Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles 9781623563158, 9781472593467, 9781623563837

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Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles

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Available and forthcoming in the Education Around the World series Series Editor: Colin Brock Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, Colin Brock and Nafsika Alexiadou Education in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific, edited by Michael Crossley, Greg Hancock and Terra Sprague Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, edited by Emel Thomas Education in East and Central Africa, edited by Charl Wolhuter Education in East Asia, edited by Pei-tseng Jenny Hsieh Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, edited by Nadiya Ivanenko Education in the European Union: Pre-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the European Union: Post-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in North America, edited by D. E. Mulcahy, D. G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul Education in South-East Asia, edited by Lorraine Pe Symaco Education in Southern Africa, edited by Clive Harber Education in South America, edited by Simon Schwartzman Education in the United Kingdom, edited by Colin Brock Education in West Africa, edited by Emefa Takyi-Amoako Education in West Central Asia, edited by Mah-E-Rukh Ahmed Forthcoming volumes: Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe, edited by Terra Sprague Education in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands, edited by Debotri Dhar and Hema Letchamanan

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Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles Edited by Emel Thomas

Education Around the World

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

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Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK

1385 Broadway New York NY 10018 USA

www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2014 by Bloomsbury Academic Paperback edition first published 2015 by Bloomsbury Academic © Emel Thomas and Contributors, 2014 Emel Thomas and Contributors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-1-6235-6315-8 PB: 978-1-4742-3568-6 ePDF: 978-1-6235-6383-7 epub: 978-1-6235-6430-8 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles / edited by Emel Thomas. pages cm — Education around the world) ISBN 978-1-62356-315-8 (hardback) 1. Education—West Indies, British. 2. Education—Netherlands Antilles. I. Thomas, Emel. LA476.E3725 2014 370.9729—-dc23 2013044953 Series: Education Around the World Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk

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Contents Series Editor’s Preface Notes on the Contributors

Introduction and Regional Overview: Priorities and Prospects for Education in the Caribbean Emel Thomas 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Anguilla: The Challenges of Teacher Recruitment Ornette Edwards-Gumbs Antigua and Barbuda: The Mathematics Curriculum – A Compulsory Preparation Issue Caron O. Weston The Bahamas: Collaborative Alliances for Special Education Provision Samuel L. Taylor and Michelle L. Wildgoose Barbados: Modelling the Educational System – A Socioeconomic and Historical Investigation Pedro Welch Barbados: Higher Education – Contributing to Development in the Caribbean Sandra L. Thomas Belize: Seeking Quality Education for National Development Emel Thomas Bermuda: The History of the Education System Joseph Christopher The British Virgin Islands: An Overview Karl Dawson and David Smawfield The Cayman Islands: An Overview Robert Geofroy The Commonwealth of Dominica: Education for Economic Development Ian A. Lubin and Luanne K. Serieux-Lubin Grenada: An Overview Colin Brock, Cherril Howard and Gabrielle Mason Guyana: Quality and Equity in Education Prem Misir Education in Jamaica: Transformation and Reformation Errol Miller and Grace-Camille Munroe Jamaica: The Challenges of Reform in Primary and Secondary Education Zellynne Jennings

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11 26 46 63 86 106 120 131 152 166 183 199 221 248

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15 Education in Montserrat: Pre- and Post-1995 Reflections Gertrude Shotte 16 The Netherlands Antilles: Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, Sint Eustatius and Sint Maarten – An Overview Floor Job-Van der Zwan 17 St Kitts and Nevis: An Overview David L. Bearden 18 St Lucia: Historical and Contemporary Issues – Developmentalist Approaches Talia Esnard 19 St Vincent and the Grenadines: Educational Partnerships for Development Deborah Dalrymple and Yvette Thomas 20 Surinam: The Development of Education Lila Gobardhan-Rambocus 21 Recent Developments in Trinidad and Tobago (2000–2010): Early Childhood Care, Primary and Secondary Education Samuel Lochan 22 An Analysis of Recent Developments in Tertiary, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), and Post-secondary Sector in Trinidad and Tobago (2000–2010) Susan Herbert and Samuel Lochan 23 The Turks and Caicos Islands: Educational and Geographical Demands Beatrice Fulford and Julia Williams Index

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Series Editor’s Preface This series will comprise 18 volumes, between them looking at education in virtually every territory in the world. The initial volume, Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, aimed to provide an insight to the field of international and comparative education. It looked at its history and development and then examined a number of major themes at scales from local to regional to global. It is important to bear such scales of observation in mind because the remainder of the series is inevitably regionally and nationally based. The identification of the regions within which to group countries has sometimes been a very simple task, elsewhere less so. Europe, for example has multiple volumes and more than 50 countries. National statistics vary considerably in their availability and accuracy, and in any case date rapidly. Consequently the editors of each volume point the reader towards access to regional and international datasets, available online, that are regularly updated. A key purpose of the series is to give some visibility to a large number of countries that, rarely, if ever, have coverage in the literature of this field. For this volume, it has been no simple task to delineate the ’region’. The Caribbean Basin includes mainland areas to the north, west and south with very different cultural connections and influences on the islands. Among the island nations of the Caribbean are some that fall outside the British and Dutch legacies such as Hispanic Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Francophone Haiti. Other former French colonies are now part of France itself and therefore in the European Union! Not all the countries of Commonwealth and Netherlands connection are islands, such as Belize on the Central American mainland and Guyana and Suriname in South America. So the prime factors for inclusion in this collection are historical and political. Ongoing connections with Britain and the Netherlands are real, including in education. The editor, Dr Emel Thomas has shown considerable skill and a great deal of academic stamina in gaining authors from so many places, and structuring the outcomes in a way that is undoubtedly a significant contribution to the literature on education in the region, and also the literature on education in small states. I am most grateful to her. Colin Brock Series Editor vii

Notes on the Contributors David L. Bearden is an educator with interests in learning design, computer supported cooperative work and collaborative learning, educational technology, instructional systems technology, international studies, applied andragogy and cognotics. He is also a research supervisor and course design consultant for the University of the West Indies Open Campus. David has worked as a journalist and social services professional. He currently works as the Director of the European Virtual School in Sophia located north of Antibes in France. Colin Brock is a graduate in geography and anthropology from the University of Durham. After a decade of school teaching he became a lecturer in geography at the University of Reading and was seconded to the Caribbean Development Division of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as Education Adviser. Colin has worked in Grenada on a number of occasions. On return to the UK he worked at the universities of Leeds, Hull and Oxford, and during the 1980s specialized in educational issues relating to small states in all three tropical island zones. He has been at the University of Oxford since 1992 and was UNESCO Chair there in Education as a Humanitarian Response from 2005– 2012. He is currently a Senior Research Fellow at Oxford in comparative and international education. Joseph Christopher is a retired Chief Education Officer of Bermuda. His university level education was at McGill University in Canada and the University of Durham in England. Joseph obtained his doctorate in physics at the University of Durham. He also obtained a Postgraduate Certificate of Education from the Institute of Education, University of London. He was a college lecturer in physics, a secondary school principal, and an education officer responsible for educational research, curriculum and, eventually, assessment for Bermuda. He has an enduring interest in the history of education and in 2009 published on aspects relating to education in Bermuda. Deborah Dalrymple is Head of the University of the West Indies Open Campus in St Vincent and the Grenadines. She was the local tutor/co-coordinator of the viii

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MSc counselling programme offered via distance through the University of the West Indies Mona Campus. Deborah has also written for an online course on addictions. She has worked extensively in adult and continuing education and served as Director of Marion House, a social service agency, for over 20 years. Deborah obtained her masters degree in social work from the University of Toronto and her BA (Hons) from York University in Toronto. Karl Dawson is currently the President of H. Lavity Stoutt Community College in the British Virgin Islands. He earned a doctorate in higher education administration from the University of Florida in Gainesville. Karl is a native of the British Virgin Islands and started his career in the hospitality industry upon completion of his first degree at the University of the West Indies. He has worked in education for 21 years in various faculty and administrative posts, culminating in his current appointment. Ornette Edwards-Gumbs was appointed as a primary school teacher for the Government of Anguilla in 1986. She completed a diploma in advanced educational studies and a Bachelor of Philosophy degree at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne. From 2001–2004 Ornette was deployed as an English methods tutor for the Primary Student Teachers’ In-service Training programme in Anguilla. In 2004, she was appointed Principal Primary and has served as an instructional leader in three of the six government primary schools. In more recent years Ornette has pursued studies in educational leadership and management at the Institute of Education, University of London. Talia Esnard is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the Centre for Education Programs at the University of Trinidad and Tobago. She received her PhD in sociology from the University of the West Indies where she also taught development studies before and after completion of her doctorate. Her main research interests include gender and entrepreneurship, poverty and entrepreneurship, mothering and entrepreneurship, entrepreneurial education and educational leadership as it relates to Caribbean societies. She has published in several areas including gender, mothering and entrepreneurship, poverty and new venture creation, educational leadership of early career school principals and entrepreneurship education. Beatrice Fulford is currently serving as Chairman of the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) Public Service Commission and is an adjunct lecturer in literacy

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education at the TCI Community College. She obtained her doctorate in education management and MEd in curriculum development at the University of Bristol. She has held several positions in education, ranging from primary school teacher to Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education. She has conducted research on Haitian immigration into the TCI, curriculum change in TCI secondary schools, and factors impacting upon teacher recruitment and retention in small states with particular reference to the TCI. Robert Geofroy is Head of the University of the West Indies Open Campus in the Cayman Islands. He graduated from the University of the West Indies St Augustine Campus with first class honours in natural sciences and taught for 15 years at Presentation College in San Fernando. He obtained his masters degree in education from the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (University of Toronto) and then his Maestria Educacion Virtual from Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sucre, Bolivia. He has presented papers at local conferences on the role of the e-tutor in online education. Lila Gobardhan-Rambocus is a graduate of the University of Utrecht, Holland. She has studied Dutch and general linguistics. In 2001, Lila obtained her doctoral degree at the University of Leyden, Holland, with a dissertation on the linguistic and educational history of Surinam. She was lecturer and Head of the Dutch Department at the Institute for Advanced Teacher Training (IOL) in Paramaribo until 2011. She is still attached to the IOL and conducts research into the history of education as well as writing about Surinamese languages, culture and education. Susan Herbert is a lecturer in science education at the School of Education, the University of the West Indies St Augustine Campus. She served in the capacity of Head of the School of Education during the period 2009–2013. Before joining the staff at the University of the West Indies, where she became involved in work at the tertiary level, Susan was a teacher at the secondary level of education for 15 years. Her research interests include science education and teacher education. Cherril Howard is a native of Grenada where she has been a head girl, student body president and graduate of St Joseph’s Convent, St George’s, Grenada. She currently resides in the USA where she earned a bachelor’s degree in behavioral sciences and business, a Master of Science in Exceptional Student Education and

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an Education Specialist (Ed.S) in gifted education. Cherril has also studied at the University of St Andrews and the University of Oxford, earning a masters degree in Comparative and International Education. She is currently studying in the USA for a doctorate in conflict analysis and resolution. Zellynne Jennings is a former Director of the School of Education and Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Education at the University of the West Indies Mona Campus. She holds graduate degrees in education with specialized study in curriculum development and educational philosophy. She has over 50 publications in academic journals and has conducted over 40 evaluation and policy studies for ministries of education in the Caribbean as well as for many international organizations. She is a founding member of the Journal of Education and Development in the Caribbean. Floor Job-Van der Zwan is currently completing a longitudinal evaluation study in the Dutch Caribbean as researcher of the Department of Educational Organization and Management at the University of Twente, the Netherlands. She obtained her MSc degree at the Department of Research and Theory in Education at the VU University in Amsterdam in 2003. She also studied in Finland and conducted an evaluation study of an EC-funded programme in Namibia (MASTEP). Currently she lives and works in the (former) Dutch Antilles, combining research and development for educational improvement. She is an external PhD candidate at the VU University. Samuel Lochan is a Lecturer at the School of Education, the University of the West Indies St Augustine Campus. He has worked as a secondary school teacher in the area of business studies. Samuel has also worked at one of the teachers’ colleges before moving to work at the School of Education where he is involved in teacher preparation for early childhood, primary and secondary school practice. His doctorate was in the area of education for entrepreneurship. Samuel has completed research on the phenomenon of private tutoring and is at present engaged in some further research on entrepreneurship. Ian A. Lubin is a highly experienced professional educator and research scientist in the areas of educational psychology, research and technology. His interests include social and cultural factors affecting educational opportunity and academic motivation with special reference to the Caribbean. He is a consultant and trainer in instructional design, utilization of instructional technologies,

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research and evaluation and teacher/faculty professional development. Additionally, Ian consults in the areas of human motivation, performance management and technologies and programme and policy evaluation. He holds undergraduate degrees in psychology and multimedia instructional design and MEd and PhD degrees in instructional psychology and technology. Gabrielle Mason is a Grenadian and a Sister of St Joseph of Cluny, a worldwide congregation. She is an educator, who spent most of her years working at the secondary level. Gabrielle was a principal for 28 years and has also taught creative writing at St George’s University in Grenada. She was awarded a CBE for services to education. Gabrielle has travelled extensively and has conducted workshops and seminars in several countries including Ireland, England, Australia and New Zealand. More recently she has published a poetry book entitled Blooming in the Dry Season. Errol Miller is a Professor Emeritus of the School of Education University of the West Indies Mona Campus and currently Chancellor of the Mico University College. He holds a BSc degree in botany and zoology, and obtained his masters and PhD in education psychology from the University of the West Indies. He was a Post-Doctoral Fellow in Science Education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. He is the author of several books, chapters and journal articles. He has worked as a science teacher, Director of the Institute of Education at the University of the West Indies Mona Campus, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education Jamaica, Independent Senator in the Jamaican Parliament, President of the Jamaica Teachers Association and, most recently, Chairman of the Electoral Commission of Jamaica. He has been the recipient of numerous awards and honours for work in education and for public service. Prem Misir is Pro-Chancellor of the University of Guyana, Professor in Public Health with the University of Central Lancashire, Research Adviser at the University of Bern, and Adviser on Education and Training for the Government of Guyana. Prem obtained his doctorate from the University of Hull. He was the Presidential Emissary for the South American Community of Nations, High Level Strategic Group, and was the national representative for education in Guyana at the Organization of American States. He is the author of nine books and several peer reviewed articles. His most recent publication is entitled HIV and AIDS knowledge and stigma in Guyana.

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Grace-Camille Munroe obtained her doctoral degree in adult education and counselling psychology from the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto. Her landmark research explored the psychological factors that motivated parents to become involved in the education of their children in Jamaica. She has participated in local and international conferences and written extensively on numerous issues in education. Grace is currently Adjunct Lecturer at the University of the West Indies. She formerly held the positions of Technical Assistant to the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education, Senior Director for Research at the National Education Inspectorate and Technical Assistant to the Director General, Planning Institute of Jamaica. Luanne K. Serieux-Lubin is a doctoral candidate in political science and international affairs at the University of Georgia, specializing in comparative politics and public policy. She earned a BA in romance languages and a BBA in business administration (marketing) from Cameron University. Subsequently, she completed an MA in linguistics and a Certificate in Teaching at Florida International University. Luanne is an experienced teacher, administrator and consultant, having worked with the Government of St Lucia, American universities and international humanitarian organizations. She has particular interest in the Caribbean region, especially in the utilization of public policy to achieve sustainable development. Gertrude Shotte is a lecturer in the School of Health and Education at Middlesex University. She holds an MA in lifelong education and international development and a PhD in education, both obtained from the Institute of Education, University of London. She is also a graduate of the University of the West Indies. Prior to relocating to England, she was headteacher of the Kinsale Primary School in Montserrat. The educational experiences of relocated Montserratians are her main research interest. Other interests include migration, identity and teacher education. Many of her papers have been presented at comparative education conferences in Europe and Asia. David Smawfield is a senior international consultant. His masters and doctoral research was concerned with educational provision in small countries, the latter with a special focus on the British Virgin Islands. David was resident tutor at the University of Hull during the period 1986–1988. Within the Caribbean he has also worked in Dominica and St Vincent.

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Samuel L. Taylor is an international leadership and management consultant in education, career special education case manager, and teacher for students K-12. He has been an online instructor at the University of Phoenix for students pursuing a masters degree in special education for emotional behavioural disorders and learning disabilities. Samuel obtained his masters degree in special education management from the University of Minnesota and a doctorate in leadership and management from the University of Phoenix. He participated in research while serving on various boards at state, national and international levels including at the Bahamas Wisdom Academy, African American Lupus Foundation and the National Kidney Foundation. Emel Thomas is a senior lecturer in education, children, and young people at the University of Northampton. She obtained her doctorate in education at the University of Cambridge and has written and presented papers in various international conferences on education and migration. Emel received her MSc in comparative and international education from the University of Oxford in 2008. Prior to this, she taught in a variety of schools in England and has also conducted research for charities that support disengaged young people. Sandra L. Thomas is a librarian at the Main Library of The University of the West Indies Cave Hill Campus in Barbados. Currently she performs the duties of electronic resources librarian. She holds a BA degree in history with psychology from the University of the West Indies as well as an MSc in information and library studies from The Robert Gordon University in Scotland. Sandra was a secondary school teacher in Barbados for five years. Yvette Thomas has worked with Buckinghamshire County Council in England for 11 years, initially as a school improvement adviser and currently as Children’s Policy and Equalities Manager for Children’s Services. An educator for 28 years she has worked in a range of educational institutions and has secondary headship experience. Whilst working in the Caribbean she was seconded to work with UNESCO on flagship projects. She was the recipient of the UNESCO Associated Schools Project Network Award in 2000. Yvette has spoken at many conferences and her latest work includes writing and managing innovative European-funded projects with Buckinghamshire schools. Pedro Welch is Professor of Social and Medical History and Dean in the Faculty of Humanities and Education at the University of the West Indies Cave Hill

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Campus. He is the author of Slave Society in the City and has co-authored three other books, written numerous articles and book-chapters in scholarly publications. Pedro has taught at the secondary and tertiary levels in various educational institutions in the Caribbean and has been a consultant in various BBC and NBC productions including one featuring the life of the award-winning actress, Gwyneth Paltrow. He has received several awards for his contribution to education. Caron O. Weston has been a mathematics teacher for over 30 years in Antigua and Barbuda. Currently she is an education officer in charge of mathematics for the Ministry of Education. Caron is a graduate of the University of the West Indies. In 2005 she completed a masters degree in teacher development and school improvement at the University of Nottingham in England. She is now a final year PhD candidate and seeks to introduce new strategies to improve mathematics education in Antigua and Barbuda. Michelle L. Wildgoose is Founder and Principal of Bahamas Wisdom Development Center and Bahamas Wisdom Academy and a lecturer at Omega College. She earned a bachelor’s degree in secondary education from So-Journer Douglass College and a masters degree in business administration from Nova Southeastern University in the USA. Mikhail Wildgoose, her son, is autistic and is the inspiration behind her specific interest in special needs education. Currently Michelle is pursuing a masters degree in education/special education from the University of Phoenix and is interested in research on the neurodevelopment perspective to learning. Julia Williams is a retired educator who has been a primary school teacher, high school teacher, and vice principal, Deputy Director of Education, Director of Education, Permanent Secretary and President of the Turks and Caicos Islands Community College. She obtained a masters in education from the University of Bristol. She has presented various papers on educational issues at home and abroad. She is an ordained minister in the Methodist Church in the Caribbean and the Americas and serves as the Chairman of the General Education Committee in her District.

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Introduction and Regional Overview: Priorities and Prospects for Education in the Caribbean Emel Thomas

The Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles The Caribbean region has in excess of 7,000 islands, cayes and reefs that attract many tourists to the region. Located to the south-east of North America and the Gulf of Mexico, to the north of South America, and to the east of Central America, the Caribbean expanse stretches for approximately 1,063,000 square miles. It is estimated that the population of the region exceeds 36 million. Within this area are six countries that are British Overseas Territories; dependent nations of the UK from the period of the British Empire. Caribbean countries that are classified as dependent territories include: Anguilla, Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Montserrat, and the Turks and Caicos Islands. These countries are under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the UK. Also in the region are Commonwealth countries that identify as a ‘realm’ within their constitution. These Commonwealth countries have the queen of the UK as sovereign head of state and include: Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Grenada, Jamaica, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, and St Vincent and the Grenadines. Other Commonwealth members that are ‘republic’ states include: Dominica, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago. The historical relationship between the Caribbean region and colonial powers, such as the English, Dutch, French, Portuguese and Spanish, is vast and interrelated. Therefore, other Caribbean countries that have strong anglophone traditions include Surinam, a member of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the Association of Caribbean States (ACT); and the Netherlands Antilles, in particular Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, Sint Eustatius and Sint Maarten. Indeed, the eclectic 1

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nature of this volume identifies with the uniqueness of the aforementioned anglophone countries in the Caribbean.

Regional and international dimensions This volume is concerned mainly with the impact and development of education in Caribbean countries. To a very large extent the Caribbean region and education has been influenced by superpowers in geographical proximity. In this respect, Miami, Florida, within the mainland of the USA, is often perceived as the ‘central place’ of the Caribbean, even though it is on the northern rim of the territory. The USA is arguably the closest and largest authority that supports, provides for and intervenes in the Caribbean. For example, first the USA facilitates economic relations with beneficiary countries through the trade programme called the ‘Caribbean Basin Initiative’ (Office of the United States Trade Representative, 2013). Second, the popularity of being in the ‘backyard’ of the USA has resulted in Caribbean students taking advantage of higher education opportunities in the nearby states in greater numbers than Canada, the UK and other European metropoles. And third, under the intervention of the USA, Caribbean countries such as Grenada (during the military ‘coup’ in the 1980s) and Dominica (during the civil war in the 1960s) have experienced the tutelage of the Organization of American States (OAS). However, irrespective of such contemporary economic, social and historical junctures the Caribbean region still testifies and is sensitive to superpowers that are somewhat geographically distant. The UK and the Netherlands maintain a deep influence in the region. For example, Montserrat was supported by the UK especially during the 1995 volcanic eruption and Bonaire, Sint Eustatius, and Saba became Dutch entities in 2010. Significantly, both natural and socially constructed events and decisions have complex ramifications for children and young people in education settings. Indeed, even today it could be argued that Commonwealth Caribbean countries still replicate the education priorities of larger European countries (Tikly, 1999). For example, politicians in Barbados have recently been debating the introduction of tuition fees for higher education students (The Barbados Advocate, 2013). On the one hand this could be perceived as replicating the competitive forces at work in the UK’s higher education system, whilst on the other hand it could be seen as a needed response to the new global age of austerity (Jones, 2010). Either way, regional issues have associations with international agendas.

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One substantive aim of this volume was, therefore, to showcase education development and the latest debates on education. It is to this end that the internationalization of education in the Caribbean has been a powerful force for change. Most noticeable is the technological revolution that has enabled online distance learning in scattered Caribbean island locations as well as the emergence of the University of the West Indies (UWI) Open Campus sites. Expansion and access to quality education is a commendable desire for economic and social development. Furthermore, entrepreneurial initiatives establish international networks that in the short term are lucrative and in the long term can provide employment prospects. However, there is the risk that such development strategies subtly reinforce hierarchies so that regional desires are forever grappling with international priorities. Theoretical debates on cultural relevance and the critical realities of education in the Caribbean remain important. Consequently, the meaning of self and the stories of the region have emerged in recent decades as methodologies for exploring the Caribbean context.

Contextual demands and education priorities From the onset of European colonization in the fifteenth century, the Caribbean was known collectively as the West Indies. Of course there is the stance that Christopher Columbus thought he had sailed to Southeast Asia on his discovery of the New World and hence named the region as being located west, towards India. However, from the outset the Caribbean name is thought to derive from ‘Caribs’, a cultural group of Amerindians in the area. Further still, the ‘Sea of the Antilles’, a phrase common in European languages as representing the collective formation of discovered islands in the sea, are for the Dutch named the Nederlandse Antillen (Netherlands Antilles). In this volume authors use the names ‘Caribbean’ and ‘West Indian’ to refer both to the geographical location of the countries addressed as well as the disciplining category context. The use and reference of such terms, interchangeably, in no way seeks to undermine the arguments arising from post-colonial critiques of empire, imperialism and supremacy. Undeniably, the explosion of issues raised in this volume acknowledges the legacy that exists in many structures, systems, cultures and contexts across the entire world. It is this fact that affirms the geographies of place and space as salient in educational spheres. The sensitivities associated with culture and tradition are visible in the Caribbean region. As such these play a crucial role with regard to attitudes and

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assumptions on educational provision. For example, the main language of instruction in many Caribbean schools is English. The neglect of the ‘local’ language is often evident in the pursuit of anglophone traditions (Windsor, 2007). In contrast, cultural norms and traditions are now more regularly challenged by a sizeable retired minority of British West Indians that return to the region. The warmer climate and lifestyle have been cited as reasons for migrating back to the Caribbean (Mawhinney and Khan, 2011). Pertinently, this migrating group has an array of ‘British’ and/or ‘western’ experiences and traditions that can be drawn upon by local Caribbean communities. Therefore, scale and ‘smallness’ are no longer solely a concern but can be a major contributor and opportunity for the region. According to Crossley et al. (2011, p. 5), ‘Any search for common “best practice” can underplay the significance of differing contextual factors across small states in shaping educational policy and practice’. In this respect the goal of development endures in the Caribbean. To a very large extent, development ambitions for Caribbean countries can also be identified in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and particularly the Education for All targets (UNESCO, 2000, 2007). Themes such as early childhood care and gender parity not only exert laudable pressures but also keep the door open to international agencies, governments, researchers, policy-makers and practitioners, all with an array of priorities. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) provides a great deal of available online datasets for countries in the Caribbean region. Many of these are regularly updated and consolidate data and thematic agendas in the countries included within this volume. In addition, within this volume authors provide a range of referenced information and research that showcases the ‘local’ educational context (some data has been directly obtained from associated educational ministries).

Volume overview This book begins with an outline by Ornette Edwards-Gumbs on the contemporary education system in Anguilla. In particular she reveals challenges encountered in the process of teacher recruitment within the country. Her discussion of personnel challenges for example, pay, incentives and training, points towards the need for the Ministry of Education to delegate the teacher recruitment process to local school principals. Edwards-Gumbs suggests that within small Caribbean countries like Anguilla, greater collaboration and involvement in teacher training and development has particular benefits within

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the local school context. Related themes of teacher recruitment are also identified in Caron O. Weston’s discussion of education in Antigua and Barbuda. Here, drawing on provisions for mathematics education she confirms that incentives are needed for teachers to specialize in core curriculum subject areas. This not only has implications for the professional in regard to social mobility but also for pupil learning. Her descriptions informed by data suggest that mathematics is a crucial subject area for learning and must be fully harnessed to prepare pupils for the world of work. Samuel L. Taylor and Michelle L. Wildgoose provide a unique reflection on the education system in the Bahamas. They account for an education system that has had to be flexible for a scattered population (across 22 islands). Delegation, dissemination and collaboration are themes discussed that enable groups of pupils to feel included. In particular they address issues related to special educational needs (SEN) provision. In the Bahamas, services for SEN pupils have been extended through alliances that provide resources, capital and muchneeded public awareness. Through an awareness of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) model, Taylor and Wildgoose call for stronger partnership arrangements and creative entrepreneurial strategies that can support a diverse and dispersed student population. Two chapters then trace the development and contemporary structure of the educational system in Barbados. First, Pedro Welch identifies the pre- and postemancipation period of Caribbean history, and the intersectionality of themes such as oppression, freedom, democratization, modernity and development. The benefits and challenges associated with educational investment, educational borrowing, educational policy and economic competitiveness have emerged as aspects that have ensured that Barbados is a regional leader in education provision. Second, the impact of progressive educational structures in Barbados is taken up by Sandra L. Thomas in her comprehensive account of the tertiary education sector. Special attention is given to the rise of the UWI, in particular Cave Hill Campus as an institution contributing immensely to local and regional development. The desire for development is evident in the chapter on education in Belize. A well-established relationship between churches and schools, and a diverse cultural legacy, demonstrate the possibilities and concerns for educational change. Adopting a focus on issues of quality, this chapter recognizes the salience of the local context in relation to educational policy and practice for national development. Continuing an interest in education for society, Joseph Christopher’s examination of Bermuda’s education system charts the movement from segregation to competition and beyond. Given the pressures arising from

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standardized assessments, the ‘Review of Public Education in Bermuda’ in 2007 enabled the restructuring of the Central Education Office as well as student assessment. He accounts for both measures being implemented as a result of localized demands. Tracing the trajectories of their own pedagogical knowledge, Karl Dawson and David Smawfield identify an education system in the British Virgin Islands (BVI) that is uniquely influenced by ‘smallness’. This is articulated in a case study on H. Lavity Stoutt Community College (HLSCC) and a detailed analysis of the characteristics of ‘smallness’ as applied to schooling provision in the BVI. Collectively the provision of education in the BVI is being greatly influenced by resourceful and innovative regional and international networks as well as information technology systems. Robert Geofroy’s contribution points out differences between education during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the Cayman Islands. Clearly there is a marked improvement in educational investment and student achievement. However, the rewards of this are predominantly evident in the expansion of tertiary-level education that caters for a global workforce interested in the financial haven of the islands. While several authors emphasize the link between education and the world of work, it is Ian A. Lubin and Luanne K. Serieux-Lubin, in their chapter on the issues of human capital development in the Commonwealth of Dominica, who capture the interaction of policy and strategy formulation and their efficacy in developing and retaining a skilled workforce. Dominica, like other small Caribbean countries, is perceived to be negatively disadvantaged by the migration process known as ‘brain drain’. However Lubin and Serieux-Lubin’s analysis of education structures points towards a diaspora contributing energetically to the country. It is this chapter that convincingly argues that development concerns can have a variety of unexplored prospects for the Caribbean region and wider diaspora. Colin Brock, Cherril Howard and Gabrielle Mason in their chapter on education in Grenada begin by examining the contextual legacies that have shaped the country. Although education structures reflect the legacies of a British schooling system, recent regional associations have enabled Grenada to participate in higher education learning communities. Hence, the authors recommend Grenadian leadership that can facilitate and sustain educational advancements. Both quality and equality are themes explored by Prem Misir in the chapter on education in Guyana. He accounts for a range of socioeconomic challenges that influence pupil performance. Therefore, ‘fit for purpose’ and ‘access’ have been identified as necessary elements for educational organizations when engaged in teaching and learning.

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The origins, reforms, successes, and challenges of the Jamaican education system are comprehensively tackled in two chapters. First, authors Errol Miller and Grace-Camille Munroe provide an account of the inequitable schooling system established in Jamaica during slavery. A dual system marked by ethnic differences has since been transformed through extensive educational reform in the country during the late twentieth century. Miller and Munroe’s all-embracing account of the twenty-first-century growth in education reveals the potential Jamaica has in a contemporary age. Second, Zellynne Jennings’ chapter addresses the local impact reforms have had in primary and secondary school settings in Jamaica. She examines the pedagogical and structural challenges influencing the achievement of Jamaica’s National Development Plan by 2030 for literacy. Jennings’ own research suggests that achieving goals set through various reforms can become wearisome, especially when there should be greater capital investment and training for educators. Turning to the impact of natural disasters on education, Gertrude Shotte accounts for the education system in Montserrat before and after 1995. Shotte identifies an educational period that held much freedom for its citizens postemancipation and in the reforms of the late twentieth century. Like many other Caribbean countries, Montserrat was concerned with assessment and achievement for society development. However, following the eruption of the Soufriere Hills volcano in 1995, Shotte reflects on the resilience of Caribbean communities. Local determination, national investment, and regional and international support are the stepping stones that should enable the island of Montserrat to reclaim its education standard. The chapter on education in the Netherlands Antilles, formerly known as the Dutch Antilles, is authored by Floor Job-Van der Zwan. Drawing on scholarship in the region she provides a contemporary insight into primary-level provision in the countries of Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, Sint Eustatius and Sint Maarten. Foundation-based education is a recent reform that Job-Van der Zwan highlights as influential on all countries with the exception of Aruba. The influence of language strategies is pivotal for the education of all pupils across the Netherlands Antilles. She highlights how the Aruban Multi-lingual School Project in 2007 has enabled greater contextualized practice, a commendable ambition that should be sought by all countries in the region. Given the historical complexities and contemporary alliances of the Netherlands Antilles within the Caribbean, educational reforms and school-based initiatives result in an array of benefits and challenges. St Kitts and Nevis has a much celebrated history as described by David L. Bearden. Known for sugar cane plantations in the eighteenth century, the

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countries have since experienced a shift in profitable commodities. Therefore, Bearden draws attention to an educational system that could contribute further to national development through the benefits of technology and other resources for learning and teaching. Such contributions would involve young people stretching beyond the boundaries of the tourism sector as well as educators guiding learners to enhance their critical abilities. Continuing an interest in analytical development approaches, Talia Esnard’s theoretical discussion explores the dominance of imperial educational models on St Lucia. Adopting a post-structuralist and post-colonial position, Esnard identifies challenges such as elitism and exclusion within educational organizations. A compelling desire evident throughout her chapter is for Caribbean people to voice and unpack their ideals of development in a critical manner. Education in St Vincent and the Grenadines is explored in Deborah Dalrymple and Yvette Thomas’ discussion of schooling partnerships and lifelong learning opportunities. Drawing in particular on networks established between Buckinghamshire in the UK and Kingstown schools in St Vincent they recognize global connections that can be facilitated to enhance teaching and learning. To this, they account for the pathways to educational development through the UWI Open Campus that has many specific benefits for Vincentian students. Lila Gobardhan-Rambocus reviews the education system in Surinam in five historical periods from the seventeenth century right up to the present day. A variety of national development plans have sought to invest in education for national development, however, societal disturbances and migration has impacted on schooling provision. Therefore, educational investment is continuously needed in order to reach beyond the shackles of poverty and a chequered colonial history. Trinidad and Tobago are the focus of two chapters where two stages of education are distinctive. First, Samuel Lochan describes educational provision from birth to secondary level. He refers to policy and reform in 1993 and 2005 that sought to cater for early childhood development needs, modernize secondary education and invest in education for economic gain. Although Lochan reflects the strides made for early childhood care and education (ECCE), he suggests that state provision needs to stretch proactively beyond capital investment. Cultural and societal dilemmas have emerged in recent years and are deeply divisive as well as life-threatening. Poverty and crime are social issues that he suggests need careful consideration when investing in ECCE, primary-, and secondary-level schooling in Trinidad and Tobago. Second, Susan Herbert and Samuel Lochan analyse developments in the tertiary education sector. They propose that

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‘smallness’ does not have to be the greatest challenge for sustainable development in the Caribbean. Likewise they point towards the growth of the UWI St Augustine Campus and post-secondary educational providers as exemplars for harnessing information technologies and other innovation methodologies. Vocational and developmental support therefore should not just come from national investment but work in tandem with wider society and regional partners. Beatrice Fulford and Julia Williams, in the final contribution to this collection, address the challenges of geography and place within their descriptions of educational provision in the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI). The TCI are categorized as archipelagos and are regularly influenced by hurricanes. Fulford and Williams also identify other educational challenges such as catering for a widespread population, migration demands and much needed structural investment. The call for action in this final chapter is clear: meaningful education planning, strategic thinking and planning, and examining what others do best.

Education prospects The authors in this volume offer a variety of contributions. In different ways, academics and professionals showcase the nature of education in Caribbean countries of which they have experience and/or knowledge of working closely in the field. Therefore, the chapters include evidence of interconnected issues such as geography, inclusion, teacher and pupil performance, gender, literacy, migration, history, development and culture. To meet educational demands within the Caribbean region in the twenty-first century, educators must be sympathetic to the complex and interrelated issues revealed in these pages. It is therefore my hope that this book not only serves as a reference point for information on specific Caribbean countries, but, more importantly, stimulates debates, discussions and research that inspires all to examine education in the ‘local’ context.

References Crossley, M., Bray, M. and Packer, S. (2011), Education in Small States: Policies and Priorities. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. Jones, G. (2010), ‘Managing student expectations: the impact of top-up tuition fees’, Perspectives: Policy and Practice in Higher Education, 14(2), 44–48. Mawhinney, P. and Khan, O. (2011), To Stay or Not to Stay: Retirement Migration Decisions Among Older People. London: Runnymede.

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Office of the United States Trade Representative (2013), ‘Preference programs: Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI)’, Office of the United States Trade Representative, http://www.ustr.gov/trade-topics/trade-development/preference-programs/ caribbean-basin-initiative-cbi (accessed 30 July 2013). The Barbados Advocate (2013) ‘BLP against move to make students pay’, The Barbados Advocate, 15 August, http://www.barbadosadvocate.com/newsitem.asp?more=busine s..&NewsID=31906 (accessed 18 August 2013). Tikly, L. (1999), ‘Post-colonialism and comparative education’, International Review of Education, 45(5/6), 603–621. UNESCO (2000), World Education Forum: Final Report. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (2007), EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008: Education for All by 2015, Will We Make It? Paris: UNESCO. Windsor, P. (2007), ‘Language experience in Belize: exploring language experience for English language learners’, Journal of Reading Education, 33(1), 29–36.

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Anguilla: The Challenges of Teacher Recruitment Ornette Edwards-Gumbs

Anguilla the island Anguilla was colonized by the British in 1650. The early settlers, the Amerindians, first called the island Malliouhana, but it was the Spaniards who, towards the end of the fifteenth century, changed its name from Malliouhana to Anguilla because of its anguilliform land shape. Situated in the Eastern Caribbean, Anguilla covers 35 square miles and has a current a population of 13,000 (Government of Anguilla, 2011b). It is now one of the few remaining UK dependent territories.

Government The island has a ministerial system of government. Executive power rests with Her Majesty’s Government, which is represented by a governor and a deputy governor. The governor presides over the Executive Council that comprises four elected members of the House of Assembly. The main seat of government is located in the capital of Anguilla, The Valley. The economy is based mainly on tourism and offshore banking. Tourism has had an important impact on the economy since 1986 and together with the public sector is now the largest source of employment on the island. Anguilla’s economy is heavily dependent on imports such as food, fuel, chemicals, manufactured goods and textiles. Therefore the country’s main trading partners are the USA and Puerto Rico.

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The education system The education system is broadly based on the British educational model. Consequently, Anguillian education practices and policies are heavily influenced by developments in the UK. The provision of education is the responsibility of the Ministry of Education and Social Services, headed by the permanent secretary. Educational services are funded centrally by government. Primary and secondary education is free and compulsory. The chief education officer manages the Department of Education in consultation with the Ministry and is directly responsible for secondary education. Four other education officers within the Department of Education are responsible for the pre-primary and primary schools, including multi-professional support services, internal and external examinations and curriculum.

Primary schools, comprehensive school and college There are eight primary schools (six government-owned and two private) that feed into one comprehensive (secondary) school. Children enter the primary school at age 5 and leave for comprehensive school at age 12. Formal education provision in Anguilla beyond the age of 16 is either at the sixth-form comprehensive school, the University Centre or the Community College, which have links with the University of the West Indies (UWI). Further and higher education is typically pursued overseas in other Caribbean islands, the UK, Canada and the USA. The six government primary schools are categorized as ‘large’ or ‘small’. A ‘large’ school typically exceeds 450 pupils, while the student roll of a ‘small’ school is approximately 150 pupils. In the ‘large’ schools there are two or three classes for each grade (kindergarten to Grade 6). However, in the ‘small’ schools there is one class per grade. The maximum teacher population in a ‘small’ school is 7, and in a ‘large’ school 14, depending on the number of classes per grade. The day-to-day running of the schools is managed by the principal assisted by a deputy. All schools follow a basic curriculum in literacy, numeracy, science and social studies. The National Test of Standards is administered to students in Grades 3, 5 and 6 every year in the month of June. The results from these tests are intended to help teachers gain an insight into students’ strengths and weaknesses, to record academic performance as well as to facilitate the banding of students in classes according to their abilities. Hence a low Test of Standards result can be used to indicate that a student has low achievement across the curriculum.

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The change from a selective system to comprehensive education In 1953, the common entrance selective process appeared to keep the enrolment of pupils in secondary schools low. In this year there were 45 pupils enrolled. During 1971 enrolment jumped to 283 pupils and by 1984 it was around 435 pupils. With the change to a comprehensive education structure in 1985, the school population escalated to over 780 pupils and by 1996 it increased to 1,000 pupils (Government of Anguilla, 1996). Enrolment for the academic year 2010–2011 was 1,150 pupils (Government of Anguilla, 2011a). In 1985 the government changed the grammar school/ secondary modern school system, with its selective system of entry, to the current open comprehensive system of education. For the first time, all students from the six primary schools were allowed entry to secondary education. The age for transition between primary and comprehensive school consequently changed from 11 to 12 years and entrance examinations were discontinued. It was with great national pride that Anguillian parents sent their children to the Valley College, later renamed Albena Lake-Hodge Comprehensive School (ALHCS). In October 1986, the teachers at the ALHCS became disenchanted with the comprehensive system. An internal survey highlighted that 40 per cent of entrants, coming from primary schools to ALHCS, were low achievers. This emerging challenge was great, given that the school had catered for the more academic pupil before 1986. The diverse needs and abilities of pupils were a pressing issue to be catered for within the Anguillian education system. To assist the principal, the Ministry of Education introduced heads of departments, but it was soon evident that further measures were required. In 1991, the posts of two deputy principals were introduced; one was to oversee curriculum duties and the other pastoral duties. Heads of year were then introduced and managed by the deputy principal for pastoral. The heads of department, positions which were already in operation, were administered by the deputy principal for curriculum. These various positions were further integrated for more effective communication and evaluation by the creation of a senior management team with the principal as the head.

The socioeconomic challenges facing small states Anguilla is a small island state. A brief description of the demography of small states is given by Bray and Packer (1993, p. xix):

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Over half the sovereign states have populations below five million, and fifty four have populations below 1.5 million. Some of these states are islands, some are archipelagos, and some are enclaves. The states are scattered in all parts of the world, but with notable concentrations in the Caribbean and South Pacific.

The level of economic resources available to small states has influenced their ability to provide the range and quality of educational services needed to adequately prepare young people for the job market. Miller (2006, p. 189) argues that ‘the profession of teaching globally continues to search for staff to carry on the business of education. Rich countries have been recruiting from poor, less developed countries’. The people of the Caribbean have always emigrated in pursuit of better wages and career advancement (Jules, 2008). A United Nations (UN) population survey indicated that the Caribbean has the highest net migration rate worldwide, and over the last 50 years the region has lost 5 million of its people through economic migration (Jules, 2008). This movement provided individual and collective opportunities as well as posed threats for the small states such as Anguilla. While the shortage of teachers in Britain and America created job and economic opportunities for teachers from developing countries, this resulted in the education systems in their home countries being put at risk (Miller, 2006; Jules, 2008). Small states were then unable to fill vacancies created by emigration with adequately trained replacement staff (Jules, 2008). The majority of small states are heavily dependent on human capital and consequently the quality of the labour force is vital to a nation’s economic growth. In education, the systems and programmes as well as emergent challenges are closely related to geographic, demographic, economic, social and cultural features. For the young teacher seeking employment, this means more competition on the basis of qualifications than on ascription, with the selection process becoming more crucial (Bacchus, 2008). However, the pursuit of academic excellence and qualifications is hindered by instability in schooling and education caused by frequent teacher turnover. As Jules (2008, p.  204) explains, we have to be bold in rethinking educational provision, and ‘old paradigms must go’. We are becoming educational deficits and are faced with ‘the peril of globalisation’ (Jules, 2008, p.  24). To overcome these deficits and paradigms, measures need to be implemented to facilitate teacher retention, with provisions made for them to develop and upgrade professionally. Only then will teachers find satisfaction in the profession and commit to positively affecting the quality and relevance of the education imparted. As Bubb and Earley (2007,

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p. 147) assert, ‘the workforce is crucial because it is the people in schools who make things happen. The call is for high quality workforce and staff development and training’. In light of this assertion, a collaborative effort should be ensured for the success and retention of the workforce.

Teacher recruitment, retention, and the selection process The permanent secretary responsible for education in Anguilla (Government of Anguilla, 2005, p. iii) stated that ‘the education sector has made tremendous strides over the years . . . but there are still many areas where improvements can be made’. Indeed, the teaching profession is an area of much concern among stakeholders and is often the subject of much public debate and global controversy. Stakeholders recognize the increasing evidence that effective teaching is the basis for positive student outcomes. They acknowledge the fact that in order to develop highly-skilled professionals, various types of training must be provided (Government of Anguilla, 2005, 2006). Phillips (2005, p.  8) defined recruitment as ‘a process designed to attract the right candidates from the general population whose skills suit the requirements of a particular post. This may be done through the job advertisement and the applicant’s pack’. Harris and Muijs (2005, p. vii) state that ‘teaching has to compete much harder against other professions for high calibre candidates’ through recruiting. At a time where effectiveness and accountability are increasingly being demanded by stakeholders, notwithstanding many other constraints, education systems worldwide are hardpressed to maintain standards, recruit, support and retain competent and effective teachers. This failing can have adverse effects on the continuity and stability of teaching and learning (Wilson, et al., 2004; Miller, 2009). Recruiting teachers should be seen as essential for any educational institution or system and the process considered crucial for attracting the right person for the job. Before teachers are recruited, stakeholders and schools should ascertain why individuals want to be recruited (Cockburn and Haydn, 2004). The aforementioned statement is further supported by Ramatulasamma (2003, p. 6) who notes that ‘the most crucial and pivotal role the teacher has to play in the life of a person can, at best, be ensured by proper and intensive teacher education programmes’. The recruitment and retention of teachers in the region has been given priority as a matter of concern. As such, the government of Anguilla has been placing much emphasis on improving the quality of teaching and learning in schools (Government of Anguilla, 2005, 2006). This is in an attempt to improve

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students’ performance and teachers’ working conditions, which in turn could influence the recruitment and retention of teaching professionals. Fullan (2001, p. 115), writing in the UK context, recognizes that: The condition of teaching appears to have deteriorated over the past two decades, and teachers have become devalued by the community and the public. Teacher stress and alienation are at an all-time high, judging from the increase in work-related illnesses and from the number of teachers leaving or wanting to leave the profession.

These observations are equally applicable to Anguilla. However, as a small state, the island does not collect data on teacher recruitment and retention. Consequently, many assertions relate to 27 years of teaching experiences and perceptions of the profession within Anguilla. While trained personnel are assets to educational institutions or systems, the majority of new primary-school teachers are high-school graduates. For the young school-leaver seeking employment in the public service, a general application form for the civil service is completed and presented to the human resource manager’s office. When a vacancy arises in any of the schools, the person who is considered suitable for the post is contacted by an education officer to report for duty at that particular school. The Department of Education 2010–2011 Annual Report showed that a total of 1,460 students were in the six public schools with a teaching staff of 72 (Government of Anguilla 2011a). Of the 72 teachers, 33 were uncertificated, 3 were categorized as trained uncertificated and 36 were certificated. The pupil– teacher ratio is 20 pupils to a teacher. The number of untrained teachers in the system has placed tremendous financial strain upon it. Often retired teachers have been deployed to substitute while the untrained teachers attend in-service training sessions. There is the public perception that a number of individuals use the education system as a stepping stone to higher paying jobs. In the past, when qualified Anguillian teachers left the profession, it was frequently to join the tourism sector, where the attractiveness of salaries paid in US dollars served as a major incentive (Niles, 2013). Not only is the private sector more lucrative, it appears to carry greater social prestige than public sector jobs like teaching. Some teachers leave the profession because of situational and personal factors. Consequently, in addition to a lack of teacher training, many new teachers in Anguilla lack commitment to teaching, regarding it as a temporary job rather than as a career. Thus, there is a need to provide pre-employment teacher training, not only for retention in Anguilla but to ensure that staff are contractually bound after completing local training courses.

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The education system in Anguilla is managed by the government. Teachers are selected by application to the Public Service Commission. Anguilla is a British dependent territory and, in concurrence with European regulations, public jobs must be advertised. Interested applicants are required to complete the government’s application form, provide proof of academic qualifications, a birth certificate, a police record and two letters of reference. The individual school principal is not involved in the teacher selection process in Anguilla. A school principal would hope that the person selected for employment in his/her school will have the qualities the school specifically needs. It is a matter of employing without attending induction first and then becoming a trained teacher. In light of this, Bottery (2004, p. 11) affirms that ‘if institutions are to improve then the concerns need to be recognized, articulated, and placed at the forefront’. Individuals involved in constructing the job description should ensure that it reflects not only the nature of the job but the general approach taken by the specific organization (Bush and Middlewood, 2005). The recruitment of teachers is very important. If it is not conducted in a systematic manner then there is the possibility of employing someone who is not fit for the job conducive to the contextual demands. This could consequently have a negative impact on student outcomes. Guarino et  al. (2006) assert that we cannot assume that recruitment of teachers is a value outcome. If these improvements are achieved at the expense of quality, then students may experience more harm than good from such recruitment strategies. Recruitment is desirable only when student learning improves or remains constant. In the Department of Education in Anguilla, the education officers have a critical role to play in performing the duties of the post, and to use the key relationships built into the system for their support. Cockburn and Haydn (2004, p. 3) in the British context argue that ‘the importance of attracting and retaining highly qualified and well motivated teachers in the profession is a concern for policy-makers and politicians. Policy initiatives are required in order to increase the attractiveness of the profession’. This statement is equally applicable for Anguillian teachers. As Chapman (2005) notes, in the educational context, the issue of effective recruitment and retention of teachers has become a matter of great concern globally. There is a need for a systematic approach to the process of teacher recruitment. Schools and school systems require highly qualified and experienced teachers to fill vacancies in schools (Chapman, 2005). Consequently, contextual appointment procedures should be implemented and job descriptions clearly defined. Additionally, if the recruitment process is meticulously conducted, it should minimize some of the problems which can be encountered during the selection process (Bush and

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Middlewood, 2005). The selection process ultimately has an effect on the quality of teaching and learning that occurs within school systems. To deny principals involvement in such a task would mean that the selection will fail to address situational needs in individual schools. Bush and Middlewood (2005) suggest that there are structural challenges within the teacher selection process; therefore it is necessary for selectors to re-engineer traditional practices. The demands placed on teachers have caused them to be stretched to the limit, while some are committed to staying in the profession and others are at the point of leaving (Ramsey, 2005). Bush and Middlewood (2005) suggest that pressures from governments, associated with the quality and value of education, place enormous demands on teachers. Such pressures often cause teachers to turn down promotion in order to balance other life commitments. Apart from the demands and pressures brought on teachers, many retire early due to stress, disillusionment and burnout; others may leave because of shaming and blaming and because the attractiveness of teaching has faded (Harris and Muijs, 2005). In the 1990s a number of trained and experienced teachers in Europe cited reasons for leaving the profession. Such reasons included the workload, indiscipline of students, limited upward mobility, lack of interest, lack of incentives offered, bulk of record-keeping, constraints in schools as workplaces and those directly imposed upon teachers, and current expectations (Spear et al., 2000). The reasons for leaving the profession as outlined by Spear et al. are no different from what teachers in Anguilla experience. In an Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted, 2002, p. 4) report it was discovered that ‘difficulties in recruiting and retaining teachers in the UK have been increasing’. Among the reasons for low teacher retention were: low salary structure, increased workload, work-related stress and a feeling of being undervalued. To counteract this problem the government in the UK initiated schemes to attract teachers to the profession. Some of these included a higher starting payscale for qualified teachers, increased opportunities for promotion and extensive advertising (that included international recruitment campaigns) (Ofsted, 2002). Wrigley (2003, p.  39) contends that the ‘impact of this high-pressure performativity culture has been a major recruitment crisis, such that nearly half of new teachers qualifying in England now leave within their first two years, and overall one in ten teachers leave the profession each year’. This pressure to perform has resulted in a decline in teacher retention and fewer individuals are showing interest in the profession (Bottery, 2004). Teachers globally are generally under stress and mounting pressure often compounds their decision to leave the profession. Research has shown that the school environment to a large extent also plays a role in teachers’ decisions to continue

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or leave the profession. The expansion of job opportunities in other fields is another factor that impacts teacher attrition. Howson (2007, p.  115) observes that: the majority of those who enter the profession have traditionally remained in it for most, if not all, of their working lives . . . With the wide range of options open to teachers there has been the possibility of a new direction away from the classroom.

Wilson et al. (2004, p. 156) suggest that teachers’ decisions about not wanting to remain in the profession depend on whether they believe they could be successful with their students. Other reasons why teachers leave the profession are the inability to cope with problems that confront them on a daily basis in classrooms, poor leadership, performing to set targets, government initiatives, pupil misbehaviour, the way the school is run, and physical, emotional and mental health circumstances. Such pressures contribute to making the profession less attractive, therefore making it more difficult to retain teachers (Miller, 2009).

Incentives and working conditions for teachers The role and requirements of teachers within the profession have changed over the years. Expectations have intensified and obligations have become more diffused. Teachers are heavily overloaded with responsibilities such as students’ behaviour, the completion of the curriculum and accountability (Fullan and Hargreaves, 1992). Furthermore, while recruiting and retaining teachers for education systems globally is a necessity, it is becoming an increasingly challenging process, irrespective of incentives provided. Individuals will become or remain teachers if the profession proves attractive. Wilson et al. (2004, p. 153) believed that incentives have ‘. . . to be large enough to matter and must be targeted to generate the desirable result, or the impact will be diminished’. While there will inevitably be those teachers who will not be drawn by incentives, in the main such attractiveness will serve to encourage better performance, greater productivity and improve the retention of teachers (Wragg et al., 2004). Policies that promote retention are demonstrated through incentives offered for teaching relative to those offered by competing occupations available to the calibre of individuals they attract. These attractions are ease of entry, monetary compensation, working conditions and personal satisfaction (Guarino et  al., 2006). In this regard, Gorard et al. (2006, p. 38) are of the opinion that ‘policies should be implemented to increase teacher supply and quality, by providing

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better payments for teachers and other financial incentives’. In contrast Kapur (2007) believes that teachers should have the option to select development or exchange programmes that match their needs or interests, as these can be seen as incentives. In addition to incentives, other factors that can contribute to teacher retention are workplace conditions, attention to staff wellbeing and morale (Bubb and Earley, 2007). To this may be added opportunities for professional growth, pleasant surroundings, intellectual challenge, having structures in place for supporting students’ learning, adequate resources, scope for creativity, freedom, room for initiative, appropriate assignments and collegial interactions (Wilson et  al., 2004). By providing incentives and better working conditions for teachers, schools can enact opportunities to engender new ideas and innovations, for introspection, to engage in self-appraisal and strive towards excellence, while concurrently promoting retention.

Teacher appraisal Appraisal is mandatory in Anguillian schools. It is the principal’s task to ensure that all teachers are appraised periodically. The aim is to give teachers constructive feedback on their performance and on ways to overcome areas of weakness. West and Bollington (1990, p.  5) state that the purpose of appraisal is to ‘encourage the school in partnership with the teacher to look at individual performance; to consider how and where performance can be developed and be improved. It also provides feedback in both directions’. Further to this Montgomery (1999) suggests that in order for the goal of appraisal to be achieved the procedures must be linked with accountability, payment and reward. It is also important that the procedures selected are open and fair. Appraisal should be viewed as a way of helping the teacher in his/her professional expertise, giving support and encouragement. The more information a school has on the quality of teaching and learning, the more effective the planning to raise and maintain standards can be (Marriott, 2001).

Conclusion This chapter focused on issues relating to teacher recruitment and retention. For a small island such as Anguilla, challenges are often aligned with issues pertinent to global transformations. Research indicates that there are many common factors that impinge on teacher recruitment and retention (Wilson et al., 2004; Guarino

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et  al., 2006; Mau et  al., 2008). There appears to be general consensus that the foremost contributor to the problem of retention is teacher remuneration and benefits, and equally the view that the profession is not an alluring career (Wilson et al., 2004). Some researchers also believe that reasons for leaving teaching can be viewed as positive choices such as a career break, the desire to raise a family and even to travel abroad away from small island states (Jacklin et al., 2006; Miller, 2006). While monetary benefits are a very important incentive and are crucial to retaining teachers, individuals in Anguilla leave for an array of reasons, preferring and seeking other job and career opportunities. Jacklin et al. (2006, p. 151) assert that ‘teacher retention is not an easy issue, but understanding what motivates teachers as well as understanding their concerns can be helpful’. Recognizing and understanding contextual factors is therefore important to improving teacher retention in Anguilla. There is also evidence of the influx of immigrants into some countries seeking employment and securing teaching positions. Jules (2008, p. 206) recognizes that ‘by the end of the decade more than two million teachers will be needed for the United States while 40,000 are urgently required in Britain’. These results indicate that there will certainly be a brain drain for the small island states if policies are not implemented to recruit and retain their own teachers. Clearly then there is a need for countries like Anguilla to improve on their own approach to teacher recruitment and selection to counteract this challenge. The value of education and the effects it has on students cannot be taken for granted. The call is for some harmonizing of policy and practice between global demands and unique local needs. This would ensure a degree of compatibility between systems that could further facilitate migration towards, rather than away from, small states. It would also mean the establishment of common standards of recruitment and retention in education systems (Jules, 2008). Stakeholders would have to constantly review education policies and make the necessary modifications in order to develop people with competence, knowledge and skills. The issues raised have relevance for Anguilla, as they must for many other countries. The global conception of teacher recruitment and retention must inevitably lead to more flexible yet more rigorous processes. A lack of vigilant attention to the recruitment and retention of teachers is one area in which the administration in Anguilla may have failed. Teachers’ working conditions and the day-to-day problems they face are other matters which need to be given full consideration as they impinge on the attractiveness of the profession and ultimately teacher attrition. Similarly, the principal in his/her role as instructional leader can make a significant impact on career pathways within the education profession. Hence the connection between the Ministry of Education in Anguilla

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and principals could be strengthened with regard to recruitment and retention procedures. Anguillian principals and teachers need to be empowered and supported. In addition, better working conditions, good leadership and strong management within Anguillian schools should be established so that the profession can be viewed in a more positive light, while at the same time assisting in teacher retention (Spear et al., 2000; Guarino et al., 2006; Jacklin et al., 2006; Mau et al., 2008). By doing this, teachers’ morale will be boosted and teaching will become meaningful as teachers see their role in education as being a way to improve. Every attempt must be made to recruit and retain teachers in general. High staff turnover impacts negatively on the wider community and children’s learning is impeded when taught by untrained teachers without expertise and experience. A prerequisite to teacher recruitment and retention is the framing and implementation of policies that ensure teachers are being trained to adequately deal with the challenges faced in classrooms. While money might not necessarily be a key factor for leaving the profession in Anguilla, other incentives could be provided to enhance teacher supply and quality. Opportunities should be provided for upward mobility and for professional development. Reflecting on the current state of teaching in Anguilla there is a need to tighten employment practice by providing newly-appointed teachers with terms and conditions for employment, and contractually persuading teachers to undertake a period of employment following training. Currently, staff development days usually focus on teaching and learning. While this student-centred agenda is necessary, it is also important to have regular days when teachers can focus on themselves and their professional development by sharing their ideas and experiences. Such days would be excellent opportunities for staff members to critically reflect on the profession within the island and also provide constructive feedback to those who might lack job satisfaction, motivation, and who may be under pressure due to other matters. Every support should be given by government and principals to ensure that there is job satisfaction (even if this includes supporting teacher retreats). Motivational support, guidance and continuous training should be provided to teachers. To further address the problems facing primary schools, the Ministry of Education could consider using the cache of recently-trained or experienced teachers to be trainers within schools. This will help to strengthen and upgrade the quality of teaching and learning that occurs. Structured policies need to be implemented for the recruiting and selection of teachers and these policies need to be updated regularly to suit dynamic global demands. It would serve the

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profession in Anguilla if the Ministry of Education were to be more attentive to the concerns and views of teachers, and provide feedback and solutions where possible. This attentive stance can positively impact on the retention of Anguillian teaching staff. Since the workforce in Anguilla is relatively young and lateral, vertical mobility is unlikely in the teaching profession. There is now a need to provide auxiliary incentives for more teachers – for example, academic sabbaticals or early retirement to those who might have had 20 years or more in the profession. Such incentives for teachers will serve to encourage better performance and greater productivity, and hopefully improve the retention of teachers within the island. The most pressing recommendation is that school principals in Anguilla should be given the opportunity to be a part of the recruitment process. It is principals who best know and are aware of the needs of the school and are best positioned to evaluate whether a particular candidate will fit into the culture of the school to which she/he may be assigned. Recruitment and retention, mobility, experience and quality remain an issue and present many challenges for schools worldwide, including Anguilla (Bubb and Earley, 2007; Jules, 2008). There is a need to further examine the issue of recruitment and retention of teachers in Anguilla. This would give a more indepth view and hopefully further improve the current state of teaching and learning in all schools on the island.

References Bacchus, K. M. (2008), ‘The education challenges facing small nation states in the increasingly competitive global economy of the twenty-first century’, Comparative Education, 44(2), 127–145. Bottery, M. (2004), The Challenges of Educational Leadership. London: Sage. Bray, M. and Packer, S. (1993), Education in Small States: Concepts, Challenges and Strategies. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Bubb, S. and Earley, P. (2007), ‘The school workforce in London’, in T. Brighouse and L. Fullick (eds), Education in a Global City – Essays on London. London: Institute of Education, pp. 147–168. Bush, T. and Middlewood, D. (2005), Leading and Managing People in Education. London: Sage. Chapman, D. J. (2005), Recruitment, Retention, and Development of School Principals. Paris: The International Institute for Educational Planning. Cockburn, D. A. and Haydn, T. (2004), Recruiting and Retaining Teachers: Understanding Why Teachers Teach. London: RoutledgeFalmer.

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Fullan, M. (2001), The New Meaning of Educational Change. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Fullan, M. and Hargreaves, A. (1992), What’s Worth Fighting for in Your School. Buckingham: Open University Press. Gorard, S., See, H. B., Smith, E. and White, P. (2006), Teacher Supply: The Key Issues. London: Continuum International Publishing Group. Government of Anguilla (1996), State Paper on Education Policy. The Valley : The Anguilla Education Department. Government of Anguilla (2005), Five Year Development Plan for Education (2005–2010). The Valley : The Anguilla Education Department. Government of Anguilla (2006), Comprehensive Review of the Education Sector. The Valley: The Anguilla Education Department. Government of Anguilla (2011a), Department of Education 2010–2011 Annual Report. The Valley : The Anguilla Department of Education. Government of Anguilla (2011b), Population and Housing Census. The Valley : The Anguilla Statistics Department. Guarino, M. C., Santibanez, L. and Daley, A. G. (2006), ‘Teacher recruitment and retention: a review of the recent empirical literature’, Review of Educational Research, 76(2), 173–208. Harris, A. and Muijs, D. (2005), Improving Schools through Teacher Leadership. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Howson, J. (2007), Taking Control of your Teaching Career: A Guide for Teachers, Abingdon: Routledge. Jacklin, A., Griffiths, V. and Robinson, C. (2006), Beginning Primary Teaching: Moving Beyond Survival. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Jules, D. (2008), ‘Rethinking education for the Caribbean: a radical approach’, Comparative Education, 44(2), 203–214. Kapur, A. (2007), Transforming Schools: Empowering Children. London: Sage. Marriott, G. (2001), Observing Teachers at Work. Oxford: Heinemann Educational. Mau, W., Ellsworth, R. and Hawley, D. (2008), ‘Job satisfaction and persistence of beginning teachers’, International Journal of Education Management, 22(1), 48–61. Miller, W. P. (2006), ‘Professional lives in transition: overseas trained teachers in England’, Caribbean Journal of Education, 28(2), 187–215. Miller, W. P. (2009), Professional Lives in Transition: The Experiences of Overseas Trained Teachers from the Caribbean in London’s Secondary Schools. London: University of London Institute of Education. Montgomery, D. (1999), Positive Teacher Appraisal through Classroom Observation. Abingdon: David Fulton Publishers. Niles, H. C. (2013), ‘Making tourism work better for Anguilla’, The Anguillian, 15 March, http://theanguillian.com/2013/03/making-tourism-work-better-for-anguilla-afollow-up-article-to-dealing-effectively-with-crime-in-anguilla-by-rev-dr-h-cliftonniles/ (accessed 25 October 2012).

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Ofsted (2002), Recruitment and Retention of Teachers and Head Teachers: Strategies Adopted by LEAs, HMI 709. London: Ofsted. Phillips, J. (2005), Recruitment and Selection: A Practical Guide for School Governors and Head Teachers. Cambridge: Adamson Publishing. Ramatulasamma, K. (2003), Job Satisfaction of Teacher Educators. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House. Ramsey, D. R. (2005), What Matters Most for School Leaders: 25 Reminders of What is Really Important. London: Sage. Spear, M., Gould, K. and Lee, B. (2000), Who Would be a Teacher? A Review of Factors Motivating and Demotivating Prospective and Practising Teachers. Slough: National Foundation for Educational Research. West, M. and Bollington, R. (1990), Teacher Appraisal: A Practical Guide for Schools. London: David Fulton Publishers. Wilson, S. M., Bell, C., Galosy, J. A. and Shouse, A. W. (2004), ‘Them that’s got shall get: understanding teacher recruitment, induction, and retention’, Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education, 103, 145–179. Wragg, C. E., Haynes, S. G., Wragg, M. C. and Chamberlin, P. R. (2004), Performance Pay for Teachers: The Experiences of Heads and Teachers. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Wrigley, T. (2003), Schools of Hope: A New Agenda for School Improvement. Stoke-onTrent: Trentham Books Limited.

2

Antigua and Barbuda: The Mathematics Curriculum – A Compulsory Preparation Issue Caron O. Weston

Introduction Antigua and Barbuda have a land mass of 170 square miles. The population is approximately 87,774 (Government of Antigua and Barbuda, 2012a). The system of government is founded upon the western European democratic structure and therefore is modelled upon a capitalist philosophy. Much of the economic activity in Antigua and Barbuda is based on a service economy with capital obtained from direct foreign investment. The main industry is tourism, with a contribution of approximately 80 per cent of gross national product (GNP) (Ali, 2005). It is within this environment that the educational system, as explored in this chapter, exists. A historical educational perspective is initially offered. This is followed by an examination of the educational impact in the preparation of citizens for the labour force of the twenty-first century. Special focus is given to the role of the mathematics curriculum in its quest to appropriately prepare school-leavers for the world of work. Knowing that mathematics forms the basis of most technological work, it is crucial for this information to form part of this chapter, since technological knowledge now constitutes a critical factor in industry, commerce and the production of goods in this contemporary era.

Historical perspective Less than 60 years ago there was no formal mass education system in Antigua and Barbuda. Development of the education system and its objectives, subjects, rules, organizational structure and tools in historic terms is a nascent project. 26

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The education system of Antigua and Barbuda was conceptualized and implemented by individuals with no experience of governing and very limited formal education. It is this developing system and historical influences, coupled with the limitations of finance and the sheer complexity of developing, managing and building the physical infrastructure of a mass education system from scratch, that provide a greater understanding of the present features and general performance (Demas, 1974). There are major transformational and developmental achievements which greatly influence current educational activity systems in Antigua and Barbuda. These include the mimicking of colonial education, combined regional government efforts to develop tertiary education in the University of the West Indies (UWI), teacher training, universal secondary education, the development of national and regional standards and the decoupling of national school-leaving examinations from the British Cambridge and London O level examinations and syllabus.

Education for social mobility In Antigua and Barbuda the education system has been the primary source of social mobility. Over time and irrespective of issues connected to gender, class, economic wealth and language, the education system has facilitated the outstanding academic and social advancement of students based on their endowed mental capacities. However, Caribbean societies are often perceived as not more than three, at best, four generations away from a colonial society with widespread illiteracy and poverty (Manley, 1991; Nkrumah, 1973). The new middle class, also the new professional class, benefitted from an education system that compensated for student socioeconomic limitations and facilitated both their successful performance in school examinations and professional work life. In fact, the school system in Antigua and Barbuda seems to still have the capacity to facilitate successful performance in most subjects, with mathematics and to a lesser extent the sciences as an exception. Pass rates in most subjects average over 70 per cent, with the newer business courses averaging over 90 per cent (CXC, 2011a). Additionally, socially disadvantaged students given the same school access perform as well as students who come from a higher social class (George, 2007a, 2007b). It is difficult to use class or income as a basis for arguing that the education system in Antigua and Barbuda is primarily an instrument of one dominant social class reproducing itself. In the Caribbean, several working-class jobs and entrepreneurial activities

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can pay better than middle-class positions. Likewise, parental financial capacity to access good pre-schools and pre-primary schools as well as good secondary schools for their children is perceived as feasible because the best schools are publicly-funded government-owned schools (with no required school fees). The two highest performing secondary schools have consistently been single-sex, government-owned public schools. Both schools receive students who are the top performers in the primary eleven-plus examinations. The indication year on year that these schools have had consistently high performance by all students, regardless of any social differences, suggests that schools have the possibility of overcoming social barriers by creating a strong school environment with appropriate management inputs (Bacchus and Brock, 1997; Sawnson, 1999). In essence, a management approach that incorporates best action, as developed through the dialectic of research and practice, could lead to the transformation of the performance of all students undertaking a mathematics curriculum. There are many jobs that pay better than work which requires employees to pass mathematics and English at the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) level. Such work, for example, includes: wholesale trade, retail trade, agriculture, fisheries and livestock, machinery and equipment operations, light manufacturing, construction, mechanical trade, electrical trade, and equipment and vehicle operations. The embodiment of mathematics in tools, equipment, processes and procedures conceals the mathematical content of these entry-level jobs and allows students without Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) passes in mathematics to perform satisfactorily.

Structure of the education system One of the most significant functions in many societies is the education of the young. The prescriptive function of educating the young takes place within specific settings and institutions. However, the format for education is not the same in every society. Generally, schools perpetuate the epistemologies endemic to specific societies. This is usually referred to as ‘enculturation practices’, where the young are inculcated into ways of thinking and behaving commensurate with the norms, culture and values of their respective indigenous societies. Therefore, a school does not exist in a vacuum but, rather, is governed by certain philosophies and missions specific to the society in which it operates. Nevertheless, countries have been known to adopt their education system from

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one another to meet their own contextual demands. This is the case in Antigua and Barbuda. As a former British colony for over 300 years, Antigua and Barbuda inherited an educational system that was reproduced from the British education system and designed specifically for the colonies. This is crucial in understanding the current working of the education system in Antigua and Barbuda. In recent times the educational policy of the Antiguan and Barbudan government has been based on the philosophy that each child should first be socialized as a human being and secondly as an economic unit of production (Antigua and Barbuda, 2008). The educational system is expected to develop creative/ innovative and adaptable men and women as well as identify, nurture and cultivate each child’s capability, aptitude, skill and strength. To fulfil this expectation there are 34 public primary schools, 28 private primary schools, and 15 secondary schools (nine of which are government owned) (Ministry of Education, Sports, Youth and Gender Affairs, 2011b). As in any well planned educational system, the Antiguan and Barbudan system has a structure that enables preparation for a smooth dovetailing between successive stages (Ministry of Education, Sports, Youth and Gender Affairs, 2011a). At each level the child is socialized to effect an easy transition. There are four phases of education in Antigua and Barbuda: primary, junior secondary, lower secondary and upper secondary. At the end of upper secondary education students take an external examination prepared by the examination body governing Caribbean schools (the CXC exam). Completion of this examination also signals the end of compulsory formal education, where the leaving age is 16 years. Upon leaving formal education, school leavers have several trajectories to follow in their choices of career paths. A study carried out by the Labour Commissioner in 2002 revealed that of the 900 school leavers entering the job market annually, approximately 250 are usually employed in the hotel industry (for example, in jobs such as water sports, maintenance, housekeeping, bar work, kitchen and guest services) (Antigua and Barbuda, 2006). Over 500 school leavers were employed in construction and other trades such as mechanic, automotive body repair, equipment and truck operation, supermarket store attendant and informal jobs. The other approximately 150 school leavers were employed in the public service, banking, off-shore financial sector, insurance, legal sector, medical sector, internet gaming, airlines and other general businesses (Government of Antigua and Barbuda, 2012b). In essence, over 700 of the 900 employed (nearly 80 per cent of the individuals who leave school and go direct to work) were in jobs where mathematics and even English passes at CXC were not required as a

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condition of employment. Furthermore, their employment required specific on-the-job training for new employees.

Secondary mathematics curriculum Education in Antigua and Barbuda has undergone a long cycle of transformation from its religious and colonial initiation, through the various cycles of political independence, cultural and political power contestations, and finally within major national economic and social transformations. The mathematics curriculum in Antigua and Barbuda has benefitted from the accumulation of experience and cultural change, as well as expansive learning. It could therefore be argued that the history of illiteracy, slavery and colonial domination, just 60 years ago, has resulted in the historical weakness and ‘cultural anxiety’ of mathematics. These issues in turn could be impacting on the teaching of mathematics and the development of the mathematics curriculum under present-day circumstances. The mathematics curriculum in Antigua and Barbuda initially was attached to the mathematics curriculum of Cambridge and London Universities in England. This was the same for all other subjects as well as the embryonic development of the UWI. The growing consensus was that there was a need to develop an educational curriculum locally that could provide an education appropriate to local realities, including skills relevant to the local job market and to the development of the CXC curriculum. The mathematics curriculum for secondary schools in Antigua and Barbuda is now a curriculum used by all the countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), a regional Caribbean trade grouping of former British colonies which are part of the Commonwealth. This curriculum replaced the previous high-school Cambridge and London Universities curricula used in Britain. Based on consultations at the regional level, policy-makers and educators recognized that a regional curriculum and examinations developed by CXC should have several benefits, including cost-effectiveness, standard-setting, portability of certification, and regional and international recognition. It is the suitability of this mathematics curriculum that will be discussed in the following sections, first by the development of a comparative reference of best practices, followed by a comparative analysis with the existing CXC curriculum. The analysis presented will be based on the claims by the framers of the curriculum and not on a topic by topic analysis of its content, although it is worth noting that the adequacy of certain topics such as geometry has been

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questioned, especially as a basis for further technical studies, by educators in the region.

Best practices in mathematics curriculum design The fast technological evolution of job content, the development of new technology-intensive sectors in the economy and the need for all countries to engage in international trade, have contributed to a growing tendency of equipping the traditional academic curriculum with specific vocational options. These options are often deemed to be effective and efficient complements for readily accessing the job market (World Bank, 2007). Established best practice guidelines indicate that an appropriate curriculum for preparing students for the job market should provide them with the following skills after 11 years of formal education: Thinking skills: such as critical and creative thinking. Life skills also called behavioral and soft skills, which included perseverance, self-discipline, and teamwork, the ability to negotiate conflict, and manage risk. Basic skills denoted by the set of minimal abilities needed for further learning, the work, and life, including numeracy and literacy and basic levels of behavioral skills such as perseverance, self-discipline and self-confidence . . . Vocational skills: a mix of specific knowledge and skills to perform jobs that relied on clearly defined tasks. Professional skills are a mix of specific knowledge and skills to perform a profession that involves non-routine, context-specific and complex tasks. World Bank, 2007, p. 11

Additionally, those professionals engaged in research on what is referred to as ‘twenty-first century education’ focus on the importance of a curriculum that teaches what is referred to as ‘survival skills’: ‘critical thinking; problem solving; collaboration across networks; learning by influence; agility and adaptability; initiative; entrepreneurialism; effective oral and written communication; accessing and analyzing information; curiosity and imagination’ (Wagner, 2008, p. 11). These ‘twenty-first century education’ researchers also focus on curriculum design with several attributes including: Interdisciplinary, thematic, project based research driven work; higher order thinking skills, multiple intelligence, multiple literacy, technology, and lifelong learning. Literacy is seen as more than the traditional reading,

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writing, and arithmetic. Multiple literacy is now seen as essential and includes the arts and creativity, financial literacy, media literacy, social and emotional literacy, cyber literacy, physical fitness and health literacy. 21st Century Schools, 2012

Assessment of the current curriculum for teaching of mathematics is carried out in the context of the above best practice framework. This framework is viewed as especially relevant since Antigua and Barbuda is a micro-island state highly dependent on trade and highly integrated into developed world trade, including movement of both its students and workers to North America and Europe for work and study (ECLAC, 2010a; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Economic Development, Trade and Tourism, 1989): ‘Remittance is now a major source of foreign exchange earnings for many countries in the Caribbean’ (ECLAC, 2010b, p. 81). An internationally competitive skills set and educational accomplishments are therefore essential to individual as well as national survival and growth (World Bank, 2007).

Comparison of mathematics curriculum with best practices First, the two documents governing the curriculum for mathematics in secondary school comprise the curriculum for mathematics education for the first three years (Grades 7–9 or Forms 1–3) and the curriculum for the last two years (Grades 10–11 or Forms 4–5). Based on the curriculum for the last two years, students should possess the following skills on completion: apply mathematics in practical situations; use calculators or any other technological devices as mathematical tools; interpret patterns, use symbols and make generalizations; read, organize, present and interpret data; estimate, compute and compare with reasonable accuracy (CXC, 2007). Again, based on the curriculum for the last two years, only three skills are assessed. These skills and their numerical weighting are: computation 30 per cent, comprehension 40 per cent and reasoning 30 per cent (CXC, 2007). The assessment is in the form of two test papers, with no practical or skill components. Thus, while the CXC curriculum has multiple objectives, the fact that only three areas are tested is a demonstration that the competencies of students in the other areas are not tested and in most cases do not form part of the CXC curriculum. Areas not tested but included in the best practice standard as outlined above

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include life skills, vocational skills, professional skills, research skills, networking and project-based skills, technological skills and multiple literacy skills. This demonstrates the inadequacy of the current curriculum for mathematics, in terms of its capacity to prepare students for the world of work and provides a basis for improving the design of the CXC curriculum. Interestingly, embedded in the CXC’s contract negotiated with the Government of Antigua and Barbuda is an explicit commitment that the curriculum would provide the basis on which the government would be able to cut its spending in the education sector. The CXC curriculum laid out additional claims in terms of the intent of the curriculum and its expected educational impact on students. Accordingly, in the view of the framers of the curriculum: . . . the generic competencies enveloped: problem solving; critical thinking; positive self-concept; working in groups; handling conflict; dealing with diversity and change; independent learning strategies; computer literacy; technological literacy. The subject-specific competencies comprised: ability to communicate orally and in writing; ability to function in a foreign language; mathematical literacy; scientific literacy and social and citizenship skills. CXC, 2006, pp. i–ii

Still a further claim is that: The main focus of this new programme is derived from the aspirations of regional governments and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) which acknowledged that education is the route to healthy democracies and sustainable development. Therefore the curriculum is competency based and encompassed the knowledge, skills, attitudes, values and attributes expected of high school graduates by regional governments. CXC, 2006, p. iii

Additional claims are made focusing on the expected outcomes of the curriculum. One claim suggests that: The curriculum is hinged on the realisation that teaching and learning are essential instruments for the development of autonomous individuals who would be able to function effectively as productive members of society. In this regard, the curriculum has identified knowledge, skills, attitudes, values and attributes or competencies that students who master the programme should attain. CXC, 2006, p. iii

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These include: A positive image of self, family, creed, gender, ethnicity, physical disabilities or nationality; an abhorrence of violence in all its forms and commitment to settle disputes through arbitration and conciliation; the capacity to understand that individual freedom is consonant with the acceptance of personal responsibility for one’s own actions; freedom of expression and association, and the right to fair judicial process. CXC, 2006, p. iii

However, contrary to claims made by the framers of the curriculum, there is evidence that indicates that the curriculum content has not had the expected impact on the lives of students. Some 30 years (1970–2000) later and at the commencement of the twenty-first century, the Ministry of Education, from its own statistical reports and its tool of assessment, concluded that the stated intentions and impacts of the mathematics curriculum had not been realized. Additionally, the World Bank (2007, p.  3) argued that the education system (informed by CXC curricula) is ‘not adequately preparing young people for the new skilled jobs’. Indeed, whether or not the curriculum for mathematics was adequate and appropriate for preparing students for the job market, only a minority of students (29 per cent in 2011) successfully achieved pass grade in examinations. More than half of the students have not mastered the curriculum’s content. Therefore they cannot not be expected to achieve the benefits and the capacity predicted from mastering the curriculum. The information in Table  2.1 would indicate that for every year since the inauguration of this new programme, there has only been a minority of students gaining a passing grade. There is an average of 64 per cent of students failing to gain a pass grade. A closer analysis of the passes gained by schools involved would reveal the data as shown in Table 2.2. The other claim made is that the curriculum would allow the government to reduce its expenditure in education; again the data does not support this claim (see Table 2.3). In fact, the new programme would not cut costs but rather increase government spending in the education sector, since there would be the need to provide post-secondary education for the majority of school leavers seeking employment in the labour force who did not attain a pass grade in the CXC terminal exams in Form 5. The Grade 7–9 curriculum claimed that ‘the most important component and the most important function are those of providing

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Table 2.1 Pass rate of students in the Caribbean mathematics examination Year

Male (%)

Female (%)

Total (%)

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

40 33 41 47 32 34 39 42 47 32 39 31 26

33 36 36 43 35 30 34 32 38 29 35 27 28

36 35 38 44 34 32 36 37 42 30 37 29 27

Source: CXC (2011b)

Table 2.2 Yearly percentage passes of six schools in Antigua and Barbuda School

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2007 2009 2010

Alexander Aristotle Conquistadores Phillip Second Thessaloniki Macedonia

10 26 24 13 6 23

17 22 26 12 10 20

3 30 26 13 20 18

22 42 29 8 17 41

13 44 — 2 7 25

31 21 37 18 20 15

8 17 22 31 6 1

3 24 14 15 20 10

Table 2.3 Money spent in the education sector 2000–2009 Year

Budget

Actual expenditure

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006

19,673,087 21,850,598 25,517,438 24,796,013 31,745,461 23,559,462 24,947,805

14,469,314 15,561,477 17,450,947 — — 20,497,339 23,844,660

13 46 28 21 20 20

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foundation for further education and training for entry level employment’ (CXC, 2006, p. iii). Clearly the attempt to use the curriculum for Grades 7–9 as an employment entry certificate and as the basis for further academic training is a misguided one and will certainly increase government costs and further ensure that students will be inadequately trained to enter the workforce. In the face of this is the concern for economic planners and political leaders in Antigua and Barbuda that they will have to navigate international markets that are highly competitive. The World Bank’s (2007) report on preparing youth for work is explicit: Demand for skills is already high and is expected to further intensify. Jobs in growth sectors require . . . medium or high skilled employees. Few will receive labour market training while in the labour force, since research showed that firms are more likely to offer training to highly skilled workers. World Bank, 2007, p. 6

Therefore is it understandable that education is crucial to an individual finding employment and consequently contributing to a society’s international competitiveness. The days of low-skilled workers are over. In fact, due to trade liberalism and skills-based technology there can be greater demands placed on new employees, potentially marginalizing young people who have less work experience (World Bank, 2007). Data collected from enterprise managers in Antigua and Barbuda identified that skilled, efficient, effective and productive workers are much needed. Hence this third form, low-skilled certificate is not a profitable return from the investment made in implementing the secondary CXC mathematics curriculum. The proposition for a third form certificate as a quick-fix for the problem of getting disillusioned youngsters dropping out of school into the workforce is contrary to logical reasoning. The proposition emerged soon after the rejection by employers of a former CXC ‘basic proficiency curriculum’, which had been categorized as one specifically constructed for students with no intention of taking mathematics beyond the fifth year of secondary school (Grade 11). The very governments who were signatories for the inauguration of the concept were the first to reject the certificates as entrance qualifications for students entering directly into the workforce. Members from the UWI on the board governing construction of this curriculum refused to allow students to use the basic CSEC certificate as a matriculation qualification to any of its campuses; although this is possible within the faculty of Business Education in the UWI.

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With the exception of three topic areas, the level of work expected from students at Grade 11 level who pursue a basic CSEC certificate is comparable to that of students pursuing the general proficiency-level academic trajectory syllabus. Yet, with CARICOM governments leading the way and followed closely by the private sector, there is much demand for the academic trajectory certificate as qualification to the labour market. Both the basic proficiency curriculum certificate, and the currently proposed Form 3 certificate were designed as special certification and preparation for students entering the labour force. Both have been rejected as suitable by employers, government agencies and academic institutions. In essence the CXC curriculum for the first three years of secondary school does not ‘provide opportunity for students who wish to exit secondary schools for first level entry jobs and to continue their education and training on the job [nor does it] respond to the development needs of the region’ (CXC, 2006, p. 11). The CXC curriculum for the last two years of secondary school has demonstrated it is an adequate basis for continuing further academic and professional studies. While its certificate has been accepted as a minimum standard to enter the job market, the deficiencies as pointed out earlier, when compared with best practice curricula design, indicate significant scope for improvement that should include more vocational, technological, project, research, networking and multiple literacy skills.

The quality of teachers In Antigua and Barbuda there are a variety of categories in which teachers are placed. Table 2.4 accounts for the qualification profile of mathematics teachers presently employed by the government. Often there are teachers teaching mathematics who are not qualified mathematics teachers. Additionally, there are some teachers that not only lack subject-specific knowledge but have no background in the discipline of mathematics, lack passion for the subject and in some cases are afraid of the subject. All of these factors could influence the learning experience of students within any mathematics classroom and lesson. Currently, the challenge is to move expeditiously to arrest these malaises by introducing teachers to teaching strategies and subject knowledge which could enhance the learning and teaching of mathematics in meaningful and worthwhile ways. Understanding and excelling in the study of mathematics is only really possible with a sound foundation. It is therefore important to emphasize the

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Table 2.4 Academic qualifications of mathematics teachers from 22 government secondary schools in 2012 Category

Number

%

Trained but without mathematical qualification Trained and in possession of school mathematics Training in the art of teaching mathematics in secondary schools Untrained teachers with A level mathematics qualification First degree not in mathematics First degree in mathematics Masters degree Associate degrees Total

4 4 2 5 20 3 4 3 45

9 9 4 11 44 7 9 7

Table 2.5 Academic status of teachers in government primary schools in 2012 Category

Number

Masters degree in mathematics Masters degree in other disciplines Trained teachers without a degree CSec. O level certificate in mathematics Certificate in elementary education First degree in mathematics First degree in other disciplines Associate degree, UWI in teacher education

1 6 77 47 16 5 28 29

qualification profile of mathematics teachers in publicly-owned primary schools, which over 70 per cent of all students attend. Table 2.5 reflects the data available in relation to teaching staff in government schools. A recent voluntary separation package for public servants in 2007 reduced the amount of teachers receiving teacher training from 75 to 55 per cent. This measure exasperated an already difficult situation. Historically, teachers without a first degree were given scholarships to attend two years of diploma teacher training after three years of teaching in school. During this period of study teachers would also be paid their full salaries. This provided a major incentive for teachers to receive specialist training.

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In 2009, a new policy was announced that teachers were now responsible for paying for their own training, and that no teacher would be hired unless they had successfully completed teacher training at the diploma level. This policy removed both the salary incentive and the scholarship for training. For the past 25 years, teachers have been required to pass five O level subjects including mathematics and English to be hired as a teacher in the public school system. Teachers with degree training were not required to attend teacher training, so only a small number did. Hence new impositions for training can to some seem demanding, especially when combined with measures for raising student achievement. In terms of student outcomes, the pass rates of students taking mathematics at CSEC O level is generally around 30 per cent. This is in the context of mathematics being compulsory for all students. English is the only other compulsory subject and the pass rate is approximately 70 per cent. The past rates for science subjects, generally seen as difficult academic areas that could require some mathematical knowledge, such as physics, is 64 per cent and for chemistry it is 74 per cent. These subjects are usually only taken up by a small minority of students which might account for the higher average pass rates.

The problem In Antigua and Barbuda, mathematics is regarded by education policy-makers as one of the core subjects in the school curriculum; in secondary schools it is a compulsory subject. The mathematical abilities and potentials of students are only recognized if they are awarded a certificate testifying to attainment of Grades 1, 2 and 3 in their school leaving CXC mathematics examination. The consequence of a student failing to obtain one of these three grades could be severely disadvantaged study options and limited job opportunities, especially in terms of accessing tertiary level training and certain jobs within traditional white collar professions. Mathematics performance in the Caribbean over the last 10 years has continued to be persistently poor, averaging 45 per cent for examinations that take place at the end of 11 years of compulsory formal education. Mathematics performance in Antigua and Barbuda has been below this regional average at 29 per cent. Table 2.6 shows the CXC performance across countries in the English-speaking Caribbean countries in comparison to Antigua and Barbuda.

40

Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles Table 2.6 Statistical record of poor performance in mathematics – Antigua and Barbuda versus CARICOM members Year

Antigua and Barbuda (%)

Caribbean (%)

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

36 35 38 44 34 32 36 37 42 30 37 29 27

39 32 38 40 35 37 36 33 38 41 41 34 33

Table 2.7 Average percentage pass rate in CXC mathematics and English 2011 Country

Mathematics (%)

English (%)

Antigua and Barbuda Belize Dominica Grenada Jamaica Guyana St Kitts St Lucia St Vincent Trinidad and Tobago

29 46 58 23 30 18 43 52 38 44

88 70 84 57 58 36 75 55 64 68

There are similar discouraging differences when comparisons are made with other subject areas. For example, Table 2.7 accounts for the average pass rate in various Caribbean countries when comparing mathematics and English. Even more challenging is comparative research that explores sociological factors such as gender, class and race. Important lessons have been learned from

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such studies that have a range of intersections and consequences for teaching and learning. CXC statistical bulletins demonstrate that girls and boys have performed virtually the same in mathematics examinations, with boys performing slightly higher. For example, according to the CXC in 2011 the percentage number of passes by males was 31 per cent whilst for females it was 27 per cent. Several studies have pointed to the impact of socioeconomic factors as the basis of differential performance in mathematics by students. Some researchers have focused on the different mechanisms through which socioeconomic conditions affect student performance in mathematics, including income, hence debates continue in relation to access to ‘good schools’, many of which are private. Some researchers have also acknowledged difficulties in accessing good pre-school provision, again highlighting the challenges associated with the lack of resources (George, 2007a, 2007b). Language skills are similarly perceived as a challenge that must be facilitated and can influence the levels of performance in mathematics. There is also the suggestion that socioeconomic differentials have transformed the school system in the Caribbean and Antigua and Barbuda into a virtual closed system where the ruling, or professional, class utilized the education system to reproduce itself to the exclusion or the severe disadvantage of students from lower socioeconomic groups. Evidence based on school types and tracking student performance based on parental income levels or jobs confirm this point. Recommendations to alleviate socioeconomic challenges that are deemed to influence performance usually come with a direct or implied solution: the entire education system requires rebuilding or the social status of students upgrading (George, 2007a). In essence, society has to solve the problems of poverty and lack of social mobility, and engage in socioeconomic equalization, and this cannot occur through education since it can be concluded that the education system reinforces and reproduces social structures. Since such recommendations have proven to be difficult and in many instances impractical to implement, or to secure political or societal support, they contribute to the creation of a gap between academic research and public policy. The bridge that usually links research, education policy and school operations is a management framework and policy, which informs restructuring of school operations, inputs, access, teaching methods and technology. This should be done in a manner that would ensure the school system has the capacity to compensate for differentials in the social and cultural capital with which students enter school, ensuring performance based on students’ efforts and endowed mental capacities. Educational research, policy and practice should be dialectic,

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Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles

connected by a coherent management framework that would be dynamic, reflecting the advances in research theory and the experience and new knowledge gained from practice. It is the absence of this link which in my view is the major cause of the persistence of low mathematics scores and the increasing separation or long time lag of educational research being used as a driving force to improve educational performance generally and mathematics performance specifically.

Value of education In micro-island states such as Antigua and Barbuda, without any significant natural resources, and with all the limitations of ‘smallness’, human resources become the most important and valuable means by which a country will survive, thrive and grow. Global competitiveness depends almost exclusively on the quality of human resources. Education and training are the fundamental determinants of the quality of human resources. Internationally, all countries have agreed through the multilateral United Nations (UN) system, that universal secondary education should be the existing standard and minimum benchmark of education and training in all societies. This is to guarantee the continued survival, growth and competitiveness of nation states. Arguably, if this is important for large-resource and well-endowed economies, it becomes even more critically important for micro-island states like Antigua and Barbuda. Quality and universality should go hand in hand. This could facilitate the requirements of the educational development process in Antigua and Barbuda and in turn successfully meet the challenges of a competitive globalized free trade environment. Indeed, when one adds the fact that social mobility, eradication of crime, poverty, sharp inequalities and social deviance, especially among youth, are desirable and essential features of a just, peaceful, and stable society, these are best achieved by a high quality equal access education system. Education takes on the role of the most critical and crucial basis of survival in a small state as people are carving out the quality of life of the society in which they live (Bacchus and Brock, 1997; Henry, 2010; Richards, 1967; Smith and Smith, 1985). At the moment, the economy of Antigua and Barbuda is in dire need of a catalyst to get the engine of growth moving. The engine for development in any economy is the workers themselves. The workers in the twenty-first century are now executing their roles in a global knowledge economy. Therefore, all workers must be in possession of information to handle the high, technologically skilled

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jobs and the techno-mathematical literacies that could dominate job routines in diverse workplaces. A well financed and adequately equipped educational system is required to ensure that the citizens of Antigua and Barbuda are appropriately prepared to handle not only mathematics in workplace but also the high technological knowledge that will be required to be independent, innovative, creative and critical thinkers. Such individuals are able to interpret the information behind the computer screen. Not to be equipped with foundational knowledge in the workforce is to create a chasm for disaster which could have a devastating effect on the economy as well as on personal lives. To earn for tomorrow is to learn for today. Therefore, educators must implore students to go to school and learn. Additionally, educators must always remember their dual roles: (i) teach their subject while simultaneously (ii) teach the subjects.

Conclusion In this chapter I presented an insight into the education system informing the Antiguan and Barbudan society. I presented a historical perspective, an account of the social mobility role of the education system, the structure of the system and an examination of the mathematics curriculum used in secondary schools. The main arguments suggest that the secondary mathematics curriculum is not appropriately preparing students for the workplace. The quality of teachers of mathematics in schools is also a crucial factor to consider. The final sections sought to demonstrate the importance of learning at a deeper level for contemporary societal enhancement. It is this call that will enable young people in Antigua and Barbuda to be educationally prepared for the changing work environment.

References Ali, A. (2005), Antigua and Barbuda: A Little Bit of Paradise. Somerset: Hansib Publications. Antigua and Barbuda (2006), The Labour Code 2006, Chp 27, Act. Cap. 416. St John’s: Government Printing Office. Antigua and Barbuda (2008), The Education Act 2008, Vol. XXVIII, No. 10. St John’s: Government Printing Office. Bacchus, K. and Brock, C. (1997), The Challenge of Scale: Educational Development in the Small States of the Commonwealth. London: The Commonwealth Secretariat.

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CXC (Caribbean Examinations Council) (2006), Caribbean Examination’s Council New Schools Programme. Barbados: CXC. CXC (Caribbean Examinations Council) (2007), Applied Mathematics Syllabus: For Effective Examination from May/June 2008. Barbados: CXC. CXC (Caribbean Examinations Council) (2011a), ‘Exam results reports (CAPE)’, www.cxc.org/students-and-parents/exam-results-reports/exam-results-reports-cape (accessed 19 July 2013). CXC (Caribbean Examinations Council) (2011b), ‘Exam results reports’, www.cxc.org/?q=examinations/exam-results-reports (accessed 19 July 2013). Demas, W. (1974), West Indian Nationhood and Caribbean Integration. Bridgetown, Barbados: CCC Publishing House. ECLAC (Economic Commission of Latin America and the Caribbean) (2010a), Annual Trade Report, 2010. Trinidad and Tobago: ECLAC. ECLAC (Economic Commission of Latin America and the Caribbean) (2010b), Magnitude, Changes and Distribution of Remittances. Santiago, Chile: ECLAC. George, P. (2007a), ‘Maths in my way: Caribbean students’ perspectives on the social role of mathematics’, in D. Kuchemann (ed.), Proceedings of the British Society for Research into Learning Mathematics, 27(2), 25–30, www.bsrlm.org.uk/IPs/ip27-2/ BSRLM-IP-27-2-05.pdf (accessed 19 July 2013). George, P. (2007b), The Interplay of Identity, Culture, School, and Mathematics: A Caribbean Perspective, unpublished PhD thesis, The University of Leeds. Government of Antigua and Barbuda (2012a), Census 2011: Preliminary Data Release. Antigua: Statistical Division, The Ministry of Finance, the Economy and Public Administration, Government of Antigua and Barbuda. Government of Antigua and Barbuda (2012b), ‘Government website directory: ministries and departments’, Departments of Labour, Government of Antigua and Barbuda, www.ab.gov.ag/article_details.php?id=359 (accessed 19 July 2013). Henry, P. (2010), Shouldering Antigua and Barbuda: The Life of V.C. Bird. London: Hansib Publications. Manley, M. (1991), The Poverty of Nations: Reflections on Underdevelopment and the World Economy. London: Pluto Press. Ministry of Education, Sports, Youth and Gender Affairs (2011a), Report on Education in Antigua and Barbuda: 2008–09 and 2009–10. Antigua and Barbuda: The Planning Unit, Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education, Sports, Youth and Gender Affairs (2011b), Schools Directory, Government of Antigua and Barbuda, www.education.gov.ag/pdf/school_directory. pdf (accessed 19 July 2013). Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Economic Development, Trade and Tourism (1989), Antigua Trades and Labour Union, 1939–1989, Commemorative Brochure: 50th Anniversary Dedicated to the Union’s Founding Fathers, Including Prime Minister the Rt. Hon. Dr. Vere Cornwall Bird. London: Hansib Publishing. Nkrumah, K. (1973), Towards Colonial Freedom. London: Panaf Books.

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Richards, N. H. (1967), The Struggle and the Conquest: Twenty Five Years of Social Democracy in Antigua and Barbuda. Portsmouth: Eyre & Spottiswoode. Smith, K. B. and Smith, F. C. (1985), To Shoot Hard Labour: The Life and Times of Samuel Smith, an Antiguan Workingman 1877–1982. Toronto: York University. Swanson, R. (1999), ‘The foundation of performance improvement and implications for practice’, in R. Torraco (ed.), The Theory and Practice of Performance Improvement. San Francisco: Berret-Kochler, pp. 1–25. 21st Century Schools (2012), ‘What is 21st Century Education?’, www.21stcenturyschools.com/what_is_21st_century_education.htm (accessed 19 July 2013). Wagner, T. (2008), Economic Commission Latin America and the Caribbean Annual Report: The Global Achievement Gap Book. Boston, MA: Harvard University. World Bank (2007), Skill Challenges in the Caribbean: Phase 1 Report. School and Work: Does the Eastern Caribbean Education System Adequately Prepare Youth for the Global Economy? Report No. 38555. Latin America and the Caribbean Region: Human Development Sector, Caribbean Country Management Unit, The World Bank, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTOECS/Resources/ OECSReportSchoolandWorkNov5.pdf (accessed 19 July 2013).

3

The Bahamas: Collaborative Alliances for Special Education Provision Samuel L. Taylor and Michelle L. Wildgoose

Introduction This chapter describes provisions aimed at a school population on scattered sites throughout The Bahamas. Consideration is given to the roles and responsibilities of collaborative alliances between business professionals and community leaders who support educational opportunities for students with special needs in Nassau and the Family Islands. The chapter proposes strategies that might propel the educational system in The Bahamas into more productivity, especially in terms of advancing educational opportunities for students with special educational needs (SEN).

Demographics The Commonwealth of The Bahamas is exquisitely situated in the Caribbean region and is a stunning and elegant place to visit. The Bahamas covers approximately 100,000 square miles (259,000 square kilometres) in the Western Atlantic Ocean just south of the state of Florida in the USA. There are 22 inhabited islands, and transportation between these sites is often by air and scheduled inter-island mail boat services. An archipelago of over 700 islands and cays, The Bahamas brings pleasure to the hearts of millions who visit its picturesque shores. In The Bahamas, the two most important industries are tourism and banking which, for centuries, have been the foundation of the country’s economic growth and development. The Bahamas has been an independent nation since 1973, with an estimated population of 353,658 persons (Department of Statistics, 2010). The total land area of The Bahamas is 46

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47

approximately 5,382 square miles (13,939 square kilometres) and its capital city is Nassau, located on New Providence, the most heavily populated island. The country is divided into 31 districts for local government that seeks to deliver effective administrative duties within those districts (The Ministry of Education, 2008b). With such an intriguing landmark positioning, the new Minister of Education, the Honorable Jerome Fitzgerald, has taken on the challenge to ensure that effective educational services are distributed throughout the islands and cays of The Bahamas: ‘The Ministry is multifariously challenged with the tasks of providing quality educational initiatives to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas’ (The Ministry of Education, 2008a, para. 1). Using zealous initiatives, the new minister and his team seek to fulfil the mission and vision of the Ministry of Education. The mission statement of the Ministry of Education (2008a, para. 2) is ‘To provide all persons in The Bahamas an opportunity to receive an education that will equip them with the necessary knowledge skills, beliefs and attitudes required for work and life in a democratic society, guided by Christian values’. The primary objective of the Department of Education is to guarantee that all persons in the Commonwealth of The Bahamas develop mentally, physically, spiritually and socially for a society that is ever more complex, dynamic, scientific and technological (The Ministry of Education, 2008a). However, the successes of these mission statements are not solely dependent on which government is in power or the Minister of Education for a particular term in office. The mission and vision statements of the Ministry of Education are national statements and thereby require the entire nation to work together to fulfil each statement. Therefore, it can be perceived that if the Ministry of Education fails to deliver its mandate, as stipulated in its mission and vision statements, this demonstrates that the nation collectively has also failed to deliver educational services as required for the next generation of Bahamian people. This failure is because of a lack of social responsibility and not working together to build a better Bahamas.

