes de recherche. Grâce à l’expérience pratique dans le domaine des recherches paléo-ethnologiques, acquise au Musée d’Histoire Naturelle de Milan et qui plongeait ses racines dans l’ethnologie comparée et dans l’archéologie expérimentale, j’ai pu féconder mon expression artistique. Et vice-versa. C’est surtout par des observations et des interventions dans les problématiques socio-culturelles dans différents domaines du paysage et du milieu urbain (cela avec la collaboration de Gigi Pezzoli, expert d’art africain traditionnel par rapport à la culture occidentale) que j’ai eu la possibilité de documenter et exposer de façon artistique quelques manifestations des classes subalternes dans certains quartiers de Milan; ce sont des expressions qui demeurent invisibles à la majorité (voir l’exposition de G. Calegari et Pezzoli, 1977, faisant partie du cycle “Art er Société”, au Centre International de Brera). A cette occasion se mirent en évidence des modèles d’expression qui, tout en étant spontanés et souvent même inconscients, montraient des codes visuels et comportementaux qui marquaient le territoire, en fournissant en même temps des occasions pour le dialogue et des suggestions créatives. Un petit groupe de recherche à caractère situationiste - “gruppo Z” - a été formé dans notre milieu et pendant une courte période: Elio Moraja, Carlo Cobianco, Marco Valentini et Sergio Milanesi en faisaient partie. Le groupe Z, combinant les expériences liées à l’art et à la photographie, a soutenu de nombreuses explorations et documentations urbaines. L’expression de certains individus n’a pas pu s’échapper à 249

ces explorations: des artistes, des habitants, de simples passants ou visionnaires qui territorialisaient par leurs “traces” des quartiers ou des zones dans la ville. Ces personnes conversaient avec le lieu en le faisant vibrer et vivant le paysage comme un théatre - comme nous explicait Eugenio Turri - (TURRI 1998). A ce temps-là il était bien avantageux de fréquenter C.T. qui était très engagé et toujours présent. On a ainsi recueilli ses idées et sa pensée. C.T., c’est ainsi que signait Carlo Torrighelli ses travaux, livra son témoignage dans les zone du centre de Milan depuis les années ’70 jusqu’au 1983; il s’agît d’intuitions très inspirées. C.T. voulait dénoncer les injustices et les techniques visant à l’ethnocide, mises en oeuvre par le pouvoir. Il le faisait par un message métaphorique, qui était en même temps halluciné et lucide, prévoyant ainsi ce qui ensuite devint une vraie violence hypnotique, conduite par les médias, C.T., né à Laveno sur le lac Majeur en 1909, est mort à Milan pendant la nuit du IV novembre 1983. Il était un anticlérical et antifasciste convaincu, pacifiste d’esprit anarchique et libertaire. Encore jeune, il se mit en évidence, tenant des discours au “Circolo Ferrovieri” de son pays. En 1978, au cours d’un bavardage, il me révéla que pendant le service militaire il eut de sérieuses difficultés puisqu’il refusa d’épauler son fusil et de tirer au lieu de tous simples exercices militaires. Par ailleurs il se définissait “nonviolent”. Il était marbrier professionnel (je suppose qu’une partie de ses réflexions anarchiques sont liées à des contacts de Carrara) et déménagea à Milan, via Palermo, quartier Garibaldi, avec sa femme Gigina. Il eut un seul fils. Son engagement était lié au cercle de zone du P.C.I et là il eut des discussions avec les autres membres et tint à son tour des discours - d’après lui- très appréciés. A l’âge de sa retraite et resté veuf, C.T. se dédia entièrement à la propagande, vivant comme un clochard avec son tricycle et ses chiens. En 1971 il retrouva demeure fixe, 9 via Pinamonte da Vimercate, quartier Garibaldi-Arena. Ses performances, nourries par une pensée politique proche de la gauche, par une vision écologiste et par un énorme amour pour les animaux, étaient conduites par ce qu’il définissait un devoir, auquel il ne pouvait pas s’en tirer; c’est à dire de dévoiler un secret que, hors lui, très peu de personnes comme lui connaissaient: “c’est la vague qui amenait le clère à tuer et torturer de loin des hommes et des animaux”. Son gêne et ses souffrences, avec les moqueries et les incompréhensions de la plupart des personnes, l’amenèrent en certains moments à des “excès d’expression” qui lui coûtèrent “trois séquestrations de personne dans des maisons des fous...” - en utilisant ses mots! Ses comices très agités, qui parfois se tenaient en pleine nuit, son être “divers” - hors des schémas - et sa conduite excitée, même si tout cela etait très loin d’être aggressif et violent, l’amenèrent à l’enfermer dans des hôpitaux psychiatriques d’abords à Varese et ensuite deux fois à Milan. C’est à cette occasion-là qu’il subit des électrochocs. Il s’exprimait par sa voix. Ses discours se tenaient surtout au Parc Sempione, autour de la fontaine sulfureuse que les

gens de Milan appellent “Acqua Marcia”. Il s’agît d’une fontaine qui a la forme d’un prisme octagonal et se trouve au milieu d’une petite place dans le parc; tout autour d’elle se trouvent une douzaine de bancs. Une eau oligominérale, odorant vaguement d’oeuf pourri, carachtéristique de toutes les eaux sulfureuses jaillit depuis 1928 des bouches de huit petits amours bouclés. A mon avis, dans cette fontaine on aperçoit l’appel au monde souterrain et aux divinités chtoniennes dont l’interlocuteur, dans la partie aérienne de la ville, sur la plus haute des flèches de la cathédrale, n’est qu’ Athéna, déguisée en Madonnina, si chère aux milanais, qui apparaît ici armée d’hallébarde avec le prétexte d’en vouloir faire une hampe pour le drapeau. Il n’y a pas de quoi de s’étonner qu’un lieu si attactif et bizarre a été toujours le lieu de rencontres pas seulement des souteneurs du pouvoir thérapeutique des eaux (il y a des gens qui y vont en vélo, chargés de toutes sortes de bouteilles), mais aussi le lieu, riche de tradition, où se rencontrer pour parler de politique et pour échanger des idées. C.T. atteignait l’Acqua Marcia à la fin de ses tours, après avoir laissé ses messages ou avoir nourrit les chats du Castello Sforzesco, avant de rentrer à la maison. La voix de C.T., qui allait se coller aux trottoirs et se transformait de plus en plus en “enrégistration écrite”, avait un pouvoir exceptionnel qu’il employait dans ses discours. Sa voix avait aussi une extraordinaire résonance rithmique, surtout lorse qu’il allait répéter en litanie puissante (parfois en utilisant un porte-voix en carton) son message en bref: “le chiese del mondo uccidono con l’onda”(“les églises du monde tuent avec la vague” n.d.t.) (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. C.T. Carlo Torrighelli (1909-1983).

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Il semblait être possédé par des forces surnaturelles qu’il maîtrisaiten en chaman, avec des soufferances intérieures; C.T. jouait son rôle en employant la ville de Milan à la façon d’un théâtre. Son tricycle était sa scénographie mobile: un truc qu’il déplaçait à la main, aménagé pour transporter ses peintures, ses pinceaux et la nourriture pour ses animaux. Il était décoré par des affiches et un tas d’inscriptions. Il se déplaçait ainsi avec ses trois petits chiens: Bella, Umanità et Amore L’écriture était en complément de sa voix. Au début c’étaient de petites affiches qui devinrent ensuite des inscriptions horizontales, peintes sur les trottoirs. Au début on pouvait penser que ses phrases était un moyen pou fixer ses idées (peut-être même empreuntés aux tazebaos, si chers aux contestations des étudiants), mais les inscriptions blanches, peintes sur les trottoirs ensuite, étaient autre chose. Nos savons que l’écriture n’est pas nécessairement la représentation de la parole tout court. Les inscriptions de C. T. n’étaient pas le moyen pour fixer les mots qu’il avait déclamé. Son écriture était au contraire “rituelle”, symbolique; elle était à même de reproduire le son de sa voix, comme une enrégistration que, seul quelques uns, doués d’un sens très particulier, pouvaient entendre. Même l’ordre graphique, dont étaient composées ses inscriptions et le choix de les reproduire en horizontale sur les trottoirs, laissaient entendre le rhytme de sa voix. Rien à voir avec les inscriptions qu’on voit toujours sur les murs, dont le sens n’est à rechercher que dans de menaces et des moqueries impértinantes. On est plutôt près de certaines inscriptions qu’on trouvait sur les routes au lieu du Tour d’Italie et qu’il faut lire en mouvement et il paraît encore d’entendre les voix acclamant “VIVA COPPI”! Ce qui nous intéresse ici, je tiens à souligner qu’il s’agît d’un argument à carachtère ethno-archèologique, c’est de saisir la raison pour laquelle le personnage C.T. est devenu à nos jours un “mythe métrolpolitain”, gagnant la renommée de personne bizarre, capricieuse, visionnaire et un peu folle, mais en même temps digne de respect pour la cohérence et le pouvoir d’expression par lesquels il exposait sa pensée. La vaste gamme de ses idées est accueillie et partagée aujourd’hui par un nombre toujours croissant de personnes. A la disparition physique de l’oeuvre de C.T. correspond son actualisation, ce qui le rend un personnage mythique qui a gravé sa légende dans le paysage métropolitain. Quelques unes de ses phrases, empreuntées à des slogans politiques sont encore actuelles à nos jours, ainsi que sa vision anarchique et humanitaire ou son amour d’écologiste pour la nature et les animaux. Une grande partie de sa follie visionnaire est justifiée comme un language métaphorique et symbolique qui renvoie à autre chose et qu’il ne faut pas interpréter mot pour mot. Si quelqu’un veut le lire tel quel et croire à la vague meurtrière, il y a de la place même pour lui. Il ne faut pas oublier que même au début du troisième millénaire il y a des gens qui croyent que les sillages que les avions laissent derrière eux cachent un projet soutenu par des puissances secrètes, conçu pour empoisonner la planète. La technique de communication de C.T. nous permet de l’apercevoir comme une figure artistique, capable d’exprimer des

valeurs universelles. Beaucoup de gens le considèrent comme un précurseur des writers de Milan. Parmi ceux-ci il y a quelqu’un qui l’a choisi comme père spirituel. En effet c’est grâce à l’esprit innovateur de son message polysémique et “multimédial” - utilisant en même temps la récitation, le discours, le slogan, le parcours, l’art rélationnel, le signe et l’écriture - que j’ai défini “écriture orale” - ce qui nous permet de saisir en lui une capacité d’expression bien complexe, qui appartient à certains aspects de l’art contemporain. Autours de C.T. c’est développée une légende qui a fait de lui un personnage unique. Il y a beaucoup de personnes qui disent de se rappeler de lui et la mémoire de chacune d’entre elles le voit dans n’importe quel endroit de la ville, à ces moments extraordinaires de la vie politique que Milan a vecu à partir du ’68. De lui on a dit qu’il était un ingénieur, blessé en guerre, en mélangeant ses connaissances, présumées scientiphiques et ses secrets militaires. On suppose que la peinture qui a duré si longtemps sur les trottoirs était le résultat d’une formule secrète, quasi alchimique. Quelqu’un soutient même que des inscriptions soient conservées intactes sous plusieurs couches d’asphalte. Chacun ajoute des souvenirs et des anecdotes qui ne sont pas vrais, mais qui paraissent comme s’ils l’étaient. En effet ils le sont! On pense que même sur le Mur de Berlin il y avait des phrases de C.T. que quelqu’un avait traduit parfaitement.

Répertoire

Notre documentation de la pensée de C.T. commence à peu près en 1973, avant même de l’avoir rencontré, lorsque nous avons remarqué un nombre considérable de feuillets, ayant des phrases intrigantes, collés aux murs dans des zones centrales de la ville de Milan: les quartiers Garibaldi, Porta Volta, Castello, Piazza Cadorna, Sempione, Porta Venezia, Università Statale, Piazza Duomo et Via Manzoni. La “vocation anthropologique” nous poussa à recueillir cette documentation précieuse, en la sauvegardant des conformistes ou bien-pensants qui, poussé par un esprit iconoclaste, les déchiraient ou en gâchaient les messages par des giffonages. Cela nous a permis de conserver et documenter une bonne partie de sa pensée. Souvent on détachait les feuillets peu après que l’auteur les avait collés au mur: une sorte de raids de nuit, munis d’éponge et de papier buvard. Même le professeur Cornaggia Castiglioni, amusé et sérieux en même temps, participait parfois à ces missions de recherche au goût interdit. Ensuite, quand C.T. commença à écrire sur les trottoirs (il me dit autrefois: “j’ai écrit mon livre autours du Castello...”) j’ai commencé à documenter les messages écrits à la peinture blanche sur l’asphalte, en prenant des photos surtout autours du Castello Sforzesco. Le répertoire qui suit comprend les écritures sur les feuillets, sur des panneaux ou tracées sur les trottoirs, c’est à dire tout ce que j’ai pu documenter moi-même par des photos et des notes, ou bien recueillir phisiquement comme s’il s’agissait de pièces archéologiques. Au regard des “citations” ou des observations que je n’ai pas recueilli moi-même, je vais citer la source, bibliographique ou orale. 251

Fig. 3. Feuillets de C.T. des annèes ‘70 (Photo: Calegari).

Fig. 2. Un feuillet de C.T. collé sur les parois du centre de Milan (Photo: Gruppo”Z”, 1975).

Les “petites affiches”

SALVARE L’UMANITA’ DAI CARNEFICI IN NERO. MORTE LENTA. SE MIRANO AL CUORE MORTE SUBITO. TROPPA GENTE SUBISCE E TACE. ESISTE IMPIANTI SECRETI A ONDE TELEVISIVE CHE TINQUADRONO E TI MANDONO A DOSSO RIFLESSI DI ARIA NAUSIANTE IN DIVERSI TIPI. O PLURITO IN FACCIA. O DOLORI IN OGNI PARTE. O LEVANO IL RESPIRO DALLA BOCCA. O AVVELENANO I CIBI IN CASA. SCIENTIFICATE E SVELATE QUESTOCRIMINE CHE IN AMERICA E’ GIA’ SVELATO. ASSASSINI DELLA SOCIETA’ FINITELA DI COLPIRE ME’ E LE MIE DUE BESTIOLE IN CAMERA MIA. CAMERA A GAS. ASSASSINI DA’ 2000 ANNI GIU’ LE MANI DEL MIO SANGUE. CAPIRE.

Au début c’etaient des feuillets écrits à la main, souvent copiés au papier carbon que C.T collait sur les parois des bâtiments, dans ces zones de la ville qu’il pensait être fort stratégiques pour la divulgation de ses messages. (Figs. 23). Il les définissait “manifestini” (“petites affiches”). Ils étaient toujours rédigés en caractères d’imprimérie majuscules, avec soin et diligence, pour être bien clairs et lisibles. Parfois on remarque des corrections et des rayures au crayon ou au stylo. Ci-dessous j’ai transcrit les textes des petites affiches, tout en respectant la graphique et la disposition des mots, certe que la rédaction de ses écrits n’était pour C.T que la transcription du rythme de ses discours qui suivait ses pensées. C’est un autre moyen pour saisir la capacité expressive de Torrighelli par un ordre graphique, que lui permettait de classer son expérience de façon lucide et syntétique. Les fautes de grammaire, ainsi que les néologismes ont été respectés. Parfois on trove l’indication du lieu et la date de la découverte de l’affiche, ailleurs les indications sont incomplètes, parce qu’on travaillait vite et sécrètement.

Milano, via E. De Amicis, octobre-novembre 1972. Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche rayée, cm. 21,7x13,7. Ce message, on m’a dit la même chose au sujet d’autres de la même période, a été signé CAPIRE. Il s’agît de production en série, faite au papier carbon. Cela peut être confirmé dans ce cas par la présence, au verso, d’un fragment d’une autre copie du même message, qui est resté collé au dessus d’un message rédigé précedémment; c’est ainsi qu’on peut voir la superposition des textes. 252

TRA’ LO SPORT E LA FEDE VINSCEMOLISCONO LA MENTE. T.

IN ITALIA E IN MOLTI PAESI DEL MONDO I RICCHI CLERICALI E BORGHESI STANNO DOMINARE I POVERI CON LA TORTURA E LA MORTE CON I LORO IMPIANTI GIAPPONESI A ONDE CHE UCCIDONO ANCHE DA LONTANO, IN QUASI 30 ANNI IN ITALIA HANNO GIA’ FATTO MILIONI DI MORTI COMPRESO BAMBINI E ANIMALI. T.C.

Milano, Bastioni di Porta Nuova, Printemps 1973. Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.16,5x3. Quelques messages, surtout ceux rédigés avant 1975, sont signé par l’initiale T. ( Torrighelli).

Milano, via Fiori Chiari, janvier 1975. Copié au papier carbon bleu sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.19,8x10,9. Ceci c’est peut-être le feuillet que, selon Carlo Torrighelli, représente la synthèse de sa propagande sur la vague meurtrière. Il a apparu pour la première fois au mois de janvier 1975. Il a été copié plusieurs fois au papier carbon et transcrit avec des petites variantes, des corrections ou des fautes d’accent: en ce cas il a été signé T.C., au lieu de C.T. Toutes les copies de ce message mesurent à peu près cm 19,8x10,9. On dirait que l’auteur voulait délivrer ce message vite et largement; nous en avons recueilli d’autres toujours au cours du mois de janvier ’75 dans de differents endroits à Milan, même éloignés parmi eux: viale Premuda (crayon noir sur papier rayé); via Fauché, près du supermarché, piazza Firenze, via Manzoni, viale Piave, via Fiori Chiari, piazza Gerusalemme, ces derniers sont tous au papier carbon bleu sur feuille blanche, rayée.

LA RICCHEZZA E’ TUTTO FRUTTO LEVATO DALLA POVERTA’. T.

Milano, Bastioni di Porta Nuova, Printemps 1973. Stylo à bille noire sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.12,5x4,8. POVERTA’ VUOL DIRE MORTE LENTA CIOE’ LA FOSSA PRIMA DEL TEMPO.

Milano, viale Pasubio, Printemps 1974.Crayon noir sur feuille blanche, cm.15x4,5. DISUMANO QUANDO IL CIBO LO BUTTATE E NON LO DATE AD AFFAMATI OPPURE ANIMALI. T.

FIN CHE CE’ RICCHI E POVERI CI SARA’ SEMPRE LA STRAGE DELL’UMANITA’ E TUTTI GLI ERRORI DEL MONDO. T.

Milano, via Cenisio, 1974. Crayon ou copie au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm. 14,5x4.

Milano, via Varesina, janvier 1975. Crayon ou copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm15,2x5,1, restauré. Sur ce feuillet quelcun a ajouté au stylo à bille “Bravo!!!”

AMI E PROTEGGI GLI ANIMALI CHE SONO SEME DI AMORE E VERITA’ E COSCIENZA. T.

PER DUE SEPOLTI VIVI NELL’ODIO IL DIVORZIO E’ UNA GRANDE UMANITA.’ T.

Milano, via Cenisio, 1974. Crayon ou copie au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm.14,5x4,2.

Milano, via Varesina e Bastioni di Porta Volta –angolo via Pontida, janvier 1975. 2 copie à peu près semblable, Crayon ou copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche cm.12x4, une de ces copies a été restaurée.

ESISTE IMPIANTI SECRETI IN ITALIA CHE UCCIDONO ANCHE DA’ LONTANO O TORTURANO, SE MIRANO AL CUORE SI MUORE IL MONOPOLISMO LI A’ PRESI IN GIAPPONE I PRETI LI COMANDANO IN QUASI 30 ANNI E’ GIA’ STATO FATTO MILIONI DI MORTI IN ITALIA COMPRESO BAMBINI E ANIMALI. TU GOVERNO TI ASPETTA FARNE ATTO. T.

ONORARE IL SANGUE DEI MARTIRI DELLA LIBERTA’ CHE E’ SACRO

C.T.

Milano, via Varesina, janviero 1975. Crayon noir? sur feuille blanche, cm.14,5x4,2, restauré.

Milano, zona Garibaldi, 1974. Stylo à bille noire sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.17,2x8, restauré. 253

SEMPRE LA MILIOR GENTE PAGA ANCHE COL SANGUE (—)ER IL BENE DELL’UMANITA’.

I POTENTI ASSASSINI OLTRE UCCIDERLI PAGONO A FAR ABBANDONARE CANI E GATTI PERCHE’ IN UNA FAMIGLIA SEMINANO TROPPO AMORE VERITA’ E COSCIENZA. C.T.

Milano, via Varesina, janvier 1975., Crayon noir? sur feuille blanche cm. 15,7x4,3, avec des lacunes, restauré.

Milano, zona Certosa, 1975. Stylo à bille noire sur feuille rose, réutilisée, cm.18,8x7,9, au verso , en bas à gauche on lit: PAGE 8.

PER L’AMORE NEL MONDO NE RICCHI NE POVERI POTERE OPERAIO DISTRIBUIRE LE RICCHEZZE CHE SONO DI TUTTI. T.

IN TUTTA ITALIA AVVERTO COME CAPITATO A ME VISTO TROPPI CASI L’ONDA ULTRAVIOLETTA COLPISCE I CANI E MORSICANO IL PIU’ VICINO C.T.

Milano, via Varesina, janvier 1975. Stylo à bille noir sur feuille rose, cm.12,2x5,6, rastauré. A ce feuillet il faut en ajoindre un autre qui était superposé et collé:

Milano, viale Molise, maio 1976. Ce feuillet a été trancrit parce qu’il n’a pas été possible de le récupérer. Les feuillets suivants n’ont aucune indication de lieu de date, mais ils ont été recueillis dans des zones fréquentées par C.T. de 1973 à 1976

NON FARE AD ALTRI QUELLO CHE NON VUOI ESSERE FATTO A TE’.

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm. 11,8x4,3. Sur ce feuillet quelcun a ajouté au stylo à bille bleue, en italique, écrit de façon enfantine: scemo chi - et plus en bas - Giuliana; un gribouillage en écheveau très marqué efface la signature de C.T.

PER L’AMORE NEL MONDO CHI LAVORA DEVE DIVENTARE PADRONE E LAVORATORE E PENSATORE DISTRUGGENDO RICCHEZZA E POVERTA’. C.T.

Crayon sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.17x6,8.

LA POVERTA’ HA FAME DI PANE (—) DI VERITA’ E DI GIUSTIZIE

DA’ QUANDO CE’ MONDO L’UMANITA’ COMBATTE SOFFRE E MUORE PER LA CAUSA DEL PROGRESSO UMANO. C.T.

Milano, via Marghera, 1er janvier 1975. Crayon ou copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm.12,8x4, avec des lacunes, resaturé.

Stylo à bille noire sur feuille blanche réutilisée, cm 21x7, au verso, en haut, imprimé, on lit SP elettronica spa. La couleur est “ Oro Spectro!” - 9.

AMI E PROTEGGI GLI ANIMALI CHE SONO SEME DI AMORE E DI VERITA’ E COSCIENZA. C.T.

QUESTI IMPIANTI UMICIDIALI A ONDE CHE CE’ NELLE CHIESE OLTRE TORTURARE E UCCIDERE I CANI MOLTI LI GONFIONO. C.T.

Milano, piazza Segrino, 2ème janvier1975., Crayon noir? sur feuille blanche cm19,2x5,6.

Stylo à bille bleue sur feuille blanche rayée, cm. 15,8x7.

PER L’AMORE NEL MONDO NE RICCHI NE POVERI IL LAVORO DI TUTTI LE RICCHEZZE DI TUTTI IL PENSIERO DI TUTTI. T.

MONDO ASSASSINO!...

Milano, zona Sempione, 1975. , Crayon ou copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche cm.13,3x6.

C.T.

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm.14x4,7. 254

GUARDA E PASSA E RACCOGLI I FRUTTI DELL’ A= MORE, E DISTRUGGI QUELLI DELL’ODIO E DELLA FAME PIETA’ E GUERRE E IGNORANZA. C.T.

CHI LAVORA DA AL DOPPIO DI QUELLO CHE RICEVE. T.

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm. 15,6x4, restauré.

Inscriptions horizontales sur les trottoirs

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche, cm.15x6,3.

Je tiens à souligner que ces inscriptions ont été toujours écrites à la peinture blanche (peinture émail?) sur les trottoirs des zones du centre ville. La plupart est concentrée dans les quartiers Castello, Garibaldi, Cadorna et Duomo (Figs. 4-5). Même ici on a respecté la composition rythmique et lapidaire des inscriptions tracées par C.T.

DICEVA CRISTO FIN CHE CE’ RICCHI E POVERI CI SARA’ SEMPRE LA STRAGE DELL’UMANITA’ DELL’UOMO CHE MANGIA L’UOMO. C.T.

AVVERTO . IN TUTTA ITALIA COLL’ONDA ULTRAVIOLETTA COLPISCONO I CANI E MORSICANO IL PIU’ VICINO. C.T.

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche cm.15,7x6,8. POPOLO BUE, SAPPI CHE LA PAROLA DIO VUOL DIRE IL MONDO CON TUTTE LE SUE NATURE. C.T.

Milan, moitié des années ’70, à proximité de l’Arena.

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche réutilisée, cm.16,4x6,5. Au verso, imprimées, on lit des règles de distribution et vente de matériel de la SP elettronica. SOCIALIZZARE TUTTO PER UMANIZZARE TUTTO E PER DARE A TUTTI

QUELLO CHE E’ DI TUTTI. C.T.

Fig. 4. Inscriptions écrites à la peinture blanche sur les trottoirs Nord-Ouest du Castello Sforsesco (Milan) (Photo: Calegari et Ansaloni 1979).

Crayon sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.15x6,1. QUELL’INCOSCENTE CHE NASCE PENSANDO SOLO A SE’ NON E’ DEGNO DELLA VITA MA SOLO DELLA MORTE. C.T.

Crayon sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.17x6,2. Le même message, signé T.,a été trouvé sur un autre feuillet, qui nous est parvenu très abîmé en raison des difficultés à l’enlever, stylo à bille noire sur feuille blanche. NE RICCHI NE POVERI POTERE OPERAIO DISTRIBUIRE LE RICCHEZZE CHE SONO DI TUTTI. T.