The vision for education According to The Ministry of Education (2008b, para. 8), ‘Education in the Commonwealth of The Bahamas is the principal vehicle for promoting the development of individuals and the nation as a whole . . . essential to enhancing the quality of life of our people’. This reflects the nation’s ideals, values, benefits and customs. The affirmation is that all human beings have an undeniable right

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Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles

to an education, one that will enable them to understand their privileges and responsibilities in the community. The focus must be centered on the youth, by preparing them to become active citizens who will be a caring and compassionate people, and lifelong learners, improving the quality of life for themselves and others. Hence, the philosophy that undergirds the education policies and informs the public of the provisions for education, formal and non-formal, in The Bahamas, is linked to 12 core principles (The Ministry of Education, 2008b). The primary belief expressed is embedded in the value of every human being, through the protection of human rights. Subsequent beliefs govern a variety of individuals (such as students, parents, teachers, entrepreneurs and wider community members) who should seek to contribute to the development of society. Most evident is the resolute ideology that every Bahamian, young and old, should ensure that Christian beliefs are respected. The final principle requires the ‘recognition of The Bahamas as part of a wider world community which it must value and with which it must interact productively’ (The Ministry of Education, 2008b, para. 11).

The education structure and districts The Department of Education in The Bahamas is faced with the task of providing education for a diverse school population scattered over 22 inhabited islands. Educational instructions are provided to pre-school, 3 to 5 years (Grades K–K5); elementary school, 5 to 11+ years (Grades 1–6); junior high school, 11 to 14+ years (Grades 7–9); senior high school, 14 to 16+ years (Grades 10–12); all-age school, 5 to 16+ years, and special all-age school, 5 to 16+ years (which caters for students with severe learning disabilities). Table 3.1 presents data for the entire disabled population in The Bahamas. The school levels and types are well defined in New Providence, where the majority of the population resides, with some variations in other island schools where a few all-age schools still exist (The Ministry of Education, 2008b). The Bahamas has over 200 schools of which, according to the Department of Education (2010), 169 are fully sustained by the government. There are 53 government sustained schools located in the nation’s capital, Nassau, and 116 are located in other islands known as the Family Islands. There are over 45 independent (private) schools operating in The Bahamas. The Ministry of Education has established a grading code for the schools in The Bahamas according to population as shown in Table 3.2.

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Table 3.1 Total disabled population by island in the Bahamas Island

Total population

Disability – yes

Disability – no

Disability not stated

All Bahamas New Providence Grand Bahama Abaco Acklins Andros Berry Islands Biminis Cat Island Crooked Island Eleuthera Exuma & Cays Harbour Island Inagua Long Island Mayaguana Ragged Island San Salvador & Rum Cay Spanish Wells

351,461 246,329 51,368 17,224 565 7,490 807 1,988 1,522 330 8,202 6,928 1,762 913 3,094 277 72 1,039 1,551

10,138 6,737 1,559 449 34 327 17 47 77 26 246 218 47 18 190 9 2 40 95

338,817 238,056 49,444 16,626 523 6,937 789 1,930 1,441 302 7,856 6,667 1,701 893 2,879 265 70 997 1,441

2,506 1,536 365 149 8 226 1 11 4 2 100 43 14 2 25 3 0 2 15

Source: Department of Statistics (2013)

Table  3.2 reveals that Nassau has the majority of Grade A schools with over 800 students in the system. Grand Bahama, Eleuthera, Andros and Abaco follow in rank of student population. There are 73 Grade E schools, with the majority located throughout the Family Islands. The Grade E school population is from 1–100 students. To meet its mandate as stated in its mission and vision statements, The Ministry of Education (2008b) has divided its school system into districts and has assigned superintendents to oversee educational services across a scattered school population (Department of Education, 2010). First, Nassau is divided into four districts: Northeastern District, which has 14 schools; Northwestern District, with 15 schools; Southeastern District, with 12 schools; and Southwestern District, with 12 schools. Second, Grand Bahama has two districts: The Grand Bahama District (high schools, special and all-age schools) with 12 schools and The

50

E D C B A

1–100 101–300 301–600 601–800 801+ Total

73 35 15 7 39 169

Total students

Source: Department of Education (2010)

Grade

Population

Table 3.2 School grade chart

11 2 5 5 30 53

Nassau

6 5 3 1 9 24

Grand Bahama

9 10 1

20

13

10

8 2

18

7 8 3

14

11 2 1

Andros Cat Eleuthera Exuma and Berry Island, and Ragged Islands Rum Cay and San Island Salvador

8 2 2 1

Abaco

10

9 1

Mayaguana, Inagua, Crooked Island, Acklins and Long Cay District

7

4 3

Long Island

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Grand Bahama District (primary schools) with 12 schools. Third, the Abaco District has 14 schools. Fourth, Andros is divided into two districts: the North and Central Andros and the Berry Islands District which has 12 schools and the South Andros and Mangrove Cay District which has 8 schools. Fifth, Cat Island, Rum Cay and San Salvador District has 10 schools. Sixth, Eleuthera District has 18 schools. Seventh, Exuma and Ragged Island District has 14 schools. Eighth, Long Island District has 7 schools. Finally, Mayguana, Inagua, Crooked Island, Acklins and Long Cay (collectively known as MICAL) District has 10 schools. This strategic arrangement of districts is a logical step to ensure effective educational practices across The Bahamas. However, challenges with geographical location, transportation, technology and the weather are pervasive.

Provision for SEN One aspect of collaborative alliances with business and community leaders is to provide educational opportunities for students with SEN in The Bahamas. Table 3.3 lists the disabilities recorded in The Bahamas.

Table 3.3 Disabilities in The Bahamas Disability

Male

Female

Total

Sight-totally blind/legally blind Hearing – partially/totally/use of hearing aid Speech/communication/only Learning/intellectual Autism Mobility/moving-absent or impaired limb (I) Mobility-localized paraplegic/quad-paralysis (II) Gripping-unable to use fingers Mental disorders Multiple disabilities Other Don’t know Not stated Total

692 356 139 356 226 641 466 139 679 479 957 10 110 5,250

475 343 92 282 66 648 595 138 433 483 1213 18 102 4,888

1167 699 231 638 292 1289 1061 277 1112 962 2170 28 212 10,138

Source: Department of Statistics (2013)

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All children from kindergarten to the twelfth grade must be registered in public or private schools in The Bahamas. Education is free and compulsory for all children between the ages of 5 and 16 (Gardiner-Farquharson et  al., 2005; Wildgoose, 2011). All children in The Bahamas have the right to receive a free education from the government. Regardless of gender, mental or physical abilities, and socioeconomic background, children and teenagers must receive primary and high-school education without charge. Children that have exceptional gifts or talents, developmental delays, limited language proficiency and other disabilities attending regular schools who function below their grade level must receive special instruction as well. Children and young people with disabilities and special needs must receive specifically designed instruction (Gardiner-Farquharson et al., 2005).

The benefits of education services in Nassau The majority of schools, educational services and business ventures operate in Nassau, the capital of The Bahamas. By locating services within the capital there is the immediate benefit of strengthening international links. For example, within tertiary educational institutions this can provide a focal site for the dissemination of distance learning projects (Bancroft, nd). Agreements between tertiary institutions can also be swiftly accommodated with countries such as Canada and the USA. Dr Hazel Jupp, President of Omega College, highlighted such strategies as essential networking and collaboration tactics for educational enhancement within the Bahamas. Subsequently, education services located in Nassau can ensure the incorporation and integration of new technologies. A primary site in Nassau ensures that any resources accumulated for education can be pooled together and then disseminated amongst the islands according to need and the size of the education population. For example, there is an array of tertiary institutions that allow students the option of attending higher education. In Nassau, sponsors, grants, scholarships and internships are pooled so that students can access them through a central location. Technology is also used throughout the small Family Islands to provide an affordable means of improving education. Additionally, there is a greater cost to employ numerous qualified educators to impart knowledge in the Family Islands, when operations in Nassau and wider island technology can ensure education is affordably accessible to all.

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Disadvantages of education services in the Family Islands Considering the demographics of the nation of The Bahamas, delivering education services to the Family Islands has been to some degree successful. There are some very high national examination results coming from locations on the Family Islands. However, the logistics of education in the Family Islands can seem insurmountable. The strengthening of technological services is needed beyond Nassau. Likewise, more qualified teachers are needed to impart the skills required to use such technologies. The Family Islands currently have an insufficient number of classrooms and there are challenging transportation issues (long distance for students travelling to and from school). This has forced many to opt for private education rather than public education in the islands which may account for the high national examination results year on year. To compete globally and regionally, The Bahamas public educational system must be structurally enhanced and very strong values must be instilled in the nation’s children. The Bahamas public education system should constantly, consistently and continually monitor, encourage and guide young Bahamians. Although schools in the Family Islands appear to be well endowed, to some degree with high performance results, further modern technology (and training to use such technology) is essential for high standards to be maintained and for productive citizens. Moreover, there is a need to reduce overcrowding in the public schools. As acknowledged by Dr Hazel Jupp, the public government cannot do it alone; the support of other stakeholders and citizens must be forthcoming.

Curriculum division of the Ministry of Education Education officers and senior education officers are responsible for supporting the curriculum in government facilitated schools. The curriculum division of the Ministry of Education seeks to provide opportunities that will enable all students to acquire the appropriate level of literacy and numeracy skills and to show competency in relevant subject topics. It also works to strengthen students’ ability to reason, solve problems and to be able to apply knowledge. The Ministry of Education aims to ensure access to activities so that young people keep healthy and fit. Collectively the curriculum must also allow students to engage in community services that develop a sense of personal responsibility (The Ministry of Education, 2009). Officers in the Curriculum Division are expected to provide

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guidelines for specific subjects at all grade levels as well as engage in development opportunities that can be disseminated for learning and teaching across The Bahamas. However, officers often analyse examination results in order to identify strategies to increase attainment. These strategies are then incorporated in the curriculum and professional development activities. Strategies include sitebased workshops, in New Providence and in the Family Islands, that target specific weaknesses in teacher performance and student achievement. Innovative and creative strategies will then seek to ensure the effective integration of technology into the instructional programme, collaboration with teachers, business and industry, and units of work/modular programmes for special interest student groups as well as at-risk and gifted students. In order to feed back developments and initiatives, each year, the Ministry of Education hosts a workshop which all district superintendents, principals, education officers and heads of department, including those from the Family Islands, attend.

Organizational structure Heads of sections and units in the Department of Education report directly to the Director of Education. Main sections include: early childhood education (supervisor: senior education officer), primary education (assistant director), secondary education (district superintendent), learning resources section (supervisor: senior education officer), professional development (professional development officer) and curriculum section Grand Bahama (supervisor: senior education officer). There are other units within the divisions that include: assessment unit (education officer), curriculum reform (senior education officer), special projects/technology and curriculum unit/Eleuthera (senior education officer) (The Ministry of Education, 2010). According to the Ministry of Education (2010), each section has its own internal structure. The curriculum and instruction organizational structure is just one of the many sections within the Ministry of Education. It is within these sections and units that the Ministry of Education accounts for the delivery of an education service to a scattered student population:‘The Ministry is multifariously challenged with the tasks of providing quality educational initiatives to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas’ (The Ministry of Education, 2008a, para.1). The magnitude of ensuring the same quality of education provision and initiatives in 22 inhabited islands is a complex logistical process.

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Goals and objectives The Ministry of Education has set goals and objectives to fulfil its mandate as outlined in its mission and vision statements. The Department of Education Curriculum Division found that in order to raise the achievement of students across The Bahamas various objectives had to be set. These objectives include reducing the curriculum of Grades 1 and 2 to focus on mathematics, language arts and social skills and improve reading, and improving mathematics skills for Grades 3–12, along with increasing professional development for teachers and administrators. Additional objectives include strengthening literacy and numeracy programmes by activating dormant programmes and mechanisms for delivery, improving supervision of the instructional programme at national, district and school levels, and developing district and school plans to improve student performance and track low-performing schools. Also required is a strong recruitment and retention process for teachers, input mechanisms to monitor attainment, the systematic development of routines to achieve maximum success and working with the quality assurance section of the Ministry of Education and the College of The Bahamas to improve teacher practice (The Ministry of Education, 2009, 2010).

The challenges Although some islands in The Bahamas have higher student attainment than others, there have been some academic results that have been a cause for concern. For example, national examinations in literacy and numeracy as well as other assessments are areas for enhancement. The Bahamas Junior Certificate (BJC) examinations and The Bahamas General Certificate of Secondary Examination (BGCSE) have identified challenges associated with literacy and numeracy year on year. In 2010, 77 per cent of students taking BGCSE achieved a grade of D and below, and in the BJC examination 58 per cent of students achieved a grade C or above (The Ministry of Education, 2010). In 2010, the national average was a grade D, and for the period 2005–2012, many challenges remained the same in education. The solutions for change are very slow at being implemented and in some locations are non-existent. With such a slow pace of change, some Bahamians are proposing that local communities take ownership of education systems with the mantra of ‘It takes a village to raise a child’ (Clinton, 1996). Each Bahamian taking the responsibility and working together to ensure the mission

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and vision of the Ministry of Education can help to eradicate localized island challenges and propel the Bahamas forward in a contemporary age. The following case study provides an insight into how collective social action can support educational challenges for development.

Corporate social responsibility model Case study: Bahamas Wisdom Academy and Development Center According to Wildgoose (2011), one of the critical educational challenges facing educators today in Nassau and the Family Islands is the growing population of children with SEN. Table 3.4 identifies disabilities in The Bahamas for males and females in the 0–29 age range. The Bahamas Wisdom Academy and Development Center (BWADC) founded by Mrs Michelle Wildgoose is an example of the holistic corporate social responsibility (CSR) model that provides the opportunity for quality education for all children regardless of disability. During the first year of

Table 3.4 Disabilities in The Bahamas: male and female age 0–29 Disability Sight Hearing Speech Learning Autism Mobility (I) Mobility (II) Gripping Mental disorders Multiple disabilities Other Don’t know Not stated Total

Male

Female

0–9

10–19

20–29

0–9

10–19

20–29

76 18 27 48 56 13 9 4 4 43 72 0 4 374

32 51 30 120 79 13 20 6 37 49 104 2 4 547

33 37 15 55 49 49 32 10 108 43 86 1 7 525

9 13 8 64 11 5 8 5 6 21 61 0 2 213

15 25 21 71 25 17 21 7 18 35 83 0 8 346

20 28 9 50 10 15 29 5 44 20 68 0 7 305

Source: Department of Statistics (2013)

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operation at the BWADC, she recognized the need to develop partnerships and alliances with the business community to raise the funds needed and resources required to implement the expanded programme for special education as well as the education for all students from Grades K–12. The CSR model became the system and strategy that played a significant role for profit and non-profit organizations, alliances, partnerships and relationships to meet the educational needs of all children in The Bahamas. The distinctive manner of operating a business in a collective and socially responsible manner is defined as seeking CSR. Within this process, businesses and organizations use ethical practices to build links with local communities, invest in building social infrastructure and contribute to protecting the environment and promoting economic development (Blowfield, 2005; Kanji and Chopra, 2010; Taylor, 2011). BWADC developed an assessment model that was used to evaluate the abilities of each child in accordance with guidelines for neurodevelopment. The neurodevelopment assessment model was deemed effective to increase abilities across all grade levels to help children with SEN reduce the gap and advance one or more grade levels within the school year. BWADC provides services to the nation of The Bahamas beginning with Nassau and reaching out to the Family Islands including Freeport, Grand Bahama and Abaco, which are in need of focused educational provision (Wildgoose, 2011). The inspiration for models and systems of community support within education arose from a personal need. Mrs Wildgoose is a principal and mother of a child with autism. She established BWADC to provide educational assistance for her child who was diagnosed as autistic and turned away from nine different pre-schools in one morning. Having sought the advice and support of The National Association for Child Development (NACD), Wildgoose recognized that a variety of organizations could provide funds and resources to help support an education system that would produce the next generation of workers, regardless of a child’s learning needs. Many parents who have children with SEN were being turned down for support because of the educational costs involved. Therefore a profitable business solution was the answer in galvanizing change for children with SEN. Educating a child with SEN would require the collaboration or development of an alliance with profit and non-profit organizations

Organizations, alliances, supporters and partnerships BWADC has formed alliances with for-profit and not-for-profit organizations that are sympathetic with the purpose of creating an awareness of the historical

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and cultural stigma against children with SEN and that seek to bring about change. One supporter is the chief executive officer (CEO) of an architectural and construction company who became a founding board member of BWADC in 2005. The organization supported education by giving time, energy and financial support to BWADC. This construction company was instrumental in providing architectural and building services that were needed to provide the premises for the local school centre. Support was forthcoming due to a cultivated relationship with the BWADC and shared values that sought to improve education for all students in the nation unable to attend public schools because of special challenges associated with learning and development. In 1991 the Rotary Club of East Nassau, a local service organization, responded to the challenge of Rotary International by establishing and providing funding for an adult functional literacy programme in The Bahamas. This programme expanded to include teenagers at risk of becoming high-school dropouts in efforts to eradicate illiteracy in adults in The Bahamas. According to the director of Project Read, who became a founding board member for BWADC, volunteers for Project Read Bahamas shared their time and expertise teaching others in a confidential environment how to read using the Frank C. Laubach Way to Reading Techniques. Often educational support for adults with educational learning needs is not always evident. However, one parent was able to get specific support for her son who is 22 years old and has a diagnosis of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). There is recognition that business alliances and partnership programmes are the only substantive source of funding, resources and services for young adults with SEN. Bahamas Faith Ministries International is a religious organization for Christian-based leadership and development. This organization became of interest to one founding board member of BWADC who worked with the postal services and corresponded with associates of the faith. Consequently skills of the profession as well as spiritual and moral support were forthcoming to construct networks. Character building and leadership qualities are essential elements that need cultivation when seeking to establish community-based alliances for educational improvement. An administrator and pastor with Bahamas Faith Ministries International provides for spiritual needs as part of community heritage development. The CEO of The Bahamas Chamber of Commerce (BCC) had a personal interest in educational reform that would benefit the workforce of the nation. The BCC is an action agency designed to meet community needs and is a voluntary organization of individuals and businesses who band together to

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advance the commercial, financial, industrial and civic interest of communities. The BCC STARS Business Program encourages and assists business leaders by incorporating alliances in The Bahamas and places greater emphasis on training and education within its respective organizations as well as in the educational system as a whole. A reward and recognition system highlights and applauds organizations that continue to make valuable contributions to staff development and students’ learning in the Bahamas. Consequently, BCC supports BWADC by participating in local career days and fairs, hiring summer students in relevant internship programmes and after-school and weekend apprenticeship programmes for tailored student needs and interests. Bahamas Anti-aging Medical Institute, in Nassau, specializes in creating integrative programmes that combine lifestyle, nutritional and exercise programmes, bio-identical hormone replacement therapy and the best of conventional medical treatments to achieve and maintain optimal health for patients and clients. Hence the support of a local medical professional and the Institute is one that can cater for the direct physical and emotional needs of young people at BWADC. Through the promotion of a holistic approach to health, an active pilot project has commenced, aimed at establishing a national nutrition and fitness educational programme in The Bahamas. Parents, students and staff at BWADC are specifically supported and advised in respect of nutritional needs. The English-speaking Mekaddish Ministries International Incorporated is a fast growing Creole church that caters for Haitian residents in The Bahamas. Through the support of the founding pastor, issues of diversity, Caribbean heritage and international relations are explored in a contextual manner. The pastor oversees 2 churches in The Bahamas, 12 churches in Haiti and 3 churches in Memphis, Tennessee in the USA, with a total membership of 4,500. BWADC is able to connect to international and regional communities who have a shared sense of social responsibility for educational provision in The Bahamas. The Bahamas Development Bank in Nassau finances viable small and medium enterprises in a sustainable manner to foster economic expansion and diversification throughout The Bahamas. BWADC is able to obtain funding from the bank for construction, expansion, the modification of structures and the purchase of moveable fixed assets. The bank also provides funding for the provision of permanent working capital as part of the rehabilitation of existing enterprises, including the cost of upgrades for schools such as BWADC. The scholarship and educational loan division of the National Scholarship Program for the Ministry of Education has children enrolled in BWADC.

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Through engagement with public system structures such as the Ministry of Education, mutual advantages can be gained. The Ministry of Education awards and monitors all educational scholarships for schools in The Bahamas. The editor of the Positive Friends International Newsletter in Nassau is an active supporter of BWADC. A recognized community leader, he received the Queen’s Certificate and Badge of Honor for work done in the community. After attending a local BWADC workshop for parents and friends of children with SEN in 2009, he committed personal time and resources for publishing articles. Utilizing the skills and knowledge of prominent individuals is one method of improving the quality and resources in education for SEN students in The Bahamas. An independent speech pathologist working in the area of special services in Nassau was a founding board member of Resources and Education for Autism and Related Challenges (REACH), a parent advocacy group established in 1998. REACH was formed as a voluntary support and advocacy group for parents, professionals and others who were concerned with the autistic population in The Bahamas. Activities of REACH include support and information meetings, observing April as Autism Awareness Month, annual summer programmes for children with autism, and providing training for professionals and parents. Other activities include fundraising to support special projects, collaboration with international and local agencies and advocacy in areas of need including respite care, early intervention, therapy and adult options. REACH is one local organization that BWADC would support as well as advise others to use its services. The president of REACH devotes time and energy to support classroom environments for children with autism in public schools. Such actions of support intersect with the private and public divisions of education.

Conclusion The education system in The Bahamas is influenced by many geographical challenges. In particular the government needs to provide for a school population that is scattered across 22 inhabited islands. Although visionary statements are commendable there is a distinct need, logistically, for further delegation and dissemination in order to be progressive in education. The role of the local community across The Bahamas is ever more important in this respect, especially for identifying and supporting young people who may have specific learning needs. It is through collaboration, alliances and partnerships that strides are

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being made to improve SEN provision for The Bahamas. Construction companies, clubs, churches, commerce groups, medical services, banks, the government, editors and advocacy groups are just some examples of organizations and individuals who can support educational activities. Through the collation of funds, resources, projects, time, medical advice and spiritual guidance, educational advancement for all young people, including those with SEN, is achievable.

References Bancroft, M. (nd), Distance Education: Bahamas 2000. Nassau, Bahamas: The Ministry of Education and Youth, http://heglobal.international.globalbeach.com/media/5925/ distance%20education%20-%20bahamas%202000.pdf (accessed 25 September 2012). Blowfield, M. (2005), ‘Corporate social responsibility: reinventing the meaning of development?’ International Affairs, 81(3), 515–524. Clinton, H. R. (1996), It Takes a Village: And Other Lessons Children Teach Us. New York: Touchstone. Department of Education (2010), Schools and Principals Directory 2010–2011 (New Providence and the Family Islands). Nassau, Bahamas: Ministry of Education. Department of Statistics (2010), Percentage Distribution of Population by Island, 2000 and 2010 Censuses. Nassau, Bahamas: Department of Statistics of The Bahamas, The Government of The Bahamas. Department of Statistics (2013), ‘Key statistics’, http://statistics.bahamas.gov.bs/ (accessed 30 July 2013). Gardiner-Farquharson, B. L., Bain, B. and Cooper, B. (2005), Commonwealth of The Bahamas National Census of Special Education Population and Related Services Grades 1–12 for School Year Ending 2003. Nassau, Bahamas: National Commission on Special Education, Ministry of Education, http://bookclub.bahamaseducation. com/PDF/Docs/BAHAMAS%20NATIONAL%20CENSUS%20%20OF%20 SPECIAL%20EDUCATION%20AND%20SUPPORT%20SERVICES.pdf (accessed 25 September 2012). Kanji, G. K. and Chopra, P. K. (2010), ‘Corporate social responsibility in a global economy’, Total Quality Management and Business Excellence, 21(2), 119–143. Taylor, S. (2011), Collaborative Business Alliance with a Non-Profit School in the Bahamas. Germany : GRIN Vertag. The Ministry of Education (2008a), ‘About the M.O.E.’, http://www.bahamaseducation. com/aboutministry.html (accessed 25 September 2012). The Ministry of Education (2008b), ‘Department of Education’, http://www. bahamaseducation.com/departments.html (accessed 25 September 2012).

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The Ministry of Education (2009), Ministry of Education 10 Year Education Plan. Nassau, Bahamas: Ministry of Education. The Ministry of Education (2010), Ministry of Education Goals and Objectives 2010– 2012. Nassau, Bahamas: Ministry of Education. Wildgoose, M. L. (2011), ‘Home, welcome to Bahamas Wisdom Academy and Development Center’, http://www.bwdc-edu.net/index.html (accessed 13 August 2013).

4

Barbados: Modelling the Educational System – A Socioeconomic and Historical Investigation Pedro Welch

Introduction This chapter investigates the socioeconomic and historical factors in the development of the Barbados educational system, noting its initial modelling on the British educational system, and tracing its evolution from the immediate pre- and post-emancipation periods of Caribbean history. It explores issues of educational borrowing and includes some limited consideration of ways in which the local educational system articulates with a wider international educational system. Other matters of importance in the investigation include considerations of the questions of investment in human capital, educational policy and economic competiveness. In tracing the development of the Barbados educational system, the first phase of the investigation pays close attention to the historical factors that shaped colonial Barbados, exploring the issue of enslavement and the impact of this institution on the nature of the Barbadian social reality. This first phase covers the period from the initial settlement of the island by British settlers until the abolition of enslavement in the 1830s. The study then makes a rapid transit through the immediate post-emancipation period, taking in the period in which non-conformist churches helped to shape the early development of formal schooling and noting the beginning of state financed elementary education. This takes us from the post-1870s up to the 1950s, when we can begin to note the first steps towards a modern educational system. Finally, the analysis takes us forward into the period of independence and subsequent key phases in the development of educational policy and investment that follow this momentous development up to the twenty-first century.

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From enslavement to freedom: Modelling the educational system One factor in the development of a contemporary West Indian society and, in particular, in Barbados, is the view that education at any level has the potential key to unlock sociopolitical and economic emancipation. In some respects, this may not be surprising, given that West Indian societies developed out of one of the blackest episodes of human history, namely, the veritable holocaust of chattel enslavement. The ancestors of the contemporary Afro-West Indian populations suffered a process of attempted dehumanization that saw them being classified, along with animals and plantation equipment, as just so many pieces of plantation stock. Moreover, in many West Indian contexts, the importation of Chinese and East Indian labourers led to a system of indentured labour that, in some respects, had some elements of the system of enslavement that preceded it. Indeed, one book that details the very negative treatment to which many of the indentured labourers were subjected, was entitled A New System of Slavery (Tinker, 1974). In this context, too, education became an important aspect of social mobility, perceived as an investment in the brightest and best of the future generation. In the West Indian slave societies, the question of educational provision had quite different expectations. Education for the enslaved was considered as a quite risky venture. While some of the enslaved were taught to read and write, particularly where their occupations might require some basic literacy, planters viewed any attempt at educating the enslaved as posing a threat to the White patriarchal order that they had installed. One researcher, in commenting on the pre-emancipation West Indian reality, stated: ‘Planters had no desire to train the minds of their workers. Indeed, they considered it dangerous to provide any training which might arouse political ambition among the [en]slaved[d] and give them any notions of wanting to share power’ (Wellington, 1975, p. 55). When it came to the education of the planters’ children and those of other Whites, however, two options only were considered for implementation. They could send their children back to the metropole to be taught in the schools and colleges there, or to be tutored by private tutors who laboured under the watchful eye of adult chaperones. Of course, such an option required considerable resources. However, for the majority of poorer Whites and in cases where the planters’ children were of doubtful academic promise or with little possibility of some material inheritance, the recourse was to local schools; that is, schools established by private

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bequests. For the very poor, foundation schools, similar in scope to those that had been developed in England, were put in place and there the ‘foundationers’, as such pupils were called, were maintained by charitable donations. One school in Barbados that later became known as Boys’ Foundation School in the late nineteenth century, began its existence as a school for children of the poor and indigent Whites. Blacks were only admitted to its doors after emancipation. In the cases of the schools that were developed in the locality, they borrowed their curriculum, ‘lock stock and barrel’, from Great Britain. There, by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the curriculum centred on the teaching of the three Rs – reading, writing, and arithmetic, although, as we are informed by Digby and Searby (1981, p. 33), ‘the achievement of basic literacy and numeracy was usually subordinated to the inculcation of a further two Rs, those of religion and respect for one’s betters . . .’. In the Caribbean context, educational provision served to produce workers that would fill the lower levels of the plantation management structure, with the better students climbing the occupational ladder through family and social connections rather than through mere educational attainment. In some cases, tutors might be imported from Great Britain and in other cases tutors might be recruited from among the transients that sometimes visited the Caribbean. There were cases, too, when enterprising migrants might perceive that entrepreneurial opportunities existed in the various island and mainland territories and seek to establish private schools to cater to the rich and ‘middling’ inhabitants. Such was the case of Elizabeth Fenwick who arrived in Barbados in the early nineteenth century as a member of a touring theatrical company (Welch, 2003). She was married to a local of modest means and on his death remained on the island, deciding to establish a school to obtain the funds for her maintenance and that of her mother and brother who had joined her in Barbados. Whatever the opportunities for formal schooling, the pedagogical models that were followed in the classroom were those that the teachers had been exposed to in Great Britain. After all, for some Whites in the Caribbean, their residence in these tropical locations was a temporary interlude until the eventual return to Britain, there to hobnob with the rich and famous scions of exiled West Indian planters. It should not be surprising in this context that they would follow curricula and social practice that would facilitate integration into the society of the motherland. As we approach the post-emancipation period, there were some attempts among free Mulattoes and free Blacks to seek educational opportunities as well. Thus, for example, there was the introduction of the so-styled Charity School in Bridgetown, the capital city, in 1818.

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Handler’s (2009) investigation of the social conditions under which free Coloureds operated in Barbados during the pre- and post-emancipation periods offers important perspectives on their attitudes towards educational and intellectual attainment. He observes that a closer reading of various petitions that were submitted by free Coloureds during a struggle for civil rights in the early nineteenth century serves to reveal not only their educational achievements, but also something of their intellectual abilities. Indeed, he was quite struck by their challenges to the local White authorities and the ways in which this illustrates their capabilities. He states: . . . in fact, Barbados was certainly no exception to the general rule that in societies controlled by whites and based on their own notion of racial supremacy, the subordinate racial groups were able to achieve intellectually despite their limited opportunities and the restrictions placed on their mobility, and these achievements increased as their opportunities expanded . . . Handler, 2009, p. 188

The establishment of the Charity School and other schools that were set up by free Coloureds, then, reflected a growing self-awareness, and a consideration of education in terms of self-emancipation. It may be noted, also, that in the drive of the free Coloureds to establish educational institutions, the factor of Christian philanthropy was of pivotal importance. This factor is yet another part of the educational web that links developments in the Caribbean with those taking place in nineteenth-century Britain. Indeed, as Digby and Searby (1981, p. 73), inform us: Religion [in Britain] had a place in almost every nineteenth-century schoolroom although its purpose and intensity varied. For the first half of the century, it was, at least in elementary schools, the most essential subject . . . Religion gave point and meaning to the entire curriculum and inculcated the social acquiescence which, much as piety, it was the function of the school to generate.

We might wish to bear in mind that this was also a period in which there was a growing secularization in several aspects of social life. However, in the first half of the nineteenth century the Church was, perhaps, the most important social institution in British life, as well as in the various British West Indian colonies. Increasingly, however, as it became clear that the Church lacked the resources to build a modern educational system on its own, the State stepped in to fill the

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gap. Thus, a close association between Church and State was deemed a desirable combination for the necessary moral elevation of the masses. In the Caribbean context, and Barbados is a prime example, the Church became the primary agency for the introduction of mass education in the closing years of enslavement, and the first decades of emancipation. In his comment on the development of an educational system in Trinidad, Campbell (1997, p.  5) observes, ‘In the English model of education, the private enterprise of churches played an important part in the provision of primary and secondary schools; and so it was in Trinidad and Tobago [and in Barbados] . . .’. Further, he observes that the purpose of education was: To spread Christianity, literacy, and as always in education social discipline, preferably without social change. The maintenance of the colonial social structure and the labour requirements of the sugar plantations and sugar companies were compatible with an oversupply of illiterate or undereducated youths. Campbell, 1997, p. 9

Ushering in freedom considerations At first, the Church of England, or as it is generally known in the West Indies, the Anglican Church, was the most respected ecclesiastical institution. It was the Church of the enslavers, and later of their post-emancipation inheritors. The Church had a major say in the social and political life of the colony in most anglophone Caribbean territories, also, the State was the major financier of the Church. Its bishop sat in the Executive Council, and rich parishioners sat, not only in the House of Assembly, the legislative chamber that mirrored in its function the House of Commons in England, but also in the local parish vestries. The vestry system was a direct import from Britain and throughout the British Empire its appearance signalled a borrowing of social and cultural norms. As in Britain, the vestry became part of a system of local government that oversaw poor relief and, in that context, might also be involved in some financial support for the poor that included educational provision. Indeed, many of the ‘foundation’ schools that emerged in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were financed through bequests made to the vestry for that purpose. One online commentary on the vestry system in Britain notes succinctly that the ‘vestry formed the fundamental unit of decision making for each parish, and acted as a miniature

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legislature for parochial government’ (Hitchcock et al., 2012, para. 1). Another summary explores the role of the British vestry in educational provision thus: The buildings in St. Martin’s Place which comprise the Vestry Hall, Vicarage, and National Schools were erected circa 1830 as part of the Charing Cross improvement scheme. The façade of the schools bears the inscription ‘St. Martin’s National Schools. Built by Subscription on Ground the Gift of His Majesty King George IV. MDCCCXXX.’ By the deed of grant, dated 20th July, 1833, the Crown conveyed to the Vicar and Churchwardens a piece of ground on the north side of the churchyard 98 feet by 28 feet together with the school building lately erected there to be used as a National School for the education of poor children of the parish. A nominal rent of £1 per annum was to be paid. British History Online, 2013, para. 1

Notwithstanding the place of the Anglican Church and the associated vestry system in Barbados and other Caribbean jurisdictions, however, increasingly, the hegemony over religious norms was challenged by the entry of the so-called non-conformist Churches into the Caribbean space. The best known of these Churches were the Moravian, Methodist (or Wesleyan), and the Baptist Churches. The educational system that emerged in Barbados in the period between 1834 and the 1850s was funded in the first phase of the emancipation project by a fund known as the Negro Education Grant. Most of the funds went to the Churches, including the non-conformist Churches, to help in the provision of school buildings, but the formerly enslaved found that the investment in education did not always extend to the payment of school fees. In any case, educational policy and educational investment were tied closely to the particular philosophies of the various sectarian bodies. Using data from Schomburgk (1848, pp.  107–108), Table  4.1 illustrates the extent of Church involvement at this early stage, and also indicates the extent of investment in the educational system. The figures in Table  4.1 do not include the students attending private and other schools in the island. For 1844, the estimated total of all students attending various schools in the island amounted to some 7,500, which represents 33 per cent of the children of school age in the island at the time. The figures for the parochial schools, by which term we refer to those schools run by the Church of England, and for the sectarian schools for 1844 represent some 21 per cent of the children of school age. It seems clear from the statistical evidence that the

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Table 4.1 Students attending parochial and sectarian schools in Barbados, 1844 and 1845 Parish/sectarian group

1844

1845

St Michael Christ Church St Philip St John St Joseph St Peter St James St Thomas St George St Andrew St Lucy Moravians Wesleyans Jewish School Total

1,248 689 250 191 141 249 181 131 307 120 425 359 416 15 4722

1,288 524 255 112 69 280 183 102 175 127 268 – – – 3383

parochial and sectarian schools represented a vital contribution to the schooling of the country’s children at this time. By and large, funding for education represented a grudging acceptance that there was some need for basic numeracy and literacy among the labouring classes if the landed aristocracy was going to affect any efficiencies in production. While the total expenditure on education amounted to some £3,678 in 1845, the legislature had only voted some £750 for public education, with the remainder coming from the parochial coffers and from endowments and bequests. Bacchus (1993) informs us that the expenditure on public education amounted to 2.5 per cent of the annual budget, with some 34 per cent going to the police and 7.2 per cent being spent on jails. In 1852, the proportion of the budget spent on education had crept up to 3.8 per cent. In 1856, the figure for education had again crept up to 4.4 per cent, but yet again, the expenditure on the police was about 21.3 per cent (Bacchus, 1993). The policy emphases of the local legislature more than likely reflected the view that formal education was wasted on the working class, who, it was expected by the ruling elite, could not hope to rise above their class position. In general, the structure of educational provision that developed between the abolition of enslavement and the late nineteenth century reflected the class

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biases that existed in the society. While in some respect similar class issues could be found in Britain, in the Caribbean the social class issues were compounded by the factor of endemic racism. It was expected by decision-makers that primary and elementary education would cater for the broad bottom layer of the society, while for those who showed some intellectual promise both from the White and Coloured classes, a system of secondary education would be introduced. As early as 1835, according to Gordon (1968), the Reverend John Sterling, who had been sent out by the British authorities as head of a commission investigating the state of education, had advocated the provision of secondary schools. These were to cater to boys between 10 and 18 years of age and would be fee-paying schools, costing parents about 1 shilling per week. While Reverend John Sterling envisaged that some working-class children might access such schools, the fees proposed were clearly out of the reach of most of the labouring classes. In his proposal, the education should include reading, writing, arithmetic, bookkeeping, English, history, and geography with some rudiments of natural history, natural philosophy and mathematics. Together with this course of instruction the master should be required, and should be chosen for his fitness, to give a decided moral and religious cultivation to his pupils. But the schools must not be particularly or professedly religious, and should be under no ecclesiastical superintendence. While Reverend John Sterling must clearly be seen as representing a reformist wing in British intelligentsia that was becoming less tolerant of sectarian tendencies in education, the reality was that in Barbados, no matter what changes might be made in the curriculum, the Church was ensconced in its position as part of the sociopolitical order. Thus, in each of the secondary schools that began to emerge in the Barbadian educational system in the later nineteenth century, the priest of the parish church of the parish in which these schools were located played a pivotal role in decision-making, often as chairman of the board. From the first Education Act of 1850 to the third in 1878, the policies governing the educational system worked to preserve privilege. Thus, on the one hand there was the development of the so-styled first grade schools, followed later by the second grade schools and these secondary schools served to prepare the more fortunate in the society for management positions, while the primary and elementary schools served to provide the artisans and just below them in social status, the broad masses of labourers. By the early 1890s there were three first grade schools – Harrison College, Lodge School and Queens College, and six second grade schools – Boys’ Foundation School, Coleridge School, Parry School, Alexandra School, Combemere School and Alleyne School. Of these,

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only Queens College and Alexandra School catered for girls. The prevailing philosophies governing the educational system rested on patriarchal assumptions that, for the most part, women of the middle classes were destined for maternal roles in the home. This last point echoes that made by Mayers (2011, p. 540). She notes: From the nineteenth century there was an evident concern with the education of girls of the upper and middle class. The Mitchinson Report [of 1875] projected girls’ education as an aid to boys’ education, since it would provide personnel for ‘maternal’ teaching. The report concluded that the inadequate provision for such female education necessitated government support for a good girls’ school. Queens College was the first-grade institution catering to this group from 1881.

Elementary schools were generally co-educational institutions at this time, although there were some such schools that were single-sex. In such schools, the educational provision for girls employed a curriculum that focused on such subjects as sewing and needlecraft. As our attention is projected forward to the twentieth century, we will note that some changes did begin to appear over time, but it was certainly not until the 1950s that more enlightened policies informed the further development of the Barbadian educational system.

Modernizing the educational system: the path to the 1950s During the period between the 1890s and the 1950s, the Barbadian educational system, operating as it was in a society divided by race and class, crept slowly towards some standards of modernity. One area of interest in our survey has to do with the place of technical-vocational education in the thinking of the decision-makers. As we have noted, those who had the oversight of the educational system at the beginning of a formal educational structure in the island, had a clear bias towards the first and second grade schools that prepared their children for the inheritance of their class and race position at the top of the social order. Yet, as some educators gained exposure to other educational systems, some new visions were imported into the island. In this regard, one may consider the influence of Barbadian, Rawle Parkinson. Parkinson was born in 1864, just 26 years after the formal ending of enslavement. He accepted the tenets of the Methodist faith and was among the first generation cohort of Afro-Barbadian educators who emerged in the post-emancipation period as educational leaders.

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Early in the twentieth century, he left Barbados temporarily to attend the famous Tuskegee Institute in the USA. Parkinson could see the similarities between the American scene and that of Barbados, and after he attended an international conference held at the Tuskegee Institute in 1912, he returned to Barbados with renewed zeal. At the Wesley Hall School, where he had been appointed as principal, as Hoyos (1972, p. 104) informs us: He introduced classes to teach the boys carpentry and printing, shoemaking and brushmaking . . . At one hour of the day he would be drilling his pupils in the academic subjects on the syllabus . . . At yet another period he would be training the boys to use their hands in the several industrial classes conducted at Wesley Hall. Thus, in his own way, he had worked out a curriculum that gave his boys a balanced education.

When Parkinson was eventually appointed at the Rawle Training Institute (the forerunner of the present Erdiston Teachers’ Training College), as a master of method, he continued where he had left off at Wesley Hall, promoting the dignity of technical and vocational education. He might not have changed the thinking of the decision-makers immediately, but his impact on the field of education would emerge later, and this impact gives him, in my view, the title of the ‘Father of Industrial and Technical Education in Barbados’. By the 1920s, there were some tiny changes in the approach to education, and the beginnings of an institutionalized system of technical/industrial education even while the prevailing philosophies still privileged a ‘classical’ education. In 1928 an Apprenticeship Bursaries Act was passed which mandated a period of training under master craftsmen for select groups of apprentices. The 1929 report of the ‘Board for Industrial Training’ (which was a sub-committee of the Education Board) lists the numbers who were being trained over the period 1928–1929 as seen in Table 4.2 (Board of Education, 1929). In our investigation, we are fortunate that we have several reports of the Board of Education that detail how the technical training progressed. Table 4.3 shows how many people actually completed training following the passage of the Apprentices Bursary Act, between 1929 and 1937 (Board of Education, 1929). Candidates for training were, as one report to the Board of Education informs us, ‘generally drawn from the handcraft classes in Elementary Schools on the recommendation of Head Teachers . . .’ (Board of Education, 1930). Further, they were to have attained the age of 14 years. The social divide between these groups and their contemporaries who were fortunate to enter the secondary schools is quite visible in the curricula followed

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Table 4.2 Apprentices trained in the Barbados technical education system, 1928–1929 Trade

Number of boys

Carpenters Masons Painters Joiners Blacksmiths Plumbers Tailors Printers Coach painters Total

First year

Second year

Third year

Fourth year

Fifth year

Total

6 3 1 1 – 1 1 – – 13

10 2 1 2 – – – – – 15

7 1 1 – – – – – – 9

4 4 – 2 – – – – 1 11

3 2 – 1 1 1 1 1 – 10

30 12 3 4 1 2 2 1 1 58

Source: Board of Education (1929)

Table 4.3 Apprentices trained in the Barbados technical education system, 1929–1937 Trade

1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 Total

Carpenters 3 Masons 2 Joiners and 1 cabinet-makers Painters – Plumbers 1 Blacksmiths 1 Tailors 1 Printers 1 Total 10

3 4 2

7 1 –

10 2 1

6 3 1

8 3 2

2 3 1

5 3 2

5 3 2

49 24 12

– – – – – 9

1 – – – – 9

1 – – – – 14

1 1 – 1 – 13

– – – – – 13

1 1 1 – – 9

– – – – – 10

– 1 1 – 1 13

4 4 3 2 2 100

Source: Board of Education (1929)

by the various groups. While the apprentices were expected to have some basic theoretical knowledge, the emphasis was largely on the practical. One problem may have been that, in some cases, their instructors were weak on the theoretical areas themselves and, thus, were unable to impart such knowledge to their charges. Thus, in the summary of a report from a Mr C. E. Clarke to the Board of Industrial Training for 1929, we find the following statement: ‘Mr. Clarke reported that the practical work done by all the apprentices examined by him both in the Carpenters’ and Masons’ trades, were very satisfactory, but all the

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apprentices showed weaknesses in answering theoretical questions . . .’ (Board of Education, 1929). The Board’s response was even more telling: . . . in connection with this report, the Board expressed the opinion that, although the knowledge of the theory of the trades should not be neglected, they consider that the practical test should form the most important part of the Apprentices’ training. Board of Education, 1929

By contrast, the curriculum followed by boys at a similar age at the Combemere School was largely oriented towards what might be termed ‘book learning’. Table  4.4, amended from Board of Education 1930, demonstrates how the fourth-form curriculum for Combemere reads for 1930.

Table 4.4 Fourth-form curriculum for Combemere for 1930 Latin – Latin grammar: Kennedy’s Revised Latin Primer Latin unseen: Matriculation Construing book by Watts and Hayes Latin trans: Caesar’s Gallic War, Book I: 1–148 Latin Composition by North and Hillard, ex: 1–148

English – Gospel according to St Mark by Marshall, Ch. 1–xvi Shakespeare, A Midsummser Night’s Dream, by Marshall English grammar: Cambridge Matriculation Course, Lowe and Briggs English composition; Cambridge Matriculation Course, Lowe and Briggs Analysis and parsing, essay writing

Spanish – Spanish Zoology by T. H. Burlend grammar, Schilling’s MA, BSc. Lessons, 1–24 Geography: Longman’s French – French grammar: Book iii, Physical, pp. 1–68 Macmillan’s Progressive Geography: Longman’s French Course II Book iii, Political Africa French translation (Barle and Maps Hand Masom selections) French composition, primer (Duhamel and Minssen) French exercises and unseens Source: Board of Education (1930)

Arithmetic – Layng’s larger edition. To end of areas and volumes, also weekly test papers Mathematics – Geometry by Hall and Stevens, pp. 1–169; also weekly problems Algebra by H. S. Hall: simple and quadratic equations Factors, remainder theorem Fractional notation; also weekly papers Book-keeping – elementary Shorthand – Pitman’s New Era edition, Ch. 3–24

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In considering these issues we might be reminded that there was a hierarchy or pecking order of educational institutions. The curriculum at Combemere, which was classified as a second grade school, differed slightly from that of a first grade school, such as Harrison College. In the latter case, the study of Greek, chemistry and physics was included. In the 1940s, significant social and political development occurred in Barbados and it is from this point that greater attention was paid to the creation of a more egalitarian system of education in Barbados. Following labour disturbances throughout the Caribbean and in Barbados, accompanied by some loss of life and damage to property, it became clear to the British colonial authorities that significant change was required if further unrest was to be avoided. One of the changes that took place was the widening of the franchise, which was achieved by abolishing all property qualifications for voting or for election to the House of Assembly. Thus, by 1944, for the first time in the island’s history, an executive arm was introduced into the legislative chamber that was composed largely of Afro-Barbadians. This period also saw the appointment of the first premier of the island, Grantley Adams (later Sir Grantley Adams). Adams, like many of his contemporaries in the main political grouping, the Barbados Progressive League, was imbued with a socialist philosophy. Indeed, Adams, like his political predecessor, Charles Duncan O’Neale, had studied in Britain and had been influenced by the Fabian socialism that was espoused by the British Labour Party. Under Adams’ leadership, numerous changes were made to the educational system. Indeed, as Figure  4.1 reveals, there were, proportionately, more resources made available to the provision of education than in previous historical periods (Bacchus, 1993; Barbados Government, 1988). The increasing investment in education would have major pay-offs in later times. During the period of Adams’ administration, in addition to an increasing budgetary allocation to education, there were also a number of other developments. Following the earlier recommendation of the Marriott-Mayhew Commission, which had been established in 1932 to look at the educational system, and to make recommendations, a director of education was appointed in 1943. This director, a Mr Howard Hayden, immediately began to function and under his leadership an investigation on assessment and evaluation in the Barbados school system was begun, resulting in a series of recommendations which were reported in 1945. In 1948, teacher training facilities were reintroduced with the opening of Erdiston Teachers’ Training College. This replaced the Rawle Training Institute that had performed yeoman service, not only for Barbados,

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Figure 4.1 Educational allocation as a percentage of the Barbados budget, selected years, 1848–1950 Source: Bacchus (1993); Barbados Government (1988)

but also for the rest of the anglophone Caribbean since 1912. There was the introduction of what came to be termed secondary modern schools, the first of which were established in 1952. These were co-educational and helped to expand secondary education to the masses and, more specifically to females. During the 1940s, some expansion to the physical plant at the St Michael’s and Girls’ foundation schools, both of which had been opened in 1928, meant that additional places for females were provided. Yet, these places were clearly inadequate in terms of the numbers that were completing their elementary education. There was also the establishment of a Technical Institute in 1953, which served to widen the curriculum offerings that were available to prospective students. In addition, there was the creation of a Ministry of Education in 1953, and the appointment of the first minister in 1954. We may note, also, that widening of access to the various educational institutions throughout the island was facilitated through the issuing of scholarships, some of them through the local vestries, and by the abolition of fees at the primary and elementary levels in government-aided schools. The educational developments that we have identified certainly stamp the educational system in Barbados as coming of age. While the social norms held by the ruling elite had contributed to a virtual apartheid in the educational

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system, the rise of a political bureaucracy that was more reflective of the masses meant that, by the 1950s, and indeed into the early 1960s, more and more of the descendants of the formerly enslaved could aspire to the attainment of educational levels that were hitherto out of the reach of their parents. That the curricular content of the local educational offerings could prepare students even for places in the educational and other institutions of the mother country was evident in the fact that those who were fortunate enough to pursue advanced programmes in Britain coped well with their studies. Students who obtained the prestigious Barbados scholarships and exhibitions went off to the top universities in Britain, including Oxford and Cambridge, and duly returned or stayed in some cases, with honours degrees. Additionally, through assistance that was offered under the Colonial Development and Welfare Act, many civil servants went off to England and other Commonwealth universities, where they also performed creditably. Others, not so fortunate to obtain government funding, worked their way and provided own-funding to various tertiary institutions, or in some cases pursued external degree and sub-free programmes. As our attention shifts to the period of the 1960s right up to our contemporary period, it seems clear that educational investment and policy initiatives were poised for take-off.

From independence to the contemporary period: building capacity The period from the 1960s to the contemporary period represents, perhaps, the most exciting time in the further development of the educational system in Barbados. Our attention is immediately drawn in this period to the abolition of fees in all government-owned educational institutions, from the primary school right up to the university level. That the decision-makers in the island have managed to maintain a developmental momentum in the period might well be viewed by some as nothing short of miraculous. Indeed, there can be little doubt that what took place in Barbados in this time might be construed in terms of a veritable revolution. Given the narrow economic base of the Barbados economy, successive political administrations must have had the greatest faith in the people of the island, and after 1966, the new nation, to have invested so fully in the development of human capital. Up to the attainment of independence from the UK on Wednesday 30 November 1966, the island’s economy was largely sustained on an agricultural

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monoculture, with some very limited manufacturing and some investment in tourism. For most Caribbean countries, and Barbados is no exception, the development profile would have been viewed by development theorists in terms of ‘underdevelopment’. It was, thus, in 1961, building on the pioneering work of the Grantley Adams led Barbados Labour Party (which emerged from the Progessive League), that the Democratic Labour Party administration, led by Errol Walton Barrow, embarked on a series of bold initiatives that would catapult the island firmly into the modern age. As in our earlier evaluation of investment in education as a component of budgetary allocation by the Barbados government, we might look again at the statistics for the period 1960–1961 to the 2000s, indicated in Figure  4.2 (Barbados Government, 1965, 1973, 1983, 1988; Ministry of Education, 1969, 1971, 1982; Ministry of Education Youth Affairs and Culture, 2000). Between 1950 and 1961 with a budgetary allocation of just about 12 per cent of total government expenditure, successive governments managed to maintain provision for education at roughly 20 per cent of the national budget even in very serious economic difficulties. Indeed, in 2013, while the downturn of the national economy fuelled, in part, by weaknesses in the international economy, has contributed to a national debate on whether or not such high spending on education can be maintained, the government has still expressed a commitment to the educational sector.

Figure 4.2 Expenditure on education as a percentage of the national budget in Barbados, selected years 1960–2010

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The abolition of fees to the various government educational institutions in the early 1960s propelled Barbados above other West Indian territories in terms of access to education at the various academic levels. Moreover, it would be very difficult to match the Barbados profile throughout the developing world. This action on the part of the political directorate represents, perhaps, the single most important factor in the freeing of the intellectual capacities of the Barbadian masses. It was accompanied by a limited diversification of the island’s economy which saw tourism replace agriculture as the main plank of the economy, and the introduction of ‘import substitution industries’ which absorbed many of the graduates from the secondary schools, and provided opportunities for employment for those graduating from tertiary level institutions. Professional training for lawyers, accountants and managers, provided by the Cave Hill Campus of the University of the West Indies (UWI), widened the skill set of the Barbadian masses. Also, ambitious social programmes, including accelerated access to housing and other social amenities, created opportunities for technicians who were being produced as a result of provision for technical training, both in the secondary schools and at the tertiary level. The cumulative result was a rapid growth in the middle class. To further underline the basis for these changes, we turn our attention to the policy statements that describe the educational approaches of the local planners. The Barbados Development Plan 1965–1968 provides useful insights into the philosophies that were held by the educational planners of the time. The underlying premise on which the democratization of educational access was built was that (a) educational opportunities should be available to all prospective students and (b) such educational opportunities should permit students to contribute to the social and economic growth of the society. It is clear, also, that economic objectives underlay the provision of such educational opportunities. Thus the programme that was outlined was as follows: There was to be training for skilled work in the various trades; There were to be increased numbers of courses in technical studies; Courses at the so-styled grammar schools would be taught that would result in the higher order skills that would aid in the production of scientists and other specialists; There was to be flexibility in the programmes offered at the secondary level, so that ‘academically bent students’ might be able to take subjects at the GCE level, as well as undertake studies carrying some vocational emphasis. Barbados Government, 1965, p. 68

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In order to achieve these objectives, planners also put in place a vigorous capital works programme that would increase the spaces available at the various levels of the educational system. Thus, at the primary level, it was proposed that 2,440 new places would have been provided by 1965, with incremental increases that would lead to a total of some 6,600 places over the period 1964–1968. The capital works programme was expected to cost just over 865,000 Barbados dollars over this period. Some elements of the educational policy articulated in the Development Plan still reflected some of the old class biases of the past. A close reading of the various clauses of the Plan reveals more of the thinking that informed the path forward. At Clause 13, it was stated that: In this conception of secondary education as the right of all, the grammar school takes its place as an institution which will chiefly minister to the community’s future need for professionals of various kinds, and which will give those students who are able to profit by it, the tougher academic diet necessary for success in these professional fields. Barbados Government, 1965, p. 69

In addition to this statement, it was proposed that at the grammar schools, it was hoped to provide industrial arts and technical studies for students who did not ‘necessarily have a formal academic bent’ (Barbados Government, 1965, p. 69). Clause 14 made it clear what this meant in practice: The aim would be, put another way, to have: Secondary schools which cater for academic types but have facilities or allow for studies (e.g. at the Technical Institute) in technical and practical education as well; and Secondary schools which cater mainly for pupils with practical interests but which carry special courses for those who show academic potential. Barbados Government, 1965, p. 69

These aims did not take into consideration that access to secondary schools was by way of the Common Entrance Examination (CEE) and that those who received the higher marks were allocated to the grammar schools that at one time were classified as first grade schools, with some of these allocations, also, to the schools that had been designated in the past as second grade schools. Those with the lower marks were allocated, largely, to the newer secondary schools, some of which had been called secondary modern schools, and later, comprehensive schools. Thus, the old pecking order of schooling was and is still partially maintained even while access to the more prestigious schools has been

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widened significantly. These considerations are not intended to detract from the revolution that took place in the educational system in the 1960s. It must not be assumed that the State was the only actor in the educational system. Several entrepreneurs opened private secondary schools in this period, and as part of the government’s programme of democratization, flawed though it was, funding was provided to private or ‘independent’ schools that meant certain prescribed standards. In this first phase of development, then, the opening up of educational opportunity had a major impact on society and contributed to the expansion of the middle class and a widening of the upper layers of the working class. In this period, there was also the establishment of a community college to provide access to A level and associate degree level studies for students who could not access the sixth forms of the older secondary schools. Additionally, places were opened in a new polytechnic that offered technical and vocational programmes to students, largely drawn from the newer secondary schools, and in a ‘hotel school’ that catered to the labour needs of the tourism industry. Other aspects of the social engineering that took place in this period include the provision of a school meals programme in the elementary schools. With these momentous developments in mind, our investigation takes note of the next major intervention in the Barbadian educational system. This time, we look at a grand experiment in technological innovation. There can be little doubt that technology is playing a major role in the development of educational systems across the world. In the case of Barbados, one of the most significant projects ever to be undertaken in the field of education was the Education Sector Enhancement Project, otherwise known as EduTech 2000. The cost of EduTech as estimated in the first phase of the project was some US$213 million over a seven-year period. The funds were to be provided by the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB), the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the government of Barbados itself. The major elements of the Project were laid out in the government’s Development Plan for 1993–2000 and in a White Paper on education reform which was published in 1995 (Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture, 1995). EduTech was a bold initiative that sought, through the use of computer technology, to effect a knowledge revolution in the Barbados educational system. As Brathwaite (2003) inform us, the Ministry of Education expected: . . . the use of technology to improve motivation, educational management, curriculum implementation and skill acquisition. Anticipated outcomes and benefits include[d] a shift in teaching methodology throughout the education

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system from didactic to child-centered; greater capacity for diagnosis and remediation of student difficulties by teachers; more creativity in and cooperation among students through project-based learning outcomes. Brathwaite, 2003, pp. 88–93

The aim of EduTech represented a perceptual shift in the management of the educational process in Barbados. Clearly it was aimed not only at improving the pedagogical aspects of schooling, but also at preparing an entire society for entry into the age of multi-media. The major monetary investment projected for EduTech also suggested that the planners wished to place the island nation at the cusp of a competitive race. A brief analysis of the implementation of the Plan reveals varying degrees of success. There can be little doubt that the massive capital works projects that accompanied the Plan led to significant upgrades in the capacities of the various schools to deliver quality education. Moreover, the production of a computer literate,highly trained workforce is one of the more visible aspects of implementation. Nevertheless, the aims for EduTech may have been too ambitious on a number of grounds. In the first place, the extent of manpower training that would be required at the school level was underestimated. Secondly, the cost to the government from its own funds might not have been fully calculated. However, whatever the initial costs and the problems associated with implementation, the sheer scope of EduTech and the philosophies associated with its conceptualization clearly identify it as a progressive plan. We can thus, at the current time, make the assertion that the educational system in Barbados has, since the 1960s, made a significant contribution to national development. It is to be expected that educational planners will continue to push a programme of democratization that will have massive socioeconomic and political dividends. Notwithstanding severe economic pressures, the small island nation of Barbados continues to be a trailblazer in regional educational circles. In highlighting the success of Barbados, we can, perhaps, do no better than to call attention to the Human Development Index (HDI) published by the United Nations (UN). This index represents a composite measure of three normative indicators of human development, namely education, health and income. It seems fair here to use the HDI to call attention to the impressive achievements on the educational front in Barbados, since one can posit a strong correlation between educational development and the other two indices. The statistics show that Barbados has an HDI ranking that places it well above regional and world averages (see Figure 4.3). Indeed, performance in these indices has conferred on the island the title ‘Number One Among Developing Countries’ (UN, 1998).

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Figure 4.3 Human development index: trends, selected years 1980–2010 Source: UNDP (2013)

Reflections The foregoing review has sought to illuminate significant moments in the development of an educational system in Barbados. In order to lend coherence to the investigation, an attempt was made to bring to bear on the analysis aspects of historical development against which changes in the educational sphere might be measured. While the time period covered is a long one, every effort was also expended to identify the operative themes that defined various historical phases. In this context, then, our survey of the development of an educational system in Barbados is located within themes of oppression, freedom and, later, themes of democratization, modernity and development. Using these themes as signposts enabled us to cover such issues as educational investment, educational borrowing, educational policy and economic competitiveness.

References Bacchus, M. K. (1993), ‘Consensus and conflict over the provision of elementary education’, in H. Beckles and V. Shepherd (eds), Caribbean Freedom: Economy and Society from Emancipation to the Present. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, pp. 296–312. Barbados Government (1965), Development Plan 1965–68. St Michael, Barbados: Barbados Government Printing Office.

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Barbados Government (1973), Development Plan 1973–77. St Michael, Barbados: Barbados Government Printing Office. Barbados Government (1983), Development Plan 1983–88. St Michael, Barbados: Barbados Government Printing Office. Barbados Government (1988), Development Plan 1988–93. St Michael, Barbados: Barbados Government Printing Office. Board of Education (1929), Minutes of the Board of Industrial Training. Bridgetown, Barbados: Barbados Government. Board of Education (1930), Report of the Board of Education. Bridgetown, Barbados: Barbados Government. Brathwaite, J. (2003), ‘The education sector enhancement project’, in F. Alleyne and J. Khan (eds), Managing and Evaluating Project. Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Publications, pp. 84–96. British History Online (2013), ‘The Vestry Hall, Vicarage and Church Schools’, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=68411 (accessed 12 July 2013). Campbell, C. C. (1997), Endless Education: Main Currents in the Education System of Modern Trinidad and Tobago, 1939–1986. Kingston, Jamaica: The University Press of the West Indies. Digby, A. and Searby, P. (1981), Children, School, and Society in Nineteenth-Century England. London: Macmillan. Gordon, S. C. (1968), Reports and Repercussions in West Indian Education, 1835–1933. London: Ginn & Co. Handler, J. (2009), The Unappropriated People: Freedmen in the Slave Society of Barbados. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press. Hitchcock, T., Shoemaker, R., Howard, S. and McLaughlin, J. (2012), London Lives 1690 to 1800: Minutes of Parish Vestries (MV), Version 1.1. Sheffield: London Lives, http://www.londonlives.org/static/MV.jsp (accessed 12 July 2013). Hoyos, F. A. (1972), Builders of Barbados. London: Macmillan. Mayers, J. (2011), ‘Access to secondary education for girls in Barbados, 1907–1943’, in V. Shepherd, (ed.), Engendering Caribbean History: Cross Cultural Perspectives. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, pp. 538–549. Ministry of Education (1969), Report for the Period 1st September 1968 to 31st August 1969. Bridgetown, Barbados: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education (1971), Report for the Period 1st September 1970 to 31st August 1971. Bridgetown, Barbados: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education (1982), Report for the Period 1st September 1978 to 31st August 1982. Bridgetown, Barbados: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education Youth Affairs and Culture (1995), White Paper on Education Reform: Preparing for the Twenty-First Century. Bridgetown, Barbados: Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture.

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Ministry of Education Youth Affairs and Culture (2000), Education in Barbados: Information Handbook. Bridgetown, Barbados: The Planning and Research Section, Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture. Schomburgk, R. H. (1848), The History of Barbados. London: Frank Cass. Tinker, H. (1974), A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830–1920. London: Oxford University Press. UN (United Nations) (1998), Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties: Barbados, HRI/CORE/1/Add.64/Rev/1/, 12 September 1996. Barbados: International Human Rights Instruments, United Nations. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2013), ‘Barbados: country profile: human development indicators’, http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/BRB. html (accessed 16 August 2013). Welch, P. L. V. (2003), Slave Society in the City: Bridgetown, Barbados, 1680–1834. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Wellington, R. L. F. (1975), Restructuring Higher Education in the Non Campus Territories of the British Caribbean as a Strategy for Development: Problems and Prospects, unpublished D.Ed. thesis, University of Southern California.

5

Barbados: Higher Education – Contributing to Development in the Caribbean Sandra L. Thomas

Introduction This chapter examines the development of the tertiary sector of the education system in Barbados. It looks at the role higher education plays in responding to local and regional developmental needs. It briefly traces major milestones in the expansion of tertiary education in the country and explores how these are linked to progress on the island and beyond. Finally, the chapter explores the contribution of the Cave Hill Campus of The University of the West Indies (UWI) to the development of Barbados and the region and some of the challenges this institution faces as it seeks to fulfil this role in the twenty-first century. Barbados, the most easterly of the islands in the Caribbean chain, is about 166 square miles in size (431 square kilometres) with a population of about 275,000. With a history of colonization by the British, Barbados gained independence in 1966, and has seen steady development as evidenced by the improvement in living standards of its citizens. Indeed, in 2010, Barbados was named among the ‘developed’ countries, based on the quality of life of Barbadians (UNDP, 2010). Such rapid growth in this small country can no doubt be linked to the high value placed on education in Barbados and its Caribbean neighbours. Such value is placed on education as a means of social development that, from nursery to tertiary levels, education is free to all Barbadian nationals and successive Barbadian governments have consistently allocated 18–20 per cent of the country’s annual budget to education (Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture, 2000). Of note is that over the years, approximately 30 per cent of the allotted funds went to support tertiary education (Smith, 2011). The current system of education in Barbados is patterned after a British model, a legacy of the almost 340 years (1627–1966) of British colonial rule 86

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(Thompson et al., 2011). Under this system, the compulsory school age is 5 to 16 years, 5 to 11 years in primary school and 11 to 16 years in secondary school. Students write an examination that facilitates the movement from the primary phase to the secondary. Barbados enjoys universal access to education at both primary and secondary levels and since the late 1980s increasing attention has been paid to nursery education for children in the 3 to 5 age group, with an ultimate goal of universal access to nursery education by 2025 (Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture, 1995; Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs, 2005). Educational provisions are also made for children with special educational needs (SEN) in special schools and units within some mainstream primary schools. All these provisions are a testament to the commitment of successive governments to the value of education as a means of improving the social and economic circumstances of individual Barbadians and, by extension, the country. For the past two to three decades, increasing attention has been paid to the post-secondary educational provisions in Barbados. Every year, hundreds of students leave the secondary school environment and must make decisions about their future. A very important option for them is the opportunity to go on to acquire additional education. It is by these means that young citizens can better prepare themselves to make a valuable contribution to their families, their communities and to the development of the country. The major purposes of tertiary education in Barbados have been identified as to: (i) Prepare its citizens, through education and training, to reach their full potential, so that they may make a worthwhile contribution to the economic, social and cultural development of the nation and the region; (ii) Provide education and training across the whole spectrum of postsecondary education from skills training, apprenticeship training and trades training to undergraduate and post-graduate university education to meet development needs. Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture, 1995, p. 27

The notion that access to education beyond the secondary level is vital to personal and national development has been explored and validated (Bloom et al., 2006; Tewarie, 2007). Indeed, the contribution of tertiary education to the advancement of Barbados was acknowledged by the current principal and provice chancellor of the Cave Hill (Barbados) Campus of UWI, who in a report on higher education in the country noted that tertiary education has long been viewed as ‘the nucleus and seedbed of development and sustainability in the

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nation-building project’ (Beckles, 2012, p. 1). It is therefore worthwhile to explore how this level of education has contributed and continues to contribute to development of Barbados and its neighbours in the Eastern Caribbean. The next section of this chapter will briefly examine some major milestones in the provision of tertiary education in Barbados. It will explore how the advent of these provisions contributed to social and economic development not only across the Barbados landscape but in other territories in the Caribbean. To this end, the historical development of some of the major tertiary institutions that emerged in Barbados will be discussed. However, before doing so, some attention needs to be paid to some definitions. Throughout this chapter, the terms ‘postsecondary education’, ‘higher education’ and ‘tertiary education’ are used. Various definitions have been proffered for these terms. For example, UNESCO (1998, para. 1) declared that higher education refers to ‘all types of studies, training or training for research at the post-secondary level, provided by universities or other educational establishments that are approved as institutions of higher education by the competent State authorities’. Tewarie (2009a, p. 1), in a concept paper prepared for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Common Market, defined tertiary education as ‘the teaching and learning process that occurs following the completion of secondary education and provides academic credits and competencies that lead to certificates, diplomas and degrees from universities, university colleges, polytechnics, community colleges and similar institutions’. Furthermore, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 1999, 2012) provides an intricate explanation of the application of these terms internationally. While acknowledging that there may be nuances of difference in the meaning of these terms, in this chapter they will be used interchangeably to refer to all educational opportunities beyond secondary education.

Tertiary education and development in Barbados: some milestones The development of the tertiary education sector in Barbados was in response to various social and economic changes on the island both in the period of colonial rule (1627–1966) and in the years that followed after the country gained independence from Britain. In the early colonial period, Barbados was considered a jewel in the British crown, experiencing economic prosperity driven by a booming sugar industry. During this period the society was made up of two

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main groups: a white minority ruling class and the masses of black slaves. While the white minority received formal education via private tuition, the black slaves received no formal instruction. Prior to 1830, there were no tertiary institutions in Barbados; rich sugar planters and merchants paid for their sons to receive tertiary education at Oxford or Cambridge Universities in England to study mainly law or medicine. Also between 1813 and 1829 some from this class were awarded the annual university scholarship funded by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) to study law, medicine or theology in England (Layne, 1989). In 1830, the first tertiary institution, Codrington College, was opened and it was over 100 years before another tertiary institution (Erdiston College) was established. The 1960s and 1970s saw rapid expansion in tertiary education in Barbados, as within a short period of seven years, three of its current major tertiary institutions (The Cave Hill Campus of UWI, Barbados Community College and Samuel Jackman Prescod Polytechnic), were established. During this period, tertiary education was viewed as an essential element, not only for preparing the populace to assume positions of oversight, which would formerly have been filled by personnel from abroad, but also as a response to the rapid growth in the manufacturing, industrial and commercial sectors and the consequent need for workers, especially at the technician and mid-management levels. There follows a brief exploration of the institutions mentioned above and of the role that they played in the development of Barbadian society.

Codrington College In 1830, Codrington College was opened as a theological college for the education of young men aspiring to be members of the clergy. At emancipation, less than five years later, this was the only tertiary institution in the Englishspeaking Caribbean. Though initially catering only to the elite, in time, members of the emerging coloured middle class who were able to pay or were fortunate enough to win an island scholarship benefitted from a post-secondary education at this institution. Codrington College further expanded its programme to include secular studies in 1875 and teacher training in 1912. This made significant contributions to the social landscape locally and even regionally. By 1847, the total number of students to graduate from the College was 111; this was 60 per cent from the West Indies, while the others were from England, Ireland and New Brunswick, suggesting that this institution was recognized in places beyond the region (Layne, 1989). From 1875 to 1955, there was an

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expansion in Codrington College’s curriculum when it became affiliated with the University of Durham. With the addition of a classical faculty, students could pursue studies leading to a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree in theology, the classics and other subjects conferred by Durham University. This led to a marked increase in the number of students, which by then had started to decline. In 1912 the College introduced teacher training with the establishment of the Rawle Training Institute. First, there was provision for only male students, and then in 1915, a hostel for women and a model school were added. These institutions were under the control of the College authorities but received a government subsidy of £600 annually (Pope, 1963). The College’s involvement in teacher training ended in 1948 with the establishment of the Erdiston Teachers’ Training College. After UWI was established in 1955, students no longer read for classical degrees at Codrington, but did so at UWI Mona Campus in Jamaica. In 1971, Codrington College became affiliated with the UWI, offering the BA in theology (Codrington College, 1995). The provision of tertiary education through Codrington College was an early contributor to changes in the social landscape. For example, in the field of religion, Canon Ivor Jones, a theology graduate who received an island scholarship and attended the College (1936– 1940), explained: I felt that I wasn’t getting as much from these preachers as I would have liked to have heard. I felt that if I had a chance to get into that position I might be able to do more for the congregation . . . They always wanted priests in the country and in those days we had very few coloured Barbadian priests, probably no more than five, All [sic] the others were white. I felt that was one of the reasons we went into it too, because we felt that it was time Barbadians saw their own people in the pulpit. Codrington College, 1995, p. 10

By 1958, Codrington College had produced more than half of the clergy who worked in the West Indian province, including four bishops. Significant contributions were made, not only in the religious, but also the secular sphere. During the period of its affiliation with Durham University, some leaders in various areas of West Indian society were able to obtain degrees which they could not otherwise have acquired. Thus, as early as 1912, Codrington College could boast of having ‘given to the West Indies not only Bishops, Archdeacons, and the bulk of the Clergy, but Chief Justices, Barristers, Physicians, Merchants, Planters, and men of leading position in every colony of the Caribbean Seas’ (Codrington College, 1912, p.  11). Additionally, the College became a main

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source of recruitment for university graduates to staff the growing number of grammar schools in the region.

Erdiston College After emancipation in 1834, some limited efforts were made to educate the formerly enslaved people. This saw gradual expansions and increases in elementary schools and the emergence of secondary schools, mainly for the benefit of the children of the elite and the upper middle class. However, after years of social and economic oppression, workers at the lower socioeconomic levels rebelled and rioted in one West Indian territory after another. This led to inquiries into the conditions of the people. One of the areas addressed was the state of education. On this issue, the West India Royal Commission of July 1945 reported that teachers were inadequate in number, and in most colonies they were not well paid (Guinness, 1945). Also training for teachers was reported to be largely defective or non-existent. Similarly, in the same year, the director of education in Barbados, while reporting that there were schools in all parts of the island to cater to the educational needs of all children between the ages of 5–14 and provisions for increasing numbers to benefit from secondary education, lamented that almost without exception the teachers were in need of professional training and guidance (Hayden, 1945, p. 4). The absence of opportunities for professional development for teachers was evident in the instructional approaches that they employed: namely rote memorization of facts and processes, with little consideration to application. Consequently, the thinking skills needed to effect development were not adequately fostered by the teachers. Thus, teacher training was recognized as a necessary catalyst for promoting societal development. The establishment of Erdiston Teachers’ Training College in 1948 provided an avenue for those in the teaching profession to hone their craft. Not only did this provide another access to tertiary education for Barbadians, and later for people from other countries in the region (for example, in 1954, Erdiston accepted teachers from Grenada, St Lucia, St Vincent, Montserrat, Dominica and Tortola), but it also contributed to improved quality of instruction for children at the primary and secondary levels (Inniss, 1992; Miller, 1993). Thus, for over 60 years, Erdiston College as a tertiary level institution has made a valuable contribution to the development of the region. Indeed, in the 1960s and 1970s when universal secondary education was achieved in Barbados, the College was able to offer training for teachers who worked with the students

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in the then comprehensive schools so that they could deliver quality instruction to the students who were now able to access education at this level. With more citizens receiving secondary education, more of them could make a greater contribution to their society. For example, more young people could qualify for higher education. Today, Erdiston Teachers’ Training College continues to provide a needed service in the form of associate degrees and diplomas in education among other things. This institution, working in partnership with the UWI Cave Hill Campus, continues to make a valuable contribution to the development of the country by ensuring that there are trained professionals driving education forward.

Barbados Community College In 1968, the Barbados Community College (BCC) was established on the island as a response to changes in the country’s socioeconomic climate. This institution came into being at a time when Barbados was expanding its commercial activities and there was a need for citizens to be trained to drive this sector. The BCC was originally conceptualized as a place where education and training in commerce could be offered in a central location to consolidate what was then available in some secondary schools and at what was then the Evening Institute (Barbados Government, 1960). However, the institution evolved to include other programmes that met the needs of the developing society. For example, with the achievement of universal secondary education in Barbados, the College helped to satisfy the need for higher education opportunities for the increasing number of students graduating from secondary school with sufficient subject passes at the ordinary level of the General Certificate in Education (GCE), the qualification obtained by students at the end of the secondary education phase. The advent of the BCC ensured that more students leaving secondary school, especially those from the lower socioeconomic bracket who often could not access the sixth form in the then grammar-type schools, could advance to obtain post-secondary education. After completing secondary school from first form to fifth form, students who qualified could seek one of the limited places in one of the four grammar-type schools that provided two additional years of schooling for those who were planning to enter university. These two years were designated as lower sixth and upper sixth forms. Like the sixth-form schools, the BCC offered programmes that prepared students for university entry. But it also met the need for workers in commerce and technology by offering programmes in

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the commercial and technical fields, which were not available in the sixth forms of the grammar-type schools. Students graduating from the BCC’s programmes could go on to fill posts as technicians, mid-level managers and service personnel in industrial organizations. These organizations were at the time contributing to the advancement of Barbadian society through industries such as manufacturing and tourism. From its inception in the early 1970s, the value of the BCC to the development of fields such as engineering and land surveying can be noted by the fact that local professional bodies in these sectors gave their support and members from these organizations shared their expertise by working as parttime tutors at the College. Similarly in 1979 the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) gave financial assistance to support courses instructing students in mechanical and electrical engineering (Carter, 2007). Throughout the 1970s and into the twenty-first century, the BCC has responded to national development by expanding its programmes to address areas of need. For example, in the mid to late 1970s, programmes were introduced to combat the shortage of workers in the health care sector. Thus, post-secondary education was made available not only for nurses, but also workers in areas such as occupational therapy, medical clerical work and dietetics (Carter, 2007). Programmes in hospitality studies were also introduced to meet the needs of the growing tourism industry, with areas such as hotel catering and institutional management being offered to equip students with the skills needed to secure employment at middle management level in the hotel industry. It was also during this period that the BCC introduced a programme in fine arts to help students to develop their talents in this area that not only preserves the cultural heritage of the nation, but can also prove to be a source of income to the artists and by extension, the country. Indeed, up to 2007, the BCC was the only institution of its kind in the Eastern Caribbean offering a BA in fine art (UWI, 2007). Today, the BCC continues to contribute to the personal, national and regional development of Barbados by working in collaboration with various organizations, governments and other tertiary institutions. For example, students pursuing associate degrees in tourism and hospitality management at the College can, on satisfactory completion, be accepted into the second year of the UWI three-year bachelor’s degree programme in management studies, thus reducing the length of time taken to obtain a Bachelor of Science (BSc) degree in the area. In the regional arena, the BCC has been instrumental in facilitating development by providing training in critical areas such as the health sector: for example, offering a certified two-year training programme for public health inspectors in St Lucia;

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working with the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) to offer training in Grenada and St Vincent and the Grenadines; and partnering with the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to facilitate training for health care professionals throughout the Caribbean region (Carter, 2007; UWI, 2007). Indeed, as a tertiary education institution, the BCC continues to live up to its mission, which is: To meet the changing education, training and development needs of the societies that it serves, by providing a range of courses and programmes of study in a learning environment conducive to the intellectual, physical and social development of students and staff, so that they can make a meaningful contribution to their country, region and the wider community. Beckles, 2012, pp. 40–41

Presently expansion at the BCC continues to be tied to the developmental needs of the country.

The Samuel Jackman Prescod Polytechnic Established in 1969, the Samuel Jackman Prescod Polytechnic (SJPP) was officially opened in 1970 as a post-secondary education institution that focused on technical and vocational training. Over the years, through a number of mergers, amalgamations and expansions, the Polytechnic has grown to become the premier institution that provides technical education and vocational training in response to the development needs of the country. For example, in 1972 the Barbados Technical Institute was merged with the Polytechnic. In 1975 the Division of Agriculture was added. In May 1982, with its relocation to a new facility, the Division of Human Ecology (offering full-time courses in home economics, clothing craft, cosmetology, industrial sewing and garment making) was added. By the mid 1990s the autotronics laboratory was opened to facilitate training in motor mechanics technology (Beckles, 2012). In 1995, as the country prepared for the twenty-first century, areas such as tourism, agriculture and information technology were targeted. To meet the employment needs resulting from expansion in these sectors, new courses were subsequently added to the curriculum at the Polytechnic. These included tourism craft, small engine repair, animal husbandry and maintenance of office equipment (Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture, 1995). In 2003, the Open and Flexible Learning Centre was created within the SJPP. Through this online arrangement, students can pursue subjects such as business law, small business

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management, and child care and nursery management. This has enabled access to more students for all areas of need in the country. By 2012, the SJPP was operating at its full capacity, with over 3,000 students. This accounted for approximately 30 per cent of the total enrolments in tertiary level institutions in Barbados. Along with the local students, annually, an average 25 students mainly from the Organisation of the Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) enrol at the SJPP to fill areas of need in their countries (Beckles, 2012). In harmony with current needs, many of the programmes offered by the SJPP are designed to promote self-employment. Furthermore, perhaps in order to meet the request from employers for graduates to have more practical experience during training, the SJPP has developed close working partnerships with the business and industrial sectors, resulting in students benefitting from four- to six-week job attachments prior to graduation. This arrangement has contributed to some students gaining permanent employment on completion of their programme. In addition, employers are also known to make direct contact with the institution as they seek skilled workers to fill posts in technical areas. As it strives to achieve its mission of being ‘the regional leader in the preparation of a highly trained workforce by providing qualified persons with quality competency-based technical and vocational training that responds to the future employment and lifelong needs of its students’ (Beckles, 2012, p. 52), the SJPP continues to evolve to meet the developmental needs not only on Barbados, but also of the region. In this section, four of the major institutions that provide tertiary education opportunities for Barbadians were discussed, with attention paid to the contribution that they have made to the development of Barbados and its neighbours in the region. But without a doubt, the premier tertiary education institution in Barbados is the Cave Hill Campus of the UWI. In the next section, its contribution to development in the region and issues related to this institution will be explored.

The UWI Cave Hill Campus In the 1940s, the Commission on Higher Education in the Colonies (1945) strongly recommended that a university be established in the West Indian colonies. At that time, it was argued that the colonies were in need of responsible and well-informed leaders and many educated young people were frustrated because they could not pursue further studies. Furthermore it was suggested that

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it would be more challenging for the West Indies to pursue political independence of self-government while continuing to be totally dependent on others for higher education. It was proposed that a university would also serve as a centre, not only for teaching, but for training, research, discussion and publication, especially in areas relevant to the region. Additionally it was felt that due to financial constraints, while the tendency was to educate sons, having a university in the region would be less costly and thus make it possible for more women to acquire higher education. Subsequently, in 1948, the first campus of the university was established at Mona in Jamaica as a University College of the University of London, and later in 1960, this university college joined with the then Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture to become the St Augustine Campus in Trinidad and Tobago. In 1962 this organization obtained the status of an independent institution, the UWI, with the power to grant degrees of its own. The following year, the College of Arts and Sciences was established in Barbados. Having moved to its permanent location at Cave Hill in 1967, the College became the Cave Hill Campus of the UWI in 1970 when the Faculty of Law was added (UWI, 2012a). In the 50 years of its existence (1963–2013), the Cave Hill Campus has grown consistently. For example, in 1963 the Campus awarded general undergraduate degrees in the humanities and natural sciences, but by the late 1980s it was awarding undergraduate and postgraduate degrees, diplomas and certificates in six faculties: arts and general studies, education, law, medical sciences, natural sciences and social sciences. Currently, the UWI Cave Hill Campus primarily serves Barbados and countries of the Eastern Caribbean. Like the other tertiary education institutions that serve Barbados and the other countries in the region, the UWI Cave Hill Campus has made and continues to make a valuable contribution to the development of these countries.

UWI Cave Hill Campus: facilitating development in Barbados and the wider region Without a doubt, the UWI Cave Hill Campus has made a striking contribution to the development of Barbadian society. In this section, the two overarching areas in which the university has contributed will be examined; this includes the response to specific need through diversification of its programmes and through expansion of facilities to accommodate a larger student body. As was noted earlier, in its early days in Barbados, the UWI at Cave Hill started in the 1960s with only programmes in the humanities and sciences. By

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the 1980s students from Barbados and the wider Caribbean could pursue studies in areas such as law, medical sciences, politics, economics and education. Indeed, in an effort to offer programmes which were relevant and could contribute to further development in the region, in the 1970s and 1980s, degrees and diplomas in vital fields such as accounting, management studies and social work were added (Carter, 2007). Later, in 1991, in response to the needs of the business community in Barbados and the countries of the OECS, the Centre for Management Development was established. The Centre provided relevant management skills, leadership tools and knowledge for individuals in managerial positions in businesses in the region to prepare them for the changing landscape in which they had to operate. In 2006, the Centre was re-branded as the Cave Hill School of Business (CHSB), a modern, autonomous organization, with a stated vision of promoting development of intellectual and human capital in the region (CHSB, 2013). The improvement of the skills of those working in the business sector contributes to the competitiveness of Barbadian and Caribbean businesses in the current global arena, and by extension, to the development of the region. The Cave Hill Campus of the UWI has facilitated development by introducing other programmes that touch on crucial areas in the region. For example, through the Centre for Resource Management and Environmental Studies (CERMES), established in 1986, there is growing awareness of environmental issues that can have an impact on the region and, through education, research, projects and professionals, solutions for sustainable development are being explored (CERMES, 2012). In addition, the Shridath Ramphal Centre for International Trade Law, Policy and Services (SRC) also contributes to the sustainable development of the region (SRC, 2009). This centre provides graduate training and research in areas of trade, industrial and development policy matters, with a view to preparing ‘young professionals and [building] the capacity of key stakeholders to effectively interact and negotiate with global, regional and national institutions and agencies’ (SRC, 2009, para. 2). Apart from expanding and modernizing its programme offerings to serve the developmental needs of Barbados and the rest of the region that it serves, the UWI Cave Hill Campus also made great strides in relation to its student body. For example, the student population has grown from 118 in 1963 (Layne 1989) to almost 9,000 in 2012 (UWI, 2012c). In harmony with the view that national development is stimulated by greater access to higher education, and in keeping with the Barbados target of one graduate per household (Tewarie, 2009b), provisions were made to facilitate wider access to not only Barbadian students,

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but also students from regional and international communities, both at the undergraduate and graduate levels. Thus, living up to its mission of supporting the social, economic, political, cultural and environmental development of Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean, records indicate that in the 2010–2011 academic year, of the 7,582 undergraduates enrolled, 83.4 per cent were from Barbados and 7.5 per cent were from the OECS countries. For the same period, of the 1,092 graduate students enrolled, 61.3 per cent were from Barbados and 14 per cent were from OECS countries (UWI, 2011). In order to ensure that the increasing number of students and diversification of programmes are adequately accommodated, major expansion to the physical infrastructure of the Cave Hill Campus was and continues to be undertaken. The new structures not only provide additional facilities for teaching and learning, but attention is also being paid to other areas for which much potential is noted in Barbados and the rest of the region. For example, in 2006 the Errol Barrow Centre for Creative Imagination, a facility that includes an art gallery, dance studio, cinema and theatre, was built to facilitate programmes in fine and performing arts, providing education and training for those who are talented in those areas. Then, in 2008, facilities to accommodate expansion in the area of medical studies and to support the new Faculty of Medical Sciences were opened. Furthermore, within the last five years, a new teaching complex has been constructed for the School for Graduate Studies on additional lands granted to the Campus by the government. Additional accommodation for graduate students was also erected on this property. This is in support of the thrust that the Campus is now placing on its graduate programmes with a view to turning out cutting edge research in areas of relevance to the region; areas that will facilitate further development. It is also worth noting that, in keeping with current trends and best practices, the Campus is ensuring that modern technology is available. For example, classrooms are equipped with high quality instructional technology; students benefit from the availability of online resources; wireless connectivity to the internet is accessible across the Campus; and lecturers receive training in the best ways to maximize the benefits of such technology for teaching and learning. Indeed, graduates of the Cave Hill Campus have the opportunity to take with them as they leave the institution many technology-related skills that can serve them well in their professional and dayto-day lives. Of note is the work that the university is doing in the area of sports. In today’s environment, sporting activities are becoming more than just playing around in the region. With the stellar performances of young athletes from across the

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region, greater attention is being paid to providing opportunities for those with such talents and aspirations to reach their full potential. To this end, the Cave Hill Campus has upgraded much of its sporting facilities, in some cases by forging partnerships with other organizations. Thus, for example, the UWI Cave Hill Campus is home to the Sagicor/West Indies Cricket High Performance Centre, a facility that runs a skills and personal development programme for regional young cricketers with great potential. These young cricketers hone their skills at the Campus on a state-of-the-art cricket field on which international games are played, and in indoor practice facilities. The Campus is home to one of the premier football fields in the country and there are also facilities for field hockey, basketball, lawn tennis, and track and field activities. Indeed, currently under construction in the grounds is a modern sporting complex expected to house an indoor gymnasium, tennis courts and Olympic-size pool (Office of Student Corporate and Alumni Relations, 2012). The goal is to cater to the developmental needs of students wishing to pursue careers in sports. Having highly skilled sportspersons visible in the international sporting arena draws attention to the countries of the region and, by extension, contributes to their development. The Cave Hill Campus of the UWI is playing an invaluable role in this respect. In this section, some of the initiatives undertaken by the UWI Cave Hill Campus over the past 50 years of its existence that have contributed to the development of Barbados and the wider Caribbean were examined. It is evident that the institution has made and continues to make a significant contribution to local and regional development by providing higher education and professional training to its citizens, many of whom now hold leadership positions in regional and international organizations. For example, the Campus counts among its alumni, past and present, ministers of governments and representatives to international organizations such as the United Nations (UN). Indeed, the Beckles Commission indicates that a recent UWI survey revealed that over 70 per cent of Cave Hill graduates found employment within a year of graduation, mainly in the private sector (Beckles, 2012, p.  14). This ability to find employment as graduates of the institution speaks of the quality of the programmes. Thus, not only are these graduates able to develop themselves personally, but by extension they contribute to the development of their respective countries. No doubt, as it made its sterling contribution to national and regional developments, the UWI Cave Hill Campus has had to face and overcome challenges. In the next section, some of the challenges and issues that can have an impact on the services provided by this institution will be discussed.

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Issues and challenges presently faced by the UWI Cave Hill Campus Like other institutions of higher learning, the UWI Cave Hill Campus has had to deal with issues and challenges related to phenomena such as globalization and the information revolution. In this section, four of these issues and challenges will be explored: maintaining relevance; addressing male under-representation; securing funding; and obtaining institutional accreditation.

Maintaining relevance in a globalized community Perhaps one of the biggest challenges that the Campus faces is that of maintaining its relevance in Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean. Advances in technology and other global developments now make it possible for citizens of these countries to have a wide range of choice when it comes to pursuing higher education. Extra-regional institutions are mounting aggressive campaigns to lure Caribbean people to their programmes, sometimes at a cost that is lower than what it might cost to pursue a similar programme at Cave Hill. In fact, Tewarie (2009b, p. 2) points to the growing presence of competing institutions of higher education, noting that ‘the global liberalization of education has led to an increase in privately owned tertiary level institutions and an influx of foreign providers in the Caribbean region’. In the face of such competition, the Campus must, perhaps through emphasis on indigenous research and context-relevant programmes, ensure that it is seen as the producer and repository of knowledge specific to the region. The people of the region and indeed the international community should see Cave Hill as the institution of choice to study and research Caribbean phenomena, and to learn about the unique characteristics of the region and its people. At the same time, the Campus must also make itself relevant through innovation and drawing on the creativity of the people of the region, exploring potential solutions to global problems and sharing these with the world, thus maintaining relevance at home and in the global arena.

Addressing male under-representation Another issue that the Campus faces is that of the under-representation of males in the student body. Indications are that for the past 14 academic years (1999/2000 to 2012/2013), the ratio of male to female students has been in the approximate region of 1 to 2 (UWI, 2012c). Thus it appears that fewer males than females are pursuing this level of higher education. This raises questions such as: What is the cause of this phenomenon? What is the impact on national development? What can the university do to attract more males to its programmes? Whether or not there is a

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problem of male under-representation should perhaps be an area of investigation and an action plan devised to raise the level of participation among this group.

Funding From the 1960s, a major source of funding for the Campus has been the government, no doubt in recognition of the fact that tertiary education is an important element in the social and economic development of the country. In addition, the Campus endeavoured to improve its financial standing through special initiatives and self-financing activities as well as by appealing to the generosity of private enterprises to finance specific activities such as building projects and new programmes. Thus much of the recent modernization of the Campus and additions to its programmes were made possible through local, regional and international donors. These programmes have put the university in a position to attract international students whose fees further contribute to the financial stability of the institution. The trend for sources of funding for Cave Hill is reflected in the figures for the financial year which ended on 31 July 2012 which show that of the BD$218 million income of the campus, 59 per cent came from government contributions, 22 per cent represented project income from sources including external donors and self-financing activities, 16 per cent came from tuition and other student fees and 3 per cent was from commercial activities, investment and other income (UWI, 2012c). Over the last 15 years this model of full funding for local students at Cave Hill has come under increasing attention by the government. In 1995, the political administration of the time noted the spiralling cost of financing university education and established the Advisory Committee on the Financing of University Education (Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Culture, 1995). Subsequent to this, the students’ amenities fee was introduced. These fees are utilized in providing additional student services and facilities. As the Campus celebrates its fiftieth anniversary, it is faced with the challenge of reassessing its sources of funding in order to find a more viable model as it moves forward. The fact is that the provision of higher education is costly and as the student body increases, the costs will also increase. In an effort to find a feasible solution, the government commissioned an investigation into this matter. Its mandate was ‘engaging public conversation on the realities of financing tertiary education and the need to identify alternative funding models which would continue to make tertiary education affordable and accessible to all citizens’ (Beckles, 2012, p.  3). Consequently, the Commission proposed the model of funding below. This model suggests that the total annual cost of Cave

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Hill’s operations should be distributed as follows: ‘85% contribution by Government inclusive of a Higher Education Levy; 10% contribution by private sector; and 5% contribution by consumer’ (Beckles, 2012, p. 137). This model is currently under consideration. Whatever the accepted solution, it is evident that students attending the university may at some time be faced with increases in the nominal fee for amenities. If the university is to continue to contribute to the development of the region, this may be the price to be paid.

Accreditation In an effort to make itself more appealing to the international community, Cave Hill embarked on the journey towards acquiring institutional accreditation. Though this is a policy that affects all the campuses of the UWI, each campus is responsible for seeking accreditation from its local agency since there is no one accreditation agency for the region. Accreditation is a sign to the international community of the quality of the institution and as a result can encourage other institutions to forge partnerships such as student exchange programmes. Thus, having accreditation permits the institution to become a more viable competitor in the global market of higher education. An increase in the presence of international students would bolster the income of the Campus. This in turn would ensure that this establishment of higher learning can continue to make a significant contribution to the development of the region. The Campus has successfully faced the challenge to bring its programmes and other resources in line with the standards established by the Barbados Accreditation Council (UWI, 2012b). As a result it has been granted institutional accreditation for six years from 18 June 2013 to 17 June 2019. Many gains are anticipated from this upgrade. In this section, some of the issues and challenges faced by the Cave Hill Campus of the UWI were examined. As the premier institution of higher learning in Barbados, and a major contributor to national and regional development, this institution cannot but seek to find sustainable solutions to these and other difficulties that may present themselves. The benefits to the region are invaluable.

Conclusion This chapter examined the development of the tertiary sector of the education system in Barbados. It traced major milestones in the history of tertiary education in the country, with special attention paid to the Cave Hill Campus of the UWI.

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The chapter sought to illustrate how each of the tertiary education institutions discussed has contributed to the development of Barbados and its neighbours in the Eastern Caribbean. It presented the notion that each of the institutions responded to the changing needs of the community in order to facilitate progress. Finally, the chapter explored how the Cave Hill Campus of the UWI is contributing to the development of Barbados and the region. It highlighted some of the issues and challenges that are currently being debated or discussed in relation to the future of the Campus. It is hoped that the chapter raises awareness of the phenomena that affect small states as they strive to provide opportunities for their citizenry to make strides in the global community.

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Tewarie, B. (2009b), The Regional University Model – Does it Still Stand? A Perspective from the University of the West Indies, IIEP Policy Forum, 2–3 July, IIEP/SEM 293/6, http://www.iiep.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Policy_Forums/2009/Tewarie_ TrinidadTobago.pdf (accessed 5 June 2013). Thompson, B. P., Warrican, S. J. and Leacock, C. J. (2011), ‘Education for the future: shaking off the shackles of colonial times’, in D. Dunkley (ed.), Readings in Caribbean History and Culture: Breaking Ground. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, pp. 62–86. UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) (1998), ‘World conference on higher education for the twenty-first century: vision and action’, http://www.unesco.org/education/educprog/wche/declaration_eng.htm (accessed 5 June 2013). UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2010), The Real Wealth of Nations: Pathways to Human Development. New York: Human Development Report Office, UNDP. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2007), Caribbean Tertiary Education Development (1996–2006). Bridgetown, Barbados: Tertiary Level Unit, UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2011), Statistics 2010–2011. Cave Hill Campus, Barbados: UWI, http://www.cavehill.uwi.edu/resources/documents/reports/cavehill_ statistics_2010_2011.pdf (accessed 5 June 2013). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2012a), ‘About the UWI: an institution with a rich history’, http://www.uwi.edu/history.asp (accessed 5 June 2013). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2012b), Institutional Accreditation Self-Study 2012. Path to Prosperity: Cave Hill Campus in Barbados, the OECS, and Beyond. Cave Hill Campus, Barbados: UWI, http://www.cavehill.uwi.edu/accreditation/reports.aspx (accessed 5 June 2013). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2012c), The University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus: Annual Report to Council 2011–2012. Cave Hill Campus, Barbados: UWI, http://www.cavehill.uwi.edu/resources/documents/reports/cavehillreport-2011-2012.pdf (accessed 5 June 2013).

6

Belize: Seeking Quality Education for National Development Emel Thomas

Introduction Belize is a country located on the Central American Caribbean Coast. Hence, it is bordered to the east by the Caribbean Sea, to the north by Mexico and to the south and west by Guatemala. Belize, formerly known as British Honduras, was the subject of territorial disputes between the UK and Guatemala. The country gained independence from the UK in 1981 and is now a Member State of the Commonwealth of Nations. According to the 2010 population census there are 312,698 persons in the country (Statistical Institute of Belize, 2010). As a small state, Belize is particularly vulnerable to global pressures, contextual demands and historical influences (Crossley et  al., 2011). It is these aspects that form the backdrop for describing the contemporary structure of education in Belize. This chapter seeks to provide an account of primary education, highlight the challenges impacting secondary education, and explore the expansion of tertiary-level experiences. Drawing on all these elements the chapter hopes to contribute to the discussion on quality educational developments in small states such as Belize.

Context and historical background Belize can be classified as a small state due to its size (population and economic capacity) and geography. The country is divided up into six districts, namely Belize, Cayo, Corozal, Orange Walk, Stann Creek and Taledo. Towns are densely populated while most people in the rural areas live in small villages near the sea coast, in close proximity to rivers and by road networks (IFAD, 2008; Lundgren, 106

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1992). According to the World Bank (2013b), size and geography are the two aspects that can significantly influence a country’s level of development because they expose economic markets to a spectrum of challenges. Therefore, it is not surprising that the education system in Belize is the subject of many global development priorities and interventions over the past few decades (Government of Belize, 2005; Little, 1996; UNESCO, 2007). For example, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set eight commendable targets, three of which are for universal primary education, the promotion of gender equality and a reduction in child mortality, that according to the Government of Belize (2005) the country is well poised to meet. However, the process of achieving such ambitions is not without local and cultural implementation challenges that are largely centred on the contextual demands for quality, above and beyond international statistical achievement: In this rapidly changing international climate the limitations of global prescriptions, northern models and discourse employing broad terms such as ‘developing countries’ become increasingly apparent. The importance of taking cultural differences more fully into account is also gradually being recognized, if educational development in any context is to be relevant, worthwhile and sustainable. In short, context is increasingly seen to matter in a world where tensions between globalization and cultural difference underpin all development initiatives and all studies of education and national development. Crossley, 2001, p. 218

In the 1600s the economy of Belize contributed to the world’s markets through the trading of logwood (a natural source of dye). Even after the emancipation of African slaves in 1838, the economy of Belize was able to benefit from a flourishing mahogany market. Following independence from the UK in 1981, Belize’s economy was based on the export of sugar, bananas, citrus and fish. Much of the agricultural activity at this time was owned and controlled by foreign organizations. Consequently in more recent times the heavily privatized economy is based on petroleum, crude oil, tourism, construction, agriculture, fishery and forestry. According to the Government of Belize (2013a), agriculture contributes approximately 71 per cent of foreign exchange earnings and accounts for 29 per cent of the labour force, while the fishing industry has great potential for development. Belize is often categorized as a developing country because of poverty in urban and rural areas and as a result of being in a lower middle gross national income (GNI) group (Government of Belize, 2005; World Bank, 2013a).

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According to Crossley and Watson (2003, p.  8), ‘. . . distinctions between the “first” and “third” worlds, and between “developed” and “developing” countries, are clearly increasingly problematic in the post-colonial era’. The need to focus on the local context is therefore crucial when tackling issues such as extreme poverty and education provision. Belize has made efforts in recent years to tackle poverty in rural areas, for example through community-initiated projects promoting increased production levels, employment and income for the poor (IFAD, 2008). Although Belize’s economy, like many previously colonized countries, experienced stagnation throughout the 1900s, due to fluctuating world markets and the undevelopment of local resources, it is the cultural diversity and colonial history that characterizes much of the contemporary education system. The cultural diversity of Belize is sizeable and complex. Many of the inhabitants are descendants of immigrants or immigrants themselves, hence the complicated multi-racial composition of the country. Ethnicities include: Maya, believed to be the indigenous peoples; Creoles, descendants of African slaves and British settlers; Mestizos, Spanish-speaking descendants from the Casta system; Carib, descendants of the Carib Indians and Africans; Mennonites, of German origin; Lebanese; Syrian; East Indian; Chinese; and White. A large percentage of the population is mixed Maya, European and Mestizos. Located in the Central America region, with Hispanic neighbours, Belize has been historically considered a West Indian nation. It is also a Caribbean Community (CARICOM) member state. However, as a result of its geographical location and assorted colonial history a dual process of culturalization is discernible. The USA and the UK are dominant cultural influences. The former exerts much influence as a result of recent tourism to the country and the contemporary growth of American institutions, while the latter produced an extensive colonial legacy and linguistic power. English is the official language of Belize with eight other recognized regional languages. Most people speak English and Spanish, however, English is the language of instruction in schools (Windsor, 2007). As a result of new waves of migration from Central American refugees and the historical impact of imperialism there have been rising anxieties and fears in regard to the ethnic balance within Belizean society (Ramos, 2011): The nature of the country’s economy certainly has a lot to do with the continued immigration from Central America even after it had ceased to be a war zone, as agro-industrialists demanded and received government support to import or employ immigrant labour, and it is in this area where

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the greatest antagonism between Belizeans and immigrants has most openly manifested itself. Shoman, 2010, p. 29

Another aspect for consideration is the deep rooted religious affiliations that exist in Belize. The vast majority of Belizeans are Roman Catholics, this being attributed to the development of the Church by American Jesuits. Other established religious denominations include: Anglican, Pentecostal, Methodist, Mennonite and Seventh Day Adventist. Churches and religious groups are significant organizations within Belize society and legally are key partners in the provision of education. Hence, Belize is a melting pot of ethnicities within the Caribbean region. Colonialism has an extensive legacy that can be identified in a variety of educational settings and systems. Thomas (2013, p. 19) states that ‘colonialism still is, and has always signified, the oppression of one state over another and one “ideal people” over another’. Although it could be argued that the formal overt function of colonization does not exist in Belize, the education system can be perceived as still reinforcing unequal relations whereby the European model of education and systems of quality are believed to be superior (Lundgren, 1992). This perception according to Behdad (1993, p. 41) was propagated by ‘. . . a whole series of localizing strategies that enabled Europeans to exercise power over the indigenous populations of those regions where they travelled and conquered’. In contrast, there exists another view of the colonial impact: ‘. . . the romantic notions of the revolutionary spirit of the early European (primarily English) settlers who steadfastly abhorred English taxes and rule without the benefit of representation’ (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p.  247). Irrespective of the goals for freedom many indigenous populations are known to have been deeply affected. For example, the Maya civilization is believed to have been established in the pre-classic period (2000 bc to ad 250) and dominated much of the Central American region. Accordingly, Belize was considered to be part of Mayan society. This indigenous group, although highly educated (for example, there is some evidence of Maya books made from tree bark), declined rapidly around the tenth century. The Mayan population declined further with the arrival of the European colonizer in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as a result of epidemics and oppressive acts. The Spanish were the first to settle in Honduras, as Belize was then known, in the race for the New World in the late 1630s (Thomson, 2004). British ‘Baymen’ (former pirates) are also known to have settled near the mouth of the Belize River after being shipwrecked from Jamaica. These ‘Baymen’ were

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regularly attacked, often by the Spanish. However, it was not until the late seventeenth century when these groups of settlers were supported by the indigenous people, African slaves and the British Army that the British took control from the Spanish. On 10 September 1798 the British won the Battle of St George’s Caye and the date is now a national public holiday in Belize. British control over Honduras increased in the early 1800s when the country was used to obtain wealth as quickly as possible from its resources. In 1862 the country became a British colony and so named British Honduras. Today much of Belize’s political and administrative system imitates that of the British system as a result of the movement of peoples in the last three centuries. Similarly the education structure, language of instruction, curriculum and networks are an imitation of the ones established during the colonial era, also being influenced by a host of religious denominations. Missionaries from England and the USA accompanied many settlers to Belize, hence over the years the government set up partnerships with various Church bodies that supported the use of educational texts. Traditionally these educational materials bore no reflection of the local context or community and were grounded in the cultural setting of the colonizer. This challenge is still, to an extent, being tackled today with quality development drives in Belize that seek to make education provision context-driven, capacityfocused and quality-efficient (Jennings, 1988).

Education: primary, secondary and tertiary level The vast majority of educational organizations in Belize are affiliated to a Church and it is common for schools to promote a particular faith. The government develops the curriculum, pays and trains teachers, contributes to long-term expenditure and is involved with some school maintenance costs. Daily management and workforce issues are the responsibility of the affiliated Church. Hence there exists a financial partnership between the Government of Belize and Churches that operate schools. This partnership has long been affirmed and is a part of legislation in the Education Ordinance of 1962. The exception to this is within pre-primary education provision where the majority of organizations are funded either by the community or privately. Pre-school education within Belize is championed by The National Committee for Families and Children (NCFC, 2013). UNICEF also supports a range of holistic child development programmes in Belize to develop curriculum and support children aged 0–6 years as well as to boost learning child care centres (UNICEF, 2010).

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For the period 2006 to 2007, the Ministry of Education in Belize was allocated BZ$126,510,412 or 21.2 per cent of government recurrent expenditure for education (Government of Belize, 2006). Of this, 57.7 per cent was allocated to primary education, 27.3 per cent to secondary education and the remainder to post-secondary and vocational institutions as well as pre-school and special education sectors. From the allocation for special educational needs (SEN) it is clear that further promotion of inclusion is necessary (Amadio, 2009). In particular the Special Education Unit of the government seeks to provide appropriate support for SEN children, however there is only one central school for physically disabled pupils and small district centres that provide a service for parents of children with SEN. Services that identify and cater for children with an array of SEN are much needed as well as trained professionals who work in this area. There are only a few private schools in Belize. During the academic year 2004–2005 there were 84 pre-schools, 34 primary schools, nine secondary schools, two post-secondary providers and six tertiary institutions that all operated privately across the country (World Bank, 2006). The performance of these private institutions is somewhat unclear as the requirements for reporting are lower than those for government schools. In both private and public schools there is a longstanding tradition of teaching in a direct teacher-led traditional style. This style of pedagogic delivery can stifle creativity and the critical engagement of children. Critical engagement and enhanced teaching and learning strategies are crucial for Belize, particularly as it strives to develop and ensure quality within its systems and policies for education reform.

The contemporary structure of education Education in Belize is free and compulsory up to the age of 14. This requirement is asserted within the legislation of The Education Act 1999. The Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports is the principal system by which educational policies and goals are established for the country. The Ministry also provides a variety of services that seek to support education at all levels. The curriculum and training of teachers is also under the authority of the Ministry. There is a chief education officer for central services as well as one for district management. Together they work in a partnership with various Churches to ensure operation and supervision at a regional level. There are seven core service divisions within the Ministry of Education. These include: education support services; teacher education and development services; tertiary, post-secondary

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and adult and continuing education services; school resourcing services; employment training and education services (ETES); quality assurance and development services; and district education centres (there are six centres, one for each district). Typically pre-school is for children age 3 and 4. At the age of 5 a child will start primary education. For a total of eight years a child will attend primary school and this is split into two stages: Infant I and II, and Standards I–VI. Primary education is then followed by four years of secondary education. According to the World Bank (2006) in 2004 the transition rate between the primary and secondary education was 87.7 per cent. After secondary education there are some post-secondary education institutions offering a variety of (usually two-year) courses for entrance into university or professional work. Higher education is then provided by a few institutions, the largest of which is the University of Belize (UB).

Primary education There are some 282 primary schools in Belize, the largest number (64) in the Cayo District (Government of Belize, 2013b). According to the Government of Belize (2005), 90.3 per cent of children were enrolled in primary schools in 2003. The school curriculum is focused on four dominant areas: languages (English and Spanish); mathematics, science, work and technology; social studies and personal development; and expressive arts and physical education (World Bank, 2006). Prior to progressing into secondary level education all pupils sit the Primary School Examination (PSE). In recent years the PSE has sought to replace the highly criticized Belize National Selection Examination (BNSE). The BNSE was much like the 11-plus allocation system that now only exists in a few counties of England. However, the new PSE is a paper-based examination that seeks to cover much of the national primary school curriculum. Unfortunately, much like its predecessor, the PSE has characteristics of a selective process as it results in competition for entry into secondary level (or high) schools. This selective practice was criticized in the late 1980s when the failure rate was significantly high and according to Jennings (1988, p.  116), resulted in ‘. . . almost half the primary-school population being unable to attain the secondary level’. As a result, some initiatives were put in place to ensure improvements that would reduce the dropout rate between the transition stage of primary and secondary education. For example, projects have included: REAP – a change process programme tailored for rural children so that the curriculum provides

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opportunities to connect to the agricultural industry; and the Belize Primary Education Development Project (BPEDP) – an initiative for training teachers, pupil assessment, and strengthening the planning and management of schools (Bennett, 1999; Jennings, 1988). The aim of many such projects and initiatives was to enhance learning and teaching so that it was relevant to the lives of pupils in Belize and not solely based on a curriculum borrowed from the USA or the UK. Projects also sought to improve educational resources for educational development. Commendable though such initiatives are, challenges such as many schemes being implemented at once, a rapid turnover in staff and delays in the production of support materials limited progress towards quality development in the primary education sector (Crossley, 2001). Overcrowding, dilapidated school buildings and difficult denominational management have also been cited as some of the issues in meeting the aims of the BPEDP (Bennett, 1999). These challenges are particularly pertinent to debates on projects for quality improvements in small developing countries, as they could be argued to be contributing to a new formation of postcolonial control by multiple assistance agencies (Tikly, 1999), especially when examinations such as the PSE seem to have only slightly altered competitive performance desires for secondary school places. The primary curriculum is still largely centralized and this is a factor to consider given that Belize is a country of great geographical and cultural diversity. Yet, in more recent times, there has been concern about the number of boys repeating school years in primary education. Strategic targets for the next three years highlight this as a challenge and consequently it is likely to be a focus of research by academics, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and policy-makers interested in gender and education (Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, 2012).

The challenges at secondary level There are 53 secondary schools identified as high schools at secondary level by the Ministry of Education (Government of Belize, 2013b). Most are in the Cayo District (12 high schools) and Belize District (18 high schools). The first two years of secondary education prepare students in a variety of subject areas such as English, mathematics, science and social studies. The other two years enable students to undertake a programme of study for the GCSE examination (much like the system in the UK) or they can obtain the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC) certificate. Most secondary schools issue a diploma

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for completing secondary education although this is independent from the examinations administered. Beyond the four years students can complete further studies in post-secondary schools or junior colleges to complete A levels or an equivalent which will then allow entry into higher education institutions. According to the Education Sector Strategy 2011–2016 (Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, 2012), enrolment in secondary education is highest in the Belize District (82 per cent), while the Orange Walk District has the lowest (50 per cent). This difference highlights the urban and rural challenges that can affect secondary pupils in the country. Transportation for students in rural areas to attend secondary education is an issue. The number of primary schools far outweighs the number of secondary schools. As a consequence, secondary schools for rural pupils are not always situated at the heart of the rural community but rather are closer to urban routes. The rural areas of Orange Walk and Toledo are the most challenging for secondary educational site provision. Although the transitions from primary to secondary schools have been improved, there are now emerging challenges with maintaining attendance throughout the secondary level. It is possible that having to repeat school years is a factor that motivates adolescents to drop out of education, usually in the first and second years of the secondary level. Likewise, the attractions beyond the school walls may be drawing young people away from achieving a focused, quality education, because they can offer experiences that seem more relevant to a future life. Secondary schools in Belize also experience challenges associated with resources to support learning. Hence, there is a reliance on many humanitarian groups to find remedial solutions for the lack of greater educational funding within this sector. Unfortunately, most international partners will approach such resourcing and funding with their own agendas for development, and the long-term sustainability of supporting secondary education is jeopardized. The secondary level of education is pivotal for young people who should then go on to either seek post-secondary education or enter the world of work. Therefore, pragmatic programmes that seek to enhance selfawareness and build life skills for the future are much needed if a return on investment from the primary level is ever to be realized. To achieve quality education at secondary level, raise enrolment and limit the dropout rate, policymakers should consider carefully the measures of success in order to understand and meet the needs of the local student community. Similarly, the language of instruction, especially in the rural areas of Belize, is not the mother tongue of most pupils, which could explain the high repetition rate within academic year groups:

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The failures of secondary education in the region are not simply the result of a poor choice of [schooling] models . . . [but of] . . . goal setting, evaluation, management, teacher training, and financing. In particular, major changes are needed in teacher preparation whether for academic or technical teaching. The process of teaching and the curriculum need a much greater focus on higher standards, problem-solving, and participative teachinglearning. In addition, vocational technical education (including teacher education) needs to emphasize practical, job-oriented curricular approaches to improving students’ problem-solving capacity and providing them with job skills for the 21st century. Castro et al., 2000, p. 9

Collectively the challenges are complex, integrated and dependent. In the rural Toledo District there are many unqualified teachers and this can be problematic when having ambitions for creative strategies for learning. This has been explored by Windsor (2007), who confirms that English is often the second language of both teachers and pupils in rural districts, adding to teaching and learning setbacks.

The expansion of the tertiary sector There are a number of institutions that provide education opportunities for students in Belize after secondary education. There are currently nine junior colleges in Belize as well as technical and vocational colleges that include Belize College of Agriculture, Teachers College and the School of Nursing. The two higher education institutions that offer certificates, diplomas and degree programmes are the University of the West Indies (UWI) and the UB. The UWI operates an open campus site in Belize City as part of its regional provision for higher education (UWI, 2013). However, students can also opt to study abroad and could attend UWI in other countries, as it has main campus sites in Barbados, Trinidad, and Jamaica, or they may opt to study in the USA or the UK. According to the Education Sector Strategy 2011–2016, the project recurrent and capital expenditure for higher education by 2016 should reach BZ$40,572,066 (Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, 2012). The government also provides a number of scholarship opportunities based on criteria for development within a specialist subject area. The UB, previously the University College of Belize (UCB), was officially established in 2000. It was an amalgamation of five institutions: Belize School of Agriculture, Belize Teachers College, Belize Technical College, Bliss School of

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Nursing and UCB. The main campus of UB is located in Belize City at West Landivar and Freetown Road. Other campus sites include Central Farm in the Cayo District, Punta Gorda in the Toledo District and two marine sites in Hunting Caye and Calabasa Caye. The main academic faculties within the university are education and arts, management and social science, nursing, allied health and social work, and science and technology. The mission of the UB explicitly states the importance of national development within its remit: The University of Belize is a national, autonomous and multi-location institution committed to excellence in higher education, research and service for national development. As a catalyst of change it provides relevant, affordable and accessible educational and training programs that address national needs based on principles of academic freedom, equity, transparency, merit and accountability. UB, 2011, p. 6

The UB is clearly seeking to contribute to national needs through education for societal growth. In recent years there has been a drive to explore the natural resources of the country in order to be progressive in academic research and development. The barrier reef in the Caribbean region is now a site for much environmental research, particularly through the Environment Research Institute (ERI) established within the UB. There is also a commitment to ensuring degree programmes are of quality and relevant to national and geographical demands, as witnessed in the ecological remit. However, the UB has come under criticism in respect of the evaluation of students’ performance. The inflation of grades in coursework and examinations is a concern that seeks to be rectified through accreditation and partnership targets. Internal and external quality assurance processes are now undertaken and reported annually (Crossley et  al., 2011; UB, 2010). The annual enrolment of students at UB for 2010–2011 was 4,066. Nevertheless, gender issues have been highlighted as a challenge because females significantly outperformed their male counterparts by a two to one ratio (UB, 2010). The ETES division of the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports is responsible for employment, training and education services for adult nonformal education. Consequently there are a number of Institutes for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (IVETs), previously known as Centres for Employment and Training (CET). With IVET sites in all six districts of Belize, short courses (of less than a year) in computer training, literacy and mechanical repairs are available to young people and adults who may not have completed secondary education or require specific skills for employment. Beyond the

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government’s provision, there is an array of NGOs that run training programmes in Belize – for example, the Belize tourism industry and the Belize Enterprise for Sustainable Technology (BEST). Founded in 1985, BEST has actively sought to educate the population through what it terms ‘micro-initiatives’. Many of its endeavours are specific to the local population and utilize mentors who pass on skills and experiences to those desiring work experience and future opportunities. Although educators and teachers of non-formal education and training are not vetted, the impact has been noticeable in communities where unemployment is high. A mentor scheme and micro-initiatives could be of particular benefit to male students whose academic performance is below that of female students and who have the highest dropout rates from the UB (UB, 2011).

Conclusion Ensuring educational quality in a small Caribbean country such as Belize is not a simple process. Demographics, geography and history can have far-reaching implications. For example, in primary education the preservation of colonial educational models and school instruction in English impacts student enrolment, retention, and teaching and learning. Likewise in secondary education and the tertiary sector, access to educational sites contributes to high dropout rates and underachievement by males. The long association between education and Churches could provide the avenue for many solutions that are context-driven and community-focused. For example, faith organizations have personal connections to schools and education organizations and could use this local knowledge to navigate prevailing systems for the alleviation of poverty. Also, education that utilizes local resources and sites for learning such as the marine campus sites in UB and ERI can ensure the development of opportunities within growing industries such as the fisheries. It is of similar importance that the local Caribbean neighbours do not neglect opportunities that can aid Belize. Making education relevant and accessible at all levels (including IVET) could ensure that Belize achieves quality development.

References Amadio, M. (2009), ‘Inclusive education in Latin America and the Caribbean: exploratory analysis of the national reports presented’, Prospects, 39, 293–305.

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Behdad, A. (1993), ‘Travelling to teach: postcolonial critics in the American academy’, in C. McCarthy and W. Crichlow (eds), Race, Identity and Representation in Education. London: Routledge, pp. 40–49. Bennett, J. A. (1999), Belize Primary Education Development Project: Improving Quality in the Provision of Education for All in Belize – An Examination of the Impact of a Basic Education Project, Assessment 2000 Monograph Series, series editor L. Quamina-Aiyejina. Jamaica: Office of the UNESCO Representative in the Caribbean, Education for All in the Caribbean. Castro, C., Carnoy, M. and Wolff, L. (2000), Secondary Schools and the Transition to Work in Latin America and the Caribbean. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. Crossley, M. (2001), ‘Cross-cultural issues, small states and research: capacity building in Belize’, International Journal of Educational Development, 21, 217–229. Crossley, M. and Watson, W. (2003), Comparative and International Research in Education: Globalisation, Context and Difference. Abingdon: Routledge. Crossley, M., Bray, M. and Packer, S. (2011), Education in Small States: Policies and Priorities. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. Government of Belize (2005), First Millennium Development Goals Report, Belize 2004. Belmopan, Belize: Ministry of National Development, Government of Belize and Development Paradigm Consulting for the National Human Development Advisory Committee (NHDAC). Government of Belize (2006), Education Statistical Digest of Belize 2006–2007. Belize City, Belize: Planning and Projects Unit, Ministry of Education, Government of Belize. Government of Belize (2013a), ‘Agriculture’, http://www.belize.gov.bz/index.php/ agriculture (accessed 11 July 2013). Government of Belize (2013b), ‘Education institutions’, http://moe.gov.bz/index.php/ education-institutions (accessed 11 July 2013). IFAD (International Fund for Agricultural Development) (2008), Belize: Communityinitiated Agriculture and Resource Management Project, Completion Evaluation, report no. 1965-BZ. Rome: IFAD. Jennings, Z. (1988), ‘Belize’s REAP programme’, Prospects, xviii(1), 115–125. Ladson-Billings, G. (1998), ‘From Soweto to the South Bronx: African Americans and colonial education in the United States’, in C. A. Torres and T. R. Mitchell (eds), Sociology of Education: Emerging Perspectives. New York: SUNY Albany, pp. 247–264. Little, A. (1996), ‘Globalisation and educational research: whose context counts?’ International Journal of Educational Development, 16(4), 427–438. Lundgren, N. (1992), ‘Children, race and inequality: the colonial legacy in Belize’, Journal of Black Studies, 23(1), 86–106. Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (2012), Improving Access, Quality and Governance of Education in Belize: Education Sector Strategy 2011–2016. Belmopan, Belize: Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, Government of Belize.

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NCFC (2013), ‘Who we are: mission/vision/guiding principles’, http://ncfc.org.bz/ who-are-we/mission-vision (accessed 11 July 2013). Ramos, W. C. (2011), ‘Commentary: race relations in Belize is a good topic for discussion to decrease racial tension’, Caribbean News Now, http://www. caribbeannewsnow.com/topstory-Commentary%3A-Race-relations-in-Belize-is-agood-topic-for-discussion-to-decrease-racial-tensions-5971.html (accessed 11 July 2013). Shoman, A. (2010), Reflections on Ethnicity and Nation in Belize, working paper 9. Mexico: AFRODESC/EURESCL, http://www.ird.fr/afrodesc/IMG/pdf/Cuaderno9SHOMAN-FINAL.pdf (accessed 11 July 2013). Statistical Institute of Belize (2010), ‘Census 2010 provisional population and households, by sex and major geographic divisions’, http://www.statisticsbelize.org. bz/default.asp (accessed 11 July 2013). Thomas, E. (2013), Race, Migration and Education: Examining the Perceptions of British Born ‘Minority Ethnic’ and Eastern European ‘Immigrant’ Youth in Buckinghamshire, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge. Thomson, P. A. B. (2004), Belize: A Concise History. Oxford: Macmillan Caribbean. Tikly, L. (1999), ‘Post-colonialism and comparative education’, International Review of Education, 45(5/6), 603–621. UB (2010), Annual Report 2010–2011: Education Empowers a Nation. Belmopan, Belize: University of Belize. UB (2011), The Way Ahead: Transforming the University of Belize, Strategic Plan Summary. Belmopan, Belize: Office of Public Information, University of Belize. UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) (2007), EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008: Education for All by 2015, Will We Make It? Paris: UNESCO. UNICEF (2010), ‘UNICEF annual report for Belize’, http://www.unicef.org/about/ annualreport/files/Belize_COAR_2010.pdf (accessed 11 July 2013). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2013), ‘Open campus Belize: welcome’, http:// www.open.uwi.edu/belize/ (accessed 11 July 2013). Windsor, P. (2007), ‘Language experience in Belize: exploring language experience for English language learners’, Journal of Reading Education, 33(1), 29–36. World Bank (2006), World Data on Education 2006/07: Belize. Paris: UNESCO and International Bureau of Education (IBE), http://ddp-ext.worldbank.org/EdStats/ BLZwde07.pdf (accessed 11 July 2013). World Bank (2013a), ‘Country and lending groups: list of developing countries’, http:// data.worldbank.org/about/country-classifications/country-and-lendinggroups#LAC (accessed 11 July 2013). World Bank (2013b), ‘Small states overview’, http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/ smallstates/overview (accessed 11 July 2013).

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Bermuda: The History of the Education System Joseph Christopher

Introduction Bermuda, also known as the Bermuda Isles, consists of an isolated collection of islands about 600 miles east of Cape Hatteras in North Carolina, USA, the closest land point to Bermuda. It is also approximately 800 miles south of Nova Scotia, Canada and 1,000 miles north of Nassau in the Bahamas. It is because of its midAtlantic position outside the tropics but still close to the warm Gulf Stream current that Bermuda enjoys relatively temperate weather all year round. This weather encouraged the settlement of a significant population of Europeans and resulted in the ratio of Europeans to Africans being much closer in Bermuda than it is in any of the other Caribbean Commonwealth territories. During most of the twentieth century the ratio was about 40 persons of European descent versus 60 persons of African descent.

Segregated educational history The geography of the Bermuda Isles has had a tremendous effect on both its social and its economic history. This geography, along with history as part of the British Empire, also affected the locus of training of teachers as well as the countries of origin of teachers who were employed from overseas. In virtually all cases before the 1960s immigrant teachers as well as Bermudian teachers were trained in Jamaica, Canada or the UK. Bermuda’s close proximity to the USA, along with continual travel between the two countries for business and tourism, resulted in the social practices of the USA having a major influence on Bermuda. Accordingly our local schools were segregated, in practice although not in law, 120

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up until the middle of the 1960s. It was after some social upheavals at the beginning of the 1960s that some of the white schools started to open up to black pupils (Hunter, 1993). In the early 1970s this change was confirmed by making it unlawful to discriminate for admission to schools on the basis of race. The social unrest mentioned above, along with a government report on the business needs of the community, led to the evaluation of education in Bermuda (Plowman, 1963). The resulting report was prepared by Harold Houghton who was an adviser to the Department of Technical Cooperation in the UK (Houghton, 1963). The Houghton Report confirmed that schools for black children were housed in buildings of inferior quality, supplied with fewer books and poorly equipped in comparison to the schools for white children (Houghton, 1963). It stated also that most of the secondary schools in the islands did not have a sufficiently high standard of curriculum or staffing/instruction to provide an education similar to grammar schools in the UK. The Bermuda government subsequently attempted to rectify this situation, mainly by improving the student selection process in secondary schools and by providing additional secondary schools. However, the legacy of segregation identified by the Houghton Report has bedevilled the education system ever since.

Development and the curriculum The manner in which the school curriculum was organized in order to attain the outcome of an educated citizenry was mostly left to the individual schools. The series of documents, Report on Education in the Colony, prepared annually by the Director of Education, showed that up to the end of the 1940s, schooling was provided in a collection of independently operating schools. At this time there were approximately six all-age schools; two schools catering to secondary school-aged students only and 20 schools for primary school-aged students. The criterion for children to transfer from primary to secondary education was set independently by each of the all-age or secondary schools. Much of secondarylevel education was dedicated to preparing students for the Junior and Senior Cambridge Examinations. The Senior Examinations, of that time, could be compared to the current General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) examinations undertaken in the UK. However, during that period only a small proportion of the students attempted the Senior Examinations. The manner of educational organization started to change in the mid-1950s. The government instituted a high-school structure that was modelled on the tripartite system of

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academic, technical and general secondary schools introduced in England by the Education Act 1944. In terms of technical education, one high school was established to prepare children for the hotel industry, another prepared children for the construction and motor industries, while several other high schools were set up throughout the islands and designated as general secondary schools. Following concerns from the business community and the Houghton Report, a common Secondary School Entrance Examination (SSEE) was instituted in the 1960s to set the standard by which children were admitted to the various government secondary schools. It was generally assumed that the secondary schools that had existed previously would continue in the role of academic schools along with the secondary sections of the all-age schools. This tripartite system of organization continued until the mid-1970s. It was in 1974 that government established a tertiary educational institution, the Bermuda College. The college absorbed the technical schools (those that focused on the hotel and construction/motor industries) and allocated their function within the college to work with post-secondary students. The technical education function at secondary level was assumed by the general secondary schools. This mode of organization resulted in a decrease in the academic potential of students who pursued these technical areas, contrary to the concept of the UK tripartite system (Ministry of Education, 1974). It was inevitable that, after such amalgamations, businesses would begin to complain about the quality of the technical services provided to them. Complaints began to emerge a few years after the structural changes and have been consistent ever since. It was also in the early 1970s that a change in curriculum practice was notable in both mathematics and English. This change was linked to similar adjustments to curriculum practice in the USA. In mathematics there was a significant decrease in the Pythagorean teaching of geometry, which had an emphasis on proving theorems. In English, less emphasis was placed on the teaching of correct grammar. It was considered more important to communicate and the skill of parsing sentences was no longer taught. The change in structure of the school system during the 1950s should have logically been accompanied by a corresponding centralization of the curriculum to support this new organization, and all of the new secondary schools made an effort to prepare their students for the London and Cambridge O level examinations that the all-academic schools were pursuing. The establishment of the SSEE in the 1960s sharpened the perception and actuality of difference between the academic and general secondary schools. Nevertheless it was not until 1974 that an effort was made to deal with this situation by the creation of a common local graduation certificate

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for students. The certificate was known as the Bermuda Secondary School Certificate (BSSC) (Ministry of Education, 1989). It was in 1979 that the first cohort of students graduated with a BSSC. A common curriculum was associated with the certificate, although each content area allowed for assessment over a range of difficulty levels in order to accommodate the varying levels of student achievement at the academic and general secondary schools. The curriculum development and the assessment for each content area were carried out by teachers representing each of the schools but under general supervision of Education Department staff. Assessment involved staff from Educational Testing Services (ETS) in the USA in an effort to use their acknowledged reputation and give supportive validity to this new certificate programme. This decision reinforced a tendency for the local school system to utilize North American practices in education. The ETS assessment largely consisted of multiple-choice questions with minimal completion-type or essay-styled sections. The creation of common curricular materials for secondary level was followed in 1978 by a concerted programme to develop common curricula for the primary level. All of these efforts could be perceived as a twodecade long attempt at a philosophical unification of a school system that had been separated by the racial segregation of students as well as by the public– private dichotomy that is present in all communities. Initially the BSSC was mandatory for all secondary schools but by 1984 the private schools had managed to convince the Bermuda government to relax this requirement. The BSSC then became a certification programme for public school students only. In 1988 the Bermuda government made a concerted effort to overhaul the public school system so that the curriculum, assessment and school facilities were all congruent; thus being suited to the same basic objectives. The government established a committee, known as the Education Planning Team (EPT), including serving educators from the Department of Education as well as from schools, parents, members of the political parties and representatives of the business community to review the current state of education and make recommendations for developments that would provide better service to the community as a whole. As noted with respect to the changes during the 1960s, the demands of the business community constituted a major driving force behind these changes. However, the business characteristics of Bermuda had changed extensively during the intervening two decades. It was no longer a tourist/merchant business community but rather had developed into a finance/ insurance business community with the need for extensive legal and accounting skills at all levels. This new industry presented a major challenge to the education

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community in terms of supplying a sufficient number of specialized professionals for its operation.

Proposals and provisions for education in the late twentieth century During the second half of the twentieth century the education system had many new services added for the student population. Previously changes had been affiliated with structural modifications. However, towards the end of the twentieth century developments were focused on the individual pupil and sought to facilitate contextual demands. Such new provisions included, firstly, the provision for students with special educational needs (SEN). Although started in the late 1940s for children with moderate learning difficulties, it now provided for those with auditory and visual issues, severe mobility requirements, learning issues, psycho-neural conditions, and a variety of other special needs. The second provision was for children younger than compulsory school age. The emergence of nursery school facilities was distinctive and although started in the 1960s they were now staffed by a trained teacher with several teaching assistants. These two services, special needs and nursery school provision, were good in themselves but it was considered necessary to review them along with the rest of the educational system in order to improve coherence in all services. In 1989, the report by the EPT was delivered (Ministry of Education, 1989). The most significant structural change proposed, from the point of view of the public was the introduction of a three-year middle school between the previously existing primary- and secondary-level schools. Part of the rationale for introducing middle schools was in response to concerns that the SSEE could have a negative impact on children at 11 years of age. It was considered that this age was the time for significant physical and emotional changes and that such a selective assessment disadvantaged males in particular. The new middle school system would allow for more focus on that age group before they had to face the rigorous demands of secondary school education. This proposal was implemented but it resulted in energetic opposition from the Bermudian population in general. A second significant proposal was the recommendation that the majority of students with SEN should be integrated into schools alongside other students, with teaching assistants or therapists to assist with their needs. Prior to this proposal students with SEN had been placed in

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separate schools designed for the physically challenged or schools for those with learning and severe neurological challenges. The new proposal meant that the only students who would be in a separate school would be those with severe neurological challenges. Teaching staff vigorously opposed the concept but in spite of this the proposal was nevertheless implemented. There was widespread embracement by the Bermudian population of a third proposal. This was the intention that all staff in nursery schools, now called preschools, should be fully trained teachers. Enhancing the professionalization of preschool staff was deemed overdue and thus was welcomed by all. The education system allocated other roles to the preschool teaching assistants who either qualified or were replaced. The fourth proposal was implemented episodically even though it was widely supported by many communities: it was proposed that each school should have a school board that was charged with responsibility for the financial and personnel management of the school. This contextual planning seemed apt at that time.

Education affiliations and the growth of private schools During the 1970s, centralized curriculum development took place for both the primary and secondary level; however, these curricula were not coordinated. Hence the EPT’s report in 1989 suggested that the curriculum be reviewed with several objectives in mind. Firstly, there should be a clear determination of desired student skills and abilities that would prepare them for the workforce or further education. Secondly, the high-school curriculum should be designed to develop students toward these skills and abilities; the middle school curriculum should align itself with the high-school curriculum; and there should be similar alignment between the primary and middle school curricula. Finally, this coherent system should add one further year of schooling before students could graduate from secondary level. The final proposal ensured that the local system was congruent with the North American model of schooling. Further coherence with the North American system was encouraged during the developmental stage for the new curriculum. For example, in the core areas of English, mathematics, science and social science, the curriculum standards developed by the following organizations were used respectively as guides: National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE); National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM); National Research Council (NRC); and National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS). Each of these organizations is based in North America

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and hence the orientation towards North America is very clear within Bermuda’s education system. The desire to improve the preparation of students for the workforce resulted in the recommendation to increase the emphasis on vocational courses at both the middle and secondary school levels. This requirement demanded that the middle schools be modified accordingly and that two new senior schools be constructed that contained the necessary facilities. It was evident that these proposals would need extensive investment of government funds along with a prolonged time span for implementation. The proposals were deemed fully implemented in September 2003 with the opening of the second of the two new senior schools in Bermuda (Ministry of Education and Development, 2003). Meanwhile, public opposition to significant changes over this extended period of time resulted in an increasing number of parents opting to send their children to private schools. Hence, in 2003 approximately 35 per cent of the student population in Bermuda attended private schools out of a total student population of about 10,000 (Department of Statistics, 2011). Of these private schools two were denominational all-age schools, one Roman Catholic and the other Seventh Day Adventist. Both of the denominational schools followed a North American curriculum and examinations structure. In addition there were three nondenominational all-age private schools; two were co-educational and the third was a single-sex school for girls. The three non-denominational schools predominantly followed a British curriculum and examinations structure, with students undertaking GCSE exams. The exception to this was for post-16 students who were provided with the opportunity to take the American Advanced Placement examinations as well as the International Baccalaureate examinations. There is a sixth private school in Bermuda that follows the Montessori philosophy of education. This school accommodates children from the preschool to the middle school level and uses the International Baccalaureate examinations that are appropriate for the middle-level student.

The concern with education standards Within the public school system, during the early 2000s, there were the two senior schools, five middle schools and approximately 18 primary schools (Ministry of Education and Development, 2003). In 2003 these schools were all focused towards students finishing with a local graduation certificate – the newly created Bermuda School Certificate (BSC). Periodic in-school examinations

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over a student’s career were developed centrally with the assistance of school staff and were scored by selected school and central office staff. At that time there were also periodic standardized assessments produced by CTB/McGraw-Hill. This combination of assessments was designed to ensure that instruction was focused on the local community through the local examinations, while the standardized assessment provided some level of comparison to the international community. Although officials within the public school system may have been confident in the standards of the examinations provided, as well as the validity of their appropriateness to purpose, the media were continually complaining about what they considered to be low standards in the public schools (Dunleavy, 2007). Private schools were not required to publish the performance rates of their students in international examinations. However, both private schools and the media considered the BSC to be a less than satisfactory alternative considering the high quality of staff required by Bermuda’s major industries. This continual discussion in the media along with pressure from the political establishment resulted in further review of the public school system. In early 2007, under the chairmanship of David Hopkins, an educational consultant from the UK, a review of Bermuda’s public school system began (Hopkins et al., 2007). The Review of Public Education in Bermuda in 2007 was conducted with a team of colleagues from the UK, alongside local Bermudian educators (Hopkins et al., 2007). The report made six core observations. First, that only a minority of schools could be considered effective. Second, that four of the schools reviewed exhibited major causes for concern. Third, the political control of education was subject to overly frequent change in personnel and inconsistency in policy. Fourth, that there was confusion in the roles of the two most senior civil servants in education (the permanent secretary for education and the chief education officer). Fifth, the middle school component of the public system was considered to be least effective. Finally, that there was a distinctive need to improve technical/ vocational programmes especially at the senior school level. The recommendations that emerged from the review may be summarized as follows: an improved system of performance accountability was required at the school level; central office civil service staff should be restructured with senior staff on five-year contracts; resources and responsibility should be delegated to lower levels of central administration; there should be an increase in autonomy at the school level; improvements in vocational education could be achieved by sharing resources between the two senior schools and Bermuda College; and there should be federate groups of primary schools with a neighbouring middle school

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under the direction of a board of governors that would have devolved powers of control over personnel and resources (Hopkins et al., 2007). The recommendation to restructure the Central Education Office was implemented by amending the Education Act 1996. Consequently, the role of chief education officer was replaced by a new commissioner of education. The commissioner of education would have expanded educational responsibilities. This accordingly altered the responsibilities of the permanent secretary for education. Additionally, senior staff were appointed to assist the commissioner of education in the areas of educational standards and accountability as well as curriculum and assessment. These two areas strands were considered to be most significant in the effort to upgrade the performance of all schools and to ensure alignment within the curriculum across all levels of Bermuda’s education system. In terms of accountability, the Ministry of Education instituted standards of action/performance for principals and teachers. These standards were supported by a more active regime of supervision of school principals by Department of Education staff and likewise of teachers by school principals. This form of observational supervision deals with process and can be viewed as highly subjective in nature. Hence, improved analysis of examination results was undertaken at the same time. As a complement to this second strategy the Ministry of Education decided that schools would adopt the Cambridge International Examinations (CIE) as their predominant mode of student assessment for primary and middle school students.

Education for society The selection of CIE had several advantages for Bermuda. In the immediate sense, implementation of the CIE satisfied the demand of the business community for public schools to aim for international standards in examinations. It also ensured a level of curriculum synthesis/coordination using minimal local staff. The new CIE facilitated linkage to the GCSE exit level standard for 16-year-old students. The final advantage of the CIE was that it diminished concern about teachers marking a student’s assessment based on prior knowledge of the student rather than actual performance in the assessment. Yet a major challenge arising from the implantation of the CIE is that of cultural dissonance with the local student population. The Cambridge Syndicate suggests that its curriculum and assessment is: ‘Appropriate and relevant internationally, Cambridge . . . has been designed to be culturally sensitive. It includes top-quality teaching and

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assessment resources appropriate for teaching and learning in local and international schools’ (CIE, 2013, para. 5). Irrespective of this claim there was no effort by the Department of Education in Bermuda to ensure that locally appropriate curricular material was presented to the Cambridge Syndicate. Hence, extra commitment would be required by local teachers to ensure that relevant local history, language usage and environmental science be incorporated in classroom instruction. However, accountability requirements in Bermuda may mean that teachers are likely to put less effort into teaching material that is not assessed while they strive to ensure their own personal performance based on the assessment of students. On balance it may be that the business orientation of the local community deems this trade-off acceptable. The challenges associated with vocational instruction are dealt with in various ways. The two senior schools are continually seeking active involvement of local businesses in providing relevant work experience for students. In addition, the vocational courses are oriented towards certification provided by two international organizations that collaborate closely with industry. Firstly, the National Center for Construction Education and Research (NCCER) is based in the USA and has as one of its main objectives the improvement of entry-level skills of all high-school graduates who wish to pursue a career in constructionrelated crafts (NCCER, 2011). There are several courses at Bermuda College based on NCCER requirements, operated in collaboration with industry employers. The senior schools provide the preparatory courses involving construction technology, electrical systems, electronic systems and carpentry. In addition, the government makes use of another NCCER strategy by funding young unemployed adults to attend NCCER training centres in the USA to gain certification in specific craft skills that are in demand locally. It is anticipated that this combination of strategies will increase the supply of skilled craftsmen and improve the satisfaction within the industry as a result of elevated standards. Secondly, the City & Guilds certifications deal with a wide range of vocational skill areas (City & Guilds, 2013). The institute is based in the UK but has training and certification centres spread over many countries. City & Guilds courses have been used in Bermuda from the 1950s but went out of favour for a while. The City & Guilds vocational programme has, in more contemporary times, been reinstituted in the senior schools and Bermuda College. Subject areas that can be undertaken include transport maintenance, building services, hairdressing and business. A few local organizations also send interested young employees overseas for specialized City & Guilds certification.

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Conclusion This chapter has sought to showcase the contemporary evolution of the education system in Bermuda. There are many beliefs that can be perceived to underlie this evolution. Therefore the words of Edwards (1951) are presented for reflection. Education is a social instrument of great importance . . . the dignity and worth accorded the individual, the arrangement of social classes . . . the nature of the economy and the degree of equality of opportunity it affords . . . all these are woven into the purpose and structure of an educational enterprise. Edwards, 1951, p. 394

References CIE (Cambridge International Examinations) (2013), ‘Education: Cambridge primary – international curriculum’, http://www.cie.org.uk/qualifications/academic/primary/ cambridgeprimary (accessed 26 October 2013). City & Guilds (2013), ‘City and Guilds is a world-leading vocational education organisation’, http://www.cityandguilds.com (accessed 26 October 2013). Department of Statistics (2011), Bermuda Digest of Statistics 2011. Hamilton, Bermuda: Government of Bermuda, Cabinet Office. Dunleavy, C. (2007), ‘Opinion piece’, The Royal Gazette, 10 October, p. 4. Edwards, N. (1951), ‘Education as a social instrument’, The School Review, 59(7), 394–402. Hopkins, D., Matthews, P., Matthews, L., Woods-Smith, R., Olajide, F. and Smith, P. (2007), Review of Public Education in Bermuda. London: London Centre for Leadership and Learning, Institute of Education. Houghton, H. (1963), Report on the Educational System in Bermuda. Hamilton, Bermuda: Government Printer. Hunter, B. H. (1993), The People of Bermuda: Beyond the Crossroads. Toronto: Gagné-Best. Ministry of Education (1974), Guidelines for the Implementation of the Bermuda Secondary School Certificate Programme. Hamilton, Bermuda: Government of Bermuda. Ministry of Education (1989), Education Planning Team – Summary of the Final Report. Hamilton, Bermuda: Government of Bermuda. Ministry of Education and Development (2003), The Bermuda Public School System Annual Report 2002–2003. Hamilton, Bermuda: Government of Bermuda. NCCER (National Center for Construction Education and Research) (2011), ‘New to NCCER: about NCCER’, http://www.nccer.org/about (accessed 26 October 2012). Plowman, J. R. (1963), Bermuda Islands: Commission on Training and Employment. Hamilton, Bermuda: Government Printer.

8

The British Virgin Islands: An Overview Karl Dawson and David Smawfield

Introduction This chapter explores the provision of education within the British Virgin Islands (BVI). It has three main sections. The first comprises a broad overview of the territory and its education system, both in terms of historical development as well as contemporary patterns of provision. As will be shown, the former helps to understand the latter. A middle section takes the form of a case study of the H. Lavity Stoutt Community College (HLSCC). The case study is presented as an example of how educational provision can contribute to wider society development whilst also enhancing future opportunities of study for all young people. A final section examines the BVI education system from a ‘small country perspective’: demonstrating how characteristics of scale help to shape and explain much of what has been described and present both future constraints and opportunities.

Overview The BVI are located in the Caribbean Sea, 60 miles east of Puerto Rico. The territory is made up of 40 islands, rocks and cays of which about 15 are inhabited. They total about 60 square miles in area. The largest island, Tortola, is the most populous and is the governmental and commercial centre of the territory. The next three most populated islands are Virgin Gorda, Anegada and Jost Van Dyke. Christopher Columbus brought the islands to Europe’s attention in 1493 (Mann, 2011). Consequently, the islands became subjected to various European colonizers. In 1672, the British took control of the BVI at the start of the third 131

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Anglo-Dutch war. From this period onwards the British have had jurisdictional status over the BVI. Until the year 1943, the history of education in the BVI is a history of primary education, save for extremely short-lived attempts in the 1840s to establish an endowed grammar school and a vocational school. With the BVI being part of the British Leeward Islands administration from 1871, much educational development in the primary sector was shaped by policy, legislation and administration that applied to all constituent members of the colony. The Leeward Islands Education Acts of 1875 and 1890 were noteworthy for first introducing a system of annual inspection and subsequently making primary education compulsory, if not enforceable. The 1925 Elementary Education Act for the Leeward Islands and the Code of Regulations for the British Virgin Islands applied under this act shaped much of what followed for almost a further two decades (Smawfield, 1990). In trying to understand the way that education provision developed and why: It is difficult to over-emphasize the significance of the 1835 Sterling Report. On emancipation in 1834 and the decision of the imperial government to promote Negro education in the British West Indies through means of a grant, Rev. John Sterling was given the task of recommending whether this should be made to the local legislatures or the religious bodies, that is to say whether the responsibility for education provision should be entrusted to the state or the Church: the latter being chosen. Smawfield, 1990, pp. 143–145

The 1789 arrival of Methodist missionaries is generally regarded as marking ‘the first halting attempt at religious instruction for slaves’ (Harrigan and Varlack, 1975, p. 76). The Methodists were soon joined by Anglicans, whose attempts to enlighten also included a secular dimension from the outset. The year 1827 marked the opening of the first Anglican Day School in Road Town. In the twentieth century, the 1940s represented an important historical watershed. The year 1942 saw the establishment of the first real Education Department. In 1943, a government secondary school was established, first in temporary accommodation and then moving into purpose-built facilities in 1947. In terms of further political maturity of the territory, a Legislative Council was established in 1950, the BVI was granted separate colony status in 1960 and became autonomous in 1967. In addition to political context, economic considerations also help to explain the progress that was made in educational development or, perhaps more accurately for most of its history, the lack of it: ‘the dire state of the

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economy to the end of the nineteenth century had a negative effect on educational growth’ (Smawfield, 1990, p. 145). Indeed, in any academic debate about causal relationships between educational development and social and economic development, the case of the BVI is grist to the mill of those who believe that educational development follows economic growth, rather than leads it. When the economy of the BVI started to take off in the 1960s, thanks to the growth of tourism and the promotion of the BVI as an international finance centre, education development and particularly the building and refurbishment of facilities followed in its wake. Indeed, the BVI now ranks as the third richest Caribbean nation in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, behind only Bermuda and the Cayman Islands (Black Economics, 2012). Today, the largest direct contribution to government revenues comes from the financial services sector (BVI IFC, 2010). The BVI are one of the world’s largest corporate domiciles. Companies from around the world are registered in the territory and they also provide other value-added services such as banking and the management of funds and trusts. The economic success the BVI has enjoyed has resulted in an increasing economic migration into the territory with many benefits, but also social and educational challenges. During the 1980s the population of the BVI was recorded at 10,985 (Government of the Virgin Islands, 2013). In 2000, the estimated population on the islands was 19,615. However, by 2012, this had increased to approximately 31,148. Past research has pointed to students born off-island displaying significantly more positive attitudes to school work (Bacchus, 1976; Buys et al., 1976) and people joking, but with some serious undertones, about the ‘IBH’ degree (I Born Here) as a passport to success. In official statistics and elsewhere in life people are often classified as being ‘British Virgin Islanders’, ‘Belongers’ or ‘Others’. The extent to which these syndromes remain, have been ameliorated or exacerbated, is unclear. The role of the Church in education continued to be dominant until the midtwentieth century. In 1950, out of 12 primary schools, only one was a government school: 10 were Methodist managed and one Anglican. However: ‘By 1973 the majority of “assisted” Church schools had become Government schools, the changes taking place as schools were moved out of churches and church halls into proper, Government owned, school buildings’ (Smawfield, 1990, p.  146). This important transition notwithstanding, Church influence has continued through the aegis of the private sector: a sector that has grown significantly in recent years. Another important stage of progress and achievement to highlight in the development of education provision in the BVI is the way in which the 1980s

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saw a major thrust to fully professionalize the teaching force. This took the form of collaboration with the University of Hull. Three-year programmes were offered at Teacher Training Certificate and Bachelor of Education level and several education officials also studied at doctoral level. The initial teacher training programme was able to matriculate almost all of the 30 per cent of primary teachers with ‘untrained’ status at that time. This innovative and transformational programme, which ran between the years 1986 and 1989, and involved university tutors travelling from the UK to deliver course content in the BVI, provided a unique opportunity to achieve such qualifications without the need of participants spending long periods away from homes and families, or for the system to arrange cover during their absence, something that would have been impractical with such significant numbers involved. More than 50 teachers, principals and education officers benefited from the programme. Examining the nature of current school provision in a little more detail, the public education system comprises 16 government primary schools and three government secondary schools. Elmore Stoutt High is a dedicated secondary school located in the capital, Road Town, on the main island of Tortola. The Begrado Flax Education Centre (Virgin Gorda), and Claudia Creque Learning Centre (Anegada) are all-age institutions that thus include secondary students. In the private sector there are currently 10 private primary schools and three secondary private schools. (In 1985, excluding pre-primary and kindergarten providers, there were just four private primary schools functioning). Two of the private secondary schools, St George’s School and the Seventh Day Adventist School, prepare students for the Secondary School Leaving Examination as well as Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) exams. Perhaps not surprisingly, they tend to outperform state schools when examination ‘league tables’ are published (BVI News, 2013). The third private secondary school, Cedar International School, as its name suggests, has a markedly different orientation and curriculum. The school is accredited by the Council of International Schools and the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools of the USA and is also an International Baccalaureate World School (Cedar International School, 2013). Also worth highlighting, but far more problematic to quantify, is what can be termed as the ‘invisible private sector’. What are being referred to here are the children educated ‘off-island’, typically hosted by extended family, elsewhere in the Caribbean, and wider afield such as in the USA. The numbers almost certainly become more significant the further the progression through primary, secondary and tertiary levels.

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Indeed, in turning now to consider the tertiary education sector, the delivery of post-secondary education in the BVI is a relatively new phenomenon. The BVI Community College (BVICC), later renamed the HLSCC, was established in January 1990 and shortly after, in 1992, the University of the West Indies (UWI) commissioned a centre in the territory. Most of the demand for tertiary education in the BVI is met by the government-owned HLSCC which had on average a registration of 960 students in each full semester from 2010 to 2012. The UWI centre in the BVI provides for approximately 60 students per semester. Prior to the establishment of HLSCC and the UWI Open Campus site in the BVI, demand for post-secondary education was primarily met through institutions outside the territory and to a far lesser extent through distance education modalities such as correspondence courses. Education and training could therefore be obtained by citizens of the BVI within the Caribbean region or further afield, for example in the USA, Canada and the UK. As a result of the need to move location for furthering one’s education, highly specialized career paths were often followed. From the 1950s through to the 1970s, the most frequently pursued area of study overseas was teacher training. Most of this training was conducted at the Leeward Islands Teacher Training College in Antigua (Fergus, 2003), which catered primarily to students from Leeward Island territories such as Anguilla, Antigua, Dominica, Montserrat, St Kitts and Nevis, and the BVI. Recognition of this phenomenon helps to underscore the significance of the aforementioned Hull University programme in its day. In addition to teacher training, other sought-after areas of overseas study included medicine, nursing, technical training, law and various aspects of business management. The BVI was a founding member of the UWI and as such has always been considered to be part of that institution’s service area, although its main campus locations are in Trinidad, Barbados and Jamaica. As a supporting country of the institution, the UWI is required to provide preferential tuition rates and a set number of places in its more highly demanded programmes such as law and medicine. Up to the year 2000, most citizens of the BVI who trained in these two fields were educated at the UWI. All students attending UWI from the BVI have also benefitted from government funding policies for higher education. In recent times such sponsorships and grants are usually in the field of medicine, and the Virgin Islands government will rarely give financial support for studies of medicine at an institution other than the UWI. Degrees awarded to students from the BVI by the UWI, in addition to medicine and law, include economics, public administration, accounting, hotel management, history and engineering.

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In understanding the range and nature of tertiary education provision open to students in the BVI, it is important not to exclude the part played by the University of the (United States) Virgin Islands (UVI), even though this is not a part of the BVI system, and especially in view of discussion to follow on small country characteristics. The UVI has been a significant provider of access to higher education for persons in the British Virgin Islands for a number of decades. Established in 1962, as the College of the Virgin Islands (CVI), the institution has main campuses on St Thomas and St Croix in the United States Virgin Islands. Proximity has been one of the main factors driving the demand for UVI services by students in the BVI. Ferry rides between the islands, and across the international divide, are less than one hour in duration and family ties between various people in the territories are also strong. Therefore students from the BVI were likely to go to the UVI as a first choice option when considering locations for further education. The highest enrolments at the UVI were in the 1970s and 1980s before the establishment of HLSCC. At that time, in addition to the completion of baccalaureate degrees in popular areas such as teacher education and business, many students attended the UVI as an entry point into higher education and then transferred to other colleges and universities in the USA for degree completion. The latter aspect is now largely filled by the HLSCC. Since the establishment of the HLSCC, the institutions have worked collaboratively in a number of areas. They have established course equivalency arrangements and ensured quality assurance in some areas of programme development. UVI has also offered baccalaureate and masters degree programmes in education at the campus of HLSCC. Other areas of cooperation include collaboration in the performing arts and regular reciprocal attendance at graduation ceremonies. In attempting to provide an overview of the education sector as a whole in the BVI, it is important not to overlook the provision of technical and vocational education. This is a sector that has been underserved through the years. Moreover, this trend continues. Historically, prior to the establishment of HLSCC, technical and vocational training was delivered at the secondary school level, unlike several other Caribbean islands that had established technical schools. It can be argued that the most effective form of preparation for some technical jobs is an apprenticeship system (formal and informal). This was true for areas such as plumbing, electricity and carpentry among others. For much of the twentieth century, individuals learnt on the job and refined their skills over time. Many successful citizens of the BVI in fields such as construction, electricity and plumbing have learnt and developed the skills of the job whilst working and

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then progressed as entrepreneurs in the field. Nevertheless, some technical and vocational training has taken place overseas. For instance, in the 1960s, several Virgin Islanders were trained in technical skills in Puerto Rico. In the 1970s and 1980s the Samuel Jackman Prescod Polytechnic in Barbados was the primary institution used by government to facilitate training for professional trades. In this period, more than 60 persons were trained from the BVI at the Samuel Jackman Prescod Polytechnic in areas such as auto-mechanics, electricity/ electronics, carpentry, plumbing and office skills. Interestingly, although training for the workplace is in high demand, many persons in the BVI do not currently work in the area in which they were vocationally trained. It is beyond the scope of this brief overview to discuss most of the significant social and cultural aspects of BVI that also help to contextualize understanding of the milieu in which education is provided and how it is enabled and constrained. Nevertheless, one aspect, gender, is so significant that it cannot remain unmentioned. Patterns of enrolment and achievement within the BVI education system, historically, have shown marked gender disparities. This can also be considered a wider Caribbean phenomenon in that similar patterns have manifested themselves elsewhere within the region. The nature of the Caribbean gender dimension in education is such that boys tend to be the disadvantaged group. Reasons are fairly well understood and include attitudinal ambivalence on the part of boys, economic pressures and a paucity of male role models, including in the teaching profession at primary level. It is satisfying to be able to report that the goal of achieving gender equity is an area in which huge progress has been made by the BVI. For example, in 1950, girls represented 75.9 per cent of total enrolment in secondary education. By 1980, this figure had fallen to 56.4 per cent. Moreover, the BVI has now achieved the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of ‘Gender Parity in Secondary Level Enrolment’. Latest available statistics, for 2010, show a ratio of boys to girls at secondary level of 1.03 (United Nations Statistics Division, 2013a). Nevertheless, some residual gender issues at all levels of the system remain. Within 2009 United Nations (UN) data, for instance, is evidence that boys are more likely to repeat than girls, and boys are more likely than girls to be over-age at end of primary school (UNSECO, 2012). At tertiary level there is considerable progress still to be made. While reduced from a ratio of 2.68 in the year 2000, the ratio of males to females in tertiary education in 2010 stood at 1.64 (United Nations Statistics Division, 2013b). Before concluding this overview section, last but not least, it is appropriate to highlight the significance of information communications technology (ICT) for the system as a whole, and especially in view of discussion still to follow. In the

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new millennium, a key educational development relates to the huge steps forwards the BVI has taken to exploit the possibilities of ICT, both as an educational and research tool and in terms of educational curriculum. The 2005 installation of a government ‘Wide Area Network (WAN)’ has transformed internet access in schools with implications for professional development, teaching and other resource materials access, curriculum enrichment, the teaching of ICT itself, as well as strengthened educational administration (whether in the form of internal record-keeping or joined up educational management information systems). Data availability also enhances the possibility for meaningful educational research. With this in mind, the current writers feel compelled to comment how unfortunate it seems to be that so few educational data are currently accessible on the government’s own web portals. A recent Infodev/World Bank survey of ICT and education in the Caribbean included a BVI country report (Gaible, 2009). It recounts all primary schools having access to central administration and the internet and each school possessing approximately 10 computers. At secondary level, computer provision is also considerable: computers are primarily used by senior level students ‘preparing to leave school for the world of work or preparing for the CXC ICT exam’ (Gaible, 2009, p.  22). HLSCC is described as having ‘an advanced technology infrastructure . . . and even some cutting-edge hardware and software’ (Gaible, 2009, p. 22). Among challenges still faced, the following are identified in the Gaible report: lack of hardware for teachers’ use of ICT; lack of curriculum; software; not enough teacher professional development; and lack of institutional capacity for technology integration.

The HLSCC: a case study This section of the chapter focuses expressly on the HLSCC as a case study. It first discusses the establishment and development of the institution. It then goes on to consider, in turn, the roles that HLCC plays in relation to providing: (i) education for further programmes of study; (ii) education for the workforce; and (iii) education for society. The section concludes by examining the way the institution is financed. As noted earlier, access to post-secondary education in the BVI took a significantly expansive turn in 1990 with the establishment of the HLSCC. The institution currently services around 1,000 credit-taking students per semester, but its introduction was not without contention. Many trace the idea of the

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establishment of a college in the BVI back to the period between 1979 and 1983 when the Virgin Islands Party Government led by H. Lavity Stoutt, the man after whom the institution would eventually be named, was in power. Although the election campaign was lost by the party in 1983, the debate around the introduction of a post-secondary educational facility re-emerged in 1986. To determine the public’s attitude to the establishment of a post-secondary college, a focus committee was formed and charged with gathering community input on the issue through the hosting of public meetings throughout the territory. The focus committee was populated by notable Virgin Islanders, particularly in the field of education, resident inside and outside the territory. Those who argued for the institution’s establishment felt that it would open access to post-secondary education in the territory to far more individuals, thereby providing greater opportunities for learning. Individuals in opposition were concerned about the ability of the territory to sustain the initiative, whether through ongoing financing or with the volume of students that was felt to be needed for a successful enterprise. Those in favour of proceeding with the venture won the day. The institution opened its doors on 14 January 1990 as the BVICC. In the very first semester a total of 135 students were registered and classes were held in the college’s main location, a rented building in Road Town, as well as across secondary schools on Tortola and Virgin Gorda. The BVICC continued to offer courses in this manner until it moved to its current location at Paraquita Bay, in 1993, initially on a 20-acre plot. The decision to use this property for the purpose of the college, as opposed to its then use for agricultural purposes, also met with much resistance by various voices in the community. However, in 1993, the institution’s name was changed to HLSCC to reflect the name of the greatest champion for its establishment and the man widely regarded as the founder. From its outset, the college’s structure and curriculum reflected the varied influences on the territory as a whole. Organizational roles such as registrar and bursar as senior positions reflected the structure in use in many other Caribbean institutions, which in turn were based on structures replicated from the UK and the legacy of an entrenched colonial history. The decision was also made early on to offer the GCE A level curriculum: an option previously not consistently offered to organized groups in the territory. The college also ensured the development of associate degrees, an American construct, as a key curriculum offering (many of the early administrators, including the first president, were experienced in US higher education settings). There was also an early recommendation for the pursuit of accreditation with a US regional accrediting body.

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The actual opening of the college did not end the challenges that the fledgling institution faced. There was also the distinct need to become accepted as an institution of quality to the community that it aimed to serve. For the first five years of the institution’s existence, it struggled to gain a significant number of full-time students. As such, a culture had to be developed among secondary school graduates that college, and not work, was the natural next step upon finishing school. Many of the students who were considered to be ‘collegebound’ sought direct entrance into overseas institutions financed through the government’s Scholarship Assistance Programme or private funding, primarily by parents. The decision by the government in 1992 to utilize HLSCC for the training of its primary school teachers helped to ensure a stream of approximately 20 full-time teacher education students for many years. The HLSCC has been impacted by government policy and actions during the years, mainly to the advantage of the institution. Between 1995 and 1997, term of the Minister of Education, Mr Alred Frett, there was an expanded programme of scholarships for higher education. A significant number of merit-based scholarships for HLSCC were offered to secondary school-leavers in the BVI. In the subsequent government term, the then Minister of Education, Mrs Eileene Parsons, raised the bar and adopted a government policy that required students wishing to receive public assistance to study overseas to first complete two years of study at the HLSCC. Collectively, these decisions had a tremendous impact on the college as they aided an increase in not only the quantity but also the quality of the students seeking post-secondary education. Prior to these two government interventions, the top performing students at the secondary level often went directly to an overseas education provider with support from the government. The introduction of the Tuition Assistance Programme in 2006 was also significant in the higher education landscape in the BVI. Through this Programme the government enabled all persons proving Virgin Islands citizenship to full relief from tuition payments at HLSCC, although this did not include any other associated attendance costs. The Tuition Assistance Programme initiative was aimed at broadening access to tertiary education and it would seem that in the years immediately following its implementation, the objective was swiftly being achieved. By 2008, enrolment had reached over 1,200 as compared to 836 in the year of the policy’s introduction. The period taken to achieve this growth would appear to reflect the time needed to have the policy publicized and promoted to secondary school students. The policy has not been without public criticism, as some perceive that the offer of free education undervalues it in the

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eyes of the recipient and results in a lack of the required effort in the pursuit of knowledge. In addition to offering its own programmes, HLSCC has also facilitated access for the community to degrees beyond its current remit. The institution formed an alliance with Wright State University in Ohio, USA, in 1993 and by the end of the decade there had been three cohorts of MBA students and one cohort of Masters in Education students. Many persons used the qualifications gained in business as well as education to advance to senior posts in the public and private sectors in the islands. The HLSCC also developed a partnership with the neighbouring UVI and offered some masters degrees to students in the region. Partnerships have more recently been developed with Missouri Southern State College, later Missouri Southern State University, that have resulted in cohorts for business administration programmes. The most mature of such facilitative relationships occurred in 2008 when the HLSCC agreed to offer the UWI Bachelor’s of Education through a franchise agreement. In that agreement, HLSCC had responsibility for delivery of the programme including recruitment according to UWI guidelines. The degree programme has now enrolled its second cohort after successful completion of the first. To some extent, the higher degree collaborations helped to build capacity among the HLSCC’s faculty by providing the opportunity to be involved in the delivery of bachelors and masters degrees. This development of capacity is expected to help the college in any future broadening of its offerings at higher degree level. In turning now to discuss the role that HLSCC plays in providing education as a basis for ‘further programmes of study’, the educational offerings of the HLSCC were first outlined in its enabling legislation: the BVI Community College Act 1990. Further guidance to such contributions is also identifiable in the institution’s mission statement. The Act clearly states that there should be programmes in: (a) agriculture; (b) arts and science and general studies; (c) health sciences; (d) marine studies; (e) hospitality studies; (f) teacher education and educational administration; (g) technical education and management studies, and in such other fields of education as the Minister may from time to time determine. HLSCC, 1991, pp. 220–232

The mission statement of HLSCC clarifies its purpose and pathways for educational provision:

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The H. Lavity Stoutt Community College is a comprehensive community college which offers university-parallel, technical-vocational, and adult continuing education programmes. The College’s instructional programmes are designed to prepare students for transfer into the upper division of baccalaureate programmes of other colleges and universities, or for immediate job entry or career advancement. The College provides educational opportunities which lead to the improvement of the quality of life for the members of the community it serves while also linking the economic and human resource development needs of the Territory. HLSCC, 2010, p. 5

The highest award offered by HLSCC, and indeed the most popular, is the Associate’s Degree. Given its prevalence in the community, many organizations now identify it as a required qualification for some of their job postings. The most popular destination for students from the BVI for continued studies after college is the USA. Access to the Associate’s Degree facilitates a smooth transition into the US system as it is the same qualification that most students transferring from US community colleges into senior programmes would also possess. The HLSCC also offers a Certificate of Achievement. This typically contains five to seven, three-credit, courses. In the past, the institution has offered the Certificate of Higher Education that contained around 45 credits. Early course development often followed the pattern of the introduction of a Certificate of Achievement in an area, with the eventual expansion to the Certificate of Higher Education, and finally the Associate’s Degree. With regard to the role that HLSCC plays in providing ‘education for the workforce’, HLSCC is aware that the educational programmes provided must be able to respond to the demands of the local economy. The BVI primary industries, tourism and financial services have received a number of students educated in HLSCC. Since 1992, the college has offered a programme in hospitality studies. In the first decade, enrolment was slow with on average 10 students a year (many of whom did not complete the course). One of the college’s most significant academic partnerships to date, with the New England Culinary Institute (NECI) of Vermont, USA, addressed this predicament by offering a programme in culinary arts on site. HLSCC was able to operate as a branch campus of NECI from 2002 to 2007. During this period the programme was able to attract local students as well as individuals from the USA and other Caribbean islands such as Anguilla, the United States Virgin Islands and St Vincent among others. After the decision to end the partnership with NECI, culinary and hospitality offerings

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were limited to basic skills training sponsored by the Ministry of Education for unemployed youth. In 2012, with the completion of a new culinary arts centre sponsored jointly by the European Union (EU) and the Government of the Virgin Islands, HLSCC once again began to offer an associate degree in culinary arts along with shorter certificate courses, the latter aimed at individuals already working in the industry. Meanwhile, from 2007 to 2012, demand for spaces in the evolved Associate’s Degree in business with hospitality concentrations increased. HLSCC also has a long history of seeking to address the needs of the financial services industry. The development of a Certificate of Achievement in corporate and trust administration in the early 1990s was the result of industry consultation and a pledge of support in identifying adjunct instructors. The offerings were made through the Business Department of HSLCC. In 2002, HLSCC launched the Financial Services Institute (FSI), which was charged with offering professional certification courses as well as continuing professional development for individuals already working in the industry. Over the next few years, the FSI was deemed moderately successful as many of the certification courses were embedded into the college’s Associate Degree offerings. These contributions were all eventually absorbed into the Business Studies Department. In 2009, the college relaunched the FSI. A new advisory committee was set up and a new faculty member, experienced in the delivery of the desired professional certification courses, appointed. The initial demand for workforce education options was high and still continues at a reasonable rate. The new FSI offers tuition towards professional certification for Institute of Chartered Secretaries and Administrators (ICSA); the Society for Trust and Estate Planners (STEP); the International Compliance Association (ICA); and the Chartered Institute of Legal Executives (CILEX). The HLSCC has also offered preparation for local and international licensure and professional certification in these technical areas. In respect of the role that HLSCC plays in providing ‘education for society’, it has interpreted the phrase in its original mission, ‘educational opportunities which lead to the improvement of the quality of life’ to include the facilitation of activities aimed at the wider community and outside of its core credit offerings (HLSCC, 2010, p.  5). Since 1994, the college has organized and hosted a performing arts series featuring local, regional and international artists. The series originally focused on the jazz and classical genres but has since diversified to include gospel, calypso/soca, reggae and dance among others. Many of the performers also present special performances and/or masterclasses for youngsters in the local community. During the same period the institution also

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established a two-mile road race series. This attracts runners and walkers of all ages in the community. The races are used for fun, fitness, and as preparation for competitive athletes. There are usually between 200 and 300 participants in each race. In recent years, a race in each series has been designated as ‘a race for a cause’ and has benefitted agencies focused on issues such as cancer and diabetes. At various times, whether through season-long series or opportunistically, HLSCC has also hosted lecture series on various topics of interest to the local community. The HLSCC is often engaged in various outreach efforts that can provide specific training for organizations. The Ministry of Education is one such significant client. Under a separate contract with the Ministry, the HLSCC currently delivers a nine-month training programme in technical and vocational skills aimed primarily at individuals who were not successful at the secondary level and lack workplace skills. Training is offered in areas such as computer and office skills, carpentry, small-engine repair, air-conditioning and refrigeration, electrical house-wiring, plumbing, and culinary arts. The Ministry also contracted the college to deliver baccalaureate teacher-education training delivered under a franchise agreement with the UWI. The education baccalaureate at HLSCC is a completion programme and only admits individuals who have earned the college’s Associate Degree or similar qualification. Within this process a bachelor’s degree is typically completed in two years. HLSCC has offered and continues to offer a number of short courses aimed at identified needs in the community. Some courses are focused on professional development of individuals in the workplace and have included various types of computer software training, customer service, culinary and food service skills, computerized accounting, and supervision and effective business writing. Other courses aim to meet the special interest needs of individuals seeking opportunities for personal enrichment. Such courses include container gardening, fruit preservation, pastry-making, sauce-making, baking, English as a second language, conversational Spanish, and guitar and piano playing. With regard to ‘institutional financing’, most of the public money allocated for tertiary education is directed through HLSCC. However, the government maintains support for study abroad activities through its scholarship programme open to suitably qualified citizens of the BVI. Funds are also available from the government to train civil servants in overseas locations. It is also well established that the BVI government will contribute to the education of its citizens seeking study at the UWI. Support for HLSCC from the government is through an annual subvention allocated to cover most of the operating costs of the

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institution. From 2009 to 2012, the amount allocated averaged around US$11 million. Aside from the subvention for operations, the government is responsible for reimbursing HLSCC for the tuition of students who qualify for the Tuition Assistance Programme (TAP). The TAP funds generally amount to 10–15 per cent of the subvention. From the outset, tuition at HLSCC was set at an artificially low level in order to increase access to the tertiary education sector. Onsite, HLSCC also provides goods and services to meet the needs of students and respond to demands in the local community. Therefore a cafeteria and bookstore function as small enterprises that serve primarily HLSCC students but are also accessible to the general public. Income generation by HLSCC is achieved through the rental of various physical spaces on campus. The college has a 400seat auditorium and is the preferred location for many government and private functions. It also has well-equipped classrooms and a 1,200 seating capacity tent. All these facilities are available for hire by local and regional parties.

A ‘small country’ perspective In his research in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Smawfield (1988, 1990, 1993) examined the provision of education in the BVI through a ‘small country’ lens. Once aware of the kinds of educational characteristic of ‘smallness’ that Smawfield discussed, it is difficult to move away from them in helping to explain and understand some of the essential features of BVI educational provision and why things are as they are. Table 8.1 provides some illustrative examples. To probe one of the factors identified above a little further, as an example of the kinds of tension at the ‘interface of national, regional and international frames of reference’, nowhere is this more acutely felt currently than in respect of examinations. Key examinations within the BVI system include the national Primary Five Examination, effectively an entrance examination for secondary school, and the national Secondary School Leaving Examination. The BVI has recently found that the regional CXC examination qualifications are increasingly being demanded as entrance requirements for institutions and programmes elsewhere within the Caribbean. Moreover, ‘US and UK universities [are] asking for CXC certificates’ (BVI News, 2012c). CXC programmes are offered in BVI secondary schools, but currently not all students sit the CXC examinations. In 2011, for example, out of 262 public high-school graduates, only 150 sat the CXC examination (BVI News, 2012c). In 2012, the BVI Education Minister publicly stated that ‘CXC may replace school-leaving exams as [the] main

146 BVI specific comment

The increased significance for small countries of developments at the interface of national, regional and international frames of reference, as articulated by Packer (1985)

Cultural dependency, including ‘metropolitan oriented’ societies and ‘educational borrowing’

Limited economic diversification

Lack of economies of scale and diseconomies of scale: small numbers of schools and small schools

The significance of core–periphery relationships, whether in the form of spatial isolation or the dominance of a large island over others: intra-nationally and/or internationally

Applies to the BVI: a smaller player within Caribbean regional networks. Within the BVI, Tortola enjoys ‘main island’ status and all the attendant benefits from superior resources and infrastructure to ‘night life’, compared with Anegada, Jost Van Dyke and Virgin Gorda Applies to the BVI: for instance, small enrolment numbers can and sometimes do make the provision of education specialists (from child psychologists to reading specialists) problematic. Small print runs for books will often be uneconomical The BVI relies heavily on tourism and finance. There are extremely limited vocational and professional opportunities in other areas, with a knock-on effect for what is realistic by way of vocational provision The USA extends a huge cultural influence, including on migration and overseas study aspirations, with attendant issues for recognized qualifications and curricula. Renowned BVI academic, the late Dr Norwell Harrigan (1972) himself applied the term ‘macro state emulation syndrome’ in describing the BVI Applies to the BVI: regional organizations and international affiliations are used as ‘compromise’ solutions to overcome prohibitiveness of scale (e.g. regional examinations, university satellite centres); some benefits accrue, but are also offset by core–periphery relationships

Applies to the BVI and was a consideration that was even more acute before the ‘Topless’ or partially topless education systems: a term first establishment of HLSCC and the UWI Open Reach Campus coined by Brock (1984), i.e. limited tertiary education provision; gearing curriculum content and curricula materials towards external examinations for tertiary level acceptance; and limited capacity for local research

Example characteristics of smallness

Table 8.1 Applying a ‘small country’ lens to the BVI

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The personalized nature of small country societies: everyone knows everyone else. Positive in terms of accountability and transparency, but can be negative in terms of rivalries and prejudices, etc. Increased sensitivity to setbacks such as obtaining spares for broken equipment, which may be the only equipment on the island. As Cammish (1985, p. 25) argued: ‘of three teachers sent to train as physics teachers . . . one may elect to stay overseas, the second may change to electronic engineering and the third may fail his examinations: no physics teacher’ Access to library books and other research, professional support and reference materials

Small countries ‘punch above their weight’ by virtue of their nation status

‘Laboratory systems for experiment’, as coined by Cammish (1985). An advantage of smallness is that change can be introduced quickly, is easier to monitor, and the results of change can be detected early ‘Polyvalency’: the wearing of ‘many hats’. An advantage is that this can be conducive to ‘joined up’ thinking, but an obvious disadvantage is the potential for ‘overload’ Promotion blockages

This, arguably, was one of the most serious constraints of ‘smallness’ as argued in the 1980s and earlier. However, the arrival, further development, and increased pervasiveness of the internet has hugely transformed possibilities, way beyond earlier comprehension. This is a factor elaborated upon in this chapter under a brief discussion of ICT

Applies to the BVI

Applies to the BVI: this is seen in many walks of life from politics to taxi-driving. It is also prevalent in educational administration, where management and senior staff are likely to have a wide portfolio of responsibilities Applies to the BVI: for example, an aspiring secondary head has very few professional lifetime opportunities to apply for a headship when there are only three private and three public secondary schools in the territory and where posts may not become vacant for many years Certainly, the BVI benefits in this way. A population cluster of similar size from the UK, for example, would not have had an opportunity to parade its flag or participate in the London 2012 Olympics; nor would it be a discrete focus of attention within international education statistics and a target of international financial support and interest to anything like the same degree Applies to the BVI

Applies to the BVI, but perhaps more in the sense of a potential future opportunity rather than ones that have already been exploited to maximum advantage

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secondary school certification’ (BVI News, 2012a). There has now been follow-through on this prospective statement of intent. From the beginning of the September 2013 school year, it is a mandatory requirement for all fifthform students to sit CXC, Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) exams (Caribbean News Now, 2013). Yet, as an example of a tension pulling in the other direction, with a sense of national identity and a wish to provide a curriculum that is more relevant to the local context, the same minister has announced that, in an: . . . effort to build the local knowledge base, the Ministry of Education and Culture will embark on a series of meetings with secondary principals to discuss a way forward to infuse Virgin Islands History, Tourism and Financial Services into the academic programme. BVI News, 2012b, para. 1

There is a wider international tension as to where the BVI directs its outlook and aspirations and from where it takes any cultural and other forms of borrowing, including for example the institutional partnerships it initiates and maintains and from where curricula resource materials are taken. On the one hand, there is the proximity of the USA and the American system of education. On the other, there are the historical connections to the UK and the ties that also remain to the present day, due to the BVI ongoing formal status as a ‘British Overseas Territory’. The development support BVI continues to receive helps to maintain British influence. A recent example is a Memorandum of Understanding that has been signed between the Government of the Virgin Islands and Hertfordshire County Council in the UK. Technical cooperation will target school governance, technical vocational education and training, and special needs and inclusive education (Caribbean Journal, 2012). As an example of US-oriented leanings, of 12 listed institutional affiliations on the website of the HLSCC (2013), nine are presently with North American institutions, two with West Indian institutions (and one of these includes the United States Virgin Islands) and only one is with a UK institution (City & Guilds). This represents a shift from the earlier beginnings of HLSCC as described above. To some extent, it can be argued that the BVI is able to enjoy the best of both worlds and thus maximize opportunities. On the other hand, its sense of identity is never fully resolved. It is interesting to be reminded that, as early as 1972, Dr Norwell Harrigan used the term ‘national dichotomy’ to describe this kind of predicament in the context of the BVI (Harrigan, 1972).

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Conclusion Following a general overview of the provision of education in the BVI, this chapter has focused in more detail on the specific role played by the HLSCC and has also applied a ‘small country perspective’ to help understand and interpret patterns of orientation, policy and delivery. With regard to the tertiary sector, it can be concluded that the effectiveness of government policies related to higher education is likely to continue to be a key determinant in the successful growth and development of education across the BVI. In the past two decades many of the initiatives implemented have been connected distinctly to HLSCC. Although this may appear to be exclusive, there have been many partnerships with institutions across the Caribbean region (such as UVI and UWI) that targeted local needs and workforce demands. In an effort to answer sustainability concerns, the HLSCC completed substantial work towards the completion of a five-year strategic plan in 2012. Therefore, as a post-secondary provider, the vision is now to be the region’s college of choice for higher education and lifelong learning so that improvements in lifestyle, a vibrant economy and the success of the nation are noticeable. With regard to the discussion of the characteristics of ‘smallness’, what emerges is that, with the marked exception of access to documentary resources, the kinds of characteristic applying to the BVI as identified by Smawfield (1988, 1990, 1993) in the late 1980s and early 1990s are just as relevant today. This is in terms both of possibilities and constraints for the future development of the system. However, ICT possibilities opened up by the internet now provide unprecedented potential for addressing and exploiting these same opportunities and challenges through innovative means. Finally, in that the characteristics alluded to are characteristics shared with other small countries, there remain ongoing opportunities for heads to come together to further build networks, and share ideas, experiences, lessons and best practice. This is something that relevant regional and international development organizations can continue to play a significant role in supporting and facilitating.

References Bacchus, M. K. (1976), Report of the Survey Team on Secondary Education in the British Virgin Islands. Road Town, Tortola: Ministry of Education.

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Black Economics (2012), ‘Top 10 richest Caribbean islands (2010)’, Black Economics, http://www.blackeconomics.co.uk/rich_islands.htm (accessed 5 August 2013). Brock, C. (1984), Scale, Isolation and Dependence: Educational Development in Island Developing and Other Specially Disadvantaged States. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. Buys, C., Carlson, P. and Hourihan, J. (1976), Secondary Students’ Attitudes Towards Education in the British Virgin Islands. Mimeograph. BVI IFC (British Virgin Islands International Finance Centre) (2010), ‘About the British Virgin Islands’, http://www.bviifc.gov.vg/BVI/tabid/55/Default.aspx (accessed 25 February 2013). BVI News (2012a), ‘CXC may replace school-leaving exams as main secondary school certification’, BVI News, Media Expressions Limited, 20 April, http://bvinews.com/ bvi/cxc-may-replace-school-leaving-exams-as-main-secondary-school-certification/ (accessed 3 August 2013). BVI News (2012b), ‘New subjects, synchronized programmes now the focus for education ministry’, BVI News, Media Expressions Limited, 3, http://bvinews.com/ bvi/new-subjects-synchronized-programmes-now-the-focus-for-educationministry/ (accessed 4 August 2013). BVI News (2012c), ‘US and UK universities asking for CXC certificates’, BVI News, Media Expressions Limited, 31 May, http://bvinews.com/bvi/more-us-and-ukuniversities-asking-for-cxc-certificates/ (accessed 3 August 2013). BVI News (2013), ‘Revealed: top performing schools are Seventh Day Adventist secondary and Claudia Creque’, BVI News, Media Expressions Limited, 18 June, http://bvinews.com/bvi/revealed-top-performing-schools-are-seventh-dayadventist-secondary-and-claudia-creque/ (accessed 4 August 2013). Cammish, N. (1985), ‘Educational issues in small countries: the case of the Seychelles’, Educational Review, 40, 2. Caribbean Journal (2012), ‘British Virgin Islands signs education agreement with UK county’, http://www.caribjournal.com/2012/01/19/british-virgin-islands-signseducation-agreement-with-uk-county/ (accessed 5 August 2013). Caribbean News Now (2013), ‘Education minister outlines BVI educational product’, http://www.caribbeannewsnow.com/topstory-Education-minister-outlines-BVIeducational-product-15181.html (accessed 5 August 2013). Cedar International School (2013), ‘Welcome to Cedar International School’, http:// www.cedarschoolbvi.com/index.html (accessed 5 August 2013). Fergus, H. A. (2003), A History of Education in the British Leeward Islands: 1838–1945. Jamaica: The University of the West Indies Press. Gaible, E. (2009), Survey of ICT and Education in the Caribbean, Volume II: Country Reports: British Virgin Islands. Washington, DC: InfoDev/World Bank, http://www.infodev.org/ infodev-files/resource/InfodevDocuments_597.pdf (accessed 5 August 2013). Government of the Virgin Islands (Development Planning Unit) (2013), ‘Population and demographics’, http://www.dpu.gov.vg/index.php?pagename=Population+and+

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Demographics&menuname=Population+and+Demographics (accessed 25 February 2013). Harrigan, N. E. (1972), Higher Education in the Micro-State: A Theory of Raran Society, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Pittsburgh. Harrigan, N. E. and Varlack, P. (1975), The Virgin Islands Story. Epping: Caribbean Universities Press in association with Bowker Publishing. HLSCC (H. Lavity Stoutt Community College) (1991), H. Lavity Stoutt Community College Act 1990. Road Town, Tortola: Government Printer. HLSCC (H. Lavity Stoutt Community College) (2010), H. Lavity Stoutt Community College: Course Catalogue 2010–2012. Road Town, Tortola: HLSCC. HLSCC (H. Lavity Stoutt Community College) (2013), ‘College afilliations’, http://www. hlscc.edu.vg/hlscc/index.php/en/81-icetheme/icecaption/90-gsa-leadership-summit (accessed 5 August 2013). Mann, C. C. (2011), 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created. New York: Vintage Books. Packer, S. (1985), ‘Small is sensitive’, in C. Brock (ed.), Educational Issues in Small Countries: Proceedings of a One-day Conference. Hull: British Comparative and International Education Society and the International Education Unit of the University of Hull, pp. 10–21. Smawfield, D. (1988), Education in the British Virgin Islands: A Small Country Case Study, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Hull. Smawfield, D. (1990), ‘Education in the British Virgin Islands: a case study of a Caribbean microstate’, in C. Brock and D. Clarkson (eds), Education in Central America and the Caribbean. London: Routledge, pp. 138–173. Smawfield, D. (1993), ‘Notions of smallness – what are they and what are their implications?’, in K. M. Lillis (ed.), Policy, Planning and Management of Education in Small States. Paris: International Institute for Educational Planning, pp. 25–47. UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) (2012), World Atlas of Gender Equality in Education. Paris: UNESCO, http://unesdoc.unesco. org/images/0021/002155/215522E.pdf (accessed 5 August 2013). United Nations Statistics Division (2013a), ‘Gender parity index in secondary level enrolment: British Virgin Islands’, http://mdgs.un.org/unsd/mdg/SeriesDetail. aspx?srid=613&crid=92 (accessed 5 August 2013). United Nations Statistics Division (2013b), ‘Gender parity index in tertiary level enrolment: British Virgin Islands’, http://mdgs.un.org/unsd/mdg/SeriesDetail. aspx?srid=614&crid=92 (accessed 5 August 2013).

9

The Cayman Islands: An Overview Robert Geofroy

Introduction The Cayman Islands are faced with the task of providing quality education for a widespread schooling population. This chapter explores the education systems that are required to be responsive to geographical and economic demands. Predominantly, a review of education in the Cayman Islands is provided within this chapter, synthesized with contemporary history and more recent developments.

Overview of the Cayman Islands The Cayman Islands are made up of three small islands located west of Jamaica, south of Cuba and north of Honduras. The Islands were discovered in 1503 by Christopher Columbus. All told they have a total area of 100 square miles with the largest being Grand Cayman, followed by Cayman Brac and then Little Cayman. As would be expected, Grand Cayman also has the largest population, with Cayman Brac in second place. Little Cayman has served as a refuge for tourists and for isolated research activities. The Islands share a common history demographically for the most part with Jamaica and the Bay Islands off the coast of Honduras as well as the rest of the Caribbean. Thus, residents comprise the local Caymanians, Jamaicans, Hondurans, persons from other Caribbean territories and many foreigners attracted to the Islands by virtue of their favourable financial status as the fifth largest off-shore financial centre in the world. The current population is approximately 55,000: 30,000 are local Caymanians, while the remainder constitutes the foreign component of 152

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the population (CI Government, 2011). The foreign element is composed of a large number of highly skilled financial and banking experts as well as large numbers of highly skilled labourers that man the construction and service industries. There are also many household helpers, janitors and landscaping workers who come from other countries. This has also had its effect on shaping the educational systems of the territory. The Cayman Islands enjoy a high level of political autonomy as a British Overseas Territory (CI Government, 2011). This is similar to other sister territories in the Caribbean such as the British Virgin Islands, Anguilla, Montserrat, and the Turks and Caicos Islands. Like these countries the Cayman Islands have a local Legislative Assembly and Cabinet capable of passing legislation and managing local affairs under the watchful eye of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and the governor. Under the present arrangement, the Cayman Islands have a premier who is head of local government and the various ministries are managed by ministers. Education comes under the Minister of Education, Training and Employment. The Ministry of Education, Training and Employment and the Department of Education are together responsible for the operation of all government primary and secondary schools throughout the territory.

History of education in the Cayman Islands The history of the Cayman Islands spans just 500 years from their discovery through to the modern day. For most of their 500-year history, the Caymans were a dependency of Jamaica. The situation changed when Jamaica chose to become an independent nation in 1962 and the Cayman Islands were given the option of staying with Jamaica or remaining under the British as a dependent territory. The Islands chose to stay as a British protectorate. From the days of discovery and settlement, there is little evidence to suggest that there was any form of education in the Islands until 1837 when the Wesleyan missionary Reverend James Atkins arrived in the Caymans. Atkins was commissioned by the British government to carry out a census. For the 300 years between 1503 and 1837, the Caymans were inhabited by fugitives, pirates and shipwrecked sailors. Education was not seen as relevant to the manner of life on the Islands in those times. Reading and writing did not enter the business of the day. In later years, planters from Jamaica arrived in Cayman with their slaves. The plantation economy was then at its height.

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The year 1838 was highly significant to the Cayman Islands, as to all the British West Indian territories, with the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade and the subsequent emancipation of the slaves. In those times, education was mainly for the girls of White well-to-do families who were taught elements of music, writing and family graces. The yoke of slavery and the deculturalization and sociological damage that resulted was a hard burden to bear. Colonialism was taking root. Subsequent to the abolition of slavery, reading, writing and arithmetic were confined to families of slave owners and their valued slaves under a good master (Connolly, 1986). In 1838, there were 1,000 freed slaves in the Cayman Islands and a fear that ‘without the effectual instruction of free people from all restriction, they would sink into the most deprived and vicious habits’ (Connolly, 1986, p. 31). There were moving appeals for the education of slaves. The British government had some years earlier established the Negro Education Grant but this was withdrawn in 1841. There were few efforts to give any attention to education and it still remained the remit of the wealthy and the fortunate. The education of the freed people was left to the administration of local Churches. Education was still not seen as important and it suffered setbacks due to irregular attendance and the lack of parental support. In 1887, changes took place which would have a profound effect on education in the Cayman Islands. It was the beginning of what can be called ‘public education’. In 1987, the Government of the Cayman Islands celebrated 100 years of public education with the publication of One Hundred Years of Public Education (Education Department, 1987). The Colonial Reports for the period 1961–1965 testified that ‘In the Cayman Islands primary education for all children between the ages 7–14 has been compulsory and free since 1922 . . . [furthermore] the standard of primary education is good and comparable with that of the West Indies as a whole’ (CI Colonial Reports, 1961, p. 23). The government provided no secondary schools until 1964 when it took over a small staff group and some dilapidated buildings from the Presbyterian Church. This was the beginning of the John Gray High School. In 1908, the Education Act was passed requiring the registration of teachers, the recognition of schools, the outlining of curricula, the setting of maximum tuition fees, and the payment by the Board of Education of school fees for all children. By 1920 there was free compulsory education for children aged 7–14 years. However, in 1950 there were 12 primary schools (eight in Grand Cayman and four in Cayman Brac). There were 929 children attending government schools and 27 teachers were employed at this time. In 1959, vocational education

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was introduced into the Cayman Islands High School (CIHS) and plans for infant education were in place. By 1970, the CIHS was converted into a comprehensive system following studies done by Dr William of Glenmorgan and Dr McPherson of The University of the West Indies (UWI). In 1974 the beginnings of the modern system of education were in place (CI Government, 1981). The middle school was established in 1979. Provision for tertiary education emerged when the Cayman Islands became a contributing territory to the UWI in 1965 (CI Government, 1965). This meant that Caymanians then had a stake and opportunities at the regional Caribbean university. Many of the present doctors, lawyers and leading professionals took advantage of this opportunity within the region for higher education and to date the UWI still attracts prominent Caymanians. The UWI currently services educational needs in the Cayman Islands through the newly established Open Campus but Caymanian residents can still access the specialist faculties of medicine and engineering with preferential tuition rates and under a quota system that guarantees them a certain number of places. Apart from UWI, the Cayman Islands are served by three other tertiary institutions: the International College of the Cayman Islands (ICCI), the University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI) and St Matthew’s University (SMU). Both UCCI and ICCI offer mainly business oriented programmes. St Mathew’s is an off-shore medical school catering to the many North American students wishing to enter full-time medical school. There is also a law school (the Cayman Islands Law School) and several other higher education providers that have also made impressions on the Cayman Islands, especially through online ventures. For example the University of Phoenix has established systems in respect of tertiary provision.

The education system The British educational system has dominated the history of education in the Cayman Islands although with the establishment of the ICCI and later with the thrust of the then Community College of the Cayman Islands to associate degrees, there has been a dominance of American-styled education systems, at least at the tertiary level. The tertiary-level systems are still by and large similar to those in America and even the UWI has adopted elements of this in the structure of its degree programmes. The main programmes offered are businessand finance-oriented although St Matthew’s offers medical studies. Typically, Caymanians who wish to pursue medical studies go to the university’s Mona

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Campus which has an international reputation for medicine. Engineering students go to St Augustine Campus in Trinidad. However, there is also a lure to attend American universities and this is often the wish of many a Caymanian student. The educational system is divided into primary, secondary and tertiary levels. There has been increasing emphasis on early childhood education in recent times. Primary and secondary systems are under government control and are managed by the Ministry of Education, Employment and Gender Affairs and the Department of Education. There is a Minister of Education, Employment and Gender Affairs assisted by a chief officer and councillor in the Ministry, while in the Department of Education there is a chief education officer. The primary and secondary schools are still very British in orientation which can be perceived as a legacy of colonialism as well as connected to the Islands’ status as a British Overseas Territory. To accommodate residents on short-term contracts to the Cayman Islands and also to provide for students who are more likely to move on to American colleges and universities, there are also several American-styled secondary schools such as Triple C, Wesleyan Academy and the International School. The government has risen to the task of providing a modern high-quality education for the residents using the fortunes of its favourable position as a world leader in finance and tourism. It could be said that Caymanians appreciated the many ways the government made it possible to be educated and for the emphasis it now gives to educating young people for the future. However, there is now a hope that society will not forfeit moral beliefs from which the early educators drew strength and inspiration in order to give to a future generation the values and character traits that make up an outstanding society. This testimony of the value of education contrasts sharply with the earlier view of education for the wealthy and favoured and points in the direction the government has charted for the development of human potential in the Islands. The governments of the territory have spared no expense in providing the best teachers and educational support materials for the furtherance of education and have even come under criticism for the exorbitant expenditure on new schools (Brendel, 2013). Nevertheless, the government is headstrong in its moves to improve and make education in the Cayman Islands outstanding.

The expansion of education Historically, the development of education in the Cayman Islands has been slow. It is only in the last 50 years that any significant moves have been made

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to provide for education which would drive the economy. It was difficult getting around the Islands and the main mode of transport was by boat. The catboat is the pride and joy of the older Caymanians; however, in more contemporary times young people appear to avoid such traditions. In living memory, Caymanians can recall when there were few roads, only bridle paths or cattle tracks and no supplies except what could be obtained by sea. Caymanians sailed to Kingston for their mail and supplies. Even on Grand Cayman itself it was not unusual to sail from East End to George Town just to buy some ice cream. It is only in recent times that prominent visionaries like Val Johnson, a former Financial Secretary, laid the foundation for Cayman to become one of the leading financial centres in the world, thus bringing investment in the infrastructure of the country to improve systems such as education and transportation. The government has realized the need for an education system to sustain this favourable position and to provide systems necessary to propel the Cayman Islands into a globally competitive twenty-first century. In this regard, there is heavy investment in education within the territory and many schools boast cutting-edge technology and amicable teaching which make for comfortable learning environments. Students are also bussed in from environs and their homes to schools so that access is easy for all. Most secondary level schools follow the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) curriculum, which is very similar to the English General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) system, although there has been a tendency to revert to English systems and examinations. The government-owned schools – John Gray High School and Clifton Hunter High School in Grand Cayman, and the Layman Scott High School in Cayman Brac – provide the bulk of public education in the territory and are attended mainly by locals. Education is free and compulsory. According to UIS (2011), the female literacy rate for students between 15 to 24 years in 2007 was 98.6 per cent while for males it was 99.1 per cent. The majority of teachers in the government school system are Jamaicans and from other Caribbean territories although there are some British teachers as well. In the American-style schools the teachers are mainly foreigners with some coming from other Caribbean territories. Caymanians occupy positions of principals and community leaders for education but teaching as a profession has not been an attractive career choice for many in the past. This situation is altering somewhat. There has been extreme growth in the school population in the Cayman Islands between the late nineteenth century and throughout the twentieth

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century. This rise can be attributed to the interest of the international community both in the Caribbean and Latin America. During the late twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, besides the primary and secondary systems, the government realized that it must also address provision for pre-school and early childhood education. This was primarily the realm of private enterprise but more recently the government has been seeking to make an impact in the early years of a child’s life. The UWI has also introduced a bachelor of science degree in early childhood development and family studies and this is a first-time opportunity for the Cayman Islands. The government has been continually planning for education and early childhood provision as a result of legislation to provide access to education for all children of school age. The recent publication of the Strategic Plan for Education is testimony to this (Ministry of Education, 2012).

Tertiary institutions At the tertiary level, the Cayman Islands are served by several institutions that offer degree programmes. Chronologically, the establishment and significant dates in relation to tertiary level institutions include: ● ● ● ● ●

●

1948 – The University of the West Indies (UWI) 1965 – Cayman becomes contributing member of the UWI 1968 – International College of the Cayman Islands (ICCI) 1975 – University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI) 2004 – The Community College of the Cayman Islands renamed the University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI) and granted university status by the government 2008 – The UWI Open Campus established

The UWI The UWI was established in Jamaica in 1948 and was granted a Royal Charter in 1949. The actual charter was lost when the Aerial Star, the aeroplane transporting it to Jamaica, disappeared without trace. The Charter was re-issued in 1956 and the Cayman Islands was signatory to the Charter that granted the university its degree-granting status. In 1965, the Cayman Islands reaffirmed its commitment to the UWI when it became a contributing country; the

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bursar and senior assistant registrar visited the Cayman Islands to discuss matters related to the contributions and facilities provided. Facilities in the Cayman Islands contributed in the delivery of distance education courses via teleconference systems. The facility became known as the UWI Distance Education Centre (UWIDEC) and was managed in the first place under university representatives on the island and then later by a resident tutor. With this facility, students in the Cayman Islands benefited from lectures which were delivered on a site and could complete degrees by distant learning. The UWI has a long and well-established history of distance education and this was a boost for education in the Cayman Islands, bringing the best minds of the Caribbean to the country. In 2008, the UWI inaugurated the Open Campus which in effect brought together all the distance education initiatives of the university and was aimed at providing a deeper level of service to the Cayman Islands as with all the previously underserved Caribbean territories. The Open Campus now has its own head and is a campus in its own right with degree-granting privileges; it can create and deliver its own courses and generally extends to the Cayman community a range of outreach services that enrich community life. The UWI offers over 800 programmes at all levels – pre-university, undergraduate and graduate – through its campuses and a subset of these via the Open Campus. In the Cayman Islands, the offerings consist of associate and certificate courses in entrepreneurship, criminology, tourism and hospitality management in the Caribbean, and human resource management. Associate degrees in social work are also offered. In the bachelor degree programme, the offerings are in accounting, banking and finance, management and youth development work as well as a range of bachelor degree programmes in education at both primary and secondary levels. Some online masters programmes are also now available. The UWI through the Open Campus has created opportunities for Caymanians to complete degree programmes by way of its teleconference and videoconferene facilities. Lately, the use of the Blackboard Collaborate virtual classroom has brought the best of educational technology to the Cayman Islands and students share with their peers across the Caribbean. The faculties of medicine, engineering and agriculture are of world renown and attract many students from the Cayman Islands. The UWI Open Campus also offers face-toface courses in computer and business areas for skills upgrade for the residents of the Cayman Islands. These courses are very popular and take place in the evening in parallel with teleconference or videoconference courses scheduled for the same time. The Open Campus also promotes public education lectures in

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November for the general public and hosts an open day in February for prospective students. The UWI Open Campus in the Cayman Islands is in partnership with a variety of organizations; for example, it provides outreach work with HM Prisons in the training of instructors for courses which are offered to the inmates.

The ICCI The ICCI was established in 1968 to provide for the educational needs of the Cayman Islands. The ICCI is a private institution which offers associate degrees, bachelor and master degrees in business, management and accounting following the American style of education. The ICCI website provides the following information: The International College of the Cayman Islands is the outgrowth of a need felt by a small group of Caymanians and Americans to establish a private, independent institution of higher education in the Cayman Islands, since no other such institution existed in the Islands. The need was initially expressed by Floris McCoy McField, a Caymanian teacher. ICCI, 2013, para. 1

The ICCI has attracted more mature students whose courses are all scheduled for the evenings and can be easily accessed given other work commitments.

The UCCI The UCCI was originally the Community College of the Cayman Islands (CCCI). The college was first established in the John Gray High School to offer continuing education for school leavers and adults in Grand Cayman and Cayman Brac. ‘All school leavers and adults generally in the Cayman Islands are entitled to be given the opportunity for further education to maximize their potential and their ability to make a meaningful contribution to the life of the community’ (CI Government, 1986, p. 127). In 1975, the CCCI was formally opened at the Cayman Islands High School. In 1985, the separate Marine Trading School, Building and Trade School and the Hotel Training School were merged into the CCCI. The CCCI never had a permanent home since its establishment, being first housed in the John Gray High School and then later on in the Tower building. In 1984, two reports by Dr Hollis-Harllett and Dr Bynoe recommended that a permanent home be

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established for the CCCI (Bynoe, 1985; Hollis-Hallett, 1984). Both of these reports led the then government to establish strategies and policies for further education. Therefore, in 1987, five acres of land was purchased in the schools area of George Town and a year later plans were formalized for the building of the new premises for the CCCI. This was a distinctive strategy by the ‘. . . Government of the Cayman Islands [which] decided to centralise the administration of all public post-secondary educational institutions on the islands’ (UCCI, 2013, para. 2). The college has enjoyed full government support and is the flagship of the local educational system. Most Caymanian school leavers aim to move from the secondary school system directly into associate degrees offered at UCCI as they are almost all guaranteed government support by way of scholarships. Likewise parents of young students are sometimes reluctant for students to go directly into American colleges and universities, far from home, and therefore are happy for their child to attend a local college. Since 2004, the UCCI began offering bachelor degrees and so there is an increased tendency for Caymanians to complete degree programmes at home.

The Law School The Cayman Islands Law School (CILS) was established in 1982 (CILS, 2010). It operates under the auspices of the government and the Office of the Attorney General. The school is affiliated to the University of Liverpool in the UK. Therefore, an example of a course offered is the Bachelor of Law degree that is then accredited by the University of Liverpool. Students can do a fourth year of study leading to the Postgraduate Professional Practicum Course (PPC). Successful completion of the qualifying examination at the course end, followed thereafter by 18 months of articles of clerkship, leads to the qualification of Attorney at Law of the Cayman Islands.