Fig. 5. Inscriptions écrites à la peinture blanche sur les trottoirs Nord du Castello Sforsesco (Milan) (Photo: Calegari et Ansaloni 1979).

Copié au papier carbon noir sur feuille blanche rayée, cm.12,5X5,2. 255

ATTENTI AEROPLANI AI VOSTRI MOTORI . C.T.

NEL MONDO RISOLVERETE TUTTI I PROBLEMI DELL’UMANITA’ SOLTANTO E SOLTANTO QUANDO VI FARETE PADRONI E LAVORATORI E AUTOGOVERNATI . C.T. POTERE OPERAIO .

Milano, moitié des années ’70, corso Venezia, juste devant le Museo di Storia Naturale. A propos de cette inscription C.T., au lieu d’un bavardage, m’a dit - et il le dit même au lieu d’un interviw - qu’il avait l’intention de signaler aux aviatuers le danger auquel ils étaient exposés, quand il volaient à basse altitude au dessus de la ville, toute pleine d’églises, qui les visaient par leur vague meurtrière).

Milano, 1979, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté nord. LE PRIGIONI SONO PER TUTTI ? C.T.

L’ARMA DEI POTENTI E’ IL RICATTO ECCO TROPPI INNOCENTI FRA LE GALERE E MANICOMI . I LAGHER. GIU’ LE MANI DEL SOTTOSCRITTO. C.T.

Milano, 1979, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté nord.

Milano, 1979, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté nord.

POTENTI ASSASSINI COLL’ONDA TERRENA DISTRUGGETE IL MONDO E LA SUA UMANITA’. C.T. VOI LO CHIAMATE TERREMOTO .

NEL MONDO BOIA LA POVERTA’ ASSASSINATA L’UMANITA’ ASSASSINATA LA VERITA’ ASSASSINATA L’ AMORE ASSASSINATO I VALORI UMANI ASSASSINATI IL SACRIFICIO ASSASSINATO LA CULTURA ASSASSINATA LA COSCIENZA ASSASSINATA IL PENSIERO ASSASSINATO LA GIUSTIZIA ASSASSINATA LA LIBERTA’ ASSASSINATA LA NATURA ASSASSINATA . C.T.

Milano, 1979, entre le fossé du Castello Sforzesco et les ruines du barbacane, à l’angle nord. FAME E MORTE. CC.T.

Milano, 1982, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté est. POPOLO BUE LA MORTE DELL’UMANITA’ TUTTA PROCLAMANTE GLI IMPIANTI DI EPURAZIONE DELL’ACQUA E DELL’ARIA E TERRA E MARE PER LA SALUTE UMANA DI TUTTI. C.T.

Milano, 1979, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté nord. LA PENSIONE DEI POVERI E’ LA MORTE LENTA E LA CARITA’ PELOSA . C.T.

Milano, 1984, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté ouest.

Milano, 1979, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté nord.

L’ARMA DEI POTENTI E’ IL RICATTO ECCO TROPPI INNOCENTI FRA LE GALERE E MANICOMI. I LAGHER. GIU’ LE MANI DEL SOTTOSCRITTO. C.T.

L’INCOSCIENTE PANCIA PIENA NON PENSA MAI A QUELLA VUOTA . C.T.

Milano, 1979, presso il fossato del Castello Sforzesco, lato settentrionale.

Milano, 1984, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté ouest.

256

LA MIA PATRIA E’ TUTTO IL MONDO INTERO . C.T.

AI LAGHER UNA VITA PERSEGUITATA PER AVER SEMINATO CULTURA RIVOLUZIONARIA E UMANITARIA MI COSTO’ 3 SEQUESTRI DI PERSONA NEI MANICOMI. MA A ROVINARMI NO. IL PERSEGUITATO C.T. IL PERSEGUITATO C.T.

Milano, 1984, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté ouest. NON CONOSCI LE PENE DEGLI’ALTRI PERCHE’ AI LA VITA COMODA SUGLI’ALTRI.

Milano, 1984, autour du Castello Sforzesco. C.T.

LA RICCHEZZA E’ FRUTTO DI TUTTI E NON DI POCHI . C.T. POTERE OPERAIO

Milano, 1984, près du fossé du Castello Sforzesco, côté ouest. CHIESA ASSASSINA CHE UCCIDI COLL’ONDA C.T.

Milano, 1984, autour du Castello Sforzesco. LA CROCE NON E’ SIMBOLO DEI VIVI . E’ SIMBOLO DEI MORTI. VERGOGNATI C.T.

Milano, 1982, près de l’Arena. COLL’ONDA VI UCCIDONO NEL MONDO. C.T.

Milano, 1984, autour du Castello Sforzesco.

Voici d’autres inscriptions de Carlo Torrighelli, documentées après 1984 et qu’on pouvait lire dans les premières années ’90 sur des trottoirs de ses zones de “propagande”, dont le lieu n’est pas encore clair

Milano, 1984, Piazza del Duomo, vis à vis du Palazzo Reale. DICEVA UN POETA CON PIU’ CONOSCETE LA GENTE CON PIU’ AMATE GLI ANIMALI. C.T.

LE CHIESE NEL MONDO UCCIDONO COLL’ONDA

Milano, 1984, autour du Castello Sforzesco.

C.T.

LE CHIESE NEL MONDO UCCIDONO COLL’ONDA

FATE LA GUERRA CON LA MENTE SBARRATE IL PASSO ALLA GUERRA DELLE ARMI . C.T.

BEATI VOI POVERI CHE LAVORATE COME UN NEGRO CHE MI FATE GUADAGNARE TANTI MILIONI E MILIARDI . C.T.

NEL MONDO POPOLI BUOI QUANDO IMPARERETE A DIRE PADRONE QUANDO IL PADRONE SIAMO TUTTI CHI LAVORA SOLO COSI’ L’UMANITA’ E’ SALVATA DA TUTTE LE STRAGI . C.T.

Milano, 1984, autour du Castello Sforzesco. PARLATEVI INTENDETEVI COMPRENDETEVI MA NON MACCHIATEVI . IN PACE E IN GUERRA . C.T.

Au printemps 2010 j’ai pu documenter ce qui restait d’une inscription autours du Castello Sforzesco, près du fossé, entre Porta dei Carmini e la Ponticella di Lodovico. Les caractères à la peinture blanche sont à peine visibles. On les voit mieux s’il vient de pleuvoir. Il s’agît d’une inscription rédigée sur trois lignes, dont on lit seulement

Milano, 1984, autour du Castello Sforzesco.

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Pendant les funerailles, le corbillard de C.T., avant de rejoindre le cimetière de Musocco, a fait le tour de tous ces lieux dans la ville où il avait laissé ses messages, quasi comme si on voulait lui permettre de jeter son dernier regard sur les inscriptions qu’il avait laissé sur les trottoirs, pour l’assurer que tout était à sa place et était à même de rester bien visible encore pendant beaucoup d’années.

O TORTURANO LONTANO MILIONI

C’est intéressant d’observer ce qui reste après 27 ans. Même s’il s’agît de peu de carctères et de mots, même difficiles à lire, on apercçoit qu’il sont les fragments d’une oeuvre d’art dont le message demeure fort expressif. Ces quelques mots nous amènent sans faute aux pensées exprimées par C.T.

BASTARDI FATE STERMINARE I GATTI PERCHE’ VOLETE CHE LA GENTE VIVONO CON I TOPI C.T.

Inscription sur son tricycle

RADIO E TELVISIONE BASTA VERSI DA GORILLA MA CULTURA C.T.

Je vais documenter ici, sur la base des notes que j’ai prises à ce temps-là et des photos parues sur les journeaux, quelques unes des inscriptions qui ornaient le tricycle de C.T.

POPOLO BUE TI UCCIDONO CON L’ONDA C.T.

PARASSITI DISUMANI OLTRE LA LINGUA NAZIONALE UNA LINGUA MONDIALE DI INTESA DEI POPOLI C.T.

NEL CLERO ESISTONO IMPIANTI A ONDE CHE TORTURANO ROVINANO E UCCIDONO DA LONTANO MILIONI DI MORTI IN ITALIA C.T.

SI STA PER ASSASSINARE LA LIBERTA’ DI OPINIONE CHE COSTA DOLORI E SANGUE CIVILE C.T. LA MIA RELIGIONE E’ IL BENE CHE FACCIO ALTRO E’ TUTTO FANGO C.T.

C’était l’ affiche de sa pensée sur la vague meurtrière. Il était sur le côté de la caisse de son tricycle et on pouvait l’exposer plus haut, fixé sur une perche. Les deux premiers mots (nel clero) ont été ajoutées plus tard. NEL MONDO SI COMBATTE E PER IL LAVORO LE RICCHEZZE IL PENSIERO LA POVERTA’ HA FAME DI PANE DI VERITA’ E DI GIUSTIZIA. C.T.

PARASSITI DISUMANI OLTRE LA LINGUA NAZIONALE UNA LINGUA MONDIALE DI INTESA DEI POPOLI C.T.

SI STA ASSASSINANDO LA LIBERTA’ DI OPINIONE CHE COSTA DOLORI E SANGUE CIVILE C.T.

SI MUORE DI TUTTI DI TUTTI DI TUTTI. C.T.

La pensée de C.T. paraît avoir développé une inattendue floraison. Dans son langauge on retrouve cet esprit humanitaire, généreux et révolutionnaire, en même temps naïf et clair, qu’à nos jours fascine et ouvre à de nombreuses reflexions. Outre le livre C.T. publié par le groupe Canaja en 1998, on lui a dédié des chansons, des documentaires et des articles, parus dans les journaux. On a retrouvé des interviews et des vidéos, tournés à son temps. A l’occasion du centenaire de sa naissance, novembre 2009, on lui a consacré un séminaire d’une journée, des rencontres et une exposition auprès de l’ancien hôpital psychiatrique Paolo Pini. Au mois de septembre 2010, l’exposition “Noi quelli della parola che sempre cammina” (Genova, Museoteatro della Commenda di Pré) lui a été consacré un grand espace, en exposant beaucoup de ses petites affiches authentiques. Aujourd’hui C.T. nous parle par You Tube et par Facebook. Un grand nombre de personnes affectionnées continue de recueillir ses souvenirs, en ouvrant à de nouvelles reflexions.

TUTTE LE RELIGIONI E TUTTI GLI SPORT E’ ANTI CULTURA COSI’ RIMANETE BELLI IGNORANTI COME LA MERDA. C.T.

D’autres inscriptions que je n’ai pas vue moimême mais qu’il vaut la peine de citer; la source est le livre dédié à Carlo Torrighelli (CANAJA, 1998)

Ringrazio l’Etnologa Giovanna Soldini che ha liberamente tradotto il mio testo, permettendomi di presentarlo in francese.

ALLA MORTE DEL SOTTOSCRITTO IL FUNERALE DEVE ESSERE CIVILE CIOE’ DI VALORE UMANO C.T.

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Références

CANAJA, 1998 C.T. (1909-1983). Cinisello Balsamo, Milano: Poligrafica. CASERO, C., DI RADDO, E. (a cura di ) 2009 Anni ’70: l’arte dell’impegno. Cinisello Balsamo, Milano: Silvana Editoriale. GIACOSA, G. 2010 Noi, quelli della parola che sempre cammina. Savignone: Contemporart edizioni. TURRI, E. 1998 Il paesaggio come teatro. Venezia: Marsilio.

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Du séisme au territoire: enquêtes ethnoarchéologiques sur le tremblement de terre de L’Aquila Carla Ciccozzi, Walter Grossi Résumé

Ce document tente d’analyser, du point de vue de l’ethno-archéologue, le drame et les événements liés au tremblement de terre de L’Aquila. Il analyse également les types de traces laissées par le séisme dans la formation de la stratigraphie sur les aires où ont été organisés les camps de réfugiés. Ces sites, qui comprennent des tentes, ont été fermés, démantelés et abandonnés en Décembre 2009. Nous présenterons ici l’état de ces sites après environ trois mois d’abandon, en se concentrant principalement sur les traces laissées par les tentes sur le terrain, les canaux pour l’écoulement des eaux de pluie, certaines structures pour les foyers qui sont encore visibles à l’heure actuelle, ainsi que les salles de bains. Les campements étaient de deux sortes: ceux directement gérés par la Protection Civile et ceux autogérés par les populations locales. Nous essaierons d’analyser les moyens par lesquels une population, fortement urbanisée, a brusquement dû à s’adapter à des conditions de vie très différentes. Pour donner quelques chiffres, les personnes déplacées à l’aube du 6 avril étaient environ 70 000, et celles qui ont été accueillies dans les tentes environ 40.000. La province entière était frappée; la ville de L’Aquila complètement déshabitée gisait sous des millions de tonnes de gravats. La situation est la même pour les petites villes dans le cratère sismique. Nous parlerons des traces laissées par un nouvel habitat, totalement différent, pour lequel il n’y avait eu aucune forme d’enseignement traditionnel, sur les lieux où ont été installés les campements (terrains de sport comme à Piazza d’Armi à l’Aquila ou le terrain de football de la ville de Fossa). En effet, pour des raisons de sécurité et d’espace, ce sont ces lieux d’activités physiques et de récréation qui ont été utilisés par la Protection Civile pour résoudre le problème lié à l’emplacement des campement. Toutes nos données seront comparées aux données des autres tremblements de terre dans les Abruzzes, en particulier avec celui de Avezzano de 1915. MOTS CLES: tremblement de terre, camps de réfugiés, Les Abruzzes - L’Aquila, stratigraphie, tentes.

Abstract

This speech proposes an analysis from an ethnoarchaeological point of view, of the events connected to the earthquake of L’Aquila and the signs of this seismic event in the shaping of the stratigraphy at the sites where the earthquake victim camps were located. These camps composed of removable canvas tents were closed, dismantled, and abandoned in December 2009. I will address their state around three months after this abandonment, focusing on the signs on the soil left by the tents, the channels of the storm sewers, some fire frames which are still visible, and the sites for hygienic services. There were two kinds of camps, one managed by Protezione Civile, the other half-managed by the local population. We will address, in particular, the modes in which a highly-urbanized population had to suddenly adapt to a very different way of life. The earthquake victims on 6 April 2009 were 70,000. 40,000 people took refuge at the camps. The whole province was in greatest distress. L’Aquila itself was uninhabited and full of rubble. For the little towns near the seismic crater, the situation was the same. The adaptation to a very different way of life without any traditional training left some signs at the sites where the camps were located, especially sport grounds like Piazza d’ Armi in L’Aquila and the football ground of Fossa, that are the subject of this speech. The recreation areas were used by Protezione Civile to locate earthquake victims for security reasons. Our data will be compared with the data coming from other Abruzzi earthquakes , especially the earthquake of Avezzano of 1915 , and with ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological evidences from towns of nomadic or semi-nomadic people. KEYWORDS: Earthquake, Victim Camps, Abruzzi - L’Aquila, Stratigraphy, Tents.

Introduction

Nous allons analyser l’impact du séisme sur la formation de la stratigraphie actuelle, en essayant de recenser et de documenter le plus possible les conséquences de la gestion de l’urgence des réfugiés sur le “nouveau” paysage de l’Aquila. Pour donner quelques chiffres, les sans abri, à l’aube du 6 avril, étaient environ 67.500, et ceux accueillis dans les tentes environ 40.000. En particulier nous essaierons d’analyser comment une population fortement urbanisée a dû s’adapter brusquement à des conditions de

Ce travail est né de nos expériences personnelles lors la période dramatique de volontariat dans les Abruzzes. L’Associazione Nazionale Archeologi avait alors mis à disposition ses propres volontaires afin d’aider les populations frappées par le séisme du 6 avril 2009 ainsi que pour soutenir la Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo (Surintendance Archéologique des Abruzzes)1. 260

vie totalement différentes de celles de leur quotidien. Nous rechercherons les traces laissées sur les lieux des campements par l’adaptation à un nouveau mode de vie, alors que cette adaptation n’avait jamais été enseignée de façon traditionnelle. Ces structures ont eu deux phases de vie bien distinctes: la première, celle qui a reçu un grand nombre de personnes pendant plusieurs mois, d’avril à décembre, et la seconde phase, plus longue: l’abandon. C’est certainement la première fois qu’une enquête est faite sur ce qu’il reste de telles structures, et notre recherche en est encore à ses balbutiements. A cette occasion nous commencerons par exposer les premières données. Nous sommes partis de l’observation de la condition actuelle de ces structures en les documentant avec des photographies, des cartes, et là où cela a été possible, des prélèvements de petits échantillons stratigraphiques. Un mois après la fermeture des camps, un état des lieux a été dressé, échelonné dans le temps. En même temps, nous avons interviewé ceux qui ont vécu à l’intérieur des tentes et qui ont encore gardé les évènements en mémoire. De plus, nous sommes en train de rassembler un grand nombre de photographies prises durant la phase d’activité des camps. Il faut souligner que nous avons pu suivre l’histoire du séisme au travers des témoignages de victimes qui ont vécu le drame depuis le début. Ainsi, nous avons pu faire un rapprochement entre les témoignages et les couches

stratigraphiques. De plus, au cours de notre projet, nous avons cherché des témoignages sur les précédents séismes dans les Abruzzes, aussi bien dans les documents d’archive que sur le territoire. En particulier, nous avons centré notre recherche sur le séisme de Avezzano de 1915. Enfin, il serait possible de faire une étude comparative avec d’autres populations connues au niveau ethnographique, mais sur ce point précis le travail de recherche est encore à faire.

Le Séisme du 6 Avril 2009: les Camps de Réfugiés

Les camps de réfugiés peuvent être divisés en deux typologies distinctes: La première, celle des grands campements installés par la protection civile, qui ont occupé les grandes aires choisies pour accueillir un grand nombre de personnes sans abri. La seconde catégorie est celle des campements de dimension plus réduite, qui peuvent accueillir un nombre limité de personnes, qui sont nés entre les grands campements ou en marge des logements inhabitables sur des terrains privés, sur des zones interdites pour des raisons de sécurité. Les traces de ces deux types de construction sont partout : des empreintes laissées par les tentes, amas de détritus,

Fig. 1. Le champ de Fossa. Au dessus du terrain de jeu a été créé une vaste zone de stabilisation; au centre, les restes carbonisés des matériaux abandonnés. 261

restes de toilettes provisoires, les enceintes d’où les tentes ont été retirées, les rues et ruelles qui avaient créé une nouvelle viabilité secondaire pour communiquer entre les campements, ainsi que les traces des canaux d’évacuation des eaux. Par exemple, les campements de la première catégorie sont ceux de: Fossa, de Piazza d’Armi et de Bazzano. Le campement du quartier Contrada Aquilio est de la seconde catégorie. A Fossa, (Fig. 1) le campement, un grand rectangle de 60X100 mètres a été placé au dessus du terrain de football municipal. Pour isoler la structure et permettre le passage des câbles, les tentes ont été posées sur une couche de cailloux assez épaisse. A l’intérieur de cette couche, durant la phase d’occupation du terrain, des petits canaux ont été creusés pour l’évacuation des eaux pluviales. Aujourd’hui, ces canaux ne se voient presque plus, tout comme les traces des tentes. Par contre, on reconnaît parfaitement la couche de stabilisation. Le coût pour le retrait de cette couche, pour une petite commune comme Fossa, est trop élevé. Autour, on peut voir des amas de détritus, qui seront bientôt recouverts par la végétation. Passons à Place d’Armes (Piazza d’Armi) (Fig. 2). Ce campement se situe quant à lui directement sur le terrain d’athlétisme et sur le terrain de football adjacent. Les traces des tentes sont encore bien visibles et elles marquent le

paysage à côté des murs de la ville. Les tentes étaient soit posées directement sur le sol, soit sur des bases en gravillon, créées pour résoudre le problème lié aux inondations dues aux pluies abondantes. En plus des tentes de la protection civile, d’autres, privées, ont été installées. Sur le terrain d’athlétisme, la vie a repris, les athlètes sont revenus s’entraîner mais tout autour les conséquences du séisme sont évidentes. Par exemple à Fossa, presque tout ce qui pouvait être enlevé a été déplacé, et il ne reste que quelques objets épars. Certains de ces objets ont été brûlés au centre des campements au moment de l’abandon. Après plus d’un an, la trace la plus évidente de la présence d’un campement de sans abri est la trace de la stabilisation en gravillon, comme également à Onna. A Bazzano, le campement été installé à coté de la route SS 17, dans un parc municipal. C’est la raison pour laquelle il utilise les branchages et les troncs des arbres ainsi que les pavillons en bois du jardin. Toutes les tentes n’ont pas été stabilisées avec du gravillon, certaines étaient directement installées sur l’herbe. La viabilité intérieure du campement a été conditionnée par les chemins du parc, et les tentes ont été installées à côté de ceux ci. Là aussi les objets ont étés retirés, et l’on peut maintenant voir un paysage irréel (Fig. 3), avec des jeux pour enfants au milieu des traces des tentes des réfugiés. Il est clair que les lieux qui étaient réservés aux jeux et aux amusements sont brutalement devenus un espace de vie exigu.

Fig. 2. Le champ de Bazzano. Les tentes ont été installées près des jeux pour les enfants.

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Campement Spontané du Quartier Aquilio

pour les repas. L’aire C), porte encore les traces visibles des tentes avec un peu de gravillon à l’entrée. Le parking pour les voitures avait été installé sur une place préexistante à coté de la grille du chantier. Cette division du camp en aires fonctionnelles a été confirmée par l’entretien avec ceux qui y ont vécus. Il y avait deux foyers : un dans la cuisine et un au centre. L’élément le plus intéressant est le grand foyer central (Fig. 6). Cette structure était utilisée pour différents usages : tout d’abord pour se réchauffer, puis parfois pour cuisiner (nourriture à rôtir ou bien de l’eau à bouillir). Le feu était souvent allumé durant la journée et toujours en fonction le soir. La nuit les braises continuaient de chauffer. Lors des entretiens, nous avons appris que les habitants du camp se réunissaient, tous assis le soir autour du foyer pour parler, plaisanter et pour passer le temps. La vie autour du foyer a vu naître une amitié entre les 6 familles qui ont habité ce terrain. Le foyer central provoque encore une vive émotion chez ceux qu’il a réchauffés à tel point qu’il n’a toujours pas été détruit. Il est devenu un objet presque religieux et intouchable; nous même, observateurs extérieurs, avons été influencés et nous avons senti qu’il ne serait pas envisageable d’effectuer des fouilles pour cette structure. Le foyer a été construit directement en utilisant de très grandes pierres du vieux chantier autoroutier, pierres que l’on retrouve partout sur le site. La surface sur laquelle il a été installé avait été désherbée et était légèrement creusée. (W.G.)

Notre attention se tourne maintenant vers un petit campement de la seconde catégorie, autogéré par le quartier Aquilio. Le campement est situé sur la plaine alluviale formée par le fleuve Aterno, qui borde le campement au nord. Ce dernier terrain appartient aux Domaines, il a été entouré par une clôture par la société Metroroma S.p.A dans les années quatre-vingt-dix au cours les travaux de construction de la voie rapide SS.17 qui passe au nord du campement. (Fig. 4). De l’ancien chantier il reste: une place en ciment entourée d’herbe au sud, une grande zone carrelée vers la voie rapide SS. 17 et une vaste surface d’amas de détritus désormais couverts par la végétation et qui ne seront bientôt plus visibles. Tous ces restes étaient déjà présents avant l’installation du campement. Le campement avait une forme presque circulaire de 60 m de diamètre environ. Le terrain est situé à coté des maisons qui sont de nouveau habitables. Le campement a été divisé en trois grandes aires: les matériaux ont été rassemblés par zone. Sur cette base, il a été possible de voir que (Fig. 5): L’aire A), sur la quelle ont été principalement retrouvés des produits d’entretien, de savons, des restes de bonnets de douche, des objets de toilette, devait être les salles de bains et toilette. L’aire B), recouverte de fourchettes, restes de verres assiettes traces de charbon devait être la cuisine et la table

Fig. 3. Champ de Place d’Armes. La rue principale.

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Fig. 4. Champ Aquilio; le foyer.

Fig. 5. Champ Aquilio; Croquis du champ.

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Entretien avec les Résidents du Campement du Quartier Contrada Aquilio

comme une calamité réelle, mais comme un phénomène de perturbation aussi bien naturel que social4. La catastrophe naturelle survenait brutalement et pouvait avoir des conséquences prolongées sur la ville et sur le territoire. Dans le monde romain, la calamité correspondait avec l’abandon du territoire. Pour revenir à des évènements plus récents, il faut se baser sur l’histoire du chef lieu de région. La ville de L’Aquila fut fondée part l’empereur Frédéric II en 1229. Depuis le début, elle a appris à lutter contre cette force destructrice de la nature. Le premier tremblement de terre dont nous avons trace est celui de 13155. Un autre tremblement de terre dévastateur a eu lieu entre le 9 et le 10 septembre 13496. La description faite du drame par un inconnu nous éclaire sur l’importance de cet événement. “Un forte terremoto si verificò il 9 settembre 1349. subirono gravi danni ampi tratti delle mura cittadine, crollarono molte case e chiese. Morirono 800 persone che, essendo gli abitanti dell’Aquila meno di 10.000, rappresentavano circa il 10% della popolazione. A causa dei crolli si alzò sulla città un gran polverone che impedì di portare soccorso a quelli che erano stati travolti dalle macerie. A causa della difficoltà della ricostruzione una parte dei cittadini scoraggiata cercò di tornare ai villaggi e castelli dai quali erano venuti i loro avi. Di fronte a questo esodo massiccio e alla conseguente prospettiva di veder cancellata L’Aquila, Lalle Camponeschi conte di Montorio, fece chiudere con tavolini di legno le brecce delle mura cittadine, facendole presidiare7”. E ancora: “Credevano tutti di star sicuri da qualunque disgrazia, quando un tremuoto de’ più forti scosse tutta la città atterrò in varie parti le mura della città e le case; vi seppellì e fece morire a un tempo stesso quasi 800 persone tra la fuga, le grida e i pianti di chi si poté salvare dopo la perdita dei più stretti congiunti. Gli edifici anche grandi e tutte quante le chiese restarono dirute per terra, con danno che dopo quello di morti di tanti uomini, fu riputata maggiore8”. Si on la compare à ce qui s’est passé durant le tremblement de terre du 6 avril 2009, cette description est très significative de deux points de vue: - Juste après le 6 avril, la Protection Civile a fait évacuer complètement la ville, en interdisant totalement l’accès aux résidents. Aujourd’hui des militaires sont postés aux portes de la ville, qui reste ouverte entre 7 heures du matin et 22 heures. Personne n’est encore autorisé à vivre à l’intérieur des murs de la ville, même si les logements ont été déclarés habitables. La Protection Civile a obligé les Aquilins a abandonner leur territoire; Des milliers de personnes vivent encore sur la côte adriatique ou à Rome. Par le passé, comme nous l’avons déjà dit, on avait obligé la population à rester à l’Aquila, ce qui fut nécessaire pour éviter son dépeuplement. - Le second point intéressant regarde le credevano tutti di star tranquilli, phrase inquiétante comparée à celle que la commission des grands risques (Commissione Grandi Rischi) a affirmée au maire de la ville et à la

Les habitants des petites maisons ont préféré rester près de leurs propres habitations afin de pouvoir les contrôler et de ne pas se détacher de leurs biens. En profitant donc du manque de contrôle de la Protection Civile dans les premiers jours qui ont suivi le séisme, ces résidents se sont procuré des tentes dans le campement de di Colle Roio, et les ont installées sur leurs terres. Dans les premiers temps, ils ont utilisé la nourriture qui se trouvait à l’intérieur des habitations ; ensuite la nourriture a été achetée ou bien retirée à la Croix Rouge. Ils ont procédé eux-mêmes à l’installation électrique. Les toilettes ont été installées non loin des tentes afin d’utiliser une évacuation d’eaux usées existante. Pour les repas, une grande table avait été installée et tous mangeaient et cuisinaient ensemble, en particulier les femmes. La cuisine était gérée par une seule femme, et 10 autres l’aidaient. Parmi les hommes, un a construit la maison en bois pour la salle de bain, un autre s’est chargé de l’électricité. Chacun faisait ce qu’il savait faire. Une voisine a apporté sa machine à laver et l’a installée dans l’abri derrière la salle de bain ou les vêtements étaient lavés et étendus; ceux qui le souhaitaient pouvait également les repasser. A la question de savoir comment ils avaient vécu la période passée dans les tentes, ils ont répondu qu’il leur avait semblé être des nomades, que les rapports sociaux s’étaient renforcés, qu’ils étaient un peu redevenus des enfants et qu’ils avaient retrouvé le sens de l’amitié. Ce rapport, même s’il dure encore, n’était pas un rapport de plaisir, et donc personne n’a pensé à prendre de photographies. Le campement a été en fonction jusqu’au 8 septembre 2009, lorsque les habitants sont retournés dans leurs maisons. (C.C.-W.G.)

Les Précédents Tremblements de Terre dans les Abruzzes à Partir des Sources Historiques

Le territoire des Abruzzes, et en particulier celui de l’Aquila, a toujours été caractérisé par de violents tremblements de terre qui ont obligé la population à abandonner leur village pour le reconstruire ailleurs comme par exemple lors du tremblement de terre qui eut lieu au IV siècle avant J.C. à Peltuinum2. L’abandon d’une partie de la ville est du sans doute au séisme de 346 après J.C. Suite au séisme, la reconstruction a totalement modifié l’urbanisme de la ville. L’habitat à partir de ce moment là, s’est installé le long de la voie Claudia Nova qui a continué à fonctionner comme route régionale jusqu’à la fin du V° siècle après J.C. Cette voie était l’un des axes principaux parcourus pour les transhumances, reliant la chaîne apennine des Abruzzes aux côtes de la région des Pouilles3. C’est à cause de cet événement dramatique que la ville de Peltuinum commença à être lentement abandonnée. Le tremblement de terre dans l’antiquité a été décrit non 265

et en 1750 l’église des Ames Saintes (Chiesa delle Anime Sante) dédiée aux victimes du séisme du 2 février 1703 fut inaugurée (schéma n. 21). D’autres séismes, qui ne firent, fort heureusement, ni dégâts ni morts eurent lieu en 1803, 1809, 1813, 1848, 1874, 1881, 1885, 1887, 1892 et 1895.

population au lendemain de la secousse de 4.5 degrés du 30 mars 2009. Les Aquilins, alors assurés qu’aucune secousse de violence supérieure n’aurait plus lieu, pouvaient dormir tranquilles. Il y a eu d’autres tremblements de terre: le 3 avril 13989, le 5 décembre 145610, le 27 novembre 146111 (celui-ci est l’un des tremblements de terre les plus violents qu’il y ait eu dans cette région. Les villes de Onna, Poggio Picenze, Castelnuovo di Sant’Eusanio Forconese ont été totalement rasées). D’autres séismes ont eu lieu en 163112 et le 28 avril 164613. Le plus dévastateur eut lieu le 2 février 170314, et fit plus de 6000 morts. Les secousses commencèrent à partir du 14 janvier où une forte secousse détruisit quelques clochers et quelques églises. La réplique la plus forte qui détruisit pratiquement intégralement l’Aquila survint le 2 février à 18.00 heures. Presque toutes les églises et les bâtiments publics furent détruits ou subirent de graves dommages. Cet épisode est décrit minutieusement par Ludovico Antinori15. Cet auteur le décrit ainsi: “Ai 14 di gennaio verso le due della notte un tremuoto violento della durata di un credo scosse molti paesi e fece cadere nell’Aquila un campanile col forntespicio di San Quinziano Replicarono le scosse dopo un’ora dalla prima, e per varie altre volte di quella notte. Nel martedì seguente 16 del mese alle 21 replicò il tremuoto più gagliardo. Restarono lesionate molte case e chiese16. Nel giorno però dei 2 di febrajo alle 18 il tremuoto replicò più impetuoso ed a segno che nello spazio di un miserere la città dell’Aquila intera fu poco meno che rovinata. Diede scosse così veementi che gli edifici alcuni in tutto ed altri in parte non potettero reggere e non vi fu alcuno che non restasse lesionato. Patì la città danni assai più di qualunque altra e più di qualunque de’ castelli del contorno benché molti restarono distrutti. L’eccidio maggiore avvenne nella chiesa di S. Domenico, dove restarono morte 600 persone concorse per esortazione d’un religioso alla comunione generale. Il preside Mastro di campo Pisanelli partì in quel disastro e dal vicerè Marchese di Vigilena fu spedito Marco Garofano Marchese della Rocca e membro del Consiglio collaterale di coppa e di spada. Arrivato costui a 12 febrajo si applicò subito co’ Ministri del Tribunale al sollievo del pubblico. Atterri con carcere e pene quei ribaldi che profittando della desolazione rubavano nelle case mezze rovinat. Esortò i cittadini smarriti s non disabitare del tutto, come alcuni avevano principiato. Des baraques furent immédiatement construites à l’intérieur de la ville, sur la Piazza Duomo et sur la Piazza San Bernardino, et après plusieurs mois les habitants purent retrouver leurs maisons consolidées. Dans un document conservé aux archives nationales de L’Aquila17, nous apprenons que “Bando di Luzio Capece, Preside della provincia di Abruzzo Ulteriore Secondo, con il quale si ordina ai cittadini di demolire le loro baracche situate nella piazza pubblica poiché non permettono il regolare svolgimento del mercato e di costruirle in un altro luogo. L’Aquila 1703 novembre 24”. En seulement quelques années, toute la ville fut reconstruite

Le Séisme de Avezzano

Il est important de parler d’un autre tremblement de terre : celui de la région de la Marsica, qui a eu lieu le 13 janvier 1915 à 07: 5318. L’activité sismique a commencé par une série d’évènements précurseurs d’intensité mineure, la veille du grand tremblement de terre. Des répliques de ce séisme ont été enregistrées jusqu’à la fin de l’été de la même année. Ce qu’il faut noter pour ce séisme, c’est qu’il ne s’est pas agi d’une seule secousse destructrice, mais d’une séquence constituée d’au moins trois évènements de même intensité : deux ont eu lieu le 15 janvier espacés d’une demi heure, suivis d’un troisième le lendemain dans l’après midi. L’épicentre du séisme était situé sur la Piana del Fucino; de très graves dommages, non seulement à Avezzano mais également dans tous les villages de l’aire du Fucense, de la vallée de Roveto jusqu’à la moitié de la vallée du Liri, touchant un secteur de la chaîne des Apennins alors considéré par les sismologues comme peu sujet aux séismes. La secousse a été ressentie dans toute l’Italie centrale avec une intensité égale ou supérieure à VII sur l’échelle Mercalli. Plus de 1000 répliques se succédèrent dans les mois suivants. Le tremblement de terre de Avezzano causa des dommages dans la région urbaine de Rome. Tous les quartiers furent plus ou moins endommagés et de façon non homogène. Compte tenu de l’étendue de la zone concernée , du nombre des victimes, des blessés et des sans abri, du nombre de centres habités touchés, ce séisme représente sans doute l’un des tremblements de terre les plus violents que l’histoire italienne ait connu. Cette catastrophe suscita un intérêt bien au delà de la région, devenant un événement historique au plan national, mais en raison des évènements politiques liés à l’imminente entrée en guerre, il n’en resta rapidement plus que quelques traces. Les données officielles disent que 30.00019 personnes périrent dans les écroulements, mais aucun chiffre réel ne sera jamais communiqué. Le séisme de La Marsica fut le plus terrible, après celui de Messine, mais avec plus de morts par rapport au nombre d’habitants. Les secours arrivèrent avec un très grand retard, environ deux jours après le séisme, et le tableau qui se présenta à eux fut apocalyptique. Les survivants durent eux-mêmes retirer les décombres des routes et construire les tentes ou les habitations temporaires. Immédiatement, comme aujourd’hui, les agriculteurs furent expropriés de leurs terres pour construire les écoles provisoires en “dur” ou en ciment antisismique. Entre le 23 janvier et le 30 mars, les routes étant 266

Conclusion

impraticables et les neiges abondantes, les seuls logements possibles furent les “baraques” provisoires, ces dernières pouvant être construites en seulement 10 jours. Ces habitations furent édifiées par les autochtones. Les baraquements étaient composés de quatre murs et d’un toit à une pente. Il y eu besoin également de nombreux vêtements. Les habitants de la Marsica décidèrent de ne pas abandonner leur terre, et, pour ceux qui pouvaient le faire, de rester vivre au milieu des décombres. Les baraquements furent construits non loin des maisons endommagées ou détruites pour des raisons aussi bien affectives que matérielles. De nombreuses victimes du séisme étaient des paysans, et ils devaient s’occuper du bétail et cultiver la terre. La description de Ricardo Avanzi sur la mission à Magliano dei Marsi entre le 23 janvier au 30 mars parle ainsi de cet aspect primordial: “Devo osservare chi ha potuto fuggire aveva trovato modo a riparo costruendo dei ricoveri, ma sempre in prossimità alla loro dimora lesionata - che questa elezione dipendeva non solo da ragioni affettive ma anche da interessi materiali da tutelare e che, per i punti più periferici, sorgeva un altro problema importante giacché col ricovero degli uomini bisognava pure pensare agli animali che in un paese eminentemente agricolo costituiscono un tutto di interesse inscindibile. Occorreva però che il proprietario sorvegliasse e curasse questi animali e non sarebbe stato possibile trarlo ad un determinato luogo discosto ove - sia pure con fastigio del beneficando che avrebbe vista sotto i suoi occhi l’opera sua - non avrebbe corrisposto a quella praticità di cui la spontanea erezione di rifugi improvvisati era indice sicuro…..la selezione spontanea della ubicazione, come dissi, corrisponde a tassative esigenze economiche dei meno abbienti”. 10.000 maisons antisismiques provisoires furent construites suite au tremblement de terre; certaines sont encore habitées par les familles des survivants toujours dans l’attente de la reconstruction de leur habitation. Ces habitations étaient dites antisismiques car elles ne possédaient qu’un étage et parce que le toit était en bois. Bien évidemment le chauffage, les toilettes et le carrelage étaient absents. Elles étaient pourvues de lumières, mais seulement une ampoule pour 32 mètres carrés. Certaines personnes âgées y vivent encore. Dans les Abruzzes, 4.000 personnes occupent encore ces maisons dites antisismiques. Au fil des ans, de nombreuses baraques ont été détruites, toujours remplacées par des HLM. Il reste cependant encore 1.066 de ces habitations, réparties sur 28 communes, sur les 10.000 qui avaient été construites ente 1916 et 1920. Toits percés, murs fins de briquette, deux routes principales qui se croisent au centre: l’image est celle d’un campement. Certains, comprenant que la situation serait plus permanente que provisoire, ont arrangé l’habitat et ont construit au moins une salle de bain. Souvent, les conditions de vie sont celles du siècle dernier, et ce sont presque toujours des personnes âgées qui y vivent. (C.C.)

En ce qui concerne la comparaison ethnographique entre les structures temporaires à foyer, la bibliographie italienne est assez lacunaire. La majeure partie des textes concerne les us et coutumes des communautés paysannes, rurales et montagnardes, en analysant les aspects matériels de ces cultures en mettant en évidence les caractéristiques architecturales des demeures stables, et non des habitations temporaires. On peut avancer certaines conclusions et des points de réflexion: Il semble évident que les signes du séisme qui resteront les plus visibles sont les dégâts sur les édifices qui seront réparés très lentement, alors que l’on perdra rapidement trace des campements d’accueil, vu leur état actuel quelques mois seulement après leur fermeture (même si l’on attend encore la destruction mécanique et la remise en état des lieux). Par contre, les routes qui au départ n’étaient que des sentiers entre les champs cultivés, semblent avoir un futur; elle sont maintenant en asphalte et constituent une nouvelle viabilité. Les grandes décharges qui ont reçu les décombres, nées de rien, changeront également la physionomie du paysage. Pour ce qui est de savoir si les habitants du camp Aquilio sont devenus, oui ou non, pour une période, des nomades comme ils se sont eux-mêmes définis, la réalité est autre. En effet, Sur le campement il manque, naturellement, toutes les traces relatives à l’activité de production, du travail des métaux, qui sont traditionnellement présentes sur les camps des vrais populations nomades, qui souvent recyclent et transforment les matériaux qu’ils trouvent. De plus, les campements de nomades sont liés aux saisons: divers camps sont installés durant l’année. Le camps Aquilio est quant à lui différent, et c’est ce qui en fait sa valeur: c’est un campement spontané créé par une population urbanisée qui a du survivre hors de son habitat durant une longue période. De plus, un coup d’œil rapide sur les autres séismes nous éclaire sur quelques dynamiques historiques. Les populations en général réagissent après le séisme en essayant de survivre durant un temps près des ruines, dans l’attente d’une reconstruction, en restant en contact constamment avec leurs biens. C’est ce qui s’est passé pour le camp Aquilio. Les lourdes structures ne fonctionnent qu’en présence d’une organisation capable d’intervention rapide comme l’actuelle protection civile. Pour le futur, nous pourrons faire des estimations sur le coût des grands camps pour le mettre en parallèle avec d’autres campements de type militaire afin de comprendre combien le maintient ces grandes structures pouvait, dans le passé, peser sur un territoire. De plus, les traces et les images de ces camps peuvent nous aider à nous rapprocher des grandes tragédies qui ont eu lieu dans le passé. (C.C-W.G)

Note 1

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Ce travail est né un an après, sous l’impulsion et avec l’aide de

l‘Associazione Italiana di Etnoarcheologia (en particulier de Mme Francesca Lugli), et de la section des Abruzzes de l’ANA. (Associazione Nazionale Archeologi) Je tiens à remercier pour la traduction en française Emmanuelle Magne 2 SOMMELLA 1989: pp. 482- 485. 3 SOMMELLA 1989:pp. 482- 485. 4 TRAINA 1989: pp. 104-113. 5 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 3 dicembre 1315: p. 1. 6 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 9-10 settembre 1349. 7 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 9-10 settembre 1349. (Un grand tremblement de terre eut lieu le 9 septembre 1349. Les murs de la ville subirent de graves dommages, de nombreuses maisons et des églises se sont écroulées. 800 personnes périrent, c’est-à-dire environ 10% de la population, les habitants de l’Aquila étant moins de 10.000. Les écroulements ont provoqué un grand nuage de fumée sur la ville, qui a empêché de porter secours aux personnes prisonnières des décombres. La difficulté de la reconstruction, une partie des citoyens, découragée, essaya de retourner dans les villages et les châteaux de leurs ancêtres, Face à cet exode et au risque de disparition de l’Aquila, le Conte de Montorio, Lalle Camponeschi, fit refermer les avec des planches de bois les brèches dans les murs de la ville et les fit surveiller.) 8 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 9-10 settembre 1349. 9 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 1398: p. 1. 10 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 5 dicembre 1456: p. 1. 11 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato,27 novembre 1461: p. 2. 12 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato,1631: p. 2. 13 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, p. 2. 14 L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, 2 febbraio 1703, p. 2. 15 ANTINORI 1971-1973, vol. XXIV. 16 (le 14 janvier vers 2 heures du matin, un violent tremblement de terre a secoué de nombreux villages et fit tomber le campanile de San Quinziano Replicarono. Les secousses recommencèrent une heure après la première et continuèrent de nombreuses fois dans la nuit. Le mardi suivant, le 16 du même mois à 21 heures, eut lieu un séisme plus violent. De nombreuses habitations et églises subirent des dégâts). 17 A.C.A., T 37; 18 www. cronologia.leonardo.it/storia/a1915r.htm 19 GRIMALDI 2006; VESPA, PANECALDO 1984.

Référence

ANTINORI, A. L. (1971-1973) Annali, vol. XXIV. GRIMALDI, S. (2006) Relazione del Vescovo Pio Marcello Bagnoli dal 1911 al 1915. Cartulario diocesano del terremoto della marsica del 13 gennaio 1915, scritti inediti, L’Aquila. L’Aquila, Archivio di Stato, Catalogue de l’exposition “I Terremoti nell’aquilano, tra cronaca e ricostruzione dal 16 aprile al 21 maggio 2010”. SOMMELLA, P. (1989) Un terremoto del IV secolo d. C. a Peltuinum. En: E. Guidoboni, (ed.) I terremoti prima del Mille in Italia e nell’area mediterranea, Bologna, pp. 482485. TRAINA, G. (1989) Tracce di un’immagine il terremoto fra prodigio e fenomeno. En E. Guidoboni , (ed.) I terremoti prima del Mille in Italia e nell’area mediterranea. Bologna: pp. 104-113. VESPA, B., PANECALDO, P.A. (1984) Marsica 1915, Roma.

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The Contemporary Archaeological Record of Ornaments Manufacturing and Sale of Beads in the Rione Esquilino, Rome, Italy Elisa Bigi Abstract

Since 2005 we are carrying out an ethnoarchaeological study centred on the loss, discard and dumping of beads in the rione Esquilino, a large multi-ethnic neighbourhood that in time became the largest bead bazaar in Rome. The archaeological record observed in front of the shops and the local dumping areas shows that the transactions of sale and consumption of semi-precious stone beads and ornaments and other materials reveal consistent patterns of site formation, closely dependent upon the local organization of trade activities and important cultural attitudes by different ethnic communities. On the basis of direct observation, we created a typology of the most common depositional contexts related to such commercial activities. We focused particularly on the variability of semi-precious stones used as raw material and on the standardization of the most common beads’ shapes. KEY WORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, Beads, Carnelian, Depositional Processes, Distribution.

Résumé

Depuis 2005, nous avons un projet d’observation ethnoarchéologique centré sur la perte, le rebut et l’abandon des perles dans le “rione” Esquilino un grand quartier multiethnique qui au fil du temps est devenu le plus grand bazar de perles à Rome. Les données archéologiques/record archéologiques montrent que les opérations de vente et la consommation de perles en pierre semi-précieuses et des ornements et autres matériaux dans les centres urbains contemporains ont été superficiellement étudiée et ce qui incité à l’étude de possible traces que ces phases laissent sur le sol. A cet effet, ils ont été analysés environnements et processus de dépôt dans les zones de la vente et la distribution. Ces examens ont donné lieu à une évaluation des principaux processus de formation qui ont conduit à la dispersion des objets et aux possibles variables qui l’affectent. Sur la base des observations directes nous avons créé une typologie de situations, les plus courantes liées aux activités commerciales, qui peuvent avoir influencé la formation de données archéologiques/record archéologiques des zones où il ya la distribution et la vente des ornements. En outre, l’observation et l’analyse des données archéologiques on tenté de reconstituer la structure organisationnelle, la gestion des processus d’affaires et les liens que les opérateurs ont avec la mère patrie d’où les marchandises sont dérivés. Nous nous sommes concentrés en particulier sur la variabilité des pierres semi-précieuses utilisées comme matières premières et sur la normalisation de la forme des perles. Selon le type de matériel nous pouvons remonter à certains aspects de la dimension ethnique. MOTS CLES: ethnoarchéologie, perles, cornaline, processus de dépôt, distribution.

raw materials in the mine to the processing techniques of semi-precious stones held in laboratory of craftsman (INIZAN 2000; KENOYER et al. 1991, 1994; POSSEHL 1981; ROUX 2000; TRIVEDI 1964). In this framework, if the archaeological record of the living (manufacturing) systems was systematically studied as a result of multiple technical processes, from extraction to production, or for understanding the material evidence left on the ground by apprentices in training; but the traces left on the ground in the main trade areas by operations such as distribution and sale received much less attention. How did the archaeological record of the distribution, sale and smallscale manufacturing of beads, pendants and other personal ornaments vary, the different scale of the shops, their different strategies in terms of assembling and selling ornaments, and the multi-ethnic origin of the neighborhood? For answering this and similar questions, we tried to record and interpret the formation processes responsible for dispersion or loss of the artifacts and the factors affecting their dispersion. The chance to observe this peculiar aspect of the archaeological record comes from the contemporary rione

Personal ornaments and in first place beads, are ubiquitous in almost every archaeological context from the Paleolithic onwards and are universal indicators of different types of aesthetic, cultural and sexual-affected communication. Nowadays beads and the personal ornaments are the subject of a vast international trade that combines elements of traditional craft, with its own organizational patterns, with the commercial and technological structure of contemporary capitalism in its globalized forms. For a long time Italian, American and French archaeologists have been interested in the study of semi-precious stones industry of the third millennium BC in regions like Iran, Pakistan and India, studying the waste and residues of processing found in archaeological excavations (BHAN et al. 1994; CASANOVA 1997; CHAKRABARTI 1982; DIKSHIT 1949; DURING CASPERS 1971; KENOYER 1997; LOMBARDO 1988; MACKAY 1933, 1937; READE 1979; TALLON 1995; VIDALE 2004). These studies were later supported by ethnoarchaeology projects, carried out in contemporary traditional manufacturing contexts, in order to provide a better understanding of operational sequences from extraction of 269

Fig. 1. Location of shops and dumping areas. Esquilino, a neighbourhood of historic centre of Rome. The area is heavily occupied by shops run by immigrants, mainly of Asian origin, whose field of activity is jewelry and beads trade. Our observations focused in the Esquilino section between Via G. Giolitti and Termini train station to the north-east, via Mamiani to south-east, via San Vito to the south and via Gioberti to north-west. The study involved the front spaces (mainly on public pathways) of 77 shops of which 45 run by Chinese salesmen, 22 run by Bangladeshi, 6 run by Pakistani e 4 run by Italian shopkeepers. In this area were also investigated bins and dumping area close to the shops, repeatedly used by one or more trading unit (Fig. 1). The research included a systematic daily collection and subsequent classification of ornaments and manufactured items abandoned in front of the shops and the dumping sites, the observation of the living system (as far as possible) and the reconstruction of the relative depositionscattering processes for an observation period of about 11 months. We created a GIS environment for the census of the observed shops and their dumping areas. These latter are the locations where most of artifacts were actually found and collected. Some artifacts, collected soon after their abandonment, were intact, while others showed signs of wear and damage caused by trampling on the streets (Fig. 2). The artifacts collected are in total 5714 and they were divided into 7 main classes: 1. beads, the most abundant

class; 2. pendants; 3. other decorative components; 4. custom jewellery components, objects that often indicate the local performance of manufacturing activities; 5. other ornaments such necklaces, bangles, earrings, rings; 6. administrative indicators related to the managing of the products flow and shops activities, such as keys, locks, seals, invoices and shipping documents; and 7. various objects having no apparent or obvious relation to the

Fig. 2. Examples of daily collections.