SMU SMU (St Matthew’s University) was established in the Cayman Islands as an offshore medical university attracting mature students who wished to complete pre-medical courses to enable them to enter mainstream medical school in the USA. The university has state-of-the-art facilities and markets itself as being highly accessible to various US states. SMU is proud that it is able to offer personalized tutor support and reduced class sizes for all students:

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Providing quality, affordable medical and veterinary education focused on the success of our students is the foundation of St. Matthew’s University. Our faculty and staff are as committed to your dreams as you are, and our small class sizes mean you receive personalized attention. SMU, 2013, para. 1

Current developments Within the last five years, two main developments have taken place in the Cayman Islands that have had a direct impact on provision and policy. First is the increased emphasis on early childhood education and second the formation of the UWI Open Campus. The latter is an institution that attracts mature students and has been linked to the education of many prominent Caymanians, while the aforementioned focus has resulted in a surge of pre-school provision and plans. One other development within the educational system included the Ministry of Education’s decision to reduce the secondary school system to five academic years. In another undertaking the Ministry of Education zoned the secondary schools so that at least in Grand Cayman there are now two secondary public schools: John Gray High School which serves George Town and West Bay areas, and Clifton Hunter High School which serves the Eastern and Northern districts. The Clifton Hunter High School has been relocated to Frank Sound in a new $100 million (KYD) complex and a second similar project is under way for the John Gray High School. The high expenditure on these schools is indicative of government policy on spending and investment in education for future capital return. The Ministry of Education (2010), in an effort to improve the public education system, has also recently published a new set of standards for graduates. Students must attain minimal standards for the number of subjects passed in public examinations in order to be able to participate in graduation events. Also, students who cannot meet the matriculation requirements of the UCCI may opt to repeat the Year 12 academic cycle which will reinforce and provide future access to tertiary level education. A further change within education was the closure, in 2012, of the former Alternative Education Centre. The Cayman Islands Further Education Centre (CIFEC) is now located in the former John Gray High School complex. There is an increased emphasis on vocational education and the Passport2Success programme is designed to help students prepare for the world of work (Ministry of Education, 2013). Other initiatives in

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the field of vocational education are also taking place. For example: the rehabilitation programme at HM Prison in Northward on Grand Cayman and the John Gray High School motor mechanics training.

Non-formal education Non-formal education in the Cayman Islands is largely dominated through the work of the Cayman Islands Scouts Association (CIScouts). Through the CIScouts young people are able to develop an understanding of spiritual values, appreciate the beauty of nature, learn the importance of loving and respecting all mankind, recognize their obligations, and appreciate the joys and struggles of life (CIScouts, 2013). This avenue for progressive self-education has enabled many small group activities and events to be undertaken by young people in the Cayman Islands. There are six fundamental growth areas that the CIScouts seek to enhance: physical development, creative growth, character formation, social development, emotional development and spiritual growth (CIScouts, 2013). Many scouts volunteer for service across the Islands and are well respected in wider society. As with many other educational organizations the CIScouts will soon benefit from new premises that will seek to promote the advantages of nonformal education provision in the country.

Conclusion The Economic Development Plan of 1986–1990 highlights the historical lack of educational provision in the Cayman Islands (CI Government, 1986, p. 123): Until the late nineteenth century, life in the Cayman Islands was very primitive and education was not a high priority. Settlements were remote from each other and the availability of one or two persons in each settlement who could read or write was all that was strictly necessary at that time.

However, by the late twentieth century, education in the Cayman Islands had rapidly improved. The educational system was well-established to secondary level where students were able to undertake examinations similar to those in the British and American education systems. Caymanians’ growing endeavours for localized investments and education provision have contributed to economic prosperity. Therefore, within the twenty-first century the Cayman Islands are

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reaping the benefits of a dynamic education system that can meet global workforce demands. The government has invested heavily in education and seeks to continuously reap the rewards of this investment.

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gov.ky/pls/portal/docs/page/mehhome/education/strategicplan/cayman%20 islands%20strategic%20plan%20for%20education%202012-2017%20-%20 final_31.01.13.pdf (accessed 30 July 2013). Ministry of Education (2013), ‘Passport2Success (P2S) prepares young Caymanians for employment’, http://www.education.gov.ky/portal/page?_pageid=3901,7485380&_ dad=portal&_schema=PORTAL (accessed 30 July 2013). SMU (St Matthew’s University) (2013), ‘St Matthew’s University, home: improving life by degrees’, http://stmatthews.edu/ (accessed 30 July 2013). UCCI (Univeristy College of the Cayman Islands) (2013), ‘Univeristy College Cayman Islands: about us’, http://www.ucci.edu.ky/about.php (accessed 30 July 2013). UIS (UNESCO Institute for Statistics) (2011), ‘UIS statistics in brief: general profile – Cayman Islands’, http://stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/document. aspx?ReportId=124&IF_Language=en&BR_Country=1360 (accessed 14 August 2013).

10

The Commonwealth of Dominica: Education for Economic Development Ian A. Lubin and Luanne K. Serieux-Lubin

Introduction An intriguing question in the area of planning and policy is the extent to which education promotes economic expansion and democracy in developing countries (Saint-Paul and Verdier, 1993). For the post-colonial countries of the Eastern Caribbean, investment in human capital through education and training assumes the promise of economic self-sufficiency and autonomy; although the prospect of losing increasing numbers of educated youth through migration continually tests these suppositions. In the Commonwealth of Dominica, officials’ efforts to democratize education are confronted by the harsh realities of scarcity, but also by the equally discernible lack of systematic planning and public policy delivery mechanisms to equitably allocate available resources in order to maximize human and social development. Dominica is an island nation in the Eastern Caribbean bordered north and south by Guadeloupe and Martinique, respectively. The island is approximately 289.5 square miles (750 square kilometres) in size with a population of about 71,000 (Dominica Central Statistics Office, 2011). Dominica gained political independence from Great Britain on Friday 3 November 1978, adopting a parliamentary democracy within the Commonwealth of Nations, without becoming a Commonwealth realm, but rather, opting to become an independent republic. Agriculture is still a major driver of the economy in Dominica. Traditionally, the economy was based solely on banana farming, but more recently the government has made efforts to diversify the agricultural sector to include other crops like coffee, sweet potatoes and tropical fruits (CARDI, 2011). Additionally, advances in manufacturing are noteworthy in such areas as general food 166

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processing and in the production and export of soap (CARDI, 2011; Global Edge, 2013). Regrettably, while Dominica’s economy has seen modest improvements in the last five years, mainly due to contributions from tourism and a few offshore services, poverty levels remain unsustainably high and Dominica still ranks as one of the poorest of islands in the Eastern Caribbean based on per capita gross domestic product (GDP) and unemployment figures (UNDP, 2013). Currently, one in three people are employed in the agricultural sector (CARDI, 2011). In this chapter, we examine Dominica as a case study in education and development. We begin with a broad discussion of theories of economics, development and democracy as they relate to education in the Dominican context. We then explore Dominica’s existing legislative framework on education to gauge its suitability and alignment with these contemporary theoretical approaches. Following this, we report on the current state of affairs in Dominica regarding education, providing insights into existing policy and strategy formulation and their efficacy in developing human capital. Finally, we look at education levels with a focus on migration and its influences on education and on the development of Dominica’s human resources both at home and in the diaspora.

Education and economic development Education is generally considered a major contributing factor in the economic growth of any nation and is regarded as a foundation for development upon which much of a nation’s economic and social wellbeing depends (Saint-Paul and Verdier, 1993; Osberg, 1995). No country has achieved sustained economic development without investing considerably in human capital including basic education, research, training, learning-by-doing and aptitude-building (Ozturk, 2001). An educated populace promotes economic efficiency by increasing the overall equality, productivity and flexibility of a country’s labour force, which in turn helps ensure a nation’s competitiveness in the world markets (Osberg, 1995; Ozturk, 2001). Thus, it is clear that the skills and knowledge garnered through education are critical in determining the productivity of persons and of nations, especially in producing new goods and services in more efficient ways (Salai-iMartin, 1994). Beyond the case for economic efficiency, education is also the primary determinant of a country’s standard of living (Galor and Zeira, 1993; Ozturk, 2001). That is, by educating the majority of its population a country can develop

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and utilize the locals’ skills and knowledge as well as rely on individuals’ ability to be trained and retrained to better the economic health of everyone in the community and the nation as a whole. Education also helps maintain a healthy workforce, since more educated persons also tend to invest more in their health and that of their children (Ozturk, 2001). Importantly, educating women and girls especially is instrumental to enhancing living standards, since women have more direct influences on the family, in terms of health and nutrition as well as the educational attainment of children (Ozturk, 2001; UNFP, 2012).

Education and democracy Education is a means of socializing individuals into the norms and values of their country (Bowles and Gintis, 2002). Education instils values such as interpersonal tolerance and nation-building in increasingly cosmopolitan societies (Ozturk, 2001). It is a way for civil society to reproduce itself and it helps sustain a coherent national political culture, as education is strongly linked to civic engagement and to memberships in social groups (Osler and Starkey, 2001). Almond and Verba (1963) describe a participatory culture (also called a civic culture) as one in which persons identify with their wider community with shared values and beliefs, and they participate in their community via organizations and groups. The researchers assert that such a culture is important for sustaining a democratic society, as citizens are able to influence their governments as their governments similarly influence them, and that education is crucial to this political cultural discourse. In short, higher education leads to more democratic politics (Lipset, 1959, 1960; Glaeser et al., 2006). Education and democracy are highly correlated across countries (Glaeser et al., 2006). Glaeser (2009) posits that it is highly improbable to find countries with stable democracies that also have populations with low education levels, and that almost every country with high educational levels has maintained a stable democracy. Furthermore, the probability of a well-educated democracy maintaining its democracy 20 years later is 95 per cent, and the probability of a well-educated dictatorship becoming a democracy within 20 years is 87 per cent (Glaeser et  al., 2006). This may be because educated people are better able to mobilize into mass campaigns for political change, and to fight collaboratively and in solidarity (Bowles and Gintis, 1976). Indeed, while dictatorships provide strong benefits for the ruling elite, democracies provide more modest benefits for everyone (Glaeser, 2009). However, to attain democracy, the wider population

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needs the skills and motivation to work collaboratively – skills such as reading, writing and learning how to get along with each other in social groups and in society that are largely learnt in educational institutions. Thus democratizing education as well as access to higher levels of education promotes freedom and equality. Countries characterized by greater equality, ceteris paribus, experience faster economic growth and development than other nations (Osberg, 1995). Sala-iMartin (1994, p. 746) contends that ‘countries with better educated work forces tend to grow faster’. More importantly, such countries also have higher levels of income in the long run (Galor and Zeira, 1993). Moreover, endogenous growth models, which have become more popular since the 1980s, are driven by the premise that countries differ in regard to their long-run growth rates based on the initial state of the national economy and in the policies enacted by the national government. And veritably, policies affecting education have the strongest impact on income equality, a core value of democratic societies. In Latin American countries, education accounts for about 25 per cent of the variation in workers’ wages, and a mere 1 per cent increase in the labour force (with at least a secondary school education) increases the share of earnings of the bottom 60 per cent of the population by about 15 per cent (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). As education becomes more accessible, a greater number of lower-income persons are likely to afford and seek out formal education. Overall, wider accessibility to education and more years of formal education contribute positively to economic development and to democracy for individuals, their communities and the wider society.

Dominica’s education system Up until the late 1980s, primary and secondary schools utilized an inductive, decentralized approach to developing their curricula. School-based curricula development (SBCD) generally emphasizes the role of school staff in generating appropriate programmes of learning that are responsive to the needs of students and the community. In Dominica, as with other Caribbean islands, curricula were developed to help students succeed in the Common Entrance Examination (CEE), at the primary level, and the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) at the secondary level. There were several problems with this approach. First, SBCD placed a fair amount of burden on the school staff and the outcomes rarely matched the needs of the stakeholders, especially students. Additionally, the

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system was rife with issues of inequity as schools struggled to develop curricula based on resources that were available to them. Hence, access to quality education was not guaranteed to all students across the country. In Dominica, parents became increasingly dissatisfied with the educational outcomes that resulted from this decentralized system and demanded more appropriate programmes of learning for all students. This led the Ministry of Education to adopt a policy of universal secondary education (USE) in 1995. Along with this initiative, in 1995 the Ministry sought to centralize future curriculum development by the implementation of basic education reform, which gave rise to a Curriculum Unit in the Ministry. Further, the Ministry expanded secondary education to include curricula in science, mathematics, language arts and social studies. This was implemented through the Secondary Education Support Projects. These initiatives addressed some of the existing issues in the education system, but were only the beginning of reform in the country.

A rationale for reform In order to advance and validate what seemed like necessary educational reforms, the Government of Dominica posited a set of rationales concerning the role of education in society. These are presented as five main targets or objectives (UNESCO, 2010).

1. A need for well-trained and educated human capital assets to ensure social, political and economic productivity and stability. 2. A need to promote the notion of human equality. Since humans have equal capacity to learn, what must follow is equitability in terms of the democratization of education. 3. A need to establish a more democratic, civil society. An important byproduct of educational efforts must be the development of democratic values, ethics, morality, social justice, respect, etc. 4. A need to promote individual autonomy and capacity for productivity motivated by desires for freedom, responsible citizenship, nationalism and cultural identity. 5. A need to develop competent, responsible global citizens. In response to these needs, the government determined to develop constitutional and regulatory frameworks to reform education in Dominica. In the next section, we discuss specific laws and regulations established in recent decades.

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Laws and regulations The Education Act No. 11 of 1997 was spawned from regional initiatives in the education sector, most notably the Foundation for the Future (FFF) Organization for Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) Education Reform Strategy (Ministry of Education, 1997). In 1991 the OECS commissioned a working group to develop a long-term reform strategy for the OECS sub-region. The FFF became the official strategic framework for the OECS after being accepted by the Minister of Education in 1991 and approved by the central authority of the OECS in 1992 (Miller et al., 2000). One of the recommendations of the FFF was the development of an OECS Education Reform Unit, which sprang into life in 1994. Importantly, one of the tenets of FFF was the harmonization of education legislative process in the OECS. It was with this impetus that Dominica’s Parliament passed the Education Act No. 11 of 1997. The Act governs the development, administration, management and delivery of educational services on the island (Ministry of Education, 1997). A primary provision of the Act of 1997 was the democratization of education. The Act stipulated that all persons were entitled to an education comparable to their needs and further mandated compulsory school attendance for persons between ages 5 to 16. While this did not replace the CEE, it meant that children would no longer be vetted out of a secondary education. This education-for-all provision was specifically laid out in Section  27 of the Act of 1997, which mandated the implementation of USE. Later on, a series of amendments and new regulations made important improvements in early childhood education and special education. For example, the Education Act No.  6 of 2002 replaced the term ‘pre-primary’ with ‘early childhood education’ and called for a renewed focus on the education of children under 5 years old. The following year, 2003, greater scrutiny was placed on educational services in the early childhood sector by way of the Early Childhood Regulations No. 39. Additionally, Education Order No. 14 of 2005 created the Council on Early Childhood Education to serve as a regulatory body in the sector. A comprehensive national curriculum was developed in response to Section  137 of the Education Act that directed the Minister of Education to establish such a curriculum that could meet the needs of all public schools and assisted schools. The national curriculum became further prioritized in the Commonwealth of Dominica Education Development Plan 2000–2005 and Beyond.

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Realities of education in Dominica There have been obvious attempts at educational reform in Dominica, some of which call for substantial investments in human capital. Yet, determining the rates of return on these investments would require systematic evaluation that is beyond the scope of this chapter. Nevertheless, questions (both substantive and methodological) must be raised about whether, and to what extent, the legislated reforms are being implemented and whether they are yielding success. What are the best outcomes to look for and what are the best metrics for measuring the efficacy of these reforms? Do these reforms have real impact? Our own somewhat limited approach is to look at levels of education and retention of education professionals in light of inadequate economic expansion and brain drain. We begin with a snapshot of what education looks like in Dominica based, in part, on data from the United Nations (UN) (UNESCO, 2010; UIS, 2011).

Participation in education In Dominica, students are supposed to be enrolled in the various levels of school, from pre-primary to tertiary, based on a set of theoretical age ranges. However, sometimes students can be enrolled into one of the school levels that do not match their theoretical age group, i.e. a group for which they either are too young or too old. It is also the case that not all students in the general population who are eligible for school at certain levels are actually enrolled. For example, only a certain percentage of all pre-primary (early childhood) children in Dominica are actually enrolled in pre-primary education. This percentage is called the gross enrolment ratio (GER) for the pre-primary level. The GER could be calculated for all levels of school. Table 10.1 represents a profile of education at all levels in Dominica as compared to the same levels in the combined Latin America and Caribbean sub-region (LAC) (UIS, 2011). Note how GER may at times be more than 100 per cent when students are enrolled in a given level who are older or younger than their theoretical age group. The absence of individuals at the tertiary level is also noticeable. It means that tertiary and university-age individuals in the general population are not enrolled at these levels in Dominica (UIS, 2011). In terms of progression and completion of education, the mean years of schooling for adults in Dominica is 7.7. Further, about 84 per cent of children complete a full course of primary education (UNDP, 2013). The student to teacher ratio at primary school level is 16 to 1 and 96 per cent of students make

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Table 10.1 Snapshot of education in Dominica versus Latin America and Caribbean sub-region Level

Age range

DA 2002

DA 2010

LAC region 2010

Pre-primary Primary Secondary Tertiary

Under 5 years 5–10/11 years 11–16 years Above 16 years

82 108 111

112 112 98

70 114 90 41

the transition from primary to secondary school (UIS, 2011). It is prudent to state here that not all who transition to secondary school complete, and accounts vary on actual attrition rates. Notwithstanding, we see that although Dominica offers quality primary and secondary education to its citizens, educational trends past the secondary level seem to suggest that high achievers and highly motivated Dominicans leave the country to advance their educational and professional opportunities. As an example, in 2010, 9.3 per cent of total government expenditure went to education, which accounted for nearly 3.6 per cent of GDP (UIS, 2011). Further it is estimated that about 55 per cent of spending went to primary and 44 per cent went to secondary education, although these estimates are based on 2008 figures (UIS, 2011). What is more striking is that in 2010, there also were 840 individuals studying at regional and international institutions, who were receiving some kind of assistance from the Government of Dominica. Of these, 412 students received scholarships from the government, while the remaining 428 received other forms of financial support (Douglas, 2012). The government also offers the Island Scholarship to the best performing students. This allows recipients to study in the field and university of their choosing, all at the government’s expense and without being required to return to Dominica after completing their studies. Other scholarship/aid recipients may be bonded to return to Dominica; however, the majority of scholarship recipients fail to meet this requirement.

Dominica’s education and its economy Dominica seems to focus on general formal education that is academically, rather than vocationally or technically, oriented (Lubin, 2009). This may be a result of the country’s colonial past, since education in Dominica is still based on

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the British type of grammar school system. Thus, education is narrowly defined as formal schooling, emphasizing the general aspects of literature and science (Lubin, 2009). This seems to be counterintuitive given that about 30–40 per cent of Dominicans are employed in the agricultural sector, which contributes approximately 17 per cent of the island’s GDP (CARDI, 2011). Additionally, the ‘Nature Isle’ of Dominica is actively promoting ecotourism and certainly depends on its land and its natural environment for economic development (CARDI, 2011). Therefore, much of Dominica’s future success depends on utilizing its natural resources in sustainable ways. Unfortunately, this is not reflected well in the educational system, even though such policies exist in the national curriculum (Ministry of Education, 2004). While Dominicans are instructed on how to engage with their natural resources from a civic perspective, far less emphasis is placed on the relations between the resources and the economy, specifically how individuals can develop the expertise needed to create industry. In light of this, perhaps education needs to be re-modelled in Dominica to assist the sectors of the economy to accomplish their endeavours. The current state of affairs in Dominica is such that there is an opportunity for industries in both the public and private sectors to coordinate with each other to pursue more targeted education toward the country’s development. There would be more developed commerce and more formal and informal educational opportunities on-island to prepare individuals for jobs. Persons would be more likely to remain in Dominica and this would mitigate against human capital flight or brain drain.

‘Brain drain’: a blessing or curse? Dominica, like many other developing Caribbean nations, loses a portion of its population every year to emigration; however, Dominica is unique on two counts. First, Dominica’s net migration rate was among the five highest in the world. Second, Dominica is the only country that has experienced negative population growth as a result of voluntary emigration (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). This suggests that Dominica may present a particularly salient case of emigration in the region. Some of the emigration in Dominica is a result of persons leaving in search of better educational and economic opportunities. In fact, Dominica, like many other Caribbean islands, is not able to provide higher education to all of its nationals who seek it. Therefore, travelling abroad in order to pursue higher education is commonplace (Lubin, 2009). It also is

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conceivable that the brightest and best who leave Dominica to pursue higher education remain in their adopted country to pursue economic opportunities. The result is ‘brain drain’. However, while brain drain is traditionally viewed as a net negative for the donor country, Dominica’s diaspora resulting from the emigration may be able to contribute to Dominica’s development in ways that may not have been possible otherwise. So, the question is whether brain drain has a net positive or negative effect for Dominica and whether this effect will continue in the future. According to 2012 estimates, Dominica has a birth rate of 15.6 births per 1,000, well above the death rate of 8.03 deaths per 1,000 (CIA, 2012). In spite of this, the population growth rate is only about 0.22 per cent, up from –3 per cent between 2005 and 2010 (CIA, 2012). This is largely explained by the net migration rate of –5.42 migrants per 1000. It is commonly thought that every Dominican family has been touched by migration – family members may leave to pursue higher education, to find work, or to join with another family member already in the receiving country (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). Overall, although migration from Dominica has slowed, three periods of high migration have been identified. Between 1959 and 1962, many Dominicans went to the UK and the US Virgin Islands; between 1981 and 1993, they went to the USA, Canada and the French Caribbean territories; and finally, between 1996 and 2005, most emigrants went to the USA and Canada (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008).

The costs and benefits of emigration Emigration is often viewed in term of its negative impact on countries; however, it might be prudent to examine some positive implications of emigration. In Table 10.2 we present a comparison of costs and benefits of emigration based on published analysis from the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA 2004). Many of these cost/benefit issues are relevant to the current discussion on Dominica, especially regarding the country’s educational investments in human capital. The focus has been on the negative effects of brain drain, and veritably, the loss of the country’s educated persons is compounded when the government has invested heavily in the primary and secondary educations of these persons. The government faces the high costs of losing highly skilled labour, which leads to a reduction in the quality of goods and services. The loss of so many persons may also result in reductions in the growth and productivity of the workforce. Therefore, the resulting smaller numbers of persons working in Dominica, as well as the lower levels

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Table 10.2 Benefits and costs of emigration to the country of origin Positive effects of emigration

Negative effects of emigration

Provides opportunities to migrants that are not available in the home country May help reduce the level of unemployment in the home country

Loss of highly skilled labour, which means a reduction of the quality of the service Reduction in growth and productivity of the labour force due to lower-skilled workers and associated externalities Lower returns from public investment in public education

Creates inflow of remittances from the emigrants, and increases foreign exchange and income to family and/or friends in home country Can promote technology transfer, investments and venture capital from diasporas Can increase the level of trade between the host and home country May encourage investment in domestic education and investments in individual human capital Returning skilled workers may help increase local human capital, transfer skills and knowledge and linkages of local enterprises to foreign enterprises

Possible loss of fiscal revenue from taxation of workers Remittances may diminish over time The inflationary potential of remittances, especially on real estate in some areas Increasing disparities in income in the home country due to selective migration

of pay for those who do remain, means that there is the potential loss of fiscal revenue from taxes paid by workers to the government that could be used for public works and investments in ventures such as education. In cases where the diaspora sends remittances, there is also the possibility that the remittances may diminish over time. Finally, the other effect of the remittances is that they have the potential to cause inflation, especially in real estate in some areas (UNDESA, 2004). However, on the flip side, it is becoming increasingly clear that there are a range of potential advantages to having a large Dominican diaspora, which is a population of Dominicans who have emigrated but are still tied in terms of culture and identity to Dominica. Since the underlying reasons for the brain drain persist, it may be a worthwhile endeavour to find positive ways of using Dominica’s diaspora. In fact, that is exactly what Dominica has done and there are a number of benefits to the country that are distinctive. The first is that emigrants can find opportunities for schooling, work and actualization that are not available to them in Dominica, and can improve themselves as individuals.

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The advantages extend beyond the individual, however. The level of unemployment in Dominica is reduced relative to what it would have been with lower levels of emigration. Additionally, Dominica benefits from the flow of remittances to family from persons who often live in a country with a higher currency rate. Not only is money sent, but technology, investments and venture capital also come from the diaspora. Migrants may also make specific investments, in terms of supporting education in their country of origin. There also may be a transfer of skills and knowledge by returning migrants and linkages of local enterprises to foreign enterprises. Finally, the level of trade between the host and the home country can result from the high numbers of Dominican emigrants (UNDESA, 2004). Therefore, many of the costs of the emigration of Dominica’s skilled nationals can be mitigated by engaging the diaspora, since their contributions can directly impact Dominica’s social, economic and political spheres. This means that Dominica would need to implement policies that facilitate the diaspora in its economic development planning. While some nations have not yet realized the potential of the diaspora, Dominica-like countries such as China and India have undertaken specific policies that allow the diaspora to be engaged and involved in their country’s development.

Dominica’s diaspora Thus far, Dominica boasts an active diaspora. Investments by the diaspora can be an important agent for growth and development. Dominica ranks as one of the top 20 countries in the world with the highest rate of skilled emigration (Docquier and Marfouk, 2005; Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). Interestingly, 12 other Caribbean countries are in the top 20. The majority of Caribbean countries have lost over 50 per cent of their tertiary- and over 30 per cent of their secondary-educated population. Mishra (2006) compared the positive externalities of an educated workforce with the measureable benefits from remittances and found that in Dominica the value of the remittances far exceeded the losses due to migration. However, when the cost of education expenditure was included, the migration losses were greater than the remittances. Fortunately, the net losses have been mitigated by the Dominican diaspora’s willingness to contribute to the country, not only through remittances, but also through a concerted effort to contribute time, skills and training to helping Dominica’s development. Part of what makes Dominica successful in this regard is the patriotism and strong sense of national identity of the Dominica diaspora, even after having been away for many years. There is also wide use of new

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technologies to connect the globally diverse Dominica diaspora groups (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). The majority of Dominican emigrants reside in larger cities in the recipient countries, such as New York, Miami and Boston in the USA. In Canada, Dominicans typically live in Toronto, and in the UK they typically live in London. Thus, it is relatively easy to form groups that contribute both in cash and in kind to Dominica’s development. The internet has been particularly helpful in bringing together the Dominica diaspora to contribute to the homeland. A number of other contributing factors have brought national development into the collective consciousness of the Dominican diaspora. These include a surge in Black nationalist and liberation politics in the 1970s, the spread of the internet in the 1990s, increased access to education in the USA and the use of websites that focused on Dominica and Dominicans (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). In order to increase their impact, expatriates set up a database of the skilled Dominica diaspora in 2000, followed by an online diaspora magazine, under the auspices of the Dominica Academy of Arts and Sciences (DAAS). Its mission was to gather resources from the Dominica diaspora to create a directory of skills, and to promote research and development projects aimed at promoting development in Dominica. Other projects such as the Dominica Energy Sustainable Corporation (DSEC) and the National Development Fund were also developed to promote development in Dominica. The diaspora also focused on public institutions, namely schools and hospitals. The first ever conference of the Dominica diaspora, ‘Dominica Diaspora in the Development Process’, was held in New York City in 2001. One outcome of the conference was an agreement to harness the intellectual capabilities of the diaspora in the quest for self-reliance and economic independence in Dominica (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). Education featured as a large part of this endeavour, since many of the diaspora exist because of education. Additionally, projects targeting education were also prioritized as essential for developing Dominica. Fontaine and Brinkeroff (2008) reasoned that in the early 2000s the Dominican diaspora focused on good governance on the island, economic activity favouring local ownership of the means of production, the right to vote for diaspora Dominicans and the building of a technologically advanced economy. The second Diaspora Conference 2002 was held in Dominica and focused on strengthening ties between the diaspora and the residents still in Dominica, on issues of crime, and lastly, on issues of education. Education was again featured as a way of achieving economic advancement and social change

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in Dominica (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). Consequently, an education committee was developed with nation-building as one of its major aims. Another illustration of direct diaspora influence in education on Dominica was their role in supporting tertiary education in Dominica. When the local government started to consider the possibility of reforming the tertiary level institution, the Dominica State College (DSC), the government turned to the diaspora who provided the expertise required to make DSC a reality. The expertise came from a number of Dominicans who had held management positions at universities in the USA, and they were specifically utilized to help conceptualize, structure the curriculum, and launch DSC. Not only did they help realize DSC and provide tertiary level educational opportunities for more Dominicans, they did so at a much reduced cost to the government of Dominica, since many of the services were offered free of charge (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008).

Conclusion Recent educational reforms in Dominica have created the regulatory framework for providing quality primary and secondary school education to the majority of citizens. Unfortunately, there are not sufficient supports for tertiary education. This situation encourages Dominicans to cultivate the necessary interest, and gain the requisite knowledge to leave the country to further their studies, or to take advantage of employment opportunities in developed countries such as the USA, Canada and the UK. This migration process is commonly referred to as ‘brain drain’ and is conventionally perceived as something negative for Dominica. However, this migration has also led to net gains in terms of cultural, economic and political development in Dominica. The Dominica diaspora is an active set of people and organizations that are instrumental in reversing the effects of brain drain. They focus on issues related to economic growth promotion, good governance, capacity-building within Dominica and conflict mitigation. They are an integral human resource with expertise and who are familiar with the cultural nuances of Dominica as well as with the developed world, and can play an important role in brokering Dominica’s educational and economic development. Furthermore, they are a bridge between public and private enterprises in Dominica (Fontaine and Brinkeroff, 2008). Specifically, the Dominica diaspora has contributed money, services and expertise to the economic development of the country. The diaspora may be

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helping to enhance political culture and democracy in Dominica by reinvesting in education and focusing on equality and equitability. In turn, the process of giving back, it can be argued, may be promoting patriotic and nationalistic values for those at home and abroad. Many nations focus on what the government and its local private sector can provide for the population, including the quantity and quality of education. Dominica is a small island in the Caribbean – indeed, one of the lesser-developed islands in the region. Yet, it is continually enhanced because of the education that it provides to its people, although not entirely in the traditional way. Those who benefit from the quality primary and secondary education leave the island and then reinvest from overseas. Their contributions increase the accessibility of education and the level of education that can be attained by Dominicans locally. This process is not governed by any explicit policies and the question of whether or not it is sustainable remains to be investigated.

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Galor, O. and Zeira, J. (1993), ‘Income distribution and macroeconomics’, Review of Economic Studies, 60, 35–52. Glaeser, E. (2009), ‘Want a stronger democracy? Invest in education’, The New York Times Economix, 3 November, http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/11/03/ want-a-stronger-democracy-invest-in-education/ (accessed 25 October 2012). Glaeser, E., Ponzetto, G. and Shleifer, A. (2006), Why Does Democracy Need Education? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) Working Paper No. 12128. Global Edge (2013), ‘Dominica: economy’, https://globaledge.msu.edu/countries/ dominica/economy (accessed 25 October 2013). Lipset, S. M. (1959), ‘Some social requisites of democracy: economic development and political legitimacy’, American Political Science Review, 53, 69–105. Lipset, S. M. (1960), Political Man. The Social Bases of Politics. New York: Doubleday. Lubin, I. A. (2009), Societal Expectations and Educational Opportunity: A Study of Future Orientation, Expectancy Valuing and Academic Performance of St. Lucian Youth, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Oklahoma. Miller, E., Thomas, L. and Jules, D. (2000), Pillars for Partnership and Progress: The OECS Education Reform Strategy 2010. Castries: Organization for Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). Ministry of Education (1997), Education Act No. 11, 1997. Dominica: House of Assembly, Government of the Commonwealth of Dominica. Ministry of Education (2004), National Curriculum Framework for Dominica. Dominica: Government of the Commonwealth of Dominica. Mishra, P. (2006), Emigration and Brain Drain: Evidence from the Caribbean IMF Working Paper 06/25. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund. Osberg, L. (1995), ‘The equity/efficiency trade-off in retrospect’, Canadian Business Economics, 3, 5–20. Osler, A. and Starkey, H. (2001), ‘Citizenship education and national identities in France and England: inclusive or exclusive?’, Oxford Review of Education, 27(2), 287–305. Ozturk, I. (2001), ‘The role of education in economic development: a theoretical perspective’, Journal of Rural Development and Administration, 33, 39–47. Saint-Paul, G. and Verdier, T. A. (1993), ‘Education, democracy and growth’, Journal of Development Economics, 42, 399–407. Sala-i-Martin, X. (1994), ‘Cross-sectional regressions and the empirics of economic growth’, European Economic Review, 38, 739–747. UIS (UNESCO Institute for Statistics) (2011), ‘UIS statistics in brief: education (all levels) profile’, http://stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/document. aspx?ReportId=121&IF_Language=en&BR_Country=2120 (accessed 25 October 2012). UNDESA (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs) (2004), ‘World economic and social survey 2004: international migration’, https://www.un.org/en/

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development/desa/policy/wess/wess_archive/2004wess_part2_eng.pdf (accessed 25 October 2012). UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2013), ‘Dominica country profile: human development indicators, 2011 report’, http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/ profiles/DMA.html (accessed 25 October 2013). UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) (2010), World Data on Education 2010/11: Dominica. Paris: UNESCO and International Bureau of Education (IBE), http://www.ibe.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ Publications/WDE/2010/pdf-versions/Dominica.pdf (accessed 1 August 2013). UNFP (United Nations Population Fund) (2012), ‘Linking population, poverty and development: reducing poverty and achieving sustainable development’, http://www. unfpa.org/pd s/poverty.html (accessed 25 October 2012).

11

Grenada: An Overview Colin Brock, Cherril Howard and Gabrielle Mason

Introduction Small states are notoriously idiosyncratic, and Grenada is more so than most. Many such states are islands, but this is far from being the only factor. Their emergence in the post-colonial era as independent polities is in no small measure due to their having been dependent on metropolitan powers, and on the UK in particular. So, even more than usual, context matters when attempting to describe and understand their educational cultures and profiles (Crossley, 2010). ‘Context’ means the amalgam of factors that have shaped the evolution of education in any particular place: geographical, historical, political, economic, sociocultural and demographic in particular (Brock and Alexiadou, 2013). In respect of the legacy of these factors the idiosyncratic dimension of Grenada’s educational story is extraordinary, even in comparison to other small states in the Caribbean region and elsewhere (Steele, 2003).

Contextual legacies in Grenadian education Grenada is the smallest of the Commonwealth Windward Islands, the smaller former Dutch Windwards being well to the north. Grenada is also the southernmost, and immediately to the north are the tiny islands of the Grenadines that, despite their name, are mostly attached to St Vincent. Two are, however, linked to Grenada. According to Clarke (1976, p.  1) in respect of the Commonwealth Caribbean in general: Smallness has condemned the islands to a history of tutelage and, in some cases to microscopic versions of political dependence. A decade and a half 183

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ago only the three largest units – all in the Greater Antilles – were independent, and some of the smallest islands were dependencies of dependencies. Carriacou, subordinate to Grenada, boasts its own fief, Petite Martinique.

After Columbus ‘discovered’ Grenada in 1498, the indigenous Carib (Amerindian) population remained undisturbed for over a hundred years. From a French takeover in 1650, control oscillated between France and Britain, sometimes with brief political alignments with other islands, until 1784 when the British took root. In 1833 Grenada became part of a Windward Islands Crown Colony group. By this time virtually all Caribs had been wiped out, slaves from West Africa had become the dominant ethnic group numerically, and the whole was dominated by a small white and creole plantocracy. Slavery in the British Empire was abolished in 1833 but emancipation was a slow process in practice (Richardson, 1985). Plantations were not abolished but many former slaves preferred a life of subsistence peasant farming on the mountains and hills. Consequently from 1856 to 1878 about 3,000 indentured labourers came in from the Indian sub-continent to man the plantations of Grenada. This Asian dimension was a smaller proportion of the overall population than in any other territory of the then British West Indies (Brock, 1984). Even after emancipation and the infusion of indentured labour, a life of grinding poverty was the experience of almost all Grenadians. Because of its somewhat different exploitive economy from the other Windwards, Grenada became known as the ‘Spice Island’, exporting nutmeg and mace with sugar mainly for rum. This gave it a more exotic and romantic image as viewed from Europe; a false image indeed. As Lowenthal (1972, p. 14) put it: ‘. . . verdant nature was the focus . . . human misery was ignored’. Lowenthal (1972, 1973) and Smith (1965) both addressed the issues of colour, class and stratification in West Indian society, the latter specifically in relation to Jamaica and Grenada. Lowenthal (1972, pp. 78–79) identified five main categories (with numerous permutations) and placed Grenada in Type 4: ‘Societies stratified by colour and class but with white creole elites absent or insignificant’. He had earlier referred to: ‘The light coloured elite of Grenada wholly remote from the black peasantry [who] are measurably stratified by shade and ancestry’ (Lowenthal, 1972, p. 19). Later he qualified this by stating: ‘Physiognomy in all its aspects, however, is only one of many ways West Indians perceive and order colour. Ancestry, wealth, education, way of life and associates all play parts in colour ascription, as they do in social classification’ (Lowenthal, 1972, p.  99).

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Mention of education brings this into the contextual frame in itself, and in association with the two main traits of culture, language and religion. Education in any place is not just to do with schooling. Despite Grenada, like many other small states, achieving universal primary education earlier than many larger states of the developing world, young children learn an immense amount before they begin school. The details of each individual’s learning at this early stage are unique and depend significantly on the mother’s linguistic facility and the medium though which it is imparted. In Grenada, as in Dominica and St Lucia this would mostly have been ‘creole’, a French-based patois. There has long been a denigration of this medium in Grenada as compared with the language of schooling, English. There is, and has been, a longstanding tension between the two, for as Hughes (1966, pp. 50–51) put it: The Grenadian child has but to utter the word jook or some other nonstandard word or expression, and his parent or teacher will take such a lag to him that he will be for ever convinced of the ‘undesirability’ of his nonstandard English.

Such a stigma affects all those, the working majority of Grenada, who habitually use creole, and reinforces strands of social class and status. There is also ‘dialect poetry and stories’ such as popularized by the Grenadian Paul Keens-Douglas in the late twentieth century (Keens-Douglas, 1979). While education is culturally based, in two of its forms, non-formal and, especially, formal, it is politically delivered. Teachers are required to use standard English and enforce it. This assonance can be damaging to learning, and although as Lowenthal (1972) put it, the West Indian governing class sometimes seems to support libertarian ideals, he refers to Singham (1968) in respect of his interviews with the Grenadian economic elite as being totally dismissive of the black working-class majority to the extent that they should not be allowed the franchise in what had by then become in most areas, including education, a self-governing democracy of sorts. Issues of self-denigration could be cultural as well as physical for as Naipaul (1969, p. 73) observed, as far as the ‘manufactured societies’ of the Caribbean islands were concerned at that time, of the Afro-Caribbean person: ‘In the French territories he aimed at Frenchness, in the Dutch territories at Dutchness; in the English territories he aimed at simple whiteness and modernity, Englishness being impossible’. This was as true of Grenada as of any other of the former colonies, but as Mason (2012, p. 6) states, ‘following the “Black Power” rise of the 1970s “Whiteness” still holds pride of place and wealth is still avidly pursued but they faced a challenge and black and non-white pride is growing’.

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Self-confidence and self-respect have offered a permanent rise in the attitude of the society. A landmark in the history of formal education in Grenada came in the form of the Education Act in 1857, promulgated during the Crown Colony period. This, Mason (2012, p. 7) observes, was: . . . indeed a landmark in the budding education system in Grenada. This helped to structure the development for the establishment of two Grammar Schools, one for boys and the other for girls. They provided education for the middle and upper class children, a Normal School for children of the lower class, and a Model School for the training of teachers were also instituted. The Act provided for the creation of a Board of Education to handle all appointments of Principals for the schools just mentioned and for apportioning the monetary donation of two thousand pounds fairly among the denominational schools. The two schools today are Grenada Boys Secondary School and the Anglican High School.

The religious identity of these key schools reflected the virtual Anglican control of schooling in England at the time, but they were not financially viable and struggled to survive, facing a denominational challenge from the arrival of the Roman Catholic order of the Sisters of St Joseph of Cluny in 1875. According to Baptiste (2001, p. 12): The results were that St Joseph’s Convent was a smashing success, siphoning off existing and new girls from the Girls Grammar School to itself. This worried the non-Catholic constituency and the Anglican Church in particular and led to a concerted and successful campaign for the State to re-establish the old Grammar Schools for boys and girls on a sounder and more affordable basis for the parents of the non-Catholic black middle class.

The hold of religious bodies on schooling in Grenada, and the proliferation of denominations involved, continued into the twentieth century. Although Grenada had become independent of Britain in 1958 as part of the West Indies Federation, this broke up in 1962 and the island reverted to the neo-colonial status of an ‘Associated State’ with the UK, as did the other Windwards. According to Clarke (1987), during the 1960s many thousands of Grenadians left for the UK, and the gross domestic product (GDP) fell to as low as $US 200 per capita per annum. This massive outmigration included many well-educated and professionally qualified individuals, the products of the island’s elite selective, often denominational, grammar schools. Indeed, Grenada was second only to

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Barbados at that time in exporting lawyers, doctors and other professionals to the Caribbean region, Canada, the USA and UK. As Mason (2012, p.  5) has described it: . . . with the introduction of systematic education came very shady values – elitism, exploitation, individualism and gross competition. Academic education was viewed as the fastest social mobility vehicle. It was placed way above practical and manual work. University graduates, even secondary school graduates, saw themselves as privileged and above working with their hands or taking part in agriculture or vocational work, though Grenada depended mainly on agriculture.

One of the most notable émigrés was David Pitt, born in Grenada in 1913 who, having qualified in medicine at the University of Edinburgh, returned briefly to the Caribbean to help form a political party in Trinidad. In 1947 Pitt came to London and became the first leading black politician in Britain, his career culminating as Chair of the Greater London Council in 1974 and a Life Peerage as Baron Pitt of Hampstead in 1975. For much of his time in London Pitt maintained his medical calling, controversially at the time treating both black and white patients, and became President of the British Medical Association in 1985–1986. Meantime one of the most eminent West Indian politicians and educationists, Dr Eric Williams of Trinidad, had already voiced concerns as to the irrelevance of selective secondary schooling in respect of the realities of society and economy in the Caribbean islands: As on the primary level, the curriculum is divorced from the real needs of the community and the activity and experience of the pupils, with the qualification that it might be said that the secondary school virtually makes a fetish of this unreality. Secondary education is so severely restricted to the few that the English education that it provides becomes a sign of class distinction. Lowenthal and Comitas, 1973, p. 151

This was as true in Grenada, if not more so than most, in that true to type it became the first of the Windwards to become an independent country, led to this position by the controversial and eccentric trade union leader and prime minister, Eric Gairy. According to Clarke (1987, p. 86): Grenada’s independence from Britain had been strongly opposed by the brown business community in the capital, St George’s, and by the radical

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New Jewel Movement (NJM) led by Maurice Bishop (EPICA Task Force, 1982). For each group feared Gairy’s capricious and malevolent treatment once the ties of associated statehood were severed and Grenada became responsible for foreign affairs.

Their fears were justified. While conforming to the neo-liberal foreign policy expectations of the USA and UK, Gairy proceeded to exploit his position at home. This had educational implications in the intensification of highly selective schooling that in turn fed the increased export of the intellectually and professionally able. At the same time, the poor rural majority were held in thrall through a continuation of his union activities. Levels of adult literacy in such areas remained very low. According to de Block (1984, p. 80): The strong religious influence remained both in terms of the establishment of denominational schools . . . and in terms of the curriculum. It is interesting to note that in an analysis of GCE results in 1980 by far the highest pass rate was in religious education.

She claims that the main features of the education system at this time were: a) irrelevance to the lives and culture of the people; b) elitism; c) irrelevance to the national economy; and d) separation from the community. In Grenada the title of the series of basic texts for the learning of English, The Royal Readers, was symptomatic of the neo-colonial ethos in education that sustained itself under Gairy’s leadership. Due to his personal appropriation of public funds, little new school construction or maintenance took place. The Teachers College, founded in 1963, became an academic stepping stone for a minority to proceed to universities in the USA, and contempt for the local language and culture deepened. The construction of the so-called offshore campus for the St George’s University Medical School took place, as well as retirement homes for well-off Americans. Grenada was fast becoming a feature of America’s ‘back-yard’ with all that that implied. By 1979 both health and education for the majority of Grenadians were in disarray and more than 50 per cent of the potential national workforce was unemployed. Brock (1985, pp. 74–79) summarized the educational situation of Grenada from the mid-nineteenth century to 1979 as ‘colonial education and derived identity’. The year 1979 proved to be revolutionary both actually and metaphorically. A near bloodless coup was staged by the NJM, with teachers in the vanguard under the leadership of Maurice Bishop. The new regime was called the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG), and responded to continued physical opposition from mercenaries acting on behalf of those loyal to Gairy by aligning

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itself with Cuba, whose own very educationally oriented revolution was just 20 years old. This was not without its problems, for as Clarke (1987, p. 87) observed: Small size was more crucial for the PRG than for Gairy because whereas Gairy had been content to leave Grenada unchanged, the revolution had an active policy on almost every social and economic front, based on the noncapitalist path to development and ultimately the Marxist transition to socialism.

This meant in practice that while some metropolitan markets were maintained, for bananas and tourism especially, new markets for other items were sought in Soviet Eastern Europe and other socialist/communist locations as well as in Cuba. An authoritative account of the upheavals in Grenada at this time is that by Payne et al. (1984). With the 1979 revolution being led by teachers, education was naturally at the forefront of the reform agenda. As de Block (1984, p. 83) puts it, they were keen to ‘teach the Grenadian people about their own reality; develop their innate abilities and productive capacity; and promote democratization’. Arising from an initial national seminar they instituted in 1980 were two major initiatives: the National In-Service Teacher Education Programme (NISTEP), to train the majority of untrained teachers one day per week, and the Community School Day Programme (CSDP) which focused on practical, largely agricultural, experience while the teachers were in college. While both were desirable, as de Block (1984, pp. 86–87) comments: The main problem here was that many teachers did not seem able to appreciate the difference between syllabus change and curriculum change. The expectation was that new syllabi would be drawn up almost immediately outside the schools and be produced along with fully trained teachers.

The new administration, in its idealism, failed to come to terms with the fact that for generations the majority of rural Grenadians were not used to bottom-up, community-based initiatives. They were used to centralized top-down administration. In addition, one pivot of that top-down tradition, school principals, were largely hostile to the reforms. Nonetheless, there were significant innovations, not least the replacement of the colonial-oriented Royal Readers with the new Marryshow Readers. These acknowledged the reality of a bilingual, creole and English, linguistic context and were the products of writing workshops by teachers rather than publishing houses in the metropole. These and other initiatives such as The Centre for Popular Education (CPE), intended to overcome the chronic level

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of adult illiteracy, were laudable and popular but the PRG suffered from a number of profound deficiencies. Crucially, the Central Committee was too engrossed in ideology and became split in 1982 with the departure of educator Bernard Coard, the Deputy Prime Minister. Too many initiatives from too few decision-makers were attempted too quickly, and the ideological imperatives of the revolution impeded pragmatic solutions to educational problems. The tensions arising prompted a bitter split between fellow longstanding radicals Bishop and Coard that was to have literally fatal effects. Coard took control and had Bishop placed under house arrest along with Minister of Education, Jacqueline Creft, and several other colleagues. On 19 October 1983 all eight were executed. This prompted the USA to invade Grenada on 25 October. Coard was charged, found guilty and imprisoned for over a quarter of a century until his release in 2009. One legacy of the invasion was for Grenadian education, introducing a third cultural phase from British, mainly English selective schooling traditions, through socialist collectivism to an American influence that has been lasting; in Clarke’s (1987, p. 94) terms ‘a creature of the USA’. The Grenadian Revolution of 1979–1983 became something of a cause célèbre. Coinciding in part with the Falklands/Malvinas conflict of 1982, it highlighted the issue of the security of small states elsewhere, such as in the South Pacific, but as Hegarty (1987, p. 158) indicated: ‘Demonstratively the South Pacific was of less strategic importance than the Caribbean, situated as it was in the shadow of the United States’.

Contemporary education in Grenada Contemporary education in Grenada can reasonably be taken to be the last 30 years, given the stability granted by the US shadow, and some degree of educational cultural influence from that quarter. However, some of the legacies of the previous two phases remain, especially that of the first, together with regional influences from being part of the Commonwealth Caribbean with its shared institutions. The current formal system is based on a number of general principles and the laws and regulations of the Education Acts of 1976 and 2004 (UNESCO, 2010). The general principles are typical of those relating to the objectives of education internationally. They include: that education is a human need and right; that it is a major contributor to national development; that it empowers those on the periphery; that it contributes to peace; and that it tolerates human diversity and difference. There are also regional principles to the effect that, as stated by the Ministry of Education in 2006, the relevance and

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scope of the education provided must facilitate the meaningful participation of Grenadians in the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME). This particular priority would indicate that, like most other governments in the world, Grenada sees the prime purpose of education as being national economic development. This has become by default a global conventional wisdom that, as Grayling (2001) has observed, limits the scope of education everywhere: ‘Education, and especially “liberal education” is what makes civil society possible. That means it has an importance even greater than its contribution to economic success, which, alas, is all that politicians seem to think it is for’ (Grayling, 2001, p. 157). This can be a more challenging limitation for small states like Grenada with concentrated economies.

The structure of formal education in Grenada The Education Act of 2004 established a new legal framework for formal education in Grenada, organizing it into four cycles and making schooling compulsory for all between the ages of 5–16. This is preceded by a voluntary two-year cycle of pre-schooling. The primary sector runs from ages 5–11, followed by the secondary 11–16. There are permutations within each that will be discussed below, and there follows a three-year tertiary cycle that can be accessed directly from 16, or for some at a later age. Overall control is exercised by the Ministry of Education and Human Resource Development in association with a number of Christian denominational authorities whose continued influence indicates the durability of the religious legacy in Grenadian schooling. Below the senior management team of the Ministry are a number of specialist departments: the Curriculum Development Unit; the Material Production Unit; the Guidance and Counselling Unit; and the Educational Testing and Examinations Unit. The last-named is responsible for five local examinations through the nine grades of schooling: Minimum Competency Tests at Grades 2, 3, 4 and 9; the Common Entrance Examination (CEE) at Grade 6; and the School Leaving Examination at Grade 8. There is an Education Advisory Board to assist and advise the Minister and senior management team, but its advice is exactly that and it has no powers to compel acquiescence. At the institutional level of individual schools, each has a school management board to assist and advise the principal and select new principals in association where necessary with denominational and parochial authorities. Each school has a student council that promotes the interests of pupils and gives opportunities for leadership.

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Other bodies may provide support for the Ministry of Education and Human Resource Development, especially the Ministry of Social Development that has a wide range of functions often delivered with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other bodies. This includes responsibility for day care services for children under the age of 2; infrastructural improvements; and adult and continuing education. This last named is a legacy from the strong thrust for adult literacy and numeracy initiated by the Peoples’ Revolutionary Government with significant assistance from Cuba in those days. Advances in adult literacy and numeracy have provided stronger home and community support for primary school pupils. This is termed early childhood educational development (ECED) and aims to enable adults to become more aware of the general developmental needs of young children, including a wide range of mental, practical and social skills, as well as a spiritual awareness. ECED involves about 10 hours per week of structured learning and play-related activities, and involves about three quarters of the 3–5 age range of Grenadian children: a very significant achievement.

The primary sector Here the formal educational experience becomes compulsory and more highly structured. In addition to the knowledge and skills acquired through the curriculum, there is a strong underlying ethos of moral and spiritual development and national, regional and global responsibility. This is encompassed in a Caribbean cultural identity that it is hoped to promote in a kind of curricular osmosis across the specialist subjects. However, the national curriculum at this stage comprises 11 distinct subjects: language arts, mathematics, social studies, general science, health science, health and family life, religious education, arts and crafts, agriculture, physical education and singing. Of these, language arts and mathematics constitute about 60 per cent of the weekly timetable in every one of the six years of primary schooling; a very telling figure. In general, automatic promotion is the norm through the grades, with the succession of national tests mentioned above taking place alongside the ongoing continuous assessment of every pupil. There is therefore significant pressure to succeed in the CEE taken in Grade 6 to gain entry to selective secondary education. This is in effect the legacy of the selective process, abandoned in most locations in England by the mid-1970s in association with European and North American models. That it continues in Grenada and other Caribbean locations is interesting in itself as an enduring legacy of the colonial era. The relevance of this, as illustrated by quotations from Mason (2012) and Williams (1973) above,

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therefore continues. Within the primary cycle in Grenada, provision for children with special educational needs (SEN) is made in a number of selected institutions that are suitably equipped with staff and facilities. However, the policy is to accommodate as many of those with special needs in the mainstream primary schools wherever possible.

The secondary sector Being a selective sector in Grenada this comprises three strands: the ‘secondary school’; the ‘senior primary school’; and the ‘skills training centres’. The CEE is taken in Grade 6 and is in effect providing the same function as the old Eleven Plus (11+) in England, to identify those capable of an academically successful programme leading to professional employment or to higher education. It is a somewhat curious choice of title in that the ‘Common Entrance’ in England was, and still is, taken at the age of 14 (14+) in the private sector for selection into socalled public schools that are in fact private. Perhaps it is the connotation of prestige, so deeply rooted and class related in both countries that has maintained its visibility in Grenada and elsewhere in the Commonwealth Caribbean? Those who succeed in the CEE will proceed to five years in an academic secondary school and then take the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) examination or the GCE O level, probably Cambridge Overseas, examination. Those who are not selected will follow a further three years in the senior primary school and leave with a School Leaving Certificate to join the labour market, or will attend a vocational training centre, leaving with definite technical and/or vocational skills. The third strand will go to skills training centres and then join the labour market. Completion of some form of secondary education is seen as the minimum standard to enter the world of work. Throughout the secondary cycle, in whichever of the three strands, the broader social and cultural dimensions of learning, leading to an appreciation of Caribbean and global citizenship, are expected to be acquired and developed. At the end of the secondary cycle (general and technical) there is a range of possible examinations to be sat and qualifications to be gained, as described by UNESCO (2010, unpaginated): . . . most students sit Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) examinations administered by the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC), or the Cambridge General Certificate in Education (GCE) Ordinary-level examinations (O level). At the post-secondary (post 16) GSEC and GCE Ordinary-level holders can enrol in programmes leading to the GCE

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Advanced-level (two year programmes) or CXC/Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examinations (CAPE); programmes leading to the award of a certificate take one year to complete, while diplomas are awarded after successful completion of a two-year programme.

This may seem an extremely complicated set of options and pathways for the young people of such a small country with a concentrated economy, but it is predicated on the legacy of colonialism, denominational conservatism and the regional scale of the Commonwealth Caribbean. The latter offers some prospect of the traditional education for migration culture that can be extended for some to the USA, Canada and even, for a minority, the UK. It is estimated that there is an overall enrolment rate in the secondary age range of over 80 per cent, a figure that illustrates the place of schooling in the subtle and enduring class/colour component of Grenadian society discussed above.

The tertiary sector Post-secondary education opportunities for Grenadians are not limited to the three main tertiary institutions on the island itself: the T. A. Marryshow Community College (TAMCC), St George’s University and the University of the West Indies (UWI) Extramural Centre. As Brock (2009, p. 96) has indicated: We must also bear in mind that in the Anglophone Caribbean, even after post-compulsory institutions had long been established, the HE experiences of a significant number of people have taken place outside the region altogether. The most significant destinations have been Anglophone Canada, the USA and the UK. Although mostly beyond the scope of this discussion, if it is not taken into account then we have only a partial understanding of the HE options and experiences of the populations of the Anglophone Caribbean.

While it is not possible to take these into account here, they must be borne in mind. In any case Grenada has a positive record in tertiary enrolment in the 17–24-year-old age range as reported by Harvey and Marrett (2008). The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) had set a target of 15 per cent of such enrolment. Grenada achieved 18 per cent, being about halfway down the list from Barbados at 29 per cent to Anguilla with 4 per cent. Regional institutions like CARICOM, the aforementioned CXC and the UWI have a significant influence on Grenadian higher education, which is monitored

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by the UNESCO International Institute for Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (IESALC), based in Colombia. Bobb-Smith (2005) carried out a survey of Grenadian higher education for ISEALC in which she provides a historical background as well as contemporary review. The beginnings of higher education opportunities, albeit for only a tiny elite, occurred in the period 1930–1951 with the award of ‘Island Scholarships’ to support study at UK universities. Between 1952 and 1957 the Grenadian government began to support its potential teachers on teacher education and training programmes in colleges in Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados. A Grenada Teachers College began to develop in the 1960s with two-year programmes leading to certification by UWI, whose extramural centre on the island provided a link and some support. During the Gairy and Bishop periods of government a range of small mono-technical post-secondary institutions were established: Grenada Teachers College, the Grenada Technical and Vocational Institute, the Institute of Further Education, the National Institute of Handicraft, the Mirabeau Agricultural Training School, the Domestic Arts Institute, the Continuing Education Programme, and the School of Pharmacy. The PRG (1979–1983) rationalized post-compulsory education into an Institute of Higher Education but this was suspended in 1983. Subsequently, in 1988, under a new political regime, these elements were amalgamated as Grenada National College, which was renamed the TAMCC (TA Marryshow Community College). Similar rationalizations were carried out in the other Windward Islands enabling them to have an institution capable of also providing the first stage of undergraduate work leading to the completion of a first degree by moving to one of the campuses of UWI. Earlier, in 1976, the Government of Grenada had entered into a unique arrangement within the Commonwealth Caribbean in enabling a mainland USA university to establish a medical school campus, as Miller (2007, pp. 3–4) describes: While Governments were following a policy of financing a single regional university and a variety of national colleges funded from the public purse, a new dimension was added to the Caribbean landscape when the Parliament of Grenada in July 1976 passed the act allowing for the St George’s University School of Medicine which opened its doors in January 1977 . . . Since then other such institutions, labelled ‘offshore universities’ have been established in Belize, St Kitts-Nevis, and other countries across the region.

Despite this plethora of external implants (Brandon, 2003), Grenada was once again the pioneer. Initially, nearly all the students at St George’s University were

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from the USA, but over the years the number of Grenadian students has grown, and it can be looked upon to some extent as part of the system. This is especially so since in 1996 the government granted a charter to the university to open a School of Arts and Sciences, thus making it nearer to the curricular identity of a true university rather than a mono-technical institution. A School of Graduate Studies was instituted offering masters programmes in arts and in public health. Both the TAMCC and St George’s, as well as the UWI Centre, now offer evening courses for part-time students, widening higher education access to appropriately qualified members of Grenadian society. Short programmes of in-service training in different aspects of the local economy are also offered by a number of mainland USA universities.

Conclusion Like all small independent Caribbean island states, Grenada has to contend with the problems arising from a concentrated economy comprising agriculture and tourism. In this it is perhaps not helped in achieving a correspondence between school curricula and the labour needs of the economy by the elitist legacy of British schooling. This is part of the embedded culture within which education resides in all societies derived from European colonialism. On the other hand, Grenada benefits from the regional frameworks into which it is bound such as UWI, CXC and CARICOM. There is also an increasingly global context from which comparative and international research experience can be gained (Crossley et al., 2011). This is being further facilitated by global information and communication technology (ICT) facilities such as the Commonwealth of Learning (COL) and the University Consortium of Small Island States (UCSIS), comprising five universities, including UWI, an institution that has long since recognized the importance of quality assurance in higher education in the region (Whitley, 2001). Grenada’s educational development has been a remarkable one within the region: distinctive in its particular mix of Caribbean society; its longstanding cooperation between the religious and the secular; its contribution to the professions in the region as well as in the metropole; its teacher-led revolution bringing elements of practice from major socialist sources, especially Cuba; and its relatively strong connections with the neo-liberal USA. The challenge now for Grenada’s educational leadership is to refocus this rich educational culture on the sustainable development of its local communities and their environment.

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References Baptiste, F. A. (2001), ‘The development of education in the Eastern Caribbean’, in Proceedings of the Cluny Symposium on Education, Spirituality and Nationality. Port of Spain: Cluny Sisters of the Caribbean, pp. 11–15. Bobb-Smith, Y. (2005), National Report on Higher Education in Grenada. Caracas: IESALC/UNESCO. Brandon, E. P. (2003), New External Providers of Tertiary Education in the Caribbean. Caracas: IESALC/UNESCO. Brock, C. (1984), ‘Education and the multicultural Caribbean’, in T. Corner (ed.), Education in Multicultural Societies. London: Croom Helm, pp. 156–196. Brock, C. (1985), ‘Culture and identity in Grenadian education’, in C. Brock and W. F. Tulasiewicz (eds), Cultural Identity and Educational Policy. London: Croom Helm, pp. 69–91. Brock, C. (2009), ‘Perspectives on higher education in the Anglophone Caribbean’, in F. L. Segrera, C. Brock and J. D. Sobrinho (eds), Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean 2008. Caracas: IESALC/UNESCO, pp. 93–112. Brock, C. and Alexiadou, N. (2013), Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction. London & New York: Bloomsbury. Clarke, C. G. (1976), ‘Insularity and identity in the Caribbean’, Geography, 61, 8–16. Clarke, C. G. (1987), ‘Grenada’, in C. G. Clarke and A. J. Payne (eds), Politics, Security and Development in Small States. London: Allen & Unwin, pp. 83–94. Crossley, M. (2010), ‘Context matters in educational research and development: learning from the small states experience’, Prospects, 40(4), 421–429. Crossley, M., Bray, M. and Packer, C. (2011), Education in Small States: Policies and Priorities. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. de Block, L. (1984), ‘Lessons from Grenada’, in T. Mebrahtu (ed.), Learning from the South: What, Why and How? Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, pp. 78–95. EPICA Task Force (1982), Grenada: The Peaceful Revolution. Washington: EPICA Task Force. Grayling, A. C. (2001), The Meaning of Things: Applying Philosophy to Life. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Harvey, C. and Marrett, C. (2008), ‘Higher education for human and social development in the Caribbean’, in GUNI, Higher Education: New Challenges and Emerging Roles for Human Social Development. Basingstoke: GUNI/Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 300–302. Hegarty, D. W. (1987), ‘Small states in the South Pacific’, in A. M. Hafiz and A. R. Khan (eds), Security of Small States. Dhaka: University Press Ltd, pp. 158–184. Hughes, A. (1966), ‘Non-standard English of Grenada’, Caribbean Quarterly, 12(4), 46–54. Keens-Douglas, P. (1979), Tell Me Again: Dialect Poetry and Short Stories. Port of Spain: Keensdee Productions.

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Lowenthal, D. (1972), West Indian Societies. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lowenthal, D. and Comitas, L. (1973), Consequences of Class and Colour: West Indian Perspectives. New York: Anchor Books. Mason, G. (2012), Education in Grenada, Grenada: mimeo, p. 12. Miller, E. (2007), Research and Higher Education Policies for Transforming Societies: Perspectives from Latin America and the Caribbean. Keynote address, Trinidad, 19 July. Naipaul, V. S. (1969), The Middle Passage. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Payne, A., Sutton, P. and Thorndyke, T. (1984), Grenada: Revolution and Invasion. London: Croom Helm. Richardson, D. (1985), Abolition and its Aftermath: The Historical Context 1790–1916. London: Frank Cass. Singham, A. W. (1968), The Hero and the Crowd in Colonial Polity. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Smith, M. G. (1965), Stratification in Grenada. Berkeley, CA: California University Press. Steele, B. (2003), Grenada: A History of its People. London: Macmillan. UNESCO (2010), World Data on Education VII Edition. Geneva: IBE. Whitley, P. (2001), The Impact of Quality Assurance for Caribbean Tertiary Level Institutions. Kingston: UWI. Williams, E. (1973), ‘Education in the British West Indies’, in D. Lowenthal and L. Comitas (eds), West Indian Perspectives: Consequences of Class and Colour. New York: Anchor Books, pp. 148–168.

12

Guyana: Quality and Equity in Education Prem Misir

Introduction: Educational effectiveness One of the elemental objectives of any global education system is to afford opportunities for all learners to acquire the knowledge and develop the competencies necessary for them to function productively in society. This objective reveals a relationship between school quality and equity, and can therefore be considered important in determining educational effectiveness. This association would also have considerable importance for unequal societies, such as post-apartheid South Africa, which moved toward redistributing opportunities after 1994 (Frempong et al., 2011). Conversely, poor school quality and inequity were fundamental principles of colonial education in plantation Guyana (previously the British colony of British Guiana) as well as other colonial outposts. These societies under colonialism displayed gross inequalities, and only after securing independence from imperial sovereignty did they begin the decolonization process to redistribute opportunities and reduce inequalities. Nevertheless, many postcolonial societies today still persist with a plantation framework that had its genesis in the colonial era. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to determine whether Guyana as a postcolonial society still sustains a colonial education system within a plantation structure.

The plantation framework Beckford (1976, p. 31) defined plantation societies thus: . . . they cover relatively large areas; numerous unskilled workers are involved; decision making is highly centralized; the pattern of management 199

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organization is authoritarian; and the workers are separated from the decision makers by social and cultural differences. Within the plantation community there exists a rigid pattern of social stratification based on a caste system that separates owners and managers . . . from the workers . . .

The colonized workers’ common bond was the economic production of sugar, which was the main mechanism of control and integration in the plantation society during the colonial era. Guyana, like its Caribbean neighbours, was a plantation society under colonialism. The elements of social integration, economic production, nationalism and achievement motivation held plantation societies together. However, these elements did not always operate in unison. Economic production of sugar and nationalism (the sale of sugar by local planters to and dependence on the imperial market and vice versa) were integrating factors with a chequered history. This blemished history fragmented integration through the periodic rupture of economic production and nationalism. Their rupture provided the impetus for a surrogate to heal the breached integration; that surrogate was a common demand for education. However, it was an education mainly advantaging the dominant class. Beckford (1976, p. 42) noted that: . . . because the social structure pyramids to the planter class, the social aspirations of lower status groups in the society are directed toward the social achievement of that class. One element of social integration as a whole is, therefore, to be found in the area of achievement motivation.

Beckford’s concept of colonial education is connected to achievement motivation, where people in the lower strata of plantation society saw education as being synonymous with the educational achievements of the dominant class. Achievement motivation acted as a surrogate to stabilize the society in the absence of the two other mechanisms of integration (economic production and nationalism) and/or when these two mechanisms were fragile. Rodney (1972, p.  264) noted that achievement motivation through colonial education ‘sought to instill a sense of deference towards all that was European and capitalist . . . colonial schooling was education for subordination, exploitation, the creation of mental confusion and the development of underdevelopment’. Even though Rodney was describing colonial education in colonial Africa, the description is apposite for other colonial and postcolonial countries.

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Colonial education Throughout Guyana’s colonial history, the purpose of education had been to make learning and teaching available to select groups and to give these groups an opportunity to achieve social mobility. More importantly, however, the purpose of education had been to function as a source of achievement motivation, which in essence was a mechanism of social control and a means of sustaining political stability. This purpose had enormous implications in colonial societies which were essentially societies with substantial inequalities. For this reason, the real import behind the purpose of education was not only to delineate a pronounced distinction of inequality between White planters who wielded power and the colonized people who were the subject of that power, but also to ensure that both colonizers and colonized were in different social stratification systems. The colonized were placed within a caste system that totally and permanently separated the plantation owner class from workers. From the inception, colonial schools in Guyana advantaged children whose parents occupied high socioeconomic status (SES) because the notion of colonial schooling was perceived as a privilege and not a right. In fact, the White planter class and its adherents believed educational effectiveness occurred where (1) there was achievement by select classes of students in a school (uneven school quality), and (2) there was unfair distribution (inequity) of achievement in a school, a distribution that disadvantaged children with low SES. Uneven school quality and inequity, both favouring the advantaged class, were prominent features of colonial education. Additionally, colonial education modelled itself after the British school system, espousing British values and devaluing anything local. Local schools related to the British environment and ignored their local contexts and needs. Cross (1972) noted that the consequences for using a western model of education unrelated to the needs of a colonial society induced people to migrate from the land. Abolition of slavery induced migration of people away from the land in Guyana. This migration eventually minimized the impact of economic production of sugar as a mechanism of social integration and control in plantation society. As aforementioned, the colonized people in colonial Guyana lived on a plantation system integrated through a common bond – the economic production of sugar. But their persistent rejection of the land through high rural migrations to urban areas and the intermittent fluctuations of profits from sugar made this integration and control mechanism tenuous. For this reason, White planters sought other options to strengthen both control and integration to

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sustain the subjugation of the colonized. One such option was the Negro Education Grant of 1833 that championed education, conceptualized and implemented as achievement motivation. Sporadically, education performed the functions of integration and control whenever economic production and nationalism became impotent. However, periodically, the three mechanisms of integration and control (economic production, nationalism and achievement motivation) did not always function in unison. The consequence was a fragile integration, one of the ingredients for internal conflict among the colonized in the plantation system. But paradoxically, this fragile integration that emanated from internal conflict among the colonized multiracial groups sustained the White planters’ dominance. Dominance sustainability happened because increased internal conflict and division among the multiracial colonized groups reduced their collective resistance against the planter class (dominant group). Therefore, the logic of having total integration among the colonized would have worked to the disadvantage of the planter class. In essence, then, the grand design of colonialism was meant to develop the capacity of the planter class to create and drive dissension and dependence among the subject population. That grand design was intended to perpetuate dependence of the colonized on the imperial power and sustain the plantation society. Colonial education as an integrative and control mechanism over the colonized could offer a valuable lens for appraising the current school system in terms of quality and equity within the context of globalization; especially as this appraisal lens may uncover any vestige of colonial legacy in the current school system.

The current education system Summary This summary will elucidate the relationship between school quality and equity and its capacity to address challenges relating to globalization and rapid technological changes. Guyana’s formal education system contains different levels and types of schools: nursery, primary, secondary and postsecondary (technical and vocational education, teacher training and special education), and tertiary. Table 12.1 provides a summary of the levels and types of schools. As shown in Table  12.1, in 2009–2010, there were 1,269 educational institutions in Guyana, with a total enrolment of 219,257 students, and a total

203

Source: Ministry of Education (2013)

Nursery Primary Secondary department of primary Community high General secondary Special education Technical/vocational Teacher training University Private schools Total

Type of institution

102 – 208

– – – – – – – 310

337 438 –

4 107 6 7 1 1 58 959

4 107 6 7 1 1 58 1,269

439 438 208

12,028 46,483 3,409

800 7,998 29,833 32,817 399 205 3,259 2,523 227 1,762 2,081 3,834 6,516 6,608 108,790 110,467

12,416 48,750 4,509

Female

Male

Total

Discrete

Class

Student enrolment

Number of institutions

Table 12.1 Summary of the education system of Guyana

7 437 123

Male

1,598 18 62,650 774 604 5 5,782 185 1,989 86 5,915 252 13,124 73 219,257 1,960

24,444 95,233 7,918

Total

43 2,032 56 111 237 177 369 8,198

1,702 3,259 212

Female

Number of teachers

61 2,806 61 296 323 429 442 10,158

1,709 3,696 335

Total

26 22 10 20 6 14 30 22

14 26 24

Student– teacher ratio

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employment of 10,158 teachers, predominantly females (8,198). The 1,269 educational institutions included these schools: 439 nursery, 438 primary, 208 secondary departments of primary, 4 community high (now abolished), 107 general secondary, 6 special education, 7 technical/vocational, 58 private, 1 teacher training and 1 university. The table also presents data on different types of schools with their total enrolment: nursery (24,444), primary (95,233), secondary (72,166), special education (604), technical/vocational (5,782), teacher training (1,989), private schools (13,124), and university (5,915). Advancing science and technology as Guyana’s top development strategy becomes a challenge, given that there are only 5,782 students in technical/ vocational education and an even smaller number in tertiary education. In 2009–2010, the student–teacher ratios in the secondary departments of primary and general secondary schools were about the same, with 2,422 and 22 respectively; private schools recorded a student to teacher ratio of 30 to 1, worse than the ratios for government controlled schools.

Nursery, primary, and secondary school structures The ‘early headstart’ schools for students entering the formal school system for the first time are nursery schools. Schools with a nursery section and separate nursery schools admit children from 3 years 9 months. Parents of children below 3 years 9 months pay for their children’s education at half-day private playgroups. Having completed nursery education, pupils are admitted into the primary educational setting. In 1968, The Memorandum on Education changed the primary school entrance age from 5 years to 5 years 9 months. The primary school system contains three divisions: preparatory with two classes (preparatory A and preparatory B or Grades 1 and 2), lower with two classes (Standards 1 and 2 or Grades 3 and 4), and middle with two classes (Standards 3 and 4 or Grades 5 and 6). The secondary school system was and still is hierarchical with traditional secondary schools prevailing over some new types. The current hierarchical secondary school system is arranged in this manner: sixth form schools, President’s College, List A schools, List B schools and List C schools, and the secondary departments of primary schools. The sixth form schools are the senior secondary schools: Queen’s College; Bishops’ High; St Rose’s; St Stanislaus; and St Joseph’s; these schools prepare students for the Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) examinations as well as the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE), and the General Certificate of Education

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Advanced-Level (GCE A level) examinations. President’s College, the top senior secondary school on the East Coast of Demerara, caters for students residing between Novar, Mahaicony and Cummings Lodge. Students gain admission to President’s College with an aggregate score at the National Assessments in Grades 2, 4, and 6, equivalent to the lowest cutoff score for St Joseph’s; indeed, there are students who choose to attend President’s College with higher scores. Additionally, hinterland students, notwithstanding that they may have fulfilled the requirements for admission into the sixth form schools, may choose to attend President’s College because it provides for both residential and nonresidential students. The Lists A, B and C schools, designated the letter grades by virtue of their CSEC examination track record of passes over the last three years, are the general secondary schools that prepare students for the CSEC and GCE O level examinations. The presence of a small number of secondary schools in 1963 prompted Germanacos et  al. (1963) to recommend that primary schools, in addition to providing primary education, should also set up a ‘secondary department’ from Forms One to Three, the lowest tier in the secondary school system. The recommendation gained approval, and primary schools with secondary departments became known as ‘all-age’ or ‘primary tops’ schools which are gradually being phased out. The hierarchical secondary school system outlined above is supported and guided by the policy framework which impacts the quality and equity in education to learners.

The policy framework The State Paper on Education Policy (Ministry of Education, 1995, p. 5) states that ‘equal access to all Guyanese children and young people to quality education’ should be provided. These seven key principles guide education policy on quality and equity (Ministry of Education, 2008): provide basic education; modernize education; eradicate illiteracy; reinforce tolerance; enhance the overall effectiveness of education; increase the standard of living; and develop the citizenry with capacity to modernize Guyana. In the State Paper on Education Policy the government recognized the significance of basic education as a prerequisite for social, political and economic development, national unity and a force to drive societal harmony. The government embraced the Jomtien Declaration which perceives basic education as a right for all, as vital for attaining higher quality in higher tiers of education, and as strategic to

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promoting scientific and technological advancements (World Education Forum, 2000). Basic education in Guyana includes childhood, primary and the mandatory three years of secondary education. The State Paper on Education Policy in 1995 stipulates that modern education should train learners for the future in a fastchanging social environment largely driven by scientific and technological developments (Ministry of Education, 1995; Ministry of Education and Cultural Development, 1995). In this context, the State Paper’s pronouncement on education seeks to cultivate in learners knowledge, skills, discipline, values, adaptability and the capacity to think and act creatively. To ensure that learners have exposure to an education as a preparation for the future, the State Paper places emphasis on upgrading curriculum, teacher training, teaching and learning, and instructional and evaluation methods. Another aspect of the State Paper is the restatement of the education objectives which emphasize the application of pedagogies that will connect learners’ classroom activities to their experiences. This emphasis is intended to facilitate problem-solving associated with experiences in the outside world. Additionally, the Ministry of Education’s declaration ensures that all learners will have equal access to quality education, irrespective of age, race or creed, physical or mental ability, or SES (Ministry of Education, 2008). The declaration regards education not only as an instrumental activity that supports national development and decreases poverty, but also as a fundamental process that is geared toward improving the quality of people’s lives, and promoting tolerance for the diversity of the nation’s multiethnic and religious groupings. This policy framework guides the formation of strategic priorities and activities to modernize education and the nation (Ministry of Education and Cultural Development, 1995; Ministry of Education, 2008).

Strategic priorities The Ministry of Education (2008, p.  8) identified eight priorities which educational institutions of different types and levels are expected to address: quality education; universal secondary education; teacher education; technical/ vocational education; inclusive education; school health, nutrition, and HIV/ AIDS; management capacity; and monitoring and evaluation. The Strategic Plan for the period 2008–2013 contains activities for each priority area which I will now address.

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Quality education Quality education has three components: early childhood education (ECE), literacy and numeracy and school/classroom environment. In the Strategic Plan 2008–2013, ECE is seen as the period from 3 years 6 months (Year 1 of preprimary/nursery education) to age 8 (Grade 2 in the primary school) (Ministry of Education, 2008). Under ECE, curriculum reforms included the use of preliteracy skills associated with Grades 1 and 2 at the primary level. Pupils from these grade levels were exposed to mathematics through interactive radio instruction (IRI). Many teachers received training to implement this curriculum, and under school/classroom environment, the Basic Education Access, Management, and Support (BEAMS) project provided 14 primary schools with adequate computer laboratories and educational software. However, despite the provisions made, about half of the teachers were untrained, including 72 per cent in the hinterland regions. Additionally, there was an absenteeism rate of 25 per cent for both students and teachers (see Tables 12.2 and 12.3 for data presented on poor student attendance). Furthermore, about 70 per cent of each cohort had poor literacy skills. The Strategic Plan 2008–2013 raises questions about the quality of education which is negatively impacted by poor attendance and drop-out rates, poor student performance, shortage of trained teachers, limited equipment, limited

Table 12.2 Student attendance rate by education district and level 2006–2007 Education district

Nursery

Primary

Secondary

Region 1 Region 2 Region 3 Region 4 Georgetown Region 5 Region 6 Region 7 Region 8 Region 9 Region 10 Total

68 74 78 67 79 73 72 75 74 91 75 75

67 80 76 76 84 80 80 84 82 94 78 80

74 77 58 57 74 69 71 79 77 91 74 73

Source: Ministry of Education (2008, p. 21)

208

Source: Ministry of Education (2008, p. 21)

245 406 584 1,493 1,503 330 1,124 114 106 65 24 5,994

26.67 13.33 8.67 19.33 4.33 4.67 17.33 6.33 8.00 1.33 3.00 12.00

20.67 10.67 8.33 17.33 5.00 5.67 28.00 3.67 12.00 1.33 1.33 12.00

Female 59 43 96 85 249 252 814 694 796 648 196 217 633 540 32 40 54 38 170 161 3 2 3,102 2,720

102 181 501 1,508 1,444 413 1,173 72 92 331 5 5,822

Male Female Total 3.00 2.67 9.33 12.33 4.33 4.33 18.33 17.33 5.00 4.00 6.67 8.00 7.67 8.33 3.33 4.00 8.00 6.33 7.67 7.67 0.33 0.33 10.67 10.33

Male Female 17 21 185 189 497 345 673 663 606 721 211 143 511 518 81 66 41 63 141 130 83 56 3,046 2,915

38 374 842 1,336 1,327 354 1,029 147 104 271 139 5,961

Male Female Total

0.87 4.63 14.33 16.30 3.73 6.20 20.10 8.60 6.50 8.87 5.35 9.25

1.27 4.70 12.63 16.33 4.00 5.83 19.90 5.23 8.00 7.07 2.97 9.10

Female

Male

Female Total Male

Male

2006–2007 % Drop-out rate

2005–2006

Number of drop-outs % Drop-out rate Number of drop-outs % Drop-out rate Number of drop-outs

2004–2005

Region 1 119 126 Region 2 248 158 Region 3 309 275 Region 4 868 625 Georgetown 728 775 Region 5 133 197 Region 6 476 648 Region 7 69 45 Region 8 47 59 Region 9 33 32 Region 10 18 6 Total 3,048 2,946

Education district

Table 12.3 Secondary school drop-out rates by level and sex, secondary school drop-outs by education district and sex

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child-centred schools and the regional structure. Tables 12.2 and 12.3 show that in 2006–2007, the average attendances at secondary and primary schools were 73 and 80 per cent respectively. For the same academic year, the drop-out rate for males was 9.25 per cent, and the drop-out rate for females was 9.10 per cent, together numbering 5,961 school drop-outs. There is also the question of teachers’ poor attendance, which could considerably reduce the number of contact hours that enrolled students may receive. Students, and teachers’ poor attendance presents a challenge to education accessibility, given the State Paper on Education Policy 1995 advocacy of quality education for all children from nursery to age 16 (Ministry of Education, 1995; Ministry of Education and Cultural Development, 1995). Further, policies on Draft Education Sector Reform and Innovation indicated that educational performance in Guyana is inadequate, as evidenced through student performances at the national Grades 2, 4, 6 assessments (NGA) at the primary level, and national Grade 9 assessment and the CSEC examination at the secondary level (Ministry of Education, 2011) The Draft Education Sector Reform and Innovation policy identified factors contributing to inadequate student performance as: unsuccessful monitoring of the school system, inadequate measurement and evaluation of learning outcomes at each primary and secondary grade level, inadequate management capacity at schools, and inadequate reporting, support and capacity development in the school system (Ministry of Education, 2011). Numerous regional consultations and workshops were held to chart the way for organizational changes that would produce quality education and better outcomes at different levels of the education system. The Draft Sector Reform and Innovation policy document also outlines the regional structure of educational delivery (Ministry of Education, 2011). Guyana has 10 administrative regions with 10 regional democratic councils (RDCs) which have responsibility for educational delivery. Georgetown, the capital of Guyana, with its large population, is a specially designated district which the central Ministry of Education manages. Each region has its own education department with a budget to address matters such as staffing and infrastructure. Each education department reports to the RDCs which are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development. Under the second strategic priority, universal secondary education, there was an 8 per cent reduction in the number of students in secondary departments of primary schools (primary tops); it is the intent of the government to eliminate this provision of secondary education as it remains substandard. Primary tops students who gain admission to general secondary schools are usually poor

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performers. The current Strategic Plan makes no remedial provision for these students who are likely to enter general secondary education. Under teacher education, the third strategic priority, there was a small increase in trained teachers due to distance education. Also, 11 learning resource centres were set up in hinterland regions to boost teacher training numbers. Nonetheless, constant loss of 10 to 18 per cent of teachers from the education sector continued. Under technical and vocational education (TVET), the fourth priority, young people received training in ‘skills for life’ and remedial programmes in literacy are available at technical institutes. However, trained teacher shortages (see Table 12.4), inadequate facilities and equipment reduced the impact of TVET. Table 12.4 shows, among other things, the number of untrained teachers at all levels of the school system: 47 per cent in nursery schools, 43 per cent in primary schools, 57 per cent in the secondary departments of primary schools, 46 per cent in community high schools and 34 per cent in general secondary schools. In 2007, approximately half of the teaching force was untrained. Those who pursued training had exposure to a mandatory module on special education, in order to enhance inclusive education, which is the fifth strategic priority. There was, however, a shortage of special education teachers, and consequently not many students with special needs received appropriate education. Under school health, the sixth strategic priority, 60 hinterland schools obtained community-based school feeding. However, schools did not reliably receive milk and biscuits. Under the seventh strategic priority to assist with developing managerial capacity, the management information system (MIS) staff received training, with information technology officers assigned to the 10 regions. Migration of MIS staff, however, reduced the impact of information and

Table 12.4 Number of teachers in schools by categories 2007 School/level

Trained graduates

Nursery Primary Secondary department of primary CHS GSS Total

118 194 11 39 317 679

Source: Ministry of Education (2008, p. 32)

Untrained graduates 3 2 1 13 162 181 (2%)

Trained teachers

Untrained teachers

Total

882 2134 201

873 (47%) 1728 (43%) 287 (57%)

1876 4058 500

181 1125 4523

201 (46%) 831 (34%) 3920 (42%)

434 2435 9303

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communication technology (ICT) on management systems. Even so, inclusion of ICT improved monitoring in the education sector, the eighth strategic priority.

Budget plan Budget resources for implementing these eight strategic priority areas of the Strategic Plan 2008–2013 amount to G$112.6 billion (US$557.4 million), with 26 per cent as capital expenditure and 74 per cent as recurrent expenditure (Ministry of Education, 2008). The current Strategic Plan indicates that the national policy provides students with free education (from age 5.75 to age 15 or from nursery school to Grade 9 in the secondary school). The education expenditure as a percentage of the national budget was 4.4 per cent in 1990, increasing to an average of 15.5 per cent between years 2001 and 2007 (see Table 12.5). Education as a percentage of the gross domestic product (GDP) rose from 2.15 per cent in 1990 to an average of 8 per cent over the period 2001 through 2007 (see Table 12.5). In order to provide some regional comparisons with Guyana’s education expenditures, the UIS (2010) provided education data in 2010 for Guyana, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica, St Lucia, St Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago. Guyana spent, per student, 12.9 per cent of GDP per capita at all levels of education. At the primary level, it spent, per student, 8.1 per cent of GDP per capita; at the secondary level, 11.4 per cent of GDP per capita; and at the tertiary level, 18.4 per cent of GDP per capita. Compared to the Caribbean countries, Guyana has the lowest public expenditure

Table 12.5 Education expenditure as a percentage of national budget and GDP Year

National budget Education budget National budget (%)

Education GDP (%)

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

65,826,595 62,968,874 71,837,328 73,108,423 92,363,695 105,883,670 99,962,490

8.5 8.9 7.9 7.7 8.1 7.9 7.6

11,296,347 10,497,336 11,340,928 12,087,847 13,375,048 14,384,997 14,860,628

Source: Ministry of Education (2008, p. 17)

17.2 16.7 15.8 16.5 14.5 13.6 14.8

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Table 12.6 Education expenditure by level as a percentage of education budget Year

Nursery

Primary

Secondary

Post-secondary

2004 2005 2006 2007

9.9 9.2 9.8 10.6

25.1 23.1 23.6 26.2

20.2 21.1 20.1 22.2

6.0 6.5 5.2 7.3

Source: Ministry of Education (2008, p. 18)

per student as a percentage of GDP per capita at all levels (primary, secondary and tertiary). In 2010, Barbados, Dominica, Jamaica, St Lucia, and St Vincent and the Grenadines spent about twice as much per student as was spent by Guyana in education, at both the primary and secondary levels. Most of Guyana’s education budgetary funds are earmarked for government-controlled nursery, primary, secondary, technical/vocational and special schools; its lone university also receives government funds. Table 12.6 shows that between 2004 and 2007, budgetary funding for nursery, secondary and postsecondary education remained practically the same at annual averages of 10, 21, and 6 per cent, respectively, except for slight increased funding for primary education in 2007. By regional standards, Guyana spends considerably less on education as a percentage of its GDP. Additionally, shortage of science and technology teachers in secondary schools has resulted in poor general tertiary enrolment of only 9 per cent and a lesser enrolment percentage in the science and technology departments at the University of Guyana. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Common Market targeted threshold for tertiary enrolment is 15 per cent and the prevailing rate in the region is 20 per cent. Poor student and teacher attendances, student drop-outs, trained teacher shortages, small-scale budgetary funding and low tertiary enrolment across disciplines as well as in science and technology negatively impact the relationship between quality and equity in education, possibly resulting in educational ineffectiveness.

Quality and equity in secondary education Uneven quality was a prominent feature of colonial education, producing educational ineffectiveness for the colonized or those at the bottom of the class hierarchy. Early selection into secondary education is a well-known feature of

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Guyana’s current education system as it was in colonial education. Some studies point to the travesty of early selection and the stratified secondary school system as colonial attributes: ‘The model of education inherited from European colonial history is more than dysfunctional for Caribbean goals of improvement’ (Hickling-Hudson, 2004, p. 295). Hickling-Hudson (2004, p. 296) argued against stratified education, pointing out that ‘Through different kinds of schooling, people are placed on a certain track in the education hierarchy’. She also noted that ‘When a political process is serious about achieving change with equity, it has to learn how to change the stratifying processes of these literacies’ (HicklingHudson, 2004, p. 296). I will now examine the modus operandi of early selection in the current stratified secondary school system. Prior to 2004, students under age 12 but over age 10 (those in Standard 4 or Grade 6 in primary schools) prepared for the Secondary School Entrance Examination (SSEE) to gain admission into these stratified secondary schools: (1) sixth form schools (Queen’s College, Bishops’ High, St Stanislaus College, St Rose’s High, and St Joseph’s High-senior government secondary schools); (2) President’s College; (3) List A, List B and List C schools; and (4) secondary departments of primary schools. This stratification process exists today with the only exception being that the NGA 2, 4, and 6 have replaced the SSEE. Currently, selection to a secondary school is based on the following criteria: standardized scores from the National Assessments in Grades 2, 4, and 6; availability of places; and location of residence. The secondary school selection procedures follow a rigid sequence, where selection to the first level of school has to be completed before proceeding to the second level, then the third, fourth, etc. The selection procedures follow this sequence:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Placement of students in the sixth-form schools Placement of students in President’s College Placement of students in List A schools Placement of students in List B schools Placement of students in List C schools Placement of students in secondary departments of primary schools.

Until its abolition in 2004, the use of SSEE was the predominant means of securing entry into one of the stratified levels of the secondary school system. Currently, and as indicated previously, the NGA has replaced the SSEE. However, it is important to point out that there is no essential qualifying difference between the SSEE and the NGAs in their allocation of students to a stratified secondary school system. I will use ‘SEE’ and ‘NGA’ interchangeably, but noting that the

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NGA issues more tests at three earlier ages (Grades 2, 4 and 6) than the SSEE. In fact, the NGA has an intensified early selection procedure. Secondary school selection through the NGA is not based only on success in these tests, but on the number of secondary school places available and preferences for schools. Even though the Ministry of Education presents the view that secondary school selection is based on the number of places available, there is an assessment criterion to determine and implement the allocation. The criterion used is a standardized score gained at the NGA. That criterion carries an academic element for the allocation of students with the highest scores to the top elite senior secondary schools, that is, the sixth form schools. In effect, those students who do not demonstrate academic proficiency in Grades 2, 4 and 6 assessments gain admission in the secondary departments of primary schools. The NGA provides an overly early selection to determine who is academically proficient to attend sixth form schools, President’s College and some list schools. Bacchus (1966) found that students of parents with high SES performed outstandingly at the SSEE, compared to students from low SES parentage that performed poorly. In other words, students with low SES tended to be low achievers at the SSEE. Extrapolating Bacchus’ findings today, we can say that students with high SES will almost invariably gain admission to the sixth form schools in relatively larger numbers than students with low SES. The result of this phenomenon is quite often the exclusion of many poor students from receiving quality and equity in education. Van der Berg’s (2008) work in South Africa is consistent with Bacchus’ (1966) findings, showing that students with poor achievement came from families who are low-income earners and who lived in poor housing and environmental conditions. Quite frequently, also, students with poor achievement were those from the most underprivileged schools. As aforementioned, the early selection process in Guyana allocates students to a stratified system of secondary schools largely on the basis of students’ SES. The NGA overly early selection process only tests for the students’ SES-influenced academic aptitude; this process does not consider the possibility that some students may develop an academic aptitude latently, resulting possibly in premature placements of many students with low SES in the lowest tier of the stratified secondary school system. Many such students have little or no exposure to quality and equity in education, as they attend the most deprived schools. The NGA, being essentially a series of academic tests plus the prevalence of stratified secondary schools, as academic and non-academic, reinforce and reproduce the class structure of the society. It may be more fitting to set up an education system

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providing a level playing field for all students seeking secondary school admission. A useful strategy will be to institute one type of secondary school with a similar curriculum for all secondary schools for all students. Effectively, the society will have a ‘unitary secondary school’ for all, instead of a stratified secondary school system that functions to the disadvantage of students of low SES. This unitary secondary school system will not reflect class distinctions and reproduce the class structure. The presence of the stratified secondary school system, inter alia, obstructed the transformation of Guyana to a socialist society between 1968 and 1992.Additionally, availability of places as a criterion for the allocation of students to secondary schools obscured the class policy of early selection, where standardized scores, advantaging high SES students more than availability of places, were used to place all students in stratified secondary schools. The consequence of early selection and secondary school stratification is student allocation to the most disadvantaged secondary schools. For instance, secondary departments of primary schools, the lowest tier of secondary education, were instituted to provide secondary education until the gradual emergence of community high schools in 1973. In 2006–2007, both types of these lowest tiered schools had almost 50 per cent of the secondary school enrolment. Community high schools were expected to improve the quality of education in the secondary departments of primary schools. Community high schools have now been abolished. Today, secondary departments of primary schools still prevail, though they are gradually being phased out. The school system reproduces the class structure not only through its early selection and the stratified secondary schools, but also through its fulfilment of the needs of employers for a skilled and disciplined labour force (Bowles, 1977). Students from the most deprived schools may not be as adept at developing capacity for job competitiveness compared to students from the higher-tiered schools. Therefore there are two reasons why students from the lower-tiered secondary schools may fail as school leavers in the labour market:

1. Bacchus (1966) argued that the introduction of educational changes to de-emphasize the higher-tiered secondary schools will not suffice unless there are corresponding changes in the reward structure. In fact, the reward structure of the job market has to be in sync with the educational changes, or vice versa. This is not happening. 2. The lower-tiered secondary school students’ competitive skills for jobs are inadequate because the occupational structure still favours academic skills and students from the higher-tiered secondary schools.

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Bowles and Gintis (2002) noted that schools orient students toward adult work rules and socialize them to function effectively in the modern world of work. Schools accomplish this feat by using the ‘correspondence principle’, and they activate this principle by organizing social interactions and individual rewards that reproduce the modern work setting. The labour market’s favourable posture toward the high-tiered schools indicates that such students will have the competitive edge for jobs over their counterparts from the most disadvantaged schools, such as Lists, A, B and C schools and secondary departments of primary schools. Students who fail to obtain a place in general secondary schools (sixth form schools, President’s College and list schools) through the NGA attain placement in secondary departments of primary schools. Prior to 1992, the majority of children of secondary school age were in secondary departments of primary schools. This means, therefore, that an entire generation of students was relegated to the lowest-tiered schools and experienced the effects of an unequal education system. Currently, the Ministry of Education’s (2008) Strategic Plan 2008–2013 has a policy of universal secondary education, where its strategy of enhancing quality education entails the integration of secondary departments of primary schools into general secondary schools. Under this policy, all students could pursue the CSEC examination or CAPE, or GCE O and A level examinations. Nevertheless, the stratified secondary school system remains.

Discussion Since colonial times, the education system has used early selection for admission to a stratified secondary school system, which has persisted into the postcolonial era, only this time with a more overly early selection feature (NGA tests at Grades 2, 4 and 6). Dustmann (2004) argued that a significant variable to explain intergenerational mobility of income status and education was the influence of parents in the secondary school placement of a child. In other words, parents’ status in the social stratification system may be a determining factor in secondary school placement. This finding is consistent with another finding that students with high SES would secure admission to the sixth form schools (senior secondary schools) in relatively larger numbers than students with low SES (Bacchus, 1966). Bacchus’ (1966) finding suggests that early selection favoured students with high SES and worked against students with low SES when it came to placement of students in the highest-tiered secondary schools in Guyana. Van

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der Berg (2008) found a similar situation in South Africa where most of the poorest children were low achievers. Parental or family background contributed to the child’s SES. Dustmann (2004) found, too, that in Germany, parental background was associated with secondary placement and educational accomplishments of the child. Indeed, demolishing the British exceptionally selective ‘grammar school’ system directly diminished the influence of SES; and its alternative, mixed ability secondary schooling, contributed to decreasing inequality in educational achievement between the most able and the least able students (Galindo-Rueda and Vignoles, 2004). Hanushek and Woessmann (2005) also found that early selection increased inequality and decreased average performance and there was minimum evidence that there were efficiency gains arising from increased inequality. This characteristic of early selection in the education system is similar to the traditional British education system which used sponsored mobility as a norm to implement early controlled selection into secondary schools; a case where elites selected recruits and initiated them early into elite status (Turner, 1960). The argument for early selection for stratified secondary school placement was that there were trade-offs between equity and efficiency; and that it produced a homogeneous classroom with a purposeful curriculum and suitably paced instruction, enabling the production of maximum learning (Hanushek and Woessmann, 2005). In the UK, early ability had a reduced influence on student performance (Galindo-Rueda and Vignoles, 2004). In Guyana, early ability is a key element for success at the NGA tests. Notwithstanding that early selection is not an adequate indicator for testing for early ability, its application ensures that large numbers of children with poor performance at the NGA tests would receive placement in lower-tiered schools, and those with good performance at higher-tiered schools. Clearly then, the NGA tests produce uneven quality and inequity in secondary education. Hickling-Hudson (2004, p. 297) argued that ‘To bring about equitable access to “quality” education . . . educational change has to be far more radical than hitherto envisaged. It may have to include abolishing any kind of selective exam which determines access to schools of differing status’. However, in Guyana, there is a popular view that children should be placed in stratified secondary schools in accordance with their performance at the NGA tests. But placement into a stratified secondary school system may be detrimental to the child because the type of school a child attends does matter; as the placement influences equality of educational opportunity and results. Rutter et  al. (1979) in London found that some schools were better than others, where their students’ performance and behaviour were better than

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those of students at other schools. These researchers found that a good school could be categorized according to several variables: pedagogical practices; emphasis on educational achievement; thorough scrutiny of students’ work; regular distribution and monitoring of homework assignments; and the granting of rewards for good performance. Additionally, Kozol’s (1991) findings on persistent inequalities among schools sustained these findings. Frempong et al. (2011, p. 819), through multilevel statistical analyses, found the following in the context of South Africa:

1. Schools do make a difference over and above the socioeconomic background of learners they enrol. 2. Learners are most successful in schools where they and their parents are actively engaged in the learning processes. 3. Schools with these characteristics tend to compensate for learners’ socioeconomic disadvantages. 4. Learners from disadvantaged backgrounds are less successful in schools. 5. The impact of SES on learners’ achievement levels is particularly prominent in high-achieving schools. Frempong et al. make the case that high-quality schools for all will compensate for disadvantages associated with low SES. This limited review of the literature on secondary school selection highlights the problems of early secondary school selection, reduced performance arising from early abilities, a stratified secondary school system and the relationship of family background to SES with early secondary school selection. These problems prevail within the education system. In fact, applying these elements within Turner’s (1960) typology for classifying educational systems, we can usefully describe Guyana’s school system as follows: high degree of centralization and standardization via the Ministry of Education, and high degree of early differentiation and specialization for secondary school placement in a stratified secondary school system, where a suitably qualified child could be unfairly treated due to inflexible selection procedures and a predominantly paternalistic ideology. The Ministry of Education’s (2008) strategic policy to provide availability and accessibility of quality education to all children from nursery to age 15 is laudable, given that there is a focus on having high quality schools for all. Only in this way can we have equity and successful learning (Frempong et al. 2011). However, the Ministry of Education’s (2008) Strategic Plan 2008–2013 still faces considerable challenges to consummate this relationship between school quality and equity in education, in order to achieve educational effectiveness. In this

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sense, Guyana as a postcolonial society still persists with a colonial education system within a ‘local’ rather than a ‘cosmopolitan’ plantation structure. For this reason, Guyana’s policy-makers’ goal should be to provide access to high-quality schools, summarily resulting in the elimination of selection tests to secondary schools and the elimination of the stratified secondary school system.

References Bacchus, M. K. (1966), ‘Social factors in secondary school selection in British Guiana’, Social and Economic Studies, 15(1), 40–52. Beckford, G. (1976), ‘Plantation society: towards a general theory of Caribbean society’, in P. M. E. Figueroa and G. Persaud (eds), Sociology of Education: A Caribbean Reader. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 30–46. Bowles, S. (1977), ‘Unequal education and the reproduction of the social division of labour’, in J. Karabel and A. H. Halsey (eds), Power and Ideology in Education. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 137–153. Bowles, S. and Gintis, H. (2002), ‘Schooling in capitalist America revisited’, Sociology of Education, 75(1), 1–18. Cross, M. (1972), The East Indians of Guyana and Trinidad. London: Minority Rights Group. Dustmann, C. (2004), ‘Parental background, secondary school track choice, and wages’, Oxford Economic Papers, 56(2), 209–230. Frempong, G., Reddy, V. and Kanjee, A. (2011), ‘Exploring equity and quality education in South Africa using multilevel models’, Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 41(6), 819–835. Galindo-Rueda, F. and Vignoles, A. (2004), ‘The heterogeneous effect of selection in secondary schools: understanding the changing role of ability’, IZA Discussion Paper No. 1245. Germany : IZA, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_ id=575089 (accessed 25 December 2012). Germanacos, C. L., Wander, H. and Congreve, G. S. (1963), Report of the UNESCO Educational Survey Mission to British Guiana. Georgetown: US Government Printing Office. Hanushek, E. A. and Woessmann, L. (2005), ‘Does educational tracking affect performance and inequality? Differences-in-differences evidence across countries’, CESifo Working Papers 1415. Munich: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich, http://www.econstor.eu/handle/10419/18779 (accessed 25 December 2012). Hickling-Hudson, A. (2004), ‘Towards Caribbean “knowledge societies”: dismantling neo-colonial barriers in the age of globalisation’, Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 34(3), 293–300.