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jewelry shops, such as game pieces, containers, and residues of food, like nuts, seeds and fruit remains. A basic source of information turned out to be the raw materials of the ornaments or parts of the ornaments on record. Beads and ornaments in the Esquilino bead bazaar are currently made of plastic, glass, metal, shell, wood, fabric, semiprecious stone, synthetic stone, leather, paper, pottery and other materials. Besides the most common raw materials nowadays popular, such as plastic, glass and metal, we found a surprisingly high number of artifacts made of more valuable materials, such shell, stone and (although less frequently) silver alloys. Among the causes which affected the absolute quantity of the collected artifacts, seasonal variation and weather conditions have an outstanding role. The quantity of collected artifacts, in fact, is due to the random interaction between various factors. The first is the visibility at the moment of the surveys (that usually took place in the earliest hours of the morning, thus keeping the interaction with the shopkeepers at minimum). In the winter months between 6.30 and 7.30 a.m., the usual collection time, it was still dark and it was very difficult, and often impossible to find the artifacts scattered on ground. In summer, the same early hours grant an excellent visibility, and the surveys are more fruitful. Moreover, in summer people wears light clothes, the ornaments are not protected by other clothes and there is a greater possibility to break and loose them. The sale activity itself is at its highest peak during summer. In fact, the rione Esquilino is very close to the Termini station and the area is full of hotels, bringing many tourists to the shops. The shops selling traditional artifacts have much less waste, because they have limited variations in the traded articles and often deal with ornaments made with valuable raw materials. Such shop sare often run by Bangladeshi or Pakistani dealers and in a few cases by Afghan immigrants. On the contrary, the shops selling less valuable, cheap ornaments have larger amounts of wasted items, because they sell unexpensive fashionable ornaments that are strongly affected by momentary fashions and need to be constantly replaced by new articles. These shops are usually run by Chinese families. Another important aspect which affects the formation and composition of the archaeological record are the vendor’s specific activities and personal attitudes: such as the amount of care the vendor places on cleaning the shop and its front on the public spaces, i.e. how much every vendor dumps in front of the door or outside the trash bins and the distance from the dumping area. Last but not least, vendors whose shops are located in lateral alleys will dump more than their colleagues selling on the main, better swept streets at the limits of the neighborhood. Moreover, and obviously enough, among the factors that directly affect the rate of loss or waste of beads and ornaments and their nature range the different technical tasks that are carried in each shop. In first place, many types of ornaments come in couples (i.e. ear-rings) or sets of preestablished amounts (like in the cases of necklaces and bangles), and when the beads exceed the envisaged series, they may be easily set aside, to be temporarily stored and

finally discarded when the specific ornament gets out of fashion. Secondly, shops may have different frequencies of sale and craft functions and different frequencies of assemblage activities (for mounting earrings, bangles, necklaces). In some units large amounts of ornaments are handled for storage and distribution to other attached shops, and in the sorting phases, when loads of beads are opened and examined, defective beads or complete ornaments which will not be sold as defective may be discarded on the floor on the spot. Other items may be dumped and lost while being assembled in necklaces, particularly when the traded beads are not pierced or badly pierced (probably a fraudulent practice by the craftsmen items in order to fill up the consignment lots) (Fig. 3). In the shops, the items for sale are hung on a nail or in open containers placed on the ground, and the movements of customers and vendors can cause their accidental fall. Michael B. Schiffer (1987) originally proposed some categories for the study of archaeological formation processes that may be also relevant to the present study. Similar relational categories, in fact, may be useful for describing and interpreting the sequence of steps that characterize the post-depositional history of an object, in this case in terms of abandonment and/or loss. Primary depositional contexts may include: - lots of artefacts in good state, accidentally fallen to the ground and for some reason not recovered; - smaller groups of unused artifacts belonging to a single type; - composite groups of artefacts used for the same assembling operations; In the shops, the beads fallen on the floor may get stuck in the corners or in the iron fittings of the threshold. Others may fall outside the door and reach other beads which survived displacement and sweeping operations in the nearby pathways. Ethnoarchaeological observation suggests that such primary deposits may remain so for a

Fig. 3. Beads badly pierced.

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Fig. 4. Formation processes in front of the shops. short time but will be soon subjected to a further shift or depositional evolution, with the final result of turning them into secondary deposits, for example when the shops’ floors are swept off and reach in various ways the dumping areas and (more rarely) the pathways (Fig. 4a). On the road they can also get trapped in scars of the paving surfaces or behind the wheels of parked cars (Fig. 4b). The movements of traders, customers or passers by-by who can kick and displace the beads fallen on the floor, and later the work of the street sweepers, the wheels of the vehicles moving in front of the shops, and finally the rain and the local hydraulic-gravitative processes are the most effective agents in the last stages of this process. The litter trucks runs almost every morning from 6.00 to 6.30 and water jets wash away the dirt from the streets, including the artefacts, which end up in the sewer, but some of them get stuck behind the parked cars or in small cavities, and thus will remain in place. The beads that survive the cleaning of the municipality sweepers which finally enter into the sewer represent a tertiary depositional context (Figs. 4c, 4d). Similar processes were observed in all investigated areas, but there are some local different factors that affect the quantity of collected artifacts. These include the footpath and road conditions, the specific location of dumping areas and the parked cars, and even the intensity of traffic on the streets. Besides the typological variability of the collected artifacts,

we recorded the diachronic and synchronic variation of the record noticed in shops run by immigrants of different nationalities. The most numerous and evidently different in terms of trade organization were the Chinese and the Bangladeshi. Chinese immigrants has have been always distinguished by their ability to develop and rapidly spread their own independent business. Trade activities are often carried out by whole families. Chinese are frequently the street vendors, the wholesalers and importers who have relations only with large scale exporting Chinese companies. The most common trade specializations, with jewelers, are retail traders, import-export merchants, dealers in clothing and pharmacy, but Chinese families also invest in wholesale trade, restaurants and hotels. A partially similar situation was observed for the Bangladeshi community. Like Chinese immigrants, Bangladeshis are very active in the creation and management of private enterprises. The great majority the Bangladeshis are registered as individual entrepreneurs, but there are many cooperatives, forms of corporate agencies absent among the Chinese community. In the Esquilino area the Bangladeshis created a small separate enclave that includes various commercial enterprises clustered between Via Cairoli, Via Principe Amedeo, via Turati and Via Ricasoli. Some of the artifacts coming from the Bangladeshis shops were collected on the pathways and streets, but most of 272

Fig. 5. Common indicators in Bangladeshi and Chinese shops. them were found near the bins and dumping areas closest to the shops. The variability of types of ornaments of the two trade communities was recorded and observed. In most cases, different types of artifacts appear in very variable amounts in the shops of the two communities, particularly for what concerns the classes of beads and pendants. There is also a marked difference in the relative amounts of the components of the custom jewellery ornaments in which the Bangladeshi are specialized. In terms of raw materials, we noticed that traditional materials such as shell, stone and metal are mainly present in the artefacts of Bangladeshi shops, whereas wood is prevalent in Chinese shops. The observation of the stones’ variability turned out to be an important parameter. In the Bangladeshi shop we found larger quantities of agate, carnelian and green aventurine, while in the Chinese shops and dumping areas we recorded higher amounts of green and black agate and red aventurine. The Bangladeshi have a more varied stone market that the Chinese traders. In fact, also saw recorded their use of turquoise, coral, garnet and soapstone, almost absent in the Chinese shops. By observing the artefacts of the sampled locations, we wondered about the actual possibility to identify the nationality of the traders on the basis of their archaeological record. At first sight, among the collected items, in terms of presence and absence, there are few distinctive elements of the two ethnic groups. Some elements would be misleading, such as the glass beads called “conterie” widely and indiscriminately spread throughout the Esquilino shops, as well the labels or cards used to hang the jewels bearing the inscription “Fashion Jewelry”. Both these indicators are common in Bangladeshi and in the Chinese shop (Fig. 5). These latter artifacts, the result of a

decentralized of cheap ornaments, rather reflect a global market in continuous expansion. Ethnicity would better be reflected in the raw materials used to make beads and ornaments. In particular, this is the case of agate. Carnelian beads of simple and traditional forms are traded in the Bangladeshi and Pakistani shops, while in the Chinese shops carnelian appears in new, complex and nontraditional bead forms. In the Chinese shops it possible also to find agate died in green and black, varieties of stone commonly appreciate in China but not in the Indo-Pakistani Subcontinent. Bangladeshi and Afghan traders seem to maintain close bonds and sound traditional family relationships with their countries of origin and India. The economy of their workshops is still based on craft working processes. Other groups, on the contrary, are more influenced by the Western markets, or operate in a new, dynamic and correspondingly wide scale. In fact, the Chinese dealers are busy in selling, rather than in manufacturing, and despite maintaining close relationships with their homeland, seek to introduce themselves fruitfully in the global market.

References

BHAN, K. K., KENOYER, J.M., VIDALE, M. (1994) Harappan Technology: Theoretical and Methodological Issues. Man and Environment, XIX, 2. CASANOVA, M. (1997) Le lapis-lazuli dans l’Orient Ancien : gisement, production, des origines au début du second millénaire avant J.C. Doctorat. Université de Paris I, Pantheon, Sorbonne. CHAKRABARTI, D.K. (1982) “Long-barrel-Cylinder” Beads and the Issue of Pre-Sargonic Contact between the 273

Harappan Civilization and Mesopotamia. In: G. L. Possehl (ed.) Harappan Civilization: a Contemporary Prospective. Delhi, pp. 265-270. DIKSHIT, M.G. (1949) Etched Beads in India. Poona. DURING CASPERS, E.C.L. (1971) Etched Carnelian Beads. Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology, 10, pp. 8398. INIZAN, M.L. (2000) Importation de cornalines et agates de l’Indus en Mésopotamie. Le cas de Suse et Tello. In : V. Roux (ed.) Cornaline de l’Inde. Des pratiques techniques de Cambay aux techno-systemes de l’Indus. Paris, pp. 473502. KENOYER, J.M., VIDALE, M., BHAN K.K. (1991) Contemporary Stone Beads Making in Khambat, India: patterns of craft specialization and organization of production as reflected in the archaeological record. World Archaeology, 23 (1), pp. 44-63. KENOYER, J.M.,BHAN, K.K., VIDALE, M. (1994) Carnelian Beads Productions in Khambhat, India: an Ethnoarchaeology Study. In: B. Allchin (ed.) Living Traditions. Studies in the Ethnoarchaeology of South Asia. New Delhi, pp. 281-306. KENOYER, J.M. (1997) Trade and technology of the Indus Valley: new insights from Harappa, Pakistan. World Archaeology, 29/2, pp. 262-280. LOMBARDO, G. (1988) Perle orientali. Tradizione antica e artigianato moderno nella lavorazione delle pietre semipreziose in Medio Oriente. Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale, Roma, pp. 85-90. MACKAY, E.J.H. (1933) Decorated Carnelian Beads. Man, XXXIII, pp.143-146. MACKAY, E.J.H. (1937) Beads Making in Ancient Sind. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 47, pp. 1-5. POSSEHL, G.L. (1981) Cambay beadmaking: an ancient craft in modern India. Expedition, 23, 4. READE, J. (1979) Early Etched Beads and the IndusMesopotamia Trade. London. ROUX, V. (2000) Cornaline de l’Inde. Des pratiques techniques de Cambay aux techno-systemes de l’Indus. Paris. ROUX, V., MATARASSO, P. (2000) Les perles in cornaline harappéennes. Pratiques techniques et technosystéme. In: V. Roux (ed.) Cornaline de l’Inde. Des pratiques techniques de Cambay aux techno-systemes de l’Indus. Paris, pp. 417-438. SCHIFFER, M.B. (1987) Formation Process of the Archaeological Record. University of New Messico Press, Albuquerque. TALLON, F. (1995) Les Pierres Précieuses de l’Orient Ancien des Sumériens aux Sassanides. Paris. TRIVEDI, R. K. (1964) Agate Industry of Cambay. Census of India, 5, Delhi. VIDALE, M. (2004) Che cos’è l’etnoarcheologia. Carocci, Roma.

274

Lettere di S. Antonio: cultura materiale in mutazione accelerata Massimo Vidale Riassunto

La “Catena di S. Antonio” era ed è un sistema auto-replicante di testi scritti che, prima della rivoluzione della scrittura in rete, infestava il medium della comunicazione postale, sfruttando alcuni elementari meccanismi psicologici delle sue vittime. Le sue origini risalgono almeno al tardo 18° secolo, sotto la forma di lettere di pretesa provenienza divina. Nella cultura umana - se escludiamo le catene piramidali a scopo di arricchimento - la catena non ha funzione alcuna, ma sopravvive e si sviluppa con logica propria, e ha catturato da molto tempo l’attenzione di antropologi e studiosi del folklore1). Se la sottraiamo per un attimo alle tradizionali attenzioni demo-etno-antropologiche, e la osserviamo esclusivamente da un punto di vista evoluzionistico, possiamo usare la Catena come esempio di un manufatto antropico sottoposto a tassi particolarmente accelerati di mutazione. Malgrado la sua natura di manufatto composito, puramente virtuale, i suoi meccanismi riproduttivi sono evidenti, come la genesi delle principali mutazioni che la interessano o l’hanno interessata; inoltre, siamo ancora in parte partecipi delle sue implicazioni ideologiche, e sino a pochi anni fa potevamo osservarne dal vivo l’interazione con l’ambiente culturale e tecnico circostante. La cultura materiale contemporanea muta anch’essa con velocità, ma spesso le mutazioni sono impercettibili, e le cause - la natura genetica delle mutazioni - non sono in altrettanta evidenza. L’evoluzione delle lettere può essere presa come modello per meglio affrontare alcuni fondamentali aspetti di quella della cultura materiale archeologica e tornare a parlare di tassonomia e tipologia archeologica. PAROLE CHIAVE: catena di S. Antonio, evoluzione della cultura materiale.

Abstract

Chain letters are self-reproducing systems of written texts, which, before the revolution of the web, lived as parasites of post technologies, exploiting a growing experience of elementary psychological responses by human victims. They date back at least to the late 18th century, when they appeared in form of letters that claimed to originate from God. In our culture - if we exclude the pyramidal chain letters whose function is to provide money to the managers - chain letters have no function, but its own survival. Since long they have captured the attention of cultural anthropologists and experts of folklore2. If we consider the phenomenon from the viewpoint of evolutionism, chain letter provide an extraordinary example of an artifact which undergoes exceedingly fast rates of mutation. Even though they are composite and purely virtual objects, its mechanisms of reproduction are open to observation, including the genetic factors that lie at the roots of their constant change. Moreover, the ideological background of this process is fully available to a contemporary observer, and until few years ago (when chain letters migrated and volatilized in different forms in internet) we could fruitfully observe their interaction with the surrounding techno-social environment. In general, contemporary material culture may change as ,fast as the features of chain letters, but in many cases mutations are not perceptible, and the causes of change - the genetic nature of the mutation themselves - are not as evident. In this article, I discuss some interpretive models of this phenomenon, in the light of its potential relevance for understanding the dynamics of change in archaeological ceramics. Each letter “suggests” to its victims to make 20 copies of the sheet they are reading within 96 hours, and to send by mail them to friends and relatives, avoiding to interrupt its serial reproduction. The text contains a series of exemplar punishments to those who do not obey (deaths, loss of money, deseases and car crashes), and a parallel series of rewards to those who follow literally the instructions (advancement s in career, lottery awards). Chain letters had to carefully select and refine their weapons, if they wanted to survive; they may be considered a technological parasite that exploited with full success the post system for more than a century, by the means of psychological coercion but also magic mechanisms. The writer, with the help of some colleagues and friends, assembled a collection of 25 letters, written in Italy from 1984 to 2000. It includes few hand-written examples (1986) and letters typed on traditional mechanical typing machines (since 1986, and perhaps until1990). Between 1987 and 1999 some chain letters were written with electric typing machines; word-processing technology pops out since1989 (with ink-jet printers), while the first laser printers appeared in the early ‘90ies. When xerox machines became easily available in Italy, both in private and public offices, during the ‘60ies, the copying activities boomed. But after 10 or 15 generations of copies, because of the toner effect, the original text was read with a growing uncertainty, and the names of the characters in the stories became difficult to understand - to an extent that chain letters had never experienced with hand-writing. The first things to change were the name of the personages, constantly changed until they assumed forms so grotesque and difficult to remeber that they were set aside and eventually dropped. The names that survived and were successful had nothing to do with the original story - they just mirrored those of famous TV characters, movie actors or anyhow members of the most visible media world. If we shift the model to ceramic change in ceramic studies, we should conclude that in the ancient technologies of production and use, as well as in the aesthetics responsible for the so-called “secondary 275

attributes” of a vessel, were active purely random patterns of variations, although doubtless marginally constrained by physical and economic factors. Elements like decorative patterns and symbols might have survived on pottery just because they reflected other symbolic environments and widely shared ideological issues, with little or no relationships with the contexts of production and use in ancient ceramics. In such a case, the search for “contextual meaanings” would turn to be a quite useless effort - the meaning would be there, but it would be far from contextual - or better, the relevant context of analysis would be the “culture” as a whole, rather than the specific subsystem under investigation. At this point, chain letters modified their content, adopting a brand new story: a young Californian girl understood the problem, but she forgot to re-type the text, and was severely punished. But when she remembered to fulfill her duty, she was rewarded with a new, beautiful and costly car. From a grammatical-structural viewpoint, the newly added story was just another sequential loop of threatens and promises, like the previous ones, would have been perceived as a simple expression of redundancy. But as we are fully aware of the the symbolic implications of the story, its deepest meaning, and its function, are evident - to force people to re-type the texts. Going back to our ceramic comparisons, the implication would be almost paradoxical. Even basic structural information on an ancient pot - what is commonly thought of its fundamental formal or spatial attributes, like size, proportions among body and mouth, wall thickness - might be scarcely understandable a priori, without an actual possibility to share or access the global cultural assets of the extinct society under study, and their interplay with functional factors. KEY WORDS: Chain letters, Evolution of Material Culture.

Fortuna di un parassita tecnologico

caso, infatti, recitano le lettere, queste devono essere trattenute dal destinatario oltre il termine prefissato. La nostra raccolta di 25 lettere, in questa luce, va considerata come una piccola popolazione a sé stante, da studiare in quanto tale.

Prima che le lettere mutassero e si adattassero a Internet, molti, per esperienza personale, hanno imparato di persona che cosa è la “Catena di S. Antonio” (Fig. 1). Si riceveva, in una busta indirizzata a mano, una lettera indirizzata personalmente a noi. La lettera, usualmente fotocopiata, ci ordinava di fare 20 copie del foglio che stavamo leggendo entro 4 giorni (96 ore) e di spedirle a conoscenti e amici, in modo da non interrompere la catena. Una serie di esemplificazioni punitive, se non lo facevamo, e una serie parallela di esemplificazioni di premio, se avessimo ubbidito alla catena, erano gli incentivi. Tra i “premi” figuravano vincite alla lotteria e promozioni di lavoro; tra i castighi, perdite di denaro, disastri economici, malattie e incidenti stradali, la morte dei familiari e la nostra. La natura delle minacce, l’aura spesso vagamente misteriosa se non sinistra dei personaggi indicati come fautori della catena, la ripetitività di consigli e ingiunzioni, che ricordava sia la struttura delle litanie che quella di rituali magici e maledizioni, erano in grado di imporre compulsivamente in una parte (presumibilmente ridotta) dei recettori del messaggio una puntuale riproduzione del processo. La catena deve spaventare efficacemente il suo pubblico, pena l’estinzione; essa può essere considerata come un parassita tecnologico che ha infestato con indubbio successo il sistema postale per più di un secolo, prima di colonizzare la rete informatica, sfruttando strumenti di tipo essenzialmente magico (i quali, a quanto pare, funzionano perfettamente anche nella realtà odierna). Lo scrivente e altri colleghi, dal 1984 al 2000, raccolsero 25 esemplari datati di lettere della catena, provenienti da diverse città italiane. Le lettere rappresentano una percentuale infinitesimale delle centinaia o migliaia di lettere di questo genere che, ogni giorno, per decadi, sono state copiate e spedite in Italia. Raccogliere le lettere non è semplice, in quanto in genere esse vengono immediatamente buttate con stizza, o attentamente rispedite ad altri dai “portatori positivi” della catena stessa: in nessun

Riproduzione e mutazioni

Dalle lettere, con un grado variabile di incertezza, è a volte possibile determinare la tecnica usata per comporre e riprodurre i testi (Fig. 2). La serie raccolta comprende fotocopie di testi scritti a mano (1986) e di testi battuti a macchina (dal 1986, e forse fino al 1990). Macchine da scrivere elettriche sembrano attestate dal 1987 ed essere state usate, con frequenza decrescente, fino al 1999. Nella nostra raccolta, i primi sistemi del tipo word-processing sembrano comparire nel 1989 (provvisti di stampanti a getto d’inchiostro), mentre le prime stampanti laser si datano, nella nostra raccolta, ai primi anni ‘90. È indubbio che la diffusione del terziario, più ancora che la meccanizzazione delle tecnologie di trasmissione delle informazioni, abbia determinato la creazione di ambienti sempre più favorevoli alle tecniche auto-riproduttrici della catena (se prima si copiava a mano e a casa, poi è risultato ben più facile ed economico copiare e spedire a spese altrui da uffici). La strategia di sopravvivenza della catena è facilmente comprensibile. In un ipotetico contesto in cui tutti gli utenti rispondessero positivamente, in poco più di 2 settimane si genererebbero idealmente 1 x 20 x 20 x 20 x 20, vale a dire 160.000 lettere. Se a rispondere fossero solamente 2 utenti su 20, il totale delle lettere spedite raggiungerebbe, nello stesso arco di tempo, le 300 unità (cifra comunque ragguardevole). L’introduzione delle fotocopiatrici sul mercato di massa, a partire dagli anni ‘60, deve aver dato improvvisamente linfa vitale a questo processo, ma ad un costo - dal punto di vista del parassita - non indifferente: dopo 10 o 15 generazioni di fotocopie, infatti, grazie all’effetto-toner, il testo originale diventava scarsamente 276

Secondo VanArsdale, negli USA intorno al 1973 le due catene furono accorpate, in ordine variabile, sulla stessa pagina. Possiamo solo ipotizzare che ciò sia avvenuto ad opera di individui che avevano ricevuto contemporaneamente le due versioni e optarono (comprensibilmente ma comunque creativamente) per l’accorpamento. Le lettere nelle quali le sinistre vicende si ripetevano in due moduli giustapposti risultavano ancor più preoccupanti, ed ebbero un immediato successo. I testi del nostro campione, con l’eccezione di una lettera scritta a mano del Dicembre 1986, l’unica a citare esplicitamente preghiere a S. Antonio da Padova e di un gruppo di lettere ricevute tra il 1997 e il 1999 (vedi oltre), sono classificabili, alla luce delle informazioni di VanArsdale, come “NV”, in quanto incorporano le due versioni in tale ordine. Solitamente il passaggio dalla prima alla seconda parte della lettera, nella nostra raccolta, è scandito da frasi come “Nota bene il fatto seguente” oppure “Prendi nota di tutto ciò” (in un caso del 1987 figura la misteriosa e impegnativa espressione “Prendi nota di Dio”). In tempi più recenti, tra il 1997 e il 1999, hanno circolato lettere che, pur dichiarando provenienza olandese, sembrano invece versioni italiane semplificate della “Catena V”, che quindi ha mantenuto diramazioni autonome. Queste versioni si riconoscono facilmente perchè, oltre ad essere più brevi delle NV, iniziano con l’ingiustificata asserzione “Una poesia cinese ti porterà fortuna”. La Fig. 3 mostra, sotto forma di diagramma di flusso, la struttura di una tipica lettera italiana del tipo NV, con le due versioni accorpate, con struttura interna piuttosto simile, precedute da formule introduttive apparentemente benevole. Con l’unione di due versioni, la struttura più profonda e, per usare un vecchio termine, “invariante” del testo acquista dimensioni di ridondanza, comuni del resto in ogni genere di comportamento o contesto esplicitamente o inconsciamente “ritualizzato”. Una lettera anomala del 1990 – sulla quale insisterò più avanti - sembra aver accorpato addirittura 3 versioni, assumendo una struttura ad altrettanti loops, e introducendo tra i casi esemplificativi nuovi nomi privi di qualsiasi confronto (Il sig. Edda Roo come iniziatore, il sig. Porti, il sig. Tarog, il sig. Migliore), che dovrebbero provenire da un altro filone della catena, sinora non altrimenti attestato nel nostro gruppo di documenti.

leggibile, e i nomi dei personaggi, spesso stranieri ed esotici, diventano incomprensibili. Oltre tale limite-soglia, la lettera doveva essere riscritta ex novo. Evidentemente, alcuni degli ospiti del parassita si sentivano psicologicamente più tranquilli dopo aver preso la decisione di contribuire a mantenere perfettamente leggibile il messaggio e quindi a preservare - al di là delle ingiunzioni scritte - la funzionalità del sistema. Più oltre, vedremo come la creatura artificiale è stata capace anche di autoregolarsi allo scopo di superare simili problemi e complesse transizioni tecnologiche, dettando agli umani nuove ingiunzioni ad hoc. Nell’atto del ribattere, i nomi ormai illeggibili dei personaggi citati erano spesso re-interpretati e deformati (in un unico caso del 1998, un copista in incertezza ma dotato di rigore filologico ha lasciato uno dei nomi in bianco, sotto forma di puntini). L’intensità delle copiature e la reinterpretazione di nomi illeggibili rappresentano la causa di vere e proprie “mutazioni” a tasso accelerato del sistema originario. Altra fonte di variabilità è stato senza dubbio il ricorso alla traduzione delle lettere dall’inglese o dallo spagnolo in italiano, certamente effettuata più volte da più individui in un arco di tempo indefinibile.

Storia recente della catena e natura delle lettere raccolte

La filologia delle lettere della catena, con ogni probabilità, è argomento complicato e contorto, e ricostruirne puntualmente l’evoluzione sarebbe fatica improba. Secondo informazioni fornite nel 1996 dai Dr. Dan VanArsdale e William Hansen (Università dell’Indiana, USA) (VanArsdale 2007), studiosi del fenomeno a suo tempo contattati in rete, le prime manifestazioni riconoscibili della catena ancor oggi attiva, si datano negli USA almeno al 1906, mentre i primi esemplari fotocopiati in questo paese risalgono al 1959 (in Italia, copie xerografiche di lettere scritte a mano circolavano ancora alla fine degli anni ‘80). Le lettere che circolavano negli USA nei tardi anni ‘90 provenivano da due distinte catene. Agli inizi degli anni ‘70 era attiva una catena che dichiarava di provenire dall’Olanda, e raccontava la storia di un “ufficiale” che, dopo una vincita, ignorava la sua lettera e perdeva tutto; di un uomo chiamato Joe il quale, analogamente, perdeva il suo denaro; di un generale filippino che rimaneva vedovo, non senza aver prima ricevuto una consistente somma di denaro. Questa catena viene definita da VanArsdale come “Catena N” (Netherland). I personaggi principali di questa versione verranno chiamati N1 (ufficiale), N2 (Joe), N3 (generale filippino). Contemporaneamente, circolavano simili lettere che dichiaravano di provenire dal Venezuela (“Catena V”): le storie includevano la vincita alla lotteria di un certo Costantino Diaz (V1), la perdita dell’impiego e quindi la promozione di un impiegato (V2), e la morte di un terzo personaggio caratterizzato fortemente come scettico, 9 giorni dopo aver commesso l’errore di buttare la lettera (V3).

La variazione nel tempo e i missionari dell’emisfero sud

Le lettere comprendono di regola informazioni storiche e geografiche sull’origine della catena. Tali informazioni sono: il nome o la menzione del personaggio che alla catena ha dato origine, solitamente definito come un “missionario” (Fig. 4), e il suo paese di origine; il luogo di conservazione della lettera originaria e il paese di provenienza della catena (Fig. 5). Avendo stabilito che probabilmente le lettere italiane rappresentano l’evoluzione di vecchie traduzioni della versione NV del Nuovo Mondo, possiamo notare che i 277

lettere di Antonio de Volo (1987-1990) non indicavano le sigle dell’organizzazione, mentre quelle del filone St. Anthony de Group, senza eccezione, dal 1989 al 2000, e senza errori, parlano della R.A.F. (aviazione militare britannica o organizzazione terroristica tedesca?). Il personaggio N2 (Fig. 8) compare sotto Saul Ammun prima come Joe Injln o Joe Inhln (1986-1987), certamente una versione storpiata di un nome ben più facile, quello di Injun Joe, personaggio crudele e negativo - e metafora razzista dell’infido nativo Americano - associato al Tom Sawyer di Mark Twain. Per qualche ragione, in Italia - dove il nome dell’Indiano non aveva significato alcuno - si mutò in quello più assimilabile, e assolutamente non relato al primo, di Joe Harrison (1989-1991), probabilmente influenzato dal notissimo attore di Hollywood. Le due lettere riferite ad Antonio de Volo (1987-1990) riportano i nomi di Joe Elliot e Joe Ellior, mentre dal 1989 al 2000 Joe Elliot è l’unico nome contemplato dalla versione St. Anthony de Group (il nome potrebbe essere quello del frontman dei Def Leppard, un noto gruppo heavy metal inglese, molto attivo tra gli anni ’80 e ‘90). Il personaggio N3, infine, il generale filippino reso vedovo dalla propria incredulità (Fig. 9), nel filone Saul Ammun, dal 1986 al 1987 è Gene Waler (anche Walter: in questo caso, l’assonanza potrebbe essere anche con il nome di Gene Walter, un giocatore di baseball americano molto noto nella seconda metà degli anni ’80, proprio quando è attestata la variante), per poi trasformarsi in varianti di Geve Haler (1989-1991). Nelle due lettere di Antonio de Volo troviamo nomi del tutto anomali (generale Hellot e generale Welch: Hellot ha una ovvia valenza infernale, e ricorda da vicino la voce Elliot di N2). Nella serie St. Anthony de Group, invece, dal 1989 al 1997 si trovano varianti di Gene Walen (come Cene/Gene, oppure Walen/Valen/Halen/Waler). Negli ultimi anni, le voci Gane Wole e Cene Wollane mostrano ulteriori mutazioni e altre possibilità evolutive del nome dello sfortunato militare asiatico.

missionari “capostipiti” della catena identificano altrettanti sotto-gruppi di lettere con caratteristiche proprie (Fig. 6). Abbiamo così, tra il 1986 e il 1991, la menzione di un personaggio chiamato con variazioni del nome Saul Ammun “...missionario dell’America Latina” (originale in Inghilterra, catena proveniente dal Venezuela). Due lettere (1987 e 1990) chiamavano invece in causa Antonio de Volo, “missionario sudamericano”, con una versione fortemente italianizzata (originale nei “paesi del Nord”, catena proveniente dal Venezuela). Tra il 1989 e il 2000 sono invece comuni i riferimenti a St. Anthony de Group (nel 2002 evolutosi in Anthony Isegrup, vedi Fig. 1), “missionario del Sud Africa” (originale nel New England, USA, catena proveniente dal Venezuela). Il costante riferimento al Venezuela e all’Inghilterra/New England testimoniano la sostanziale uniformità di questi 3 filoni. Almeno dal 1997 erano in circolazione, come si è detto, delle versioni V che consideravano come capostipite un innominato “missionario delle Antille” (originale della lettera in Olanda). Come si vedrà, questi diversi “missionari” dell’emisfero sud del pianeta identificano effettivamente altrettanti filoni genetici delle lettere a catena. Saul Ammun è un nome composito che incorpora il nome di un sovrano biblico (con un ruolo notoriamente negativo) al fascino esoterico della massima divinità nazionale dell’antico Egitto. Nelle 9 lettere che lo citano, dopo una fase di sostanziale stabilità (1986-1987) il nome viene mutato in Sadj Paulo Ammun, termine che, abbandonato il riferimento biblico, cerca di incorporare un riferimento al grande santo cristiano, ma senza rinunciare allo strano nome iniziale, che ha assonanze con titoli sacri ed onorifici del contemporaneo mondo Islamico (come Sayyad e Haji). Nel 1991 comparvero trasformazioni del tutto aberranti, come il ridicolo Suor Anna e il quasi illeggibile Sadji Paulo Ampju, dopo di che il personaggio scomparve per essere affiancato e sostituito da Antonio de Volo (2 casi) e quindi da St. Anthony de Group, nomi per i quali (al di là dell’omonimia con il grande taumaturgo medievale) non ho alcuna interpretazione. L’ultimo nome del missionario sembra godere di una stabilità grafica ben maggiore del primo.

I personaggi della versione V

Questa versione si basa sugli esempi forniti da un personaggio chiamato già nella prima lettera disponibile col nome di Costantino (V1, Fig. 10): imprenditore accorto e rispettoso che, dopo aver ricevuto la lettera, chiede alla segretaria di fare le copie dovute, e vince quindi somme variabili e in qualche modo aggiornate ai processi di inflazione (“due milioni alla lotteria del paese”, “110 milioni al totocalcio”; “2 milioni di dollari”; “nove miliardi alla lotteria”). Il personaggio V1, nel filone Saul Ammun, si chiamava Costantino dal 1986 ai primi anni ‘90 (con un’unica bizzarra mutazione, apparentemente senza seguito, in Cozzerino). Dal 1989, nello stesso filone, il nome cambiava sino a mutarsi in cognome, e avevamo così “...i Cemantini Carcognini”, oppure “Costantino Carcognini”, in ogni caso residenti a Bologna (mutazione per raddoppiamento del nome-base e storpiatura della seconda parte).

Deriva onomastica: i personaggi della versione N

I primi due personaggi di questa serie, come si ricorderà, vincono delle somme di denaro che poi perdono per aver interrotto la catena. Il personaggio N1 (Fig. 7) è un anomimo “ufficiale” (traduzione dall’inglese officer?) di una organizzazione indicata con diversi acrostici. Le lettere intestate a Saul Ammun tra il 1986 e il 1987 nominavano un’organizzazione chiamata R.T.T.; dal 1989 al 1991 parlano della N.A.T.O., con una singola e buffa eccezione del 1991, dove si parlava di P.TT., sigla che probabilmente intendeva indicare il servizio postelegrafonico dell’amministrazione italiana realtà (PP.TT.). Se il passaggio R.T.T. - N.A.T.O. appare arbitrario, quello R.T.T. - P.TT. era evidentemente dovuto a deformazioni da copia xerox e errori del copista. Le due 278

Roma nel 1991, infatti, fece la prima comparsa una nuova interessante storia, con un nuovo personaggio (vedi Fig. 1).

Nella serie Antonio de Volo, Costantino ricevette altri curiosi cognomi brevi come Cai e Col, mentre mantenne il suo nome nelle recenti versioni semplificate della serie V comparse a partire dal 1997. Nella serie St. Anthony de Group, il personaggio V1 compare con cognomi che rappresentano varianti di Diaz dal 1989 al 1992, mentre negli ultimi anni si chiamava Dion o Dionne. Dal 1997, le nuove lettere della versione V sembrano aver abolito il cognome e ripiegato sul semplice “Costantino”. V2 (Fig. 11) è un impiegato o una impiegata che perde il lavoro per trovarne uno molto migliore, ma solo dopo aver obbedito agli ordini della catena. Nel filone Saul Ammun, V2 manteneva il nome di Arla Daddet, con scarse variazioni durante il 1986 e il 1987 (con l’eccezione dell’eccentrico e isolato Arle Quaddetun, nome dal sapore vagamente eschimese); era anche di sesso chiaramente maschile. Dal 1989 al 1991, nello stesso filone, il nome entrò in una fase di intensa variazione, e il sesso dell’impiegato diviene femminile (con l’eccezione di un quasi irriconoscibile e subito estinto Phil Abbadot). Le due lettere intestate a Antonio de Volo, come in altri casi, sono eccentriche, e, nell’italianizzare i personaggi, approdavano a degli inediti Carlo Duetti e Carlo Podetti. La serie St. Anthony de Group partiva da un Carod Daddit (maschio) per approdare dal 1995, con una parallela inversione di sesso, a una Carol Deoldid, Dealdid o Deolnid, mentre le nuove lettere della versione V mantenevano immutato il nome di Carlo, senza cognome (la lettera della Fig. 1, datata 2002, mostra una successiva evoluzione in “Deonil”). V3 (Fig. 12), infine, è una delle figure più inquietanti e tormentate della nostra sequenza testuale: è lo scettico che butta la lettera e muore dopo 5 giorni, 9 giorni, oppure, nei casi più fortunati, dopo 9 anni. In Saul Ammun, tra il 1986 e il 1987 V3 era Alan Painchild (letteralmente “Figlio del dolore”), presto storpiato in Pianchild e Painohild; tra il 1989 e il 1991 anche Alan cambiò sesso, trasformandosi in Annie, mentre il cognome passava a Pianohilg, Pianohile, Pianehile (Lon Perrold è un’altra trasformazione estrema apparentemente estinta senza futuri sviluppi). Il nome Pianehile suona in inglese come una distorsione di Painheal (“Guarigione dal dolore”). V3 risulta assente nelle versioni Antonio de Volo. Invece la serie St. Anthony de Group prendeva le mosse da un Belan Fakichila, nome dal sapore decisamente africano, comprensibilmente condannato all’oblio (1989) per poi sviluppare le assonanze di Dalan Fairchild (“Il figlio bello, biondo, felice”), generare un’altra forma terminale come Dalan Falcri (influenzato da Anna Falchi., nota soubrette?), e quindi i nomi di Dane o Done Peulechile, Peulchile, o Pelulkild. Si noti che anche in questa sequenza il passaggio da Dalan a Dane/Done implica la trasformazione del personaggio maschile in donna.

“Nel 1987 la lettera è stata ricevuta da una giovane donna in California ma era leggibile a stento: la ragazza si era ripromessa di ribatterla a macchina e spedirla: purtroppo ha aspettato troppo e ha avuto una serie di disgrazie cominciando da problemi con la macchina. Dopo aver battuto la lettera, la fortuna è stata a suo favore: ha comprato una macchina nuova.”

Il successo di questa mutazione è stato enorme: dal 1991 in poi, questa storia conclude con regolarità ogni lettera della serie NV; risulta invece assente sulle versioni semplificate di tipo V circolanti dal 1997. Di fronte al problema dell’aumento di noise (sotto forma di aree annerite) sulle fotocopie e della crescente illeggibilità di testo e nomi, la catena ha ovviamente incorporato una istruzione supplementare di fondamentale rilevanza strategica: chi riceve lettere scarsamente leggibili è tenuto a ribatterle, pena altre e nuove disgrazie. Si tenga presente che, dal punto di vista della struttura interna del testo, questa innovazione altro non è che una reiterazione di un terzo loop “minaccia-premio” del tutto analogo a quelli che caratterizzano le normali lettere del tipo NV (diagramma di flusso in Fig. 3).

Evoluzione puntuata, meccanismi selettivi, vantaggi adattivi

La progressiva trasformazione dei nomi o “deriva onomastica”, dovuta al processo di copia xerografica, interpretazione, trascrizione, nuova fase di copiatura, genera, come si è detto, le dimensioni di variabilità diacronica più immediatamente percepibili, mentre sullo sfondo la struttura dei messaggi scritti sembra rimane in larga misura invariata. Ma al di là della natura fisica del processo di copiatura, quali forze guidano la reinterpretazione dei nomi in forme sempre nuove? Quali sono le caratteristiche fondamentali della mutazione? E, per ragionare in senso archeologico, quali sono i parametri del mutamento che una tipologia efficace dovrebbe prendere in considerazione e codificare? Innanzitutto, consideriamo la questione della frequenza e dell’intensità delle mutazioni. Il cambiamento è discontinuo in termini di tempo, di filone, di personaggi. In generale, la serie intestata a St. Anthony de Group sembra dotata di maggiore inerzia onomastica di quella Saul Ammun. Vi sono personaggi relativamente stabili (l’indicazione R.A.F. associata a N1 e il nome di N2, Joe Elliot, nel filone St. Anthony de Group, oppure quello di V1, Costantino Diaz, nella stessa serie) e personaggi col nome, al contrario, in costante elaborazione (V3, Alan Painchild/Dane Peulechile, sia nel filone Saul Ammun che in quello St. Anthony de Group). Il nome di N3, in ogni filone, sembra subire costantemente modificazioni secondarie, senza mai giungere, almeno sino a tempi recenti, a un totale stravolgimento. Nella serie St. Anthony del Group, i nomi di N3, V1, V2 restano stabili

Una innovazione strutturale

Non tutti i cambiamenti osservati nelle lettere della catena NV riguardano la dimensione “esterna” della progressiva trasformazione dei nomi. Alla fine di una lettera ricevuta a 279

per quasi un decennio per entrare improvvisamente, a partire dagli ultimi anni ‘90, in una fase di mutazione accelerata (un evento perfettamente rispondente ai modelli dell’evoluzionismo puntuato). Risulta difficile precisare quali fattori, al di là della perdita di dettaglio causata dal toner, operino le spinte selettive sui vari nomi dei personaggi. Al di là del riferimento a S. Antonio, nomi come Saul Ammun e Hellot possono aver avuto un relativo successo per le intrinseche connotazioni religiose, esoteriche o magiche, che tuttavia sembrano aver giocato nel successo della catena un ruolo secondario. D’altra parte, il personaggio che in origine si chiamava Gene Waler non ricorda forse la storia biblica di Giona e del pesce che lo inghiottì (in lingua iglese, Jonas and the Whale)? La storia di Giona (Fig. 13d), anche in questo caso, rappresenta nella coscienza collettiva dell’occidente il più celebre simbolo (o archetipo) di colpa, espiazione, sacrificio, rinascita. Leggibilità, eufonia, associazioni arbitrarie con altri ambiti mediatici o semantici sembrano avere il loro peso. Nomi deformati al limite dell’illeggibilità, come Inhlin, Injljln per N2, Arla Quaddetun per V2 o anche Belan Fakichila per V3, qualunque fosse l’origine, sono ormai così complessi e singolari da non presentare facili associazioni che ne guidino ulteriori trasformazioni, vengono rigettati e si mutano così in altrettanti vicoli ciechi evolutivi. Quindi scompaiono. In diversi casi, è chiara l’attrazione del cinema, della televisione e del mondo della pubblicità. Se fino al 1987 in Injun Joe e derivati è ancora avvertibile l’influenza di un celebre personaggio letterario del romanzo americano, i media visivi finiscono col dilagare. Si pensi, ad esempio, all’adozione temporanea del nome Harrison (Fig. 13a) per N2, alla fine degli anni ‘80, a quella di Welch per N3 nel 1990 (Fig. 13b), e allo stesso nome Dalan Falcri per V3 nel 1997 (accostabile, come si è detto, a quello della famosa subrette televisiva) (Fig. 13c). E il passaggio da Costantino Diaz a Costantino Dion, Costantine Dionne non potrebbe essere stato guidato dalla parziale omofonia con una prestigiosa e reclamizzata casa produttrice di profumi? (Fig. 13d). In un altro caso, un nome si modifica semplicemente per ridondanza (una dimensione fondamentale, come si vede, del funzionamento della catena), adottando come cognome repliche deformate del nome stesso (da Costantino, attestato, ricordo, anche come Cozzerino, si passa così a Costantino Carcognini e quindi, dopo altre storpiature, alla famiglia dei Cemantini Carcognini; ma perché proprio a Bologna?). A volte il cambiamento non è riconducibile alla graduale “deriva” o all’improvvisa modifica di un singolo nome all’interno delle copie di un medesimo filone, quanto, chiaramente, all’insorgere di nuove versioni della lettera, che promuovono così imprevedibili dimensioni di cambiamento simultaneo. Il filone Saul Ammun, infatti, è chiaramente scandito in due fasi cronologiche. La stretta corrispondenza delle trasformazioni onomastiche di N2 e N3 con i mutamenti della sigla associata a N1 è evidente: i dati del campione indicano l’estinzione di una prima

versione, e la sua sostituzione da parte di una versione concorrente, intorno al 1988. La versione rimpiazzata era forse penalizzata dalla incomprensibilità della sigla originale attribuita a N1 (che cosa è mai la R.T.T.?) e dalla menzionata totale illeggibilità del vecchio cognome di N2. Altre innovazioni come Joe Harrison per N2 non sembrano avere avuto lunga fortuna, forse per effetto della concorrenza del semplice ma efficace nome Joe Elliot (che rimane immutato per oltre un decennio) adottato dal filone St. Anthony de Group. Nomi comuni e facilmente memorizzabili di questo tipo potrebbero ricavare un vantaggio, nei meccanismi selettivi, dall’essere divulgati e frequentemente ribaditi su media di larga diffusione, come sembra essere avvenuto, appunto, per il cantante heavy metal inglese. Altro vantaggio selettivo, ispirato a una strategia del tutto contrastante a quella della ridondanza, è la semplificazione del testo. Le versioni V degli ultimi anni (quelle che cominciano citando una inesistente “poesia cinese”, rinunciano a ribadire più volte le minacce, adottano nomi semplici e meno esotici, ma aggravano il timore della pena: tenete presente che nel 1967 un certo Bruno P. (in veste di personaggio V3) ricevette la lettera e la buttò con scetticismo. A causa di ciò sua moglie morì di parto, dando alla luce un neonato gravemente malato, il quale si salvò solamente perché Bruno P. cercò la lettera, ne fece le 20 canoniche copie e le spedì. La brevità del testo è certamente un forte incentivo alla copiatura periodica delle pagine troppo copiate e illeggibili. L’innovazione della ragazza californiana costretta dalla catena a ribattere la lettera illeggibile mostra come la catena stessa sia stata costretta ad alterare la propria struttura “invariante”, e lo ha fatto con immediato successo. Non è certo casuale che, in questa aggiunta, sia le punizioni che i premi riguardino l’automobile, immagine primaria di meccanizzazione e contraltare simbolico della potente fotocopiatrice. Si noti come dal punto di vista dell’analisi strutturale (se quindi ignorassimo il significato della storia e la sua relazione funzionale con la sopravvivenza del parassita) le lettere così integrate sarebbero scarsamente distinguibili da quella già citata del 1990, per quanto caratterizzata e rinforzata dall’aggregazione di ben tre storie differenti basate sul meccanismo minaccia/premio. Alcune dimensioni del cambiamento sfuggono comunque a qualsiasi facile razionalizzazione. Per esempio, il doppio cambiamento di sesso di V2 e V3, nell’evoluzione italiana della catena, e gli indizi dello stesso incipiente fenomeno per V1 rappresentano una mutazione misteriosa, inspiegabile. Perché mai i personaggi V si femminilizzano, mentre quelli N rimangono senza incertezza maschi? Altrettanto misterioso è il processo inconscio che, attraverso la trasformazione graduale del nome di V3 guidata da assonanze in lingua inglese, porta il sinistro “Figlio del dolore” alla “Guarigione dal dolore” sino a trasformarlo in “Figlio bello, biondo, felice”), quasi fossimo all’interno di una inconscia, arcana istanza di guarigione - un ambito semantico forse riflesso, come abbiamo visto, anche nel nome di Gene Waler, inghiottito 280

morfo-tecnico del contenitore con piedi, prese, anse, la dimensione delle performance tecniche dell’utensile. Per contro, caratteri come la decorazione delle superfici o la variazione stilistica (secondaria) di elementi come anse e orli svolgerebbero ruoli grosso modo paragonabili a quelli svolti dai volatili nomi dei personaggi nella vita della catena. Si potrebbe obiettare che la creazione di un vaso è un processo conscio, mentre la graduale deformazione dei nomi è guidata da fattori parzialmente involontari e inconsci. Ma in realtà, sia il copista che il vasaio hanno come obiettivo conscio e razionale la produzione/riproduzione di un oggetto ben preciso; l’esperienza etnoarcheologica indica con chiarezza che, nel campo della manifattura ceramica, la selezione di attributi come la forma di un’ansa o un particolare motivo decorativo sono processi automatici e largamente intuitivi, in larga misura non razionalizzabili da parte degli stessi artigiani. In questa prospettiva, se l’evoluzione diacronica della catena (come credo) è efficacemente paragonabile a quella di un manufatto archeologico, nell’atto di inquadrare tipologicamente l’evoluzione dell’oggetto ci troveremmo in una situazione singolare. La variabilità principale, in quanto più immediatamente percepibile e classificabile, investe proprio la dimensione “sovrastrutturale”. Ma gli attributi registrati e misurabili, quelli che meglio si prestano - si badi bene - alla definizione cronologica più puntuale variano, come si è visto, in modo essenzialmente caotico e casuale (vedi oltre). Inoltre, attributi puramente tecnici, come il modo in cui la catena è stata scritta nel tempo, hanno un immediato significato cronologico, ma nessun ruolo nel funzionamento simbolico del manufatto (dal punto di vista degli “ospiti” del parassita tecnologico). Dal punto di vista tecnico, invece, il variare delle tecniche di riproduzione e trasmissione influenza profondamente, e in modo imprevedibile, il modo in cui il manufatto stesso varia nel tempo, soprattutto perché ogni tecnica genera il suo tipo di errori, e le mutazioni più comuni sono semplici errori di lettura e trascrizione. Con l’adozione delle fotocopiatrici per facilitare la riproduzione e la diffusione delle lettere della catena, il fattore puramente tecnico dell’effetto toner ha causato, come si è visto, trasformazioni imprevedibili e a volte irreversibili dei nomi, rafforzando direttamente la catena. Infatti permise l’inclusioni di nomi orecchiabili e popolari sempre diversi, al costo però di condannare le mutazioni più eccentriche, prive di implicazioni semantiche e quindi facile preda dell’illeggibilità, a morte.

e risputato dal mostro. Siamo in presenza di archetipi culturali profondamente innestati nella psicologia di massa? Chi vuole può cercare conferme scritti di Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961).

Implicazioni archeologiche: attributi che cambiano casualmente e sopravvivono in ambienti casualmente determinati

Il parassita tecnologico che abbiamo osservato è determinato, intelligente ed astuto. Nell’arco dell’ultimo secolo, strategie spregiudicate, elastiche e continuamente diversificate gli hanno permesso di attraversare indisturbato i più intensi mutamenti nella tecnologia delle comunicazioni mai conosciuta nella storia umana, e sta attualmente viaggiando verso nuovi orizzonti telematici. Ma quali sono le implicazioni archeologiche di queste osservazioni? Nella discussione è stata continuamente riproposta una dicotomia di comodo tra quella che abbiamo definito la struttura “invariante” (ma che invece, significativamente, varia) e i caratteri esterni dei testi (i nomi e la loro accelerata variabilità secondo i meccanismi descritti). Se la catena fosse una entità archeologica, una classe di manufatti materiali, un efficace inquadramento tassonomico dovrebbe basarsi sulla struttura intrinseca di questi oggetti o sui loro variabili “attributi” esterni? E che rapporti intercorrerebbero tra questi due livelli analitici? Appare inevitabile che questa ideale opposizione resusciti la vecchia e fuori moda distinzione marxista tra “struttura” - il fondamentale assetto tecno-funzionale - e una “sovrastruttura” di attributi “secondari”. Spero che l’aver scelto di studiare dal punto di vista etnoarcheologico un manufatto virtuale, evidentemente gravido di implicazioni simboliche e regolato da procedimenti di tipo essenzialmente magico mi ponga al riparo da critiche di eccessivo materialismo e funzionalismo schematico. Pur avendo scelto di ignorare tali dimensioni (come a suo tempo mi fece puntigliosamente notare Nicola Laneri) mi pare evidente che la il nucleo pulsante di questo strano manufatto sia la struttura intrinseca di istruzioni, minacce e promesse di premio. È a questa struttura che la catena affida la propria riproduzione. Dal punto di vista della sopravvivenza della catena, i nomi, con la loro accentuata variabilità, sembrano avere una funzione accessoria, al punto che quelli con maggiori associazione esoteriche e potenzialmente fascinose (si pensi a Saul Ammun e a Gene Waler), nel campione studiato, subiscono una letale concorrenza da parte di nomi ben più “normali” e soprattutto popolarizzati nel modo più banale dai media della comunicazione visuale.