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Kozol, J. (1991), Savage Inequalities: Children in America’s Schools. New York: Crown Publishers. Ministry of Education (1995), State Paper on Education Policy. Georgetown: Ministry of Education Guyana. Ministry of Education (2008), Strategic Plan 2008–2013: Meeting the Quality Imperative. Georgetown: Ministry of Education Guyana. Ministry of Education (2011), Draft Education Sector Reform and Innovation. Georgetown: Ministry of Education Guyana, http://www.education.gov.gy/web/ index.php/downloads/policies/file/111-draft-education-sector-reform-andinnovation (accessed 25 December 2012). Ministry of Education (2013), ‘Digest of education statistics’, http://www.education.gov. gy/web/index.php/downloads/statistical-digest (accessed 7 July 2013). Ministry of Education and Cultural Development (1995), An Education Policy and Five-Year Development Plan for Guyana. Georgetown: Ministry of Education Guyana. Rodney, W. (1972), How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. USA: Howard University Press. Rutter, M., Maughan, B., Mortimer, P., Ouston, J. and Smith, A. (1979), Fifteen Thousand Hours: Secondary Schools and their Effects on Children. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Turner, R. H. (1960), ‘Sponsored and contest mobility and the school system’, American Sociological Review, 25(6), 855–867. UIS (2010), UIS Statistics in Brief: Latin America and the Caribbean. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), http://stats. uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/document.aspx?ReportId=121&IF_ Language=eng&BR_Country=3880&BR_Region=40520 (accessed 25 December 2012). Van der Berg, S. (2008), ‘How effective are poor schools? Poverty and educational outcomes in South Africa’, Studies in Educational Evaluation, 34(3), 145–154. World Education Forum (2000), World Declaration on Education for All. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), http://www. unesco.org/education/wef/en-conf/Jomtien%20Declaration%20eng.shtm (accessed 25 December 2012).

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Education in Jamaica: Transformation and Reformation Errol Miller and Grace-Camille Munroe

Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to describe the education system that currently exists in Jamaica. However, a description of the Jamaican education system without reference to its origin and most recent developments could be sanitized; that is, omitting the competing intentions that have shaped the education system, as well as being misleading in overlooking the issues with which the education system still contends. The chapter is therefore divided into three sections: (a) a brief synopsis of the origins of Jamaican education; (b) an outline of the sequence of reforms during the second half of the twentieth century; and (c) a description of major reforms implemented in the first decade of the twenty-first century.

Jamaica: The transformation of education since independence Origin: a synopsis of Jamaican education in the colonial era An English naval force sent by Oliver Cromwell wrestled Jamaica from Spanish control in 1655. Given the greater land mass of Jamaica, several planters from the Leeward Islands and Barbados moved to Jamaica. Subsequently, the White population was boosted mainly by indentured servants and prisoners captured by the English in battles with the Irish and Scots. Further, a strong military force was needed to contend with the rebellious slaves set free by the Spanish on their departure. The initial settlement of Jamaica, as a British colony, was mainly by men whose activities centred on military operations and sugar plantations. 221

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Unlike the Pilgrims and Puritans of the New England colonies, men who came to Jamaica did not come with the mainstay institutions of community: church, school and family-run small farm. The intention of the ruling elite was not settlement, but rather quick wealth accumulation.

Charity and vestry schools during slavery The raucous and reckless behaviour of these men soon earned the colony the reputation of being a barbarian community in need of civilization. A few men who gained wealth through the increasingly prosperous sugar colony had some conscience about the state of the colony, the absence of schools and especially about the sons of White men who were trapped in poverty by the circumstances. This conscience expressed itself posthumously through philanthropy. Bequests were left in wills to establish charity schools for poor White boys. Most of these charity schools did not survive. Many bequests were defrauded. However, some have survived. One consequence of this beginning of education in Jamaica is that schooling in the country has a history of more than 300 years. A second consequence is that there are schools in Jamaica that have operated continuously for well over 200 years. These include: (a) Wolmer’s Boys School established in 1729; (b) St Jago in 1744, Rusea’s in 1777; (c) Manning established in 1783; and (d) Titchfield founded in 1786. A third consequence is that charity schools established to provide basic education to poor White boys morphed into free schools offering elementary education, then metamorphosed into high schools. These schools are the nucleus of the so-called prestigious traditional high schools to which parents and children of all strata of society now eagerly desire to gain access. Fourth, numbered among their alumni are many of the luminaries of Jamaican history. In the eighteenth century the Anglican Church, through vestry schools, joined the charity schools, to provide education at the basic level. Established to serve poor White boys, these schools were open to all White boys. Later these schools opened their doors to boys of other ethnic groups. Hamilton (1978) stated that by 1797 Wolmer’s began to admit Jewish and Mulatto boys, under certain conditions. Further, individuals, especially in Kingston, founded private schools for which they charged tuition fees. Jews and Mulattos were the main proprietors of such schools, which were, by and large, single-teacher institutions. These schools admitted boys and girls. The pattern of education that emerged during slavery was that boys, mainly White, and later girls received elementary education in Jamaica. Parents, who could afford it, then sent their boys to England to boarding

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schools for secondary, and sometimes for university education, and girls to finishing schools. Brathwaite (1971) reported that between 1770 and 1820, 229 Jamaican boys attended Oxford and Cambridge Universities. Many returned to Jamaica, with about 50 serving as elected representatives in the Assembly. While schooling in Jamaica was established during slavery, its provision was miniscule. Its clientele was heavily biased towards boys and Whites, with minor concessions to girls, Jews and Mulattos. Instruction was confined to the elementary level. Its focus of funding was largely based on individual and Church philanthropy, but supplemented by private entrepreneurship. Toward the end of the eighteenth century and in the early decades of the nineteenth century, girls gained a foothold in schools.

Mass education following emancipation One consequence of the emancipation of slaves in the 1830s was to fundamentally change the landscape of education in Jamaica. Mass infant and elementary education was inaugurated and financed mainly through the Negro Education Grant from the British Parliament, grants from the Lady Mico Charity in England, contributions in cash and kind from Christian denominations, and fees paid by the ex-slaves for their children who attended the schools established. Accompanying the establishment of infant and elementary schools was the establishment of colleges to train teachers to staff them. The brightest, most able and ambitious students of elementary schools were recruited through a pupilteachers system to become elementary school teachers, some of whom later received formal training through the teacher training colleges. The elementary school/pupil teacher/teachers’ college system established for the children of ex-slaves was instituted as a separate and parallel system to the charity and vestry schools established during slavery for the so-called free people. In a nutshell, following emancipation a dual system of education was created marked by ethnic differences. The Morant Bay Rebellion in 1865, approximately 30 years after emancipation, provided the political stimulus for restructuring education. The discontent that fuelled the rebellion was the view among some descendants of the slaves that the promise of emancipation had not materialized. The ruling planter class schema that the free society should be organized on the basis of colour, with a White upper class, Brown and Jewish middle class and a Black lower class, was not acceptable to the Blacks, especially those whose parents had moved off the plantations and set up villages with schools, churches and small farms. They

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were poor, but fiercely proud and very ambitious. The latter were the main participants in the mass education system. Following an inquiry into the causes of the rebellion the imperial government suspended the planter controlled Assembly and introduced a Crown Colony Government which immediately embarked on a sweeping raft of reforms. These included: (a) dis-establishment of the Anglican Church; (b) establishment of a police force to replace militias; (c) introduction of district courts; (d) restructuring of the health system; (e) reduction of the number of parishes; and (f) expansion of elementary education and improvements in its quality. The system of ‘Payment by Results’ was adopted and adapted from England with the objective of ensuring an equitable distribution of grants to schools based on merit. The expansion, upgrading and increased financial provision to the elementary school/pupil teacher/teachers’ college system was managed by the Department of Education. The guiding belief undergirding education reform was that the stability, security and prosperity of the colony depended on ‘the enlightenment and moral and social elevation of the people through education’ (King, 1999, p. 33). The net effect of these reforms was to create new opportunities for upward social mobility for Blacks, mainly through elementary school teaching, policing and public health. In other words, these reforms stimulated the growth of a Black middle class.

The birth of public secondary schools and entrenchment of a dual system of education Feeling threatened by these education reforms, the traditional ‘middle classes’ demanded reform of the charity/free school system of education of which they were the main patrons. The result was that in the 1870s and 1880s, the charity/ free schools were transformed into high schools, linked to the Cambridge University examination system, thus articulating these schools with university education in Britain. The private schools became feeder schools for the high schools. Further, this segment of schooling was given its own management, the Jamaica Schools Commission. However, each high school was run by a board appointed by the Trust of the Church that owned the institution. High schools charged fees (King, 1972). With the benefit of hindsight, it is abundantly clear that the education reforms of the 1870s and 1880s institutionalized, in the free society, a dual system of education that basically mirrored the social structure that was manifestly evident in the slave society. The new element, and consolation, was the emergence of a small Black middle class stemming from opportunities created by elementary

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school/pupil teacher/teachers’ college system. In effect, the reforms of the 1870s and 1880s created a segregated, almost apartheid system of education. On the one hand, there was the preparatory school/high school system linked to the British universities through the annual award of the Jamaica Scholarship. This segment served the mainly White, Brown and Jewish social segments. While on the other hand, there was the elementary school/pupil teacher/teachers’ college system whose zenith was access by a few to local theological colleges. This segment served the mainly Black and Indian ethnic groups. As a result, teachers’ colleges were the secondary schools of this latter segment. While these ethnic coefficients were never exact, the correlation between ethnicity and the two segments of the dual system of education was visible and missed only by those with impaired social perception. Not to be missed is the fact the both segments of this segregated system received State funding and were under colonial administration. Absent from both segments of this segregated system was any provision for local university education. The two segments of the segregated system both had their triumphs and failures. Slowly, minimal links evolved between them whereby a few elementary school students gained access to high schools. However, the dual system remained essentially unchanged until the 1950s, 70 years after emancipation.

Education reforms in the second half of the twentieth century Overview Social unrest in the 1930s, culminating in the 1938 riots, spurred constitutional change in 1944. In that year, Jamaica became the first colony or province of the British Empire that was granted adult suffrage and a representative government. The general elections of December 1944 changed Jamaican politics as all adults 21 years and older were eligible to vote. Large numbers of them did so. By the 1949 general elections, two political parties consolidated membership in Parliament and with that consolidation, two-party governance in Jamaica was established. In 1953, policy and administration were transferred from the colonial officials to the elected representatives of the people. Departments were merged or converted in the creation of Ministries, including the Ministry of Education. With pending general elections, and a change of government through elections in 1955, the first education reform was implemented in 1957.

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The creation of the Ministry of Education in 1953, headed by a minister who was a Member of Parliament elected by the people, had far-reaching implications for the management of the school system. First, the functions of the Board of Education and the Jamaica Schools Commission were integrated into the core functions of the Ministry of Education. This brought to an end the dual administration of education and represented the first step in the integration and articulation of the once historically segregated system of education that had evolved during the colonial era. Second, the Ministry of Education introduced a single system of management common to public schools and colleges. Elementary schools had been administered by managers appointed directly by their owners: Church, trust or government. Teachers were hired and fired by these managers. High schools and public colleges had been managed by boards appointed by the owners: Church or trust. Teachers were employed by the boards which also had the power to fire them. The scheme introduced by the Ministry was that all public schools and colleges would be managed by boards with the power to hire and fire teachers. Further, teachers were not transferable between schools or colleges. However, the boards would be appointed by the Minister of Education from nominees of the owners and other stakeholders. In a nutshell, at the beginning of the 1950s, Jamaica initiated school-based participatory management of all public institutions. Third, there was a balance of power between the minister and the boards of public schools and colleges in the appointment of principals. Boards had the power to nominate, but not to appoint principals; while the Minister of Education had the power to appoint, but not to nominate principals. Should the minister veto a nominee of the board, it was the right of the board to submit a new nominee and for the process to be repeated until the minister appointed the principal. Fourth, another major issue that was immediately settled was that the Minister of Education, a politician, would have no direct say in the selection and training of teachers. Accordingly, an independent Board of Teacher Training was established and all powers related to the training of teachers were devolved to that board. An indigenous capacity to train elementary schools teachers had been established in Jamaica since the 1830s. In 1950, this capacity consisted of a total of four small colleges: three training female teachers and one training male teachers. More than half of the teachers in elementary schools were untrained. In 1948, the University College of the West Indies (UCWI) was founded at Mona in Jamaica. In 1953, the fledgling University College established the Department of Education with a mandate to train secondary school teachers through its Diploma in Education Programme. Only persons who held at least a

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BA or BSc degree were qualified to be so trained. While these were very modest beginnings, their significance is the fact that they marked the creation of an indigenous capacity to train secondary school teachers in Jamaica and the Caribbean.

The Reform of 1957 The 1957 education reform is a watershed moment. Its genesis was the first mandate of a government elected through adult suffrage and representative government with the bureaucratic machinery in place to implement its policies. Further, it is instructive with respect to how elected representatives of the people, the vast majority of whom were Black and poor, would address the perennial resentment of the mass of Jamaicans during the colonial era. This resentment was towards the highly restrictive and unequal access to education, particularly to public high schooling, which accorded great prestige and granted the highest prospects of upward social mobility. The goals set for education by the National Plan for Jamaica 1957–1967 were as follows:

1. Universal primary education for all children between the ages of 7 and 11. 2. The expansion of high schools by enlarging existing schools and building new ones. 3. The introduction of the Common Entrance Examination (CEE) to select students for high schools solely on the basis of merit. 4. The award of 2,000 free places to secondary schools annually based the results of the CEE. Another 2,000 students would be awarded a grant place which covered about half of the tuition fees. 5. The establishment of post-primary departments in all-age schools. 6. The construction of large post-primary schools for children 11 to 15 years old. 7. The expansion of technical high schools and the conversion of practical training centres to technical high schools. 8. The recruitment of graduate teachers from abroad to meet the immediate demands of the expanded high schools. 9. The award of 50 scholarships annually to the University of the West Indies (UWI) to persons willing to teach to obtain degrees and possibly postgraduate diplomas. 10. The establishment of an Institute of Arts and Applied Sciences.

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The colonial era had produced two main public educational institutions: the all-age schools providing free elementary education for the mass of the population up to age 14 and the high school which was fee paying, highly biased to the middle classes and small in its overall capacity. These two institutions were not articulated, but had marginal connections in that a relatively small number of elementary school students gained access to high schools, but this was a concession rather than a principal policy. The 1957 reform had universal primary education as one of its first goals. Basic education, which was first inaugurated in the charity schools of the late seventeenth century for poor White boys, became the right of all children. Adult suffrage and representative government in its first deliberate act decreed universal primary education. This was achieved by the end of the 1960s. The 1957 reform changed the basis of entry to public high schools from parents’ ability to pay to merit, based on students’ performance in the CEE. It expanded public high schooling, made provision for the recruitment and expanded training capacity for secondary school teachers for the enlarged system and provided 2,000 free places annually. By these policies, it expanded access to this previously restricted segment of the school system, articulated it with public primary schooling and increased the possibility of children from poor homes gaining access to high schooling through the award of free and grant places. In this regard, the first deliberate systematically planned action of government elected by popular mandate was to immediately and directly respond to a major concern of the electorate. The 1957 reform also addressed the matter of technical and vocational education in a substantive manner. Technical and vocational training was an isolated rump in the colonial system of education. The 1957 reform made technical education an integral part of the public secondary and tertiary education systems. Kingston Technical School was founded in 1896. This school offered education and skills training beyond the elementary level, but was not part of the high school system. The Government Farm School was established in 1910 to train approximately 12 young men annually in ‘the art and science of agriculture’ (CASE, 2012, para. 2). In 1942, it was renamed the Jamaica School of Agriculture (JSA). Three practical training centres were established in the 1930s in different parts of the country to provide training in agriculture and artisan trades. The 1957 reform took these institutions, reorganized and upgraded them to technical high schools and added two new schools, increasing their total number to six. However, they were four-year institutions with their own entrance examination taken one year after the CEE. In other words, these were high schools of a different type than the traditional high schools. They became an

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alternative for children who were not successful in the CEE. Further, the 1957 reform planned the establishment of what it called the Institute of Arts and Applied Science. This was founded in 1958 and named the Jamaica Institute of Technology, then renamed the College of Arts, Science and Technology (CAST) in 1959. Technical high schools would provide qualified students for the CAST and for the JSA. Interestingly, the JSA was relocated to St Catherine to provide more land for its operations. The premises in which it was previously located became the site of the CAST, which was better suited in the urban environment that Papine had become. With respect to children who at the end of primary schooling did not gain admission to the traditional high schools or who, one year later, did not gain entry to the technical high schools, the 1957 reform prescribed the reorganization of the all age elementary schools into primary and post-primary departments, the latter of which would cater for these students. Further, it planned the introduction of large post-primary schools also to cater for such students up to the age of 15. When it is considered that the combined annual intake of students to high schools and technical high schools would not exceed 10 to 12 per cent of the eligible age cohort, then the vast majority of students would continue in elementary schools. In other words, the reform of 1957 represented significant, but not radical, change. As Miller (1990) pointed out, the 1957 reform drew generously from the Plan for Post-Primary Education developed by B. H. Easter, the last colonial Director of Education. The legacy of the 1957 reform for the post-independence era was the commencement of the process of integrating the dual system into a single system of education, but the substance of that integration was still to be addressed. At the same time, the 1957 reform added to the different types of schools operating at the secondary level. It added technical high schools. It complicated the elementary level by separating all-age schools into primary and post-primary departments. It created separate post-primary schools which offered the same programme as the post-primary departments. Ironically, these reforms by the elected representatives of the people were imitating similarly complicated measures implemented in England at that time.

Reforms of the 1960s Jamaica gained political independence on Monday 6 August 1962. This followed a change of government through general elections earlier that year. The new government introduced the Five Year Independence Plan, 1963 to 1968. The National Plan which introduced the 1957 reforms, and which began to be

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implemented in 1958, only lasted for five years. It was superseded by the Independence Plan. The Independence Plan only had marginal implications for education. This involved the altering of the proportion of 2,000 free places granted annually such that 1,400, or 70 per cent, went to students of primary and all age schools and 600, or 30 per cent, to children of preparatory schools. This policy became known as the 70:30 system. It is easily one of the most controversial educational policies to be implemented. The other new policy development was the establishment of two comprehensive high schools on a pilot basis. The New Deal for Education of 1966 is the second watershed reform in education implemented in the second half of the twentieth century in Jamaica. Prior to political independence, Jamaica as a colony was not eligible to borrow from international agencies. Education was financed from the local treasury or sometimes, following crises, from grants from imperial agencies. The New Deal for Education was developed with assistance from UNESCO in 1964. The implementation of the New Deal was financed by a loan from the World Bank which covered 53 per cent of the cost, while 47 per cent came from matching funds from the Jamaican government. The New Deal for Education enabled five key changes. First, the construction of 50 new schools catering for students between the age of 12 and 15, Grades 7 to 9. Therefore, the New Deal extended universal education to age 15 years. Second, the New Deal of 1966 introduced first-cycle secondary education, through junior secondary schools. Consequently, 50 new schools were built and provisioned as junior secondary schools. In addition, the 16 senior schools, large post-primary schools of the 1957 reform, were converted into junior secondary schools, thus bringing the total number of such schools to 66. Third, the firstcycle secondary education in junior secondary schools was pre-vocational, but terminal for the vast majority of students, in contrast to students in high schools and technical high schools who continued until Grade 11 in academic and technical tracks. The fourth consequence was the expanded capacity of teacher training colleges, as well as the introduction of training for secondary school teachers from Grades 7 to 9. Up to 1966, these colleges had only trained elementary school teachers. The final change was the modality of providing teacher training from a three-year intra-mural programme to two years in college followed by a one-year internship in schools. A principal reason for this change was to speed up teacher supply. While the New Deal of 1966 introduced first-cycle secondary education, it did not eliminate post-primary education in all age schools. Further, it operationalized junior secondary education as second-class education. This was

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the result of three factors. First, students admitted to junior secondary schools were those who do did not gain entry to either the traditional high schools or the technical high schools. Second, the curriculum was pre-vocational. Third, junior secondary education was terminal at age 15, which had long been the school leaving age. While the Grade 9 Achievement Test was set for students in junior secondary and all age schools, only a few students, who performed outstandingly well, gained access to high schools. The New Deal (1966) increased access to schooling. However, it continued, just as the 1957 Reform had, features that had marked the dual system of education in the colonial era. Even from an optimistic viewpoint, the traditional and technical high schools in the 1970s provided for no more than 15 per cent of students. While admission to high schools was based on merit and not colour and race, Miller (1990) showed that most of the students gaining access to these high schools were from the middle classes. However, the 85 per cent of students aged 12 to 15 years in junior secondary and all age schools were Black and Indian and from the lower socioeconomic categories. Their education was predicated on being ‘hewers of wood and drawers of water’, while those in high schools were destined for white-collar occupations. What is not in doubt is that these descendants of slaves and indentured workers would be better educated than their ancestors, while not being far removed from their occupational pursuits. It seems fair to say that in this initial interaction, between Jamaican policymakers and multilateral development agencies, the emphasis was on expanding access to secondary education, justified on the basis of equity but with little explicit focus on enhancing upward social mobility of the marginalized segments. In this respect the New Deal of 1966 differed fundamentally from the reform of 1957. The indirect upward social mobility prospects provided by the New Deal were through the expansion of teacher training colleges, as well as directing these colleges to train primary and secondary school teachers. To this point the convention was that secondary school teachers were trained from among university graduates. At the same time, the New Deal virtually ignored the high school system, traditional and technical. There is one development of the 1960s that cannot be classified as education reform through government policy, but at the same time constitutes a major transformation. Starting with the founding of the Jamaica Union of Teachers in 1894, four other collective bargaining groups and teacher associations had been founded. They represented secondary school teachers, headmasters and headmistresses of secondary schools, teachers in technical and vocational institutions and the staffs of teachers’ training colleges. In 1964, following a

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dispute with the government which lasted over two years, these five teacher groups merged to form the Jamaica Teachers Association (JTA) which immediately became one of the largest collective bargaining entities in the country.

Reforms of the 1970s The reforms of the 1970s took account of the 1957 reform and the New Deal of 1966, as well as the perennial issues from the colonial era that had not been addressed by previous reforms. The reforms of the 1970s, therefore, were more comprehensive than either the 1957 reform or the New Deal of 1966. The results of the reforms of the 1970s were numerous. For example, there were established grants that improved and expanded early childhood education based on best practices developed through projects implemented by the Institute of Education of the UWI and funded by the Bernard Van Leer Foundation. Special schools became integrated within the public system and tuition fees were abolished for such schools. As a result of the reforms there was the introduction of free high school education and the reinstituted merit as the basis for admission to high schools regardless of whether students attended private preparatory schools or public primary schools. The expansion of high schools and technical high schools within education was distinctive, especially with the addition of Grades 10 and 11 to the 66 junior secondary schools, thus converting them into five-year secondary schools (renamed ‘new secondary schools’). At this time there was some primary schools opened in large urban areas and some new secondary schools operating on double shift in order to increase student enrolment. The reforms of the 1970s created the Jamaica Secondary School Certificate as the measure of assessing exit performance of new secondary school students. In respect of higher education, free tuition was introduced to public colleges and for Jamaican students at the UWI on all three campuses. Boarding Grants were established to assist students at public colleges and Jamaicans at the UWI with the cost of accommodation. Not only were grants available but the Student Loan Bureau could provide loans to college and university students. Community colleges were set up to offer tertiary education to a wider range of students. At the same time a national adult literacy programme to eradicate illiteracy in the adult population was developed and the Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of Literacy (JAMAL) Foundation created to implement this programme.

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The reforms of the 1970s influenced both the Ministry of Education and the way in which teachers were trained. First, the Ministry of Education was restructured and school and college boards democratized such that their composition included, in addition to nominees of owners of the schools, nominees of students, parents, teachers, administrative staff, past students and the community nominated by their respective organizations, and then appointed by the Minister of Education for a set period. Second, there was expansion in the capacity to train secondary school teachers to cover the entire range of subjects taught within secondary schools by establishing teacher education divisions at CAST, the JSA and the Edna Manley College for the Performing Arts. Therefore the teaching service was reclassified which resulted in significant increases in teachers’ salaries. The reforms of the 1970s involved all levels of the education system and the adult population, and made the management of schools more inclusive and participatory. It expanded access, particularly at the early childhood and secondary levels. The combined effect of increased high school places and the conversion of junior secondary schools to five-year new secondary schools was increased access to five years of secondary schooling for more than 50 per cent of the 12–17 age cohort. Nonetheless, the essence of the dual system of education persisted. Admission to the traditional high schools, technical high schools and the comprehensive high schools was through the CEE. The curriculum of these schools was geared to the long established Cambridge O level examinations. These were the schools to which students and parents desired to gain access. On the other hand, students admitted to the new secondary schools had not ‘passed’ the CEE. They were admitted based on the primary or all age school that they attended. The curriculum had a distinct vocational basis. At the end of five years, they did not sit the long-respected Cambridge Examination, but the locally designed Secondary Schools Certificate. Students, parents, teachers and the public viewed the new secondary schools as second- or even third-rate secondary institutions. The majority of students enrolled in five years of secondary schooling attended new secondary schools.

Reforms in the 1980s: decade of economic downturn The Jamaican economy experienced sustained annual growth from the end of World War II to 1973. This was principally through the growth of tourism, the startup and growth of the bauxite alumina industry and ventures in light

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manufacturing. Together these diversified the Jamaican economy from its established agricultural base in sugar, bananas, citrus, coffee and cocoa. Up to 1970 the country had negligible external debt. The Jamaica dollar was tied to sterling and was stronger than the US dollar. The government financed its operations, including capital expenditure, through annual fiscal surpluses and grants from development agencies. This changed with the oil crisis of the early 1970s. By the late 1977, the government had entered into a standby agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In 1978, the Jamaican dollar started to be devalued. The government began to reduce spending. This included underfunding some reforms being implemented in education. Economic reversals, combined with bitter partisan divisions within the country, are associated with the change of government in 1980. The era of wide-ranging sequential educational reform through expansion and increase in state funding had ended. This was confirmed when the government entered into the World Bank Structural Adjustment Loan Agreement in 1983. Reforms in education in the decade of the 1980s took a different course from previous decades. Primarily the focus during this decade was on improving and maintaining the quality of primary education. The specific policies implemented were (a) legislation in 1982 to compel attendance at primary schools; (b) providing textbooks, on newsprint paper, in English, mathematics, science and social studies with no cost to all students in Grades 1 to 6, starting in 1983; and (c) the introduction of the School Feeding Programme which supplied to primary schools buns and milk fortified with nutritional supplements. The process to integrate the secondary school system by converting new secondary schools into high and technical high schools was initiated in the 1980s. This began in the late 1980s with the conversion of six schools on a pilot basis. Conversion meant that admission to these schools would be through the CEE, their curriculum would be geared to the Caribbean Secondary Examination Certificate (CSEC) examination of the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC), which had replaced Cambridge GCE O level, and that their students would sit the CSEC at the end of Grade 11. Establishing a mechanism to better articulate secondary schooling and the labour market was a crucial element in the reforms of the 1980s. This was done through the establishment of the Human Employment and Resource Training (HEART) Trust in 1982. The main functions of HEART were financing, development and monitoring employment training schemes, helping to place school leavers seeking employment, promoting employment projects, and developing and maintaining standards in various areas of vocational training.

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Youth and adults enrolled in HEART were required to be literate either through schooling or the JAMAL programme. The HEART was launched with two academies: beauty culture and commerce. It is financed principally by a 3 per cent payroll tax imposed on companies with payrolls above a set threshold and supplement by government subvention and grants for development agencies. HEART has evolved into the National Training Agency, HEART Trust/NTA, which now offers ISO certification in a wide variety of fields. The tertiary education sector was not exempt from the reforms of the 1980s. The sector was regulated by the establishment of the University Council of Jamaica in 1987. At that point the total enrolment of colleges, private and public, providing tertiary education did not exceed 5 per cent of the 18 to 24 age cohort. However, there were over 100 such colleges offering programmes at the certificate and diploma levels. Only the regional UWI offered degree programmes. The University Council of Jamaica was established by an Act of Parliament in 1987. Its main roles were to (a) register and monitor all tertiary education programmes in Jamaica; (b) accredit the programmes of private and public institutions that were authorized to offer certificates, diplomas and degrees provided they satisfied the criteria and standards set by the Council; (c) award certificates, diplomas and degrees where institutions, public or private, made such requests to the Council and observed the set procedures and standards; and (d) offer developmental and technical assistance to institutions in their operation. Throughout this decade the restructuring of the financing of public education occurred. This was accomplished by discontinuing such welfare measures as providing school uniforms for primary school students, and board grants for Jamaica students at UWI; reintroducing tuition fees for students at CAST and Jamaicans at UWI; enacting the Education Tax which deducted 2 per cent of the gross salaries and wages of all employees; and seeking to establish public/private partnerships through the Adopt a School Programme whereby private firms would assist particular schools with their operational expenses and capital development. There was clear restructuring and upgrading of teacher education in a comprehensive manner during the 1980s. This was accomplished through nine fundamental measures. First, the re-institution of the three-year intramural modality to teacher training, while at the same time upgrading the exit qualification to a three-year diploma in teaching. Second, offering a higher salary scale for holders of the Three Year Diploma in Teaching compared to holders of the previous Three Year Certificate in Teaching or the Two Year Certificate and Internship. Third, requiring successful completion of high schools, as measured by GCE O level/CSEC, as the basic requirement for entry into the Three Year

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Diploma in Teaching. Fourth, establishing a preliminary year in colleges such that students with traditional entry requirements could obtain the requisite O level/CSEC passes to qualify for entry into the Three Year Diploma in Teaching. Fifth, by establishing a special project, with full-time, part-time and vacation study options, for all holders of Three Year and Two Year Certificate Plus Internship in the teaching service to be upgraded to the Three Year Diploma in Teaching. Sixth, through establishing separate programmes of training, with variations in specific admission requirements, for early childhood, special education, primary, and secondary school teachers and requiring entrants to teacher education to choose their programme at the time of entry into college. The seventh change provided the colleges with the capacity to become the main supplier of teachers to the school system, in all four specializations in teacher education. The eighth measure involved obtaining agreements with the UWI with respect to the Three Year Diploma in Teaching being given full matriculation status for general admission to the UWI and for advancement placement where students opted to pursue the Bachelor in Education. Finally, incorporating successful innovations pioneered by different colleges, such as offering courses on a semester basis, and the use of technology in teacher education and in primary science, all contributed to the upgrade in teacher education. Social protest followed some of these nine measures, particularly the reintroduction of tuition fees for students at CAST and Jamaicans at UWI, the closure of some small rural elementary schools and disputes in the negotiation of teachers’ salaries. The reforms of the 1980s are significant from three perspectives. First, they began the process of integrating the different types of secondary schools into a single integrated system of secondary education. As such they addressed, at the levels of schools, a major legacy of colonial education. The implications of this integration are not only academic but social. For example, the major popular sports played in Jamaica (athletics, cricket, football and netball) all have strong antecedents in the school system, particularly at the secondary level. The different types of secondary schools competed in different competitions. The integration of the different types of secondary schools also resulted in the integration of the competitions. In other words, the social divides not only started to be breached in classrooms, but also on playing fields. Second, the reforms changed the status of teacher education. In the colonial era teacher training colleges were the poor man/Black man’s secondary school. The reforms of the 1980s placed teacher education firmly at the tertiary level by their admission requirements being successful completion of secondary school and its articulation with the UWI.

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Third, the reforms began to set a framework for regulation of tertiary education, not only it terms of registration, but standards.

Reforms of the 1990s A new government was elected following the general election of 1989. The reforms of the 1990s were not as extensive as previous reforms. One element was the establishment of a common curriculum for Grades 7 to 9 for all secondary schools and Grades 7 to 9 in all-age schools. This was financed by a loan from the World Bank under the Reform of Secondary Education (ROSE) Project 1. In addition to curriculum reform the Project included the in-service training of teachers in language arts, mathematics, science, social studies, and resource and technology to ensure the implementation of the new curricula. A further reform during the 1990s was the re-institution of tuition fees for high schools. This was soon followed by the transformation of CAST into the University of Technology. A final key reform was the introduction of computer assisted instruction in primary and secondary schools. While the potential for application of information and communication technology (ICT) was recognized by the Ministry of Education and international development agencies that supported education in Jamaica, neither thought it feasible in the economic circumstances of structural adjustment. However, schools, ICT professionals and elements of the private sector did not share this view. The result was bottom-up reform through the agency of these stakeholders. The effort was led principally by the Jamaica Computer Society Education Foundation, established in 1990, and later joined by Business Partners, a private sector group, HEART/NTA and subsequently receiving a small grant from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). In 1992 the Jamaica Computer Society Education Foundation launched its Jamaica 2000 Project with the objective to place computer labs in all secondary schools and all tertiary institutions. The dual purpose to be served was the better preparation and an increased number of computer professionals and the general improvement of education. HEART and Business Partners joined in support of the Project. In 1994 Business Partners proposed experimentation with computer assisted instruction to improve the quality of education in small rural primary schools. The IDB supported this initiative and a project was launched in 20 primary schools in four clusters with each cluster related to a secondary school or teachers’ college in the Jamaica 2000 Project. In addition to these coordinated efforts, numerous schools and colleges on their own initiative, and with their own supporters, either mounted ad hoc efforts or partnered with the Jamaica 2000 Project.

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Reform in the twenty-first Century: the Education Transformation Project and Programme Overarching goals Education reform since 2000 has centred on work of the Task Force on Education Reform (2004) presented to the Prime Minister in September 2004. The recommendations of the Task Force were first implemented by the Education System Transformation Project, later converted into the Education System Transformation Programme, following the change of government in 2007. The main goals of the reform were to: (a) create a world-class system of education in Jamaica; (b) enable Jamaica to compete in the global economy; (c) raise educational standards at all levels; (d) enable access and equity for all; and (e) produce disciplined, ethical and culturally aware citizens. These goals were to be achieved through six work streams: (1) modernization of the Ministry; (2) school facilities and infrastructure; (3) curriculum, teaching and learning; (4) behaviour change and community; (5) school leadership and management; and (6) communications and stakeholder relations. Because the implementation of these reforms is very much a work in progress, it is necessary to describe the current status of education in Jamaica in relation to a combination of the stated goals and work streams of education transformation.

Modernization of the Ministry of Education Currently the Ministry is comprised of 33 units staffed by over 1,000 civil servants. Twenty-eight of these units are organized into five divisions: (a) Planning and Development; (b) Educational Services; (c) Projects and Technical Services; (d) Human Resource Management and Administration; and (e) Financial Management. The other five units report directly to the Permanent Secretary: (a) Legal; (b) Executive Services; (c) Communications; (d) Management Information Systems; and (e) Internal Audit. In addition to the 33 units and five divisions there are 15 statutory bodies or agencies that fall under the umbrella of the Ministry. Some of these entities operate under different Acts of Parliament than the Education Act and have their own funding. These 15 entities include the University Council of Jamaica, the National Council on Education, Nutrition Products Ltd, the Jamaica Library Service, the Jamaica Foundation for Lifelong Learning, HEART/NTA, the National College of Educational Leadership, the Council of Community Colleges, the Overseas

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Examination Commission, the Early Childhood Commission, the Jamaica Teaching Council, the National Education Inspectorate, the National Education Trust, the Tertiary Education Commission and the National Parenting Support Commission. The Permanent Secretary is a career civil servant and is responsible for finance and administration. The Minister of Education is responsible for policy-making and, in addition to the Permanent Secretary and the Chief Education Officer, is assisted by a team of advisors and personal assistants who are not civil servants. The National College on Educational Leadership, the Jamaica Teaching Council, the National Education Trust, the National Education Inspectorate, the Jamaica Tertiary Commission and the National Parenting Support Commission are creations of the education transformation reforms. So too are the Executive Services, Management Information and Legal Units. The rest of the entities predate the transformation reform. A major recommendation for the modernization of the Ministry was to limit its functions and powers to policy formulation, legislation, strategic leadership and resource allocation, and to elevate the regional offices to regional education authorities (REAs) with responsibilities for the management and operation of schools and colleges in their defined areas. The role of the National Education Inspectorate would be to evaluate school performance, make recommendations for improvements and hold the REAs accountable for ensuring implementation. This approach faltered since, in a democracy, autonomy and authority come via the ballot box and the power to collect taxes. Currently, education is a function of the central government. Local government has no remit for education. No way has yet been found to tackle either the local government or taxation issue. More recent thinking has been to rename the regional offices ‘regional education entities’, with delegated authority from the Ministry. However, this could compromise the modus operandi of the Ministry which provides common regulations, guidelines, salary scales, ratios, curricula, standards and appellant bodies, while schools and colleges manage their affairs within this framework. Accordingly, each of the approximately 1,020 public institutions continues to have its own board which has powers to hire and fire teachers, operate its own bank accounts, raise funds, execute capital projects and supplement recurrent operating expenses where the Ministry does not exercise direct executive control, even over government-owned schools. In a nutshell the Jamaican system continues to operate mostly on the basis of consensus and cooperation than on command and control by the Ministry, including the regional offices. In this regard principals of schools and colleges continue to be key players in that they are the chief executive officers of their schools, but are paid by the Ministry of

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Education and are the main interlocutors between the Ministry and its regional offices, boards, teachers and communities. As stated earlier, the Ministry continues to operate through regulations, guidelines for staff appointment, salary scales, staff and student ratios, curricula and standards, and operates appellant bodies dealing with disputes between boards, principals, teachers and communities. It is for these reasons that statutory bodies and agencies, councils and commissions have been such an integral part of the modus operandi of the Ministry. These councils and commissions usually include members of civil society, and in several instances representatives or nominees of the party opposition in Parliament. It is still to be seen how the inspectorate will operate in relation to regional offices, school boards, principals, and teachers. It would seem that a more collaborative approach will need to be taken than originally envisaged.

Financing of education Education in Jamaica is primarily funded by the government. However, given decentralized governance communities, past-students and enterprises by schools and colleges contribute resources in cash and kind to both capital investments and recurrent expenditures. These have never been quantified, but are substantial. The capital investments not provided by the Ministry are highly visible, unlike contributions to recurrent expenditure. It must be noted, however, that such non-governmental support for schools and colleges is not evenly distributed across the education system. Hence, some schools and colleges are relatively well endowed and maintained while some are dilapidated and run down. Public expenditure on education represents the largest share of non-debt expenditure and a higher share of social expenditure. This is a reflection of the government’s commitment to the sector. Over the years, education financing has shown a steady increase. Based on IDB review of the education sector between 2000/2001 and 2010/2011, total expenditure on education grew an average rate of over 15 per cent, reaching over J$70 billion in 2011/2012. Over the same period, public expenditure on education as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) hovers at 6.2 per cent. In this regard, Jamaica compares favourably with the spending of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) country average for spending on education and is above average in terms of regional comparators. Based on 2011/2012 financial statistics on the education sector, public expenditure on education amounted to J$73.2 billion or 13.4 per cent of the national budget and 6.2 per cent of GDP. It is estimated that J$70 billion or

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95 per cent of the allocation was apportioned to recurrent expenditure, and of this amount 73.4 per cent was directed to salaries and emoluments. According to the Planning Institute of Jamaica’s (2011) publication, the Economic and Social Survey, the largest proportion of the education budget was allocated to the secondary sector (38.5 per cent), followed by the primary sector (30.8 per cent). Special education (1.3 per cent) and early childhood (3.4 per cent) received the least amount. A similar pattern is noted in the allocation of per capita expenditure, where the tertiary sector received the lion’s share of the allocation (J$303, 591) and early childhood the smallest amount (J$19, 556).

Access to education In 2011, early childhood development programmes were delivered by 8,578 teachers to 146,118 students in the 3–5 age cohort at 2,952 early childhood institutions. The early childhood sector provided 99 per cent net enrolment. The gender distribution was equal. The pupil–teacher ratio was 1:19 and the attendance rate was 76.4 per cent. At the primary level, across the 792 public education institutions, 253,240 students in the eligible age cohort were enrolled. An additional 31,030 were enrolled in 132 private institutions. Net enrolment was 99 per cent; male students accounted for 51.2 per cent of total enrolment. The attendance rate was 84.4 per cent. Female students attended more regularly than their male counterparts. The teacher–pupil ratio averaged 1:35. Public secondary schools enrolled 260,371 students. Approximately 14,000 students were enrolled in private secondary schools. Net enrolment at the secondary level was 79.8 per cent. The upper secondary level is of particular concern (77 per cent). However, Jamaica is above the regional average (55 per cent) for secondary net enrolment. The teacher student ratio is 1:21. Gross enrolment at the tertiary level was 24 per cent. Table 13.1 provides a summary of student enrolment across the system for the period 2011–2012. While Jamaica has achieved significant milestones since emancipation, many challenges persist. In 2011, Jamaica provided universal access to early childhood and primary education. However, at the secondary level it provided access to only approximately 80 per cent of the eligible age cohort. Over the last 25 years, more students have been leaving the school system than those entering due to a combination of declining numbers of live births and net migration. With the continuation of this trend and the building of new secondary schools in some areas, the government plans to achieve universal secondary education within the next five years. Jamaica is one of only four of the

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Table 13.1 Summary of enrolment by sector and number in public schools Sector

Type of school

Number of schools

Enrolment Male

Early childhood

Total

Female

Infant schools Infant dept. (primary) Infant dept. (all age) Infant dept. (primary and junior high) Subtotal

32 87 9 7

4,128 2,489 133 288

3,980 2,372 131 247

8108 4,861 264 537

135

7,038

6,730

13,770

Primary All age Primary and junior high

547 158 87

99,080 13,366 17,045

96,134 12,233 15,382

195,214 25,599 32,427

Subtotal

792

129,491

123,749

253,240

Secondary level (Grades 7–11)

All age Primary and junior high Secondary high Technical Agricultural Subtotal

158 87 149 14 2 410

3,117 8,057 93,856 10,263 207 115,500

1,215 4,889 105,129 10,604 152 121,989

4,332 12,946 198,985 20,867 359 237,489

Special education

Government/government 10 aided Special education unit 7 Independent special 12 education Subtotal 29 GRAND TOTAL 1366

1,634

837

2,471

222 598

112 293

334 891

2,454 254,483

1,242 253,710

3696 508,195

Primary level (Grades 1–6)

Source: Ministry of Education (2012, pp. 23–26)

18 Commonwealth Caribbean countries that have not yet achieved universal secondary education. This broad base of early childhood, primary and secondary education is to be contrasted with the very narrow access to tertiary education, a feature that has continued to mark Jamaican education from its inception. However, over the last 20 years the government has sought to expand public tertiary education. In 1990–1991 student enrolment in the 17 public tertiary education institutions was 21,274. By 2010–2011, enrolment has more than doubled to 44,403 students. At the same time, the government has engaged in a policy to rebalance its

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allocation to education, by reducing the allocation to tertiary education and increasing its allocation to early childhood and primary education. It must be noted that over the last 20 years there has been noticeable growth and upgrading of private tertiary institutions. For 2010–2011 the University Council of Jamaica reported registering 26 private tertiary institutions with an enrolment of around 25,000 students. Total tertiary enrolment in Jamaica is estimated at about 69,000 students. Notwithstanding the increase over the last 20 years, Jamaica lags behind many countries of Latin America and the so-called developing world in its provision of tertiary education. Further, as a result of the increasing cost of tertiary education in North America and Britain and greater immigration barriers, this avenue of access to tertiary education for Jamaicans has narrowed.

Efforts to raise standards and improve quality Numerous measures to improve quality in the education system at all levels have been implemented since 2000. For example, the Early Childhood Commission was established by an Act of Parliament in 2003 and attendant Regulations in 2005, and the Early Childhood Act was passed in 2007. Through these legislations the Ministries of Health, Social Security, Finance, Education, Local Government and Child Protection are required to work collaboratively through the Commission and its inspectorate to deliver high quality early childhood programmes for children ages 0 to 8. Another measure was implemented when the World Bank facilitated a Japanese grant which resulted in the development of a comprehensive National Strategic Plan for early childhood development. Through a joint venture between the government and the Caribbean Development Bank, 12 model basic schools have been constructed or upgraded, as well as 11 resource centres. Seven early childhood education officers and 680 certified early childhood practitioners have been trained. Some 3,225 early childhood centres have been found to be providing early childhood care and education. Work is progressing with these centres to meet the standard set for the sector. At the primary level the following projects have been implemented with the explicit objective of raising standards and improving the quality of primary education: (a) the Primary Education Support Project (PESP) funded by a loan of US$37 million from the IDB and implemented in all 793 public institutions engaged in the delivery of primary education; (b) the Expanding Education Horizons Project funded by a grant from USAID and implemented in 71 poor

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performing schools identified by the Ministry of Education; (c) the Caribbean Centre of Excellence in Teacher Training Project funded by USAID and implemented in 43 poor performing schools identified by the Ministry of Education; (d) summer camps for under achieving boys held by the Ministry; (e) the Competence Shelter Programme designed to assist ‘at risk’ students in Grades 4 and 5; (f) the Inner City Schools Improvement Project involving nine primary schools; (g) the School Improvement Grants where schools were given grants to improve literacy by measures they thought to be appropriate; and (h) the Grade 4 Literacy Intervention designed to ensure that all primary students are functionally literate by the end of Grade 4. In 2011, the Grade 4 Literacy Tests found 71.4 per cent of Grade 4 students to have achieved functional literacy by the end of Grade 4: girls 81.6 per cent and boys 61.5 per cent. Nine per cent of Grade 4 students were at the level of non-mastery: 13.3 per cent of boys and 4.5 per cent of girls. These data show significant improvement over 1999 when the Grade 4 Literacy Test was first introduced, when mastery was found to be 57 per cent. The repetition rate is less than 1 per cent for Grades 1 to 6, while the dropout rate is 0.4 per cent. The indications when taken collectively would suggest that measures implemented to improve the quality of primary education over the first decade of the twenty-first century seem to be having a positive effect. At the secondary level the main efforts to improve standards and quality have included: (a) Reform of Secondary Education Project II, funded by a loan from the World Bank which included School Improvement Grants to over 100 schools to improve literacy and numeracy at Grades 7 to 9; the building of extensions in some schools and the printing of 110,000 copies of textbooks to support the curriculum and the placement of nearly 700 students from all-age schools in private high schools based on their performance in Grade 9 examinations; (b) the provision of one textbook per subject per student in public secondary schools except for English literature. The textbooks provided are from an approved list and are free to students. The e-learning Jamaica Programme is funded by the Universal Access Fund from a tariff on incoming cellular telephone calls. The programme was established with an initial amount of US$50 million in 2006 and involves collaboration between the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Science, Technology and Mining. It provides ICT hardware, software and broadband access to all 166 public high schools, all 16 private high schools and the 10 teachers’ colleges. The main goals of the programme are to improve the learning experience, improve the quality of secondary education and support high passes in the CSEC examinations. The major accomplishments as of September 2012 include: (a) the

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development and delivery of instructional materials in digital formats in English, mathematics, chemistry, and ICT to all high schools; (b) the training of 4,662 high school teachers in the integration of ICT in instruction; (c) the upgrading of 15 teachers’ college lecturers in educational technology through a masters degree from British Columbia University; and (d) the creation of a database of 18,000 test items in 11 subjects for CSEC examination preparation which is available on DVD and the e-learning website. Instructional material in physics, integrated science, building technology, geography, social studies and Spanish is at an advanced stage of development. Over the period 2000–2011 there has been a marked increase in the number of high school students entering and sitting the CSEC examinations. In 2011, a total of 33,516 students or 79 per cent of the Grade 11 cohort sat CSEC. Figure 13.1 shows that despite the increase in the number of students sitting, the general trajectory of the pass rates in English and mathematics has been positive, indicating improving quality within the context of expanding entries. Measures to upgrade the quality of education for out-of-school youth include the work of HEART/NTA and the National Youth Service. In 2000–2001 HEART/NTA enrolled 32,298 across all its skills training areas including agriculture, apparel and sewn products, art and craft, beauty care, building construction and cabinet-making, hospitality, child care, industrial machine maintenance, ICT, transportation and automotive maintenance, and other such areas. In 2010–2011, the number enrolled in HEART/NTA had increased to 86,094. In 2001–2002, the National Youth Service trained 1,552 youths in the

Figure 13.1 National pass rate in English language and mathematics, 2001–2011 Source: Munroe (2013)

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17 to 24 age group. That number increased annually to 5,312 in 2006–2007 and has remained at that level since.

Facilities and infrastructure The National Education Trust (NET) has been established as an agency to interface with local and international bodies and the Jamaican diaspora. One of its main mandates is to manage school facilities, construction and maintenance in the broader context of the educational infrastructure. The aim is to create an endowment fund from which such activities can be undertaken. One immediate challenge is phasing out the double shift system which is currently employed in 106 of the 1,020 public institutions: 25 primary schools, 9 all-age schools, 32 primary and junior high schools, 39 high schools, and 1 technical high school. These schools are mainly located in urban centres. While the NET is becoming operational, the Ministry has to continue its programme of renovation and repair, extension of existing schools and the building of new schools. Over the decade, 11 new high schools have been built and several new primary schools.

Conclusion When account is taken of the cumulative results and outcomes of reforms in Jamaican education from 1957 to the present there can be no question that the Jamaican education system has been and continues to be transformed. At the same time, this transformation is by no means complete from two perspectives. First, in relation to the legacy that was inherited from the colonial era and second with regard to the new imperatives of globalization, the knowledge economy and the digital revolution.

References Brathwaite, E. (1971), The Development of Creole Society in Jamaica, 1770–1820. Oxford: Clarendon Press. CASE (College of Agriculture, Science and Education) (2012), ‘History of the college’, http://case.edu.jm/html/?page_id=42 (accessed 8 March 2013). Hamilton, M. (1978), The Social Implications of Wolmer’s Role in Jamaica over the Years. Kingston, Jamaica: School of Education, University of the West Indies.

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King, H. (1972), History of the Jamaica Schools Commission: Its Role in Education in Jamaica. 1879–1911, unpublished MA thesis, University of the West Indies. King, R. (1999), ‘Education in the British Caribbean: the legacy of the nineteenth century’, in E. Miller (ed.), Educational Reform in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Washington, DC: INTERAMER Series, Organization of American States. Miller, E. (1990), Jamaican Society and Schooling. Kingston, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies Press. Ministry of Education (2012), Jamaica Education Statistics (2011–2012). Kingston, Jamaica: Statistics Section, Ministry of Education. Munroe, G. C. (2013), ‘Improving CSEC Performance’, The Jamaica Gleaner, http:// jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20130104/social/social4.html (accessed 8 March 2013). Planning Institute of Jamaica (2011), Economic and Social Survey Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: Pear Tree Press. Task Force on Education Reform (2004), Taskforce on Education Reform Jamaica: A Transformed Education System, revised edn. Kingston, Jamaica: Task Force on Education Reform, Jamaica Information Service. The New Deal (1966) The New Deal in Education in Independent Jamaica: White Paper on Education. Kingston, Jamaica: Government of Jamaica.

14

Jamaica: The Challenges of Reform in Primary and Secondary Education Zellynne Jennings

Introduction Access, equity, quality and productivity are themes which have framed educational policies in Jamaica, particularly since it gained its political independence in August 1962. Over a decade later, the then Prime Minister, Michael Manley, envisioned the creation of a classless society, built on the twin pillars of equality and social justice, which he saw as being concerned with the organization of access. He went on to assert that ‘. . . any society that has set itself the objective of social justice based on equality cannot tolerate substantial illiteracy’ (Manley, 1974, p. 158). Under the government led by Manley in the 1970s, not only was there an emphasis on social justice through equality, but there was a tremendous thrust towards tackling the high level of illiteracy in the country. That was a prime objective of the Jamaican Movement for Advancement in Literacy (JAMAL).1 Included in the target group of this programme were those children who left school at age 15 and were illiterate. Understandably, successive governments have supported initiatives at the primary level to ensure that all children leaving primary school are literate. The goal of developing a literate population is high on the country’s agenda as is reflected in Jamaica’s National Development Plan which envisions that, by 2030, more than 98 per cent of the Jamaican population who are 15 years and older will be fully literate (Planning Institute of Jamaica, 2009).

Achieving the literacy goal: an elusive ideal The literacy goal, however, seems to frustrate all attempts at achieving it. This is evident in research findings that identify a large number of students at the 248

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primary and secondary levels not performing at their grade level. For example, only 57 per cent of students sitting the Grade 4 literacy test achieved mastery and only 45 per cent of secondary school students achieve passing grades (1–3) in English in the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) Secondary Education Certificate (Ministry of Education, 2004). The evaluation of the New Horizons for Primary (NHP) Schools Project, which targeted 72 schools and sought to help students with low academic performance improve their performance in literacy, concluded that ‘The decline of language arts performance in both NHP and non-NHP schools over four consecutive years is cause for grave concern. This implies a system-wide decline in scores’ (Juarez and Associates, 2004, p. 33). What accounts for this low performance in literacy and English and the difficulty in addressing it? Attempts to address the problem over the years have focused on changing the curriculum, particularly with respect to its objectives, form and organization, methodology and assessment. Preference has been shown for integration over a subject-based curriculum design; a move away from a teacher-centred to a student-centred methodology; a constructivist approach to teaching and learning involving active participation on the part of the learner, relating learning to real life situations, students assuming more responsibility for their learning and being exposed to more group work which enables collaboration in problem-solving; and teachers posing the kinds of questions that will develop higher-order thinking skills and using a variety of assessment tools.

TVET: preparation for the world of work These changes have been applied to both the primary and the secondary curricula, despite the differences in goals at the secondary level. At this level preparation for the world of work and for higher education are goals that assume increasing importance. The challenges in achieving these goals are most evident in attempts to tackle employment preparation through the introduction of technical and vocational education and training (TVET) into schools’ curricula. In the 1960s and 1970s there was a tremendous thrust towards TVET with the introduction of diversified curricula which sought to re-orientate secondary schools towards skills needed in the world of work. Much of this was supported by World Bank funds which dried up after research concluded that diversified curricula were expensive, and provided neither a better fit between school and the world of work nor a better preparation for further study than general academic education (Psacharopoulos and Loxley 1985). While TVET

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programmes continue to be very successful in wealthy countries like Germany where by law vocational training is regulated as the shared responsibility of the state, unions and chambers of trade and industry (UNESCO 2005), in Latin America and the Caribbean vocational education is accorded low prestige, is underfunded and inadequately linked with the labour market, being more geared to preparing students for higher education (de Moura et al., 2000). This is not unlike the African experience where TVET is still perceived as inferior to academic education and an option for ‘failures’, often leading to ‘dead end’ jobs and hindering progression to higher levels of education (Oketch 2007).

Aims of the chapter This chapter will examine attempts at educational reform at both the primary and secondary levels of education in Jamaica. The first reform is the Revised Primary Curriculum (RPC) focusing on Literacy 1-2-3 (L1-2-3); and the second resource and technology (R&T), a subject introduced as part of the Reform of Secondary Education (ROSE) in Jamaica. The L1-2-3 and the R&T will be described in the context of the RPC and ROSE respectively, outlining their design and the strategies for achieving their goals, following which an assessment will be made of the effectiveness of their implementation. Finally, the challenges which have frustrated these attempts at educational reform will be discussed.

Literacy 1-2-3 in the RPC By 1993 the curriculum guides for the Foundations of Self Reliance/Self Development (FSR/D)2 had been in use in primary schools for almost a decade and a half. The curriculum was generally viewed as overcrowded and disjointed and teachers were perceived as having failed to achieve the level of integration originally envisaged. The government commenced a number of initiatives designed to address the inadequacies of primary education and, following consultation with stakeholders, the RPC was introduced. It was based on a vision of the all round development of the child, of nurturing a positive self-concept and developing basic competence in the skills needed for literacy, numeracy, creative expression, independent learning and problem-solving (Bailey and Brown 1997). To realize this vision, the team that developed the RPC deemed that a ‘paradigm shift’ was needed ‘from a compartmentalized, subject-based curriculum . . . to the thematic approach which allows for horizontal organization

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of the subject matter and establishing relationships across subject boundaries’ (Bailey and Brown, 1997, p. 148). A holistic approach to integration was adopted at the lower primary level (Grades 1–3) but with the provision for ‘opening windows’ that allowed for the discrete treatment of mathematics and language arts, given the critical importance attached to literacy and numeracy at the primary level. To gradually allow for the smooth transition to the secondary level where the subject-based curriculum is used, a subject-based organization was retained at the upper primary level (Grades 4–6) with provision for the correlation of related concepts. This shift in curriculum organization also required a shift in methodologies employed for teaching. Teachers were expected to move away from a teacher-centred to a student-centred approach embedded in constructivism. In 2006 the Ministry of Education commenced the piloting of L1-2-3 which are materials designed to support the Language Arts Window (LAW). The LAW is expected to be for one hour daily in the RPC and it concentrates on teaching language and literacy. L1-2-3 uses the Language Experience and Awareness (LE&A) approach which is designed to encourage Jamaican children to love reading and to develop necessary literacy skills that will improve their performance across the school system (PESP, 2005). LE&A uses the children’s experiences as a starting point for reading texts and raises awareness of the points of difference between Jamaican Creole (JC) and Standard Jamaican English (SJE). Language educators in the Caribbean accept the principle that children can actively promote their acquisition of language and literacy if they are consciously aware of the formal characteristics of their own language and can learn to contrast these with those of SJE (Craig, 2006). The L1-2-3 is built on this principle and in the teachers’ guides, teachers are helped to foster language awareness by promoting a consciousness of JC. A significant feature of the L1-23 is that its content articulates with the themes that weave together the integrated curriculum in the first three grades of the Jamaican public primary schools. The L1-2-3 is comprised mainly of ‘Big Books’ which consist of poems, rhymes and expository writing that the teacher uses to read to the children; and ‘Little Books’ which match the Big Books and are used by the children. Other materials are Pupils’ activity books, phonics work study chart for Grade 1, and anthologies for Grades 2 and 3. There are teachers’ guides for each grade. Consistent with the principles embedded in the RPC, constructivism is a core principle underpinning the L1-2-3. This involves enabling the children to actively connect, reflect on and accommodate the new experience with previously acquired knowledge and construct their own meaning. Teachers assist this

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process by activating previous knowledge by first discussing some related ideas that are already familiar to the students before moving on to introducing a new concept. A move away from the transmission model of teaching encourages more active involvement in the lesson as well as the students assuming more responsibility for their own learning. Teachers are expected to pose questions that foster higher-order thinking skills. During the literacy hour the teacher is expected to work with one or two of the groups while the other group works independently. The period ends with the students taking the lead by presenting on the work they did in groups or pairs. Since it is important to present multiple perspectives in a constructivist learning environment, the evaluation process should also reflect and accept various perspectives. The paper and pencil test and the one-shot examination are no longer the dominant modes of assessment. Using more varied forms of student assessment is encouraged in both the RPC and the L1-2-3 – for example, skill inventories, checklists, group tasks, journals and portfolios.

Effectiveness of implementation Jennings (2009) investigated how a sample of first- to third-grade teachers in Jamaican primary schools used the constructivist approach to teaching and learning in their classrooms, carrying out extensive observations of 17 teachers over a period of five months. The teachers observed had all received training in workshops by the Ministry of Education project team in the use of the strategies for L1-2-3 over a total of four days. The teachers were also mentored by liaison officers who visited them weekly to offer guidance in the use of the strategies. With few exceptions, Jennings (2009) found that the teachers taught their lessons out of context with no attempt to relate to the children’s experiences or previous knowledge and spent a lot of time talking and writing notes on the chalkboard which the children had to copy into their exercise books. The predominance in the classrooms of unwieldy classroom furniture, a combination desk and bench to seat two or three children, made arrangement for group work problematic. In one school, where the children were grouped in houses named after national heroes, when the teacher called the name of the hero, all the children in that group stood up and read in chorus. Mascoe-Johnson (2012), from an observation of 16 lessons each in a single grade and a multigrade school, reported seeing only one attempt at using a teacher assisted group in the LAW. In all the other lessons the teachers walked around to all the groups and assisted

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each as necessary, on the grounds that the children were performing below grade level and were incapable of working on their own. Few teachers proved to be good models of SJE. Most spoke to the children in JC despite the fact that they have to teach SJE to children. The fact that there are conflicting views on the most appropriate strategy for teaching SJE further complicates the issue. While there are those who support the approach proposed by Craig (2006), there are others who advocate a bilingual approach which uses JC as the language of instruction in school (Devonish 2012). In an earlier study, observing teachers using an integrated curriculum, Jennings-Wray (1984) noted that there were few examples of teachers using the type of questions to which a number of different answers would be acceptable (i.e. open questions) and many instances where teachers questioned in such a way as to elicit only one right answer. Later Jennings’ study (2009) found that the situation had hardly changed. An example of the ‘complete my thought’ type of question came from the Big Book, Dance, Polly, and Dance: Teacher: Children (in chorus): Teacher: Children (in chorus):

So Polly just kept . . .? Dancing. Polly didn’t want to dance because she was too . . .? Shy. Jennings, 2009, p. 103

With regard to kinds of assessment used in teaching, Bailey (2007) in her own observation of first-grade teachers found that they mostly used paper and pencil tests, despite affirming that they used portfolios and journals. Jennings (2009) reported that of 17 teachers observed, only one made use of portfolios. MascoeJohnson (2012) found that seat work, paper and pencil tests, oral questioning and in-class presentations were the main assessment strategies used. She observed journals being used only once. The evaluation conducted by UWI Consulting (2012) which involved extensive observations of the teaching of language arts and literacy in primary classrooms concluded that teachers are not implementing a constructivist approach to teaching and learning in their classrooms. The lessons were teacher dominated, using closed questions geared to eliciting the ‘right’ answer. There were no instances where the teacher through her/his questioning technique sought to understand the students’ viewpoints to see how they were thinking and to encourage multiple viewpoints. Opportunities for encouraging students’ creative responses and enabling them to construct their own meanings from classroom activities were missed. An alarming finding in this study is that the

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L1-2-3 materials are virtually absent from the classrooms. Adequacy of supply of L1-2-3 to schools was a problem. The teachers preferred to use the old literacy materials which the L1-2-3 had replaced as well as other texts which were more readily available from bookstores and whose production quality was considered superior. The books had become worn with age and unusable and the Ministry of Education had not replenished the stocks. At the same time Mascoe-Johnson (2012) found that even when teachers had L1-2-3 materials, they did not use them. This is not uncommon as it was observed in the NHP project that actually supplied schools with the literacy materials, ‘in several schools these materials were found stored in the teacher’s office or in libraries rather than present in classrooms’ (Juarez and Associates, 2004, p. 20).

ROSE programme The philosophy, design and strategies In 1983 UNESCO published a report titled Jamaica: Development of Secondary Education (UNESCO, 1983). The report outlined major problems in the education system, which included the variety of types of secondary schools, the differences in the quality of curricular offering and their terminal examinations and the general unpreparedness of the graduates for the world of work. Based on the findings of the UNESCO report and with funds from the World Bank, the government launched a major reform effort to rationalize secondary education. ROSE was introduced with goals to improve access to, equity in and the quality of educational offering at the lower secondary level as well as to improve the productivity of the graduates. ROSE therefore centred on the introduction of a common curriculum at Grades 7–9 in all school types in Jamaica. In addition, in an effort to achieve equity, schools were re-classified in order to erode the differences between the school types. All became ‘high schools’. Quality in educational offering was to be achieved not only in the content of the common curriculum and its delivery, but also through the replacement of a teacher-dominated approach with a student-centred approach to teaching which incorporated cooperative learning, mixed ability grouping and more hands-on experiences. The new curriculum for ROSE centred around five core subjects: mathematics, language arts, social studies, integrated science, and resource and technology, with career education infused into all of these areas.

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ROSE was actually launched during 1991 to 1992 on an experimental basis and began to be rolled out to schools in 1993. The policy of the government is that ROSE (and therefore R&T) should be in Grades 7–9 in all secondary schools. Prior to the inception of ROSE in 1993, technical vocational subjects offered in the secondary schools were: agriculture, art and craft, business education, home economics and industrial arts. These subjects were taught discretely. R&T was developed from the discrete areas previously offered and organized into five elements, namely: agriculture and the environment, home and family management, product design and development, resource management (including information technology) and visual arts. R&T involved the use of a teaching-learning approach based on themes that served to draw on the commonalities of the five elements to integrate or make them into a cohesive whole. To achieve such integration, teachers of the five elements needed to plan together. Principals were expected to facilitate such planning during school time. A key feature of R&T is the design process which involved the students working through five stages: (i) identify needs or problems by thinking about a range of contexts that affect their lives (e.g. their physical environment, home, the community, etc.); (ii) consider a range of resources, including those in the natural environment, to produce design proposals and develop ideas for solving the problem; (iii) plan the work so that it is completed on time; (iv) make a product (e.g. small garments, toys, etc.) or design a system which solves the original problem; and (v) evaluate the success of their solutions to the problem. This emphasis on problem-solving was expected to enable every student to be a productive citizen as it would have given them a basic set of cognitive competencies that would make them trainable in the more complex job skills required in the workforce. Students’ involvement in mini enterprises as part of R&T was also expected to make them productive. R&T was seen as providing a sound base for preparing students to do the separate technical and vocational areas in the Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC).

Effectiveness of implementation Drawing on the research of Rogers and Shoemaker (Rogers 2003), on the relationship between the users’ rate of adoption of an innovation and their perception of its attributes, Jennings (2012) reports research on teachers’ and principals’ perceptions of the attributes (i.e. the need and relevance, complexity, the quality and practicality and observability) of R&T. Differences in perceptions

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according to school type were examined and observations of R&T classes were reported. Jennings (2012) found that teachers and principals had a positive perception of the need and relevance of R&T in that they felt that R&T was essential for developing technological skills. However, they did not think that R&T helped to develop the children’s problem-solving and critical thinking skills. While the teachers found the teachers’ guide helpful, both they and the principals agreed that R&T needed relevant and appropriate texts. The teachers were not happy with the quality of the R&T workbooks and the problems experienced with the mini enterprises were most pronounced in schools which did not offer resource management. Most of the teachers did not think that R&T provided an adequate foundation for the CSEC and some felt that they needed more guidance in how to infuse career education into R&T. Teachers and principals differed in their perception of the ‘clarity of goals and means’. While most of the teachers felt that they knew how to use the thematic approach, most of the principals thought they didn’t. It was only with regard to the clarity of goals and means that there were significant differences in the perceptions of teachers from the different school types. T-tests showed that there were significant differences in the perceptions of teachers from the junior high and traditional high schools with the teachers in the latter schools having a negative perception while those in the former had a positive perception of this attribute. Of the 35 lessons observed, only in 8 were there attempts to teach R&T in an integrated way. In all of the other lessons, individual elements were taught discretely. Despite the fact that R&T is a practical subject requiring ‘hands-on’ activities, this was hardly evident in practice. The teaching of product design and development (which replaced industrial arts) should exhibit a practical, skills-oriented approach. However, only one of the five classes observed taught in a woodwork room. The other four lessons were done in a classroom and even a lesson on tools consisted of the teacher copying tools onto the chalkboard from a textbook which the students then copied into their notebooks. Resource constraints resulted in the practice of rotation in home and family management in which approximately a quarter of the children would be able to do some practical work, while the remainder were set theoretical work in another room. A quarter of those who were doing theoretical work would get their chance to use the equipment in the next class. And so it went on until each quarter had its turn. The problem with rotation, as Williams (2006) found, is the teachers found repeating the same thing to four different groups tiresome and some students suffered from disruption in learning due to the lack of completion of the work scheduled for the rotation period

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Challenges in educational reform Achieving the elusive goals of equity and social justice With the introduction of ROSE, the junior high schools gained access to knowledge which hitherto they had been denied. The intake of these schools is largely children from the lower social classes who have failed the primary school leaving examination, the Grade Six Achievement Test (GSAT). The children remain in these schools for three years (Grades 7–9 or Forms 1–3) and if they are successful at the Grade Nine Achievement Test they could move onto an upgraded high school where in Grade 11 they could sit the CSEC. Both the junior high and the upgraded high schools are held in low esteem in stark comparison with the prestigious traditional secondary high schools which take in the children who have passed the GSAT. With the introduction of a common curriculum the expectation was that the hierarchy of status of schools would be removed and all schools would be viewed as ‘secondary high schools’. The more positive perceptions of teachers in the junior high schools underscores why R&T is implemented more successfully in those schools than in the traditional secondary high schools. ROSE was intended to narrow the social divide but it has not been able to achieve this goal. Divisive attitudes and values persist and cannot be changed by the mere levelling of all schools to one category. This has not worked anyway because high social esteem which schools have built up over many years cannot be erased with the stroke of a pen. The less positive perception of R&T by teachers in the traditional secondary high schools can be explained by the fact that they, the students and their parents, did not take kindly to being levelled with what were perceived as ‘schools for failures’. In fact, an earlier study by Evans (1997) found that most of the prestigious secondary high schools did not implement R&T at all, and those that did restricted it to those children perceived as ‘slow learners’. Furthermore, these prestigious schools had more resources to enable them to give the ‘slow learners’ access to all five elements of R&T, whereas the children in the non-traditional schools were only able to access at most three of the elements (Hastings, 2004). The achievement of goals such as equity and social justice requires not only new skills and behaviours, but also changes in beliefs, attitudes and values. As long as powerful users are able to manipulate initiatives designed to achieve those goals in order to maintain the status quo, the changes desired will remain elusive ideals.

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Inadequate physical, material and human resources Inadequacy of physical and material resources has been cited as problematic in Jamaican primary schools (Jennings-Wray, 1984; Bailey 2007). Dawkins (2009) in her evaluation of the implementation of the L1-2-3 programme in Grade 2 classes in four primary schools reported that over 90 per cent of the teachers felt that the physical conditions in the classrooms were not conducive to the effective implementation of the programme, and 89 per cent felt that the space available was inadequate. While there has been an attempt to furnish more classrooms with separate tables and chairs that make group work more feasible, there is still a predominance of unwieldy furniture. In overcrowded classrooms where these create little room to manoeuvre, some teachers will resort to teacher-dominated instruction in which the children simply complete their thought processes instead of being engaged in higher-order thinking. The constructivist approach to teaching and learning which requires space, resources and a wealth of materials has been imposed in classrooms which were designed for direct instruction. The case of R&T has also underscored resource constraints as a major deterrent to the achievement of goals of reform in Jamaica. To principals, their greatest challenge was the provision of physical and material resources for R&T and this curtailed both their ability to offer all five elements of R&T in their schools and necessitated the use of rotation in the teaching of certain elements of R&T. Finding teachers appropriately qualified to teach the subject was also a problem and provision of textbooks relevant to R&T was a challenge faced even more by teachers than the principals.

Inadequate training of teachers and school leaders How teachers and principals are trained in the process of reforming the education system poses another challenge in achieving the goal of a particular reform. The general tendency on the part of the Ministry of Education in Jamaica is to adopt a ‘cascade’ approach to training. This involves selecting a few teachers from relevant schools to attend a central location (such as a hotel) where they are trained in the new strategies required for the reform. These teachers are then expected to return to their schools and train the teachers in their own and neighbouring schools. While school-based training is desirable, it cannot take place without the assistance of the principal of schools and support in terms of resources for organizing the training session(s). Invariably, therefore, such

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training does not take place and there is no provision in place to hold the teacher who was trained accountable for the training of his/her colleagues. While the teachers in the 30 pilot schools for L1-2-3 received training over a total of four days and had liaison officers visiting them each week during the school year to observe them and offer guidance, the training offered when the programme was rolled out nationwide was much less of the ‘cascade’ type. It is not surprising, therefore, that researchers found teachers who had not received any training at all (Dawkins, 2009; Mascoe-Johnson, 2012). Simms (2010) found that even teachers originally trained by the cascade model were assigned by their principals to teach at the upper levels of the primary school and so were unable to utilize the training or train their colleagues. The training received clearly did not give the teachers a deep understanding of the methodology. When asked about the training received, one teacher said: ‘We went to a workshop with some Education Officers who did not know themselves as they were not able to give us something concrete’ (Simms, 2010, p. 83). The situation is complicated by the fact that both in the primary and secondary school system teachers are employed to teach in areas for which they are not qualified; for example, teachers teaching literacy who were trained in physical education, guidance and counselling, and educational administration (UWI Consulting, 2012).This clearly contributes to the poor level of achievement in literacy. Additionally, given the fact that teachers tend to remain in the same post for many years and become fixed in their ways, it soon becomes apparent why it is so difficult to get them to embrace a change in methodology. For example, Lightbody (2007) in her observation of teaching in some primary schools noted a teacher in a multigrade school used mostly didactic instruction and closed questioning. She had been teaching for 27 years and although she had a bachelor’s degree it was not in primary education but in educational administration. Attention also needs to be paid to the training of the leadership within schools because it is the same leaders who are relied on to make the ‘cascade’ training work and help to provide the resources needed for effective implementation of reforms. Jennings (2009) reported on teachers’ complaints about the unsupportive nature of their principals who insisted on them following instructions which were at odds with the requirements of the training for the use of L1-2-3. Furthermore, the teachers pointed out that when the education officers visited their schools, they had no idea about the new methodology. What this underscores is the need for more holistic approaches to training. It becomes unproductive if teachers are trained in a new methodology and the principals and education officers who supervise and assess them are not trained also. The tendency has

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been for the Ministry of Education to focus on the implementers (i.e. the teachers) and bring the principals in at the end almost as an afterthought. It is not sufficient either for these school leaders to be just exposed to the training given to the teachers. Their training needs to go beyond this to include instructional supervision, resource mobilization and community support. When ROSE was first introduced, all teachers’ colleges which had a programme for training teachers for secondary schools had lecturers designated to prepare trainees for the ROSE programme and more specifically for teaching R&T, but this has long since been discontinued. This explains two things. Firstly it accounts to some extent for the persistence of teacher-centredness, the theoretical approach adopted in teaching subjects that are practical in nature. However, research has also shown that while professing to training students to use studentcentred methodologies, it is the traditional teacher-centred model which predominates in the college classroom and is reflected in the schools during teaching practice and the first year of teaching (Marshall, 2007). Secondly, it explains why finding teachers appropriately qualified to teach R&T was also a problem. R&T required teachers who could use an integrated approach, but the teachers employed to teach the subject were trained in separate subjects. There is clearly a mismatch between the type of training the subject requires and the actual training of the teachers who teach it.

Conclusion Attempts to reform the education system in Jamaica can be likened to the fate of the Greek mythical character, Sisyphus, who was condemned to spend eternity rolling a boulder up a hill. Every time the boulder almost reached the top, it rolled back down to the bottom. Every time we put in place initiatives to achieve key goals of primary and secondary education, we reach the conclusion that ‘education reform efforts within Caribbean states have not lived up to expectation’ (Jules, 2008, p. 204). Persistent problems such as inappropriate classroom design and furniture, inadequacy of resources, weaknesses in the training of teachers and school leaders, deep-rooted values and attitudes inimical to change, and powerful forces with interests to maintain the status quo frustrate the achievement of these goals. All of this underscores why in our effort to reform the education system, curriculum change is not enough. Try as we might to change from a teacher-centred to a student-centred methodology, we may see some hopeful signs of change following training, but for the most part if such training is not

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sustained then teachers always fall back on what they know best; the recitation method by which they were taught in school. What initiators of educational reform invariably fail to do is to see the reform from the perspective of the implementers. Teachers often perceive attempts to introduce reforms as complex, not because of any innate difficulty of the idea but because so many ideas are thrown at them simultaneously, each with different philosophies and requiring different strategies. For example, when L1-2-3 was introduced some schools were implementing the NHP Schools Project. The NHP had limited success in improving performance in literacy and after seven years of trying concluded that ‘the participatory, child-center [sic] classroom approaches, emphasized by the NHP program, have generally not been consistently implemented in NHP classrooms’ (Juarez and Associates, 2004, p. 32). In addition to the NHP, some of the schools were simultaneously involved in the Caribbean Centre for Excellence in Teacher Training (CCETT)3 which provided students in Grades 1–3 with their own reading materials. Having to use two or three different sets of materials in the same classroom for different projects is being required to use different strategies, resulting in innovation saturation on the part of the teacher and the confusion that accompanies it. The bottom line is the project-driven nature of educational reform in Jamaica, as in other Caribbean islands, invariably with the agenda for education being established ‘not by endogenous imperatives emanating from the developmental direction of small states – but by the paradigms promoted by the multilateral educational and financial institutions’ (Jules, 2008, p. 206). Once project funds have dried up, the educational reform invariably withers and dies. Such is the fate of CCETT, for example, in Jamaica and such may be the fate of L1-2-3 if the problems identified with it are not addressed. At the time of writing this chapter, project funds had been secured from international lending agencies for the revision of both the primary and secondary curricula, underscoring that there is no end in sight to the ‘projectivation’ of Jamaican education. Until we address the fundamental problem of inadequacy of the funding of education in Jamaica we will remain tied to a fate not unlike that of Sisyphus.

Notes 1 JAMAL was formed in 1974. It gave priority to the 15–35 age groups, offering part-time classes in community colleges, factories and training centres in both urban and rural settings and was credited with success in improving the adult literacy rate.

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In 2006 JAMAL was changed into the Jamaican Foundation for Lifelong Learning which has since initiated the Workplace Literacy Programme (WLP) designed to enhance national productivity and development through work-based adult literacy skills training. 2 The FSR/D was a series of guides set out by grade level, developed in the late 1970s and implemented in the Jamaican primary education system in 1980. Developed by the Core Curriculum Unit (CCU) of the Ministry of Education, it focused on four core areas: language arts, mathematics, social studies and science. Secondary to these were areas for skill development, aesthetic awareness and the development of positive attitudes and values, music, physical education, art and craft and religious education. This curriculum sought to move away from a subject-centred approach to an integrated approach to curriculum organization. 3 The CCETT project was established in 2002 under an agreement between the University of the West Indies (UWI), Mona Campus, Jamaica and USAIDWashington with the Institute of Education/Joint Board of Teacher Education (JBTE), Mona Campus, as the executing agency. The project’s overall aim was to improve the competence of teachers in literacy education in order to improve the literacy proficiency of students in the first three years of primary education. The project was effected through five critical components: diagnostic and performance assessment of children; development of teaching and learning materials; specialized training for reading specialists, teachers and principals; action research; development of an information technology interactive platform. The project started in five countries (Jamaica, Belize, Guyana, St Vincent and the Grenadines, and St Lucia).

References Bailey, B. and Brown, M. (1997), ‘Re-engineering the primary curriculum in Jamaica’, Caribbean Journal of Education, 19(2), 147–161. Bailey, J. (2007), The Views of Jamaican Grade One Teachers on the Revised Primary Curriculum with Reference to their Concerns on Implementation, unpublished M.Ed dissertation, The University of the West Indies. Craig, D. (2006), From Vernacular to Standard English: Teaching Language and Literacy to Caribbean Students. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers. Dawkins, C. (2009), An Evaluation of the Implementation of the Literacy 1-2-3 Programme in the Grade 2 Classes of Four Jamaican Primary Schools, unpublished M.Ed dissertation, The University of the West Indies. de Moura Castro, C., Carnoy, M. and Wolff, L. (2000), Secondary Schools and Transition to Work in Latin America and the Caribbean (Sustainable Development Department Technical Paper Series). Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank.

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Devonish, H. (2012), ‘Stop demonising patois: from a semi-lingual to a bilingual Jamaica’, The Sunday Gleaner, 26 August, p. A8. Evans, H. (1997), ‘Transforming policy into action: facilitating teacher change in a Jamaican innovation’, Journal of Education and Development in the Caribbean, 1(1), 1–20. Hastings, G. (2004), Teachers’ Perceptions of Selected Attributes of Resource and Technology, unpublished M.Ed dissertation, The University of the West Indies. Jennings, Z. (2009), ‘Implementing the constructivist approach to teaching: the challenges for teachers in Jamaica’s primary schools’, in C. S. Gentles (ed.), Voices from the Field. Kingston, Jamaica: Institute of Education, The University of the West Indies, Mona, pp. 90–113. Jennings, Z. (2012), ‘Resource and technology: a beacon for change in the reform of Jamaica’s secondary education system – or a “pipedream”?’, International Review of Education, 58(2), 247–269. Jennings-Wray, Z. (1984), ‘Implementing the “integrated approach to learning”: implications for integration in the curricula of primary schools in the Caribbean’, International Journal of Educational Development, 4(4), 265–278. Juarez and Associates (2004), New Horizons for Primary Schools: Report on the Formative Evaluation 2004. Los Angeles: Juarez and Associates Inc. in collaboration with IDEAS Ltd. Jules, D. (2008), ‘Rethinking education for the Caribbean: a radical approach’, Comparative Education, 44(2), 203–214. Lightbody, M. (2007), Science Teaching at the Grade 5 Level in a Monograde and Multigrade Primary School in St. Mary, unpublished M.Ed dissertation, The University of the West Indies. Manley, M. (1974), The Politics of Change: A Jamaican Testament. London: André Deutsch. Marshall, P. (2007), ‘Teaching strategies used by teacher educators and their influence on beginning teachers’ practice’, Journal of Education and Development in the Caribbean, 9(1–2), 70–96. Mascoe-Johnson, N. (2012), Comparing the Implementation of Literacy 1-2-3 in Multigrade and Single Grade Schools in West Rural St. Andrew, unpublisehd M.Ed dissertation, The University of the West Indies. Ministry of Education (2004), Task Force on Educational Reform: A Transformed Education System. Kingston, Jamaica: Ministry of Education Jamaica. Oketch, M. (2007), ‘To vocationalise or not to vocationalise? Perspectives on current trends and issues in technical and vocational education and training (TVET) in Africa’, International Journal of Educational Development, 27(2), 220–234. PESP (Primary Education Support Project ) (2005), Literacy 1-2-3: The Literacy Intervention Model for the Language Arts Window. Kingston, Jamaica: Ministry of Education, Youth and Culture.

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Planning Institute of Jamaica (2009), Vision 2030 – Jamaica National Development Plan: Planning for a Secure and Prosperous Future. Kingston, Jamaica: Planning Institute of Jamaica. Psacharopoulos, G. L. and Loxley, W. A. (1985), Diversified Secondary Education and Development: Evidence from Colombia and Tanzania. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Rogers, E. (2003), Diffusion of Innovations. New York: Free Press. Simms, M. (2010), An Investigation into Teachers’ Use of the Literacy 1-2-3 Model in Teaching the Language Arts in Grade One of Three Rural Primary Schools. Kingston, Jamaica: Mona Campus, The University of the West Indies. UNESCO (1983), Jamaica: Development of Secondary Education. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (2005), Secondary Education Reform: Towards a Convergence of Knowledge Acquisition and Skills Devleopment. Paris: UNESCO. UWI Consulting (2012), Evaluation of the National Curriculum Strategies. Kingston, Jamaica: The University of the West Indies. Williams, L. (2006), Teachers’ and Students’ Perceptions of Selected Attributes of Resource and Technology in Two School Types, unpublished M.Ed dissertation, The University of the West Indies.

15

Education in Montserrat: Some Pre- and Post-1995 Reflections Gertrude Shotte

Education is not preparation for life; education is life itself. John Dewey Learning is not compulsory . . . neither is survival. William Edwards Deming In times of change, learners inherit the earth; while the learned find themselves beautifully equipped to deal with a world that no longer exists. Eric Hoffer

Introduction This chapter looks at education in Montserrat during two specific time periods: pre- and post-1995 phases. However, it does not give a detailed account of how education was developed over time, but rather highlights noteworthy episodes that punctuate the time period under discussion. In addition to reviewing the pre-primary and special education sectors and education at primary, secondary and tertiary levels, the chapter identifies the crucial role that the region development and expansion programmes play in moulding education practices on the island. An essential part of the discussion communicates how the Ministry of Education (MoE) has responded to major disruptive events. Equally critical is the function that the supportive school–home–community networks play in the education process. It is approximately 18 years since the Soufriere Hills volcano began its subjugation of an island community who not only acknowledged that ‘. . . 265

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illiteracy is man’s greatest enemy’, but had also made a purposeful and calculated effort to ‘stamp it out completely’ (Calypsonian – The Mighty Sparrow) (Lucy Media, 2013). The chapter will therefore utilize a similar time period (from the 1970s) for discussion of pre-1995 educational activities. I must hasten to add that the use of the simple past (acknowledged) and past perfect (had made) tenses is not an indication that the importance of education has been lost on the current Montserrat inhabitants, or even relocated Montserratians. In fact, the need for education is more acute in this period of redevelopment when residents face challenges of various kinds. For relocated migrants (especially those in England), the importance of education is just as critical in the face of challenging resettlement issues and fierce culture clashes. The ‘past tenses’ are used to emphasize how the then ‘educational high’ was ruffled, but was by no means obliterated. I deem it appropriate to give some space to the quotations used to preface this chapter. They were particularly selected because they resonate clearly with the pre- and post-1995 educational situation under discussion. John Dewey’s reference to education being life itself, rather than preparation for it, echoes with the life lessons that residents of Montserrat learned during pre-1995 disasters, especially the 1989 Category 5 Hurricane Hugo that severely hampered educational activities. In the early years of the volcanic crisis, these very lessons were the catalysts for educational survival and the impetus of hope that helped residents to respond ‘to seismic turbulence and rise rapidly from the ashes, so to speak’ (Fergus, 1998, p. 7). The second quotation bears a similar semblance, in that lessons learned inspired ‘new’ survival skills. William Edwards Deming’s statement brings to mind the issue of choice, which suggests that there are available options that force one to decide on a precise course of action. Such was the case with the vast majority of families who chose ‘education’ as the number one reason for relocating to ‘safer’ shores (Montserrat Statistics Department, 1998). More people relocated to England than any other country, for it was generally believed that an ‘English education is best’ and that settlement in England would simply be an elevation and extension of schooling, further and higher education. A smooth transition was anticipated since it was a case of relocating from ‘colony’ to ‘motherland’. Besides, this filial relationship was seen as a plus for the maintenance of the island community’s ‘educational high’ (Shotte, 2006, 2007, 2012). But life in the motherland turned Deming’s quotation on its head, for both ‘learning’ and ‘survival’ became compulsory elements in the ‘relocation package’.

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The third quotation by Eric Hoffer fits neatly into the circumstances that evolved as the volcanic crisis rumbled on. Changes to the education system, physically and operationally, forced ‘the beautifully equipped learned’ to focus attention on how to maintain a ‘normal system’ under very abnormal circumstances. The awakening of the Soufriere Hills volcano has created an international awareness of the existence of a tiny volcanic Caribbean island, Montserrat. Yet, it appears that much is not as widely known of the regional and national dynamics that have bolstered and sustained its educational existence. This chapter will therefore begin the discussion by creating a framework that provides a context that aids understanding, as well as furnishing insights into the ‘island-motivated’ and regional activities that have joined forces to bring about a reasonably healthy and stable educational standing in Montserrat, despite the knock-on effects of the volcanic crisis.

Conceptualization There are three constructs that provide the framework for this chapter: (1) a brief summary of Montserrat’s physical features; (2) some general ideas about education development since the latter half of the twentieth century; and (3) a post-1995 overview.

Physical features of Montserrat Montserrat, also known as the Emerald Isle of the Caribbean, is one of the five British Overseas Territories (BOTs) in the region. It is situated in the inner arc of the Leeward Islands, approximately 25 miles south-west of Antigua, where travellers make regional and international flight connections. The island is almost entirely volcanic in origin as is evidenced by its sulphur springs and black sand beaches.

Education development in the late twentieth century Unlike the other BOTs, Montserrat has full membership in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and shares membership with its Eastern Caribbean neighbours in the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) and many other regional organizations including the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Response Agency (CDERA), the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB), the

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Caribbean Festival (CARIFESTA), the Caribbean Tourism Organization (CTO), the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC), the Caribbean Council of Legal Education (CCLE), the Caribbean Council for Science and Technology (CCST), the Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CARDI) and the University of the West Indies (UWI). These are the organizations, among others, that have helped to shape the education cornerstone on which Montserrat society thrives. During the 1950s, teachers benefited from the training institutions in the region, including Erdiston Teachers’ College in Barbados and Spring Garden College in Antigua (Fergus, 1994, p. 179). The 1960s, the ‘post independence era’, saw a spurt in education development and expansion in the Caribbean. Approximately two decades later, there was ‘a halt to the transformation, expansion, and qualitative improvements in education in the Caribbean, as regional economies slid into deep recession’ (Miller, 1992, p.  28). All territories in the region were ‘in it together’ for, regardless of each island’s political status, all felt the adverse effects of economic downturn. This meant that Montserrat’s non-independent status was not enough to spare it from educational setbacks. It was at this ‘dark’ time of the region’s educational history that Caribbean regionalism came to the rescue. In the early 1990s, by means of regionalism, new educational policies and programmes were endorsed and subsequently implemented across the entire region (CARICOM, 1993, p.  69). Since all education systems in the region suffered from the 1980s economic crisis, equitably, all education systems benefited from the 1990s Caribbean regionalism, which is described as: . . . a way of doing, thinking, feeling, which seeks to identify, give meaning to, acknowledge the integrity of common and unique Caribbean Communities, and also to pool these various experiences obtained from institutions and from persons in order to compel an action. (CARICOM, 1993, p. 5)

Montserrat’s MoE took advantage of this means of restoration and did manage to build its education capacity and expand its educational activities. When the volcanic crisis began in July 1995, formal education programmes in Montserrat had grown and expanded to incorporate these levels and components: preprimary, primary, secondary, tertiary, technical, special and adult education. It was the educational strides that were made as a result of regionalism that influenced the expression ‘on an educational high’, used in the introductory section. Unfortunately, mid-1995 volcanic activities interrupted, deflated but did

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not eradicate that ‘educational high’. Ironically, settlement issues in England did more damage to relocated migrants’ educational hopes and aspirations than the ‘physical impact’ of several volcanic explosions (Pattullo, 2000; Shotte, 1999, 2012; Skelton, 2000).

Post-1995 overview The Soufriere Hills volcano began its eruptive phase on Tuesday 18 July 1995. Subsequent explosions left approximately two thirds of the island uninhabitable and forced a similar proportion of the residents to relocate to ‘safer’ shores. The exodus from Montserrat began in September 1997 after the most destructive pyroclastic flow to date took out the entire eastern side of the island. Initially, residents fled to neighbouring Caribbean islands, but more than half of the relocated population settled in England. Admittedly, Montserrat is no stranger to large out-migration (Ebanks, 1988; Philpott, 1973). Previous patterns of migration did adversely affect the education system in Montserrat, but it was this forced migratory sixth phase that left the biggest dent in the education landscape (Shotte, 2010).

Education in pre-volcano times As noted earlier, for the purpose of this chapter, the period in question is from the 1970s to the mid-1990s. However, it is necessary to provide a brief backdrop of the significant events that framed the educational activities that were played out over this period. Formal education in the Caribbean gained a foothold during the post-emancipation period; a period during which educators and learners alike made commitments to use schooling as the medium that could ‘afford them the opportunity to rise in the new free society’ (Miller, 1984, p. 35). From that period on, education in Montserrat, as other Caribbean countries, has undergone various changes, including a focused attention on pre-primary and special education. Reforms ranged from free elementary education, to secondary education for ‘a selected few’, to technical-vocational education, to secondary education for all, to a UWI adult education programme. Evidently, these were not problem-free transitions – for example, the 1963 technical department, ‘which promised a more realistic integration with the island’s commercial and occupational life, did not live up to expectation’ (Fergus, 1994, p. 186). Another example is noted in the ‘rumbles of dissatisfaction’ that accompanied the

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introduction of the Pre-Vocational Programme (PVP) in 1986 for the critics saw this as ‘a lowering of standards’ (Fergus, 1994, p. 191). But such unsatisfactory situations were resolved by implementing further reforms. Pre- and post-periods of political independence in the Caribbean are rather significant in its educational history. The post-independence education expansion programmes are largely responsible for the education achievement successes that the MoE experienced. Arguably, the Montserrat case seems a paradox since Montserrat, as a BOT, is outside the independence circle. But by virtue of its membership in the aforementioned organizations, Montserrat has entitlement to participate in, and ultimately benefit from, the region’s education programmes. A subsequent subsection will look briefly at these programmes.

Pre-primary and special education Pre-primary and special education are two significant components of the Montserrat education system. Although there is a scarcity of literature on the development and continuous functionality of both sectors for the period in question, especially the latter, they are just as organized and comparatively productive as the other areas of the system. It is at the pre-primary education level (usually called nursery school) that children are introduced to a quasi-school environment. In 1970, privately run Nursery School Association and day care centres officially became an early childhood education (ECE) entity when the government took full responsibility for pre-primary education (UNESCO, 2000). It was from this same period that the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the Bernard van Leer Foundation provided much needed training assistance to support early childhood care and education (ECCE) in the region. Consequently, ECE in Montserrat made notable improvements and had a direct link to primary education. Consider the mission statement of the ECE Division: The Early Childhood Education Division is committed to providing the best possible Day Care and Nursery School Services for children between the ages of one (1) and five (5) years, to enable each child to socialise and develop skills which will help him/her to adapt readily to the primary school situation. Ministry of Education, 1996, p. 4

Up until 1995, nine government and three privately-owned nursery schools were in operation. All experienced the destructive ‘hand’ of the volcano.

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In a similar vein, the MoE committed itself to providing a sound education for all children with physical, mental, and learning difficulties and, where possible, provide ‘an early integration into the normal school system’ (Ministry of Education, 1996, p. 16). Special educational needs (SEN) was always an area of concern and the MoE has consistently taken appropriate steps to provide for children who have special needs (Ministry of Education, 1996). Based on personal experience in pre-1995 times, generally, children were not subjected to formal assessments that identified them as SEN children, or even as exceptional. Yet, individual teachers dealt with, often successfully, children who had behavioural disorders, or who were intellectually and/or physically challenged, and even those whom the teacher deemed ‘gifted’. I would venture to say that most, if not all, teachers were guided by an unwritten mandate to ‘care’ for children who had traits that affected their ability to learn. Sadly, the volcano crisis ruthlessly curbed all the efforts made up to 1995.

Primary and secondary education In Montserrat, ‘kindergarten’, known as ‘reception’ in England, is the first year of the primary education system: Grades K–6. During the 1970s, the government constructed new schools to replace the Church schools that previously dominated education affairs. The replaced schools were judged ‘unsuitable’ by a government inspection team (Foster and Evans, 1978). Since then, with the MoE’s focus on curriculum development, primary education advanced progressively with sustained assistance from regional and international bodies. The School of Education of the Cave Hill Campus, UWI, had assisted in the development of a local science curriculum. Peace Corps volunteers assisted in the development of a reading programme for untrained teachers and a music and art/craft curriculum. Additionally, Montserrat participated in the language arts, mathematics and social studies components of the United States Agency for International Development Aid (USAID) and the UWI Primary Education Project (PEP) (Bray et al., 1985, p. 25). The materials that were developed from the PEP programme were distributed to all schools. These materials from PEP, along with the other curriculum materials that were developed by the various teams, formed the basis of the standardized primary school curriculum. Up until 1994, there were 12 primary schools in Montserrat, but with the closure of the lone private school in that same year, 11 schools (9 government and 2 denominational) were in operation at the onset of the volcanic crisis (Ministry of Education, 1996, p. 4).

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To gain access to the Montserrat Secondary School (MSS), Grade 6 (11+) pupils had to pass the Common Entrance Examination (CEE). Pupils were tested in English, mathematics and ‘intelligence’ and those who did not pass the CEE were allowed to enter the junior secondary school system (established in 1972), a three-year integrated practical and academic programme. The CEE had some merit in the sense that it motivated pupils to strive for academic excellence, as well as influenced the curriculum content and certain pedagogical practices. However, there was a general unease among educators and other concerned persons who thought that the examination had a deleterious effect on primary and secondary education. For example, there was the fear that accelerated promotion through the primary system might endanger children’s social development and/or restrict the acquisition of specific knowledge because of having to omit or ‘rush through’ content to meet exam deadlines. Another concern of some teachers was the neglect of subjects such as social studies, science and the creative arts, at the expense of the core CEE subjects. Approximately one third of the timetable was apportioned to subjects that were not tested at CEE; 30 per cent was assigned to English, 30 per cent to mathematics and 8 per cent to the intelligence test (known as verbal reasoning in England) (Bray et al., 1985). This time allocation made it near impossible for teachers to use one subject area to develop another. Furthermore, the ‘league table’ nature of the CEE raised concerns about those teachers who gave more attention to the more capable pupils, thus neglecting the students who truly needed assistance (Bray et al., 1985). It was the aforementioned air of discontent and uneasiness that enveloped the CEE that gave rise to the restructuring of the Montserrat education system in 1986. The two main objectives that the government considered might be achieved through restructuring were: To extend the period during which all children would have access to education; and to avoid an element of social stratification in which some bright children gained places in the Montserrat Secondary School on completion of their primary school, but others were ‘doomed’ to attend the less prestigious and less academically oriented junior secondary schools. Bray et al., 1985, p. 9

The 1986 reform brought about the introduction of the PVP. At Form 4 (Year 10), an academic base syllabus was combined with practical activities in commerce, industrial agriculture, craft and hotel trades. The changes triggered criticisms,

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which appeared to stem from anti-change sentiments within particular groups and the ‘low social status’ that was attached to the PVP. Four basic criticisms noted are: It leads to low achievement at the primary level; Instead of automatic promotion from grade to grade children should be allowed to repeat classes; The PVP creates a cadre of intellectually backward students; and Comprehensivisation means a general lowering of standards and therefore the CEE should have been retained, to motivate pupils. Fergus, 1994, p. 191

The restructured system was intended to bring about an arrangement that was more comprehensive and less divided. The 1986 reform included automatic access to the MSS for all primary school children. This meant the abolition of the CEE, which was replaced by a Grade Six (Year 6) Examination (GSE). The purpose of the GSE was to determine how students would be ‘streamed’ on entering the MSS. Let me hasten to add that the scope and depth of the content and the general quality of the GSE were of no lower rating than the original CEE. However, the conditions under which the GSE was administered were different and perhaps less formal. Pupils took the examination in their respective primary schools, but general administration remained the responsibility of the MoE. My experience as a Grade 5 and 6 teacher, coupled with informal conversations held with teachers who taught at the same levels, has led me to conclude that the GSE arrangements, to some degree, avoided the backwash effects of the CEE on the curriculum. For example, teachers were noted to pay more attention to basic mathematics and reading skills and devote ‘quality’ time to the non-core subjects. However, I have also noted that teachers were still concerned about content coverage since it was generally believed that students who were exposed to more content were most likely to secure an ‘A’ position on the overall GSE ‘league tables’. The community is an integral part of school affairs; and the community’s ‘good’ rating of a school was informed by the number of ‘A’ places that schools attained in the GSE, so ‘stratification’ remained a concern. Ironically, this is the very occurrence that restructuring was supposed to reduce. Yet, with sustained support from community and national initiatives, the region’s expansion programmes and related international programmes, primary and secondary education made significant advancements.

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Tertiary education ‘Tertiary education’ in this chapter is used in a broad sense. It encompasses education gained at technical and community colleges, teacher training and open-learning centres and universities, among other adult learning institutions that are used to scaffold sustainable development programmes vital for nationbuilding. Prior to 1995, the Montserrat Technical College (MTC), which provided technical and vocational education, and the School of Continuing Studies of the UWI were the institutions that provided tertiary education. The MTC, established in 1972, ‘offered a range of full time and part time courses and had affiliation, though short lived, with the Montserrat School of Nursing’ (UNESCO, 2000, part I, subsec. 4, para. 2). The student body included students who missed out on the opportunity to attend the MSS. The MTC made notable progress. It was perhaps its ‘academic’ success that prompted the government to put plans in place to upgrade it to the Montserrat Community College (MCC), so that more students would benefit from its tertiary programmes. The UWI School of Continuing Studies offered five programmes – formal academic courses, professional courses, occasional courses, secondary education courses and public education. The distance education programmes on the island were developed via the ‘formal academic courses’ that catered for certificate courses in public and business administration, and first-year degree UWI courses in law and the social sciences. UNESCO (2000) reports that these courses not only reduced the cost of tertiary education to the country, but also contributed significantly to its human resource development. Teleconference facilities also helped many students to gain qualifications in health, counselling, parenting, nutrition, text book production and reproductive health via the ‘professional courses’. Others gained certification in these ‘occasional courses’: care of the elderly, organizational leadership, leadership of voluntary organizations, AIDS counselling, public speaking, Caribbean studies, taxi driver’s course, introduction to computers, accounting for small business and information technology for business. The ‘secondary education courses’ provided certification for people who missed out on a secondary school education, or those who did not gain access to the MSS. The courses taken were at General Certificate in Education (GCE) Ordinary (O) level in subjects such as English, mathematics, Caribbean history, economics, sociology, law and accounting. Qualifications in these courses were prerequisites to tertiary level courses. Public lectures, radio discussions and a newspaper column by the resident tutor were the channels for ‘public education’ (UNESCO, 2000).

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The progress that education in pre-1995 Montserrat achieved was largely due to the assistance received from the region’s education development and expansion programmes.