Variabilità “sovrastrutturale”

E’ possibile che la trasformazione di un singolo nome in forme nuove abbia avuto ripercussioni profonde sull’accettazione o sul rifiuto di intere versioni delle lettere. Continui cambiamenti hanno investito il singolo nome, mentre altre alterazioni sono comprensibili solo ad un livello analitico diverso, considerando il fenomeno alla luce dei suoi diversi filoni genetici; le trasformazioni più

Un confronto ceramico

Pensiamo per un attimo, per maggior chiarezza, ad un antico vaso ceramico: la dimensione della “struttura” comprenderebbe probabilmente la scelta e la trasformazione della materia prima, il fondamentale assetto 281

da un medium all’altro, o da un materia prima all’altra, o dal trasporre uno schema cognitivo da un ciclo di produzione all’altro. I manufatti interpretabili quindi come “skevomorfi” dovrebbero quindi diventare ambiti preferenziali di studio.

sensibili vanno necessariamente valutate alla luce di interpretazioni complesse, solitamente precluse all’indagine archeologica, come, nel caso studiato, quella dell’insorgere e dell’affermazione di nuove versioni delle lettere in momenti precisamente databili. Fenomeni avvertiti a questi tre diversi livelli di analisi interagiscono liberamente tra loro, al di fuori di piatti e facili schematismi. Le cause principali di queste trasformazioni “sovrastrutturali” risiedono nell’attrazione esercitata da ambiti di comunicazione e rappresentazione sociale che non hanno relazione alcuna con l’oggetto e la sua funzione (televisione, cinema, pubblicità); sospetto che spesso siano convergenze semantiche casuali e quasi inavvertibili, forse momentanee (penso a assonanze casualmente incrociate tra più fonti di informazione) a far selezionare una versione di un nome rispetto ad un altra. In altri casi, intuiamo, a torto o a ragione, la possibile esistenza di riferimenti simbolici di particolare complessità, ma non siamo assolutamente in grado di verificare l’impressione, né di interpretarli razionalmente (e se non ci riusciamo a proposito di un banale fenomeno della vita di ogni giorno nella nostra cultura, come potremo mai svolgere correttamente l’interpretazione di un sistema simbolico preistorico? Amaro pensiero). L’intero assetto esteriore dell’oggetto appare quindi condizionato da processi ed elementi causativi che agiscono in modo del tutto casuale, secondo interrelazioni complesse e in gran parte imprevedibili: il punto essenziale è che la forma temporaneamente assunta da tali attributi è certamente più significativa per lo studio dell’ambito che ne ha influenzato temporaneamente la forma esterna, che per lo studio dell’oggetto di cui fanno parte. In parole povere, ciò significa che la comparsa di un particolare motivo decorativo su un vaso preistorico rischia di essere più rilevante per lo studio delle decorazioni sui tessuti o sul corpo umano che per lo studio della produzione ceramica in sé stessa. In questa luce, la speranza di rintracciare su un vaso ceramico un simbolo religioso appare davvero poca cosa: è molto più facile che simbologie più influenti, e non necessariamente religiose, si riflettano, magari in modo molto mediato e indiretto, su diverse classi di cultura materiale, assumendo, in ciascun caso, una propria e diversa vita semantica. Sviluppare laboriosi apparati tassonomici incentrati su queste dimensioni di variabilità ha una essenziale ricaduta nella possibilità di perfezionare le scansioni cronologiche negli assemblaggi di cultura materiale, ma, sul piano dell’interpretazione archeologica sincronica di una società estinta - la vera interpretazione antropologica - porta alla registrazione e alla misurazione degli effetti di fenomenologie disparate, complesse e sostanzialmente ignote: in altre parole, rischia di essere, al di là dei più immediati aspetti di variazione diacronica, una pratica di utilità limitata. Un ruolo del tutto particolare e separato è quello giocato dai processi di traduzione dei nomi da una lingua all’altra, che spesso determinano trasformazioni brusche e radicali. Nella nostra analogia archeologica, simili ruoli potrebbero essere stati giocati dal copiare determinati schemi grafici

Variabilità “strutturale”: invarianti che variano

Dovremmo allora basare la classificazione sulla struttura intrinseca dell’oggetto? Se tale struttura fosse realmente “invariante”, ci ritroveremmo imprigionati in un ben noto e singolare paradosso (che rappresenta, del resto, la più classica trappola dello strutturalismo): le tassonomie studiano la variabilità, ma la variabilità esterna appare - fatti salvi gli obblighi della cronologia - in larga misura (culturalmente) irrilevante o sfuggente, mentre quella intrinseca, dato che la tassonomia si basa su definizioni quantitative di tipi ben identificati, semplicemente non sussisterebbe. Abbiamo invece visto come la struttura intrinseca della catena (Fig. 3) è in grado di variare significativamente, sia adottando e rigettando oculatamente strategie di ridondanza, sia modificando ulteriormente sé stessa su altri piani, dettando agli ospiti le soluzioni necessarie per risolvere operativamente nuovi problemi di carattere tecnico. Dal punto di vista dell’analisi strutturale, l’accorpamento nel testo di ben tre storie rappresenterebbe un’anomalia (la versione normale delle lettere NV, come in Fig. 3, accorpa solamente 2 loops). Ciò, nella nostra sequenza-campione, accade secondo due modalità diverse: la prima volta per pura tendenza alla ridondanza, nel caso isolato del 1990 (vedi sopra), e la seconda con la sistematica espansione della struttura della lettera, a partire dal 1991, con l’inserimento della vicenda della “giovane donna californiana” (vedi Fig. 1). Nel caso studiato, non vi è dubbio, ai miei occhi, che le vere dimensioni di cambiamento socio-tecnico in questo particolare segmento di cultura sono quelle coinvolte nell’innovazione di questa nuova storia e non le complesse, tortuose sfaccettature onomastiche che abbiamo seguito negli anni. È possibile che la struttura semplificata del nuovo inserto (contenente una sola doppietta minacce/premio invece della rituale articolazione in 3 doppiette) potrebbe a questo punto segnalare un’anomalia nel comportamento della catena, ma non c’è nemmeno dubbio che la struttura della lettera a 3 loops (che dal punto di vista evolutivo è stata un totale fallimento) risulti analiticamente molto simile a quella delle lettere che contemplano il caso della giovane californiana (che invece sono state un grande successo, e segnalano una fondamentale trasformazione tecnica dell’intero sistema tecnico). Una rigida analisi strutturale, in questo caso, non sarebbe in grado di distinguere efficacemente tra una casuale e insignificante modificazione strutturale destinata all’estinzione da una radicale trasformazione indice di un rivolgimento tecno-economico di vasta portata. In altre parole, il comportamento del significante, in assenza del significato, non porterebbe a nulla di utile. Se 282

basassimo l’analisi solamente sulla natura strutturale delle modificazioni, perderemmo di vista proprio l’aspetto più significativo dal punto di vista storico e antropologico: la vicenda della giovane californiana considerata nella sua relazione con il problema tecnico della progressiva perdita di leggibilità delle fotocopie. Se è vero che la sistematica variazione strutturale dei testi può dare importanti indizi sul cambiamento socio-tecnico del sistema, è indubbio che solamente l’attenta considerazione del significato dell’innovazione - alla luce di un coerente reticolo di corrispondenze tra fattori diversi - rende pienamente conto del significato culturale del cambiamento. Questo ci rimanda ad uno stato di fatto praticamente ineludibile della ricerca sulle società estinte del passato: la nostra capacità di afferrare solamente i modelli culturali dei quali abbiamo in qualche modo precedente esperienza (per restare nel tema centrale di questo articolo, mi ritorna in mente la fine del libro di L. Klejn (1986) sulla tipologia archeologia, con la sconsolata ammissione finale dell’immissione nel suo sistema analitico “oggettivo” per la definizione dei tipi di una componente puramente intuitiva).

(Bennet et al. 2003; information and specific reference at the sites www.silcom.com/~barnowl/chain-letter/archive/le 1980u_dl _wb!.htm, e www.silcom.com/~barnowl/chain-letter/archive/ %21information.htm, accessed on July 2010. 2

Conclusioni

Concluderei affermando che, trasposto in campo archeologico, l’esempio studiato suggerisce: 1. l’utilità di sviluppare criticamente i più sofisticati apparati tassonomici sugli attributi esterni, creando tipologie di qualsiasi livello di dettaglio, ma con la coscienza, resa esplicita anche a livello didattico, che tale prospettiva di ricerca ricade principalmente negli studi di carattere cronologico (componente indispensabile ma necessariamente parziale e minoritaria degli studi sul passato). Il caso studiato, in realtà, conferma pienamente la funzionalità del monitoraggio degli “attributi esterni”, a prescindere dal loro significato, in senso diacronico; 2. la necessità di ricercare sistematicamente analogie tra variazioni secondarie in diverse classi di cultura materiale, per cercare di determinarne le origini e le influenze reciproche (e qui probabilmente risiede la maggiore potenzialità dell’indagine strutturalista); 3. la necessità di adottare, nel campo più vasto della ricostruzione dell’evoluzione delle società antiche, di altre tipologie diverse dalle prime, basate più sul monitoraggio di tipi concepiti come strutture morfo-tecniche di base, ad un livello di definizione certo inferiore delle prime, ma dotati di significatività culturale decisamente maggiore; 4. la necessità di tenere del tutto distinte le tipologie elaborate a fini di definizione cronologica (quindi diacroniche) da quelle approntate per l’indagine dei processi culturali sul piano sincronico.

Note

(Bennet et al. 2003; informazioni e bibliografia specifica ai siti www.silcom.com/~barnowl/chain-letter/archive/le1980u _dl_wb!.htm, e www.silcom.com/~barnowl/chain-letter/ archive/ %21information.html. 1

Fig. 1. Una lettera della “Catena di S. Antonio”, datata 2002 (non usata nella presente analisi).

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Fig. 2. Evoluzione tecnica delle modalità di copiatura e trasmissione delle lettere della catena di S. Antonio, 1984-2000..

Fig. 4. La sequenza dei nomi dei missionari indicati nelle diverse versioni raccolte come iniziatori della catena. (19862000). Le diverse identità identificano altrettanti filoni genetici, relativamente omogenei, della catena stessa.

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Fig. 3. La struttura dei testi della catena, nella versione definita in questo lavoro come NV, si basa su una successione di frasi augurali, positive, e da coppie binarie minacce/premi. La struttura delle lettere più comuni si basa sull’agglomerazione di due distinte versioni, pienamente visibili nel diagramma di flusso come 2 blocchi o loops distinti. La capacità di accorpare versioni diverse dei testi, accettando dimensioni di ridondanza, come di scinderle in caso di necessità, è una delle caratteristiche fondamentali dei testi studiati. La lettera della Fig. 1, accorpando anche la storia della “giovane californiana”, sarebbe descritta come una sequenza a 3 loops. 285

Fig. 5. Informazioni locazionali, secondo i diversi filoni attestati. La prima provenienza indica il luogo in cui sarebbe conservata la prima lettera, mentre la seconda riporta la terra di origine della catena. Se viene riportata una sola provenienza, si tratta del paese di origine della catena (1986-2000).

Fig. 6. I missionari “capostipiti” della catena identificano altrettanti sotto-gruppi di lettere con caratteristiche proprie. N = catena Netherland; V = catena Venezuela; NV = catena accorpata.

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Fig. 7. Variazioni diacroniche del personaggio N1, “ufficiale” di una organizzazione indicata con diversi acrostici (19862000).

Fig. 8. Variazioni diacroniche del nome del personaggio N2, Joe Injln/Joe Elliot (1986-2000).

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Fig. 9. Variazioni diacroniche del nome del personaggio N3, il filippino Gene Waler/Walen (1986-2000).

Fig. 10. Variazioni diacroniche del nome del personaggio V1, Costantino (1986-2000).

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Fig. 11. Variazioni diacroniche del nome del personaggio V2, l’impiegato o impiegata Arla Daddet/ Carol Daddit (19862000). Tramite le sigle M e F è possibile seguire il cambiamento di sesso del personaggio, collocabile nel corso degli anni ‘90.

Fig. 12. Variazioni diacroniche del personaggio V3, Alan Painchild/Dane Peulechile (1986-2000). Anche in questo caso è evidente il graduale cambiamento di sesso da maschio a femmina, attestato per la prima volta nel 1989.

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b

a

c

d

e

Fig. 13. Alcuni riferimenti mediatici recenti e un topos religioso-letterario capaci di influenzare in Italia la lettura e la trascrizione dei nomi dei principali personaggi della catena: Harrison Ford (a), Raquel Welch (b), Anna Falchi (c), Giona e la Balena (d), un famoso profumo (e). Il rilievo medievale con Giona e la balena (d) è stato scaricato dal sito http://rolfgross.dreamhosters.com/Turkey-Web/1990LakeVanAkhtamarJonasWhale.jpg. 290

Bibliografia

BENNET C. H., Li M., Ma B. (2003) Chain Letters and Evolutionary Histories. Scientific American, June 2003. KLESN L.S. (1986) Archaelogical Typology. British Archaeological reports, international series 153, Oxford. VANARSDALE D. W. (2007) Chain letter Evolution. h t t p : / / w w w. s i l c o m . c o m / ~ b a r n o w l / c h a i n letter/evolution.html.

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APPENDIX

Oral Sources and the Archaeological Data for the Study Case of the Mora Cavorso Grotto at Jenne Katia F. Achino, Daniele Proietti, Daniele. Silvestri, Mario F. Rolfo Abstract

The aim is to introduce the results of the ethno-archaeological research started in 2007, during the second archaeological excavation in the Mora Cavorso cave at Jenne (RM). Lacking any records about the cave, research focused on historical memory of the site by interviewing the local population. These sources have been divided into three typologies:” direct”, “indirect” and “mythical”. Cross-checks with the archaeological data have shown various levels of reliability in the monitored sources. Cases of convergence are listed: the most interesting of these concerns the moving of the dry-stone wall which currently closes the cave. The oral information collected has played a central role in interpreting the archaeological data and confirms the utility of studying local memories to complete and enrich scientific sources. KEYWORDS: Cave, Interview, Oral Source, Memory, Shepherd.

Résumé

On présente les résultats de la recherche ethnoarchéologique effectuée à partir du 2007, en occasion de la fouille près de la grotte “Mora Cavorso”, à Jenne (RM) commencée en 2006. N’ayant aucun document concernant la cavité, on a entrepris des études sur la mémoire historique du site, par des intervues aux membres de la population locale. On a enrégistré des sources orales de typologies différentes, divisées en “directes”, “indirectes” et “mythiques”. L’intégration croisée de ces données et des informations archéologiques, a confirmé qu’il y a des niveaux différents de crédibilité parmi les sources examinées. Quand-même, de cette façon on a pu verifier plusieurs cas de convergence: le plus interessant consiste au recent déplacement d’un mur en pierre, que aujourd’hui ferme la cavité. Les témoignages orales collectionnées ont eu une importance fondamentale pour l’interprétation des contexts archéologiques douteux: elles ont fourni beaucoup d’informations pour completer et enrichir la donnée sciéntifique, en confermant l’utilité de cette méthode. MOTS CLÉS: grotte, interview, source orale, mémoire, berger. Research into the oral traditions of a given locality known to the local community is the starting point for historical research generally speaking, and is also occasionally utilised in archaeology. In 2008, during the third excavation campaign in the Mora Cavorso cave at Jenne1, the investigation of recently executed wall structures (Fig. 1) and the surface conformation of the deposit2 (Fig. 2) suggested a study of local historical memories concerning the grotto. This served the double purpose of obtaining useful information for the historical perspective of the site and of testing the potential of handed-down oral testimony. Such aspects are rather important in a research area like the upper Aniene valley, where the scarcity of local documentary sources makes it impossible to provide an optimal context for archaeological evidence.

Methodology

Research into the historical memory of the local inhabitants was organised so as to obtain reliable information on the use of the cave and on any wall structures existing either inside or close to the grotto. The local population selected for interviews were aged over sixty, had lived since birth at Jenne, and had direct or indirect information about the cave. Between July 2008 and February 2010, 15 inhabitants were interviewed out of a total of 428, providing indications of various kinds, which could be interpreted in different ways. A basic questionnaire was prepared for use during the

Fig. 1. Map of site location for Mora Cavorso cave - view of the entrance. 293

Fig. 2. View of the cave surface area from indoor. 3) Who used to go there? For a time, two shepherds went there: Luca Lauri and Giovannino Molinari. Inside they fixed wooden railings for the she-goats, one on the left and one on the right. For a time, it was frequented by the shepherd Rodolfo Fratticci and his father to shelter their goats and cows. After that, there was a certain Augustaccio and his father who sheltered their goats. The interviewee remembers that he often went to the grotto to gather the wild figs that grew in abundance on the terrace in front of it; lastly he remembers that the grotto was utilised by shepherds at least until 1953. 4) Have you ever heard stories about the cave? It has always been said that there were brigands at Jenne, but many of them were “famiglie” who came from elsewhere and operated in Roman territory. They used to shelter in the woods and often in the caves in the area. 5) How do you remember the cave? The interviewee remembers that the cave was large and was divided in two by wooden railings, when it was frequented by Lauri and Molinari. 6) Where was the wall that closed the cave and what was the floor like? The old people used to tell that once it was all open, without stone walls, and there were only wooden railings, but for fear of wolves and other animals, they replaced the wooden railings with stone walls. The interviewee recalls that the floor of the grotto was flat, of with heaps of dung; the environment was fairly dry without any dripping water. Interesting is the interviewee’s reference to the heap of dung produced by the sheltered

interviews, which were all fully recorded by portable videocamera and subsequently transcribed. 1) è mai stato alla grotta? Have you ever been to the cave? 2) quando? When? 3) chi frequentava la grotta? Who used to go there? 4) le hanno mai raccontato storie sulla grotta? Have you ever heard stories about the cave? 5) come si ricorda la grotta? How do you remember the cave? 6) dov’era il muro che chiudeva la grotta e com’era il pavimento? Where was the wall that closed the cave and what was the floor like? 7) cosa c’era sul muro? What was there on the wall? 8) ha mai raggiunto le aperture poste sul fondo dell’antegrotta? Have you ever gone as far as the openings at the back of the grotto’s first chamber? The most relevant excerpts from interviews with the two most reliable witnesses, who had stayed or lived in the grotto for greater or shorter lengths of time are given below3 (Fig. 3).

Flamini Gualtiero

1) Have you ever been to the cave? The interviewee states that people did not go there every day; the period when they went there was during early November for the acorn harvest, when it was also possible to graze. 2) When? The interviewee remembers frequenting the grotto when he was 16-17 years old which, since he was born in 1932, probably means in the ’forties-’fifties.

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Rodolfo Fratticci

1) Have you ever been to the cave? The interviewee recalls having been to the cave with friends and having used it as a nighttime shelter for goats and sheep. 2) When? The interviewee remembers that he lived in the grotto during the Second World War to avoid the round-ups by German troops.5 3) Who used to go there? Fratticci maintains that during the time he frequented the grotto, there was no one else; unlike the other shepherds who used the cave only for sheltering animals, he lived and slept there for months. 4) Have you ever heard stories about the cave? The interviewee recalls that his father told him about the brigands in the area, who stole cattle and took refuge in the valley’s caves. 5) How do you remember the cave? The grotto was wide at the mouth and then narrowed toward the back where they kept the goats; the interviewee states that he never inspected the holes at the back of the grotto. 3) Where was the wall that closed the cave and what was the floor like? Interesting is the interviewee’s reference to the original position of the wall closing the grotto. Fratticci recalls that the structure was originally placed at the cave opening, but cannot say who erected it or when. On the other hand, he recounts that his father moved the wall inwards, in its present position, so that the animals (sheep and goats) sheltered there for the winter would suffer less from the cold. Fratticci also remembers the presence of a wooden door in the dry-stone wall. 8) Have you ever gone as far as the openings at the back of the grotto’s first chamber? The interviewee states that he never went as far as the back of the grotto or its holes and had never noticed any surface archaeological material.

Results, the Sources and their Typology

The interviews have restored a wealth of diversified - and often discordant - oral sources, which can be divided as follows: - Direct sources: provided by those who frequented the grotto as habitation or for pastoral purposes. Sometimes the interviewees contradicted each other, or else, more rarely, the same person expressed a concept and contradicted it immediately afterwards. For this reason, it has not been possible to reconstruct the precise time sequence for single frequentation around the time of the Second World War. On meeting Luca Molinari, one of those assumed to have frequented the grotto, the Research Team cast doubt on the period during which the grotto was reportedly frequented by Flamini, in view of the fact that Fratticci is older than Molinari. This led to the conclusion that Fratticci frequented the grotto earlier than Molinari. The sources testify that the grotto was utilised both for sheltering cattle and as a refuge and store for food products, to hide them from the requisitioning by German troops stationed in the area close to the Cassino front. Such sources have been classified as fairly reliable. - Indirect sources: provided by those who have never frequented the grotto, but know of its existence and have

Fig. 3. The interviewees: Rodolfo Fratticci and Gualtiero Flamini.

animals which, during the winter, was used to mitigate the temperature in the grotto, and in spring was carried in sacks to manure the land. This activity was performed by the owners of the sheltered animals: the interviewee recalls that “le buche4” were always clean. Flamini also remembers that the grotto wall was closed by an unfixed wooden railing made of two wooden posts with planks tied to them. 7) What was there on the wall? On top of the stone wall resting on the rock they used to put branches; they covered it all with boughs so that animals wouldn’t come near; for this purpose they often used thorny shrubs, like hawthorn. 8) Have you ever gone as far as the openings at the back of the grotto’s first chamber? The interviewee affirms that he has never attempted, neither he nor his friends, to enter the holes that open at the back, fearing that wild animals might spring out.

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Fig. 4. Plant of the excavation in the external area. been in contact with those who have frequented it. Besides providing a list of persons who used the cave and should therefore be contacted, their indications are generic and hardly verifiable. Such sources have been classified as generic and not very reliable. - Mythical sources: this expression is used to define indirect testimony on the utilisation of the grotto going back to ‘ancient’ times, which has become part of the population’s collective imagination, without any historical verification. Often, interviewees cited the presence of ‘brigands’, but the information is never historicized. Frequently reported is the tale of the “chicken that laid the golden egg” discovered in a grotto by two brothers from Jenne, a tale typical of local tradition, which the interviewees connected to several caves in the surrounding area. The reliability of such sources is scarce, the information being generic and lacking any context. As can be imagined, several source typologies may coexist and intertwine in the testimony of those interviewed, giving

rise, with regard to the data collected, to incongruities that are not always possible to clarify, but as a rule explicable as involuntary distortions of memory in single cases. It has been interesting and resolutive, where possible, to be present at and record the dialogue between “witnesses” providing discordant data.

Analysis of sources and archaeological interpretation The comparison between local sources and archaeological data has in one case led to two highly interesting direct verifications. The first refers to the wall closing the grotto: its current position, on the same line as the front of the rocky vault, is reported by the sources as being subsequent to the Second World War (Figs. 1-2). Two direct sources on the other hand refer to an older dry-stone wall, moved outwards in order to form a space in front of the grotto. Archaeological investigations in 2006/09 (Fig. 4) have confirmed this testimony, bringing to light the outline of a space closed by a dry-stone wall, parallel to the existing

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References

one, but several metres further out. Some interviewees report the existence of a double wooden railing for the shelter of goats and sheep. Others, on the contrary, recall only one door, in which case the space must have had a different function. This discrepancy can be attributed to the moving inward of the wall from its outer position, with a possible change of usage. The absence of any significant archaeological material makes it impossible to hazard a date for the erection of the earlier structure, which cannot however be later than the beginning of last century. The second confirmation concerns the present conformation of the grotto surface area, which is horizontal but without any emerging archaeological element (Fig. 2): such a scenario can be linked with the practice reported by those interviewed of periodically gathering the dung that accumulated during the winter. This practice, repeated over time, has caused a constant levelling of the cave floor, especially in the central area, as shown by the archaeological survey6. The witnesses thus gave an explanation for this previously unexplained stratigraphic anomaly, as a rule attributed to more or less recent clandestine excavations.

ROLFO, M. F., SALARI, L., ZARATTINI, A. (2009) Nota preliminare sulle indagini archeologiche presso la grotta “Mora di Cavorso” (Jenne, Roma). In: Atti del V incontro di studi Lazio e Sabina, Roma, pp. 15-22. ROLFO, M. F., MANCINI, D., SALARI, L., ZARATTINI, A. (2010) La grotta di “Mora Cavorso” a Jenne (Roma). Nuove ricerche. In: Atti del V incontro di studi Lazio e Sabina, Roma, pp. 11-17.

Future developments and thanks

The initial transparency shown by the excavation team toward interested inhabitants was matched by the wholehearted readiness of the local community to share information and memories concerning the area and, in particular, the grotto. Collaboration between archaeologists and locals was therefore wholly spontaneous, giving rise to an ethno-archaeological survey featuring extreme naturalness and lacking in diffidence, which often forms a not negligible obstacle in the search for oral testimony7.

Notes

On the archaeological excavations, see Rolfo et al. (2009); Rolfo et al. (2010). 2 The floor surface is sub-horizontal without signs of recent human habitation. 3 For brevity’s sake and a better understanding, translated summaries of the interviews are given below. 4 Dialect term used by the interviewee, whose real meaning is not understood: whether it refers to the grotto and thus indicates the ‘holes’ used for sheltering the animals, or whether it refers more generically to the caves of the area. 5 The Subiaco area lay behind the Cassino front between January 12th and May 18th 1944. 6 The deposit in this part of the grotto is characterised by a deep re mixing of Pleistocene fossil material with recent microfauna. The routine cleaning up process has probably led to the removal of the thin historical layers as well as the removal of prehistoric Holocene levels preserved in the back parts of the space, even disturbing the Pleistocene deposit on the margins of the area surveyed. 7 Our thanks are due to the following local sources: Mario Cecconi (Mayor of Jenne); Bernadetta and Gualtiero Flamini; Rodolfo Fratticci; Luca Molinari; Angelo Pacchiarotti. 1

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The ger, an optimal structure for using conditions and most extreme stresses - constructing techniques and structural analysis Antonini Paolo, Capitini Graziano, Carpanelli Maddalena Abstract

The tent of the nomads of Mongolia (ger), is a circular self-supporting structure with no poles inserted in the ground, as a result of a millenary environmental adaptation. Certainly, the ger is an essential aspect of nomadic Mongolian people and, more generally, of the peoples living in the Asian steppes. It is an extremely weather resistant and efficient structure all over the seasons. Thanks to the versatility and strength of its coverage, in fact, protects from the heat in the summer and cold in the winter. In the present article it has been realized a calculating model to the end elements, in order to evaluate the state of tension of the elements and the efficiency grade of the structure subjected to typical load condition during the use. The model reproduce carefully the geometry of a ≈ 30 feet diameter “ger”. KEYWORDS: Mongolian tent, ger, efficiency grade, wind. For its features, the Mongolian nomad tent has similar aspect common between all Asiatic steppe people (Figs. 1,4). The main feature of mongolian tent is the modularity and the relative lightness which, paired easy and fast assembling make it an ideal housing tool for nomad people. Whose skill has been improved by thousand years experience. The main elements which form the tent are: - Perimeter modules made by wood grating linked by animal tendons (usually camel) (Fig. 2); - Covering border, made thin wood elements linked by a central crown and based on the top of perimeter grating (Fig. 3); - The External covering and perimeter walls are made by felt wool tents, with more layers depending on the season (Fig. 4); - A number of different loads (stones, wood pieces, mechanical parts) are linked to the ropes in order to rise the pressure on the ground and the resistance to the wind (Fig. 5); These elements are defined primary, and other wood modular elements could be added for the floor and for the furniture.

The main framework is a reticular structure which resist to huge stresses, considering the absence of ground anchorage and act as a hat which is smashed to the ground by the wind until it will go into and it let the hat fly away. For this reason, the tent has only one little opening and always south oriented, because main freezing and strong winds come

Fig. 2. Perimeter modules made by wood grating (Govi region 2005). (Photo G. Capitini).

Fig. 1. The tent of the nomads of Mongolia (ger), is a circular self-supporting structure with no poles inserted in the ground, as a result of a millenary environmental adaptation (Bulgan 2009). (Photo G. Capitini).

Fig. 3. Covering border, made thin wood elements linked by a central crown and based on the top of perimeter grating (Photo G. Capitini 2007).

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from north. During the winter both for beating the cold and for allow the wind not to enter, the tent perimeter is buried and sealed. In this way, the featured structure unload to the wind horizontal stresses to the ground let the strength of the structure get higher.

The assembly (Fig.4)

The assembly place is always the same, for this reason the tent mark is clearly visible in fall and winter camps. The ground is well leveled off and without stones and other obstacles. When the ground is on a grade line, the building place is terraced with stones or wood on the downstream face. If the tent has a wood floor (Fig.6), this is build up firstly, then the wood grating is assembled linked each other in order to define the floor. The wood grating is linked to the south oriented door, with a rope that surround the ger perimeter. Subsequently, sole poles are placed in order to obtain the cover backbone stabilizing the central crown, then the remaining elements are assembled. These poles has a part blocked in proper hole on the central crown. The other part is been fixed in the perimeter wood grating with a knot by camel (or similar animal) nerve.

Fig. 5. A number of different loads(stones, wood pieces, mechanical parts) are linked to the ropes in order to rise the pressure on the ground and the resistance to the wind (Khenti 2008). (Photo G. Capitini).

Fig. 4. Perimeter modules made by wood grating are linked by animal tendons (usually camel), covering border, made thin wood elements are linked by a central crown and based on the top of perimeter grating and the external covering and perimeter walls are made by felt wool tents, with more layers depending on the season.

Fig. 6. If the tent has a wood floor, this is build up firstly, then the wood grating is assembled linked each other in order to define the floor.

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After the main framework has build , the external wool felt covering is assembled achieving the caulking needed using a number of different cover layers. On a grey felt layer, a white cotton layer is placed. The whole structure is then bound up horizontally with 2 or 3 ropes with the extremity linked to the door framework. The central crown is covered with a tent linked to a rope which let it be open or closed by outside if needed. Operating the ropes, the Ger is loaded with ballast (stones or other objects) to increase resistance to bad weather. For sure, the “Ger” could be list between the most resistance and efficiency structures ever realized by mankind. Obtained as a full wood structure, it looks like a circular dome as structural typology. The structural elements block realize an elegant components set, each one with a specific function. The elegant structural concept of “Ger” gives a highly strength to prodding produced by external environment; also for great snow load and also for high wind pressure, characteristic of native “Ger” country. That strength seems to be more unbelievable if compared with the “Ger” extreme lightness (which let it be very easy to handle and bring) and relatively easily assembling and disassembling. The “Ger” structural typology, as previously described, it’s been formed by a set of specific elements: - A symmetric central wood ring formed by 8 or 12 radius, mainly stressed by compression. - A set of radial poles, typically from 60 to 120 depending of the structure size, which depart from the ring to the outside. The great number and the nearness of these elements let the section could be very thin. Also these elements are stressed mainly by compression. - A circular wall formed by planking skewed giving a number of rhombus modules called “honeycomb”, along the “Ger” perimeter. Both there, the great nearness between the elements let the section to be very thin. - A front door shaped by a wood chassis, with rectangular section elements - A perimeter rope has been tightened in the upper part of the circular wall (in similar cases they can be more than one) in order to bound up the full “Ger” perimeter, linked by iron cables the door chassis. This element can be assimilated to the dome typical basal tensile ring, whichs the horizontal pushes give by covering planking skewed. - Two central poles down to the central ring, by them the necessary vertical support was obtained, are needed during the assembling. - An upper covering tent, coupled with the “Ger” covering tent, which with four ropes linked to additional ballast, gives and additional help to the stability. Ropes tied to angles should be properly passed thought external belt and at the top they should be fixed to a stone, near the ground. That ballast looks to be very useful in case of strong wind.

static behavior is achieved, similar to the dome. It let to cover greater lights compared to the thin section of the constitutive elements, without using a central support. By the way, the two central supports are needed during the assembling, but, when the structure will be build up they can be removed. The closeness and the great number of perimeter and covering elements give an underlining structural redundancy. This characteristic give “Ger” the chance to absorb the fallen of one or more elements sharing the prodding between the near elements. The cylindrical shape of the base, and the cone of the upper part contribute to an highly aerodynamic efficiency, let the wind to blow easily around the structure. This conformation let not to have a perfect orthogonal surface to the wind in any area of the “Ger”. This fact let the wind to blow around and to reduce the wind pressure of the structure. An additional contribution to the high resistance is the material by which the principal elements are usually composed: the Siberian Larch. This tree is used to live in very difficult climatic conditions (very low temperature for long period during the year). In section it shows growing rings very near each other, due to

the slow tree growth which confers high density to the wood, high mechanical resistance and a typical resistance to climatic stresses. Calculating model (Fig. 7)

It has been realized a calculating model to the end elements, in order to evaluate the state of tension of the elements and the efficiency grade of the structure subjected to typical load condition during the use. The model reproduce carefully the geometry of a ≈ 30 feet diameter “Ger” Model characteristic: Number of frame elements (poles): 2785 Number of shell elements (areas): 2164

Materials: Larch wood Mechanical features: Volumetric mass at normal humidity: Mean value: 650 kg/m3 elastic modulus: 14000 N/mm2 ultimate tension strength: 107 N/mm2 ultimate compression strength: 50 N/mm2 ultimate flexural strength: 94 N/mm2 ultimate shear strength: 9 N/mm2

verify the strain limit states (SLU) in according to NTC 08 (ITA): working classes: 3 characteristic Value of resistance: ftk = ft x 0.7 Verify value (project) ftd = Kmod x ftk / m as Kmod = 0.70 (short periodo load class) and m = 1.50 (coeff, material safety at SLU).

By the combination of radius elements stressed by compression and by a diametral ring stressed by tencile, a

Values occurs at SLU: Tensile load testing: 300

34 N/mm2

Compressive load test: Flexural load testing: Tensile shear testing:

Sections

Perimeter wall

16 N/mm2 30 N/mm2 2.9 N/mm2

Rectangular 1.30X 3.80 cm. ( 0.50” x 1.50”) Door chassis Rectangular 7.50X 7.50 cm. ( 3.00” x 3.00”) Upper base ring Rectangular 3.80X 7.50 cm. ( 1.50” x 3.00”) Upper ring internal sections Rectangular 3.80X 3.80 cm. ( 1.50” x 1.50”) Roof poles Rectangular 3.80X 3.80 cm. ( 1.50” x 1.50”) Central poles Rectangular 10.0X 10.0 cm. ( 4.00” x 4.00”) guy rope Circular D=1.25 cm. ( d= 0.50”)

Axial

Project actions

A number of loads are applied to the model in order to simulate the following actions: Q1K Snow load: 1.50 KN/m2 ( 150 Kg/m2) Q2K Wind pressure : 0.70 KN/m2 ( 70 Kg/m2) applied to x and y axes ( pos. and neg.) Corresponding to a wind speed as :120 Km/h ( 33.3 m/sec.). G1 ( Larch structure weight) automatically calculated by the software G2 ( covering tent weight ) 0.05 KN/m2 ( 5 Kg/m2)

Moment

The project actions have been combined at the limit state (SLU) in according to NTC 08 (ITA): Fd SLU = 1 G1 + 2 G2 + q Qnk As 1 = 1.30 ; 1 = 1.50; 1 = 1.50

Considerations

The stresses in elements result to be all lower to the verifying values, with maximum work range around 70% of the SLU verify tension; confirming the optimal structure behavior, although it is been realized with thin section elements and even if it has been subjected by high loads. This is due to the highly structural efficiency of this typology. The structure shows an underlining redundancy, which allow the collapse absorption of one or more elements, sharing stresses on near elements, skipping out the total structure collapse.

Displacements contours SLUX

Displacements contours SLUY Fig. 7. It has been realized a calculating model to the end elements, in order to evaluate the state of tension of the elements and the efficiency grade of the structure subjected to typical load condition during the use.

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The Contribution of Ethnographic Museums to Ethnoarchaeology. Perspectives of Interdisciplinary Research Gianluca Frinchillucci Abstract

In 2007 the first ethnographic museum for the project “Museums without borders” was realized in Ethiopia, in the Oromo Federal State. After that local governmental authorities asked for the realisation of further ethnographic museums dedicated to the indigenous people. The international network of museums could be a valuable support for interdisciplinary research, in particular in the sector of ethnoarchaeology. KEY WORDS: Interdisciplinary Research, Museum,Oromo Federal State, Ethiopia.

in collaboration with the University of Bologna and called “Genes tell us the Story of the Peoples” was then extended to other Ethiopian ethnic groups and was supplemented by DNA samples taken during my expeditions and research in Greenland.

Introduction

My first research in Ethiopia dates back to 2006 when, in the course of a series of expeditions organised by the association “Perigeo International” of which I am the director, I documented the activities of a tanner in Wolaita, south Ethiopia. The tanners (faki) belong to the caste called fugà, considered to be the lowest caste. The exclusion from other social groups has led to a high specialization of work so, within the caste of the fugà, we can also find potters and smiths. I focused my research on a construction process of a scraper for leather which is made of wood and a piece of glass (car windscreens). The research results were displayed with two posters at the XV World Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology in Lisbon (UISPP) in 2006; the fourth conference on Ethnoarcheology in Italy in 2006 and in an article published in the British Archaeological Reports: Craft Activities of Fugà (Wolaita, Ethopia): preliminary ethnoarchaeological observations, 2010. In 2007, following the construction of a school building within a Mission of the Capuchin Friars in Kofale (West Arsi Region, Oromo Federal State, Ethiopia),carried out by Perigeo and co-financed by the Italian Marche Region, I established the Oromo Ethnographic Museum. The main visitors to the museum are the local population, who are mostly Muslim and who welcome such an institution with great joy because they are interested in a different culture and religion from that of the catholic one. The museums must also be able to dialogue with the tourists who go there en route to other destinations, especially to the Bale Mountains National Park in the east or the Omo Valley in the south. In 2008 I started collaborating with the Department of Experimental and Evolutionary Biology at the University of Bologna, within a project whose aim was to carry out DNA research among the population of the Omo Valley, South Ethiopia. The ethnic group who I conducted the research on are the Ongota. The culture of the Ongota is, unfortunately endangered; their language which hasn’t yet been classified is now only spoken by a few elderly people and it has not been passed on to the new generations. In the course of my research in the Omo valley between 2007 and 2009 I started to work with the Hamer and Suri ethnic groups, with the support of their ritual leaders and the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. This project, carried out

The analysis of the collected samples confirmed the ancient origins of the Ongota as a social group. Oral history of the Hamer, a neighbouring ethnic group, who consider the Ongota to be powerful magicians knowledgeable about the mysteries of nature and founders of some of their clans, were also confirmed by DNA analysis. The analyses have also confirmed the hypothesis that they have only recently begun to mix with other ethnic groups, probably due to the decrease in their number.

The Project “Museums without Borders”

Following the research carried out in Ethiopia and the success of the Oromo Ethnographic Museum, the local government gave me the task of forming additional ethnographic museums and the permission to continue with my research. The museums will be located in areas of interethnic and inter-religious tension and are conceptualized as bridges between peoples. The local population are an active agent in their creation. Through the promotion of interethnic dialogue, they act as tools for peacebuilding. After careful analysis I chose to set up an additional three museums within the territories of the Suri, Irob and Kunama ethnic groups and to strengthen collaborations with the local population surrounding the already existing Oromo Ethnographic Museum. I continued my research with the Hamer and the Ongota, although an ethnographic 302

museum of their culture hasn’t yet been set up, I have continued to collaborate with existing cultural institutions and experts of the two ethnic groups. The four museums in Ethiopia are being enriched with another ethnographic museum that is being created by Perigeo in the Puntland State of Somalia, with the collaboration of local and European cultural institutions and professionals. The network of museums, universities, researchers and experts created around the ethnographic museums has in time become a large project called Museums without Borders. The museums can be used as a starting point for various interdisciplinary research. DNA analysis, archaeological and anthropological surveys, scientific data collection and many more types of research can be implemented with greater efficiency thanks to the close contact with the population and the collaboration with experts in various fields that are a part of the network Museums without Borders. In addition to scientific and anthropological research, I am also active in the sector of international cooperation in third world countries; as I believe that the knowledge of the social realities of these peoples gained through the museums allows for maximum efficiency for humanitarian projects and actions with minimum cultural impact. This belief brought me to work on a project whose objective was to create a school in the town of Kofele, West Ari Zone, Oromya Federal State. The educative capacity of the school has been enriched by the Oromo Ethnographic

Museum next to which it is located. In order to clearly explain the benefits of the museums for the inception and implementation both of interdisciplinary research, like ethnoarchaeology, and of highly efficient humanitarian projects, it is necessary for me to dwell on how I conceptualized the museums, on the reality of Ethiopia as a Federal State, its historical development and, finally on the anthropological nature of the people in collaboration with whom Perigeo is setting up the museums.

Conceptualization of the Ethnographic Museums

The danger of being involved in the creation of ethnographic museums is that this approach tends to freeze a certain culture in time and to present it in that particular historical moment by interpreting the reality of that time as a rigid feature of that particular culture. If one considers that the ethnic realities and the culture produced within these realities are fluid and subject to constant change and evolution, classical ethnographic museums do not permit people, authors and protagonists of their cultural interpretations and negotiations, to fully express their culture. Because of the geographic distance that separates the centralized museums from the societies whose ethnographic objects are conserved there, they are not suitable to serve as their direct expression nor to assume the symbolic function of bridges between peoples.

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The ethnographic museums of the project Museums without Borders are decentralized and created in the territory of the ethnic groups to which they are dedicated, and are living institutions because they are visited by the local communities. These communities become active actors in the preservation of the material culture but also of their landscapes, collective knowledge and oral traditions. They are a material but also symbolic place able to stimulate reflection and find solutions to problems created by rapid changes that the societies have to face when in contact with modernity or tourism fluxes and that allow them to interface with other cultures and promote intercultural dialogue. The ethnographic museums implemented within the project Museums without Borders are meant as Eco-museums or “territory referring museums” (musei diffusi): this means that they refer to an area featuring traditional ways of life and relevant environmental, historical and art heritages worthy of protection, restoration and enhancement. The eco-museum operates in the territory of the localcommunity, and in its historical development. Continuing with the definition, an eco-museum is able to express its being a relevant collection, widespread throughout the area that can be known, enjoyed and respected only if in the museum the local population finds an institution suitable for the interpretation and communication of their values.

with the local population and to prepare for interdisciplinary research and international cooperation projects. A brief introduction to the ethnic groups who are the beneficiaries of the project is also a necessary step in order to explain the values of the projects and the opportunities for researchers. Ethiopia, officially the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, with an estimated population of 76 million is the second most populated African country after Nigeria. Its 1,233 km² means that it is also the second largest country in Sub-Saharan Africa. To make a comparison it is four times the size of Italy. The state of Ethiopia, in its various forms of government organization, has ancient origins that date back, according to some historians and archaeologists, to the eighth century BC, to the Kingdom of Daamat. When in 1885, during the Berlin conference, the major European powers carved up Africa, Ethiopia, then known as Abyssinia, was the only native state to maintain its independence. The Federal Republic as we know it today is the result of significant losses of territories in the north (Eritrea gained its independence in 1993) and large annexations of territories to the south, especially at the time of Emperor Menelik II in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In contemporary Ethiopia there are approximately 80 different languages belonging to two different language families: the Nilo-Saharan and the Afroasiatic families. The country is a complex mixture of nations, nationalities and peoples. The historically dominant ethnic group, the Amhara, brought forward a kind of “internal cultural and military colonization” against politically weaker ethnic groups. The consequence of this policy was the creation of ethnic tensions and antagonisms that still characterize the country’s political scene. Since 1991 Ethiopia has been reorganised into a federal

Historical Ethiopia and Contemporary Ethiopia

Another point which I would like to linger on is the historical development and the current reality of the Ethiopian State, as I believe that having an understanding of both is necessary in order to be able to cooperate well

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state, ending, at least theoretically, centuries of centralized power and domination of certain ethnic groups over others. This change has led to a reaffirmation and revitalization of ethnic identities that have been marginalized throughout history. Article 39 of the Federal Constitution states that every nation, nationality and people of Ethiopia has the right to speak, write and develop their language, and to express and promote their culture and history. In order to carry out the statement of this article, the state encourages Ethiopian cultural initiatives to be carried out at a regional and decentralized level as well as training of local staff. For a variety of causes, not just economic, that policy was put into practice only in rare cases, but the Institute for Ethiopian Studies is pursuing a policy of decentralization by providing training and support to local initiatives for the preservation of cultures, such as the decentralized ethnographic museums. The contexts in which the project Museums without Borders engages are very delicate. Referring in particular to the Irob, Kunama, Oromo and Suri ethnic groups I have defined these contexts “frontier Ethiopia” and “tribal Ethiopia”. When I talk about “frontier Ethiopia” I mean both the frontier between two worlds, two different spiritual and cultural systems and the frontiers in the territorial and political sense. The frontier areas intended in the political sense are those portions of the Ethiopian territory that share borders with other states and, in some cases, are affected by ethnic and political tensions and demands. This is particularly the case of the area bordering Somalia and Eritrea, both are impacted by guerilla movements and recently by wars. The Ethiopian regions bordering Eritrea

are regions that have had a fundamental cultural and political role in the history of the country. These are the regions of the northern highlands, cradle of the Ethiopian Coptic Tewahedo Church which has evolved here and has developed its unique characteristics. In these territories centralized empires such as that of Axum thrived, a city that now draws massive flows of tourists from all over the world,. They are territories with political and ethnic frontiers, inhabited by social groups like the one called Irob, a tribe of the Saho ethnic group, a minority both in Ethiopia and Eritrea. This group was severely affected by the recent war between the two countries. I decided to preserve their culture through the creation of an Ethnographic Museum within the project Museums without Borders. The Kunama territory straddles the northern border with Eritrea. The Kunama are an ethnic group who speak a language unrelated to the languages of the people around them. They are a frontier people strongly influenced by the ethno-historical changes that have affected the area, because of the war with Eritrea they have been forced to live in refugee camps and to abandon their traditional way of life. They are another indigenous population who are beneficiaries of the project. But the frontier Ethiopia is also Ethiopia with religious confrontation. It is the area of contact between Christianity, Islam and traditional faiths and religions. These sometimes violent confrontations are evident in the Oromya Federal State, inhabited mainly by the most complex and diverse nationality of the country: the Oromo. Its’ a very wide region, which borders the Christian world in the north; the tribal world to the south and west and the Islamic traditions

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Beneficiaries of the Project

variety of lifestyles and are therefore difficult to define and describe. There are Oromo clans and lineages leading semi-nomadic lifestyles, very similar to that which is considered the original Oromo culture. Others are sedentary farmers, growers of autochthonous plants such as Ensete (Ensete vetricosum) and other plants whose cultivation has been introduced as a result of contact with different cultures, like with the Amharas, the dominant group from the north. The Oromo have undergone significant cultural pressures from the south, namely from the Somalis, who introduced Islam, but also from the north, which means from the Christian nations of the present day Amhara and Tigray States. Some Oromo leaders have reached important positions of power and prestige within the state administration but only after giving up their culture and adopting the spiritual values of the north. Only a small percentage of the Oromos are still practising the traditional religion based on the adoration of the only God, the Creator called Waaq, the mysterious and the incomprehensible one. Waaq created the First Man, the founder of the ethnic group of whom the current Oromo are heirs. Sacrifices are offered to Waaq and to a series of supernatural beings who inhabit the mountains, lakes, trees or forests. These sites constitute what might be defined as a sacred Oromo geography. Despite the many differences within the group, the Oromos are strongly aware of their identity, and are proud and united by the use of a single language, the Oromiffa, although presenting different dialects.

The Oromo are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopa. There are approximately 30 million people that declare themselves Oromo, and they inevitably create a wide

The Ongota, as already mentioned, are an ethnic group whose culture is in danger of disappearing. Their economy is a subsistence one, based on hunting and gathering along

rooted in the regions bordering Somalia to the east. The Oromo Ethnographic Museum implemented by Perigeo has become a meeting point between religions. This success encourages me to continue the work of intercultural dialogue and peace building actions already in place and to improve the ethnographic collection. I called the southern part of Ethiopia the “Tribal Ethiopia” because of the social and anthropological features of the ethnic groups that inhabit the southern states. The most striking example is in the southern valley of the Omo river and the territories bordering Kenya. It is a relatively small area but inhabited by people with a strong cultural diversity and who can be defined as indigenous people as they have preserved their language, religion and ancestral cultural values. The territories are dotted with sacred places where rituals are performed and their social organization often revolves around an age grade system and around individuals’ affiliation to tribes and clans. They are social groups that have developed very simple and rudimental technology, their impact on the environment is low and their economy is dependent on subsistence farming and on the delicate natural balance of nature. These unique cultures are often poorly known and at risk of disappearing due to a series of social and political changes and to their contact with modernity. One of the groups most affected by these factors are the Suri, who inhabit the southern part of the Omo Valley and are thus beneficiaries of the project.

Ongota

Oromo

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cultivation of cereals, especially sorghum, hold absolute supremacy in their subsistence. Livestock is the bargaining chip and is used as a dowry to be given to the family of a woman before marriage. Hamer constitutes a patrilineal society in which women are excluded from decision making processes. Political decisions are taken during a meeting where all the married men of the village (donza) are invited, and only after a series of confrontations where everyone has spoken and expressed his opinion. After the speeches divination rituals are performed by leaders belonging to a single clan. It is an egalitarian society in which the practice of the divination and magic, and responsibility for the decisions is not entrusted to a single man. Instead, there is a method of redistribution of power over all of the men of the villages. The most important ritual in the life of a man is the “Bull jumping,” which defines the Hamer man as a member of the society. It is the final part of a complicated series of rituals that last several months, and are better defined as a period of transition for a young boy into adulthood. Usually the unmarried female sibling of the young initiates gathers to attend the ceremony. They provoke other men to whip them with branches which scar their backs. These are the symbols of their affiliation to the Hamer society which allows them to marry within the group. The message they send to the young initiate, a future donza, is: “I suffered for you, during the most important ritual of your life, the scars on my back are an evidence of this. You will protect me and help me in the years to come”. Large quantities of alcoholic beverages obtained from fermented sorghum are consumed during this ritual ceremony. Dances and songs precede and follow the main part of the ritual performed at

the west bank of the Weito river, south Ethiopia. The first western explorers who met them at the end of the nineteenth century wrote in their diaries and in their publications of an isolated population who were hard to reach and meet because of their nomadic lifestyle. They were described as a group who were respected by the surrounding peoples. The folk songs of the Hamer that refer to the Ongota, talk about a group that chose the nomadic lifestyle to avoid territorial disputes with their neighbours. They were a group of magicians who were knowledgeable about the cycles of nature. The Ongota speak a language that has not been classified and they are a true mystery to anthropologists and linguists. Perigeo has been collaborating for many years with Dr. Graziano Savà, an ethnolinguist who is studying the Ongota language in an attempt to preserve it. Together with the University of Bologna, I collected a series of DNA samples from individuals belonging to this ethnic group, with the aim of helping to understand the relationships that the Ongota have historically had with the neighbouring groups.

Hamer

Hamer oral traditions speak of a set of people and clans that have merged to form today’s Hamer. The people speak an Omotic language and adhere to Sunni Islam. In reality the attachment to Islam is only formal and the daily life of a Hamer is governed by beliefs in spirits, evil eyes and scrupulous observance of the messages from nature. The birds, the wind and the sun send messages that are interpreted in a very personal way by Hamer women and men. Cattle display a central role in their culture. This is reflected in their economy: livestock breeding and

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Suri

The violence expressed during these occasions is tamed by strict ritual rules and it is prohibited to kill or seriously injure the opponent. These meetings sometimes involve thousands of individuals. They are an opportunity to socialize, to meet a future husband or wife. Success in the duel does not reflect success with women. What matters is not to win but to prove one`s strength and courage.

One of the most fascinating rituals of the Suri group is the Donga Fight. It is a ritual duel performed with long sticks made of hard wood. During the fight men belonging to different clans, villages or confederation of clans are challenged.