Regional education programmes All the education programmes, at whichever of the aforementioned levels, bore fruit because of the assistance received from the region’s education institutions, including the UWI. Celia Davidson-Francis, Director of Alumni Relations Institutional Advancement Division, observes: ‘UWI continues to play a very important role for all Caribbean nations, allowing them to educate new generations of public and private sector leaders, to ensure continued social and economic progress in each country’ (Davidson-Francis, 2008, p. 6). The UWI’s role in helping the Caribbean territories ‘to educate new generations’ was operationalized within the education expansion and development programmes that were initiated at the onset of the region’s ‘independence era’, from 1960 onwards. Box 15.1 highlights some of the programmes.

Box 15.1 Some major developments in education The education system was expanded significantly. This involved massive building programmes at the primary and secondary levels; significant increases of teachers in training; and the use of the shift system where two sets of teachers and pupils use a single building during a single day. Free primary, secondary, and in some territories university education was introduced and universal education for every child between the ages of 5 and 17 was achieved in some territories. Compulsory education laws were enacted in some countries. Early childhood education for children aged 4–6 years and technical education were established or expanded. Sixth forms and community colleges were developed. Curricula were developed and reformed in every country. School-related welfare programmes were introduced or expanded. These helped parents of poor economic backgrounds to send their children to school by assistance with grants, school meal programmes, school uniforms, books, rental schemes and other support services (Miller, 1984, p. 36).

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As noted in the introductory section, the 1980s economic downturn frustrated the efforts to expand and consolidate the education development programmes shown in Box 15.1. However, the OECS Education Reform Strategy that was developed in 1991 introduced a number of schemes that helped to bridge the educational gaps created by the 1980s economic crisis. The document put forward 65 strategies within a number of broad programmatic areas:

1. Harmonization of the education systems of the OECS (strategies 1 to 8). 2. Reforming early childhood education (9 to 13), primary education (14 to 19). 3. Secondary education (20 to 26), tertiary, adult and continuing education (27 to 40). 4. The teaching profession (41 to 46). 5. The management and administration of education (47 to 52). 6. The financing of education (53 to 59). 7. The process to initiate and coordinate the reform process itself (60 to 65) (OERU, 2001, p. 1). It is important to note that these strategies were not developed in a regional ‘cocoon’, but rather were considered against the backdrop of an expanded global awareness of the need for quality education as mandated by the Education for All (EFA) 1990 Framework for Action. Yet, alongside this global awareness is the recognition that contextual realities should characterize education systems across the region (Mark et  al., 2005; OERU, 2001). Similarly, in adapting regionalism and its related education programmes, Montserrat was mindful of the fact that the many modalities employed should embody and satisfy its education system’s and national requirements (Government of Montserrat, 1998; Ministry of Education, 1996). Area 4 from the broad programmatic areas mentioned above is selected as an example to show how Montserrat benefited from the region’s education expansion programmes. It addresses ‘the teaching profession’ in strategies 41–46. The chapter highlights strategy 44: Expand teacher training to achieve 90 per cent trained teachers at primary and secondary levels by the year 2000, by: Increasing the teacher education capacities of the sub-region. Creating regional centres of specialization for training of technical/ vocational teachers. Establishing scholarship and loan schemes to allow teachers to take advantage of the training being offered in these institutions.

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Providing opportunities for the continuing education of teachers and introduce requirements for teachers to refresh themselves professionally at least every five to seven years. Establishing a national quota for teachers to be trained annually. Miller, n.d., pp. 21–22

The teaching profession was enhanced as a direct result of the specifications noted in strategy 44. The terms of this strategy provided for teachers from all levels of the education system. Evidently, the Education Reform Strategy is a force for good with regard to education in the region. To get a full picture of how successful the Reform Strategy is from a Montserrat standpoint, a full report on an evaluation of the programmes is needed. But this chapter has no scope for such an analysis. The purpose of commenting on the programmes is to highlight how they played a crucial role in the development of education in Montserrat. Noteworthily, the ‘relative’ success of the regional programmes was due in part to the support of a robust home–school–community partnership. Elsewhere, I refer to home, school and community as ‘the rings of security’ (Shotte, 2012). These very rings boosted learners’ achievement motivation and helped to sustain the pre-1995 ‘educational high’ that learners enjoyed. Figure  15.1 shows the network of individuals and organizations that worked together to boost and sustain achievement motivation with a view to ensuring educational success. Figure 15.1 bears the tenet of this proverb: ‘it takes a village to raise a child’. It also echoes these sentiments: A community is held together by its language, values, beliefs, traditions and aspirations; all of these ultimately lead to the shaping of an identity that at times we refer to as group character and heritage. Thus, the transmission of the values, heritage and identity of a community is the first essential step in any comprehensive educational process. Davidson-Francis, 2008, p. 2

The community spirit reflected in Figure 15.1 and the above sentiments were in ‘full bloom’ when the Soufriere Hills volcano sprang to life in 1995.

Education post-1995 Almost a decade after the education system was restructured, the entire structure was severely affected by volcanic activities. Some of the activities highlighted in the previous subsections were curtailed; others were halted; yet for others it was a case of ‘business as usual’, despite the intermittent rumblings, phreatic eruptions

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Figure 15.1 Network of individuals and organizations that encouraged and sustained achievement motivation

and pyroclastic flows. All schools that were directly affected by the crisis were re-housed in tents and centres in the Salem area. The MoE commented: The accommodation was far from satisfactory, the tents were not only hot but also unusable when it rained. Toilet facilities for staff and students were inadequate and the atmosphere at most centres was not conducive to the teaching learning process. Ministry of Education, 1996, p. 7

As escalating volcanic activities reduced schooling facilities and forced the evacuation of Salem, a sizable proportion of the population was forced to relocate to ‘safer’ shores. Evidently, this affected the entire education system. By 1997, this was the schooling situation: ● ● ● ● ●

no nursery schools; two primary (1 government, 1 denominational); one secondary (no campuses, no sixth form); no technical college; and no special education unit (Ministry of Education, 1998).

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Table 15.1, drawn from my own experiences, shows how major volcanic activities affected schooling during the first year of the crisis (18 July 1995 to 31 July 1996). Teacher training activities were also affected during the first year of the crisis. Classes were halted and trainee teachers were forced to complete their training elsewhere. In an email conversation, Glenn Francis, Director of Education, MoE, summarized the effect on the teaching force. . . . one of the effects of the volcanic times is the reduction in the proportion of trained teachers who remained on island and available to teach. The effect (in combination with other factors) has been a reduction in student performance across the system. In an era of reducing budgets and stringent Table 15.1 Major volcanic activities that affected schooling – the first year of the crisis Major volcanic activity

Effects on schooling

18/7/95 – phreatic eruptions (Plymouth and Kinsale areas) 21/7/95 – massive ‘Ash Monday’ eruption

Premature end to 1994–1995 academic school year School began two weeks later (25/9/95) – general decline in enrolment St John’s Nursery used my MoH as a casualty station Kinsale and St Patrick’s nursery schools relocated to Girl Guides headquarters, Dagenham Disrupted schools in Plymouth and adjacent areas Curtailed teaching and learning sessions at the start of the next week

30/11/95 – heavy ash fall on Plymouth and adjacent areas 4/11/95 – very heavy ash fall as far south as Gingoes and as far north as Olveston and Salem 9/11/95 – very heavy ash emission

11/95 – increased volcanic activity 1/4/96 – significant pyroclastic flows

7/96 – increased volcanic activities and threat of hurricane Source: adapted from Shotte (2012, p. 127)

Kinsale Primary School, Plymouth Primary School, MSS, MTC and all nursery schools closed Premature end to school term Premature end to school term. All schools relocated to the Salem area. All primary schools in the ‘safe’ zone used as shelters – consequently, classes were held in ‘centres’, tents and private buildings Premature end to the 95/96 school year.

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financial controls it has been difficult to fund the training of teachers overseas in sufficient numbers to fill the gaps. Government has had to recruit teachers from overseas to meet the personnel gaps and/or recruit teachers locally who under normal circumstances may not have been employed as teachers. G. Francis, personal communication, 3 April 2013

However, all is not lost for Francis further commented that in an effort to raise the quality of teaching, efforts are currently underway to start a teachers’ training programme at the MCC. Obviously, the volcanic crisis has brought about a drastic reduction in the quality of education in Montserrat. Over the years, progress has been made but much more work is yet to be done and the collective will to raise standards is ever present, as acknowledged by Francis: The delivery of education has been given more focus through the development of a 10 year education development plan (EDP) which has built in deliverables, targets, and monitoring mechanisms. It is not a plan that sits on a shelf but [has] actually been implemented and monitored. The phrases ‘every child matters’ and ‘no child left behind’ and ‘meeting the needs of every child’ have become more than clichés for education professionals. They are becoming real philosophical underpinnings to the daily practice of our teachers. We have not yet arrived at the point where we can worry about sitting on laurels but we are indeed on the right track. G. Francis, personal communication, 3 April 2013

The volcanic crisis has changed the face of the delivery of education in untold ways. By trying to tackle the issues with a view to ‘meeting the needs of every child’, as well as every learner and instructor, the MoE is ‘on the right track’. The EDP will undoubtedly bring benefit to every sector of education, but not on its own merits. The enduring assistance of a resilient teaching force, together with an equally resilient community, as demonstrated in the aftermath of other disasters, will help the EDP to realize its goals.

Responding to major disruptive events The two major disruptive events under consideration are the arrival of the 1989 Category 5 Hurricane Hugo and the awakening of the Soufriere Hills volcano in

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1995. The former, dubbed the ‘angriest storm’, and the latter the ‘most dangerous volcano’, commanded regional and international sympathy and much media attention. Two former Governors of Montserrat, His Excellency Mr Christopher Turner and His Excellency Mr Frank Savage commented on both situations, respectively: Everywhere was devastation . . . I have never seen such destruction. Yet, there was an astonishing cheerfulness. Everyone one met in the streets grinned ruefully but with enormous relief . . . We faced an enormous task but immediately everybody with any sense of responsibility and everybody with any role to play was at work coping with the tremendous problems of cleaning up the country. Markham and Fergus, 1989, p. 5 Very few communities have been asked to endure as much as Montserrat has in the past six months; I doubt if any has responded with such resilience and good humour as the citizens of Montserrat. Savage, 1996, p. 12

Obviously, the widespread destruction noted above did not bypass the education system. One word seemed to have borne the weight of an island-wide response to the crises: ‘resilience’. It seems reasonable to conclude that it was the spirit of ‘good humour’ and ‘cheerfulness’ that helped to muster and sustain the ‘resilience’ of a people who kept the importance of education in full view. As noted elsewhere (Shotte, 2012), Hurricane Hugo spared no schools. The MoE too suffered a battering. It was well over 24 hours before households realized that their members were not the only survivors, and it took a few days for people to make contact with relatives and friends. Assistance came from the regional and international community as soon as the elements allowed. Thus began the restoration to normalcy. Initially, the entire island community was concerned about food, clothing and shelter, but once provision for these necessities had been relatively secured, all attention was turned to schooling and education. In the variety pack of assistance that came from Montserrat’s Caribbean neighbours was an invitation from the Government of Antigua ‘to school Montserrat’s sixth formers’ (Fergus 1994, p.  236). Other open invitations for schooling came from relatives and friends in the region and the international community. This resulted in several students migrating to some Caribbean islands, the USA and, to a lesser extent, Canada and England. The pupils and

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students who did not emigrate after Hurricane Hugo were not only traumatized by the onslaught of sustained winds at 150 miles per hour, for more than 10 hours, but they also had to contend with all the discomforts that the hurricane left in its wake. The MoE’s response to Hurricane Hugo and the volcanic crisis was alert, constructive and quite effective. In both cases, schools were used as shelters. However, the latter crisis posed far greater challenges to the MoE than the former, for by November 1989 all schools operated a near normal programme; but regarding the latter, schooling issues persisted because of the nature of the volcanic crisis. The St John’s Primary School, which is located in the ‘safe’ zone, was converted into a hospital, and other schools functioned as shelters. Consequently, the MoE had to find buildings to accommodate the entire schooling population. Generally, teachers were allowed a ‘healthy degree’ of autonomy, a move that was advantageous. Teachers were able to use their innovative skills and resourcefulness to resume teaching and learning activities in settings that were conducive to learning. The cooperative spirit that existed between the MoE and the teaching, administrative and support staff played a significant role in getting children back to school as quickly as possible. The ‘joint mission’ to tackle the challenges with an iron will was a step in the right direction. The following chorus from a local Calypsonian was not only a timely reminder, but was also an inspiration to ‘fight the odds’ until success is attained: School we children, school we children School we children, school we children We producing a generation of fools If we don’t get children in school. Herman ‘Cupid’ Francis, Ultimate Sacrifice

A look beyond these poetic lines from Cupid, a former teacher who experienced both destructive events, reveals that the educating of the nation’s children remained a priority even in critical times. The response from the home–school–community partnership was similar for the two catastrophic events under consideration. Getting children back to school in as short a time as possible was the priority, not just for educators but for parents, community groups and Church organizations. In 1989, ‘all hands were on deck’ to clear, clean up and repair school buildings that were used as hurricane shelters. This meant having homes repaired at least to liveable conditions so that families could move back into them, thus allowing the schools to function as

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learning institutions again. Similarly, when the volcanic crisis was in ‘high gear’, the community offered homes, churches and even restaurants as replacements for schools that were either totally destroyed or were located in the danger zone. Such community spirit, hard work and a commitment to function normally in extreme abnormal conditions undoubtedly earned Montserratians the title ‘a resilient people’. Interestingly, it was the same community spirit, at different degrees of intensity, that helped to sustain high achievement motivation levels in pre- and post-1995 times.

Conclusion The main focus of this chapter has been education in two significant time periods in Montserrat’s modern-day history: pre- and post-1995. It should be noted that this chapter is a mere ‘drop in the ocean’ in relation to education pre- and post1995, particularly in the aftermath of major catastrophic events. The chapter has, however, provided much insight into how regional organizations and institutions, under the banner of ‘Caribbean regionalism’, supported education in Montserrat and how the MoE and a supportive home–school–community network have upheld their commitment to educating the nation’s children even when perilous natural events occur. Figure 15.2 summarizes the progress made in education over the time period under consideration. Clearly, from the progressive actions shown in Figure 15.2, there is a need for further research. An evaluation of the programmes implemented is necessary to determine the degree of progress made. For example, the fallout from the abolition of the CEE and the implications this could have for education in general; teacher training challenges; the progress made in UWI distance education programmes; the CAPE and CXC; the challenges involved in reestablishing the MCC; the issues that relate to the teaching of specific subject areas, to name a few. Linked to all these areas are issues that relate to gender, assessment, qualification, employment, retention and recruitment, among others. The findings from continuous research work in these areas should be able to give a fuller and clearer picture of how education in Montserrat has progressed over time. As an educator in pre- and post-1995 times, I would venture to say that affirmative action is an imperative if education in Montserrat is to regain its pre1995 ‘high’. Currently, education in Montserrat is slowly, but surely, ‘rising from the ashes’. Its ascending pathway is made possible by the enduring community

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Figure 15.2 Some significant landmarks in Montserrat’s education history: 1950 to present, compiled with information from the government’s official websites and Fergus (1994)

spirit of a resilient people whose mantra for nation-building remains ‘education, education, education . . . and education’.

References Bray, M., Fenton, M., Fergus, H. and Ratcliffe, M. (1985), Secondary Education in Montserrat: A Report on the Potential for Expansion and Restructuring. Plymouth, Montserrat: Ministry of Education. CARICOM (1993), The Future of Education in the Caribbean. Georgetown, Guyana: CARICOM Secretariat.

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Davidson-Francis, C. (2008), Celebration of the UWI 60th Anniversary. Brades, Montserrat: UWI Alumni Association. Ebanks, G. (1988), The Ageing of the Population of Montserrat: Causes and Consequences. Ontario: Population Studies Centre, University of Western Ontario. Fergus, H. (1994), Montserrat: History of a Caribbean Colony. London: Macmillan. Fergus, H. (1998), Lara Rains & Colonial Rites. Leeds: Peepal Tree Press. Foster, M. and Evans, V. (1978), Manpower in Montserrat: 1978–1982. Bridgetown, Barbados: British Development Division. Government of Montserrat (1998), Montserrat Country Policy Plan 1998/99–2000/1. Brades, Montserrat: Government of Montserrat. Lucy Media (2013), ‘WDW: Mighty Sparrow – Education is Essential’, http://www. whosdatedwho.com/tpx_81744/mighty-sparrow/tpx_23864071 (accessed 11 July 2013). Mark, P., Joseph, R. and Remi, C. (2005), A Harmonized Policy Framework for Teacher Education in the Caribbean. Republic of Trinidad and Tobago: Organization of American States Hemispheric Project, https://community.oas.org/cfs-filesystemfile. ashx/__key/CommunityServer-Blogs-Components-WeblogFiles/00-00-00-00-85/ 1832.HARMONIZED-POLICY.pdf (accessed 20 May 2013). Markham, A. and Fergus, H. (1989), Hugo Versus Montserrat. Belfast: Linda Lee Books. Miller, E. (n.d.), OECS Education Reform Strategy: Summary, Strategies and Recommendations, www.oecs.org/publications/doc_download/175-foundation-forthe-future (accessed 20 May 2013). Miller, E. (1984), Education Research: The English-Speaking Caribbean. Ottawa: International Development Research Centre. Miller, E. (1992), Education for All: Caribbean Perspectives and Imperatives. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. Ministry of Education (1996), Department of Education Annual Report for 1995/96 Academic Year. Olveston, Montserrat: Government of Montserrat. Ministry of Education (1998), Unpublished 1998 Database. Brades, Montserrat: Government of Montserrat. Montserrat Statistics Department (1998), Unpublished Social Survey Report. Brades, Montserrat: Government of Montserrat. OERU (Organiztion of Eastern Caribbean States) (2001), OECS Education Reform Unit: Strategic Plan 2001–2010. Castries, St Lucia: OERU, www.oecs.org/publications/ doc_download/177-oeru-strategic-plan (accessed 20 May 2013). Pattullo, P. (2000), Fire from the Mountain: The Tragedy of Montserrat and the Betrayal of its People. London: Constable. Philpott, P. (1973), West Indian Migration: The Montserrat Case. London: Althone Press. Savage, F. (1996), ‘Foreword’, in H. Fergus (ed.), Eruption: Montserrat Versus Volcano. Salem: UWI School of Continuing Studies, pp. 9–12. Shotte, G. (1999), ‘Islanders in transition: the Montserrat case’, Anthropology in Action, 6(2), 14–24.

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Shotte, G. (2006), ‘Identity, ethnicity and school experiences: relocated Montseratian students in British schools’, Refuge, 23(1), 27–39. Shotte, G. (2007), ‘Diasporic transnationalism: relocated Montserratians in the UK’, Caribbean Quarterly, 53(3), 41–69. Shotte, G. (2010), ‘Pre and post 1995 trends and patterns of teacher migration from Montserrat: shifting and competing identities’, in S. Manik and A. Singh (eds), Global Mobility and Migration of Teachers: Issues, Identities and Infringements. Delhi: Kamla-Raj Enterprises, pp. 109–121. Shotte, G. (2012), Education Migration and Identities. Saarbrucken: Lambert Academic Publishing. Skelton, T. (2000), ‘Situations – political uncertainties and natural disasters: Montserratian identity and colonial status’, Interventions, 2(1), 118–134. UNESCO (2000), Montserrat Early Childhood Education EFA Progress Report 1990–1998. Paris: UNESCO, http://www.unesco.org/education/wef/ countryreports/montserrat/rapport_1.html (accessed 20 May 2013).

16

The Netherlands Antilles: Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, Sint Eustatius and Sint Maarten – An Overview Floor Job-Van der Zwan

Introduction After more than half a century, six islands formerly known as the Dutch Antilles still struggle with the aftermath of colonialism, especially within the education sector. Some of today’s remaining issues in primary education are connected to the disparity of the language of instruction, this being Dutch or the other majority language spoken. Other such contrasts include an educational approach that is teacher or student centred and curriculum materials that are based on the local context or the context of another country. What serves the needs of our children and community best is a dilemma often pondered. The islands Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, Sint Eustatius (Statia), and Sint Maarten (Dutch part), discovered at about the end of the fifteenth century, are situated in the Caribbean Sea. Although interconnected, due to centuries of Dutch colonialism and since 1954, when they obtained autonomous status as the Dutch Antilles within the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Hartog, 1993), there are also great differences between the islands. Windward Islands Saba, Sint Eustatius, and Sint Maarten are located east from Puerto Rico with a tropical monsoon climate and hurricane season, while Leeward Antilles Aruba, Curaçao, and Bonaire are located close to the coast of Venezuela and have a much drier steppe climate. The predominant language in the Windward Islands is English while it is Papiamento in the Leeward Antilles. All six islands vary immensely, however any difference is not as great as that between the islands and the Netherlands. Nevertheless the educational system in all six islands has been a replica of the Dutch education system (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1995). 287

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This imitation has led to many difficulties for the majority of school-aged children. Retention (i.e repeating and remaining in academic stages) and school drop-out rates have been a challenge and hence educational reform was a necessity. Many reform initiatives were developed but political instability, lack of resources and non-cooperation between federal and island-based educational stakeholders are some of the factors that prevented real change in educational practice for a long period of time (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1995). Finally, from 2002 onwards, educational innovations started to take shape and the implementation of educational reform connected to each island’s context and agenda commenced. Aruba is now creating many educational opportunities having separated from the Dutch Antilles, since gaining ‘Status Aparte’ and becoming a country in the Kingdom of the Netherlands in 1986. In 2010, there was further political change that influenced educational reform in Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba. These three countries became Dutch entities and therefore the Dutch Ministry of Education pronounced that they should implement the Dutch education system (RCN, 2013). History seems to repeat itself. This chapter seeks to provide an insight into the developments in primary education within the former Dutch Antilles, specifically from 2000 onwards, a period in which major changes took place that greatly influenced education across all the islands. The purpose of the innovations initiated in the primary education system will be explored. Similarly, the process and extent to which change has occurred will then be examined. Inferences drawn will tentatively consider how innovations led to improvements within the primary education system. Sections within this chapter will first attempt to describe foundationbased education (FBE), a major reform in all islands of the former Dutch Antilles with the exception of Aruba. Second, this chapter will provide an overview of the educational innovations for primary schools in Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba, such as the improvement programme of the Dutch Ministry of Education, as a result of the changed political status of the islands in 2010. Third, the chapter seeks to explore an innovative multilingual pilot project undertaken in Aruba. The chapter will end with an overarching conclusion and discussion. It commences with an overview of the education system operating in the former Dutch Antilles.

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Overview In all islands of the former Dutch Antilles, education consists of kindergarten (age 4–6 years), primary education (age 6–12 years or Grades 1–6) and secondary education (age 12+ years). Secondary education is divided into four different types of education: vocational education (SBO), general education at middle (MAVO) or high level (HAVO), and preparatory scientific education (VWO). This differs in Saba where students are prepared for examinations based on the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC). An assessment at the end of Grade 6 determines which type of education is suitable for the student but referrals can be based on mathematics and Dutch language test scores, age and school principals’ advice (Jules and Panneflek, 2000). Tertiary education is only available in Sint Maarten, Curaçao and Aruba, and the range of courses provided is limited. Students can and often do continue their education in the Netherlands where they can apply for financial aid from the Dutch government, or in the USA. Table 16.1 gives an overview of the islands’ area, their populations, number of subsidized primary and secondary schools and the number of students that attend these schools.

Table 16.1 Overview of area, population, primary and secondary schools subsidized by the government (excluding special education) with total attending students per island Island

Area (km2)

Population

Number of Number of primary students in schools primary school

Number of secondary schools

Number of students in secondary school

Aruba Bonaire Curaçao Saba Sint Eustatius Sint Maarten Total

193 288 444 13 21

106,500 15,700 150,563 1,800 3,600

38 7 53 1 4

11,694 1,672 17,749 157 350

15 1 25 1 1

7,635 1,488 14,658 94 251

34

40,917

17

4,780

5

2,934

993

319,080

120

36,402

48

27,060

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Choosing your own path: educational reform in primary education from 2000 onwards Foundation-based education FBE is the former Dutch Antilles’ answer to an educational system that was heavily influenced by post-colonial ties: an educational system which resulted in the inability of students to follow what was being taught and consequently resulted in high drop-out rates (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1995). More recent research identified that one out of six students could not follow what was being taught and between one fourth and one third of the students were not motivated to go to school (DJJO, 2003). Almost half of the students did not finish primary education and nearly a third of the school dropouts between the ages of 15 and 24, in Curaçao, did not have a job (CBS, 2001). The need for educational reform was expressed by the then Minister of Education for the Dutch Antilles as early as 1978. Various reasons such as an unstable political situation and a lack of cooperation between federal and islandbased educational stakeholders prevented reform initiatives such as ‘Education for One and All’ (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1989) fully taking place. As recommended in a policy and action report titled Basic Education in the Dutch Antilles (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1992), the National Consultative Body on Educational Innovation (NOONA) was established in 1993 (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1995). NOONA at last bridged the gap between federal and island-based educational stakeholders and cleared the road for Antillean education: FBE. The main purpose of FBE is to provide every student with equal opportunities. In order to accomplish this, the focus is on ‘the development of the Antillean human being within the Antillean society, the Caribbean region and the world’ (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1995, p.  19). Based on cultural historical theory and multi-age principles, FBE offers uninterrupted, selectionfree student-centred education in three cycles: cycle one (4–8 years), cycle two (8–12 years) and cycle three (12–14 years). The curriculum is integrated and consists of eight educational areas which include language, literacy and communication, mathematics, social studies, science and technology, cultural and artistic development, health and physical education, and philosophy of life and social-emotional development. Other essential components include mother tongue as language of instruction (Papiamento in Curaçao and Bonaire, and English in Sint Maarten, Sint Eustatius and Saba), a theme and project approach,

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more individual learning through differentiation, the use of learning centres in the classroom, and attention to the Dutch language and other foreign languages (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 2003). Implementation of FBE started in 2002 in all government subsidized primary schools in Curaçao, Sint Maarten, Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba. However, the seven primary schools at Bonaire acted as so-called ‘lead’ schools: more resources were allocated to these schools in order to establish ‘best practices’ for other schools to follow. These were at a later stage replaced by ‘development-schools’. In order to guide the implementation of FBE, a Federal Bureau for Innovation (in Dutch, ‘BPO’) was installed as a department of the Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, as well as an Innovation Bureau per island or, in the case of Curaçao and Bonaire, as part of the existing educational island department. Each innovation bureau had an FBE project coordinator (usually referred to as task manager FBE) to ensure and support continuity of the implementation. The implementation of FBE is characterized by a bottom-up approach. Through a School Development Plan (SOP) schools, in cooperation with their school board, specify how innovation in their individual site would take place. This SOP is then handed to the island-based Educational Bureau and based on these plans FBE task managers would develop and monitor an island-wide implementation plan per year (including the budget). Consequently, using these island-based implementation plans, the Federal Bureau for Innovation developed and monitored a federal-based implementation plan each year. This final plan was subject to approval by the Dutch government for financing (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 2001). Some other activities formed part of the implementation process for FBE. These included: ●

● ●

● ●

● ●

The development of teaching and learning materials. Not only in accordance with the new language of instruction (Papiamento and English) but also in line with the Caribbean context. Reorganization and innovation of teacher training. Professional development of teachers, school management teams, school boards and other stakeholders to familiarize them with the new FBE concept. Training of FBE coaches. Coaching of schools by FBE coaches to give guidelines for FBE practice (first island-based, later on this became school-based). Cooperation with parents and other stakeholders. Collaboration and exchange of practices between islands.

292 ●

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Development of an Educational Management Information System (in Dutch: OMIS). Yearly review by independent professionals (Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles, 1995, 2001).

At the end of 2006 a trajectory started for the development of a selfevaluation instrument for teachers, teams and the management of Cycles 1 and 2 to enable FBE schools to evaluate their own quality and identify aspects for improvements if needed. The Quality Card FBE was developed with and for the FBE schools, based on a literature review, classroom observations and interviews with principals, cycle coordinators and teachers in 19 schools. Focus groups with teachers and cycle coordinators of non-visited schools, sounding board meetings with educational stakeholders and a pilot in 14 schools were also initiated. The instrument focuses in particular on two of the eight quality domains: educational learning process and leadership and management (Van der Zwan, 2007). School coaches assisted with the implementation and use of the instrument in schools and when they were no longer in function, school management took over the task, after hands-on training, to ensure use of the instrument as intended. Once per school year, results of the anonymously and individually filled-in cards are discussed in the team and aspects for improvements identified and prioritized. Results are also valuable for the Schools Development Plan. A manual hands-on refresher course and a ‘train-the-trainer’ course on DVD enabled continuous use of the Quality Card FBE (Van der Zwan, 2008, 2011a, 2011b). In 2007, 10 schools in Bonaire and Curaçao started as ‘development-schools’, receiving all necessary support to fully implement FBE and act as examples of best practice. These schools focused on one of five improvement trajectories: curriculum development, language policy, internal quality care, parental involvement and development of the school organization. In addition these schools act as internship schools for student teachers (BPO, 2007c). Regular monitoring studies were carried out by the BPO. These studies mostly focused on then current issues, enabling the BPO to adapt its activities when and where necessary (provided that it had the power and resources to do so). In 2004, for example, more practical support for the implementation of innovations at school level was provided based on BPO monitoring results in all five islands. These monitoring results corresponded with the outcomes of a survey carried out by the Roman Catholic School Board in Curaçao. Both found that FBE teachers currently experience high levels of stress and a heavy workload (Amigoe, 2004). The implications of the intention to provide teachers with more practical support

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became evident in March 2005. Teachers were reportedly excited and enthusiastic about the innovations and how they could positively change themselves as professionals and the students as learners (Stone and Delfina, 2006). After four years of FBE, an external evaluation took place (Poyck and van’t Rood, 2006). Outcomes of this evaluation show that implementation of FBE in the first four years met many challenges, most of these due to lack of programme-wide monitoring structure. Such a monitoring structure should have led to the translation of the innovation into targets at programme, project and school level. Continuous monitoring of targets would have then given an overview of the progress made at each level. Instead, implementation became ad hoc, focusing on the demands of the moment. This might have been the consequence of the enormous demand for the assistance of BPO and task managers, and of the pressure to implement as many activities as possible in the first few years in order not to lose much-needed financial resources. Insufficient human capacity, however, did not have a positive impact on these implementations. An OMIS system and independent yearly reviews between 2001 and 2006 (with one exception) were not in place either. The OMIS system would also have informed about the progress of the implementation of FBE and guided new policy. Furthermore, student data from schools had not been analysed by two other federal bureaus (Examination Bureau ETE and Educational Inspection). Thus no reliable information was available to determine whether the innovations had led to the intended results. Another challenge proved to be the absence of a legal framework, complicating implementation further and restraining the Inspection of Education of the Dutch Antilles from active involvement, assuming that they would have been prepared for their task. The innovations were widely supported by the professionals involved and teachers mentioned many positive changes in their students as a consequence. Parents, on the other hand, were not overly enthusiastic (Poyck and van’t Rood, 2006). The different approach towards child development at school and at home did not encourage parents to change their minds either. First, being studentcentred, FBE stimulates students to be actively involved – for example, by asking questions and coming up with solutions, while at home and in the community children are mostly raised to do as they are told. Second, a majority of parents had concerns about Papiamento as the language of instruction, especially for further education. FBE schools in Curaçao that kept Dutch as a language of instruction had waiting lists for student placement. It was likely that more parental involvement, especially in relation to the choice of Papiamento as the language of instruction, could have convinced them that learning in the mother

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tongue benefits students’ academic achievement. A long-term study in the USA showed that second-language students performed much better and were less likely to drop out the more years of schooling in their primary language they received (Thomas and Collier, 2002). Keeping Dutch as the language of instruction in FBE would have kept students ‘submerged’ or in a ‘sink-or-swim’ situation. Therefore, ‘. . . stigmatized majority children are forced to accept instruction through the medium of a foreign (often former colonial) high-status language (because mother tongue medium education does not exist)’ (SkutnabbKangas and McCarty, 2008, pp.  8–9). Poyck and van’t Rood (2006) further noticed that in all five islands, regardless of their differences, students struggled with the implementation issues mentioned. If not addressed in the near future, these issues are expected to have a negative impact on the innovation process and ultimately undermine every effort to transform education further into FBE. After restructuring the old educational system into FBE Cycle 1, innovations further continued with the formation of Cycle 2. In March 2007 BPO’s monitoring results for Curaçao showed that the language of instruction is Papiamento in 65 per cent of Cycle 1 groups and 35 per cent of Cycle 2 groups. The majority of schools (65 per cent) were working on their SOP. Only a small percentage (less than 8 per cent) of teachers did not have centres in the class, teach in projects or use the new integrated curriculum with the eight educational areas (with the exception of those classes in Cycle 2 that had not been part of the FBE innovation). Teachers only received two of the five professional development modules. Student participation and motivation has been highlighted as positive when compared with the former educational system (BPO, 2007a). In May and June 2007, BPO monitoring results showed that almost 75 per cent of schools reported that they involve parents, but teaching and learning materials for Cycle 1 were still not present or sufficient (20–80 per cent depending on educational area) (BPO, 2007b). However, data gathered only represented the opinion of principals from 18 of the 48 FBE schools in Curaçao (this is 37.5 per cent) and cycle coordinators from 18 of the 50 FBE schools in Curaçao (this is 36 per cent) (BPO, 2007a, 2007b). The Department for Educational Research, Policy and Innovation (DERPI, 2007) of Sint Maarten conducted a baseline study to gain insight into the educational status of students who completed Cycle 1 and were commencing Cycle 2. The department also investigated whether teachers taught and students mastered the so-called ‘target behaviours’ of the eight educational areas from the Cycle 1 curriculum in FBE schools across Sint Maarten. The investigation indicated that 11 out of 15 schools (73 per cent), 326 out of 407

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students (80 per cent), and four out of five school boards (80 per cent) participated in the study. The results showed that the majority of the target behaviours had been addressed in the schools, but students did not master behaviour based on higher-level skill development. The educational areas science and technology, social studies and language and communication (oral linguistic and writing skills) were insufficiently addressed and required immediate measures. Results of the use of the Quality Card FBE are currently being analysed. However, preliminary findings show that the Quality Card FBE has potential as a tool for whole-school improvement since it is in line with areas that teachers themselves would focus on when evaluating their own teaching. Also the Quality Card fits in with FBE principles as it enables teachers to reflect on their skills and attitudes with regard to pedagogic didactic, organizational and reflective competences. The Quality Card similarly enables management to review its role and function in the school environment and the role and function of the team in the school environment as well as the conditions available to support FBE. In addition, the results can be collectively discussed in a meeting which enables the team to create a shared vision and collectively plan for action. Stakeholders from educational practice and policy see the Quality Card FBE as a sustainable contributor for internal quality care in schools and can describe the expected ‘gain’ when used once a year.

Educational Improvement Programme, Dutch Caribbean On Sunday 10 October 2010, Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba (collectively abbreviated BES-islands) became special entities of the Netherlands: the Dutch Caribbean. As a consequence of this change in political structure, the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science (OCW) became responsible for educational policy in BES-islands (Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2011). In preparation, the Dutch Inspectorate of Education visited all schools across the islands and concluded that improvement was needed in order to meet the Dutch educational standards, with the exception of the (only) primary school in Saba and both of the private primary education schools in Bonaire. Based on the inspection report and school improvement advice (Scheerens and Sleegers, 2008) an Improvement Programme (IP) was developed for primary and secondary education. The purpose of the IP is to structurally improve the quality of education and schools across the BES-islands and to increase student achievement up to Dutch standards in core subjects such as language (Dutch) and mathematics (Janssens, 2009). The discussion within this section focuses on

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primary education, although improvements were stipulated for secondary and vocational education as well. In order to reach new quality goals, an evidence-based design was established that contained seven key components. First this included redefining the curriculum (that is: defining the desired learning outcomes) for the basic subjects (mathematics and reading). Second, professional development of teachers regarding their didactic skills should be ongoing. Third, strengthening student care was deemed important. Fourth, the development of a standardized assessment and examination system for the BES-islands. Fifth, developing a quality care system for all. Sixth, strengthening educational leadership and, finally, strengthening the functioning of school boards (Janssens, 2009). Implementation of this IP was planned for July 2009 until November 2010 to get schools up to the Dutch standard just in time for political transition. All interventions were externally developed. It is argued that such an external framework is needed since schools with such weak results (compared to the Dutch educational system) do not have the power to improve on their own, otherwise students’ results and overall quality would have been better (Dutch Inspectorate of Education, 2008). However, conditions for successful implementation, planning and control as mentioned by the programme developer are more detailed sub-programmes that should be adapted to the island context (Janssens, 2009). Evaluation of the IP for primary schools focuses, among others, on a number of research queries (Job-Van der Zwan and Sleegers, in progress). For example, the exploration of the improvement programme for FBE as intended across BES schools; examining the impact on overall quality of the schools by the programme; and identifying the programme’s influence on student achievement. In order to answer such areas of inquiry, numerous semi-structured interviews with different stakeholders, more than 250 classroom observations of mathematics and Dutch language lessons, and questionnaires for teachers and guidance officers in all three islands (BES) were conducted during the period February 2010 to September 2011. The preliminary results of this evaluation show that the programme was mostly not implemented as planned. Some interventions were implemented much later than planned, such as the redefinition of the curriculum, the strengthening of student care, the professional development of teachers’ didactic skills and the strengthening of the functioning of school boards. Other interventions of the programme were not implemented at all, such as the development of a quality care system and the strengthening of educational leadership. An exception is the development of an assessment and

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examination system; this was implemented as planned. Preliminary results also show an insignificant effect of the IP on the overall quality of the schools. This limited effect might be a consequence of the delayed implementation or, according to many participants, due to poor implementation in terms of quality and quantity. For example, some of the guidance officers reported that the training they received was insufficient to carry out their tasks and in some cases also not applicable to their school context (Job-Van der Zwan and Sleegers, in progress). In terms of student achievement, results of a mathematics test in Grades 5 and 6, (subdivisions adding/subtracting and multiplying/dividing) showed higher scores between July 2009 and February 2010 on Sint Eustatius and Bonaire, but lower scores on both subdivisions on Saba compared to seven months before. Results of a technical (Dutch) reading test in Grades 5 and 6 showed improvement for all groups in all islands between July 2009 and February 2010, except at Grade 6 in Saba (Janssens and Van Geel, 2010). It is unclear whether these results can be attributed solely to the IP and more data is currently being analysed (Job-Van der Zwan and Sleegers, in progress). By the end of March 2011 the IP was followed up by the Educational Agenda for the Dutch Caribbean, a document describing future educational improvements defined in association with and approved by educational stakeholders including school boards and schools in all three islands (BES). The overall purpose was to ensure that the educational quality of all schools in the Dutch Caribbean is in line with Dutch and Caribbean standards. The agenda was translated into individual school improvement programmes by school boards and management (Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2011). Although priorities listed are mostly a follow-up on the IP, the implementation process is completely different (bottom-up instead of top-down). Changes implemented, based on this agenda, were, among others, a school coach for primary education to support schools and school boards with the innovations (Becker, 2012). The five primary schools in Saba and Sint Eustatius share one school coach while another school coach supports the seven primary schools in Bonaire. The role of the school coach proves to be essential in order to accomplish the assigned improvement tasks, according to school board, school management, teachers and guidance officers in Bonaire. Bottlenecks in the system were associated with the pace of educational innovation, a significant increase in workload, insufficient communication between school management and teachers about school improvement plans, and the language policy, with Dutch being a foreign not second language (Becker, 2012). The most recent evaluation of the educational quality of primary schools in the Dutch Caribbean was conducted by the Dutch

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Inspectorate of Education in 2012 (Dutch Inspectorate of Education, 2013). Results of the inspection of November 2012 are compared to the results of November 2011. The inspection concluded that 5 of the 12 schools are most likely to reach the basic Dutch quality standards in 2016 which is the main goal of the Educational Agenda. Six of the 12 schools did improve compared to a year before but still need to pay attention to certain aspects such as student care and quality care. Drastic measures from the competent authority are needed at one school whose educational quality is far below acceptable.

Multilingual School Pilot Project, Aruba Aruba also struggles with the aftermath of colonialism, facing similar issues as the other Antillean islands. For example, the language of instruction, choice of teaching methods and an insufficient number of local teachers to fill all teaching positions are challenges within the educational system. In comparison with the other islands, Aruba seems to more cautiously seek out an education that prepares students for a world broader than life on an island, without neglecting their own cultural background. While the former Dutch Antilles radically reformed primary education from 2002 onwards through FBE, Aruba started in 1995 with the development of a national educational policy. Preparations were made to create the necessary conditions for educational reform within Aruba. Various project groups were initiated, focusing on local teacher training, language policy, the development of lesson materials, information and communication technology (ICT) and the incorporation of non-Aruban-born students among others (Government of Aruba, 2013). In November 2007, Aruba’s first National Strategic Education Plan was presented. This plan was developed in cooperation with 400 members of the Aruban community who gave feedback, information and recommendations on how to change Aruban education for the better, through planning conferences, focus groups and taskforces. This consultative process also sought to ensure that the Aruban ‘school graduate is a responsible, satisfied global citizen who is a lifelong learner and contributes to the community’s quality of life’ (Chieuw, 2007, p. 51). In 2007, the following seven design principles were therefore established: education needs to become student-centred, include multiple learning strategies, be a safe and stimulating environment, ensure family involvement, ensure community involvement and partnership, be a quality learning community, and the school should act as a multi-functional facility. Implementation of the innovations should take place through small-scale projects from the bottom up to create a

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successful base for further development (Chieuw, 2007). One of the small-scale projects is the Multilingual School Pilot Project (Projecto Scol Multilingual: PSML). Although Papiamento is the most spoken language (69 per cent) in Aruban households in contrast with Dutch (6 per cent), Dutch is the language of instruction in Aruban schools (CBS, 2000). This leads to a high rate of Grade 1 repeaters who can be disadvantaged throughout their school career because Dutch is perceived as a foreign and unfamiliar language. The main principle of PSML is to ensure an educational language policy that aligns with the languages used in the local community to offer equal opportunities for all Aruban students (Papiamento 69 per cent, Spanish 18 per cent, English 8 per cent and Dutch 6 per cent) (Williams and Croes, 2010). As such Aruba’s multi-language situation becomes an advantage instead of a disadvantage for the Aruban student. In line with the design principles of the National Strategic Education Plan, PSML is considered to be community-based education. Community-based education can be described as education which, through active involvement of the community, reshapes and redirects the existing dominant system in order to reclaim and revalue the indigenous language and culture, and as such not only provides students with education that is relevant for them, but also increases their success in the educational system (Corson, 1999; May, 1999). PSML initiated three fundamental changes in primary education: ● ●

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Papiamento as official language of instruction until Grade 4; Dutch as a foreign language with the intention to prepare students for Dutch as language of instruction after Grade 4; Spanish and English as foreign languages taught by specialized teachers who are certified to teach these languages in the Aruban context (PSML Research Team, 2012b).

PSML is currently in a pilot phase in four Grade 1 classes within two primary schools. These same schools successfully implemented PSML in kindergarten from 2008 onwards (PSML Research Team, 2011, 2012a). To inform the community about the upcoming PSML pilot in Grade 1, various information meetings took place. Teachers were trained to create awareness and build capacity for the implementation of the PSML pilot. Teachers were also participants in workgroups aimed at finding solutions during the process of implementation. However, at the time of implementation only part of the lesson materials were ready for use which was not as has been planned. A further challenge was recruiting specialized Spanish and English teachers; this resulted in a situation where neither of these languages were taught in one school during

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the first semester. In the second semester, however, the Grade 5 and 6 English and Spanish teachers accepted the task. In the second school, non-specialized teachers did teach these languages in both semesters with the assistance of native speaking students (PSML Research Team, 2012b). Evaluation of the PSML project focused on student performance, teacher satisfaction and community participation (PSML Research Team, 2012b). In terms of student performance, grades were only available for Term 1 mathematics (not language or literacy) at the time of evaluation. However, the outcomes were not easily comparable with grades from earlier years due to a shift in student evaluation standards (20 per cent higher) as part of ongoing innovation activities being implemented parallel to the PSML pilot. Comparison was also difficult because grades from earlier years were end of school grades and not divided up per term. Taking these limitations into account, preliminarily it is concluded that students performed better in the PSML pilot than students a year before the pilot. Other data on student performance was collected through meetings and interviews with PSML pilot teachers. These four teachers reported higher levels of motivation (greater enthusiasm and interest), participation (more engagement and productivity) and comprehension (better knowledge, recall, independence and pace) within language skills and literacy in Papiamento, mathematics and Dutch. Students also related well to the Aruban images in lesson materials and the use of Aruban florins instead of euros in the mathematics textbooks. Figure  16.1 shows feedback comparing the PSML students with 2011–2012 Grade 1 students per educational area (according to teacher feedback). In 10 of 23 areas PSML students performed better than last year’s Grade 1 students: reading Papiamento, mathematics, Dutch, providing assistance (cooperation), social communication, active participation in learning, confidence in learning, precision in learning, independence in learning and perseverance in learning. In 13 of 23 areas PSML students performed equal to last year’s Grade 1 students: technical writing Papiamento, world orientation, traffic, religion,

Figure 16.1 Comparative performance of PSML and non-PSML students

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physical education, art, word choice (cooperation), courtesy in communication, taking responsibility for their own learning, pace, concentration, time on task and presence. There were no areas in which students performed less well than last year’s Grade 1. Another data source that was included to evaluate student performance was the opinions of parents. In individual and group meetings, those parents who were able to compare their children (PSML pilot students) with their older children who followed ‘education as usual’ repeatedly mentioned the following: better performance in language skills, vocabulary, learning of foreign languages, self-confidence and improved independent learning skills for their PSML child. Further research is needed to demonstrate that these results are indeed solely the influence of the PSML. Teacher satisfaction is the second focus of the PSML pilot evaluation and data in this respect was gathered during weekly meetings in the period August to November 2012. Teachers were satisfied with the PSML pilot overall. However, some mentioned that they felt overworked due to the extra PSML development activities they are involved in, such as the working groups. Some teachers said that it took them more time to create solutions for lesson materials that were not ready to use or to prepare for students who required more challenging materials than were available (in Papiamento and mathematics lessons). In addition, teachers mentioned spending their own time and money to buy supplies for the Dutch lessons. Although community participation has not been systematically evaluated there have been activities undertaken that involve wider society. For example, information meetings filled the need to disseminate action, processes and procedures beyond the meetings arranged for parents and teachers. Therefore it can be concluded that PSML is a promising initiative within the education system of Aruba. Although implementation was not as smooth as initially planned, given that it is still in its pilot stage, there are many opportunities emerging for a successful future.

Conclusion This chapter sought to provide an insight into recent primary educational developments in the former Dutch Antilles. The chapter described which major innovations have been initiated and for what purpose they occurred in the islands from 2000 onwards. The process for innovative implementation and improvement has also been considered.

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The major innovation that has been initiated for primary education in Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, Sint Eustatius, and Sint Maarten is FBE. The implementation of FBE, replacing a replica of the Dutch educational system which led to high drop-out rates, intended to offer selection-free education that gives all students equal opportunities. Changing the language of instruction from Dutch to predominantly spoken Papiamento or English, making education student- instead of teacher-centred, and working with an integrated curriculum of eight educational areas are some of FBE’s features. However, in 2010 a political change made Bonaire, Saba, and Sint Eustatius Dutch entities. With the exception of the only primary school in Saba, educational quality of all FBE schools was not up to Dutch standards. An IP was developed to increase students’ performance in mathematics and Dutch as well as to increase the overall quality of the schools through seven key components. These included: redefinition of the curriculum, professional development of teachers regarding their didactic skills, strengthening of student care, educational leadership and functioning of school boards, the development of a system for assessment and examination and quality care. After political transition, the IP was followed up by the Educational Agenda, agreed upon by all educational stakeholders. Primary schools (not FBE schools any more) have to reach the same basic quality as schools in the Netherlands by 2016. The educational system in the islands will be once again a copy of the Dutch educational system. In contrast, Aruba’s national educational plan was published in 2007 and included the PSML. The core principle of the project is to ensure an educational language policy that aligns with the four languages used in the community (Papiamento, Spanish, English and Dutch) and as such offers equal opportunities for all Aruban students. This was seen to be accomplished by changing the language of instruction until Grade 4 from Dutch to Papiamento, teaching Dutch as a foreign language with the intention to prepare students for Dutch as a language of instruction after Grade 4, and teaching Spanish and English as foreign languages by specialized teachers who are certified to teach in the Aruban context. Since 2000, the process and extent to which innovations in primary education have been implemented has largely not been as planned. The implementation of FBE is characterized by a bottom-up approach in which schools inform islandbased innovation bureaus through a school development plan, and island-based innovation bureaus in turn inform the federal bureau of innovation. But organizational issues such as lack of programme-wide monitoring structure resulted in an implementation structure that focuses on the demands of the

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moment and prevented redirection of the implementation process in the long run. Yearly independent reviews (with one exception) were not carried out, an Educational Management Information System (OMIS) was not in place, and student data from schools were not analysed, which altogether hindered the implementation process and guidance of new policy. The absence of a legal framework for the innovations, and the lack of parental involvement, further slowed down the implementation of FBE as planned. At a later stage some of these issues were addressed, for example by the development of a self-evaluation instrument for teachers, team and management, and a trajectory with ‘developschools’ that focused on particular improvement projects. Based on preliminary results, implementation of the IP in the Dutch Caribbean did not take place as planned. With the exception of the development of a test and examination system, four components of the programme were implemented much later while two components were not implemented at all (these included the development of a quality care system and the strengthening of educational leadership). Most of the components of the IP were, however, followed up with the Educational Agenda, the successor of the IP. The main difference between the IP and the Educational Agenda is the now-involvement of local stakeholders, their commitment and the responsibility they take or are able to take to improve education at school level. The PSML in Aruba was also not entirely implemented as planned since curriculum materials were not completely finished and specialized teachers for Spanish and English were hard to find. Whether educational innovations led to improvements as intended is yet to be determined, especially in the case of the IP, where it is unclear whether rising student achievement can be attributed solely to the innovation activities. The quest for a specific education style that takes the islands’ contextual influences into account and offers all children equal educational opportunities is a complex and challenging journey. Whether one pathway is more favourable than another always presents many opportunities and challenges. More research is needed to determine the effect of a variety of educational approaches adapted across the former Dutch Antilles, especially as each island has a unique history and culture. Such research could focus on student development and achievement, involvement and (continuous) motivation of all stakeholders and sustainable change in educational policy and practice. Independent of their implementation approach, it is clear that educational innovations are taking place rapidly in the islands of the former Dutch Antilles, the aim of which is to benefit their children and the islands’ future: mountains, at last, are rising from the sea.

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Evaluation of the Tile-Programmes Foundation Based Education and Vocational Education in the Dutch Antilles]. Utrecht: Edburgh Consultants. PSML Research Team (2011), PSML Research Team Report No. 2, November 2011: Preliminary Evaluation Report on the Proyecto Scol Multilingual (PSML). Aruba: Center for Educational Research and Development (CIDE), Insituto Pedagogico Arubano and the Center for Research and Development (CRD) of the University of Aruba (UA) and the University of Puerto Rico (UPR). PSML Research Team (2012a), PSML Research Team Report No. 3, March 2012. Aruba: Center for Educational Research and Development (CIDE), Insituto Pedagogico Arubano and the Center for Research and Development (CRD) of the University of Aruba (UA) and the University of Puerto Rico (UPR). PSML Research Team (2012b), PSML Research Team Report No. 4, November 2012: Evaluation Report on the Proyecto Scol Multilingual (PSML). Aruba: Center for Educational Research and Development (CIDE), Insituto Pedagogico Arubano and the Center for Research and Development (CRD) of the University of Aruba (UA) and the University of Puerto Rico (UPR). RCN (Rijksdienst Caribisch Nederland) (2013), ‘Educational improvement’, http://www. rijksdienstcn.com/en/education/educational-improvement (accessed 25 July 2013). Scheerens, J. and Sleegers, P. (2008), Schoolverbetering op de BES-eilanden: een advies over de inhoud en aanpak van schoolverbetering naar aanleiding van het inspectierapport [School Improvement at the BES-islands: An Advice About Content and Approach of School Improvement on Account of the Report of the Dutch Inspectorate of Education]. Enschede: Universiteit Twente. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. and McCarty, T. (2008), ‘Key concepts in bilingual education: ideological, historical, epistemological, and empirical foundations’, in J. Cummings and N. Homberger (eds), Encyclopedia of Language and Education. New York: Springer, pp. 3–17. Stone, S. J. and Delfina, R. (2006), ‘Netherlands Antilles: a bold journey’, Childhood Education, 82(6), 334–341. Thomas, W. and Collier, V. (2002), A National Study of School Effectiveness for Language Minority Students’ Long-Term Academic Achievement. Santa Cruz, CA: Center for Research on Education, Diversity and Excellence. Van der Zwan, F. (2007), Quality Card Foundation Based Education, Self-Evaluation Instrument for Teachers, Team and Management of Cycle 1 and 2. Curacao: BPO, Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles. Van der Zwan, F. (2008), 10 Steps for Quality-Manual for the use of the Quality Card FBE. For Coaches and School Management of Foundation Based Education. Curacao: BPO, Ministry of Education of the Dutch Antilles. Van der Zwan, F. (2011a), Train the Trainers: How to Support Schools to Make Use of the Quality Card FBE (video training on DVD). Curacao: Roman Catholic School Board, van der Zwan Educational Research and Development and USONA.

The Netherlands Antilles Van der Zwan, F. (2011b), Refresher Course: How to Use the Quality Card FBE (video training on DVD). Curacao: Roman Catholic School Board, van der Zwan Educational Research and Development and USONA. Williams, M. and Croes, R. (2010), Naar een evidence-based taalbeleid op Aruba [Towards an Evidence-based Language Policy at Aruba]. Aruba: Center for Educational Research and Development (CIDE), Instituto Pedagogico Arubano.

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17

St Kitts and Nevis: An Overview David L. Bearden

Introduction: Sugar City The Federation of St Kitts (also known as St Christopher) and Nevis has a history rich in international trade. In the 1600s, European farmers discovered that sugar cane thrived in the fertile soil and tropical climate of St Kitts and Nevis. This instigated the dominance of the British and French through the installation of many sugar plantations during the 1700s. In subsequent centuries, St Kitts and Nevis became a leading international trade centre for sugar (a highly profitable commodity at that time). In more recent decades St Kitts and Nevis has become better known for tourism, agriculture and off-shore banking. It is within this context that this chapter seeks to describe educational development and organizations within St Kitts and Nevis. Also highlighted are the benefits of technology and other resources for learning and teaching.

History and context The islands of St Kitts and Nevis are located in the Lesser Antilles region of the Caribbean and are part of the Leeward Islands, believed to be formed by volcanic eruptions. St Kitts and Nevis are Eastern Caribbean Islands that have very low volcanic activity with some fumaroles, hot springs and tropical rainforests. In the early part of the millennium research conducted by the University of Southampton (2012) identified several pre-Columbian populations who are believed to have migrated to the islands some 4,000 years ago, including the Archaic tribe of hunter-gatherers and the agricultural Saladoid tribe (NHCS, 1999; University of Southampton, 2012). These communities were soon followed 308

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by an Arawak population that grew to as large as 5,000. By the 1300s the Carib people dominated the islands until the arrival of the white Europeans (University of Southampton, 2012). The first Europeans to visit the islands were the Spanish, led by Christopher Columbus. Colonization of St Kitts and Nevis did not begin until 1624 when the first British colonizers settled in Nevis. By the end of the seventeenth century, the islands of St Kitts and Nevis had economic production that far exceeded that of the British colonies on the continent of North America. Consequently, Nevis became known as the ‘Queen of the Caribees’, a phrase that is still used today (Gordon, 2005). Western influences on the islands began with colonization. The British and French held St Kitts jointly from 1628 to 1713. War between the French and British continued until the Treaty of Utrecht ceded St Kitts to Great Britain in 1713. The French seized both St Kitts and Nevis in 1782, but the next year the Treaty of Paris awarded both islands to the British. There was also Jewish settlement during the height of the sugar trade in St Kitts and Nevis. The labour-intensive sugar industry brought African slaves, the most significant demographic influence on the culture of the islands (HNGS, 2008; Hubbard, 1996; NHCS, 1999). The Federation of St Kitts and Nevis attained full independence on Monday 19 September 1983. St Kitts and Nevis is part of the Commonwealth and therefore the Queen of the UK is the Head of State represented by the Governor General. The Prime Minister is the leader of the majority Labour Party of the popularly elected 11-member House of Representatives. St Kitts has eight members and Nevis three. The bicameral government includes an 11-member Senate appointed by the Governor General. The islands have a population of just over 53,000, one of the smallest nations in the western hemisphere. The land area of St Kitts is 68 square miles and Nevis is 36 square miles, however the islands are mostly mountainous with the population scattered around the peaks of Mt Liamuiga and Nevis Peak. The capital city of Basseterre is located on the south-western coast of St Kitts and has an estimated population of 13,000 (CIA, 2012). The estimated gross domestic product (GDP) in 2010 was US$738 million. Core sectors of the economy include agriculture at 2.4 per cent, industry at 22.7 per cent and services at 74.8 per cent (Global Finance, 2012).

Education for economic development The US State Department described St Kitts and Nevis as the last sugar monoculture in the Eastern Caribbean (CIA, 2012). The government-run sugar

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industry closed in 2005 after prices collapsed owing to European Union (EU) trading partners. The St Kitts and Nevis government is now disposing of the former sugar lands to private ownership and offering mortgage finance to homeowners. There is some renewed interest from Brazil in growing sugar to be used in the manufacture of ethanol but that is not the mainstay of the islands’ economy any longer. Public debt was 144 per cent of GDP with revenues of US$185.2 million and expenditures of US$222.2 million (CIA, 2012). Economic growth during the initial years of independence occurred largely as a result of tourism to the islands. Therefore the government introduced a policy that encouraged foreign investment in tertiary education and resort construction. Incentives included the provision of training for the local population to fill new jobs. United Nations (UN) economic indicator data reveals that the economy of St Kitts and Nevis grew substantially over the decade beginning in 2000 (ECLAC, 2012). In 1995 the labour force was reported to be 18,170 and the unemployment rate was at 4.5 per cent in 1997 (CIA, 2012). Index Mundi (2012) reported an increase in the unemployment rate to 5.9 per cent in 2001. The St Kitts and Nevis Observer newspaper reported anecdotal accounts of rising unemployment in the islands due to layoffs at telemarketing, manufacturing and tourism centres (Samuel, 2012). The Foundation for the Development of Caribbean Children (FDCC, 2011) recently reported unemployment at 5.1 per cent but with rates much higher in St Kitts than in Nevis. An estimated poverty rate of 21.8 per cent was reported in 2009: The total 0–14 age cohort accounted for 29.8% of St Kitts’ population and 41.9% of the poor. In Nevis this cohort accounted for 27.5% of the total Nevis population and 42.2% of the poor population. Gini coefficient rates stood at 0.397. FDDC, 2011 para. 1

A government White Paper released in March 2009 titled Raising the Standard, Maximizing Resourcing, Aligning with Best Practices – Promoting Success for All connects much economic development with improvements, challenges and ambitions for education in St Kitts and Nevis (Government of St Kitts and Nevis, 2009). The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for St Kitts and Nevis developed as part of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) with the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) focusing on improving health and economic development, with education clearly identified in many goals (Index Mundi, 2007). For example, approximately 97 per cent of the primary

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population is now enrolled in school, almost meeting Goal 2 of universal primary education. Goal 3 on gender equality and empowerment has ensured more women in Parliament and efforts established towards more male teacher certification for the education profession. The UN Human Development Report in 2004 ranked St Kitts and Nevis 39th of out 187 countries studied (UN, 2012). The OECS Human Development Report in 2002 ranked St Kitts and Nevis first in the region for development (OECS, 2002). The goals are time-bound for 2015, adding urgency to targets not yet achieved.

Influential historical figures There are two individuals who have influenced history greatly and that have distinct ties to St Kitts and Nevis. First, Alexander Hamilton was born on the island of Nevis in the late eighteenth century, to Rachel Faucett (Lavien) (Hamilton, 1910; Horton, 2004; Wright and Cowen, 2006). His father was James Hamilton. Alexander was known to have spent much of his early years and youth in St Kitts and Nevis. In his youth his essay-writing skills impressed community leaders who sponsored his education in North America. Alexander went on to become of great importance in American history by becoming the first United States Secretary to the Treasury and contributing to the Constitution of the USA. His contribution to Nevis lies in his creation of the American financial system and its industrial economy that dominates much activity in the western world. Second, Admiral Horatio Nelson came to the islands in 1784 as commander of the British fleet. It was in Nevis that he met and married a widow, Frances Nisbet. Their marriage is recorded as occurring in the Montpelier Estate on the island. However, it was at the Battle of Trafalgar that Nelson made his most significant contribution to the future of the islands. By defeating the Spanish and French fleets, he established English dominance of the high seas, cementing Great Britain as a global empire, including the British Commonwealth in the Caribbean (HNGS, 2008; Hubbard, 1996; NHCS, 1999; Wright and Cowen, 2006).

Education overview Early childhood education (ECE) includes a network of nursery centres for infants from the age of 3. Pre-school centres, for children up to the age of 5, and

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Table 17.1 Public and private primary schools in St Kitts and Nevis St Kitts: public primary schools

St Kitts: private primary schools

Nevis: public primary schools Nevis: private primary schools

Beach Allen; Bronte Welsh; Cayon; Deane-Glasford; Dieppe Bay; Dr William Connor; Edgar T. Morris; Estridge; Irishtown; Joshua Obidiah Williams Primary; Newton Ground; Saddlers; Sandy Point; St Pauls; Tucker-Clarke; Tyrell-Williams; Violet Petty; and Cotton Thomas Comprehensive George Moody; Maurice Hillier; SKI Academy; Seventh-Day Adventist; Immaculate Conception Catholic School (ICCS); and St Christopher Preparatory Charlestown Primary; Violet O. Jeffers-Nicholls; Joycelyn Liburd Primary; Ivor Walters Primary; St James; Elizabeth Pemberton Primary; and St Thomas Maude Crosse Preparatory; Belle Vue International; and Lyn Jeffers

daycare centres are also available on the islands. There are 18 public primaryschools in St Kitts and 7 in Nevis. There are six private primary schools in St Kitts and three in Nevis. Table  17.1 lists the public and private primary schools on the islands of St Kitts and Nevis (Ministry of Education, 2010). There are 11 secondary schools serving the islands, one of which is a private school and one is a virtual school funded by the UN Educational, Social and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Table  17.2 accounts for secondary schools within St Kitts and Nevis (Ministry of Education, 2010). The educational system for tertiary learning reveals both public participation and international investment. The Ministry of Education administers the Advanced Vocational Education Centre (AVEC), Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College, the National Skills Training Programme and Project Strong. Usually these organizations and schemes target groups of learners who have completed the comprehensive examination system administered by the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) (2011b). The University of the West Indies (UWI) Open Campus has a country campus located in Basseterre (UWI, 2012). There are also five medical schools and a graduate school located in St Kitts all with international funding and serving an international student population. Table  17.2 also lists the further education and tertiary education organizations operating in St Kitts and Nevis.

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Table 17.2 Secondary schools, further education organizations, and tertiary institutions in St Kitts and Nevis Secondary schools

Further education organizations Tertiary institutions

Other

Basseterre High; Park Range Cayon High; Charles E. Mills Secondary; Charlestown Secondary; Gingerland Secondary; Immaculate Conception Catholic School; Lyn Jeffers Secondary; Saddlers Secondary; Verchilds High; Washington Archibald High; and Caribbean Virtual School AVEC; National Skills and Training Programme; Project Strong Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College (CFBC); The UWI Open Campus; International University of Health Sciences; Robert Ross International University School of Veterinary Medicine; University of Medicine and Health Sciences; Windsor University School of Medicine; International University for Graduate Studies; and Medical University of the Americas Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth

Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate Students in the secondary level of education in St Kitts and Nevis follow the CXC curriculum and undertake examinations for the completion of their secondary studies. The Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) examination is sat by all students at the end of five years within the secondary school system. Students are usually 16 years when these examinations are taken. The general exams measure broad and technical competencies that provide students with the foundation for further studies and/or entry into the workplace. The overall performances during 2012 within science subject areas such as biology and chemistry declined from the previous academic years. According to examiners this was largely due to the poor understanding of key concepts. Likewise in the human and social biology exam, results indicated that students in St Kitts and Nevis struggled with terminology recognition (CXC, 2011a). Although results in the English A examination paper were average, those in the English B paper were lower as a result of poor performance in prose fiction. There were marked improvements in achievement within the subject area of information technology. However, within mathematics, only 40 per cent of tests completed were in the acceptable range. Overall, examiners have made it clear that there was general weakness in writing essay-type responses. Success in this style of writing is often associated with high levels of critical ability and therefore concerns as to the weakness identified are distinctive. This being said, results

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achieved in the principles of accounts subject were particularly strong in the sections on problem-solving. Fifty per cent of exams were marked at the 50 per cent level in the social studies exam. Once again the weakest areas were questions that required detailed answers. As a consequence of examiner feedback, schools across the islands need to ensure that teachers are enabling students to successfully develop critical awareness, in order to be able to engage with examinations that require depth and breadth of argument.

Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination Once a CSEC has been achieved, students are able to continue their education in a number of further education organizations. Working towards a Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) ensures that further studies after the age of 16 can be obtained by students. The CAPE units obtained can be used to proceed for entry into university, community colleges, teachers’ colleges and many other tertiary institutions offering post-secondary programmes. In respect of further education, the CXC offers three types of certification. The CAPE awards a certificate showing each unit completed. The second level of achievement is the CAPE Diploma, awarded to candidates who have satisfactorily completed at least six units, including Caribbean studies. The third level is the CAPE Associate Degree, awarded for the satisfactory completion of a prescribed cluster of seven CAPE units including Caribbean studies and communication studies. For the CAPE Diploma and the CAPE Associate Degree, candidates must complete the cluster of required units within a period of five years. CAPE certifies the academic, vocational and technical achievement of students who desire to advance their learning and therefore this serves as a good measure of the success of the education system as a whole. Summaries of results for the 2011 CAPE examinations reveal high success in the arts and sciences. More generally, students in the Caribbean islands served by the CXC performed commendably in the social sciences but not as favourably in subjects that required a high degree of mathematics or science skills (CXC, 2011a). As identified in the reports for specific subject areas (CXC, 2011a), accounting candidates that were weak in financial ratio calculations showed weakness in manufacturing overheads and familiarity with the international accounting standards. In applied mathematics, candidates were well prepared in describing and collecting data, while analysing and interpreting was a challenging aspect. Art and design candidates generally submitted interesting

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and well-conceptualized creative projects. In biology scores showed improvement across most grade bands though there was a decrease in averages in the highest grade band. All students generally take Caribbean studies and the vast majority of students gave good responses to examination questions. Computer science student performance on programming continued to be poor but there was reasonable improvement on the scores from the previous year. The CAPE summary (CXC, 2011a) for electronic technology cited poor performance resulting from poor preparation and poor mathematics and science skills resulting from inadequate teacher training and inadequate facilities. It is these aspects that can similarly impact on other subject areas, for example mechanical engineering. According to examiners in this area, students performed satisfactorily on all but the design-based questions. There is also evidence from examiners that highlight some schools performing better than others. This in turn contributes to boosting the status of specific schools across the region. There were marked improvements in scores on the information technology exam with 89 per cent achieving acceptable marks, well above the 73 per cent in the previous year. To some extent this demonstrates the status and importance now placed on schools to improve technologies for learning as well as teaching. Business management test scores also improved on the previous year with the mean score at 63 per cent. The physics examiners expressed considerable frustration with the marking schemes used by candidates taking the exam and faulted the teachers for not participating in the CXC marking exercises. Although feedback is extensive for many subject areas it has become evident that teachers, resources and the schools/educational organizations are important influences on student attainment across the islands.

Education for All in St Kitts and Nevis In the late 1990s the number of teachers within the profession declined considerably in St Kitts and Nevis. For example, according to Matthew (1999) in the academic year 1997–1998 there were only 320 teachers within the islands and only 62 per cent were certified to teach. Pre-school enrolment in 1997 was 2,410 pupils with 1,248 male and 1,162 female. The number of new primary school pupils enrolled in 1997–1998 was 976 with 506 male and 470 female. Total enrolment in both the public and private primary schools was 2,639 (Matthew, 1999). Enrolment in secondary education in 1997–1998 was 2,575 of whom 105 pupils were in private schools (Matthew, 1999). There were slightly

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more female than male pupils within the system. At this time gross national product (GNP) was slightly less than US$700 million. The total public expenditure for education was US$33,391,888 of which US$11,983,896 was allocated for primary education (Matthew, 1999). According to Matthew, data indicated falling enrolment and income over the 1990s. The qualitative data analysis in the report indicates the educational system prior to the establishment of the education legislation in the mid-2000s was less structured. An assessment of the ‘Education for All’ programme in St Kitts and Nevis was conducted in 2000 by the World Education Forum (Matthew, 1999). The data for St Kitts and Nevis provides both quantitative and qualitative analysis and a baseline from which national educational reforms can be implemented. The Education Act of 2005 established a regulatory system for public education, an accreditation system for tertiary institutions and established distinct standards for teaching and learning (Federation of St Kitts and Nevis, 2005; UNESCO IBE, 2010). It was through both the Education for All drivers, legislation and policy in St Kitts and Nevis that issues with enrolment and teacher numbers (as well as qualification) started to be addressed (Government of St Kitts and Nevis, 2009; Matthew, 1999; UNESCO IBE, 2010).

Independent provision and international support The only independent school in St Kitts and Nevis is St Kitts International Academy (SKI). Although operating as an independent school, SKI is not affiliated with the Caribbean Association of Independent Schools (CAIS, 2012). SKI operates a Montessori method of education ensuring that life skills are evident within the curriculum. Therefore the Montessori philosophy in this specific school integrates curriculum from St Kitts and Nevis, Canada, the USA and England (SKI, 2013). The Office of Overseas Schools at the US Department of State (2012) provides services to assisted schools in the Caribbean nations of Aruba, Bahamas, Barbados, Bermuda, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Curaçao, Haiti, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Included in the services provided by the US State Department to the international schools are some online provisions. One example is Moodle, a learning platform for delivering online classes to Americans living abroad and generally working in the military or Foreign Service. As such the Caribbean Virtual School is based at the UNESCO field office in Jamaica and serves not only St Kitts and Nevis but also Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas,

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Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica, St Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago. The Moodle-based learning platform is administered by a World Virtual School that contributes to increased enthusiasm and interest in information and communication technology (ICT) within schools on the islands (Moodle, 2012; World Virtual School Inc., 2012).

ICT development The UN economic data as it relates to ICT for the islands of St Kitts and Nevis shows significant growth over the last decade. The total number of internet users per 100 inhabitants grew from 5.9 in 2000 to 32.9 in 2005, and by 2010 this had jumped to 76.0 (UN, 2012). The total number of telephone subscribers grew from 50.2 per 100 inhabitants in 2000 to 90.5 in 2010 (UN, 2012). The Survey of ICT and Education in the Caribbean revealed a variety of benefits and challenges for populations when using such technologies (Gaible and The Natoma Group, 2009). For example, some findings related to teaching and learning in the classroom suggested that support for the integration of ICT across the curriculum did not influence teachers’ activities and that the impact of technology on learning outcomes in the Caribbean was not always fully demonstrated. On the other hand, findings in tertiary education positively revealed that students accessed computers and the internet in many tertiary level institutions and in some instances provision was more than adequate. Similarly, many tertiary institutions offered degrees and/or certificates in technical skills and subjects and the establishment of a region-wide ICT infrastructure supported greater collaboration. To its credit, the UWI has been recognized as expanding the use of ICT to overcome geographical obstacles of student access to higher education in the Caribbean region. However, regional organizations such as the Caribbean Knowledge and Learning Network and the Caribbean Universities Project for Integrated Distance Education did not significantly impact operations or the delivery of education by tertiary institutions.

One-to-One Laptop Computer Initiative With a population of just over 50,000 inhabitants, St Kitts and Nevis has made steady progress to enhance its knowledge economy. In 2011, the government revealed plans to push educational development further through the One-toOne Laptop Computer Initiative. Each high school student now receives a free

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computer. Furthermore, plans are also in place to ensure that every teacher and learning and teaching staff member has a laptop too. This initiative is being supported by monetary donations and information technology equipment from the Formosan (Taiwanese) government (Noteworthy News, 2011).

ICT, education, and industry The Caribbean Telecommunications Union (CTU) initiated the Enhancing Competitiveness in the Caribbean through the Harmonization of ICT Policies (HIPCAR) regional project in partnership with the European Commission (EC) in 2008. Best (2010) suggested that such endeavours account for a new push in St Kitts and Nevis to establish an ‘Internet Exchange Point’. Until recently there was little movement toward the implementation of HIPCAR in the islands. Technical assistance was available for information society issues including ecommerce, privacy and data protection, interception of communication, cybercrime, and access to public information and telecommunications regulations including universal service, interconnection, and licensing. However, Caribbean News Now (2012) reported that the donation of servers required for establishing the Internet Exchange Point and domain name root servers were delivered by Bevil Wooding of the US-based company Packet Clearing House. Connections between industry and education for wider society, although beneficial, can strategically influence development across the islands.

Open educational resources in the Caribbean Jamaica established the Caribbean Research and Education Network and the Jamaica Research and Education Network to collaborate or share resources collectively across the Caribbean through open educational resources (OER). Jamaica’s Central Repository of Educational Material is another component (CKLN, 2011). The Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth (VUSSC) and Open Schooling also provides access to educational material for students (VUSSC, 2010). Such capacity-building collections relate to the enhanced development and use of OER for the tertiary education sector. Caribbean students preparing for high-school exit exams can also have access to an online library of multimedia learning resources. A digital library and study groups help students prepare to take the CXC exams (ZUNIA, 2012). This platform is widely used in distance education in the Caribbean because it is an open source that has a variety of reusable learning object repositories. Many

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students on the island of St Kitts and Nevis are involved, benefit and participate in such developments in ICT.

Conclusion and recommendations for educational development Having one of the smallest nations in the Americas, in terms of population and land area, is a challenge for the youth of St Kitts and Nevis. The school age population passes through the educational system, the structure of which has ties to colonial history, without much opportunity for successful employment in the country after graduation. The economy, though dominated by services, has the potential for industrial growth. However, graduates of the St Kitts and Nevis schools are not always able to meet the science and mathematics requirements needed to help build and diversify the economy to a once again thriving production country. Tourism and related services absorb most graduates of the school system, however reductions in the poverty rate are unlikely to be significant unless schools address the deficiencies in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) and the government provides the investment needed in educational training and resources. The CXC examination analysis points to a problem of critical learner proficiency connected to a lack of school facilities and teacher preparation for STEM. Strengths of the school system in St Kitts and Nevis include almost meeting the development goals for enrolment and access enhancements across the tertiary education sector (Gaible and The Natoma Group, 2009; Index Mundi, 2007). Although there are incentives for the accreditation of tertiary institutions through growing international funding and increased student populations, there should be similar provisions for training and investment in the local adult population for economic development. Science laboratories in medical schools could be training facilities for teachers from the local schools. Students enrolled in the graduate and medical programmes should be encouraged to conduct research in the local schools, thereby retaining much knowledge and adding to the body of research available to school administrators seeking to improve teaching and learning as well as health and nutrition. Collaborative skills are among the most valued of the twenty-first century (P21, 2012). Building bridges between the local schools and the many universities located in the islands ensures strengths and opportunities continue while significantly reducing weaknesses and threats. It is only through technology,

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industry and education working together that real gains can be made in educational development.

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Global Finance (2012), ‘St. Kitts and Nevis country report’, http://www.gfmag.com/ gdp-data-country-reports/191-saint-kitts-and-nevis-gdp-country-report. html#axzz245UchqsL (accessed 20 August 2012). Gordon, J. (2005), Nevis: Queen of the Caribees. Oxford: Macmillan. Government of St Kitts and Nevis (2009), White Paper on Education Development and Policy 2009–2019: Raising the Standard, Maximising Resources, Aligning with Best Practices – Promoting Success for All. Basseterre, St Kitts: Ministry of Education and Information, The Government of St Kitts and Nevis. Hamilton, A. M. (1910), The Intimate Life of Alexander Hamilton. New York: Scribner. HNGS (Hamilton National Genealogical Society) (2008), ‘Home: HNGS’, http://www. hamiltongensociety.org/ (accessed 15 November 2012). Horton, J. (2004), ‘Alexander Hamilton: slavery and race in a revolutionary generation’, The New York Journal of American History, 65(3), 16–24. Hubbard, V. K. (1996), Swords, Ships and Sugar: A History of Nevis to 1900. Placentia, CA: Premiere Editions International Inc. Index Mundi (2007), ‘Millennium development goals: St. Kitts and Nevis’, http://www. indexmundi.com/saint_kitts_and_nevis/millennium-development-goals.html (accessed 22 August 2012). Index Mundi (2012), ‘St. Kitts and Nevis – unemployment: unemployment, female (% of female labor force)’, http://www.indexmundi.com/facts/st.-kitts-and-nevis/ unemployment (accessed 22 August 2012). Matthew, J. R. (1999), Education for All in the Caribbean: Assessment 2000: St. Kitts and Nevis. St Kitts: Ministry of Education, http://www.unesco.org/education/wef/ countryreports/st.kitts_nevis/contents.html (accessed 15 November 2012). Ministry of Education (2010), ‘Home: education services’, http://www.moeskn.org/ (accessed 15 November 2012). Moodle (2012), ‘Managing repositories’, http://docs.moodle.org/23/en/Managing_ repositories (accessed 15 November 2012). NHCS (Nevis Historical and Conservation Society) (1999), ‘Home’, http://www. nevis-nhcs.org/nevishistory.html (accessed 15 November 2012). Noteworthy News (2011), ‘St. Kitts and Nevis enhances her one-to-one laptop computer. initiative’, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v–ZVCmIKxe8k (accessed 15 November 2012). OECS (Organization of Eastern Caribbean States) (2002), OECS Human Development Report 2002: Building Competitiveness in the Face of Vulnerability. St Lucia: The OECS Secretariat. P21 (Partnership for 21st Century Skills) (2012), ‘Home: a framework for 21st century learning’, http://www.p21.org/ (accessed 15 November 2012). Samuel, T. (2012), ‘Unemployment levels continue to rise in St. Kitts’, The St. Kitts and Nevis Observer, http://www.thestkittsnevisobserver.com/2012/01/13/unemploymentlevels.html (accessed 15 November 2012).

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SKI (St Kitts International Academy) (2013), ‘About us/school fees’, https://skiacademy. shutterfly.com/aboutus (accessed 14 March 2013). UN (United Nations Statistics Division) (2012), ‘Country profile: Saint Kitts and Nevis’, http://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=Saint%20Kitts%20and%20Nevis (accessed 15 November 2012). UNESCO/IBE (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization/ International Bureau of Education) (2010), World Data on Education VII Ed 2010/11: Saint Kitts and Nevis. Paris: UNESCO/IBE. University of Southampton (2012), ‘Archaeology: research project: Nevis heritage project’, http://www.southampton.ac.uk/archaeology/research/projects/nevis_ heritage_project.page (accessed 15 November 2012). US Department of State (2012), ‘Office of overseas schools’, http://www.state.gov/m/a/ os/c1686.htm (accessed 25 August 2012). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2012), ‘Welcome: Open Campus St. Kitts and Nevis’, http://www.open.uwi.edu/st_kitts_nevis/ (accessed 15 November 2012). VUSSC (Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth) (2010), ‘Home’, http://www.vussc.info/ (accessed 15 November 2012). World Virtual School Inc. (2012), ‘Welcome’, http://www.wix.com/a53349/open#!wvs_ opening_page/mainPage (accessed 15 November 2012). Wright, R. E. and Cowen, D. (2006), Financial Founding Fathers: The Men Who Made America Rich. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ZUNIA (2012), ‘Caribexams: open educational resources’, http://openeducation.zunia. org/post/caribexamsorg/ (accessed 15 November 2012).

18

St Lucia: Historical and Contemporary Issues – Developmentalist Approaches Talia Esnard

Introduction Since 1962 Caribbean peoples have embarked upon a vision of self-governance and development after years of colonialization (Best, 1996). However, in charting their own destinies many Caribbean leaders ironically embraced western theorizations and policies within the marginalizing discourse of development theories and praxes. At that time, the ‘prevailing thoughts regarding societal growth and development were heavily influenced by economists’ (Alleyne, 1995, p. 79), their understanding of education as a tool for building human capital and as an economic investment leading to the emergence of wider economic, social and cultural progress (Gilead, 2012). In this sort of orthodox economic reasoning, education occupies a transformative role (as a means) to the attainment of developmentalism (as an end), that is, the ‘belief in the viability and desirability of economic progress’ (Peet and Hartwick, 2009, p.  3). What has resulted is a form of ‘intellectual dependence’ which can be perceived as a legacy of colonial imperialism that continues to monopolize notions of progress (HicklingHudson 2003; Peet and Hartwick, 2009). Despite such growing critiques, the ‘relationship between the economic thinking underlying the material objectives of education (including economic progress) and the philosophical foundations of education remains underexplored’ (Gilead, 2012, p. 114). In taking the post-structuralist and post-colonial agenda forward, the chapter not only explores ‘how the new cultural practices and policy imperatives in education are linked to colonial and postcolonial formations’ (Rizvi, 2006, p.  257) but also unveil how the assumptions, practices and limitations of educational reforms in St Lucia remain embedded within dominant discourses and practices of development. The main argument 323

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therefore is that dominant ideologies underlying shifting discourses of development theories and practices, as a form of imported confusion (borrowing from Best 1996), coloured educational orientations in St Lucia, thereby perpetuating a silent crisis where the educational curriculum still lacks cultural relevance and where education as a practice seems far removed from creating conscious and critical individuals ready to deconstruct and recreate their realities in the process of advancing their societies.

Socioeconomic and educational context St Lucia is a small island of 238 square miles with a population of approximately 170,000 (MoE, 2011). The island has a strong French influence based on its history of multiple conquests and colonization by the French and the British. The island gained its independence in February 1979, under the leadership of the first Premier, John Compton. St Lucia is a member of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), the Windward Islands, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the Commonwealth. At an economic level, St Lucia can be described as a middle-income economy which is heavily dependent on the service industry, particularly that of tourism (as the mainstay of the economy), offshore banking and lagging banana and manufacturing sectors (MoE, 2011; UNDP, 2011). Socially, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reports show steady advances in human development (UNDP, 2011). St Lucia is now ranked 82 out of 187 countries based on a slight increase in the Human Development Index (HDI) in 2011 (from 0.720 in 2010 to 0.723 in 2011). In terms of human development, this places the country above that of the average for Caribbean countries (HDI 0.564) but below the combined average for Latin American and Caribbean countries (HDI 0.731) (Harriott et al., 2012). With regard to educational development, citizens of St Lucia have access to educational opportunities at public and private institutions from early childhood to tertiary levels, with compulsory education beginning at the primary school level (age 5–11 years). Structurally, the education system comprises four levels: that is, early childhood (age 3–5 years); primary (age 5–11 years) with differentiated instructions for the first three years and the latter four years; secondary (age 12–17 years) where students follow a five-year curriculum in varied subjects; and tertiary (age 18 years and over). At each transitory stage, starting from the primary to tertiary level, students are subjected to major assessments as

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a prerequisite for moving upwards. More specifically, while the country has attained full secondary education for its student population, students must sit and pass the 11-plus or Common Entrance Examination (CEE) to secure placement in one of the existing 23 secondary schools on the island. At the end of their five years, secondary students are assessed through the Caribbean Secondary Exam (CSE) set regionally by the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC) and selectively placed (based on performance) in one of six tertiary institutions (two public and four private) on the island. This entire system is controlled and managed mainly by the Ministry of Education (MoE) with the contribution of Church boards at largely the primary level. The MoE under the leadership of the Minister for Education, Permanent Secretary and Chief Education Officer, along with the curriculum officers, district education officers and principals, are collectively responsible for policy implementation, monitoring and evaluation of all aspects of the education system.

Colonialism and education in St Lucia Prior to 1838, formal schooling for the Black masses was absent in colonial society. Schooling was reserved for the children of rich planters, clergymen and other members of the White elitist class based on the existence of a three-tier education social structure; that being a small and powerful White minority at the top, a fast-growing free Black and Coloured middle class with no political influence and a large majority of re-enslaved Black and Coloured lower class (Bacchus, 1994; Hamsen et  al., 2012; St Lucia Annual Colonial Report, 1895). In this context of rigid social stratification, the establishment of post-emancipation educational systems adopted that of a two-tier system with grammar schools for the children of the colonizers and an elementary system for children of ex-slaves that by its very elitist nature did not and could not provide the academic skills or credentials that would facilitate movement out of the lower stratum of society (Bacchus, 1994; Bailey, 2009; London, 2002; Renee, 1996; Williams, 1946). Thus, the advancement of education through the efforts of the Catholic, Anglican and Methodist Churches in the early history of St Lucia served to reinforce the need for and attempt to gain suitable control over the ex-slave majority and inadvertently reproduced the existing social structure (Hamsen et al., 2012). As a colonial imperative, the Lady Mico Charity Fund British Negro

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Education Grant of 1838 facilitated the establishment of Lady Mico elementary schools throughout St Lucia (GOSL, 1971; Hamsen et  al., 2012; Howe, 2000). More specifically, Howe (2000, p. 37) postulates that: Under the terms of this scheme which was instigated by the British government and the protestant missionary societies of that country, an annual subsidy of 30,000 pounds sterling was provided between 1835 and 1845 (with a gradual reduction after 1841) to construct schools and pay the salaries of teachers and provided a monetary vehicle for the spread of mass education in the British colonies.

Such schemes also promoted English as the language of instruction, denigrated and relegated localized Creole (as the ‘other’ language) which served as a hindrance to learning in the classroom, and promoted underlying contempt for and ambivalence towards the formal use of Creole among St Lucians even in the contemporary period (Bacchus, 1994; Hamsen et  al., 2012; Louisy, 2001; McDonald-Simmons, 1994; Tilky, 2001). In the post-colonial era, these elitist forms of education and historical trajectory of knowledge creation, flow and transfer from imperial states to the colonial countries remain a major source of contention (London, 1997). They bring to the fore questions related to the spread of global networks and projects across geopolitical spaces and provide a seedbed for scholarly resistance to long-term forms of power, control and marginalization of Caribbean peoples and societies (Lavia, 2012; Tilky, 2001). Given such, Tilky (2001, p. 158) suggests that: The education system was so highly selective and elitist in the opportunities it offered for secondary and higher education and was, therefore, deeply implicated in the formation of indigenous elites who in turn have become part of the emerging global elite.

Thus, by privileging locality, race, class and language the emerging education system served to reinforce the existing status quo while forging a state of dependent development in St Lucia where the curriculum remained tied to the colonial agenda but disconnected from the advancement of the wider population of citizens which it is supposed to serve. London (2002, p.  100) argues that despite regional differences in the education system, the main aim was to instil in the colonized an imagination, identity or a ‘world view that would develop in them [the colonized] a voluntary subservience to the White ruling groups and a willingness to continue occupying their positions on the

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lowest rungs of the occupational and social ladder’. Bailey (2009, p. 1) assesses this as a rift . . . between race and social class in post-emancipation Caribbean society [which] masked hierarchical relations of gender . . . effectively achieved through an intentional sex segregation of curricula offered in both tiers of the education system that ensured differential socialization of males and females into gender-related roles.

While little research in St Lucia explores the salience and intersectionality of race, class, colour and gender on the development of the education system, Caribbean scholars contend that that these issues remain critical to historical understandings and theorizing of educational development and continue to shape experiences of educational access, opportunity and achievement within the contemporary period (Bacchus, 1994; Drayton, 1997; Evans, 1999). What remains is a persistent selective education system in which these criteria for social stratification remain as a normative of socio-historical contexts which served not only to legitimize existing forms of social structure and expressions of identity but also to strengthen elitist notions of social progress. The unexamined outcome is the trivialization of marginalized experiences, social inconsistencies such as disparities in access and achievement, and the broader need for discursive questioning and theorizing on the development and growth of the education system in St Lucia.

Liberalism, nationalism and education in St Lucia By the mid-1940s, the spread of liberal ideology which coincided with the ascendency of the USA as a major superpower and the restoration of capitalist world markets served as important catalysts for decolonization or movement of Asian, African and Caribbean societies away from British colonial rule (Cypher and Dietz, 2004). Clothed as acts of altruism and social justice, development discourse not only gave new meaning to social progress as an economic necessity but also redirected imperial forms of knowledge, power and control to discourses of development theory and practice (McMichael, 2004; Rist, 1997; Sachs, 1999). Thus, development as an intellectual idea and an international project inspired a vision of national enterprise to be reproduced across the globe and introduced strong discourses of rights and sovereignty, juxtaposed against that of subjugation in the form of development policies and practices (McMichael, 2004; Tucker,

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1999). These policies and practices communicated new paradigms and strategies for reimposing and superimposing a global order in the process of improving the conditions of people in the third world. More specifically, McMichael (2004, p. 23) contends that the ‘power of development arose in part from its ability to present itself as universal, autonomous and therefore uncontentious’, thereby providing convictions of development as a linear process without due consideration to issue of size, history and the structural realities of non-western countries. In the pre-independence era, this development discourse was located in the birth of development economics as a specific sub-discipline which aimed to address the problems, obstacles and challenges of ‘development’ for third world countries and the ascendency of modernization theory as an economic model for the rise of new political economies. As a blueprint for social progress, modernization theory, as espoused by early growth theorists, focused on largescale macro-economic structuring (via industrialization, development planning and the use of external aid) under a fundamental assumption that ‘economic growth is closely interlinked with a structural transformation process’ (Martinussen 1997, p.  53). This can in turn serve as a presumed precursor to social and economic transformations of emerging societies. Within the education sector, this translated into the need to create a ‘modern’ school within which curriculum and instruction would be more relevant to the lives of Caribbean people (Maurice, 1959). Thus, while the problem of education at the time of St Lucia’s independence was a colonial one, where elitist social structures served to deny educational access and advancement to the mass majority, the challenge of post-independence education became neo-colonial, that is, tied to Keynesian influenced neo-classical understandings of required conditions for development in the developing world and its application to changes in the education sector. Broadly speaking, these conditions for development included the acceptance of underdevelopment as an initial state, movement towards industrialism, creation of a complaint workforce and a shift away from ‘traditional’ or localized cultural values to more ‘modern’ ones, where the latter is seen as conducive to prescriptive notions of development. In so doing, what resulted was the proliferation and management of education in the post-independence era which mirrored westernized developmentalist understandings and approaches to social progress and by extension identity formation in St Lucia. In the post-independence era, therefore, educational expansion became a political imperative of St Lucia’s first Premier, Sir John Compton, who displayed full commitment to this paradigm shift through industrial planning, training

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schemes and the provision of social benefits. Charged with the broader goal of promoting dialectical ideals of national pride and identity with modernizing ideals, the immediate task thus became one of reducing the shortage of school places, increasing the number of teachers at the secondary level and addressing the growing need for the industrial relevance of education, particularly with the provision of technical and vocational training (Myers, 1989). Ironically, Myers (1989) contended that the growth of the agricultural sector and particularly the rise of the banana industry functioned as the main precursor for economic growth in the immediate post-independent era and resulted in significant socioeconomic changes for St Lucian peoples. Thus, the significance of agricultural production as the basis for economic and social expansion in the early postindependent period questioned the theoretical primacy of large-scale industrialization as the basis for measuring progress. In a sense it also provided empirical support for the alternative dual economy thesis (that is, the compatible and progressive nature of simultaneous investments in agriculture and manufacturing) espoused by Sir Arthur Lewis (Lewis, 1954). However, in keeping with increased pre-independence pressures for modernizing the education sector, as a movement away from agrarianism and its reliance on banana production and tourism, St Lucia witnessed major changes in its primary and secondary education systems (Alleyne, 1995). Thus, on the one hand, St Lucia recorded many achievements in education by the end of the 1990s. A few notable changes included:

1. Creation, expansion, and decentralization of secondary schools, particularly in the rural and sub-urban districts. 2. Formation of the CXC as a regional examining body. 3. Inclusion of Caribbean-based issues in social studies and history subjects. 4. Innovative reforms in assessments at the secondary level. 5. Drafting and implementation of the five-year education sector plan. 6. Introduction of vocational and technical subjects. 7. Conversion of many junior secondary schools into senior ones. 8. Removal of sixth form from existing secondary schools to the Sir Arthur Lewis Community College. 9. Growth of teacher training programmes. 10. Provision of universal primary education. On the other hand, other Caribbean scholars contend that such educational reforms remained crippled by the very nature of their design, goal and broader philosophical underpinnings under which they were framed and externally

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funded (Jules, 2003, 2006, 2008; Renee, 1996). Specifically, Caribbean scholars argue that despite noted changes in access and opportunity, the education system failed to address the systematic problems of society including those related to: existing academic biases in education; persistent educational inequalities associated with issues of class, race, gender and school type; limited spaces at tertiary institutions; the pre-eminence awarded to foreign-based tertiary institutions and assessments; the inherent reliance on academic education as the basis for the formation of the entrepreneurial class; and the resultant undervaluation of other skills, training and cultural art forms as entrepreneurial endeavours (Alleyne, 1995; Baksh, 1986; Miller, 1986; MoE, 2007, 2011; Renee, 1996). Moreover, the persistent dependency on foreign models of assessment and design through ongoing educational reform continues to reinforce new forms of colonialism through the aegis of the multilateral lending institutions (Kean, 2000). These institutions with their interventionist and reductionist approach to education as measured by enrolment, investment in human capital, expenditure and literacy statistics have in a sense reduced education to a numbers game (Witter, 1996). Taking an axiomatic view, dependency and plantation theorists argue that such dependencies on the first world for knowledge transfer and economic growth projects produced a contradictory state of development and underdevelopment (Baran 1957; Best, 1994; Cardoso, 1973; Frank, 1967; Rapley, 2007). Within such theoretical standpoints, Caribbean scholars like Lloyd Best and Eric Williams have advanced a post-colonial agenda in which they call for needed ‘de-thinking’ and rethinking of embedded social, cultural and economic exchanges within this dependent development relationship. Cutajar (2008) reminds us that such forms of knowledge or production of texts produced in other contexts as the basis for learning and testing serve to produce an identity that is outside of the local or national culture. In such circumstances, localized cultural forms and identities remain at stake. At a broader level, Cutujar (2008) links this foreign source of knowledge, pedagogical approaches attached to it, language of instruction, and assessment thereof, to the reproduction of dependent relations between independent post-colonial countries and that of former colonizing nations. As an analytical tool, such theorization underscores the ways in which we continue to be colonized by little problematizing of the developmentalist focus on education systems in St Lucia, of national and global imperatives, and little questioning of the relevance of educational forms of practice to the advancement of St Lucian people. What emerged was growing contradiction of nationalism against growing trends of globalism and movements

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away from initial desires for self-definition and identity. At best, this drive for equity as part of broader national development schemes mirrored prevailing western educational paradigms at the primary and secondary levels, glorified school expansion as the basis for educational achievement (Jules, 2008) and inadvertently narrowed the scope and relevance of educational curriculum in St Lucia.

New thrusts in education By the 1980s, global economies experienced yet another ideological shift to neoclassical or neo-liberal theory and its application to development practice. At the heart of this ideological framework are questionable assumptions of similarities between third and first world societies, human rationality, self-interest, profitmaximizing tendencies, and individual freedoms as guaranteed by market and trade freedoms (Rapley, 2007). Within that vein, the main development thrust became that of producing the global state where ‘the interests it embodies reflect the interests of private property owners, businesses, multinational corporations, and financial capital’ in the overall scheme of restructuring and liberalizing the global political economy (Harvey, 2011, p. 7). Thus, at the onset of the twentyfirst century the liberation of the global economy; related revision in the European Union (EU) banana agreement through the removal of the preferential agreement for trading Windward Island bananas; expansion of multinational and transnational economic activity; and the increasing interdependence among global nation states, led to major declines in the economy, growing socioeconomic vulnerability and the need for external aid which collectively raised burning questions related to the feasibility and sustainability of development thrusts in St Lucia. Thus, many labour market demands, neo-liberal ideological changes, changing socio-economic paradigms and policies embedded in the geopolitical environment have increasingly resulted in the globalization of education. This process it can be argued transforms education into a commodity (en route to global competitiveness), emphasizes global positioning and continues to produce many contradictory effects (Carnoy, 1999; Jules, 2008). Therefore, at a ‘basic philosophical level there is the issue of the commodification of higher education that will result from treating education and training as “products” subject to trade rules, to be bought and sold across national borders’ (Jules 2008, p. 209). These wide-range reforms are set to transform and reposition the education

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sector to meet the basic and development needs of the changing global society. In this context, St Lucia becomes a mini-state that bears global educational mandates where the education sector must meet the need for global markets. For Venna (1988), that translates into the desire for major shifts towards science and technology, in the process of exposing students to and preparing them for competitive regional and international environments. At a global level, such emphasis on the knowledge society and need for a cadre of professionals ready to make needed transformations led to the implementation of educational reforms driven by desires for: competitiveness (e.g. decentralization, standardization of educational practice, improvements in school management, teacher recruitment and training); capital accumulation as a primary concern of classical growth theorists (e.g. privatization, fiscal austerity and general reduction in the cost of education); and equity, where the emphasis was on improving access to educational opportunities at all levels (Carnoy, 1999). One of the often debated reforms is the implementation of the ‘Education for All’ (EFA) policy and its ideological connections to donor organizations. This translated to expressed commitment by the then St Lucia Labour Party to the attainment of basic needs and universal education, curriculum reform, teacher training and the establishment of four additional secondary schools through funding from the World Bank. By the turn of the twenty-first century this continued through increased changes in curriculum and testing and expansion of the secondary school system. Educational statistics for 2006 for instance point to the introduction of the annual Minimum Standard Tests in Grades 2 and 4 at the primary school level, the elimination of senior secondary schools like Rock Hall, Grande Riviere and Vieux-Fort senior primary due to the introduction of universal secondary education (USE) in 2006/2007, the construction of additional secondary schools (like Gros-Islet and Marigot Secondary) which increased the number of secondary schools on the island from 19 to 23, and the introduction of the Caribbean Certificate of Secondary Level Competence (CCSLC) examination (which assesses students’ competence in six subjects namely, English, mathematics, French, integrated science, social studies and Spanish) (MoE, 2007, 2011). Despite this liberalization of the education system through policy initiatives such as EFA and USE, many historically rooted systematic, structural and stratified problems remain in the contemporary period. Some of these include lingering issues of access to post-secondary schooling (that is, transition from secondary to tertiary education which stood at 40 per cent in 2006), limited opportunities for employment, lack of resources due to an absence of savings,

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and the development of an entrepreneurial class capable of sustaining independent and self-reliant rule (MoE, 2007). Beyond these, the implementation of USE in St Lucia around the 2006/2007 academic year left unresolved issues of quality including those related to space and relevant curriculum (Leacock, 2009). In the context of global restructuring, international division of labour, internationalization of global trade to core developed societies, growing vulnerability to external shocks, rising public debt amounting to 64 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP), stagnant hold of educational expenditure to 5 per cent GDP, serious questions of not only the viability and feasibility of educational reforms but also of broader goals to create a progressive society emerge (Hoogevelt, 2001; MoE, 2009, 2011). As a regional response, St Lucia also witnessed growing orientation towards the cultural, sociopolitical and economic imperatives confronting the Caribbean region including curriculum transformation at the secondary level with the help of the CXC and qualitative improvements in teacher training programmes. Additionally, regional agreement among CARICOM heads on notions of an ideal Caribbean citizen has also shaped St Lucia’s recent 2009–2014 Education Sector Development Plan (EDSDP). This plan gave priority to broader national aims with due consideration to the need for a holistic and functional citizen who is ‘accepting of civic responsibility’ as central to the nation’s efforts at economic, social and sustainable development strategies (MoE, 2009, p. 9). Five strategic priorities of the EDSDP include:

1. Quality education and training for all. 2. Institutional and organizational capacity. 3. Economic and social development through discipline, spirituality, and health and wellness. 4. Arts, culture and heritage. 5. Science, information technology communication, and research and development. These educational priorities provide clear evidence for the position that the government has paved the right track for reforming the education system and improving the level of equity and equality. Thus, educational developments in St Lucia have not been part of a zero-sum game. However, the transformation of the education system does not only require new school places and education reforms as dictated by donor agencies; it necessitates an entire overhauling of the system. In response to this crossroad, post-structuralist theorists have sought to highlight dilemmas and discontent of development processes in an effort to

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reclaim development as a process that is indigenous to Caribbean peoples. Poststructuralism thus moves beyond desires for economic restructuring or changes in the physical-capital outlook of the country, to considerations of knowledge as a source of power and control, as historically situated and marginalizing. Post-structuralist or critical development theorists such as Wolfgang Sachs, Arturo Escobar, Gilbert Rist and Vincent Tucker among others have sought to unearth the process by which development as contrived by western elites and academics has neglected the realities and processes of those which it affects and as a consequence has produced notions of identity that serve the interest of those who produce it (Munck and O’Hearn, 1999). In the context of education in the Caribbean, many scholars like Lloyd Best, Eric Williams, Pearlette Louisy, Jennifer Lavia and Didacus Jules have sought to advance this post-colonial critical agenda. For example, Caribbean scholars acknowledge the place of foreign or more specifically western models on local education systems (Jules, 2006; Louisy and Crossley, 2009; Miller, 2009). Lavia (2007, p. 190) argues that ‘the realization of “education for all” initiatives [is] therefore coloured by contested and contradictory political and cultural relationships that both facilitate and impede how educational development in the wider contexts of the region have proceeded’. Thus, Miller (2009, p. 12) calls for a critical review of secondary education and the development of a Caribbean philosophy of education on the basis that: For more than 150 years Commonwealth Caribbean countries had organized secondary education on the philosophy of secondary education being a level of education beyond the primary level. In more recent times, several countries have superimposed on this philosophy the other philosophies of secondary education as education for preparation for the world of work as well as for a stage of human development. The comingling of these philosophies of secondary education without any attempt to resolve their contradiction has led to a lack of conceptual clarity and several contradictory arrangements and expectations. At the root of this dilemma is the common practice within the Commonwealth Caribbean of adopting, adapting and implementing ideas of education from elsewhere and only infrequently critically reviewing their effectiveness in achieving the stated goals.