The Kunama inhabit a region that has been subjected to different political and ethnic pressures. It is situated between the northern Ethiopian highlands and the Sudanese lowlands. This is the boundary between the current states of Ethiopia and Eritrea, between the rivers Gash and Setit. The origins of the Kunama are a mystery. They speak an Omotic language, not similar at all to the languages spoken by neighbouring peoples. In fact, it is believed that they are the original inhabitants of the area. Their society is matriarchal, but women do not have an active role during the decision making processes. An interesting anthropological phenomenon is that of the Andinne, groups of about 4 to 5 women who meet during certain periods of the year, related to agricultural cycles. During these periods the women fall into trance accompanied by music and songs. During the trance most of them speak a language unknown during everyday life, usually Arabic. The historical traumas of the Kunama, and the personal suffering of the women are revoked during the altered states of consciousness. Some of the Kunama are Muslims, some of them are Christians, but the adherence to these great monotheistic religions is only formal. For the Kunama the affiliation to

sunset. The initiate, nude, covered only by an arrow of beads to symbolize his transition into adulthood, will jump four times over a number of bulls in a row. The boy assists other initiates for a period of a few months before finally entering the age group of the donza; that of married men. The Suri are an ethnic group of semi-nomadic agropastoralists. They speak a Surmic language. The Suri are warriors, proud of their lifestyle. A man raises his social status by demonstrating his bravery during raids to seize the herds of other ethnic groups and by defending his livestock. The Suri society is egalitarian, there are no recognized political leaders, the decisions are taken during meetings and the views of the elders are respected. The Suri practice traditional religions based on the adoration of a Sky-God called Tumu. There are no spiritual leaders that have the capacity to mediate with the gods, but only ritual leaders called Komoru. They take great care of their appearance including lip plates. Piercing and scarification form geometric patterns on the abdomen of men and women. These body modifications communicate the personal story of the one who carries them. They testify the social prestige, the courage in battle, or the murder of an enemy belonging to a rival ethnic group. They are a means of communication and a sort of identity card.

Kunama

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and wisdom. In turn they elect a leader considered as fair, impartial and capable of maintaining the social cohesion of the group. The head has no special privileges in economic terms, apart from the right to use the best pastures. The Irob are known for producing a high quality white honey, formerly used as a bargaining chip and for payment of taxes. Historically, because of their geographical location, the Irob have often found themselves at the focal point of the main political events in the Horn of Africa. Recently they have been hit hard by the war between Ertirea and Ethiopia. Attempts to restore peace by the international community did not consider the interests and the protection of these people that found themselves against their will in the midst of military operations.

one religion or another is not decisive for the social life. The pre-Christian and pre-Islamic traditional beliefs are still widespread. Their spiritual life is very personal, undogmatic and extremely free. The events related to the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea have severely affected the Kunama communities, who have found themselves having to flee from their territories to live in refugee camps. The Kunama have changed their lifestyles from nomadic to sedentary and agriculturalist. The life in the camps does not allow the Kunama to maintain their traditions, their culture and their collective knowledge is being lost with dramatic speed.

Irob

The Irob are a clan of agropastoralists of the Saho ethnic group, that are numerous in Eritrea. In Ethiopia this group lives in the north-eastern corner of the Tigray Federal State, the alphabet they use is the tigrigna to demonstrate that they belong to Ethiopia. Many anthropologists consider the Irob closely related to the Afars, although the latter are Islamized and the Irob are traditionally Christian. One of the Irob clan is entirely Catholic, a unique case in Ethiopia. Most of the Irob are agriculturalists, but their territory with only 300 mm of irregular rainfall per year, and the scarcity of land, is unsuitable for the development of agricultural activities. Recurrent famines and droughts are the cause of exodus of the population. The socio-political organizations of Irob are yet to be studied; it is known that it is an egalitarian society in which power is shared during public meetings and within a council of elders. The elders are chosen for their honesty

The Potential for research

I decided to write about historical Ethiopia, about contemporary Ethiopia and to briefly digress on the people with whom I had the opportunity and the privilege to meet in order to make clear the value of the museums and the potential for research that can be carried out in their territories. Ethiopia is a country that has never been colonized; its nation; nationalities and peoples have had little contact with the western world while maintaining their strong ancestral characters. The contact with modernity and globalization that has been recorded in recent years because of flows of tourists has provoked changes in the culture, the habits and customs of these peoples. Their valorisation is therefore necessary and my moral obligation. The museums, if actively supported by the population, become privileged observation points on the changes that are taking place and that involve both the tangible and the intangible

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Innovation in Ethiopian Culture. Chicago and London: Chicago University Press. MARKAKIS, J. (1974) Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional Polity. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University Press. TURTON, D. (2002) The politician, the priest and the anthropologist: living beyond conflict in southwestern Ethiopia. Bernhard Helander Memorial Lecture, Dept. of Cultural Anthropology, University of Uppsala. Ethnos, Vol. 68 (1), pp. 5-26. TURTON, D (1996) Refugees and Migrants. In: T. Allen, (ed.) In Search of Cool Ground: War, Flight and Homecoming in Northeast Africa, London: James Currey, pp. 96-110. TURTON, D. (ed.) (2006) Ethnic Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience in Comparative Perspective. Oxford/Addis Ababa: James Currey Publishers/Addis Ababa University Press. SAVA’, G. (2000) A sketch of Ongota, a dying language of Southwest Ethiopia. Studies in African Linguistics, 29 (2), pp. 59-135. WEEDMAN, K., FRINK, L. (2005) Gender and Hide Production. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press.

culture. To give an example of these changes I refer to the before mentioned research I did in Wolaita, during which I realized that the tanner constructed his scraping tool using pieces of broken car wind shields, proof of how the construction techniques are being changed by the contact with modernity. The contact with and the direct knowledge of the culture of the population permits researchers to predict the cultural problems that they can find when completing their work and thus making the data collection phase more efficient and facilitating the analysis phase. Cooperation from the local population facilitates the methods of direct participation of anthropologists. A deep knowledge of the territory and of the people who inhabit it helps to improve the efficiency of data collection in archaeological, anthropological, DNA and various types of scientific research. Ethnoarchaeological research can start from the museum collection and expand to the surrounding territory. It can be enriched by the contact with the local reality. The network of collaborators at a national and an international level that have a reference point in the museums allows for integration of research through contact with various experts and helps to strengthen its quality and interdisciplinary character. Finally their research results may suggest problem solving activities which can then be applied to projects of international cooperation for development, thereby minimizing negative cultural side effects and maximizing the efficiency of the actions.

References

ABBINK, J., GORAN, A. (2000) Meanings of Violence, A cross-cultural Perspective. Berg Publishers. ABBINK, J. (2006) Reconstructing Haberland Reconstructing the Wolaita: Writing the History and Society of a Former Ethiopian Kingdom. History in Africa , Vol. 33. CANCELLIERI, FRINCHILLUCCI, POGGI., G. (in press) Artisan activities in a village of fugà (WolaitaEthiopia): notes of journey, Poster presented at XVth UISPP Conference, Lisbona, 4-9 September 2006. CANCELLIERI, FRINCHILLUCCI, POGGI., G. (in press) Craft activities of fugà (Wolaita, Ethoppia): preliminary ethnoarcheological observation, poster presented at IVth Italian Conference of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, CNR, 17-19 May 2006. CONNINGHAM, R., YOUNG, R. (1999) The Archaeological visibility of Caste. An Introduction. Insoll. DUMONT, L. (1980) Homo Hierarchus. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. GEERTZ, C. (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. Selected Essays. New York: Basic Books. HABERLAND, E. (1978) Ethnogenesis and Expansion in Southwest Ethiopia. With Special Reference to the OmoticSpeaking People. Abbay, 9, pp. 141-143. KUPER, A. (1999) Culture. An Anthropologist’s Account. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. LEVI-STRAUSS, C. (1962) La Pensée Sauvage. Paris. LEVINE, D. (1965) Wax and Gold. Tradition and 310

Using Ethnographic Materials to Analyze the Original Meaning of Some Oracle-Bone and Bronze Inscriptions Kong Lingyuan Abstract

In this paper, the author gave some examples using ethnographic materials to analyze the original meaning of some oraclebone and bronze inscriptions. The character “Chen” (means subject) on the oracle bones was written in the shape of an eye, its original meaning was supervising; the person name as Chen was originally an overseer, whose daily routine and duty was to keep watch on the slaves. To lend evidence to this point, we find Dai people in Xishuangbanna have similar overseers, they were called “Nog-Da” which means “eye”. “Xiaochen” enjoyed very high status in Shang Zhou Dynasty’s bureaucracy. Xiaochen were originally young slaves or home-born-slaves. They grew up at their master’s home and sometimes adopted by their masters and thus were more superior than other slaves. It is from this situation that the “Xiao”(means small) originates from, so this portion of their titles is only representative of their status and has no relationship with their actual age. “Xiaochen” ranked as senior serviceman and sometimes were members of the ministry of war, who valeted the king within his palace. So, in generally speaking the position of Xiaochen is still a servant or slave .We can find similar ethnographic phenomenon with Wa people in Yunnan and American Indian society. Some scholars believe that the character of Xin 辛 represent a kind of knives which were used to make signs on the criminals’face. So it has the meaning of sorrow and hardship. But compare with some ethnographical materials, we realized that the character of Xin’s 辛 original meaning was a slave. It use a headstand person to express a man who was captived, because of lost of freedom, his statue seemed as a dead man, so ancient people use the dead sign to indicate this enslavedness situation. KEYWORDS: Ethnographic Materials, Original Meaning, Oracle-Bone Inscriptions, Bronze Inscriptions, Ethnoarchaeology.

To lend evidence to this point, we find Dai people in Xishuangbanna, Yunnan province, have similar overseers: they were called “Nog-Da” which means respectful eye or uncle“eye”. In Minoan Scripts, eye also means superviser:

On the Character of “Chen” (臣)

The character “Chen” (means subject) on the oracle bone and bronze inscriptions were written in the shape of upright eyes, its original meaning was supervising; the person name as Chen was originally an overseer, whose daily routine and duty was to keep watch on the slaves. These are Chen (臣) in Bronze inscriptions:

On the Characters of “Xiaochen” (小臣)

In many ancient oracle bones and bronze vessel inscriptions referring to royal aide-de-camps Xiaochen”. Many scholars have explained the position of these royal aide-de-camps. The understanding of these royal aide-de-camps could be evolved if we compare it with some ethnological materials.

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These are Xiaochen written in bronze inscriptions:

On the character of Xin (辛)

Some scholars believe that the character of Xin 辛 represent a kind of knives which were used to make signs on the criminals’ face. So it has the meaning of sorrow and hardship. But compare with some ethnographical materials, we realized that the character of Xin’s 辛 original meaning was slave. It use a headstand person to express a man who was captived, because of lost of freedom, his statue is as a dead person, so ancient people use the dead sign to indicate this enslavedness situation. These are Xin 辛 written in bronze inscriptions:

“Xiaochen” enjoyed very high status in Shang and Zhou Dynasty’s bureaucracy. We believe Xiaochen were originally young slaves or home-born-slaves. They grew up at their master’s home and sometimes adopted by their masters and thus were more superior than other slaves. It is from this situation that the “Xiao”(means little) originates from, so this portion of their titles is only representative of their status and has no relationship with their actual age. “Xiaochen” ranked as senior serviceman and sometimes were members of the ministry of war, who served the king within his palace. So, in generally speaking, the position of Xiaochen is still a servant or slave. In the following oracle bone inscription, Xiaochen Qing followed the king of Shang in a war and got a big victory:

This is a rock painting in the great Lakes area, Canada, to show where men were drowned:

Although the original meaning of the character of Xin was lost for a long time. But we can find it in other characters which contain Xin as a part of them. For example, Qie’s 妾 original meaning is a female slave, Tong’s 童 original meaning is a child slave, Zai’s 宰 original meaning is a slave whose work as a chamberlain. From these cases, we can say that ethnoarchaeology can help us to understand the original meaning of ancient chinese characters.

We can find similar ethnographic phenomenon with Wa people in Yunnan and american indian societies. 312

Ethnoarchaeology in China Kong Lingyuan Abstract

Ethnoarchaeology was formally introduced to China at the end of 1970’s.It beginning with questions asked in archaeolody,want to recover the real history by means of analogy with the behavior of ethnic groups as well as by comparing other aspects of their material remains which have some relationship to archaeology. KEYWORDS: Ethnoarchaeology, China, Methodology, Origin of Civilization, Formation of State.

The Original thoughts of Ethnoarchaeology in China

Although ethnoarchaeology is a new archaeology branch emerged from 1960s in America and Europe, but even early in Confucius period some Chinese scholars had used similar method to study history. As Confucius said that you could find the lost rituals in rural areas.

The History of Ethnoarchaeology in China

During 1950s-1960s, China organized a large scale ethnographic investigation. Some scholars began to use those plenty ethnographic materials to explain those unsolved questions in Chinese prehistoric archaeology. In fact, when the New Archaeology emerged in America, some Chinese scholars have already done the similar research during that very isolate situation.

The Methodology of Ethnoarchaeology in China

As prof. Wang Ningsheng pointed out the ethnoarchaeology methodology can be divided into three steps: analogy, hypothesis and testing, with the last as an important link.

The Problems of Ethnoarchaeology in China

At present the scope of such research are too limited to the using and meaning of unearthed cultural relics. Ethnoarchaeology should have wider applications in technology, life style, social system, religion and art.

The Future of Ethnoarchaeology in China

If Chinese archaeologists pay more attention to the methods of ethnoarchaeology, progress will be made in the debates over the origin of civilization and the formation of state. Given the large amounts of data available in Chinese archaeology and the fact that some of the nation’s minorities still live in hunting and gathering or slash and burn life style. We believe that ethnoarchaeology has a very good future in China.

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On the Origin of Prehistoric Religion and Li (ritual) in Central Plains of China LI Yujie, KONG Lingyuan Abstract

In prehistoric period, numerous objects such as sky, earth, sun, moon, forests, deep valleys, high mountains, stars and even changing weathers, must be offered with sacrifices by primitive people. Many natural phenomena were considered to be closely related with fortunes and fates. As a result, many taboos emerged at that time. However, at the age of Emperors Huang and Yan, monotheistic worship had been established. In this worship form, God who had both natural and social attributes was introduced into human’s minds. In Chinese traditional ceremonies, Emperor Huang and Yan, the two leaders of tribe-union, were apotheosized as the most important God, living in the heaven, who had mighty power of controlling wind, rain and even destroying devil. It’s demonstrated with current archaeological records that at the middle stage of Neolithic age, monotheism in which particular person was apotheosized as God had separated from polytheism and taken the dominant position in Central Plains. Li was born in prehistoric religions and served the welfare of society. So, Li was not pure ethic or regulation, but particular regulations merged with politics, laws, moralities, rituals, religions and cultures, used to regulating Human relationships. These regulations were a complete unit of presentational feudal orders and inherent religious worship. In Xia dynasty, about 3000 years ago, the conquest of Sanmiao tribes in south China, and elimination of floods in southwest China, both launched by Emperor Yu, were in the name of Li. In the opinions of rulers of Xia dynasty, betrayal of Li was equal with betraying God and moral principles. KEYWORDS: prehistoric religion, Li (ritual), central plains of China, animism, worship of ancestor-spirits.

natural and social attributes was introduced into human’s minds. In Chinese traditional ceremonies, Emperor Huang and Emperor Yan, the two leaders of tribe-union, were apotheosized as the most important Gods, living in the heaven, who had mighty powers of controlling winds, rains and even destroying devils. It’s demonstrated with current archaeological records that at the middle stage of Neolithic age, monotheism in which particular person was apotheosized as God had separated from polytheism and taken the dominant position in Central Plains.

In ancient China, Li (ritual) is the most important cultural feature of Chinese nation and state. There is an inherent link between metaphysical religion and Li. According to the latest archaeological records and historical documents, close relationship between Li and religions had been established about at the middle stage of Neolithic age in Central Plains of China. During this period, primitive religions not only gave the birth of Li, but also shaped the connotation, structure and basic characters of Li.

Basic Characters of Prehistoric Religions in Central Plains of China

1) Coexistence of monotheism and polytheism leaded to diversity of religions in Central Plains

At the middle stage of Neolithic age, about 5000 years ago in Chinese history, because of social evolution such as the increase of productivity, the intrinsic properties of animism and polytheism began to change gradually. In Chinese Central Plains, the objects of religious worship changed accordingly. A sort of three-classified theogony was established at last, which manifest the worship of god, first, Gods of nature who had the supernatural powers; second, ancestor-spirits of tribe unions who had super-blood ties to all members of tribe unions; third, apotheosized public functional organizations which were getting much stronger than ever before. Three-classified theogony formed the basic structure of pre-historic religions in Central Plains of China. In prehistoric period, to the worship of natural Gods, numerous objects such as sky, earth, sun, moon, forests, deep valleys, high mountains, stars and even changing weathers, must be offered with sacrifices by primitive people. Many natural phenomena were considered to be closely related with fortunes and fates. As a result, many taboos emerged at that time. However, at the age of Emperors Huang and Yan, monotheistic worship had been established. In this worship form, God who had both

According to historical documents, Emperors Huang and Yan were both the Kings of Gods, who had power to master dragons as well as tigers, and they also were secular monarchs, who had rights to deserve sacrifices of highest rank from human’s world. In other words, secular monarch was raised to the condition of a God. Finally, apotheosis of secular monarchs leaded to the worship of ancestor-spirits. In the developing process of tribe-union in China, clans were not destroyed but reserved as branches of tribe-union. In Central Plains, centered with Emperor Huang’s tribe, many tribes with different blood ties were united as a strong tribe-union, which defeated and united subsequently with Emperor Yan’s tribe-union in a series of conflicts. After the unification of Emperor Huang and Yan’s tribe-unions, totems of different tribes were replaced by tribe-leaders who had secular powers. These leaders were both military officers and wizards who could communicate with the sky. Soon, the gap of power remarkably increased as the result of enhancement of public institutions. Those leaders were spokesman of the sky during their lifetime, and the spirits of ancestors who could bless their children after their deaths. As we know, for thousands of years, Emperor Huang had always been deified as the common ancestor314

implied that certain spirits of ancestors deserved the name of God when Di ritual was applied to them. In Chinese historical records, we can find some documents about Di ritual applied to Emperors Huang and Yan, so we can draw such conclusion that the spirits of ancestors and Gods were united to one. Because of the premature separation of ancestor-spirits from tribe society, as well as the premature union of nature and social properties of Gods, the spirits of ancestors had obvious shade of Totem heroes, whose power were not beyond the knowledge that the primitive people had. And these spirits of ancestors were always associated with fairy tales which were productions of animism taboos. For example, all spirits in Shanhaijing, a notable fairy tales book in ancient China, were half-person, half-beast. As a result, the worship of Gods didn’t create metaphysical God. All literatures about Gods in China were at primary stages, without developing enough details. The stories of Gods in Central plains were still in dim perspective, can’t develop into complement epic poetry. Furthermore, because of premature break off of natural-Gods worship, primitive people can’t hold the diversity of natural-Gods, leading to the absence of metaphysical and rational contents in their worship activities. Their worship was limited in the utility of real-life society, because they cared more for real life than pure belief of Gods or ideas. This conflict configuration destroyed the unity of religion inherently, leading to the transformation of religions towards the formation of moral principles, in other words, towards the format of Li which was the complex of blood ties and secular powers in China. According to archaeological records, as early as 6000 years ago in Central Plains, the origin of Li began. Some nonpracticable instruments were discovered in Puyang country, Henan province, China. These instruments, which were used to indicate the particular status of dead persons, were similar with the special ritual instruments which appeared more lately in Chinese history. Complete sets of ritual instruments were discovered in Longshan Remains in Central Plains, reflecting the initial development of Li. Because of acute social evolution as well as mergence of different cultures and religions, numerous formats of Li were established in Central Plains at the late stage of Neolithic age in China. For example, the Li of sacrifice, pilgrimage, military, marriage and tribute were reflected in Chinese prehistoric tales. Li was born in prehistoric religions and served the welfare of society, therefore, it had both strong characters of religious inherently, reflecting emotions, ideas and even intolerance of religions, and some regulations that were transformed from unwritten laws once used in primitive society. So, Li were not pure ethics or regulations, but particular regulations merged with politics, laws, moralities, rituals, religions and cultures, used to regulating Human relationships. These regulations were a complete unit of presentational feudal orders and inherent religious worship. When these regulations were established, they even had great powers to integrate or conquer different tribes. In Xia dynasty, about 3000 years ago, the conquest

sprite, deserving sacrifices offered by all Chinese people. Actually, this kind of ancestor-spirit who had been transformed from particular person in real life formed the subject of monotheistic worship.

2) Apotheosis of tribes’ power as a result of establishment of ancestor-spirits

In Central Plains because some particular factors such as the needs of warfare-organization and disaster-resistance, public institutions were established prematurely, integrated with totem-taboos, emitting glory of mystery. According to historical documents, totems were used in counting the years, nominating officers by many tribes such as Taihao, Shaohao and Yan. For example, it was documented in Zuozhuan, a notable Chinese history book, that clouds were used as a way of counting the years by Emperor Huang’s tribe. As we know, productions of agriculture depended mainly on rainwater in prehistory ages. Changeable clouds were related with rains in primitive persons’ minds. That was perhaps the reason why the worship of clouds was established.

3) Nomination of official position with totems influenced prehistory societies profoundly.

One significant result was that public powers were apotheosized and became inviolable Gods. In the subsequent slave society, public powers were finally predominated by a handful of noble man. It was just apotheosis that destroyed the primitive democratic characters of public power at the late stage of Neolithic age, and settled the base of subsequent metamorphosis.

Separations of Prehistoric Religions and the Origin of Li

The inherent incompatible configurations of threeclassified theogony in Central Plains leaded to separation of primitive religions and the rise of moral principles. Actually, in the three-classified theogony, worship of ancestor-spirits and apotheosis of public powers were an abstraction of secular blood relationship and politics. Because of the aim of this religious abstraction was the welfare of real-life society, the developing of primitive religions towards the direction of super-utility and metaphysics were restricted remarkably. On the contrary, the purposes of religious abstraction were the benefits in real-life society. As a result, the supreme God, related with practical society closely, had a series of significant functional characters. Take the spirits of ancestors for example, we noticed that they were leaders of tribe unions who had super-blood tie with all members of the tribes in view of secular statuses. They were both Gods of individual tribe and Kings of all tribes. In view of godship, they were the union God who were supreme over all subordinate tribes. When the privilege were strengthened higher and higher, they became the God who was equal with the heaven at last. “Di” was a kind of ritual activity that was applied to sacrifice the spirits of ancestors in ancient China. In Chinese manners, it was 315

sky, earth, spring, summer, autumn and winter, which actually were six totems. Ritual custom, appreciated greatly by the rulers of all the dynasties in China, also show the close relation between official positions and totems. Patterns of dragon and phoenix were used in Chinese emperors and their wives’ clothes.

of Sanmiao tribes in south China, and elimination of floods in southwest China, both launched by Emperor Yu, were in the name of Li. In the opinions of rulers of Xia dynasty, betrayal of Li was equal with betraying God and moral principles. It was obvious that Li had great functions in Chinese history.

Three categories of Li Shaped by Three-Classified Theogony

3) Li of animism

Offering sacrifices to spirits in nature world were important functions of ancient governments in China. The forms and contents of sacrifice ceremonies were various because of numerous spirits who lived on mountains or in rivers. Even emperors performed worship of spirits in natural world when encountered with great events. What the civilians worshiped in ancient China were also various, including earth, trees, rivers, and even doors or wells. For example, according to documents found on bamboo slips, sun, moon and ghosts were related with welfares and disasters in Qin dynasty, reflecting the popularity of spirits-worship in civilian society. It should be noticed that Li of animism also influenced other aspects in society such as laws. In ancient China, there were once laws of witch-judging. In other words, judgment and inspection of guilty of defendant were performed by witchcraft. In Chinese historical documents, records about referring themselves to spirits by means of dreams when officials were not certain about judgments were not rare. Actually, these were another ways of seeking help from spirits.

Essentially, the existence of the three-classified theogony in pre-history society was a production of conflicts between undeveloped productive forces and rapidly developing production relationships. In the end, the three-classified theogony destroyed the logical development of primitive religions, leading to the rise of Li, which emphasized the worship of ancestor-spirits and apotheosized public powers, both related closely with real life. Li took place of the primitive religions and un-written laws, establishing the regulations of social activities in Central Plains. Because Li originated from primitive religions in Central Plains, its classification was shaped remarkably by the three-classified theogony in Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties. Corresponding with the three-classified theogony, there are three categories of Li in Central Plains. First, Li of patriarchal clan system, applied mainly in worship of ancestor-spirits; second, Li of public institutions, concentrated with apotheosized and classified public powers; third, Li of animism, whose main purpose was praying for benefits and avoiding disasters by the means of sacrifices offered to natural spirits. All of these three categories of Li mentioned above constituted nuclear contents of Li in China.

Conclusions

To sum up, it could be concluded that about five or six thousand years ago, configuration changes of religions had taken place in Central Plains of China. These changes leaded to the conflict between abstraction and realism, metaphysics and what exists after physical form, giving the birth of primary format of Li. Because of its origin from prehistoric primitive religions in Central Plains, Li had multiple characters of primitive religions. Especially, its classifying-configuration of Li was similar with the threeclassified theogony. This sort of classifying-configuration continued in Chinese traditional regulations of Li for thousands of years, reflecting the difference between the Chinese culture and other cultures in the world.

1) Li of patriarchal clan system, centered on worship of ancestor-spirits.

The grand and respectful sacrificial ceremonies applied to ancestor-spirits by elites of Shang dynasty were well known in China. Oracle bone inscriptions from the Yin Ruins were used for nothing but communications with Gods and spirits of ancestors. According to the documents reserved on the bronze vessels inscriptions, we also knew that ceremonies held in Zhou Dynasty were as respectful and devotional as in Shang Dynasty. Actually, in subsequent dynasties of China the regulations of Li, such as the ones used in ancestral temples, ancestor-spirits worship and ritual custom which were under great influence of Li in Zhou dynasty. In a word, since Zhou Dynasty, the feudal patriarchal system, centered with worship of ancestorspirits, was always one undivided part in Chinese mental life and everyday ritual regulations.

2) Santification and classification secular public power and public function

In Shang and Zhou dynasties, according to Regulations of Li, there was no separation between official positions and totem worshiped by social members. According to Regulations of Zhou Li, official positions in state governments were divide into six categories in the name of 316