Under neo-liberal schemes therefore, educational reforms were consistent with global ones. This however gives the impression that institutional planning and implementation are removed from conflicting interests, irrational processes,

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lending conditionalities, socio-political agendas and socio-economic contexts. Within this vein, people’s lives at the local level have been removed from their local circumstances and creative potentials therein, and have been ‘transcended and objectified when they are translated into professional categories used by institutions’ (Escobar, 1999, p. 140). In that ideological and practical articulation, international financial institutions like the World Bank and international monetary institutions have rendered invisible the plurality of meanings, identities, experiences and practices within the Caribbean. Thus, while many Caribbean scholars call for greater considerations of indigenized educational systems, local or contextualized relevance, the issue of relative autonomy at the educational level remains one of growing concern. In fostering independent thought and Caribbean freedom (Best, 1997) and thinking beyond the persistence of foreign ideology and epistemologies, many scholars now call for some continued re-thinking or revising of education thrusts in the Caribbean (Best, 2003; Ghosh, 1998; Holmes, 2001; Holmes and Crossley, 2001; Louisy, 2004; Lavia, 2007). In making such an epistemological and methodological shift therefore, what remains wanting is some problematizing, re-conceptualizing, reflecting, resisting and revisiting of our educational policies as produced, our own knowledge base, its objectives, relevance and the ways in which these are consumed, distributed and evaluated (Rizvi, 2006; Rizvi, et  al., 2006). By so doing, these scholars push forward a critical pedagogical praxis and post-colonial stance that allows students to engage in more transformative practices of unmasking and remasking their realities, identities and understandings while privileging their positionality. In this vein, some researchers argue for the interrogation and deconstruction of history and positionality, practices of de-translation, analyses of the historical specificity of pedagogical orientations in the Caribbean, and examinations of teachers’ pedagogical identities as forms of intellectual decolonization (Bristol, 2012; Chesney, 2011; Esnard and Mohamed, 2013; Lavia, 2012; Rizvi, 2006). At an institutional and regional level, we also recognize the recent call for greater discussions on advancement of education through a culture of inquiry, innovation and indigenization at the University of the West Indies (UWI) biennially academic conference hosted in St Augustine in 2013. This holds great promise for advancing a Caribbean focused postcolonial education while awakening in the academic community a commitment to the same. However, one must also note that to reduce any violation by external paradigms (borrowing from Best 1997) we need to create self-knowledge based

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on new epistemologies and methodologies for educational development that takes into consideration the context of ‘place’, grounded in our own experiences and which can foster the creative imagination based on the muse and oracle of the landscape. Thus, Best (1996, p. 10) suggests that: The algebra of paradigms may be very similar, but the algebra is not enough. The particular values of x and y, the arithmetic and the calculus are much more important. And that you can only get the detail, the contours, the features, the muse, the oracle of the place, the landscape, the lighting. All of that you can only get in context, by fixing the interpretation in one place.

In making a call for change under the premise of the plantation school of thought, Best (1996) suggests an educational reform or response (as an alternative to that which currently exists) and practice is a process of epistemic decolonization in which we deconstruct the labels that are associated with our Caribbean identity, and centre the value of local art and culture as part of promoting needed independent thought and freedom. We also embrace Tucker’s (1999, pp. 22–23) recognition that: To theorise this openness and the interdependent hybridness of human exchange we need to rid ourselves of concepts of culture that are elitist, holistic and relativist . . . the practicalities of this process are problematic given the context of unequal structures of production and exchange of knowledge.

In building on the work of Caribbean scholars who have already laid down a philosophical argument for raising the plural and cultural realities in the education of our peoples, Nettleford (2003) posits that creating new spaces for thinking and acting requires the promotion of cultural action and social change which centres on the place of arts and culture in nation-building and promotes cultural development and identity in post-colonial societies. In advancing this position, it is important that one reconsiders the processes by which students, teachers and governments understand, transfer, celebrate and practise their cultural heritage within formal educational institutions. In the context of St Lucia, this requires more serious questioning of perceived understandings, experiences related thereto, and levels of participation in localized cultural activities like the La Rose, La Maguerite, Steelpan, and Quadrille just to name a few.While such processes and practices of deconstruction and decolonization remain challenging, it can also be ‘irritatingly satisfying’ (Nettleford, 2007, p. 15).

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Conclusion The development discourse (from colonialism to the contemporary period) in the Caribbean has been riddled with the ‘politics of representation and identity’ (Escobar, 1999, p. 215) and assumed a mono-cultural thrust in which Eurocentric and Anglocentric paradigms dominate our policies and practice of educational development (Hickling-Hudson, 2003). It can thus be argued that ‘five hundred years of colonial rule have left legacies of elitism and exclusion upon education systems in the Caribbean’ (Lavia, 2007, p. 190). These include but are not limited to (1) the challenges of securing inclusive education, a non-elitist or classist education system and expanding the tertiary sector (Howe, 2000; Louisy and Crossley, 2009; Schrouder, 2008); (2) the place of Creole as the native language in the formal education system as a vehicle for creative literary expression (McDonald-Simmons, 1994); (3) changes in educational curricula to reflect the growing need for health education and information and communication technology (ICT) (Jules, 2008); and (4) the need for some balance between human resource development and other macro-economic policies embedded in neo-liberal reforms (Anthony, 2012). Such processes have served to create an ‘extremely difficult apparatus for producing knowledge about, and the exercise of power over, the third world, thereby rendering invisible other realities of the St Lucian contexts that shape the aspirations and achievements of its people’ (Escobar 1995, p. 9). Thus, in moving forward, the challenge of educational reform in St Lucia is one in which there is a need to revisit and deconstruct the colonial archetypes of our educational system, weigh those against the backdrop of emerging global demands for competitiveness, and chart a post-colonial educational agenda that takes into consideration the particular realities of our society. While this postcolonial approach is far from novel and easy, it evokes a type of critical theorizing and questioning that can serve to unpack and highlight the inconsistencies of hegemonic views of educational development and charts a possible way forward in creating culturally relevant constructions of education that are anchored in Caribbean indigenous knowledge that can sustain our people.

References Alleyne, H. McD. M. (1995), Nationhood from the Schoolbag: A Historical Analysis of the Development of Secondary Education in Trinidad and Tobago. Washington: Organization of American States.

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Anthony, K. (2012), Not Money but Education: Valuing Human Resource Development in the Face of Financial Crisis, presentation delivered at the 18th Convention of the CCEM, 29 August, Pailles, Mauritius. Bacchus, M. K. (1994), Education as and for Legitimacy: Developments in West Indian Education between 1846 and 1895. Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. Bailey, B. (2009), Gender and Political Economy in Caribbean Education Systems: An Agenda for Inclusion. Cambridge: Commonwealth Educational Partnerships, http:// www.cedol.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/102-105-2009.pdf (accessed 24 April 2013). Baksh, J. I. (1986), ‘Education and equality of opportunity in Trinidad and Tobago’, Caribbean Journal of Education, 13, 6–26. Baran, P. (1957), The Political Economy of New Growth. New York: Monthly Review Press. Best, L. (1994), ‘Model of plantation economy: origins and extrapolations’, Trinidad and Tobago Review, 16(7–9), 17–40. Best, L. (1996), ‘Independence and responsibility: self-knowledge as an imperative’, in K. Levitt and M. Witter (eds), The Critical Tradition of Caribbean Political Economy: The Legacy of George Beckford. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, pp. 3–18. Best, L. (1997), ‘Independent thought and Caribbean freedom: thirty years later’, Caribbean Quarterly, 43(1/2), 16–24. Best, L. (2003), ‘Independent thought and Caribbean freedom’, in S. Ryan (ed.), Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom: Essays in Honour of Lloyd Best. St Augustine: SALISES, pp. 1–34. Bristol, L. (2012), Plantation Pedagogy: A Postcolonial and Global Perspective. New York: Peter Lang. Cardoso, F. H. (1973), ‘Associated-dependent development’, in A. Stepan (ed.), Authoritarian Brazil: Origins, Policies, and Future. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Carnoy, M. (1999), Globalization and Education: What Planners Need to Know. Fundamental of Educational Planning Series. Paris: United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Chesney, W. (2011), Detranslation: A Post Colonial Discourse of Policymaking in Guyana, Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Sheffield. Cutajar, J. (2008), ‘Knowledge and post-colonial pedagogy’, Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies, 13(2), 27–47. Cypher, J. M. and Dietz, J. L. (2004), The Process of Economic Development. New York: Routledge. Drayton, K. (1997), ‘White man’s knowledge: sex, race and class in the Caribbean’, in E. Leo-Rynie, B. Bailey and C. Barrow (eds), Gender: A Caribbean Multi-Disciplinary Perspective. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle, pp. 159–182.

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Escobar, A. (1995), Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. (Princeton Studies in Culture, Power and History). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Escobar, A. (1999), ‘Planning’, in W. Sachs (ed.), The Development Dictionary: A Guide to Knowledge as Power. London: Zed Books, pp. 132–145. Esnard, T. and Mohammed, L. (2013), Teaching Mèlange: Performativity, Creativity and Pedagogical Identities, paper presented at the annual meeting of the School of Education, April 23–25, University of the West Indies (UWI), St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago. Evans, H. (1999), ‘Gender differences in education in Jamaica’, Education for All in the Caribbean: Assessment 2000, Monograph Series. Paris: UNESCO. Frank, A. G. (1967), Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America. New York: Monthly Review. Ghosh, B. (1998), The Postcolonial Bazaar: Thoughts on Teaching the Market in Postcolonial Objects, http://pmc.iath.virginia.edu/text-only/issue.998/9.1ghosh.txt (accessed 25 July 2013). Gilead, T. (2012), ‘Education and the logic of economic progress’, Journal of Philosophy of Education, 46(1), 113–131. GOSL (Government of St Lucia) (1971), Development St Lucia. St. Lucia: Government of St Lucia, Lithographic Press. Hamsen, J., DeVaux, R. and Guy, E. (2012), A History of St. Lucia. Vieux Fort, St. Lucia: Lighthouse Road Publications. Harriott, A., Heraldo, M., Freddy, J., Niky, F. and Mercado, L. (2012), Caribbean Human Development Report 2012: Human Development and the Shift to Better Human Security. New York: United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Harvey, D. (2011), A Brief History of Neo-Liberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hickling-Hudson, A. (2003), ‘Multicultural education and a post-colonial turn’, Policy Futures in Education, 1(2), 381–401. Holmes, K. (2001), Whose Knowledge for Educational Development? Research Capacity in Small States with Special Reference to St. Lucia, unpublished dissertation, University of Bristol. Holmes, K. and Crossley, M. (2001), Whose Knowledge, Whose Values? The Contribution of Local Knowledge to Education Policy Processes: A Case Study of Research Development Initiatives in the Small State of St. Lucia, paper presented at the Oxford International Conference on Education and Development, 19–21 September, Oxford. Hoogevelt, A. (2001), Globalization and the Post-Colonial World: The New Political Economy of Development. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Howe, G. (2000), ‘Our coming of age: historical reflections on developments in Anglophone Caribbean education’, CARICOM Perspective: A Century of Achievement, 2(69), 36–41, 68–69. Jules, D. (2003), Concept Paper: Development of a CARICOM Strategic Plan for Primary and Secondary Education Services in the CARICOM Single Market and Economy

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(CSME). Trinidad: Arthur Lok Jack Graduate School of Business, The University of the West Indies, http://www.caricom.org/jsp/single_market/services_regime/ concept_paper_primary_secondary_education.pdf (accessed 25 July 2013). Jules, D. (2006), ‘Power and educational development: small states and the labors of Sisyphus’, in M. O. Afolayan, D. Browne and D. Jules (eds), Current Discourse on Education in Developing Nations: Essays in Honor of B. Robert Tanachnick and Robert Koehl. New York: Nova Science Publishers, pp. 17–29. Jules, D. (2008), ‘Rethinking education for the Caribbean: a radical approach’, Comparative Education, 44(2), 202–214. Kean, O. (2000), ‘Higher education and Caribbean identity’, in T. Howe (ed.), Higher Education in the Caribbean: Past, Present and Future Directions. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, pp. 45–58. Lavia, J. (2007), ‘Girls and special education in the Caribbean’, Support for Learning, 22(4), 189–196. Lavia, J. (2012), ‘Resisting the inner plantation: decolonization and practice of education in the work of Eric Williams’, Postcolonial Directions in Education, 1(1), 9–30. Leacock, C. (2009), ‘Quality education for all in the Eastern Caribbean: rethinking the curriculum in the face of universal secondary education’, Journal of Eastern Caribbean Studies, 34(3), 19–38. Lewis, A. (1954), ‘Economic development with unlimited supplies of labour’, The Manchester School of Economics and Social Studies, 22(2), 139–191. London, N. A. (1997), ‘Quality control in a colonial school setting: how it worked and for what purpose’, in: K. Watson, C. Modgil and S. Modgil (eds), Educational Dilemmas: Debate and Diversity. London: Cassell. London, N. A. (2002), ‘Curriculum and pedagogy in the development of colonial imagination: a case study’, Pedagogy, Culture and Society, 10(1), 95–121. Louisy, P. (2001), ‘Globalization and comparative education: a Caribbean perspective’, Comparative Education, 37(4), 425–438. Louisy, P. (2004), ‘Whose context for what quality? Informing education strategies for the Caribbean’, Compare, 34(3), 285–292. Louisy, P. and Crossley, M. (2009), How is Tertiary Education in Small States Affected by the New Global Environment: A Perspective from St. Lucia (tertiary education in small states: planning in the context of globalization, IIEP/SEM 293/2, IIEP Policy Forum). Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP). Martinussen, J. (1997), Society, State and Market: A Guide to Competing Theories of Development. London: Zed Books. Maurice, M. (1959), Maurice Education Report 1959, Committee on General Education. Trinidad: Government Printery. McDonald-Simmons, H. (1994), ‘Comparative patterns in the acquisition of English negation by native speakers of French Creole and English Creole’, Language Learning, 44, 29–74.

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McMichael, P. (2004), Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Miller, E. (1986), Marginalization of the Black Male. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Studies, University of the West Indies (UWI). Miller, E. (2009), ‘Universal secondary education and society in the Commonwealth Caribbean’, Journal of Eastern Caribbean Studies, 34(2), 3–18. MoE (Ministry of Education) (2007), Education Statistical Digest. Castries, St Lucia: Corporate Planning Unit, Human Resource Development, Youth and Sports, MoE. MoE (2009), St. Lucia Education Sector Development Plan 2009–2014. Waterfront, Castries: Corporate Planning Unit, MoE. MoE (2011), Ministry of Education, Youth and Culture 2011 Statistical Digest: Past Trends, Current Position and Projections to 2015/2016. Castries: St Lucia: Data Management, Corporate Planning Unit, Ministry of Education and Culture. Munck, R. and O’Hearn, D. (1999), Critical Development Theory: Contributions to a New Paradigm. London: Zed Books. Myers, G. (1989), Saint Lucia: 10th Independence Anniversary 1979–1989: With Confidence We Progress. St Lucia: Voice Publishing Company. Nettleford, M. R. (2003), Caribbean Cultural Identity: The Case of Jamaica. An essay in Cultural Dynamics. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Nettleford, M. R. (2007), Caribbean Education and the Third Millennium. Economic Theory and Development Options for the Caribbean: The Sir Arthur Lewis Memorial Lectures 1996–2005. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Peet, R. and Hartwick, E. (2009), Theories of Development: Contentions, Arguments and Alternatives. London: Guilford Press. Rapley, J. (2007), Understanding Development: Theory and Practice in the Third World. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Renee, P. C. (1996), ‘Some aspects of education and development in St. Lucia’, The Voice Newspaper, 1 August, p. 4. Rist, G. (1997), The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith. London: Zed Books. Rizvi, F. (2006), Epistemic Virtues and Cosmopolitan Learning. Radford Lecture, 27 November, Adelaide, Australia. Rizvi, F., Lingard, B. and Lavia, J. (2006), ‘Postcolonialism and education: negotiating a contested terrain’, Pedagogy, Culture and Society, 14(3), 249–262. Sachs, W. (1999), The Development Dictionary: A Guide to Knowledge as Power. London: Zed Books. Schrouder, S. (2008), ‘Educational efficiency in the Caribbean’, Development in Practice, 8(2), 273–279. St Lucia Annual Colonial Report (1895), Annual Colonial Report St. Lucia No.124. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Tilky, L. (2001), ‘Globalization and education in the postcolonial world: towards a conceptual framework’, Comparative Education, 37(2), 151–171.

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Tucker, V. (1999), ‘The myth of development: a critique of a Euocentric discourse’, in R. Munck and D. O’Hearn (eds), Critical Development Theory: Contributions to a New Paradigm. London: Zed Books, pp. 1–26. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2011), Human Development Report 2011: Sustainability and Equity: A Better Future for All. New York: UNDP, http://hdr. undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2011/ (accessed 24 April 2013). Venna, D. (1988), ‘The Saint Lucian Economy in the 21st Century’, in G. Myers (ed.), Saint Lucia 10th Anniversary 1979–1989: With Confidence We Progress. St Lucia: Voice Publishing Company, pp. 79–95. Williams, E. (1946), Education in the British West Indies. Port of Spain: Teachers’ Economic and Cultural Association Ltd. Witter, M. (1996), ‘Caribbean development and the Caribbean people: the present as history’, in K. Levitt and M. Witter (eds), The Critical Tradition of Caribbean Political Economy: The Legacy of George Beckford. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, pp. 189–200.

19

St Vincent and the Grenadines: Educational Partnerships for Development Deborah Dalrymple and Yvette Thomas

Introduction St Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) is an independent plural Caribbean state. Located in the south-eastern corner of the Caribbean archipelago, the country comprises one main island called St Vincent and 32 smaller islands and cays collectively known as the Grenadines. The population of approximately 110,000 includes persons mainly of African descent with about 10 per cent of mixed Eastern Indian, European and indigenous people (Simmons and Jackson, 2008). SVG has a land mass of 150 square miles and the capital, Kingstown, is located on the island of St Vincent. There are a range of educational institutions both formal and informal that support the education of the children and adults. Approximately 33,000 children and young people attend schools in SVG. The correlation between education and poverty alleviation has been recognized by the Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines as envisioned in the ‘Education Revolution’ (Gonsalves, 2010). Education sector development plans have therefore enabled major developments to take place in the small nation state of SVG (Ministry of Education, 1999, 2002, 2012a, 2012b). At the time of the commencement of the Education Revolution in 2001, Gonsalves (2010) acknowledged aspects of the education system were in serious malaise. He launched his policy ‘Education for All for Living Production’ soon after being elected and in his book The Making of the ‘Comrade’ outlines the task of education reform in SVG (Gonsalves, 2010). This chapter briefly accounts for the educational systems operating across SVG. The role of international partner schools is also examined as a successful pathway for educational development in a small state. This chapter then explores in more detail the rise of the University of 343

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the West Indies (UWI) Open Campus as a route for continuing professional development across a large geographical area.

Early childhood education Early childhood education programmes, which include both pre-school and day-care services for children up to age 4, have traditionally been offered by non-governmental or private organizations. Training for staff was primarily conducted by the Canadian Children’s Fund organization, later called the St Vincent Save the Children’s Fund (VINSAVE). The Pre-School Services Committee, a representative body for such organizations, has traditionally offered training and monitoring of services. This committee has attempted to add structure and standards for delivery of all early childhood provision. In more contemporary times, the government provides oversight for the early childhood education sector, and all providers are expected to register after inspections from the Ministry of Health, as the Ministry of Education attempts to assure quality across institutions. However, there are challenges. For example, currently there is a shortage of staff in the Early Childhood Education Centre at the Ministry of Education (Ministry of Education, 2012a). Therefore, VINSAVE continues to provide training for local services and institutions in SVG. Formal training and research activities are also offered through St Vincent and the Grenadines Community College (SVGCC) and the UWI Open Campus. Approximately 53 per cent of the pre-school services are still provided by privately-owned centres, 26 per cent by Church boards, and 10 per cent by the government. Other non-government organizations and community groups account for the remaining 11 per cent of pre-school services. It has been estimated that 3,527 children were exposed to early childhood services during the academic period 2010 to 2011 (Ministry of Education, 2012a). The government allocates a subvention to privately owned centres which are attended by 15 or more children. The Ministry of Education is now directly involved in providing pre-school services for children aged 3–5 years in nine centres attached to local primary schools and within one stand-alone centre. Approximately 351 pre-schoolers have benefited from such services. Consequently plans are currently in place for the construction of an additional nine early childhood centres across SVG. In privately-owned early childhood institutions practitioners charge fees that can range from

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EC$40–325 per month. At the government owned pre-schools all services are offered to the public free of charge. Other initiatives for early childhood provision in SVG include the Early Childhood Health Outreach (ECHO) programme and the Roving Caregivers programme. ECHO and Roving Caregivers focus on early stimulation of a child from birth up to the age of 3. To date these programmes have impacted 582 and 1,400 children respectively (Ministry of Education, 2012c).

Primary education Primary education in SVG starts from the age of 5 and students enter a class grading system which follows that of the USA. Most primary schools have a kindergarten class followed by Grades 1–6. There are a total of 63 schools at the primary level in the country. In Grade 6 pupils sit the Common Entrance Examiniation (CEE), the results of which determine their secondary school pathway. The fall-off from primary to secondary in enrolment figures has been a major concern of the government for a number of years (Ministry of Education, 2002, 2012a). For that reason ambitious plans were developed to see an increase in primary school places as well a drive to improve the outcomes not only for those in primary education but also for those pupils for whom education would end at one of the all-age primary schools (such schools had previously catered for Grades 7 and 8). Consequently, pass results in the CEE have risen from an average of 33 per cent in 1998–2002 to 53.09 per cent in 2012. The curriculum in primary schools is centrally organized by the Ministry of Education’s Curriculum Development Unit. Staff in the Ministry work collaboratively with other colleagues in the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) under a regional harmonization commitment initiative that seeks to synchronize the curriculum at primary level across the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) member states.

Secondary education Secondary education is offered in two types of institution: government secondary schools or government-assisted secondary schools. The vast majority of schools in SVG are co-educational. The government secondary schools include within their number two single-sex schools which are known as grammar schools and

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within the assisted secondary schools there are two single-sex schools which are faith-based. There are a total of 26 secondary educational institutions in the country. Results from the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) Common Secondary Certificate in Education (CSEC) level, taken by students at the end of Grade 11, are on average above others in the Caribbean sub-region (Ministry of Education, 2002, 2012b). The results for students at this level have remained stable with 67 per cent of students gaining Grade 1–3 in 2012. The traditional grammar schools and established faith schools continue to have outstanding results in examinations with over 85 per cent of students passing with Grade 1–3 in 2012. It is anticipated that with the increase in the number of new secondary schools that have been built, pass results could improve across all levels. The financing of education at the secondary level is not distributed evenly across all secondary schools. Those that are government assisted receive funding for teachers’ salaries and the two grammar schools have separate budgets and are funded at a higher unit cost. More than half the teaching staff at secondary level have degree or higher qualification with the remainder having a teacher training qualification usually gained from the local college. The government has, through its international links over the past decade, received much support from countries such as Taiwan and Japan as well as the European Union (EU) who have funded many of the actions set out in the development plan for the country (Ministry of Education, 2002). The EU for example has funded the ‘One laptop per child’ project which aims to see up to 30,000 children and young people gain access to a laptop. Many of the laptops received by children and young people in SVG were provided by Portugal. The use of information and communication technology (ICT) in the classroom is perceived as a priority and the training of staff to use such technologies for learning and teaching has been conducted in many schools across SVG. Acknowledging the benefits of ICT for a small state, with a large geographical region, the curriculum at secondary level has been reviewed to incorporate contemporary technologies. Therefore the provision of broadband to a significant number of schools is in progress with the anticipation of widening educational engagement. The Ministry of Education has partnered with countries, for example the UK, to establish links between schools, thereby establishing virtual educational engagement for staff and students. This virtual opening of doors has provided opportunities to share practice and resources as well as enhance teaching and learning on a global platform. It is to this end that the following section accounts for the links formed between schools in the UK and SVG.

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Educational school partnerships: Buckinghamshire and Kingstown Schools The historical links between SVG and the town of High Wycombe in the county of Buckinghamshire, England, stem from the late 1950s and early 1960s. During this period many Vincentians left their home to find work in England (Macmillan, 1997). Today High Wycombe boasts one of the largest Vincentian communities in the UK. International school linking has a long and successful history in the UK with funding from the British Council supporting schools across the country to develop relationships across the globe between school staff and pupils in a range of educational settings. The mutual benefits that emerged as result of educational partnerships included: ●

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Gaining an awareness of teaching and/or management approaches used in another country. Having the ability to share and promote professional expertise and experience. Using the experience and evidence of school linking to gain British Council International Award status. This award has the possibility to open up new opportunities for schools in the UK to support partner schools in other parts of the world and at the same time gain valuable recognition. Schools like those in SVG would be able to gain endorsement from their link school and receive opportunities for staff exchanges.

For the pupils who would be exposed to the experience there are many benefits such as: ●

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Allowing students to overcome prejudice and lack of knowledge of other countries and cultures. Giving students a platform to share their learning with peers can make the curriculum more relevant to their experience. For those students whose heritage stems from the country with which their school is linked, it enables the development of a stronger sense of identity.

There were a number of reasons why the establishment of educational links with and a visit to SVG was ideal for school leaders in Buckinghamshire. First there was a need in the county to raise the self-esteem of pupils and build stronger relationships with families whose heritage is from SVG. During training and discussions with teachers from Buckinghamshire schools that had a high number of Caribbean pupils, there was a recurring theme of these particular

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pupils lacking confidence in their ability, leading to low self-esteem and lack of engagement in their learning. A visit of this nature would also aid senior school leaders’ knowledge of the history, culture and peoples of the Caribbean. They were well aware of the fact that such a visit would enable them to forge links on a global level and support new endeavours towards community cohesion. Based on the historical links and the drive by the former Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF) to use schools as a medium for promoting community cohesion, the local authority in Buckinghamshire applied for British Council funding to take a group of headteachers and two local authority officers to SVG to forge links with eight schools in the capital, Kingstown. The schools in Buckinghamshire are all in the town of High Wycombe and are all multicultural with several having already gained International School Award status or working towards it. The partner schools were three secondary phase schools (including one selective secondary school and one faith school) and five primary phase schools. The aim of the visit was for school representatives to make face-to-face contact with their partner school to confirm partnership agreements and build relationships. These would then form the basis of action plans between the respective schools. It was envisioned that each school leader would be able to develop a bank of resources such as images, documented interviews, artefacts and other relevant materials to share with the school community in both High Wycombe and SVG. These activities would support community cohesion and spirtual, moral, social and cultural (SMSC) agenda in the UK schools. The desire was that staff representatives would be motivated to act as ‘ambassadors’ for the concept of school linking. As a result, teachers and other staff representatives would become advocates in the County of Buckinghamshire for embedding global education concepts in the school curriculum. It was also the aim of the educational exchange partnership to engage the Vincentian community in Buckinghamshire and to share the experience with them of visiting their country of origin and heritage, and use this as a platform for building stronger community links in all schools. The use of appropriate forms of ICT to enable work between partner schools in preparation for the visit, and as a core strand of the collaboration process, was a crucial part of the project. This could include video-conferencing and the creation of a dedicated online learning environment/virtual school for the partner SVG schools. The schools selected by the Ministry of Education in SVG were expected to compare pedagogy and planning tools with their UK counterparts and to eventually apply for further funding via the Reciprocal Visit Grant.

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One of the main outcomes of the project was that through curricular projects and exchange of materials, the pupils were enabled to learn about life in another culture in a meaningful way. The school leaders on their return to the UK had to write a report on the lessons learnt and outcomes achieved. They concluded that they were able to develop their awareness of global issues and could now contribute to professional development through communication and exchanging materials. What has been deemed valuable by staff engaged with the project has been the ability at a whole-school level to share and compare systems, policies and best practice. Global educational partnership has strengthened the bond between the Buckinghamshire schools and the teaching staff in SVG who have since worked together on many different curricular projects. Accordingly, one Buckinghamshire local authority officer was also able to develop a working partnership relationship with colleagues in the Ministry of Education in Kingstown and to share knowledge and expertise on self-evaluation. The Ministry of Education was developing a local self-evaluation tool at the time of the visit by school leaders from High Wycombe. Hence the Ministry was able to utilize the vast experience of the UK contingency to assist local senior colleagues in applying more methods of evaluation in their local context. This partnership outcome was a subsidiary bonus of the visit.

Education for children with special needs In the context of SVG, opportunities are limited for children who have special educational needs (SEN) and require additional or different educational provision to be made for them, other than that which is generally provided for children of a similar age (Ministry of Education, 2012d). This group may or may not include children with physical disabilities, as often such children may remain in mainstream education. Students who are identified as ‘gifted’ are not included within the category of special needs, despite the fact that they could need additional educational provision to enhance learning. Those who are identified as having disabilities, including those who are hearing or visually impaired, are usually provided for in a special needs school (Ministry of Education, 2012d). There is still a problem with early diagnosis and intervention for children who have SEN. Some of these children remain unidentified in the pre-schools and regular classrooms and subsequently do not have their special needs met. Teachers and ultimately parents may decide collaboratively that a child needs special education based on indications of behaviour or developmental milestones.

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There are three special education schools that cater for children with special needs in SVG. These are the schools for children with special needs (SCSN), one in Kingstown and the other in Georgetown, and the Sunshine School for Children with Special Needs in Bequia, one of the Grenadine islands. The two public special needs schools on mainland St Vincent are operated by the government with support of a board. The school in Bequia is run by a board with some assistance from government. As of January 2012 the total number of students enrolled in all three special education schools was 107 – comprising 74 males and 33 females with 79 pupils in the public/government school and 28 in the government assisted/private school. All schools follow the Ministry of Education guidelines and students can stay in the special schools programme up to the age of 21.

SVGCC In 2005, the government achieved its goal to amalgamate the four tertiary-level institutions in the country. By doing this SVG joined its counterparts in the OECS to seek to create ‘conditions to increase manpower skills, and expand the human resource base in the sub-region. This in the face of the declining banana industry, and the demands of competing in a global economy’ (Williams, 2001, p. 6). The SVGCC was established through legislation that sought to develop key work skills for the Vincentian population. The SVGCC amalgamated four preexisting tertiary-level institutions, namely: St Vincent Teachers’ College, St Vincent Technical College, A Level College and St Vincent School of Nursing. The new SVGCC was expected to be an ‘effective vehicle for post-secondary education, including offering Associate degrees and appropriate certificate and diploma courses in a wide range of educational disciplines’ (Williams, 2001, p. 6). The College therefore is expected to offer university and non-university programmes, technical and vocational programmes, and professional and subprofessional training. Students who are 16 or older and meet certain minimum academic or experiential standards for entry can be accepted to study at SVGCC (Peters, 1993). The mandate of SVGCC is ‘to provide a high quality of tertiary level education to the citizens of St. Vincent and the Grenadines at a cost that is affordable’ (SVGCC, 2012, n.p.). The Division of Arts Science and General Studies, formerly the A Level College, has continued the tradition of preparing students for the Cambridge Advanced Level (GCE A level) and the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency

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Examinations (CAPE). With the new dispensation however, the College has increased its offerings to include several associate degrees, both part-time and full-time, which are also accessible to potential students in evening classes. Through a franchise arrangement with the UWI, SVGCC students are able to complete Level 1 (Year 1) of a social science degree and can then seamlessly proceed to the Open Campus or one of the physical UWI campuses for the remainder of the course. The College has made other franchising arrangements with the UWI that allow students within the Division of Teacher Education to pursue a Bachelor’s degree in mathematics and language and literacy education. Through a franchising arrangement with the Jamaica Theological Seminary, the College has also been able to offer an undergraduate degree in guidance and counselling and teacher training with options for primary, secondary and technical/vocational areas; additional training is available in early childhood education and home economics. This trend in franchising is expected to continue for the future as partnerships for development are strengthened. The college, in collaboration with the University of Technology (UTECH) Jamaica, will offer seven new undergraduate programmes, due to start in the next academic year 2013–2014. The Division of Technical and Vocational Education offers an impressive range of training programmes covering business and engineering fields of study. Through partnerships with the corporate sector, the College has availed itself of current technology in the various fields. Some of these partners include the Mustique Charitable Trust, the National Telecommunications Regulatory Commission and the National Ozone Unit. These partnerships have resulted in the establishment of a mechanical technology computer laboratory, a heating, ventilation and air-conditioning laboratory, and industry-specific training programmes. Furthermore, plans are well underway to construct a Maritime and Hospitality Institute to enhance the delivery of hospitality, culinary arts, and travel and tourism studies. The Nursing Division is a highly recognized training facility within SVGCC. Graduates of the registered nurse, midwifery and nursing assistant programmes are in high demand both nationally, regionally and internationally. The growth of SVGCC has enabled the initiation of various lecture series in order to ‘enhance the intellectual life of all citizens in St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ (SVGCC, 2012, n.p.). Through a partnership with the EU, the government is currently embarking on significant expansion to the physical plant at the Division of Arts Science and General Studies. Plans to also develop an e-learning facility will allow the college to improve outreach to rural areas of the country. Enrolment at the college has grown steadily over the years. Total

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Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles Table 19.1 Enrolment 2011–2012 SVGCC SVGCC division

Number enrolled

Arts, Science and General Studies Teacher Education Technical and Vocational Education Nursing Education Total

935 238 817 189 2179

Source: SVGCC (2012)

enrolment for the academic year 2011–2012 was 2,179 students. Table  19.1 reveals student enrolment in the various divisions of SVGCC for the academic year 2011–2012. It is anticipated that with increased programme delivery and the upgrade of facilities, student enrolment will continue to rise. The SVGCC continues to fulfil its mandate to increase accessibility to quality tertiary education to the people it serves. As a developing institution it remains responsive to manpower needs and strives to make a significant contribution to the social and economic development of the country.

Adult and continuing education The initial thrust in organized non-formal adult education came not from a government initiative, but rather from the non-governmental sector. This included the St Vincent Union of Teachers, and community-based organizations (CBOs) such as the The Rosehall Working Group and Junction, Enhams, McCarthy, and Surrounding Areas Community Group (JEMS). In 1986 the Adult Education Unit was established by the government in order to formalize and strengthen adult learning activities in the sector. Focus at this time was primarily on numeracy and literacy and was as a direct response to the Fordham Report of 1975 which placed adult literacy rates in SVG at 40–50 per cent of the population (Simmons and Jackson, 2008). At about the same time the St Vincent Union of Teachers, the Rosehall Working Group and JEMS formed themselves into the National Association for Mass Education (NAME). The Adult Education Unit was primarily involved in supporting the movement through mobilization at the community level and providing training in adult education methodology.

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The adult education movement was a true collaboration between the government and non-governmental sectors that resulted in greater sensitization by the population to the need for adult education and the concept of lifelong learning. During the 1980s and early 1990s, the movement grew to include 50 CBOs and there was a steady increase in voluntary literacy tutors. The programmes were primarily numeracy and literacy based with some skills training included at certain sites. After a period of dormancy, primarily due to lack of funding and a decline in volunteerism, the government implemented some initiatives during the 2001–2010 period to inject some vibrancy into the adult education sector. First the Adult Education Unit was upgraded to the Adult and Continuing Education Division as a fully-fledged department in the Ministry of Education. The Division comprises The Adult Education Unit and the National Skills Training Programme and has oversight of the National Resource Centres, which were also established during this decade. The two other significant developments during this period were the National Literacy Assessment, which established a minimum national literacy level of 83.1 per cent and the Literacy Crusade from 2005–2007. It is estimated that the Literacy Crusade impacted ‘30–40% of the 10,000 persons who were targeted’ (Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines, 2010, p.  4). Complete with a mission statement to ‘assist in the socio-economic development of St. Vincent and the Grenadines by facilitating the education, training and developmental needs of all persons over the age of fifteen years . . . who are outside of the regular school system’, the Division has built on the work done during the Literacy Crusade and provided non-formal education throughout the country (Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines, 2010, p. 5). The Adult and Continuing Education Division, with a strong skills training component, works through 10 geographical zones with over 50 full-time staff and over 600 part-time staff and volunteers. These skills instructors include basic literacy facilitators and tutors for various academic upgrading classes (Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines, 2010). The programme serves approximately 1,800 learners annually (The Vincentian, 2012). More recently, two Adult Continuing Education (ACE) Centres at Westwood and Glen, equipped by the government, became operational in the training of persons in computer repair and carpentry for the construction sector. Twelve Learning Resource Centres (LRCs) have been equipped with wireless computer network facilities (Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines, 2010). The Division aims to provide ‘parallel learning opportunities for learners outside of the formal education system’ (Simmons and Jackson, 2008, p.  9). The programmes offered go beyond the

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traditional offerings of basic numeracy, literacy and life skills to include general academic upgrading and development programmes which may lead to certification. Indeed the Division is now a registered examination centre where adult learners can sit the CSEC and Caribbean Certificate of Secondary Level Competence (CCLC) examinations offered by the CXC. The other programmes offered cover a range of technical vocational areas, including basic and advanced ICT, business and employment skills, and craft development. In addition to the programmes put on by the ACE centres, the outreach arm of other ministries provides non-formal education peculiar to their portfolios. These include but are not limited to programmes for farmers and fishers through the Ministry of Agriculture, HIV and AIDs, and family planning through the Ministry of Health.

The UWI Open Campus The UWI was founded at Mona, in Jamaica 1948 in a special relationship with the University of London to serve the English-speaking Caribbean. The UWI became independent in 1962. The inclusion of other campuses, St Augustine in Trinidad and Tobago, and Cave Hill in Barbados, strengthened the regional capacity of the UWI. For the non-campus territories the UWI colleges, and later its presence, were represented by its outreach section known as the Department of Extra-Mural Studies. The Extra-Mural Centres were to ‘provide adult education in a systematic way to all classes and conditions of persons across the region’ (Fergus et  al., 2007, p.  2). These centres were also established in the campus territories of UWI for the same purpose. The Extra-Mural Department performed its role as ‘the social vanguard of the University, driving it forward by engagement with real-life needs of its supporting community, rather than by centrifugal scatter of the academy’ (Fergus et al., 2007, p. xv). In 1989 The ExtraMural Department evolved into the School of Continuing Studies. This development maintained ‘the centrality of dedicated outreach in the UWI’s mission and vision as a primary agent in the development of the region’s invaluable human resources’ (Fergus et al., 2007, p. 253). From the beginning the UWI was aware of its awesome responsibility, as reflected in its mission to ‘propel the economic, social, political and cultural development of West Indian society through teaching, research, innovation, advisory and community services and intellectual leadership’ (UWI, 2007, p.  6). The fulfilment of this mission was equally important to the non-campus countries and the UWI continued to refine its outreach provisions.

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The 2007–2012 Strategic Plan revealed that the UWI sought to be ‘innovative, internationally competitive and contemporary’ (UWI, 2007, p.  10). Hence in order to remain deeply rooted in the Caribbean region the UWI stated its commitment to ‘. . . building excellence in four areas: teaching and development learning, graduate studies; research and innovation; and outreach to underserved communities’ (UWI, 2007, p. 10). The University was also cognizant of the fact that teaching and learning by distance and more specifically ‘online’ was becoming a worldwide trend. The launch of the Open Campus in 2008, therefore, as the fourth campus of the UWI was the implementation of Strategic Aim 4 in the UWI Strategic Plan and the embodiment of the University’s intention to ‘expand the scope, enhance the appeal and improve the efficiency of its service to the individuals, communities, and countries which it serves’ (UWI, 2010, p. 50). The Open Campus is therefore seeking to increase access to higher education for populations that are small states within the Caribbean region. This access involves opening up a wide range of educational opportunities to address the regional, national and local economic, social and cultural needs that can be extremely diverse in the 16 countries to which it provides a service (UWI, 2011). Ultimately the UWI is guided by the principle that the Open Campus’ programmes should be available to potential students inside as well as outside the region as a result of the challenges in distance created by the geographical spread of the Caribbean (Fergus, et al., 2007; UWI, 2011). The Open Campus’ commitment to cultural dissemination is rooted in the history and tradition of the School of Continuing Studies, as is its focus on continuing education, an abiding legacy of the Extra-Mural Department (UWI, 2010). The UWI Open Campus is an amalgamation of departments and units which pre-existed it, namely: The Board for Non Campus Countries and Distance Education, the UWI Distance Education Centre, the Tertiary Level Institutions Unit and the School of Continuing Studies. There are currently 42 sites in 16 countries in the English-speaking Caribbean. Table  19.2 lists the countries served by the UWI Open Campus. It serves the non-campus territories, now known as the UWI 12+1, as well as sites in Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Barbados, collectively known as the Open Campus Country Sites (OCCS). Programmes of study are offered at the pre-university, undergraduate and graduate levels. Students can enter the Open Campus at a certificate level, and move up, or ‘ladder’ up, to the standard they desire. The UWI Open Campus Annual Report 2010/2011 states that 6,181 students were enrolled in online/ blended courses of study, ranging from certificates to masters degrees (UWI, 2011). Table 19.3 charts the number of courses offered within programme levels

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Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles Table 19.2 Countries serviced by the UWI Open Campus Anguilla Antigua and Barbuda The Bahamas Barbados Belize Bermuda The British Virgin Islands Cayman Islands

Dominica Grenada Jamaica Montserrat St Kitts and Nevis St Lucia St Vincent and the Grenadines Trinidad and Tobago

Table 19.3 Levels of progammes offered at the Open Campus Programme level Certificate Diploma Associate degree Undergraduate BEd Undergraduate BSc Graduate diploma Masters Postgraduate diploma Total

Number of courses offered 7 3 5 18 12 1 3 2 51

Source: UWI (2011)

through the UWI Open Campus. These figures exclude courses offered locally in response to national or community needs. In addition to the courses emanating from Open Campus headquarters, through academic programming and delivery division, local or continuing education courses are offered by individual sites in response to community needs. These can range, for example, from vocational programmes to professional upgrading and are designed to fill gaps in expertise (UWI, 2011). They are usually non-credited courses and take the form of workshops and seminars, or semester/year-long courses. The Open Campus has experienced growth in partnering with local, regional and international entities including UNESCO and the EU to design and develop training programmes at the local level (UWI, 2012). The UWI Open Campus offers multi-mode teaching and learning services

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through virtual and physical site locations across the Caribbean region (UWI, 2011). This is enabled through ICT technologies such as the Blackboard Collaborate software used for interactive sessions by staff and students. Orientation for new students includes exposure to the software and ongoing training is available throughout an academic year. Though these courses are primarily web-delivered, other distance teaching methods include tele- and video-conferencing technologies. Library and information services are available at site locations and online. With the introduction of the Adelph database, library stocks across all the UWI sites are accessible to Open Campus students. Efforts are underway to procure e-books, thereby further facilitating access across the region. Students can access the UWI helpdesk, online, for assistance, and/or avail themselves of the technical support available at the computer laboratories at each site. Students in SVG can now access tertiary education as never before, particularly through the online technologies. Therefore the Open Campus has seen steady growth in enrolment since its inception. The UWI continues ‘to place more of the intellect resources from the University at the service of those countries without a campus through the initiation of country conferences’ (Fergus, et al., 2007, p. 240). The presentations of research and other papers enhance ‘the quality of the public discourse and involve persons from the host country in debates within a university context and environment’ (Fergus, et  al., 2007, p.  241). Additionally national, regional and international issues are open for discussion through other conferences, public lectures and panel discussions. Through the Open Campus, the UWI has ensured that its visibility is enhanced, as it seeks to be the institution of first choice to students seeking higher education in the Caribbean region.

Conclusion The education sector in SVG has seen major changes over the past decade. The growth in primary education and the drive to ensure universal access for all secondary students in such a short space of time is commendable. The number of teachers with graduate qualifications has undoubtedly resulted in vast improvements in the academic knowledge base of each school and the improvements in results at both the primary and secondary level. With educational partnerships creating global connections students, teachers and policy-makers (in SVG and the UK) have benefited through an increase of resources, skill development and pedagogical activities.

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Access to tertiary education through the SVGCC and the UWI Open Campus has improved over the past decade. Nationals are also taking advantage of the plethora of online courses available through virtual environments. Two medical colleges have recently been established in SVG and they, like many other departments, highlight the broadened opportunities for specialized local training. Quality assurance efforts in the pre-school sub-sector and increased government oversight in the delivery of non-formal education and skills training reflect SVG national policy of lifelong learning from ‘the cradle to the grave’.

References Fergus, H., Bernard, L. and Soares, J. (2007), Breaking Down the Walls: An Evolution of the Extra-Mural Department, The University of the West Indies, 1947–2000. Kingston, Jamaica: School of Continuing Studies, UWI. Gonsalves, R. (2010), The Making of the ‘Comrade’: The Political Journey of Ralph Gonsalves: An Autobiographical Sketch of a Caribbean Prime Minister. St Vincent and the Grenadines: SFI Books. Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines (2010), Adult and Continuing Education Division (ACE) Brief Report. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Macmillan, M. (1997), Black Boys Pub and Other Stories: The Black Experience in High Wycombe. Buckinghamshire: Wycombe District Council. Ministry of Education (1999), Education Sector Plan 1999–2010. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Ministry of Education (2002), Education Sector Plan 2002–2007. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Ministry of Education (2012a), Education Sector Plan Diagnosis 2012: Subsector Primary Education. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Ministry of Education (2012b), Education Sector Plan Diagnosis 2012: Subsector Secondary Education. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Ministry of Education (2012c), Education Sector Plan Diagnosis 2012: Subsector Early Childhood Education. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Ministry of Education (2012d), Education Sector Plan Diagnosis 2012: Subsector Special Needs. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines. Peters, B. F. (1993), The Emergence of Community, State and National Colleges in the OECS Member Countries: An Institutional Analysis. St Michael, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), Cave Hill Campus, UWI.

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Simmons, A. and Jackson, S. (2008), National Report on the Development and State of the Art of Adult Learning and Education (ALE), St Vincent and the Grenadines. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Kingshill Development Solutions (KDS). SVGCC (St Vincent and the Grenadines Community College) (2012), Update 2011–2012. Kingstown: SVGCC, http://www.star983fm.com/SVGCC.pdf (accessed 10 December 2012). The Vincentian (2012), ‘Profile: Adult and Continuing Education Division’, 7 September, pp. 16–17, http://thevincentian.com/profile-adult-and-continuing-educationdivision-p990-125.htm (accessed 10 December 2012). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2007), Strategic Transformation for Relevance, Impact, Distinctiveness and Excellence. The University of the West Indies Strategic Plan (2007–2012). Trinidad: The University Office of Planning and Development, UWI, http://www.uwi.edu/Files/PlanningOffice/StrategicPlan/STRIDE.pdf (accessed 10 December 2012). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2010), The University of the West Indies Annual Report 2009/2010: Strengthening the Regional Character of the University. Trinidad: The University Office of Planning and Development, UWI, http://sta.uwi.edu/ pelican/documents/UWIViceChancellorAnnualReport20092010.pdf (accessed 10 December 2012). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2011), The University of the West Indies Open Campus Annual Report 2010/2011: A Campus for the Times . . . A Campus for the Future. Barbados: UWI, http://www.open.uwi.edu/sites/default/files/ UWIOpenCampusAnnualReport2010_2011.pdf (accessed 10 December 2012). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2012), The University of the West Indies Strategic Plan 2012–2017: Be Heard, Be Informed, Be Empowered. Trinidad: The University Office of Planning and Development, UWI, http://sta.uwi.edu/resources/documents/ UWI_Strategic_Plan.pdf (accessed 10 December 2012). Williams, R. (2001), Consultancy on the Integration of the St. Vincent and the Grenadines Community College. St Vincent and the Grenadines: Ministry of Education, Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines.

20

Surinam: The Development of Education Lila Gobardhan-Rambocus

Introduction The Republic of Surinam is situated in the northern part of South America. The country is bordered to the north by the Atlantic Ocean, to the east by French Guiana, to the south by Brazil and to the west by Guyana. Most people in Surinam live in the capital city Paramaribo. The capital city is located in a young coastal plain within a narrow fertile strip bordering the Atlantic Ocean. Paramaribo is surrounded by ‘districts’ of the young coastal plain. The vast interior or ‘inland’ is sparsely populated by Maroons and indigenous Amerindians. This chapter discusses the Surinamese education system, with developments presented chronologically in five distinct periods. The first describes the period between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, up until 1863 when slavery ended. Second, the period from 1863 to 1920 accounts for major cuts that were introduced within the education system. The third period, from 1920 to 1945, exposes impetus changes within education (Gobardhan-Rambocus, 2001). From 1945 to 1975, the fourth period, explores measures implemented to improve the education system. The final period, from 1975 (the year of Surinam’s independence) up to 2013, examines action that sought to build upon previous educational establishments. The following historical context provides the background against which the entire education system must be considered.

Historical context After four attempts undertaken by colonists to establish a colony and cultivate tobacco and other products in Surinam (named after its main river), Francis 360

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Willoughby, Lord of Parham and Governor of Barbados, claimed the territory for the English in 1651. He founded a settlement where slaves mainly cultivated raw sugar for export to Europe. In the seventeenth century the Netherlands, England and France battled for hegemony over the world’s oceans. As a result of the Second Anglo-Dutch War of 1665–1667 Surinam became a Dutch colony. The Peace Treaty of Breda, concluded in 1667, determined that the colony from that moment on would be in the ownership of the Netherlands and that New Amsterdam (later New York) would pass into English hands. Subsequently, Surinam was controlled by the English in 1799–1802 and again in 1804–1816. After the fall of Napoleon, the Dutch government in Surinam was restored, but the Dutch colonies Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice remained under English rule. After a period of self-government in internal affairs (1954–1975), Surinam became a republic on Tuesday 25 November 1975. Up to the middle of the nineteenth century the population of Surinam was made up of the colonists alongside native Amerindians, the indigenous population. During this time slaves were brought from Africa, a number of them ran away and these Maroons later forged peace treaties with the government. A much smaller group of Europeans and Jews also lived in the colony. These mostly fled from Spain, Portugal and France to escape the Inquisition and religious persecution. A number of people travelled from the Netherlands, Germany and England. In 1853 the first Chinese came to Surinam as indentured workers and as soon as slavery was abolished in 1863, the government negotiated with the British to import contract labourers from India. This agreement was in place from 1873 until 1916. From 1890 until 1939 people from Java in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) came to work in Surinam. Most contract labourers continued to live in Surinam after finishing their contract time and therefore the character of the society began to change. The country became a distinctive multi-ethnic, multi-cultural society. More than 20 languages are spoken in Surinam and there is one official language, Dutch, introduced in 1667 (Eithne and Arends, 2002).

From the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries: Education and slavery From the start education in Surinam was the domain of missionary religious groups, the Moravian Church and the Roman Catholic Diocese. There were also some individual private teachers. In the early seventeenth century teaching

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religious education took an important place within society. After the abolition of slavery in 1863, the government became increasingly active in educational provision. Today government authorities dictate education policies; however, there are still some private schools in Surinam. There were only schools for White children in the colony up until 1760, when the first free (private) school for Negroes and Mulattoes was established. The main subject studied at this time was religion, although children were also taught to read and write. Reading was very important as a means to spread religious knowledge. From 1815 missionaries of the Moravian Church aimed to teach slave children a few hours each week. By 1825 there was regular education for young people. The missionaries translated the texts (psalms and biblical texts) into Sranan, a Creole language that continued to develop as a contact language. Texts printed in Sranan at the expense of the English Bible Society in London were also used as books. The Moravian Brothers also created a lot of reading materials and printed texts on their own hand presses. From the 1830s onwards the missionaries were allowed to provide education on the plantations, when directors and plantation owners gradually realized that the slaves became more tractable, docile, quiet and dedicated to their work when taught. Religious education was mainly aimed at getting the slaves to accept the balance of power in the world and their place in it. In 1831 the Moravian Brothers had access to 20 plantations and by 1839 this figure had grown to 100 plantations. The Roman Catholics then started their mission through education, but only became successful shortly before the abolition of slavery. The slaves were only allowed to learn to read and the language of instruction at that time was Sranan. Educational legislation in Surinam was constructed in 1817 and 1834, based on the Dutch Education Act of 1806. Since school attendance was not obligatory, only a few children went to school at that time. The Education Act of 1834 included a professional scale for grading teachers, in parallel with the Dutch Education Act of 1806. The first grade was the highest teaching rank and the fourth was the lowest that could be attained. In the Netherlands, this grading scale system was repealed with the introduction of the Education Act of 1857, but it was never officially abrogated in Surinam. However, at the start of the twentieth century examinations connected to the second grading did not take place and in 1975 the final examination for the fourth grading assessment of teachers occurred. Nowadays only the first rank or Head Teachers Certificate, and the third rank or Teachers Certificate are still granted.

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1863–1920: Education laws and regulations and their impact on society Article 25 of the Emancipation Law of 1862 stipulated that the government was to provide schooling, when slavery was abolished in July 1863, for at least two hours a day for children aged 12–15 years within local neighbourhoods. However, in the years after emancipation the government failed to build local schools. Missionary schools were available, but in insufficient numbers. In the emancipation reports, published annually since 1864 as an annex to the Colonial Records, clerks stated that the number of children attending school decreased rather than increased in the districts, as was the case in Paramaribo. Many children in Paramaribo walked about aimlessly during the day and caused havoc. Hence the bourgeoisie believed that compulsory education needed to be introduced so that the children could be kept off the streets. After much discussion in the colonial parliament, the Surinamese parliament adopted the compulsory regulation for education on 8 December 1876, which stated that primary schooling would be free of charge. Children aged 7–12 years were compelled to go to school and the language of instruction was to be Dutch. With this regulation, the ‘Dutchification’ of society was introduced. The compulsion to teach and learn in Dutch was unique within the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In both the Netherlands Antilles and the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) the mandatory language of teaching was not Dutch. Surprisingly, in the Netherlands compulsory education was only introduced in 1900 and in the Netherlands Antilles only in the 1990s. In the Dutch East Indies children were not obliged to go to school until independence in 1947. Surinamese children now attend school from the age of 4 and receive education up to the age of 16–18. This practice occurs without adjustment of the compulsory education laws. Nowadays almost all primary schools have a kindergarten attached, where children attend from the age of 4 and are prepared for primary schooling. In Surinam, there is also pre-school provision, but the government has no involvement in this. The compulsory regulation of 1876 has contributed greatly to the emancipation of the descendants of slaves and later the contract labourers. For example, education provided them with the opportunity to improve their social position. According to Dr H. D. Benjamin, Inspector of Education, emancipation and subsequent schooling regulations ensured that children went to school and progressed well (Gobardhan-Rambocus, 2001). He insisted that the students make use of the Dutch language because they would be able to integrate better in society. At the same time he realized that it would be impossible to suppress

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Negro English, also known as Sranan at that time, because it was the mother tongue of most of the children. Therefore, use of Dutch had to be encouraged so that it became as important as Sranan (Colonial Report, 1880, p. 12). For more than 30 years these efforts led to an increased use of the Dutch language and it gradually became the home language. Consequently, children were often raised learning two or more languages: the language of their ethnic background (for example, Sranan, Sarnami – a language related to Hindi, and Bhojpuri or Surinamese Javanese) and Dutch. The Maroon and indigenous children in the interior of Surinam were very much an exception to this trend. Benjamin was at this time the highest authority in education, and sought to ensure that teachers received good training and a decent salary. He aligned ‘good living conditions for good teaching’ (Colonial Report, 1879, p.  1). In 1888 his efforts guaranteed a public service job with a respectable pension for all teachers. Three teacher training courses were accessible: a government training course started in 1877; training courses run by the Movarian Church from 1852 called the Central School; and from 1856 the Roman Catholic mission training. Teachers trained by the Roman Catholic mission had to sit their examinations with those who had undertaken the government training course. Although the Moravian Church issued its own teaching certificate, many of its graduates went on to follow the government training course in order to be examined by the State. The government paid higher wages and had better secondary facilities; hence many teachers sought jobs in the state sector. During this period there were also many qualified teachers who travelled from the Netherlands to Surinam in order to teach in both the mission and the government schools. An important event was the establishment of the Medical School in 1882. Within five years young men were able to gain their diploma as district physicians. This training came about because the British Empire demanded better medical facilities for the British-Indian contract labourers who often fell ill and displayed a high mortality rate. In 1873 this mortality rate was 17 per cent and by 1874 it had risen to 19 per cent. The first female trainee, Sophie Redmond, was accepted into the Medical School in 1925 after a fierce struggle to be permitted to study for a diploma (Mitrasing-Sitalsing, 1964). In honour of her achievement, a main street in Paramaribo is named after her: ‘The Dr Sophie Redmond Street’. In 1968 the University of Surinam was established and the Medical School was included in its programme a year later. The first technical school, now called Junior Secondary Technical School, was a private initiative that came about in 1888. Initially the Technical School provided evening classes for carpenters; however, by 1893 it had introduced

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work and construction courses. There were many financial challenges and the courses, in 1899, become funded and supervised by the government as a vocational school. The subjects taught were carpentry, furniture making, bricklaying and painting. In practice, students were given a portion of the proceeds, these were invested in a savings bank and they received the money as soon as they finished school. The only major trading firm in Paramaribo, C. Kersten and Co. (Moravian Church), established a boarding school in 1913. Boys who had finished primary school were given the opportunity to train for four years and were subsequently employed within the company at the bakery, the forgery or the carpentry shop. The colonial states took the independent initiative to introduce compulsory schooling, yet it was the Minister of Colonies in the Netherlands who was responsible for providing the education budget. He continually decreased the budget, and as a consequence hardly any funds were made available for education in Surinam. This resulted in the closing down by order of the Minister of Colonies of a high school in Surinam three months after its founding in 1877. It was perceived that ‘high school’ education was not deemed necessary for the people of Surinam and that primary education should be sufficient. Benjamin, after several attempts, received permission from the Minister of Colonies to set up a school for more extensive primary education (secondary school) in 1887. This resulted in an improved education structure although the financing of education remained a difficult matter.

1920–1945: A history of continued austerity in education In the Netherlands, the Primary Education Act 1920 stated that special education would receive the same form of funding as public education. This legislation resulted in the colonial state of Surinam, in 1921, defining the financial responsibilities of public and private schools. The Governor decided not to execute this law, because too much money was involved. Secretly he prepared a regulation that would give the government the full mandate to determine how education should be arranged. This had many negative contextual consequences for education in Surinam. Educational budgets across all areas were cut. For example, larger classes were established, schools were closed down, teacher salaries and pensions were reduced and the teacher training school was closed within a three-year period (Governor of Suriname, n.d.). Children whose parents could not afford to pay instituted school fees left school.

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There was much opposition to the austerity cuts and the Surinamese population organized a protest petition on Tuesday 16 December 1924. The teachers were supported by notables and educational organizations in Surinam. But to no avail. A year later the directive was implemented within law as: Official Proclamation of December 7, 1925. Royal Decree of December 4, 1925 No.  23 in respect to benefits from the country’s finances to special schools boards for Education in Suriname and concerning income of teachers in Public Primary Schools in that region. Government Journal, 1925, n.p.

The following 20 years were especially difficult for education in Surinam. The global crisis during the early 1930s kept much of the Surinamese population in poverty, whilst the threat of war in Europe left many feeling nervous. The government continued to enforce the Royal Decree and pushed forward many austerity measures. These were recorded as official regulations and impeded the operation of schools to the extent that many stopped operation completely. In 1929, the incorporation of missionary schools within the public school system in Surinam heightened the costs for education. The government decided to recover these finances by cutting the funds for education in rural areas. There has always been a divergence between education provision in Paramaribo, the capital, and education in the districts, the rural areas, where there were very few schools. The quality of education in the districts was poor. Children in the districts learned, according to a simple curriculum, only the Dutch language, reading, writing and arithmetic. The underlying philosophy was that this was all that was needed for workers to be employed in agriculture. This school type was called limited primary education (Beperkt Lager Onderwijs, BLO) (Gobardhan-Rambocus, 2001). Teachers were poorly trained in the districts and/or had no qualifications. They in turn earned a much lower salary than those who taught in Paramaribo. The budget cuts seriously affected the (financial) position of all teachers during this period. They not only had to work with larger classes, but they received even less pay. In reality this meant that only a limited number of teachers were paid according to their grade ranking. Teachers also had no opportunities to continue studying. It is therefore understandable that many teachers experienced little joy within the profession. The realization that these conditions were not acceptable grew and there was a shift in vocational practices. This change can be closely associated with the period during the Second World War, when Surinam sympathized with its occupied motherland. Vocational opportunities emerged whereby Surinam provided aluminium for

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warplanes, aid packages with food and clothing, and fundraiser events to purchase Spitfire aircraft. In addition to the vocational opportunities, in 1938, a training course for apprentice machinists was established, together with a clerical course for desk officers in government service, courses in trading and a school for domestic science. The population was encouraged to learn a trade, for example crafts such as hat-braiding and fashion became evident, with the aim of establishing a business that could generate income for the sector.

1945–1975: New roads On Thursday 4 October 1945, the Surinamese education associations organized a meeting led by J. H. Ferrier, then a teacher, later the last Governor of Surinam (1968–1975), and first President after independence (1975 to 1980, the period of a military coup). The meeting was deemed very important, because the challenges in education had to change (JMCTO, 1945, p.  4). A call for action by the government was made clear and the teachers were prepared to strike for one day to ensure their demands were met. Even though there were vociferous demands, no anti-Netherlands sentiments were expressed. During the following process of change the government appointed a new Superintendent for Education. A few months after the meeting in October, W. H. M. D’Haens,1 a school inspector from the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia), was made responsible for assessing the education system in order to advise on future development. D’Haens made a thorough investigation and the main conclusion from his report was a critical assessment of the general organization of education and schools. He also highlighted that schools had no curricula and most head teachers lacked leadership skills. Furthermore, teaching materials were missing and the classes contained too many children. As a result the drop-out rate at that time was very high with non-attendance at 50 per cent. It was revealed that a number of schools in the districts functioned mainly as a repository with little learning being facilitated. D’Haens (1947) made proposals to improve education and constructed a new system for this purpose. In primary education, a distinction was made between primary schools (gewoon lager onderwijs, GLO): GLO-A and GLO-B schools. School fees had to be paid for GLO-A schools and these were to be located in Paramaribo. For GLO-B schools education was free of charge. Most GLO-B schools were located in the districts. One common complaint of the new education structure was that teaching methods within the schools needed to be adapted to the environment and the

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needs of the Surinamese child. Teachers therefore requested new textbooks. The colonial government adopted some of these proposals and their implementation led to great improvements in the diverse educational settings. Day courses for continued teacher training were set up following the example of the Dutch East Indies. Thus teacher training began to take shape with the establishment of a three-year full-time course for teacher education (Kweek-B) (founded in 1949), a two-year full-time course for kindergarten teachers (Kweek-A) (in 1952) and a pre-university education programme in the form of a general secondary school (AMS) (in 1950). The first well-educated Surinamese intellectuals got their diploma from the AMS. The lack of financial resources that characterized the previous period was now less of an issue. A welfare fund was established in 1947 and subsequently became a feature in the Ten Year Plan (TJP) 1956–1966 and two Five Year Plans (VJP) 1967–1971 and 1972–1976 (Bruyning and Voorhoeve, 1977). These plans were specifically introduced for development projects in Surinam. The TJP (and later the VJPs) also provided for the improvement of education funding, as proposed by D’Haens. Consequently, many school buildings were erected in the city and in the wider districts. In 1953, a new method for elementary reading instruction was implemented Ons eigen leesboek. Methode voor het eerste leesonderwijs in Suriname (Our Own Reading Book: Method for First Reading Instruction in Surinam) by Anne de Vries (1955). He was a Dutch teacher and published writer who resided in Surinam with his family for few months in order to familiarize himself with the local educational context. With this method a book was introduced for the first time to Surinam schools which, for elementary reading and writing education, mirrored its own environment and could be adapted to the perceptions and needs of the students. Although this method was criticized, a whole generation of Surinam children learned to read from this book (Vries, 1955). Each section had a comprehensive manual. Reading single words was replaced by fluently reading sentences, the so-called ‘global’ method. Stammering during reading and spelling words was thus reduced to a minimum. According to the inspectors, during this period, considerable progress was made with the introduction of the global method and ‘Our own reading book’, and the textbooks were perfectly adapted to the environment of the children in Surinam (Surinam Report, 1956, p. 31). A further series of books was introduced with instructions on advanced reading in 1957: Wij en de wereld. Bloemlezing voor Surinaamse scholen (We and the World: Anthology for Surinamese Schools), compiled by Vries (1957) in collaboration with local teachers. This series comprised 10 parts, for the second through to the sixth grades of primary school. In 1972, a method of Dutch

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education for kindergarten was introduced: Nederlands voor de kleuter in Suriname (Dutch for Kindergarten in Surinam) (Adhin et al., 1972). It consisted of two series, each with manuals and student books. The expansion of higher education provision continued in 1948. During this year the Surinam Law School was opened. Training was provided for lawyers, notaries, and government officials. Eventually the Law School became part of the University of Surinam in 1968 as the Law Faculty. In 1964, another vocational training facility was instituted: the lower technical school (junior technical school). As a result of public demands for workers, two more technical schools were built in 1969 and 1973. All three technical institutions were located in Paramaribo. As a follow-up, Natin (Natuurtechnisch Instituut or Nature Technical Institute), a four-year secondary vocational school (Institute for Mid Level Natural Resources and Engineering Studies), was established in 1973. Anno 2013 is the largest institution at secondary level with 14 different disciplines. Graduates from Anno 2013 are highly sought after to work in Surinam’s core industries. According to the State Oil Company of Surinam (Staatolie), in 2013 Natin’s graduates, working in process engineering, are the company’s backbone. During the 1960s, the government decided to establish a university, which was intended as the driving force in Surinam’s development and where natural and technical disciplines such as forestry, mining, civil engineering, agriculture and animal husbandry would be taught. The ambition was to develop Surinam’s natural resources and to ensure continued economic growth. The University of Surinam opened in 1968, although the legislative cooperation with the government occurred in 1966. As a result Surinam could provide its own intellectuals and others with higher level study options. Studying abroad, usually in the Netherlands, would cease to be the only option available for those with higher education aspirations. In order to prepare students for further studies a Lyceum was erected: a school for pre-university education created to complement the already existing general secondary school (Algemene Middelbare School, AMS). In this period the development of education, as outlined, was directed principally by the multi-year plans implemented for Surinam’s development. These plans were mainly financed by the Netherlands. The implementation resulted in the opening up of the interior, improvements in infrastructure by building bridges, creating and paving new roads and building schools, which even in remote areas, such as in the districts and the interior, created access to education. Additionally, Surinam built a dam for power generation (the Brokopondo power plant), entirely from its own resources, which was completed

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in 1965. Part of the energy generated was to benefit the population of Paramaribo, while inland residents were still deprived of electricity. These provisions resulted in the population of Paramaribo being able to develop faster. In the following decades education has therefore undergone tremendous growth in both the city and surrounding districts.

1975–2013: Building on and developing for the future The last quarter of the twentieth century: major events In November 1975, Surinam became an independent republic. When compulsory education was introduced in 1876, the number of inhabitants in the country was 51,967 persons (Colonial Report, 1876). The population had grown to approximately 364,000 in 1973 and after the last census in 2004 it was 492,829 (General Statistical Bureau, 2005). By 2011 the population was estimated to be 539,910; however, the results of the census have yet to be published (DWTonline, 2013). Nevertheless migration away from Surinam has occurred in this contemporary age. Following independence, a significant number of intellectuals left for the Netherlands. Then a military coup in 1980 led to more citizens leaving the country. The summary executions of 15 prominent men (including university teachers) in December 1982, referred to as ‘the December murders’, had another ‘brain drain’ effect, partly due to the closing down of the university. Later, the Domestic War (1986–1992) (called Binnenlandse Oorlog), a war led by descendants of Maroons (calling themselves ‘Jungle Commando’), erupted with the military regime. This war completely destroyed large parts of the government and business infrastructures as well as the interior villages of Surinam. Many inhabitants from the interior fled to neighbouring French Guiana. The restoration of democracy occurred in 1987 with the first free elections in the country. However, rebuilding the infrastructure of Surinam was more problematic. The previous exodus of intellectuals from Surinam created high profile vacancies at the Ministry of Education and Community Development (MOECD). Amongst the individuals who had remained in Surinam, during its Domestic War years, was a strong teaching corps. Surinam therefore began to slowly rebuild its educational systems. In 2013 it is estimated that there are 350,000 people living in the Netherlands who have originated from Surinam (Central Statistical Bureau, 2013). The Meerjaren Ontwikkelingsprogramma 1994–1998, Suriname op een keerpunt (Long-Term Development 1994–1998, Surinam at a Turning Point)

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made a distinction between formal and non-formal education (MOP, 1993). Formal education is introduced at kindergarten level and continues through to university level. Included is vocational training that starts immediately after six years in primary education, and special education. This training focuses on students who are not able to sustain involvement in the regular programme. Non-formal education includes literacy and adult education programmes at private institutes and libraries, and tutoring children with learning and behavioural challenges. In addition to general education, the government also provides housing in Paramaribo for children from remote districts and the interior, as well as school transport (bus and boat), scholarships, and, if applicable, school food programmes and school uniforms.

Education in the twenty-first century In the Meerjaren Ontwikkelingsplan 2001–2005 (Multi-Year Development Plan 2001–2005) the government of the Republic of Surinam has sought to focus on adults as the main production factor and young people as significant in the future development of the country (MOP, 2001). In the Development Plan the education sector is singled out for attention. Indeed, education is expected to mould all citizens into worthy members of society. Good education has been placed as simply the best guarantee for sustainable development and social equality within Surinam. Important policies for this purpose were the improvement of the educational organization by strengthening educational support bureaus within MOECD, such as Curriculum Development, the Inspectorate, the Examination Bureau, and the Research and Planning Department, and by further automating the department’s entire administration. The accessibility of education would therefore be enhanced and the MOECD can provide more and better trained teachers by launching an organization for permanent professional development. The MOECD has started to implement these measures in order to achieve its goals. However, research conducted in November 2004 highlighted that 7 per cent of the population had no education at all and a third of the population had participated only in primary education since the age of 6. The remaining one third had received secondary education, 11 per cent mid-level training, and 4 per cent college or university education. The data also showed that there was a large discrepancy in education between city, district and hinterland. According to estimates the rate for school repeaters and drop-outs was about 50 per cent (MOP, 2006). The percentage of repeaters and drop-outs is high (VVOB, 2012). It had also been established that

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the bottlenecks in the various types of education were caused by outdated and inadequate curricula and teaching methods, as well as learning materials. In addition, there was inadequate training and a lack of professional development for teachers. Finally, there was insufficient supervision and inspection of schools and there were still too many unqualified teachers (within the interior, special education and secondary education). It was decided to reform the educational system by focusing on the school and the classroom and to improve the educational structure, financing and management. At the same time the government would seek to reduce the knowledge gap within the country and with other countries and strengthen cooperation with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the Caribbean Network of Educational Innovation for Development (CARNEID), the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), and would also apply for educational cooperation with Belgium and the Netherlands. In this contemporary period two educational projects were taken up that aimed to influence greatly the entire education system. BEIP was introduced in 2004 and Progress in 2008 (BEIP, 2012; Progress, 2013). Ori (2010) has used and drawn upon a schematic structure of the education system operating (see Figure 20.1). Education expert Marie Levens, from 2005, has been the Director of the Department of Human Development, Education and Culture of the Organization of American States (OAS), and started to prepare a loan agreement with the IDB in 2000 (Levens, 2000). The BEIP agreement was signed in 2004 (BEIP, 2012; Cruz Fano, 2012) and this enabled direct funding from the IDB for part of the reform programme in primary education. A major change would be the introduction of the 11-year primary school, namely (as in the majority of Caribbean countries), two years of pre-school, and then nine years of basic education: six years of primary school and three years of junior secondary school (Voortgezet Onderwijs Junioren, VOJ) connecting with senior secondary education (Voortgezet Onderwijs Senioren, VOS). The VOJ education (secondary schools, LBGO, technical and industrial education) would become integrated within a three-year curriculum. This new system was to greatly improve the transition from kindergarten to first grade and from the sixth to the seventh grade. This change was necessary, according to the policy-makers, because the number of school drop-outs at transition junctures was extremely high. Another significant aspect was that, after the sixth grade, students had to decide their job/ career pathways for the future. In this new structure students would only have to

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Figure 20.1 The current educational structure of Surinam PPR, pre-primary education; SO (Speciaal Onderwijs), special education, primary: 6 years; VSO (Voortgezet Speciaal Onderwijs), special education junior secondary: 2–3 years); KO (Kleuteronderwijs), pre-primary education: 2 years; GLO (Gewoon Lager Onderwijs), primary education: 6 years; LBO (Lager Beroepsonderwijs), junior secondary technical education: 4 years; LBGO (Lager Beroepsgericht Onderwijs), general vocational education: 4 years; MULO (Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs), general junior secondary education: 4 years, academic track; IMEAO (Instituut voor Middelbaar Economisch en Administratief Onderwijs), Institute for Intermediate Business Education: 3 years; NATIN (Natuurtechnisch Instituut), Institute for Mid Level Education Natural Resources and Engineering Studies: 4 years; PA/GLO (Pedagogische Academie), Teacher Training College for Primary Education: 4 years; PA/KO, (Pedagogische Academie), Teacher Training College for Pre-primary Education: 4 years; HAVO (Hoger Algemeen Vormend Onderwijs), senior general secondary education: 2 years; VWO (Voorbereidend Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs), pre-university education: 3 years; IOL, Institute for Advanced Teacher Training (4–5/6 years); HBO (Hoger Beroepsonderwijs), higher vocational education (4 years); Anton de Kom University of Suriname (4–5/6 years). Source: Ori (2010, p. 829)

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choose a career just before or during the eleventh year of study. The opportunity arose to address all kinds of other dilemmas in the existing education system, such as the mastering of the school language (Dutch), which is often different from students’ home language. After all, in Surinam more than 20 languages are used for communication. Within this new structure, the teaching of arithmetic would also undergo a change. Structural change would introduce a student tracking system that could document each pupil’s progress, so that extra tutoring and guidance could be applied from the first grade onwards as appropriate. As a result of the introduction of new curricula and teaching materials, appropriate teacher guidance was needed. Therefore the MOECD planned to train 5,000 teachers. The training of teachers is now the responsibility of the VVOB (the Flemish Association for Development Cooperation and Technical Assistance) (VVOB, 2012). The VVOB is separate from the BEIP and is funded by the Flemish government. The VVOB acknowledged that education in Surinam comprised some strong elements, but that in several fields it needed improvement. The organization relied on figures from the World Bank, which indicated that only 68 per cent of all students finish elementary school (VVOB, 2012). To address these problems in the past the MOECD mainly deployed a direct approach within target schools. Sustainable change within the school system could only be accomplished when service providers and service processes for schools (from ministerial departments, inspection, guidance and pedagogical institutions) were offered on a long-term, consistent basis. In November 2008 the VVOB therefore started, at the request of the MOECD with Progress (2013), to finance action with its own resources. Since then the VVOB (2012) has sought to bring about effective and child-friendly education in Surinam with the specific aim of strengthening the capacity of schools so that they can increase the quality of their educational provision. To achieve this aim it has, through training, equipped the departments of Inspection and Supervision within the MOECD, and supported the upgrading of quality systems within primary education. The VVOB has also helped to strengthen other departments to the benefit of the management capacity in the MOECD. The programme supports the Surinamese Education Management Information System (EMIS, 2012), a data file that introduces various partners to efficiency, quality and the overall needs of education. The results evident from the support of the VVOB are visible, especially because the entire education system is involved. Pedagogical institutions have been handed a new curriculum based on the profile of the socalled ‘new teacher’. The Institute for Advanced Teacher Training (IOL) was also

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involved in this innovation. CENASU (Centre for Training Surinam) and EMIS were implemented to train teachers to a higher standard. The progress programme was terminated at the end of 2013, but experts are already negotiating for a successor programme in which the VVOB will emphasize the improvement of schools through vocational education. When comparing Progress with BEIP it is possible to conclude that Progress has, unlike BEIP, actually met its core goals. According to the evaluation of the IDB the implementation of BEIP was mainly a matter of poor performance and inefficiency (Cruz Fano, 2012). Moreover, according to the evaluation report, the programme was not supported by the MOECD and its working tools. Other points of criticism highlighted in the IDB’s evaluation included:

1. An increase in project administration costs. 2. The production of outputs had mixed results. During the execution of BEIP, indicators were removed from the logical frameworks or adjusted to reflect changes in the measurements. Only a little over half of the output indicators are at 100 per cent completion rate. 3. A number of the interventions have only just concluded or started their implementation towards the end of 2011. Therefore the results cannot be measured. 4. With respect to the project’s effectiveness, BEIP was not able to attain any of the goals set at the outcome level; consequently the consultancy concludes that the purpose of the project was not achieved. 5. Ownership and sustainability were insufficient; there was little or no interest and hardly any capacity to execute action (Cruz Fano, 2012). In 2012 a subsequent new request was approved and BEIP now intends to focus on the second phase of the original project (six years primary: Grades 3 to 8). To implement the third phase (three to four years of junior secondary, Grades 9 to 11–12) the Surinamese government has to apply for separate extra funding from the IDB. After the period of military dictatorship (1980–1987), Surinam slowly began the process of restoration and development. By 2013 most of the destroyed infrastructures in the interior (roads and bridges) had been restored. Villages have been rebuilt and the majority of children living in the interior are now able to attend school again. However, children in the far interior still need to move to Paramaribo once they have finished primary school if they want to continue learning. In two areas, close to the coastal plain, there are some high schools (junior secondary schools), but these children also have to continue further

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education in Paramaribo. The foundation that was laid for education within the fourth period (1945–1975) has proven to be a sound one on which education can continue to be constructed in the twenty-first century. The schools for secondary education, VOS (senior secondary schools), established in that period have increased in number from 5 to 31 in the year 2013. Access to these secondary schools is facilitated by a system of school buses financed by the government that transports students and teachers from far off locations. From the 1950s onwards teachers, Dutch and Surinamese, who taught in secondary schools (senior level schools) received their training in the Netherlands, but nowadays it is prevalent that teachers who work in Surinam are largely trained in that country. The university, which was closed for 10 months after ‘the December murders’ in 1982, now consists of five faculties with 17 disciplines. The so-called Trade School has developed into the IMEAO (Institute for Intermediate Economics and Administration Education), a school with several streams so that the students are offered many more options for education than in previous years. Also the IOL (Institute for Advanced Teacher Training), founded in 1971, offered training for specialist teachers, as well as institutions for secondary and higher technical and administrative education. Most of the teachers lecturing at the University of Surinam were trained in the country, even though a substantial number of its senior staff received their education from universities in the Netherlands, Belgium or the USA. Surinam’s alliances with foreign education institutions have strengthened its capacity to offer quality education. In 2007 the government signed an agreement with NOVA, a national agency for accreditation, because of its membership within CARICOM. It is the desire of the country to ensure that it meets the quality demands of training in higher education to equal those of the rest of the Caribbean community. The accreditation council arising from these developments granted its first accreditation, for petroleum geology, a division of the Technological Faculty of the University, in 2013.

Conclusion During the early years of the fourth educational period, addressed in this chapter, particularly during the 1950s, Surinam experienced many budgetary cuts. With the establishment of the Welfare Fund in 1947, the implementation of the Ten Year Plan (1956–1966), and two Five Year Plans (1967–1971, 1972–1976), major investments sought to ensure that Surinam was able to have the necessary

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schooled personnel to ensure the overall development of the nation. Although numerous well-educated people left in the final period because of the many upheavals in society between 1975 (connected to independence) and 1992 (the end of the civil war), the country was still able to manage well because of local intellectuals and a relatively strong teaching work force that continued to put their time and effort into trying to reach development goals. It was even possible to train new students to fill educational gaps. All of these advancements were made possible because of fervent people, who remained in Surinam, together with people who immigrated and newly-educated staff, all of whom contributed to Surinamese society. Obstacles in Surinam will not disappear overnight, but the process of developing education and thus society will continue, driven by many workers in the educational profession.

Note 1 In the Decision of the Minister of Overseas Territories of 24 June 1946, 7th Division No. 23, this Inspector General for Western Education in the Dutch East Indies was put at the disposal of the Governor of Surinam ‘. . . to issue advice on the measures which should be taken in order to achieve a full education reform’ (Surinam Report, 1947, p. 3).

References Adhin, J. H., Tuinman, J. J. and De Witte, K. (1972), Nederlands voor de kleuter in Suriname [Dutch for Kindergarten in Surinam]. Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff. BEIP (2012), Second Basic Education Improvement Program of the Ministry of Education and Community Development in Suriname. Paramaribo: The Ministry of Education and Community Development in Surinam, http://www.minov-beip.org/ (accessed 20 May 2013). Bruyning, C. F. A. and Voorhoeve, J. (1977), Encyclopedie van Suriname [Encyclopaedia of Surinam]. Amsterdam: Elsevier-Brussel. Central Statistical Bureau (2013), ‘StatLine’, http://statline.cbs.nl/statweb/ (accessed 14 August 2013). Colonial Report (1876), Koloniaal Verslag 1876. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Colonial Report (1879), Koloniaal Verslag 1879. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Colonial Report (1880), Koloniaal Verslag 1880. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Cruz Fano, A. (2012), ‘Basic education improvement project (1521/OC-SU) Surinam’, Final Evaluation of BEIP. Washington, DC: Basic Education Project (BEIP).

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D’Haens,W. H. M. (1947), Rapport inzake de reorganisatie van het onderwijs in Suriname [Report on the Reorganization of Education in Surinam]. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. DWTonline (2013), ‘Final census results to be released in September’, http://www. dwtonline.com/de-ware-tijd/2013/08/03/final-census-results-to-be-releasedseptember/ (accessed 19 August 2013). Eithne, B. C. and Arends, J. (2002), Atlas van de Talen van Suriname [Atlas of the Languages of Surinam], Caribbean series. Leiden-Nederland: Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. EMIS (2012), ‘The Ministry of Education Research Planning and Monitoring: introduction’, http://www.emis-sr.org/ (accessed 20 May 2013). General Statistical Bureau (2005), Suriname Census 2004. Volume 1. Demografische en sociale karakteristieken [Surinam Census 2004, Volume 1, Demographic and Social Characteristics]. Paramaribo: Algemeen Bureau voor de Statistiek Censuskantoor. Gobardhan-Rambocus, L. (2001), Onderwijs als sleutel tot maatschappelijke vooruitgang. Een taal- en onderwijsgeschiedenis van Suriname, 1651–1975 [Education as a Key to Social Progress. A History of Language and Education of Surinam, 1651–1975]. Zutphen-Nederland: Walburg Pers. Government Journal (1925), Gouvernementsblad van de kolonie Suriname/Government Papers. G.B. [Government Journal of the Colony Surinam/Government Papers, UK]. No. 98. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Governor of Surinam (n.d.), Kabinet Geheim/ Governor of Suriname [Secret Cabinet/ Governor of Surinam]. Paramaribo: National Archive Suriname, Government of Surinam. JMCTO (1945), Verslag van de Gecombineerde Vergadering der Samenwerkende Onderwijzers-Organisaties 1945 [Report of the Joint Meeting of the Cooperating Teachers Organization (JMCTO)]. Paramaribo: Eben-Haezer. Levens, M. (2000), Proposal for the Suriname Basic Education Proposal Project. Paramaribo, Surinam: Basic Education Project Proposal (BEIP). Mitrasing-Sitalsing, S. A. S. (1964), ‘Sophie Redmond 1907–1955’, Emancipatie 1863–1963. Biografieën [Emancipation 1863–1963. Biographies]. Paramaribo: Surinaamse Historische Kring, pp. 185–189. MOP (1993), Meerjaren Ontwikkelingsprogramma 1994–1998, Suriname op een keerpunt. [Long-Term Development 1994–1998, Surinam at a Turning Point]. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. MOP (2001), Meerjaren Ontwikkelingsplan 2001–2005. [Multi-Year Development Plan 2001–2005]. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. MOP (2006), Meerjaren Ontwikkelingsplan 2006–2011. [Multi-Year Development Plan 2006–2011]. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Ori, H. R. (2010), ‘Suriname’, in P. Peterson, E. Baker, and B. McGaw (eds), International Encyclopedia of Education. Oxford: Elsevier, pp. 826–833.

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Progress (2013), ‘Welcome to progress: program effective schools Suriname’, http:// progress-sr.weebly.com/index.html (accessed 20 May 2013). Surinam Report (1947), Surinaams Verslag 1947. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Surinam Report (1956), Surinaams Verslag 1956. Paramaribo: Government of Surinam. Vries, A. D. de (1955), Ons eigen leesboek; Methode voor het eerste leesonderwijs in Suriname. [Our Own Reading Book: Method for First Reading Instruction in Surinam]. Zeist: Dijkstra. Vries, A. D. de (1957), Wij en de Wereld. Bloemlezing voor Surinaamse scholen. Met medewerking van Surinaamse leerkrachten; Methode voor het eerste leesonderwijs in Suriname. [We and the World. Anthology for Surinamese Schools. With the Cooperation of Surinamese Teachers: Methods for First Reading Instruction in Surinam]. Zeist: Dijkstra. VVOB (2012), ‘Home: education for development’, Flemish Association for Development Cooperation and Technical Assistance, http://www.vvob.be/vvob/ (accessed 20 May 2013).

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Recent Developments in Trinidad and Tobago (2000–2010): Early Childhood Care, Primary and Secondary Education Samuel Lochan

Introduction Like some other Caribbean territories, Trinidad and Tobago inherited an education system developed under colonial rule: one which subsequent governments have had to reform to suit the needs of an independent society. Since the 1990s, in keeping with the demands of globalization and the rise of information and communication technologies (ICT), an era of modern reform has engaged the education sector in Trinidad and Tobago. A National Task Force on Education in 1993 produced a policy paper which subsequently informed two major thrusts in education reform. First, the Fourth Basic Education Project which was aimed mainly at the primary and the early childhood care and education (ECCE) sector that ran from 1995 to 2002; and second, the Secondary Education Modernization Project which was aimed mainly at the secondary sector and ran from 1999 to 2006. In 2005 the then Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago (GORTT) developed a model for development called the Vision 2020 Draft National Strategic Plan which was based on five development priorities: developing innovative people, enabling competitive business, nurturing a caring society, governing effectively, and investing in sound infrastructure and environment. In addition the need to promote a more innovative and entrepreneurial population has been at the root of policy prescriptions for all governments over the last decade or so. Despite changes in governments, policies have extolled a consistent mantra: rise of knowledge-based economies; need for ICT skills for all citizens; a workforce with skills of creativity and adaptability; 380

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capacity for teamwork and critical thinking; and improvements in the area of science and technology. ‘Education for all’ adopted in Jomtien 1990 and the Dakar Goals in 2000 made the goal of inclusion of the poor and disadvantaged a top priority in education, globally. Since the 1990s the above ideas have set an ideological framework for educational reform that has been embraced by all governments. Consequently, the goal of a seamless education system with increased quality and access from primary to tertiary has been espoused (NIHERST, 2004). This involved policies and programmes aimed at the expansion of school places and improvements in the delivery of instruction at all levels, with special emphasis on ECCE. ICT programmes were advocated and introduced in order to support teaching and learning. A range of supports were formulated and introduced to reduce failure and support the disadvantaged – for example, school-feeding programmes for disadvantaged children, book rental programmes, remedial supports and free transport in rural areas. Improved teacher preparation has received greater attention at all levels. Policies were devised to improve the management of the system through a process of decentralization of central administration while at the school level efforts were made to implement school-based management.

Structure of the education system Trinidad and Tobago offers free primary and secondary education to all citizens. The legal age for entering primary school is 5 and students can remain in secondary school until the age of 19. ECCE is free for those who access the limited number of government or government assisted centres. Government centres are owned and run entirely by the State while the assisted centres are owned by other agencies such as denominational boards and receive State assistance. The vast majority of those who access ECCE – i.e. for ages 3–5 – have to pay fees. Primary schooling culminates when the child sits the Secondary Entrance Examinations (SEA) and is placed in a secondary school. Prior to 2000, the final examination at the end of primary schooling was referred to as the Common Entrance Examination (CEE). Secondary schooling is free and can continue until the student sits the Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) or the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examinations (CAPE). Private institutions offer education at all levels – ECCE, primary and secondary. These private institutions have become fewer in number over the years due to the expansion of State provision.

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Mixed management model A mixed model of management still prevails in the entire school system. At the ECCE level private proprietors are the largest providers of schooling. Service Volunteered for All (SERVOL), a non-governmental organization (NGO), has a strong presence in the provision of ECCE in Trinidad and Tobago. Other denominational bodies are also involved in the provision of ECCE. NGOs and denominational bodies receive State support while private providers receive no State support. Data supplied by the ECCE Unit of the Ministry of Education (MoE) showed that in 2010 the private sector controlled 751 centres, SERVOL controlled 67 and government and government assisted bodies controlled 90 ECCE centres (see Table  21.1). At the primary and secondary levels these denominational boards are significant stakeholders in the system. During November 2011, at the primary level, the denominational boards owned more schools than the State. In school year 2011 there were 547 primary schools in Trinidad and Tobago, comprising 137 government, 339 government assisted and 71 private. At the secondary level there were 91 government owned, 43 government assisted and 29 private (Ministry of Education, 2010). Earlier data for enrolment showed a similar disparity at the primary and secondary levels. For the academic year 2002–2003 there were 136,374 students at the primary level with 70 per cent enrolled in assisted schools and 30 per cent enrolled in government schools. At the secondary level for the same year there were 107,911 students with 80 per cent enrolled in government schools and 20 per cent enrolled in assisted schools (Ministry of Education, 2005b).

Contradictions in the mixed model The mixed model has been in existence since the early nineteenth century when the school system began, mainly through the efforts of charitable bodies and Churches. These denominational bodies preceded the nationalist State as a stakeholder in education. At each level – ECCE, primary and secondary – the experience has been that the state is the later player and has to negotiate with these entities. This relationship between the State and denominational bodies is regulated by the Concordat of 1960 (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1960). This law regulates how authority and responsibility is to be shared between the State and the Church. This relationship has become strained of late, due to rising

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educational costs; denominational bodies can no longer access adequate financial resources to meet their commitments for the building of and repairs to schools. Repairs and maintenance of denominational schools are constrained as a result. In order to access greater State funding the terms of the Concordat would have to be renegotiated which these boards are reluctant to do. What makes this management model more challenging is the fact that the schools under denominational control are older and more prestigious than the more recent State schools. Given the practice of allowing students at the end of primary school to select the school of their choice and to determine the allocation through a selective examination, the denominational schools perform well at examinations as the more successful candidates elect to attend them. State schools and State management are unfairly seen as less effective than denominational schools and denominational boards. This management model remains a problem that still confronts the education system of Trinidad and Tobago.

Public and private sector partnerships Since around 2002 the State has been getting involved in public and private sector partnerships at the secondary level. In order to achieve universal secondary education the State has been paying for spaces at private secondary schools so as to accommodate secondary school students. At present public and private partnerships are being contemplated for the ECCE sector so as to expand access.

The ECCE sector The field of ECCE is an area in which Trinidad and Tobago can boast significant recent improvements. From being a sector not even mentioned in the 1968–1983 Education Plan for Trinidad and Tobago, ECCE has become a major focus of emphasis in education. It is now understood by policy-makers as a tool for poverty alleviation as well as the reduction in inequality in educational achievement between different socioeconomic groups in society. The MoE, as articulated in the ‘2011–2015 Education Sector Strategic Plan’, seeks to achieve ‘universal ECCE’ by 2015. The Education Policy Paper 1993–2003 confirmed some clear problems facing the ECCE sector (Ministry of Education, 1993). These included insufficient provision, especially for children of the poor; lack of

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a coherent curriculum model; lack of quality control over ECCE centres; and poor preparation of teachers in the system generally. Consistent efforts have been made to implement policies to deal with these concerns over the last decade or so.

Achievements in governance and management, supervision and curriculum standards With the assistance of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), in 2006 minimum standards were set in eight critical areas in order to regularize the ECCE sector, registration and licensing of ECCE centres, staffing, quality early childhood practice, quality standards for children from birth to 3 years old, quality standards for early childhood environments for children between 3 and 5 years old, record-keeping, health and safety, and the physical environment. In April 2006 a significant step in the regularizing of ECCE was made with the finalization of an ECCE curriculum guide for Trinidad and Tobago (Ministry of Education, 2006). This National ECCE guide established core learning principles and instructional strands for teachers to use in order to develop relevant curricula to suit the institution, context and culture where they work. The seven learning principles were: the holistic development of the child; active learning; interactive learning; integrated learning; learning through play; authentic assessment; and partnership/relationship. The five instructional strands were identified as: wellness; effective communication; citizenship; intellectual empowerment; and aesthetic expression. An ECCE unit was set up in the MoE with the responsibility to: monitor delivery of ECCE programmes throughout Trinidad and Tobago; advise agencies involved in the proper implementation of the programme; monitor physical conditions of centres; recommend the registration and closure of centres; and provide professional advice where it is needed in the system. A national council for ECCE was appointed by the State in the mid-1990s with responsibility for improving the ECCE sector through the development of policy.

Training for teachers At present there are several providers for ECCE training in Trinidad and Tobago. There are five tertiary level institutions offering diplomas and bachelor degrees in ECCE: The University of the West Indies (UWI), The University of Trinidad and Tobago (UTT), The University of the Southern Caribbean, Open Campus

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University of the West Indies and SERVOL. Teachers of ECCE in the State and government assisted sector have to be professionally certified as a prerequisite for employment as ECCE providers.

Expanding access It is noteworthy that an Organization of American States (OAS) report of 2006 had identified that the total number of private centres existing in 2003 was 800 and the number of government and government assisted was 144, while the numbers for 2010 were 751 and 157 respectively (this figure combines SERVOL with the other NGOs) (ECCE, 2013). This shows that the total number of private centres decreased over these years while the government and government assisted centres increased slightly. This decrease in the number of private centres may be due to the effects of regulation and supervision by the State. The State has been trying to build new ECCE centres so as to improve access to the children of the poor, since State provision is free. In 2007 the then Minister of Education in a speech delivered at the Trinidad Hilton was able to boast that 600 ECCE centres were due to be completed by 2010, that six new centres had been opened in 2007 and 33 others were at different stages of construction. While the plan to construct 600 centres by 2010 did not materialize, the intention suggests the kind of policy commitment that was in place. New ECCE centres constructed were state of the art in terms of facilities and resources.

Assessing the state of provision of ECCE Data presented in Table 21.1 shows that in 2011 the population of 3- and 4-yearolds was 34,489 and of this number approximately 25,461 children were enrolled in private or public ECCE programmes. Therefore, 9,208 children were not able to access ECCE. So far the MoE has constructed 51 new ECCE centres and it is projected that 200 new centres are needed throughout Trinidad and Tobago if the MoE is to meet the target of universal ECCE by 2015. Table  21.2 indentifies the distribution of ECCE centres across Trinidad. It is clear that the private ECCE centres predominate by far, being 751 (or 83 per cent) out of a grand total of 908. SERVOL as an NGO has a significant number of centres, 67 (or 7 per cent). State provision is relatively small at 90 (or 10 per cent). In addition the location of private centres is skewed towards the urban regions while the State and SERVOL centres reflect a more balanced distribution. A look back at Table 21.1 shows that the greatest deficit in ECCE

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Table 21.1 Enrolment of 3- to 4-year-old children at public and private ECCE centres at 26 March 2011 No.

Education district

1

Port of Spain and environs St George East North Eastern Caroni South Eastern Victoria St Patrick

2 3 4 5 6 7 Total

Total population

Total enrolment (public actually and private, approx)

Deficit

5,392

4,932

469

7,691 2,501 7,752 1,158 4,644 5,351 34,489

5,988 1,421 3,762 4,260 2,308 2,799 25,461

1,703 1,080 3,990 3,102 2,336 2,552 9,208

Source: ECCE (2013)

Table 21.2 Number of ECCE centres by education district, Trinidad 2010 Education district

Government ECCE

SERVOL ECCE

Private ECCE

Total

Caroni North-Eastern Port of Spain South-Eastern St George East St Patrick Victoria Total

16 8 10 11 18 9 18 90

8 11 8 14 7 11 8 67

97 31 195 33 240 63 92 751

121 50 213 58 265 83 118 908

Source: ECCE (2013)

spaces is in the Caroni and South Eastern districts which are outside of the urban regions. Access to ECCE is still likely to be a challenge to children living in non-urban areas. Student enrolment reflects the same pattern of dominance by the private ECCE centres with 78 per cent of the enrolment belonging to the private centres, 12 per cent belonging to the State sector and 10 per cent belonging to SERVOL. Table 21.3 presents data on student enrolment for the academic year 2010. At present, therefore, there is an improved framework for the management of the ECCE system: a governance arrangement, a curriculum guide and a set of

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Table 21.3 Student enrolment – Trinidad 2010 Education district

Government

SERVOL

Private

Total

Caroni North-Eastern Port of Spain South-Eastern St George East St Patrick Victoria Total

466 310 333 375 675 334 655 3,148

310 359 378 463 206 410 278 2,404

2,978 757 4,185 1,450 5,103 2,036 3,280 19,789

3,754 1,426 4,896 2,288 5,984 2,780 4,213 25,341

Source: ECCE (2013)

regulatory standards. There are now more opportunities for teacher training. More centres have been built by the State. However, because of the dominance of the private centres the challenge of supervising the system remains great and while there is some improvement in access to the poor and rural areas, much remains to be done.

The primary sector While universal primary schooling has been achieved in Trinidad and Tobago, in 1995 a World Bank report emphasized the case for the Fourth Basic Education Project. It was concluded that there was need to provide additional schools since some schools were overcrowded and some areas were underserved. In most primary schools, open classrooms, poor acoustics and limited space were the norm. In order to expand access it was necessary to build new schools and in order to improve quality there was a need to improve the quality of school infrastructure as well as the delivery of instruction. Instruction was identified as too transmission-oriented and the operational curriculum centred only on the subjects tested on the CEE to the detriment of other areas such as art and craft, music, drama and physical education. The World Bank (1995) also commented on such issues as children not having access to textbooks, no continuous evaluation of children and over-centralization of the management of the system. Low levels of educational attainment were also identified. In 1994 the mean scores on CEE showed on average 40 per cent of the 11-plus age children scored below 40 per cent of the maximum score in mathematics and 52 per cent in

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English language arts. The Fourth Basic Reform Project cost US$121.69 million and its goals for the primary system were to: improve classroom instruction and institutional strengthening; improve access to better textbooks and reading materials; school construction and reconstruction; and upgrade of school facilities. These goals have been re-articulated in all the plans for primary schooling from then to the present day in Trinidad and Tobago.

Building of new schools and the upgrade of old schools There have been definite gains in the construction of new schools. In a presentation to parliament in 2007 the then Minister of Education stated that between 2002 and 2007 the government had constructed 29 primary schools at a cost of TT$174,889,219. With respect to school maintenance, expansion, upgrading and repairs the sum of TT$269,331,085 was spent on primary schools. Nonetheless the rebuilding and repairing of old schools remains a Herculean task as many primary schools in the system are old and dilapidated. Most of these old schools belong to the denominational boards. Front pages of daily newspapers frequently carry the images of parents and students at the opening of each school term, as they protest about leaking roofs, non-functioning toilets and shaky floorboards (Guardian, 2012a, 2012b; Ragoonath, 2012). The magnitude of the school building programme required is complicated further by the problems of the mixed model of management discussed earlier.

Reform of the curriculum and delivery of instruction In April 2011 a public consultation on the primary school curriculum was held and plans for reform have since been initiated. Meanwhile, some modifications have been proposed for the curriculum offered at the higher levels of the primary school system with specific regard to the contents of the final SEA examination. Continuous assessment has been introduced and the examinable subjects have been increased. From September 2012 a continuous assessment component worth 20 per cent of the final mark was introduced in the SEA. The seven subjects involved are visual arts, music, character education, citizenship education, agricultural science, creative writing and physical education. While some of these subjects are implicit within other curriculum subjects they were not taught independently since they were not examined. This proposed change is supposed to force a widening of the learning experience of children as well as reduce the failure rate in examinations. The alternative type assessment and its continuous

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process, it is hoped, will reduce the psychological pressure of one final examination. In addition, the widening of the curriculum will allow for a wider range of intelligences to be examined. With regard to instructional delivery, the influence of the final selection exam is so great it seems unlikely that there is any significant pressure to reduce the prevalence of the information transmission mode of delivery which pervades the system.

Performance in SEA examinations From the 1990s it had been identified that the failure rate in the final examination at the primary level was too high. Children from urban regions seemed to be the better performers and the overall performance in mathematics and English was unsatisfactory. A report on the SEA examinations 2005–2008 by the Division of Research and Evaluation of the MoE showed that the mean scores for mathematics remained constant over the four-year period at around 60 while the mean score for language arts declined steadily over the period, beginning at 61.5 in 2005 and falling to 55.4 in 2008 (Ministry of Education, 2008). Over the four-year period an average of 54.9 per cent of students scored over 60 per cent of the total marks in the final exam; 60 per cent being determined the minimum acceptable passing mark. This means that 45.1 per cent performed beneath the minimum acceptable mark. On average 11.78 per cent of the students achieved less than 30 per cent of the total marks in the final examination. Those under the 30 per cent level are seen as remedial students not really ready for secondary school. The performance in 2005–2008 is still weaker in the rural areas compared to the urban. The mean marks in each component of the exam are greater for girls than boys in every year from 2005–2008. Girls outnumber boys among the highest scores and boys outnumber girls in those who attained grades below 30 per cent. It seems, therefore, that the overall achievement levels as well as the gender and regional disparities are still cause for great concern. The reality of primary schooling in Trinidad and Tobago is that it is dominated by the selection examination which comes at the end of primary schooling. This is due to the fact that it remains a high-stakes examination, despite the fact of the attainment of universal secondary education, since of the 152 secondary schools the few traditional grammar schools (approximately 25) are seen as more desirable to parents and children. This sets up a highly contested race for these few spaces and the preparation for the examination has become strenuous for children as well as potentially destructive of meaningful learning. A study by

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Barrow and Lochan (2012) found that at the standard five level in 2009, 88.2 per cent of students were accessing private tutoring for the SEA examinations. Since only approximately 25 per cent of the students taking the examinations in any year can be accommodated in these prestige grammar schools, this means that the remaining 75 per cent begin secondary schooling with possible feelings of low self-esteem.

Teacher education and other initiatives A notable recent achievement has been the introduction of compulsory preservice teacher certification as a prerequisite for teaching at the primary level. Consequently, the two former teachers’ colleges were co-opted by the UTT and became a department of the UTT offering a pre-service bachelor degree in education. Other initiatives aimed at improving access and efficiency in the general efforts of reform have been of benefit in the primary sector. For example, a textbook rental system that makes one book per subject available on loan to each student has been implemented, while lunch and breakfast programmes offer hot meals to needy children. In terms of management practices, while school-based management has been articulated as policy it does not seem to have been successfully implemented, with local school boards being appointed to just a few primary schools. Computer facilities have been made available in a number of primary schools but there are still many schools that do not have access to such technologies. In primary schools, the use of ICT to deliver meaningful instruction is far from being a reality. Continuous testing was introduced in the last decade, at standards one and three, to monitor the progress of students in the system. It is therefore possible to conclude that the achievements in increasing quality at the primary level have not been great. In spite of efforts for change, management reforms at the central level and at the school level have not been significant. School infrastructure is still a huge problem and while the preparation of teachers has seen some improvement within classrooms, the system is still driven by an unhealthy focus on examination.

The secondary sector The Secondary Education Modernization Programme (SEMP) was the major driving force in the reform of the secondary school system in the last decade.

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The programme of reform began in 1999, ran for a period of approximately eight years and involved Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) financing of approximately US$150 million. This programme involved four components: improved educational quality; school building and upgrading; institutional strengthening; and enhanced sector performance. Improved educational quality was initiated by designing and introducing new curricula for eight core subjects and through the training of all staff and principals for the implementation of such new curricula. The introduction of multimedia centres for all schools and a textbook loan scheme also contributed to improving educational quality. School building and upgrading involved the construction of 19 new schools, science laboratories, computer laboratories for all secondary schools and the de-shifting and refurbishing of all junior and senior secondary schools. The plan for institutional strengthening included: decentralization of the education sector; the introduction of school-based management; the establishment of school boards; review and restructuring of the MoE’s operations; and the training of MoE personnel to support the change process in the school system.

Upgrade of schools and building of new secondary schools In a presentation in parliament in 2007 the then Minister of Education stated that between 2002 and 2007 the government had constructed 23 new secondary schools at a cost of TT$416,617,569. These new schools were strategically placed in rural areas that had been underserved and as a result of government investment were now equipped with computer and science laboratories. They were designed to accommodate relatively small enrolments of around 600 students. These new schools allowed the de-shifting of some State schools which operated on a two-shift system so that all schools now operate the normal sevenhour day. According to the Minister of Education the sum of TT$165,836,152 was spent on secondary school maintenance, expansion, upgrading and repairs. The major upgrading project was the rebuilding of state sector schools constructed during the 1968–1983 period when a number of junior and senior secondary and composite schools were built. The problem confronting society is that a lot of the denominational schools which are older than these State sector schools are in need of major upgrading and repairs. But the terms of the Concordat of 1960 make access to increased state funding for repairs to these denominational schools administratively unfeasible (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1960).

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Reform of the curriculum Under the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) administered CSEC, new subjects have been introduced within the last five to seven years. These include physical education, theatre arts, music and visual arts. There has been a partial implementation of the new SEMP curriculum in the school system. New subjects – English language arts, mathematics, science, social studies, visual and performing arts, health and physical education, and technology education have been introduced to all secondary schools but only up to the form three level of the system.

National Certificate of Secondary Education examinations A new form of certification was introduced after 2004, referred to as the National Certificate of Secondary Education (NCSE) in order to implement the SEMP curriculum. This was meant to complement CSEC examinations offered by CXC and the National Examinations Council (NEC) examinations for technical vocational subjects. It was felt that the NCSE would use assessment strategies that were more sensitive to the varying interests, abilities, needs and learning styles of the student population. This system of examinations has been implemented across all secondary schools to the form three level.

Technical vocational education: the introduction of Caribbean Vocational Qualification Since 2008 the Ministry of Education in conjunction with the CXC and the National Training Agency (NTA) of the Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education has started to make the Caribbean Vocational Qualification (CVQ) available to all secondary schools in Trinidad and Tobago. CVQ is a competency-based qualification which is assessed through performance as well as some written assessments. Standards are approved and set by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) with the involvement of practitioners and employers in the various fields. In the new approach the CVQ is now available to all secondary schools rather than just the former junior and senior comprehensive schools. This approach is meant to be relevant to industry and targets certain fields of activity. The competency-based approach to assessment, the breaking of the courses into separate units and flexible timing of assessments make this programme extremely learner friendly.

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Performance in final CSEC examinations Table 21.4 shows that for the six-year period 2006–2011 only in two years did the number of students attaining full certificates exceed 50 per cent. Only in one year did the number of students achieving five passes, including mathematics and English, exceed 50 per cent. Data shown is associated with the exit examination for most students in the secondary school system.

Comparison of CSEC grades by state schools and denominational schools Over the period 2006–2011 the percentages of students from state schools obtaining five or more passes were 31.6, 20.5, 44.7, 40.5, 32.7 and 28.8 per cent in consecutive years. The percentages of students from denominational schools obtaining five or more passes from 2006–2011 were 71.2, 68.4, 75.9, 81.3, 78.75 and 74.9 per cent in consecutive years (DERE, 2012). This disparity between the two sectors can be partly explained by the system of allocation used from primary to secondary which is discussed earlier in this chapter.

Table 21.4 Pass rates for the CSEC examinations 2006 Students who attempted any five subjects Students who attained any five subjects

Students who attempted five subjects with English A and mathematics Students who attained five subjects with English A and mathematics

No.

2008

2009

2010

2011

14,438 14,319 14,096 14,268 13,503 16,098

No.

6,570

6,694

6,831

7,472

7,593

7,183

%

45.5

46.7

48.5

52.4

56.2

44.6

No.

No.

% Soucre: DERE (2012)

2007

13,805 14,125 13,913 14,081 12,587 13,623

6,486

5,421

6,764

7,405

6,150

5,892

47.0

38.4

48.6

52.6

48.9

43.3

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Gender intersections For the period 2006–2011 the failure rate for CSEC mathematics was constantly between 50 and 55 per cent. The failure rate for English language began at approximately 43 per cent in 2006 but dropped drastically to approximately 30 per cent by 2011. There is great concern today that a number of young people who leave secondary school are unable to read or write. For all 36 or so subjects offered by CXC in 2006–2011, the number of subjects for which boys had a pass rate of 75 per cent and over was 7 while for girls the number was 15 in 2006. In 2007 the number for boys was 7 and for girls 17. By 2011 the number for boys was 5 and for girls the number was 13. This reflects the overall tendency for girls to outperform boys in these examinations. Of course the high failure rate in mathematics and English language described above means that girls are also well represented in the underperforming areas, even though they may dominate at the higher end of the grade structure. However, the underperformance of boys is a key problem in the education system overall.

Peace promotion in schools In recent years Trinidad and Tobago has been identified as having a high crime rate (TTCRIME, 2013). Within the education sector there has be a great deal of indiscipline, particularly in some secondary schools in the early 2000s. The MoE launched a Peace Promotion Programme around 2002 which ran for a few years (Ministry of Education, 2005a). This undertaking was most evident within the new sector schools. The programme concentrated on equipping teachers with classroom management and conflict management skills. Students were exposed to peer counselling and anger management training. As a consequence many acknowledged that students in schools were hurting because they were not having positive experiences in school.

Other initiatives Similar to the primary level, the book rental programme, the school feeding programme and the transportation programme have been implemented consistently within the secondary sector. The school-based management programme has received more institutional input at the secondary level with the implementation of a system of deans and heads of department in all secondary schools as well as the appointment of more school boards. ICT has received

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much attention resulting in all secondary schools being equipped with computer labs and internet access. In addition, during the last three years all students entering secondary school have received free laptop computers. This has been in order to advance the cause of information literacy and to improve instructional delivery. It can be concluded, therefore, that secondary school expansion has taken place in Trinidad and Tobago. Some support programmes have been consistent and some curriculum and assessment reform has been achieved. However, the high failure rates, the differential achievement between boys and girls, the differences between the achievement levels of the traditional and new sector schools, and the problem of indiscipline remain cause for concern. This suggests that universal secondary education still has to be improved so that the secondary system becomes truly inclusive of a wide range of abilities and backgrounds.

Conclusion: education and development Despite the developments in the school system over the last decade or so, during 2012 the daily reports in the media suggested that crime and violence is the number one social issue facing society. Murder rates began to climb in 1990s and by 2000 were 118 (TTCrime, 2013). By 2003 the number was 229; 2005, 386; and by 2007, 395. Murders in Trinidad and Tobago peaked at 550 in 2008 which for a small population of 1.3 million is high when compared to the rest of the world. In addition a study done in 2008 found that 22 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line in Trinidad and Tobago (Keddir and Sookram, 2008). This despite the fact that the country has a high per capita income compared to other countries in the Caribbean and Latin America with a per capita income of US$10,440 in 2005. In 2006 the energy sector accounted for 45 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) and 80 per cent of total exports and there is no indication that this state of lack of diversification in the economy has changed (Artana et al., 2007). The state of social and economic life for many citizens does not reflect substantive gains from our investment in education. Primary schooling seems constrained by the singular focus on the exit examination and does not develop the creative capacities of many children, while the secondary system has yet to respond to the challenge of inclusion. Future reform must invoke in our students the creative capacities and discipline that our Olympic athletes, cricketers, musicians and panmen display on the world stage.

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References Artana, D., Auguste, S., Moya, R., Sookram, S. and Watson, P. (2007), Trinidad and Tobago: Economic Growth in a Dual Economy. Trinidad and Tobago: Inter-American Development Bank (IADB). Barrow, A. D. and Lochan, S. K. (2012), ‘Supplementary tutoring in Trinidad and Tobago: some implications for policy making’, International Review of Education, 58, 405–422. DERE (Division of Educational Research and Evaluation) (2012), Student Attainment at CXC 2006–2011. Port of Spain, Trinidad: DERE, Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. ECCE (2013), ‘Early childhood care and education’, Trinidad and Tobago Government Online, Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, http://www.ttconnect.gov.tt/gortt/portal/ttconnect/Cit_parentDetail/?WCM_ GLOBAL_CONTEXT=/gortt/wcm/connect/gortt+web+content/TTConnect/ Citizen/Role/AParent/EducationandTraining/Early+Childhood+Care+and+Education +(ECCE) (accessed 8 August 2013). Guardian (2012a), ‘Parents protest over state of Woodbrook Presbyterian School’, Guardian Media, 27 September, http://www.guardian.co.tt/news/2012-09-27/parents-protestover-state-woodbrook-presbyterian-school (accessed 23 October 2012). Guardian (2012b), ‘Parents protest poor conditions at Barrackpore School’, Guardian Media, 14 March, http://www.guardian.co.tt/news/2012-03-14/parents-protest-poorconditions-barrackpore-school (accessed 23 October 2012). Keddir, A. M. and Sookram, S. (2008), ‘Poverty and household welfare in Trinidad and Tobago: evidence from the survey of living conditions (SLC) 2005’, pp. 1–17, http:// sta.uwi.edu/salises/pubs/workingpapers/povertyhouseholdwelfaretnt.pdf (accessed 8 August 2013). Ministry of Education (1993), Education Policy Paper 1993–2003 (National Task Force on Education). Port of Spain, Trinidad: Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of Education (2005a), ‘Peace promotion programme’, booklet, http://www.moe. gov.tt/Docs/publications/PeacePromotionProgramme.pdf (accessed 23 October 2012). Ministry of Education (2005b), Statistical Digest of the Education System of Trinidad and Tobago. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of Education (2006), National Early Childhood Care and Education Curriculum Guide. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of Education (2008), Report on the Secondary Entrance Assessment (SEA) 2005–2008. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Division of Educational Research and Evaluation, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.

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Ministry of Education (2010), Education Sector Strategic Plan: 2011–2015. Trinidad and Tobago: Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of Education and Culture (1960), The Concordat of 1960: Assurances for the Preservation and Character of Denominational Schools. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Ministry of Education, Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. NIHERST (National Institute of Higher Education Research Science and Technology) (2004), Design of a Seamless Education System for Trinidad and Tobago. Port of Spain, Trinidad: NIHERST. Ragoonath, R. (2012), ‘Claxton Bay students protest for new school’, Guardian Media, 13 September, http://www.guardian.co.tt/news/2012-09-13/claxton-bay-studentsprotest-new-scu78hool (accessed 23 October 2013). TTCRIME (Crime in Trinidad and Tobago) (2013), Crime in Trinidad and Tobago: 1994 to Present, Crime Statistics. Trinidad: TTCRIME, http://www.ttcrime.com/stats.php (accessed 23 July 2013). World Bank (1995), Staff Appraisal Report, Trinidad and Tobago, Basic Education Project, 26 October. Report No. 14865-TR. Caribbean: Human Resources Operations Division.

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An Analysis of Recent Developments in Tertiary, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), and Post-secondary Sector in Trinidad and Tobago (2000–2010) Susan Herbert and Samuel Lochan

Introduction The tertiary education sector, as well as the technical/vocational and the postsecondary sector, has seen remarkable growth in Trinidad and Tobago over the last 10 to 15 years. In a draft policy paper in 2010 titled: Policy on Tertiary Education, Technical Vocational Education and Training and Lifelong Learning in Trinidad and Tobago the Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago (GORTT) reaffirmed a commitment to expanding and rationalizing the tertiary sector and the technical-vocational sector, as well as other arrangements for post-secondary education (MSTTE, 2010a). This drive for expanding tertiary level education and technical and vocational education and training (TVET), as well as the post-secondary sector, has been a priority of all post-independent governments in Trinidad and Tobago and, no doubt, throughout the Caribbean region and the world at large. The rationale for this renewed emphasis on higher education, as put forward in Trinidad and Tobago and articulated by many other governments, is now almost standard. In the new information and knowledge economy what counts is the quality of human resources. In order to survive in a world of rapid innovation and borderless trade, countries have to become competitive and innovative. Citizens therefore must be able to adapt and innovate in order to survive. Small countries, in particular, are in danger since the world trade environment has become more hostile and the institutions of protection and aid can no longer be relied upon. On the positive side, smallness is not as great a 398

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hindrance for economic development in the twenty-first century since with the new technologies it is easier to access the world. The decisive factors are knowledge and creativity. Consequently, there is a renewed emphasis on science and technology, entrepreneurship and critical thinking in institutions of higher education. The need for diversification of the economy of Trinidad and Tobago away from dependence on depleting hydrocarbon resources is another justification for this renewed emphasis on human capital, facilitated by education and training. Human capital has been identified as a major contributor to economic growth and to sustainable development in all policy documents in Trinidad and Tobago. Higher education has been identified as a main pillar in the quest for a more diversified, knowledge-intensive economy. In response to this trend in the world, educational investment in Trinidad and Tobago has grown at all levels. Trinidad and Tobago achieved universal education in the 1960s, universal secondary education by 2000, and is aiming for universal early childhood education by 2015 (Ministry of Education, 2013). The improvements at the tertiary and TVET levels have been significant as well. The magnitude of the country’s investment in tertiary education and TVET since 2000 has been significant (of the order of 2 billion US dollars). Consequently, the country has reported significant increases in the local tertiary education participation rate, from approximately 7 per cent in 2001, to 15 per cent in 2004 and 40 per cent in 2008. The steady increase through government incentives is aimed at achieving a targeted participation rate of at least 60 per cent by 2015 (Karim, 2011; MSTTE, 2011a), which compares favourably with the 66 per cent attained by countries with high human development (Wint, 2010). No doubt Trinidad and Tobago is in a favourable position to finance expenditure on education due to its possession of natural gas and oil resources. For the fiscal period 2008–2009, the expenditure on education and training amounted to TT$6.55 billion. This was representative of 13.2 per cent of the budgeted TT$49.47 billion. Of the sum allocated for education, TT$2.46 billion was allocated for higher education. For the fiscal period 2009–2010, 14.1 per cent or TT$6.27 billion of a budgeted TT$44.36 billion was expended on education and training, while the total allocation of TT$2.31 billion was allocated for higher education (MSTTE, 2010b). Therefore, during the first decade of the twenty-first century, we have witnessed an expansion of the tertiary education, TVET and the post-secondary sector. Enrolment has grown and the number of institutions has increased at the tertiary, TVET and post-secondary

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levels. The course offerings have widened to include more technical and scientific areas which are felt to be better suited to the needs of the economy. The rationalization of the entire system of higher education has progressed, with the implementation of a structure of governance that allows for a coordination of the various institutions and levels of the system. Efforts at seamlessness through the rationalization of entrance and exit requirements, as well as equivalencies within and between different sectors, have been devised. Furthermore, a consistent policy of state financial support to students attempting undergraduate courses has been used to ensure that the less financially well-off can afford university education. Flexible instructional systems and the use of online resources have helped to increase access to different ability levels and to accommodate working adults. This chapter shall attempt to describe and analyse the recent growth and development of this higher education sector.

Number of students and institutions According to the Statistical Digest of the Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education (MSTTE) for the year 2009–2010 (MSTTE, 2010b) the registration statistics of the Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago (ACTT) showed that there were 80 registered tertiary and post-secondary institutions in Trinidad and Tobago. Of this number, 95.56 per cent were private institutions while 4.44 per cent were public. However, the public institutions financed by the State accounted for 67.5 per cent of full-time enrolment and 41.8 per cent of part-time enrolment. Previous to 2000, provision of tertiary level education was almost entirely by the State. The explosion of private institutions is a recent phenomenon encouraged and supported by State policy, and the proliferation of private institutions has not significantly reduced the responsibility of the state as chief provider.

The state sector Growth and expansion at the University of the West Indies The St Augustine Campus was established in 1960 when the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture (ICTA) at St Augustine, Trinidad, was incorporated into the University College of the West Indies (UCWI) located in Mona, Jamaica. UCWI

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subsequently gained full university status through a Royal Charter in 1962, to become the University of the West Indies (UWI). Created to serve the professional and intellectual needs of the newly independent state of Trinidad and Tobago, as well as the other Caribbean countries achieving independent status from the UK in the 1960s, UWI has been the main provider of tertiary level education since the 1960s. Up until the start of the twenty-first century, UWI, a regional institution funded by various Caribbean governments, was the only entirely State supported tertiary level degree granting institution. From an original seven graduates from the Faculty of Agriculture in 1963, student enrolment has increased significantly over time (Hall, 1998). Table 22.1 shows the range of faculties since 1996 and illustrates the growth of enrolment at UWI St Augustine Campus since 2000. What is obvious is the absolute leap in enrolment after 2000: from 7,151 in 2001 enrolment reached 17,840 in 2010. This is more than a doubling of enrolment in nine years. If one extrapolates the expansion in physical plant, student housing, staffing and resourcing required to support that dramatic increase, the financial and logistical implications become clear. The programmes of the newly established UWI were underpinned by a philosophy of a broad liberal education (Fergus, 2002). The UWI St Augustine has since diversified its degree programmes as well as its delivery system. For example, the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has been promoted, and blended systems of delivery have become normal for the teaching and learning functions at the university. In addition, the Evening

Table 22.1 Student enrolment by faculty, UWI St Augustine campus Year

FHE– FSA– FSS– humanities and science and social education agriculture sciences

FMS– FE– Total medical engineering sciences

1996 2001 2004 2005 2006 2008 2009 2010

948 1,409 2,187 2,459 3,100 2,951 3,114 3,172

822 1,002 1,247 1,389 1,540 1,860 2,048 2,084

1,272 1,457 2,324 2,770 3,339 3,878 4,234 4,284

Source: UWI (2006, 2007a, 2008, 2009, 2010)

1,327 1,859 3,385 4,000 5,556 5,203 5,686 5,837

1,113 1,424 1,966 2,089 2,340 2,300 2,249 2,463

5,482 7,151 11,109 12,707 1,5875 1,6192 17,331 17,840

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University has been introduced to facilitate the needs of working adults and to better serve residents in non-campus territories, UWI has developed a totally online facility that complements its face-to-face offerings. Since 2008, students across the region and elsewhere have had the option of accessing degree programmes online from the Open Campus of UWI. The concern for high standards and quality of teaching and learning has led to the formation of a number of university units and programmes. For example, a Quality Assurance Unit has been established to see that high standards of delivery are maintained, an Instructional Development Unit has been established to provide instructional support for lecturers, and a policy of compulsory training for new lecturers through the Certificate in University Teaching (CUTL) programme has been established. In addition to its focus on teaching and learning, as described above, UWI activities are undergirded by the pillars of research and outreach. Research conducted has contributed to the development of the Caribbean (Jayaram, 2002) and has covered a wide range of topics and areas based in all the disciplines. The research emanating from UWI St Augustine has been recognized internationally. Staff have received a number of international prizes, including the prestigious Mercosur Prize in Science and Technology and the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007. Recent strategic plans at UWI (2007b, 2012) have been very conscious of the need to improve research and innovation, as well as the need for making students ready for the world of work. UWI also engages in outreach as a fundamental pillar of its work. An extramural department was an integral part of the establishment of UWI from inception (Bernard, 2002). At St Augustine Campus, as at other UWI campuses, the department morphed into the School of Continuing Studies and is now the Open Campus. In addition, some faculties have established Outreach Units, which facilitate interaction with the general public and also provide lifelong learning opportunities.

Establishment and growth of the University of Trinidad and Tobago The University of Trinidad and Tobago (UTT) was established in 2004, with a mandate to provide relevant science-based programmes on the cutting edge of modern technology and to provide a highly trained and qualified technological manpower base. This new national university was supposed to complement UWI by its special emphasis on science, technology and innovation. UTT now comprises 19 campuses throughout Trinidad and Tobago, most of which were

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former technical and vocational colleges. For example, the John Donaldson Technical Institute, the San Fernando Technical Institute, Valsayn Teachers’ College and Corinth Teachers’ College have all been absorbed into UTT. With its genesis in the Trinidad and Tobago Institute of Technology (TTIT), UTT initially focused on programmes in engineering and technology. However, UTT has since expanded its offerings to a fuller spectrum of educational opportunities, where experiential learning programmes are incorporated into the traditional learning environment. The establishment of the Academy of Letters and Public Affairs, the Caribbean Academy of Fashion and Design, the Academy for the Performing Arts and the Academy of Sports and Leisure Studies allows for significant focus on non-traditional areas of study and development. Alternative avenues are also provided for persons to enter, exit and re-enter tertiary education. This kind of flexibility and integration within programmes, together with UTT’s leadership position in sector-driven research and innovative teaching methodologies, is a direct response to twenty-first-century global trends. In 2009, UTT’s student population increased from 6,523 in the previous year to 7,484, and with the intake of students in 2010, the student population figure was in excess of 10,000 students. UTT offers more than 80 programmes at certificate, diploma, bachelors, masters and PhD levels (UTT, 2013).

College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad and Tobago The College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad and Tobago (COSTAATT) was established by the State in October 2000 to provide students suited to the workforce. While COSTAATT initially offered diplomas and associate degrees, it has begun offering undergraduate degrees and boasts the first undergraduate degree in entrepreneurship. Like UTT, it is a multi-campus institution with locations in Port-of-Spain, San Fernando and Tobago, and specialist learning centres in Port-of-Spain at St Ann, St Clair, the General Hospital and in Trincity. Described as one of the largest non-university, public tertiary level institutions in Trinidad and Tobago, COSTAATT enrols students in programmes such as nursing, health sciences, social work, criminal justice, management, information technology, environmental studies, journalism, public relations, and fine and performing arts. The college offers degree, diploma and certificate levels. In 2008 COSTAATT had an enrolment of 5,014, and by September 2011 this had reached 11,600 students. In addition, COSTAATT has launched a Compensatory Programmes and Academic Support Services (COMPASS) programme to cater to

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academically under-prepared citizens. This is a programme of transitional studies that prepares students who have not achieved matriculation requirements. Since the launch of the COMPASS programme in 2009, over 2,250 citizens who would have previously been excluded from tertiary education have been enrolled as students of the college (COSTAATT, 2011).

Private sector The private providers are numerous but are very small in size individually. The main factor that has promoted private sector investment in provision at the tertiary level is the fact that the State sponsors all undergraduate education, whether in the private or the public sector. It would be accurate to say that in Trinidad and Tobago tertiary level education is publicly funded.

University of the Southern Caribbean The University of the Southern Caribbean (USC) is the only locally based private university. It is a faith-based institution, which has been in existence since 1927 but only received full university status in 2006. It is operated by the Caribbean Union Conference of Seventh-Day Adventists. USC offers, in association with Andrews University in the USA, various degree programmes in six areas: business; humanities; education; human sciences, science and technology; social sciences; and theology and religion. USC boasts a large contingent of students from throughout the Caribbean (USC, 2012).

Other private providers of tertiary level education Most of the 80 private providers registered with the Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago (ACTT) offer some form of certification awarded by some recognized external agency, such as a professional body in banking, computing or accounting, or some foreign university whose status is accredited in their home territory. Because of this proliferation, the market for tertiary education has become very competitive, especially with the availability of the online option that can be made available very cheaply and with very flexible schedules. This aspect of the expansion of tertiary education poses a problem for standards and relevance in the education system, where developmental objectives for the country are concerned.

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Expansion of the post-secondary sector A range of institutions has been developed to socialize and to provide training for a cohort of secondary school leavers who did not achieve the certification for matriculation to tertiary level education. They can become self-employed or acquire certification to move on to the next level. Four such programmes are described.

Youth Training and Employment Partnership Programme The Youth Training and Employment Partnership Programme (YTEPP) Limited is a training organization with a focus on TVET throughout Trinidad and Tobago. The company plays a strategic role in addressing the issues of youth unemployment as well as retrenched and displaced citizens. YTEPP Limited offers a diverse range of vocational courses in 12 occupational areas. Training is conducted in 6-, 9- and 10-month cycles. The programme is open to eligible persons who are interested in entrepreneurship or acquiring Level I and II (pre-craft and craft) technical vocational training. As of 2012, YTEPP Limited has trained in excess of 162,392 young persons in its 24 years of operation. The company is governed by a board of directors and is accountable to the Ministry of Tertiary Education and Skills Training (YTEPP, 2013).

Civilian Conservation Corps The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) with its tag line ‘getting youth ready for life’ was established in 1992. It is a social intervention programme that provides ‘skills training and attitudinal and behavioural development to assist at-risk youth’ between the ages of 18 and 25 (CCC, 2013, n.p.). The programme also focuses on conservation of the environment. After a hiatus in 1999–2002, the programme was revitalized and expanded to eight districts from the original four. Delivered under the auspices of the Ministry of National Security, the programme has as its mission: ‘to positively alter attitudes and behaviours of socially marginalized young adults’ (CCC, 2013, n.p.). According to the promotional material, in addition to training and skills development for employment, the programme focuses on issues of self-esteem, national pride and civic-mindedness, and understanding of and sensitivity to the natural environment (CCC, 2013).

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Helping Youth Prepare for Employment The Helping Youth Prepare for Employment (HYPE) programme was launched in 2002 as a government sponsored programme to assist citizens of Trinidad and Tobago in obtaining sustainable employment in the building construction industry. HYPE is designed to create opportunities for young men and women who are between the ages of 16 and 25. The programme offers financial support and other non-fiscal support to assist trainees.

Multi-Sector Skills Training Multi-Sector Skills Training (MuST) provides training in construction and hospitality and tourism for eligible citizens of Trinidad and Tobago. It was launched in July 2004. All trainees are certified to National Occupational Standards through the Trinidad and Tobago National Vocational Qualification (TTNVQ) Framework. This is the new national accreditation system for vocational education, which enables further education and training. MuST is made available through the Ministry of Tertiary Education and Skills Training (TEST).

Key features and issues within tertiary education, TVET and post-secondary education There is a variety of features and issues that are influential across higher level provision. The analysis of such aspects as student enrolment status, nationality, gender issues, staffing and entry routes to higher education is presented in relation to a survey report compiled by the MSTTE (2010b).

Part-time versus full-time In 2009–2010 the MSTTE surveyed all tertiary and post-secondary institutions in Trinidad and Tobago. It was found that the total enrolment for the academic year 2009–2010 was 52,620 students. The survey report also revealed that the number of full-time students enrolled (26,663) marginally exceeded the number of part-time students (25,957) for the academic year 2009–2010 and that over 50 per cent of the student population was in the age group 20–29 (MSTTE, 2010b). Based on the findings of the significant number of part-time students,

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there is need for flexibility in delivery systems required for dealing with a large cohort of young adults who are unable to access full-time classes.

Gender disparity The same survey conducted by the MSTTE in 2009–2010 revealed a significant gender imbalance in enrolment for the period with the majority of students being females. Full-time female student enrolment was 63.6 per cent and parttime female student enrolment was 64.1 per for the academic year 2009–2010, which suggests that males are not accessing the post-secondary and tertiary education levels in Trinidad and Tobago (MSTTE, 2010b). Gender imbalance in performance at primary and secondary school level is also revealed in grades for the Secondary Entrance Assessment (SEA) examination, as well as in Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) examinations. The gender disparity in performance is a challenge facing society and the education system. In attempting to reverse this trend at the secondary level the GORTT implemented a pilot project in which some co-educational schools were converted to single-sex schools.

Enrolment of foreign students and staff Data presented in Table 22.2 accounts for the enrolment of students from other countries within the tertiary education sector of Trinidad and Tobago.

Table 22.2 Regional and international students in the post-secondary and tertiary education sector of Trinidad and Tobago for the academic year 2008–2009 Country of origin

Male

Female

Total

Barbados St Lucia Guyana Jamaica USA Grenada Nigeria India

116 86 66 92 27 25 33 19

102 119 92 69 59 32 10 11

218 205 158 161 86 57 43 30

Source: MSTTE (2010b)

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The survey found that only 3 per cent of the student intake was from foreign countries and most of the foreign students came from within the Caribbean region. The total number of full-time teaching staff at the tertiary and post-secondary level in Trinidad and Tobago was 1,098 in the academic year 2009–2010. Of this number, 183 teaching staff were foreign nationals teaching full-time in Trinidad and Tobago (MSTTE, 2010b). These statistics suggest that our tertiary and post-secondary sector consists largely of locals, both at the staff and student levels. Students therefore might not be exposed to a variety of cultures and the quality of social life and interaction which should be an integral part of the learning opportunity provided by universities.

Entry routes It was found that 40 per cent of new entrants to the post-secondary and tertiary education sector for the academic year 2009–2010 matriculated from the CSEC/GCE Ordinary Level route, while the second highest number of new entrants (26 per cent) matriculated from the mature entry route (see Table  22.3) (MSTTE, 2010b). This is some proof of flexibility in the system and evidence of the trend toward seamlessness. As alternative routes are recognized and accepted, prospective students can access opportunities for learning and advancement.

Table 22.3 Number of students admitted for their first year of study through various entry routes for the academic year 2009–2010 (this data excludes UWI, St Augustine) Entry route

Number of students admitted Academic year 2009–2010

% of total

CSEC/GCE O levels CAPE/GCE A levels Mature entry/professional experience Baccalaureate degree Associate degree Institution programme Other Total

7,418 1,950 4,773 314 428 2,038 1,778 18,699

39.67 10.42 25.53 1.68 2.29 10.90 9.51 100

Source: MSTTE (2010b)

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State policies on financial assistance to students State assistance to students has literally meant that tertiary-level education is completely free at the undergraduate level, whether the student is enrolled at a public or a private institution. This provision sets Trinidad and Tobago apart as one of the few countries allowing this facility today. This is a strong measure for ensuring equity and access in the education system, and also contributes to seamlessness since no one who desires to acquire university education is debarred because of their material circumstances. In accordance with the policy position that 60 per cent of the relevant population should access tertiary level education by 2015, the GORTT instituted a fund to assist students with tuition. Described as the Government Assistance for Tuition Expenses (GATE), it provides 100 per cent of funds for tuition in undergraduate programmes, if the minimum passing grade point average (GPA) is maintained, and 50 per cent funding for subsequent postgraduate programmes. Students accessing GATE are required to sign a student agreement as part of the application. GATE funds are reserved for tuition only, so, in addition, the Higher Education Loan Programme (HELP) was established to assist the learner with the cost of accommodation, living expenses, learning materials, etc. A review of the GATE programme indicates that monitoring should be tightened in order to avoid abuses (MSTTE, 2011b). The suggestions for tightening include linking continued assistance to the attainment of a good GPA. In addition, there is the suggestion that students should be subjected to screening so that support will only be given to those in need.

National Training Agency and the rationalization of TVET As part of the drive to be industry relevant and to improve the emphasis on science and technology, the development of TVET and the overall regulation and marketing of TVET was recognized as an important strategy. TVET had developed with several disconnected agencies and forms of certification, which required rationalization. These concerns were among the major reasons for the setting up of the National Training Agency (NTA), which was legally established in 1999. The NTA was established to serve as a single national training agency with full responsibility for planning, coordinating and administering the national training system for TVET. NTA’s role in education

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and training is to ensure that Trinidad and Tobago has a workforce that is certified, competent, innovative, enterprising and entrepreneurial, and capable of contributing to the continued development of Trinidad and Tobago (NTA, 2013). The objectives of the NTA are to coordinate and regulate the TVET system through the establishment, promotion and maintenance of national occupational standards, quality assurance mechanisms, standardized curricula and instructional design, and a qualifications framework which supports the establishment of an awarding body for Trinidad and Tobago National Vocational Qualifications (TTNVQs) and Caribbean Vocational Qualifications (CVQs). The TTNVQs have been established with national occupation standards determined locally by the various stakeholders in different sub-sectors of the economy. The CVQs have been based on regional occupational standards that have been determined by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and have regional recognition. Part of the mandate of the NTA is to pursue a policy of rationalization and harmonization of tertiary education, TVET and lifelong learning. The aim is to achieve seamlessness that enhances horizontal and vertical mobility. A National Qualifications Framework (NQF), which incorporates articulation routes as well as flexible entry and exit points and the implementation of a standardized approach to a common unit of academic currency, will allow for enhanced articulation and transfer among institutions and portability and accumulation of credits (MSTTE, 2010a). The implementation and operationalization of the TTNVQs and CVQs therefore provides a basis for the implementation of this NQF. Two more recent developments in the TVET structure have been the Performance Learning Assessment Recognition (PLAR) and the proposed development of Workforce Assessment Centres. The PLAR allows for the experience of workers to be assessed so as to place them in the NQF. This procedure will promote the idea of lifelong learning as well as encourage workers to self-improve. Workforce Assessment Centres should be staffed and equipped to implement the PLAR process. All of these TVET arrangements are geared toward seamless transitions and facilitating entry into the formal system by those who may not have achieved certification through the formal school system. This strategy aligns the preuniversity TVET arrangements with the tertiary level so that the whole process of science and technology education will be designed to facilitate upward transition from the pre-university to university level.

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Governance of the tertiary level, TVET and the post-secondary level Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago In addition to the NTA, which supervises TVET, the other regulatory agency is the Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago (ACTT). With the expansion of institutions and programmes, it was logical that an official mechanism of quality assurance should be strengthened. The ACTT is a statutory body which was established for quality assurance of post-secondary and tertiary level programmes and institutions. The ACTT was established in 2004 and became operational in 2005. Among the key functions of ACTT are the conferment of institutional title, registration of higher education institutions, accreditation of institutions and programmes, recognition and equivalence assessments of foreign qualifications and awards, and institutional development. So far, the ACTT has had an impact on the system as it makes information available to the public on the accreditation status of courses and institutions (ACTT, 2013).

National Commission for Higher Education In 2011, the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) was set up, with its main mandate to establish a regional qualifications framework and to strengthen quality in a diverse system across the world. The commission’s specific terms of reference are as follows: ●

●

●

● ●

to advise on the development of a national qualifications framework within which all education and training institutions can coexist; to work with the Economic Development Board and the Council for Competitiveness and Innovation to develop an approach to the development of the national education and training system; to conduct an examination of international trends and practices to inform a way forward for the sector; to establish the principles of sustainable funding of the sector; and to advise and inform the ministry of the Commission’s policy agenda and all other relevant bodies within the sector (Zephyrine, 2011, para. 2).

Representatives from the NTA and the ACTT, as well as representatives from different tertiary level and post-secondary institutions, are members of the Board of the Commission for Higher Education. In sum, the deliberations of the Commission for Higher Education will lead to the policies for economic

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transformation and for the development of science, technology and innovation, and will be influenced by the work of the Economic Development Board and the Council for Competiveness and Innovation (CCI).

Economic Development Board The members of the Board are expected to contribute to the process of economic diversification, strengthening public–private sector participation in local economic activity and as well as bringing fresh ideas and novel perspectives to the current economic circumstances.

Council for Competitiveness and Innovation The official website indicates that the CCI was established by the GORTT in 2011 as an advisory body to the Ministry of Planning and Sustainable Development. Further, it states that the CCI has the responsibility to improve Trinidad and Tobago’s global competitiveness and foster innovation as the main strategies toward developing a diversified knowledge-based economy. The core activities of the CCI include the following: ● ●

● ●

●

development of criteria to evaluate the competitiveness of existing businesses; monitoring, measuring and evaluation project and programme performance and outcomes within existing businesses; co-ordination of policy prescriptions to optimize the benefits to investment; implementation of diagnostic studies of the existing business environment and proposing changes for improvement; awareness raising activities of competitiveness and innovation (CCI, 2013, para. 7)

The CCI seeks to facilitate institutional linking and, hence, the policies affecting the conception of TVET and tertiary level education will be influenced by national economic policies, as well as national policies for science and innovation that are needed in the country.

Conclusion: Assessment of the higher education sector in Trinidad and Tobago This chapter has showcased many significant changes that can be identified in the higher education sector of Trinidad and Tobago. The country has moved

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from decades of dominance by the single multi-campus UWI to the establishment of a state university in the twenty-first century and an increase in the number of private institutions offering tertiary level education. The tertiary education sector has been internationalized as many international online providers make their programmes available to locals. Furthermore, measures have been put in place to build a seamless system that caters to the needs of working adults and candidates without formal matriculation requirements, and transition classes and prior learning assessment systems have been introduced. A regulatory system and an institutional structure have been developed to manage the sector so that it can respond to the changing needs of society, and systems now facilitate transitions from different institutions and different sectors of the system. Funding is also in place to assist those with financial constraints. These are very positive developments, however, there are challenges and concerns. The first major concern is that almost all of the expansion in this higher education sector has been sponsored by State funding. If the government experiences revenue problems, cutbacks in the system will be inevitable. The financing of tuition for all at the undergraduate level by the State has driven this expansion. This does not seem sustainable into the future given the challenges of the world economy since 2008. Significantly, there has always been a high migration rate for tertiary qualified people in the Caribbean. The standard goal of having 60 per cent of the relevant population with a tertiary level qualification has become a sort of benchmark developed in the richer countries of the world. However, the mere achievement of this statistic will not have the same effect it may have in more developed economies. The first challenge therefore is the ‘brain drain’ to North America and elsewhere. Second, the link between education and development is not a clear one. While there is vigorous emphasis on employment and entrepreneurship, the major initiatives for driving the economy of Trinidad and Tobago come from the State. The private sector does not have the outlook or the resources to assume the commanding heights of the economy and so, as currently obtains, the private sector is a limited partner in arrangements to ensure that education generates economic expansion. A third concern is the invasion of online tertiary education. This raises fundamental questions as to the nature and purpose of education and the extent to which programmes developed in entirely different cultures and contexts are applicable in others. While some programmes may have relevance, others may not. In a world of free trade in services there is a great danger that some small countries may engage in

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organized mis-education of their people. While education has to deal with the universal it also has to enable and empower what is local and indigenous. The final concern centres on science and technology and whilst the thrust to expand tertiary and post-secondary education is necessary, there is a need for a fuller understanding of what is a liberal education. An understanding of self, history, culture and context would provide the human emotional and psychological capacity that would allow for the development of a true interest in science. The development of an authentic self and a sense of community provide fertile ground for defining the concerns of science such as food shortages, lifestyle diseases, pollution, etc. There seems to be a continuation of the traditional disconnect between science and humanities in the plans for expansion of the higher education sector, which is not intellectually appropriate for educating a future citizenry.

References ACTT (Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago) (2013), ‘Welcome to ACTT’, http://www.actt.org.tt/ (22 July 2013). Bernard, L. (2002), ‘Historical insights into the development of adult education in Trinidad and Tobago and the role of the University of the West Indies’, in I. Austin and C. Marrett (eds), Adult Education in Caribbean Universities. Kingston, Jamaica: UNESCO, pp. 143–169. CCC (Civilian Conservation Corps) (2013), ‘The history of the Civilian Conservation Corps’, http://ccc.sysptt.org/history.html (22 July 2013). CCI (Council for Competitiveness and Innovation, Ministry of Planning and Sustainable Development) (2013), ‘About us’, http://cci.planning.gov.tt/about-us (22 July 2013). COSTAATT (College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad and Tobago) (2011), ‘Academics: programmes of study’, http://www.costaatt.edu.tt/ (accessed 20 November 2012). Fergus, H. A. (2002), ‘Adult education through the cultural arts: the case of the UWI Extra-Mural Department’, in I. Austin and C. Marrett (eds), Adult Education in Caribbean Universities. Kingston, Jamaica: UNESCO, pp. 47–65. Hall, D. (1998), The University of the West Indies: A Quinquagenary Calendar, 1948–1998. Mona, Jamaica: The Press UWI. Jayaram, N. (2002), ‘Regional university and national development: the case of the University of the West Indies’, in N. Mustapha and R. Brunton (eds), Issues in Education in Trinidad and Tobago. St Augustine, Trinidad: School of Continuing Studies, UWI, pp. 27–42.

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Karim, F. (2011), ‘Statement by Senator the Honourable Fazal Karim, Minister of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education on the policy on tertiary education, technical and vocational education and training, and lifelong learning in Trinidad and Tobago’, presented to parliament on 12 January. Ministry of Education (2013), ‘Message from Senator Hazel Manning’, http://www.moe. gov.tt/landscape.html (accessed 17 August 2013). MSTTE (Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education) (2010a), Policy on Tertiary Education, Technical Vocational Education and Training and Lifelong Learning in Trinidad and Tobago. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: MSTTE. MSTTE (Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education) (2010b), Statistical Digest on Post-secondary and Technical Education. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: MSTTE. MSTTE (Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education) (2011a), Policy on Tertiary Education, Technical Vocational Education and Training and Lifelong Learning in Trinidad and Tobago. Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: MSTTE. MSTTE (Ministry of Science, Technology and Tertiary Education) (2011b), Securing and Expanding the GAE Programme: Policies, Administration and Performance of the GATE Programme (2004–2011). Report of the standing committee of the GATE programme. Trinidad and Tobago: MSTTE. NTA (National Training Agency) (2013), ‘Home’, http://www.ntatt.org/ (accessed 31 July 2013). USC (University of the Southern Caribbean) (2012), ‘About the university’, http://www. usc.edu.tt/about/about-the-university.html (accessed 20 November 2012). UTT (University of Trinidad and Tobago) (2013), ‘General information: prospectus’, http://u.tt/index.php?page_key=871&main=1&internet=1 (acessed 22 July 2013). UWI (University of the West Indies) (2006), UWI Faculty Report 2005–2006. St. Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2007a), Faculty Report 06–07. St Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2007b), Strategic Transformation for Relevance, Impact, Distinctiveness and Excellence. Strategic Plan (2007–2012). St Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2008), Faculty Report 07–08. St Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2009), Faculty Report 08–09. St Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2010), Faculty Report 09–10. St Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. UWI (University of the West Indies) (2012), The University of the West Indies Strategic Plan 2012–2017. St Augustine, Trinidad: UWI. Wint, A. G. (2010), ‘Internationalization of tertiary education in the Caribbean’, Caribbean Journal of Education, 32(2), 259–284.

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YTEPP (Youth Training and Employment Partnership Programme) (2013), ‘Home’, http://www.ytepp.gov.tt/ (accessed 22 July 2013). Zephyrine, B. (2011), ‘Sankat to chair Higher Education Commission’, Guardian Media Limited, http://www.guardian.co.tt/news/2011/03/16/sankat-chair-higher-educationcommission (accessed 31 July 2013).

23

The Turks and Caicos Islands: Educational and Geographical Demands Beatrice Fulford and Julia Williams

Introduction There has been a longstanding perception among, and acceptance by, governments globally that their education systems will address the social and economic needs of their citizens, and by extension their respective countries. In the process, they must take into consideration inter alia geographical demands to ensure optimum returns on the substantial investments made in education. It is acknowledged that the context of each country is different; hence a ‘one-model’ approach to identifying and addressing the geographical demands is inadequate. Each country, therefore, must examine its unique situation and devise strategies to address its needs. Undoubtedly, any cross-referencing of identified demands will reveal significant similarities. One key similarity, for example, is geographical fragmentation that often engenders geographical imbalances primarily in the distribution of resources (Mohanty, 2012). These imbalances are often found in some small island states, categorized as archipelagos, such as the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) and the Bahamas. Geographical fragmentation can be found between and within islands. When one considers countries that are geographically fragmented, one readily conceptualizes the many challenges that are inherent in realizing economies of scale. Equally important, and interrelated, is the role that countries must play after significant natural events. Geographical fragmentation interferes with a country’s ability to provide equitable and timely responses, corresponding with the specific needs of the location. Notwithstanding this, various government sectors must contribute to the overall process. Education systems, therefore, are expected to play an important role in providing substantial support in the aftermath of any natural disaster. 417

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This chapter provides a brief overview of the geographical, demographical, historical, economic and political context of the TCI. It examines the country’s education system in order to provide a backdrop for further discussion on the role that education plays after significant natural disasters. The chapter further presents some of the challenges the system faces, underscoring the wide population spread and the difficulties brought about by the unplanned influx of immigrants, some of whom are illegal in the TCI, but for whom the country must provide equitable quality education. High teacher attrition rates that impact upon student achievement and the reluctance of teachers to serve in economically and socially depressed areas are accounted for within this chapter. Also, the chapter highlights the deficiencies in the maintenance of school infrastructure and facilities, under-resourcing and school programming. The chapter draws attention to the most recent natural disasters that have struck the TCI and the kind of impact they had on the teaching/learning process. It further examines the government’s response to these disasters, especially in a geographically fragmented environment. Finally, the chapter offers some suggestions on how the TCI education system can be more responsive to geographical demands, and the important role it ought to play after a hurricane or other natural disaster.

TCI: Establishing a context Geographical overview Until recently, very little was known of the TCI. However, globalization, technological advancements, deliberate marketing strategies by the TCI Tourist Board and ‘increased commercial flights that respond to a burgeoning travel industry’ (Smithers and Taylor, 2003, p. v), have ushered the TCI onto the global stage. The TCI is an archipelago with a landmass of 193 square miles. The islands are located between North and South America, to the south-east of the USA and the Bahamas (Saunders, 2001). The implication of being an archipelago is that the islands are unique in size and population, have varying access to resources and are at different stages of development (Weeks, 1994). The TCI comprises two distinct groups of islands: the Turks Islands to the east and the Caicos Islands to the west, and separating these two groups is the Turks Islands Passage. The islands are all low-lying and are particularly vulnerable to flooding, tropical storms, hurricanes and sea rises deriving from global warming (KAIRI, 2000). Of the

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40 islands and cays, only 8 are inhabited, 3 of which (Middle Caicos, North Caicos and Providenciales) cover large landmasses, resulting in great distances between the various settlements. Whilst having its advantages, the fragmented nature of the islands poses a number of social, cultural and economic challenges, primarily isolationism, political and social inequalities and divisiveness, cultural tensions and resource duplication, interspersed with unnecessary wastage.

Demographic overview The TCI resident population is predominantly Black and Protestant Christian (Sadler, 1997). Within the last decade, the TCI experienced exponential population growth, primarily by an immigrant population from Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Bahamas, Jamaica, North and South America and Europe. The 2012 census predicts an approximate resident population of 31,458 (Department of Economic Planning and Statistics, 2012). Notably, the expatriate population, including some illegal residents, is rapidly outstripping the indigenous population. The population is skewed to Providenciales where increased opportunities for employment and entrepreneurship are significantly higher.

A brief historical profile For several years it was believed that Juan Ponce de Leon discovered the TCI in 1512 (Sadler, 1997). However, as a result of newly discovered journals that describe the terrain and inhabitants of the land where Christopher Columbus first alighted in the New World, and archaeological findings, a group of historians have challenged this fact with the contestation that Christopher Columbus made his landfall on Grand Turk in 1492. Sadler (1997) suggests that although there are accounts of settlement by Arawak Indians, organized settlement commenced in 1678 when the Bermudians came to the TCI to harvest salt and extract timber. They were joined by British Loyalists towards the end of the 1700s who by the 1820s had established cotton plantations. It is believed that African slaves subsequently joined them.

Economic profile The TCI has a history of a fluctuating and vulnerable economy that includes salt production (which was often ruined by hurricanes or unseasonably heavy rains), cotton production, subsistence farming, seafood exports, offshore banking and

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tourism (which has become the primary industry) and attracts workers and transforms the infrastructural landscape of the TCI (Sadler, 1997). The TCI is considered the fastest growing economy in the Caribbean (KAIRI, 2006). In 2006, Grand Turk, the capital, experienced an economic boost with the establishment of a cruise port. Real estate prices have doubled within the last decade, having different impacts on various groups in society. However, the global economic downturn has affected the TCI economy. For example, unemployment, especially among the youth, continues to escalate. Current figures from the Ministry of Border Control and Labour indicate that there are 968 and 155 registered unemployed individuals on Providenciales and Grand Turk respectively (Ministry of Border Control and Labour, 2012). However, these numbers represent the registered unemployed, and are only from the two islands. Also, other population data is not readily available for a determination to be made on the percentage of the unemployed workforce.

Political framework The TCI, like the British Virgin Islands and Montserrat, is an internally selfgoverning British Overseas Territory (BOT). Her Majesty the Queen, who is Sovereign and Head of State, appoints the Governor as her official representative to exercise authority on her behalf. In more recent years a Deputy Governor was appointed. The Constitution Order 2011 makes provision for the Deputy Governor to be an indigenous islander and hold portfolio as Head of the Public Service. As recently as Monday 15 October 2012, such a person was appointed. Politics in the TCI takes place in a framework of a democratically elected representative government. As in most western democracies, a two-party system, the Progressive National Party (PNP) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDM) was introduced into the TCI during the 1976 general elections. While additional parties were subsequently formed, they never gained a foothold among the electorate. However, during the recent elections, held on Friday 9 November 2012, three parties contested the elections and the PNP emerged as the government. The Premier is the Head of Government. Legislative authority is vested in a unicameral House of Assembly which consists of a Speaker, 15 elected members, four appointed members and the Attorney General who is a nonvoting member. Executive powers are vested in a Cabinet that is presided over by the Governor. The Cabinet comprises the Premier and not more than six ministers legally appointed by the Governor and drawn from the locally elected members of the ruling party, the Deputy Governor and the Attorney General.

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Each minister heads a ministry with a Permanent Secretary as its CEO. Education falls under the Ministry of Education (MoE).

The education system Education in the TCI evolved from a colonial past, when in 1852 English missionaries introduced primary education. It was not until 1871 that secondary education was introduced (Tatem, 1951). A four-tier education system exists: pre-primary, primary, secondary and tertiary. The operational and administrative parameters are enshrined in the various legal instruments, including the Education Ordinance and Regulations and the Education for All policy document. The MoE sits at the pinnacle of the organizational structure. Among its primary functions are the ongoing review and development of policies governing education delivery and facilitative oversight to the Department of Education (DoE), which is the sector’s administrative arm. The latter is mandated to facilitate policy implementation in 10 public primary and four secondary schools, spread throughout the TCI, that cater to the needs of approximately 4,227 students (see Tables 23.1 and 23.2). It executes supervisory functions in approximately 30 private schools, most of which are Church owned and operated. From Tables  23.1 and 23.2 it is readily observed that the highest student population resides on Providenciales. Table 23.1 Student enrolment at the pre-primary and primary level 2011–2012 Island

School

Boys

Girls

Total

%

Grand Turk Grand Turk Salt Cay South Caicos North Caicos North Caicos Middle Caicos Providenciales Providenciales Providenciales Total

Eliza Simons Primary Ona Glinton Primary Mary Robinson Primary Iris Stubbs Primary Adelaide Oemler Primary C. Hubert James Primary Doris Robinson Primary Enid Capron Primary Oseta Jolly Primary Ianthe Pratt Primary

141 157 1 67 46 33 9 298 264 276 1,292

132 145 7 59 53 31 6 288 259 263 1,243

273 302 8 126 99 64 15 586 523 539 2,535

10.8 11.9 0.3 5.0 3.9 2.5 0.6 23.1 20.6 21.3 100

Source: Department of Education (2012)

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Table 23.2 Student enrolment at the secondary level 2011–2012 Island

School

Boys

Girls

Total

%

Grand Turk South Caicos North Caicos Providenciales Total

H. J. Robinson High Marjorie Basden High Raymond Gardiner High Clement Howell High

203 47 50 500 800

212 53 76 551 892

415 100 126 1051 1692

24.5 5.9 7.4 62.2 100

Source: Department of Education (2012)

Emanating from the national vision of creating an education system relevant to the needs of a growing community is the articulation of eight key educational priorities. Collectively, they seek to promote national development; full access to primary and secondary schooling; greater access to tertiary education; equity; quality education; improved teacher quality; and an increase in the number of indigenous teachers (Ministry of Finance, 2006). Over the years, and in tandem with the increase in student enrolment, tremendous investments have been made in education, and improvements in the quality of education delivery are evident. Improving teacher quality has been a primary goal of the MoE. KAIRI (2006, p. 38) suggests that: At both levels there has been [the] upgrading of the teaching staff in terms of teacher diplomas and university degrees. At the secondary level almost three quarters of the staff have university degrees. With such a teaching force, TCI should be well placed to achieve significant improvements in the performance of its students at the primary and secondary levels. Moreover, the schools are well equipped with the type of personnel that can engage in in-depth analysis of issues relating to teaching and learning in the classroom.

Teachers are recruited locally, regionally and internationally. Policies promote the recruitment of males even in subjects traditionally dominated by females as the current paucity of male figures in schools is considered to influence male students. Tables 23.3 and 23.4 show the teacher distribution in public schools, and the extent to which the teacher population is skewed to Providenciales. Upper secondary students follow the Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) curricula prescribed by the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC). However, there is an alternative programme that is geared towards students who encounter challenges pursuing mainstream curricula. Locally designed curricula are used at the primary and lower secondary level. At key

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Table 23.3 Distribution of teachers in secondary schools in the TCI Island

School

Male

Female

Total

%

Grand Turk South Caicos North Caicos Providenciales Total

H.J. Robinson High Marjorie Basden High Raymond Gardiner High Clement Howell High

20 10 12 21 63

28 13 15 48 104

48 23 27 69 167

28.7 13.8 16.2 41.3 100

Source: Department of Education (2012)

Table 23.4 Distribution of teachers in primary schools in the TCI Island

School

Male

Female

Total

%

Grand Turk Grand Turk Salt Cay South Caicos North Caicos North Caicos Middle Caicos Providenciales Providenciales Providenciales Total

Eliza Simons Primary Ona Glinton Primary Mary Robinson Primary Iris Stubbs Primary Adelaide Oemler Primary C. Hubert James Primary Doris Robinson Primary Enid Capron Primary Oseta Jolly Primary Ianthe Pratt Primary

2 1 0 1 1 1 0 5 1 4 16

17 25 1 12 8 7 2 22 26 23 143

19 26 1 13 9 8 2 27 27 27 159

11.9 16.4 0.6 8.2 5.7 5.0 1.2 17.0 17.0 17.0 100

Source: Department of Education (2012)

stages within the primary level, numeracy and literacy tests are administered, with a Grade 6 Achievement Test being administered to determine placement at secondary level. The education sector relies on its many local and overseas partners for technical and economic support. It has benefited significantly from international inputs in education, albeit at a price. Despite improvements in education, notable challenges prevail. At the forefront is the challenge of planning for the educational needs of an ongoing influx of immigrants, from neighbouring Haiti and the Dominican Republic. School enrolment figures demonstrate that this cohort of students is significant, placing tremendous demands on an already limited resource base and rendering accessibility to quality education a challenge. While the teacher/pupil ratio is much lower than in a number of other Caribbean countries, enrolment figures,

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when juxtaposed with physical space, illustrate that there is overcrowding in all schools on Providenciales, and to a lesser extent on Grand Turk. As indicated earlier, the islands are geographically fragmented, necessitating the duplication of resources, and resulting in the underutilization of teaching personnel in rural areas. In Table 23.1 for example, Middle Caicos has a student population of 15, yet it must provide adequate staffing to cater for age diversities. The most densely populated island, Providenciales, experiences a seemingly perpetual shortage of classroom space, compromising the system’s ability to provide equal access to education for all. The system experiences high teacher attrition rates, especially in specialist subject areas. This phenomenon compromises continuity in teaching, and negatively impacts upon students’ career choices. As stated earlier, some teachers are recruited from overseas, many of whom are sourced from a highly competitive market. The global shortage of teachers may impact upon the TCI’s ability to attract the number of teachers required to staff all schools. Whilst teachers are being trained locally, the demand for teachers is outstripping supply. Also, there is the potential that contract teachers will migrate elsewhere, or return to their homeland, and local teachers will exit the profession to serve in the private or other government sectors. Additionally, many teachers are reaching the compulsory retirement age (55) and even if their services are retained, trends suggest that they will exit the service within three to five years, post-compulsory retirement. School maintenance is an ongoing challenge, given that the MoE relies on the public maintenance team that must service all government departments. Repairs to buildings, servicing of equipment and machinery, and cleaning of the environs are not often done in a timely manner, due to competing priorities of other government departments. A final challenge is identified within the school programming. With hospitality and tourism being the main industries, the curricula should include some hospitality and tourism studies that would more appropriately prepare students to enter the local job market. It is recognized that current and future jobs do, and will, require post-secondary education and training. However, introducing students at the secondary level to aspects of hospitality and tourism may heighten students’ awareness of the limitless possibilities that exist in these fields, and potentially attract them to enter associated careers. Moreover, while there is a vibrant hospitality and tourism programme being offered at The TCI Community College (TCICC), only a limited percentage of high school leavers, either by choice or opportunity, continue their education at the tertiary level.

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Over the years, therefore, the MoE has had to ensure that good practices in education are strengthened and promoted, and steps are taken to minimize difficulties. Balancing both objectives has been a challenge; however, the system continues to experience success in its efforts.

Education system and geographical demands Geographical demands in any country require a robust and proactive response from its education sector, given that education is purported to be the driving force behind social and economic development. It has already been established that the TCI is geographically fragmented and that the population is skewed to Providenciales, the hub of economic activity. The high concentration of overseas workers, particularly in the tourism and construction industry, translates into an equally high number of school-aged children for whom educational services must be provided. On Providenciales there are three public primary schools and one public high school (see Tables 23.1 and 23.2). Consistent with obligations of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, access to these institutions is free. These schools are complemented by a number of private schools for which school fees are paid. Logically, there is an influx of students seeking access to the public system, and while there are space limitations, public schools continue to accept children beyond their physical capacity, resulting in overcrowding in all four institutions. The MoE must, therefore, provide additional human, infrastructural and material resources to address emerging needs brought about by overcrowding. In some instances the deployment of teachers becomes a necessity. This brings into question the separation of families where, for instance, a married teacher may be transferred from one island to another, but there is not a corresponding job opportunity for the spouse on that island. This kind of response will have financial implications for the family and the MoE. There are a small number of remote islands where sociocultural activities and access to certain amenities are limited. In an effort to provide quality education to all students, regardless of their geographical location, the education sector seeks to post qualified and trained teachers on these islands. However, teachers are usually reluctant to be posted in these remote locations, even when it is their island of origin. Writing of the Tonga experience, Austin (2002, p. 35) suggests that ‘teachers’ changing attitudes have made it more difficult for the Ministry to devise an appropriate scheme that would motivate them to take up postings in

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the outer islands’. Mohanty (2012) agrees and illustrates that higher proportions of education personnel are located in urban areas. The education sector’s response has been to award an island allowance to teachers being posted on an island other than their home base. However, the amount has not changed in decades, and inflation has superseded the value of the allowance, rendering it unattractive and almost insignificant. Mohanty (2012) suggests that governments should build in compulsory work in rural areas in order to minimize the reluctance of teachers wishing to work in these areas. In responding to the geographical demands, the education sector must make provision for the transportation of students from one settlement to another. In the broader context, distances between settlements may not be considered very far, given that in some countries (for example, Jamaica and Guyana) children travel great distances to access education. However, in the context of the TCI where there is no public transport service, the non-provision of transport by the MoE would prove financially overwhelming for parents and physically exhausting for students. In examining classroom overcrowding, it becomes apparent that the education sector’s response should incorporate an increase in its budgetary allocation for material resources. It is fair to suggest that the sector has been negligent in this regard for while the student population continues to increase, the budget allocation for schools has steadily decreased over the last five years (see Table  23.5). There has been a ‘silent’ shift in financial responsibility for the schools. While the government continues to be the main financial contributor to education, the expectation is that schools will become more self-sustaining, through their respective Parent Teacher Associations (PTA), tuck shops and private sector support. Given that it is not mandatory that these bodies make this financial contribution, schools are often left in need of certain basic resources to operate effectively. It is acknowledged that other sectors within government encounter emergent situations and, therefore, there is an ongoing shift in priorities. Ironically, there is the pronouncement that education is priority, however, when budgetary cuts are made, education, a non-revenue generating sector, is the area that is unhesitatingly cut (see Table 23.5). Decisionmakers ought to be ever mindful that education is an investment that may not reap short-term returns but will guarantee positive long-term economic impacts. Geographically, Providenciales provides diverse economic activities. The Tourist Board recorded a million visitors for 2011; an increase over 2010. There are a number of high-end hotels, among others, that have the capacity to

427

4,395,390 3,654,050 19,691,753 498,586 1,962,033 2,704,359 1,337,840 949,149 4,135,563 179,700 39,508,423 76,253,783 51.8 9,126,911 23.1 1,128 8,091 3,64,050 9.2 2,118 1,725

Ministry of Education Education Department (Zone 1) Further education Education administration (Zone 1) Helena J. Robinson High School Clement Howell High School Raymond Gardiner High School Marjorie Basden High School Education Department (Zone 2) Education administration (Zone 2) Total Total recurrent expenditure Education as % of total recurrent expenditure Amount spent on secondary education Percentage (%) of education budget Number of students Expenditure per student on secondary education Amount spent on primary education Percentage (%) of education budget Number of students Expenditure per student on primary education

4,188,201 3,816,754 23,503,822 524,734 2,000,073 2,920,578 1,377,449 973,011 4,542,785 305,843 44,153,250 78,690,450 56.1 9,813,823 22.2 1,108 8,857 3,816,754 8.6 1,669 2,287

US$ 2007/08

Source: Department of Economic Planning and Statistics and Education Department (2012, p. 12)

US$ 2006/07

Department head

Table 23.5 Budgetary allocation in the TCI

4,656,739 3,518,472 19,558,386 486,860 2,091,741 3,158,144 1,348,497 922,532 4,760,102 288,265 40,789,738 93,186,825 43.8 7,520,913 18.4 1,185 6,347 3,518,472 8.6 1,934 1,819

US$ 2008/09 2,848,668 3,652,260 13,107,365 360,178 2,110,815 3,180,789 1,187,028 924,519 4,826,298 284,069 32,481,988 116,549,625 27.9 7,403,151 22.8 1,282 5,775 3,652,260 11.2 1,931 1,891

US$ 2009/10

2,178,646 3,900,573 10,263,995 371,791 1,933,362 3,096,943 1,078,208 844,904 5,010,254 309,354 28,988,029 141,973,062 20.4 6,953,417 24.0 1,345 5,170 8,910,827 30.7 1,946 4,579

US$ 20010/11

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accommodate tourist arrivals. Tourism related activities are on the increase and construction is booming. However, there is a high dependence on foreign labour, especially in the construction industry. It has been argued that foreign labour is cheap, and there are insufficient local labourers with the interest and requisite skills to service the construction industry. Given that these skills are purportedly lacking, and the interest is relatively low, the education sector’s response should be one that introduces construction, hospitality and tourism studies into the secondary schools as a viable option for young adults. This is not to negate the fact that some components of these areas are already infused into certain subjects. However, the depth of content does not adequately prepare students to directly enter the world of work. Also, it has long been established that North Caicos is the ‘garden’ of the TCI. Acres of fertile soil produce crops comparable to any in the region. Yet, farming is done on a limited basis. Taking this into consideration, agriculture, which is a subject offered by the CXC, should be taught at the Raymond Gardiner High School, located on North Caicos. The education sector could partner with the Department of Agriculture to ensure that farmers’ produce is protected on the local market. The education sector’s responses to geographical demands require policy redirection in a number of areas, with a strong political will to drive new policies into successful implementation and execution. What is also needed is an understanding between the government and the opposition of what is beneficial for the country so that effective policies are not changed haphazardly because they did not originate from one party or the other.

The role education plays after significant events In a report prepared by The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), at the request of the Cayman Islands Government, shortly after Hurricane Ivan devastated the country in 2004, it was stated that: Since the early nineties the Caribbean region seems to have entered a 20 to 30 year cycle of above long-term average incidence of hurricanes and tropical storms. Indeed since 1995 each year, except for ENSO years, the region has experienced an above average number of storms. This does not bode well for the region and such an increase in activity needs to be anticipated with appropriate prevention and mitigation policies and with better risk management and risk transfer instruments. This year seems to be

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paradigmatic as a cluster of hurricanes and tropical storms blanketed the region with devastating consequences. ECLAC, 2004, p. 5

On Sunday 7 September 2008, just days after the commencement of the 2008/2009 academic school year, Hurricane Ike, which was predicted to be a Category 4 hurricane, struck the TCI, following closely on the heels of Tropical Storm Hanna, that had left the low-lying areas completely flooded. With sustained winds of 135mph, Hurricane Ike brought several tornados, and dramatic sea rises. It ripped of rooftops, downed electrical poles, overturned vehicles and buried fishermen’s boats. Fortunately, no lives were lost. The majority of the homes on Grand Turk, Salt Cay and South Caicos were destroyed, displacing whole families and inflicting tremendous psychological pain and frustration on the most resilient (BBC, 2008). The financial cost was in the millions and Ike has been declared the second costliest Atlantic hurricane of all time. The hurricane revealed structural deficiencies in school buildings. A significant number of classrooms, libraries, specialist rooms and tuck shop facilities were completely destroyed, and the structural integrity of others compromised, to the extent that decisions were made to demolish them before they collapsed. Classrooms that remained, along with school grounds, were flooded, rendering them inaccessible. Valuable school machinery, equipment, other material resources and irreplaceable school records were completely destroyed. It became apparent that the education sector, as was the case for a number of other government sectors, was unprepared for the widespread devastation that occurred. Students were unable to attend school for extended periods, and even with the phased attendance schedule, certain circumstances in the home prevented students from attending school. Then, in November 2010, a fire destroyed a nine-classroom block at the Ona Glinton Primary School (OGPS) located on Grand Turk. Additionally, the computer laboratory, the tuck shop and the physical education storeroom were destroyed, displacing a significant number of students and teachers. All equipment, books, invaluable teacher resource materials, student supplies and tuck shop equipment and stock were completely destroyed. Classrooms that were not directly affected required several days to be properly aired. Again, it became evident that the sector was unprepared for this event, even after the experience of Hurricane Ike, though of a different nature. In both instances there was an absence of a clearly defined and widely known contingency plan for the aftermath of Hurricane Ike and the OGPS fire. Relief efforts in both

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instances appeared haphazard, and in the case of Hurricane Ike, it was evident that non-governmental aid was more forthcoming than that of the government. In the few days following Hurricane Ike, it seemed that the country lacked the organizational, human resource and financial capacity to effectively respond to this natural disaster. Nationally, there was a reluctance to enlist external support, despite the mounting fiscal pressure being placed on the government. Mandel (2002) suggests that countries are normally reluctant to seek or accept outside assistance for fear of political and economic exposure of political ineptitude and corruption. Further, exposure of this nature had the potential to harm the tourism industry in the TCI. When disaster relief efforts began to pour into the country, its distribution was highly politicized, creating a level of national divisiveness at a time when citizens were hurting deeply and needed to be united for the collective good. Notwithstanding this lack of national preparation, and limitations in resource capacity, the education sector had to play a critical role in minimizing the impact of Tropical Storm Hanna, Hurricane Ike and the OGPS fire. Key to the process was ensuring that students were returned to the classroom expeditiously, as schools represented stability, uniformity and safety. In certain instances, this meant that unaffected classrooms had to be shared and some specialist subjects suspended to facilitate regular teaching. The education sector formed a part of the National Recovery Task Force (NRTF), which was the national inter-ministerial response team established to conduct a needs assessment and advise on the way forward. It was from this newly formed response team that national priorities were established, critical projects were identified and developed, and tasks were assigned to the various representative groups. The education sector was given responsibility for the assessment of the damage done at each school, following which an initial report had to be submitted to the NRTF, and ongoing progress reports submitted thereafter. The education sector was instrumental in re-establishing and strengthening its relationship with local, regional and international agencies. The sector, for example, immediately rekindled its relationship with UNICEF, the agency that provided a number of tents that were used for classrooms. UNICEF also provided technical support through the training of teachers in the ‘Return to Happiness’ programme that ‘takes children through the process of psychological recovery following catastrophic events’ (UNICEF, 2012, para. 2). This programme proved therapeutic for teachers, a number of whom were traumatized by the experience. UNICEF also provided a number of school kits for teachers and students. The sector enlisted greater financial and technical support from its sister departments, particularly Engineering and

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Maintenance Services, and from corporate citizens and non-government organizations. Transfer policies were relaxed in order to facilitate the immediate transfer and placement of students to islands, and in schools, that were least affected. Also, due consideration was given to teachers who were recruited from overseas but whose dwelling place had been destroyed. Again policies were relaxed in order to facilitate these teachers’ return to their homeland until proper accommodation could be obtained. In other instances, the MoE sought approval for adjustments to be made to housing allowances to ensure the provision of proper accommodation for recruited staff. In assessing the level of devastation at the schools and in homes, many teachers feared job losses. However, the MoE assured them of job security, going as far as effecting internal transfers. In the case of the OGPS, the education sector introduced the shift system to accommodate displaced students and teachers. Infant classes were accommodated in Church facilities. Approval was sought from the Finance Ministry to open a bank account into which the corporate community could deposit contributions for the school rebuilding project. During any natural disaster, communication is important, especially in the coordination of efforts at the sector and national levels. In the case of both Hurricane Ike and the OGPS fire, the education sector ensured that vital information was regularly communicated to the public. Meetings with the respective PTAs were convened at the appropriate time to communicate information and solicit their views on the way forward. Steps taken by the MoE were similar to those taken by Grenada after the passage of Hurricane Ivan in 2004 when more than 96 per cent of their schools were affected and the immediate need at the time was to ensure that students were returned to their classrooms (ECLAC, 2004). Unaffected churches and community centres had to serve as classrooms.

Recommendations Through consideration of the issues and themes presented in this chapter, it is recommended that: ● ●

through partnership, the TCI government seeks to build more schools; a comprehensive training programme for the sector is developed and implemented jointly by the MoE and the Training Unit to ensure that adequate numbers of teachers are trained to meet teacher demand;

432 ●

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at the national level, a comprehensive disaster management framework is developed through widespread consultation, and it is enforced that each sector develop and implement a disaster plan; in view of the fact that public schools are often used as hurricane shelters, the government, through its relevant agencies, ensure that these facilities are fit for this purpose; are properly maintained throughout the year; and refurbished once they have been used; alternatively, the government, through corporate partnership, should invest in multi-purpose hurricane shelters as a matter of priority; school communities be prepared to deal with disasters (including fires) and ensure that all classrooms are retrofitted with fire alarm systems; the education sector strengthens its capacity to support the efforts of the Disaster Office to educate the public, implement and enforce environmental management and disaster mitigation legislation; community resilience be enhanced to mitigate and respond to the adverse effects of hurricanes and fires (Mandel, 2002); the preservation and utilization of critical data be a top priority for the government so that timely and informed decisions can be made to help minimize the risks of hurricanes; the government secure a reserved fund specifically earmarked for disasters; a dedicated mitigation, management and rescue team be identified and given the authority to take appropriate action as the need arises; extensive training is provided for personnel engaged in mitigation, management and coordination of response to natural disasters in order to build capacity; the local population be publicly engaged in conversations on a comprehensive public information and communication strategy.

Conclusion This chapter has established the TCI context, pinpointing the geographical, demographical, historical, economic and political dynamics that constitute the TCI experience. Specific focus was centred on the TCI’s education system that must grapple with the challenges associated with geographical demands. Overcrowding in schools, primarily resulting from a steady influx of immigrants from neighbouring countries; an ongoing population shift emerging from an

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increase in economic activity on Providenciales; and a corresponding decrease in job opportunities on other islands, including the capital, Grand Turk, have been explored. While some of the immigrants are illegal, by virtue of the immigration laws the country has an obligation to ensure that they are provided with quality education for the duration of compulsory schooling (ages 4–16 years). The resource issues such as staffing, material resource provision, school programming and school maintenance have suggested that more investment is needed. Emerging from this discussion is a glaring need for more systematic and meaningful education planning to be undertaken, hence an urgent need for the appointment of an education planner in the MoE. It is acknowledged that where there is widespread devastation brought about by a natural disaster, such as Hurricane Ivan in Grenada and the Cayman Islands in 2004, and Hurricane Ike in the TCI in 2008, the affected sectors cannot take an isolationistic approach to rebuilding. The magnitude of the devastation is one indicator that significant technical capacity and huge financial investments may be needed if the rebuilding and recovery process is to be effective. This may exceed the sectors’ or even the country’s ability to play a meaningful role in meeting the expectations of those affected and therefore the mobilization of external assistance becomes acutely necessary. It may certainly necessitate a reprioritization of the sectors’ projects or even a reconfiguration of the country’s economic resources. While efforts are made to restore infrastructural assets, in order to revive economic activities, especially in tourism-driven economies, the country must take into account the need to offer psychological support to its affected citizens who may be severely traumatized by the experience and devastated by the loss of their life’s possessions. Significant attention is to be paid to the socially vulnerable, the elderly and children (ECLAC, 2004). In times of natural disasters when a significant percentage of the population is affected, the politicization of rebuilding endeavours must be removed from the process. Undoubtedly, critical lessons have been learnt from the experiences of Hurricane Ike and the OGPS fire, lessons that ought to guide further strategic thinking on planning for natural disasters. Also, it is crucial to observe and take note of what has happened in other countries that have suffered similar disasters, for while they have their unique context and experiences, similarities cannot be overlooked. Since there is no telling when another hurricane or other natural event will strike, small states like the TCI need to be prepared and get all the citizens educated.

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References Austin, S. P. (2002), ‘Issues in human resource management in small states: a Tonga perspective’, in G. Baldacchino and C. J. Farrugia (eds), Educational Planning and Management in Small States: Concepts and Experiences. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, pp. 25–38. BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) (2008), ‘Caribbean lashed by Hurricane Ike’, 7 September, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7602155.stm (accessed 16 July 2013). Department of Economic Planning and Statistics (2012), 2012 Population and Housing Census: Preliminary Report. Grand Turk: The Government of the Turks and Caicos Islands. Department of Economic Planning and Statistics and Education Department (2012), Secondary Education in the TCI: 2012 (A Statistical and Historical Perspective). Grand Turk: Statistical Office, Department of Economic Planning and Statistics. Department of Education (2012), ‘Deputy Premier and Minister of Education Hon. Akierra Missick’, http://www.gov.tc/?q=deputy-premier (accessed 15 August 2013). ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) (2004), The Impact of Hurricane Ivan in the Cayman Islands. New York: ECLAC and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ INTDISMGMT/Resources/CaymanIsL645-Parte1.pdf (accessed 2 January 2013). KAIRI (2000), Standard of Living Assessment Report (Poverty Assessment) Turks and Caicos Islands. Tunapuna: KAIRI Consultants Ltd. KAIRI (2006), Draft Five Year Education Plan. Tunapuna: KAIRI Consultants Ltd. Mandel, R. (2002), ‘Security and natural disasters’, The Journal of Conflict Studies, 22(2), 118–143. Ministry of Border Control and Labour (2012), ‘Ministry of Border Control and Labour – Hon. Ricardo Gardiner’, http://www.gov.tc/?q=minister-of-border-control-andlabour (accessed 15 August 2013). Ministry of Finance (2006), Turks and Caicos Islands National Development Plan. Grand Turk: Ministry of Finance. Mohanty, N. K. (2012), Demographic Aspects of Educational Planning. New Delhi: Department of Educational Planning, NUEPA, http://www.educationforallinindia. com/use-of-demographic-modules-in-education.htm (accessed 2 January 2013). Sadler, H. E. (1997), Turks and Caicos Landfall: A History of the Turks and Caicos Islands. Kingston: United Cooperative Printers Ltd. Saunders, J. (2001), Turks and Caicos Islands 2002–2003 Annual Visitors Guide. Providenciales: Olympia Publishing Company. Smithers, A. and Taylor, A. (2003), The Turks and Caicos Islands – Lands of Discovery. Oxford: Macmillan Education. Tatem, W. R. (1951), Turks and Caicos Islands: Report on the Hurricanes of 1926 and 1928. London: Turks and Caicos Islands Hurricane Relief Administration Office, Waterlow and Sons Ltd.

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UNICEF (2012), ‘Grenada – recovering from Ivan: puppets, stories and songs help children cope’, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/grenada_23364.html (accessed 2 January 2013). Weeks, J. (1994), Lifelines for the Isolated: The Supply, Training and Professional Support of Educational Personnel in Multi-Island Situations. London: Commonwealth Secretariat.

Index Accessibility to Education 28, 87, 169, 178, 180, 238, 248, 254, 319, 352, 371, 381, 409, 423, 426 Accountability 118, 126, 129 Accounting 97, 135, 129, 274, 404 Accreditation 102, 116, 139, 319, 376 Adult Education Continuing programmes 142, 192, 371 Literacy 188, 192, 232 Africa 200, 327, 343, 361 Agriculture 79, 94, 107, 113, 115, 141, 159, 166, 167, 174, 187, 192, 196, 228, 234, 255, 272, 308, 309, 329, 366, 369, 400, 401, 428 Amerindians 11 Anguilla 11–25 Department of Education 12, 16, 17 Ministry of Education and Social Services 12, 13, 21, 22, 23 National Test of Standards 12 Retention 15, 16, 18–23 Teacher recruitment 15, 16, 18–23 Antigua and Barbuda 26–45, 135, 267, 316 Education system 26, 28–30 Mathematics curriculum 26–45 Technological knowledge 26, 31, 37, 41 Tertiary education 27 University of the West Indies Teacher Training 27, 30, 36 Value of education 42, 43 Apprenticeship (after school/weekend) 59, 72, 73, 74, 87, 136 Arithmetic 65, 70, 154, 366, 374 Art and Design 314 Arts and Crafts 192, 25 Assessment 54, 75, 123, 127, 128, 129, 249, 250, 253, 283, 330, 384, 388, 389, 392, 395, 413 Barbados 63–85, 86–105, 1, 2, 5, 105, 115, 135, 187, 194, 195, 211, 212, 221, 316, 317, 355

436

Community College 89, 92–4 Edu Tech 81, 82 Enslavement 63, 64–7, 69, 71, 77 Erdiston Teacher Training College 72, 75 Higher Education Contribution to the Caribbean 86–105 Numeracy and Literacy 69 Pre and Post Emancipation 63–8 Sir Grantley Adams (First Premier) 75, 78 Technical Vocational Education 71, 72 Belize 106–19, 195 Agriculture 107, 113, 115, 117 Economy 107 University of Belize 112, 113, 116, 117 Bermuda 120–30, 133, 316 Bermuda College 122, 127, 129 Review of Public Education (2007) 127 Tripartite School System 121, 122 Brain Drain 21, 172, 174–5, 176, 179, 370, 413 British Virgin Islands 131–51, 153, 420 Community College 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144 University of Hull Teacher Training Collaboration (1986–89) 134, 135 University of the US Virgin Islands (UVI) 136, 141, 142, 149 Virgin Gorda 131, 134, 139 Canada 2, 12, 52, 120, 135, 175, 178, 179, 187, 194, 281, 316 Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) 314, 351, 381 Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CARDI) 268 Caribbean Centre for Excellence in Teacher Training (CCETT) 261

Index Caribbean Certificate of Secondary Level Competence (CCSLC) 232, 354 Caribbean Community (CARICOM) 1, 30, 33, 37, 38, 194, 196, 212, 267, 324, 333, 345, 372, 376, 392, 410 Caribbean Council for Science and Technology (CCST) 268 Caribbean Development Bank 81, 243, 267 Caribbean Disaster Emergency Response Agency (CDERA) 267 Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 41, 134, 145, 148, 157, 193, 234, 249, 268, 283, 289, 312, 314, 315, 318, 319, 325, 329, 333, 346, 354, 381, 392, 393, 394 Caribbean Network of Educational Innovation for Development (CARNEID) 372 Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) 28, 36, 37, 39, 193, 234, 235, 236, 244, 245, 255, 256, 257, 313, 314, 346, 354, 381, 392, 393, 394, 407, 422 Cayman Islands 152–65, 1, 133 Cayman Brac 152, 154, 157, 160 Financial Status 152, 156 Grand Cayman 152, 154, 157, 160, 162 International College of the Cayman Islands (ICCI) 158, 160 Little Cayman 152 University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI) 158, 159, 160, 161, 162 UWI Distance Education Centre (UWIDEC) 159 UWI Open Campus 155 Central America 1, 108, 109 China 64, 177 Chinese 361 Churches 66, 67, 110, 111, 117, 154, 223, 226, 382, 383, 421 Codrington College 89–91 Colonialism 27, 109, 194, 287, 323, 325, 326, 327, 330, 337 Computing/Computer Training 33, 82, 116, 159, 194, 207, 237, 287, 323, 325, 390, 391, 404 Cuba 189, 192, 196, 31

437

Dakar Goals (2000) 381 Dependent Territories (of the UK) Development 5, 9, 83, 87, 88, 97, 98, 169, 178, 328, 333, 368, 425 Distance Learning 3, 52, 159, 355 UWI Distance Education Centre (UWIDEC) 159, 355 Dominica (Commonwealth of) 166–82, 2, 91, 135, 185, 211, 212, 317 Agriculture 166, 174 Development Plan (2000–05) 171 Eco-tourism 174 Emigration 175–7, 178 Dominican Republic 316, 419, 423 Dutch East Indies 363, 367, 368 Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) 4, 8, 54, 270, 371, 380, 381, 382, 383–7 Early Childhood Education (ECE) 156, 158, 162, 171, 207, 232, 233, 236, 243, 270, 276, 311, 324, 344, 351, 399 Economy 14, 27, 32, 42, 59, 97, 107, 133, 149, 157, 187, 319, 413 Economic development 32, 169, 174, 179, 319 Economic growth 179, 328 Education Basic 167, 205, 206, 222, 208, 372 Elementary 70, 76, 222, 224, 269 Formal 29, 48, 69, 169, 185, 186, 191, 371 Non-formal 48, 117, 185, 371 Polytechnic 81, 88 Post-Secondary 54, 87, 111, 112, 212, 408 Pre-primary 86, 33, 212, 265, 269, 270, 421 Primary 52, 54, 70, 106, 111, 112, 117, 154, 172, 173, 175, 179, 192–3, 212, 241, 243, 244, 265, 271–3, 289, 295, 296, 329, 345, 351, 357, 371, 372, 374, 381, 421 Private 53, 64, 89, 421 Secondary 27, 42, 54, 70, 78, 80, 91, 96, 111, 112, 117, 124, 154, 171, 173, 175, 177, 179, 209, 210, 212, 223, 265, 269, 271–3, 289, 295, 296,

438

Index

329, 332, 334, 345–6, 351, 357, 371, 376, 381, 421 Tertiary 27, 52, 77, 79, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 95, 101, 102, 103, 106, 111, 135, 136, 137, 140, 144, 149, 155, 162, 172, 177, 179, 202, 212, 228, 232, 235, 237, 242, 243, 265, 274, 310, 319, 324, 325, 357, 381, 398, 399, 406, 408, 421, 422 Technical 81, 122, 376 Universal Primary Education (UPE) 223, 224, 225, 228 Vocational 79, 81, 111, 126, 154, 289, 296, 406 Education for All (EFA) 4, 334 EFA UNESCO Framework for Action 276, 332, 381, 421 Emancipation (from slavery) 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 89, 91, 107, 132, 154, 184, 223, 241, 325, 363 Emigration 14, 175–7 Employment 116, 117, 179, 234, 283, 319, 332, 413, 419 Engineering 93, 135, 159, 319, 403 English 1, 109, 157, 187, 221, 272, 313, 361 Enslavement 63, 64–7, 69, 77, 91 Entrepreneurs 27, 31, 65, 137, 159, 399, 405, 413, 419 Erdiston College Barbados 91–2 European Commission 318 European Union (EU) 143, 310, 331, 346, 351, 356 France 184, 361 French 1, 309 French Caribbean 175, French Guinea 370 Gender 4, 9, 27, 34, 40, 52, 107, 113, 116, 137, 283, 311, 327, 283, 311, 327, 330 389, 406, 407 Geography 2, 3, 9, 14, 70, 106, 120, 152, 183 Grenada 183–98, 2, 6, 91, 94, 211, 317, 431 Carib (Amerindian Population) 184 Class, Colour and Stratification 184 Education Acts of 1976 and 2004 190 People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) 188, 189, 190, 192, 195

Spice Island - exports 184 St George’s University 194 Teachers College 188, 195 Guyana 199–220, 1, 6, 426 Caste system 201 Colonial education 199, 200, 201, 202, 219 Decolonization process 199 Integration 200, 201, 202 Plantation society 199, 200, 201, 202 Strategic Plans 208–13, 206, 207, 210, 211, 218 University of Guyana 212 Haiti 59, 316, 419, 423 Hospitality management 93, 159 Studies 93, 141, 142, 143, 424, 428 Hotel Industry 29, 81, 93, 122, 135, 272 Training school 81, 160 Human resources base 42, 167, 179, 274, 350, 354, 398, 425, 430 Immigrants 21, 108, 109, 418, 423 India 177, 361 Industry 26, 72, 95, 129, 153, 174, 328, 392, 425, 428 Inequality 42, 199, 217, 383 Information Communications Technology (ICT) 137, 138, 149, 196, 211, 237, 244, 245, 317, 319, 333, 380, 381, 390 Information Technology 94, 100, 210, 313, 315, 403 Innovation 354, 402, 413, 412 Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) 81, 372, 375, 391 Internet 98, 149, 178, 317, 318, 395 Ireland 89 Irish 221 Jamaica 221–47, 248–64, 115, 120 135, 211, 212, 316, 317, 355, 419, 426 Bias of boys and whites 223 Cambridge University Examination System 224 College of Arts, Science and Technology (CAST) 229, 233, 235, 236, 237

Index Jamaica Research and Education Network 318 Jamaica School of Agriculture (JSA) 228, 229, 233 Jamaican Schools Commission 224, 226 Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of Literacy (JAMAL) 232, 235, 248 Mass Education System 223, 224 National Development Plan (2030) for literacy 248 Negro Education Grant, Lady Mico Charity Fund (England) 223 New Horizons for Primary (NHP) Schools Project 249, 254, 261 Reform of Secondary Education (ROSE) 250, 254, 257, 260 Resource and Technology 250, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 260 Revised Primary Curriculum (RPC) – Literacy (L1-2-3) 250, 251, 252, 254, 258, 259, 261 Slavery 7, 222–3, 224 Teacher Training Inadequacies 258, 259, 260 Japan 346 Java 361 Job Market 14, 29, 30, 31, 215 Knowledge Economy 42, 246, 317, 372, 380, 399 Labour Force 14, 26, 107, 167, 169, 175, 215, 310 Labour Market 37, 193, 215, 216, 234, 331 Language 3, 4, 7, 27, 28, 39, 40, 41, 52, 55, 59, 113, 125, 129, 185, 277, 290, 295, 326, 351 Bilingual 189, 253 Creole 185, 189, 251, 326, 337, 362 Dutch 287, 291, 293, 295, 297, 361, 363, 364, 366, 374 English 4, 28, 29, 39, 40, 70, 108, 112, 115, 117, 122, 115, 117, 122, 185, 188, 189, 234, 245, 249, 272, 274, 287, 303, 326, 332, 389, 392, 393, 394 European 3, 144 French 332

439

Greek 75 Indigenous 299 Language Arts 55, 170, 192, 249, 251, 253, 254, 389 Mother Tongue 114, 290, 293–4, 364 Papiamento 287, 290, 291, 293, 294, 299 Spanish 108, 112, 144, 303, 332 Sranan (creole language) 362, 364 Latin America 158, 168, 172, 243, 250, 324, 395 Lifelong Learning 8, 31, 48, 149, 238, 298, 353, 398, 402, 410 Literacy 7, 9, 12, 27, 31, 37, 53, 55, 58, 64, 67, 69, 116, 157, 207, 210, 235, 244, 248–9, 250, 251, 253, 254, 259, 261, 290, 292, 300, 351, 352, 354, 371, 423 Basic 64, 65, 69, 207 Illiteracy 27, 30, 58, 67, 205, 232, 248, 266 Literacy Hour 251, 252, National Literacy Assessment 353 Male Under-Representation 100–01 Management Capacity 206 Management Studies 97, 141, 159, 403 Marine Studies 141, 160 Mathematics 5, 26–45, 55, 70, 112, 113, 122, 125, 170, 192, 207, 234, 245, 251, 254, 272, 273, 274, 289, 290, 295, 296, 297, 300, 313, 314, 315, 319, 332, 351, 387, 389, 392, 393, 394 Medicine 135, 159, 161, 162 Migration 4, 6, 9, 14, 21, 65, 166, 167, 175, 177, 179, 194, 201, 210, 266, 269, 281, 370, 413, 424 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 4, 107, 137, 310 Montserrat 265–86, 2, 7, 91, 135, 153, 420 Common Entrance Examination (CEE) 272, 273, 274, 283 Community College (MCC) 274, 280, 283 Emerald Isle of the Caribbean 267 Hurricane Hugo 1989 266, 280, 281 Ministry of Education (MOE) 265, 268, 270, 271, 273, 280, 281, 282, 283

440

Index

Soufriere Hills Volcano 265, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283 Teacher Training (in Barbados and Antigua) 268, 276, 277, 279, 280, 283 UWI Primary Education Project (PEP) 271 UWI School of Continuing Studies 274 Negro Education Grant (Mico Trust) 68, 154, 223 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) 113, 117, 192, 382, 385, 430 North America 1, 32, 123, 125, 126, 148, 192, 243, 309, 311, 413, 419 Numeracy 12, 31, 33, 55, 65, 69, 192, 207, 250, 251, 352, 354, 423 Off-Shore Banking 11, 308, 324, 419 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 88 Organisation of the Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) 95, 97, 98, 267, 310, 311, 324, 435, 350 Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) 94 Parkinson, Rawle 71, 72, Rawle Training Institute 72, 75–6 Wesley Hall School 72 Pedagogy 6, 7, 65, 82, 206, 218, 272, 295, 330, 335, 357, 374 Physical Education 112, 192, 387, 388, 392 Plantation Economy 153, 199 Planters 64, 67, 362, 419 Portugal 1, 346, 361 Port of Spain 403 Poverty 27, 41, 42, 65, 107, 108, 117, 167, 184, 206, 222, 310, 319, 343, 366, 383, 385, 387, 395 Puerto Rico 11, 137 Quality Assurance (QA) 112, 116, 196, 358, 411 Quality Education 42, 107, 114, 152, 180, 199, 218, 248, 254, 338, 374, 381, 389, 423, 425, 433

Quality of Teaching 15, 11, 22, 23, 37, 39, 43, 91, 422 Race 40, 66, 70, 71, 121, 123, 326, 327, 330 Reading 31, 55, 58, 64, 65, 70, 153, 154, 169, 251, 261, 273, 296, 362, 366, 368, 394 Religion 65, 66, 70, 185, 186, 188, 192, 362, 404 Research 4, 18, 20, 28, 31, 33, 37, 40, 41, 42, 88, 97, 98, 100, 116, 138, 152, 167, 168, 178, 196, 283, 290, 303, 319, 333 Saint Kitts and Nevis 308–22, 1, 7, 135, 195 Advanced Vocational Education Centre (AVEC) 312 Basseterre (capital) 309 Foundation for the Development of Caribbean Children (FDCC2011) 310 International Funding-medical schools/graduate school, St Kitts 312 St Kitts International Academy (SKI) 316 Virtual School (UNESCO funded) 312 Volcanic Eruptions 308 Saint Lucia 323–42, 1, 8, 91, 93, 185, 211, 212 Elitist Social Structure 328 Lady Mico Charity Fund (1838) 326 Sir Arthur Lewis Community College 329 Teacher Training Programmes 329, 332 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 343–59, 1, 8, 91, 94, 183, 211, 212, 317 Adult Education Unit 352–3 Early Childhood Education 344 Faith Schools 346, 348 Grammar Schools 346 ICT 346, 348 Kingstown (capital) 343 Mixed Race Population 343 One Laptop per Child Project (EU) 346 St Vincent and the Grenadines Community College (SVGCC) 344, 350, 351, 352, 358

Index University of the West Indies (UWI) Open Campus 344 Virtual Education Engagement 346 Schooling All-academic 116, 122, 123, 230, 237, All-age 43, 121, 122, 126, 134, 205, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233 Charity 65, 66, 222, 223, 224 Comprehensive 12, 13, 80, 92 Elementary 48, 63, 66, 70, 71, 72, 76, 81, 91, 223, 224, 226, 228, 229, 374 Junior Secondary 29, 230, 231, 375 Kindergarten 52, 289, 299, 368, 369, 371, 372 Nursery 124, 155, 202, 204, 210, 211, 212, 218, 270 Pre-Primary/Pre-School 12, 28, 41, 48, 111, 112, 158, 162, 172, 191, 315, 363, 372 Private 48, 52, 65, 68, 81, 111, 123, 126, 127, 134, 193, 204, 224, 241, 312, 315, 362, 365, 383 Public 52, 53, 111, 127, 128, 171, 193, 226, 227, 228, 242, 315, 36 Technical High 227, 228, 229, 230, 231 Science 12, 27, 39, 112, 113, 116, 125, 129, 170, 174, 192, 204, 206, 212, 234, 254, 272, 294, 295, 313, 314, 315, 319, 333, 381, 392, 399, 402, 404, 409, 410, 412, 414 Suriname 360–79 Austerity cuts 365, 366 Basic Education Improvement Programme (BEIP) – (2012) 372, 374, 375 Domestic Conflict (1986–92) 370 Flemish Association for Development, Co-operation and Technical Assistance (VVOB) 374, 375 Language of Instruction 371 Military Dictatorship (1980–87) 375 Negroes and Mulattos Free Private School 362 Paramaribo (capital) 360, 363, 365, 366, 367, 369–73, 375, 376 University of Suriname (1968) 364, 369, 376

441

Teacher Education and Training 4, 27, 33, 39, 75, 91, 111, 113, 115, 120, 134, 135, 136, 141, 156, 202, 206, 207, 210, 226, 230, 235, 236, 237, 251, 332, 333, 346, 351, 364, 365, 368, 371, 374, 384, 387 Technical Vocational Education 71, 72, 94, 95, 127, 142, 144, 145, 202, 204, 206, 210, 212, 228, 249–50, 255, 276, 329, 354, 405 Technological Developments 42, 45, 81, 206, 418 Tertiary Education 79, 111, 134, 155, 191, 194–6, 202, 204, 324, 398 The Bahamas 46–62, 5, 316, 317, 419 Bahamas Wisdom Academy and Development Centre 56, 57, 58, 59 Family Islands 46, 48, 49 Grand Bahama 49, 54, 57 Ministry of Education 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60 Nassau 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 56, 57, 59, 60 New Providence 47, 48, 54, Resources for Autism and Related Challenges (REACH) 60 The Netherlands Antilles 287–307, 1, 7, 361, 369, 370, 372, 376 Aruba Dutch Education System 287, 288 Dutch Language 287, 289, 290, 299 First Strategic Education Plan 298, 299 Multilingual School Pilot Project 298, 299 Bonaire Development Schools 292 Foundation-based education (2002) 291 Language 291 Lead Schools 291 Curacao Foundation-based education 292 Internship Schools for Student Teachers 292 Language 290

442

Index

Saba Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) 289 English Language 290 Foundation-based Education 291, 297 Sint Eustatius English Language 290 Foundation-based education 291 Sint Maarten English Language 290 Foundation-based education 291, 292 Tourism 11, 16, 26, 46, 78, 79, 81, 93, 94, 107, 117, 120, 123, 133, 142, 152, 156, 159, 167, 189, 196, 233, 308, 310, 319, 324, 329, 351, 420, 424, 425, 426, 430, 433 Trinidad and Tobago 380–97, 398–416, 1, 8, 67, 115, 135, 187, 195, 211, 316, 317, 355 College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts (COSTAATT) 403 Compensatory Programmes & Academic Support Resources (COMPASS) 403–4 Five Tertiary Level Institutions 384 Multi-Sector Skills Training 406 Nobel Peace Prize (2007) 402 Proliferation of Private Institutions 400 Trinidad and Tobago National Vocational Qualifications (TTNVQs) 410 University of the West Indies (UWI) 400–01 Turks and Caicos Islands 417–35, 1, 9, 153 Challenges of Mini-Archipelago 418, 419 Grand Turk (capital) 420, 424, 433 High Teacher Attrition Rates 424 Hurricanes and Tropical Storms 428 National Recovery Task Force (NRTF) 430 Overcrowding of Schools 424, 425 TCI Community College 424 UNICEF Support 430

United Kingdom (UK) 1, 2, 16, 18, 106, 108, 113, 115, 120, 121, 127, 134, 135, 139, 145, 148, 175, 178, 179, 183, 186, 188, 189, 194, 195, 346, 347–9, 357, 401 UNESCO 4, 88, 193, 230, 254, 356, 372 UNESCO International Institute for Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean, 195 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 324 United States of America (USA) 2, 11, 12, 21, 46, 52, 72, 108, 113, 115, 120, 122, 123, 134, 135, 136, 139, 141, 142, 145, 148, 175, 178, 179, 187, 188, 190, 194, 195, 196, 281, 294, 316, 327, 345, 376, 404 University of the West Indies (UWI) 3, 5, 9, 12, 27, 30, 36, 79, 86, 88, 92, 93, 115, 135, 141, 144, 149, 155, 158, 194, 195, 227, 232, 235, 236, 268, 269, 275, 335, 351, 354, 355 Cave Hill Campus (Barbados) 5, 79, 86, 87, 89, 92, 95–103 Mona Campus (Jamaica) 226, 233 Open Campuses 3, 5, 8, 115, 135, 155, 158–60, 162, 312, 344, 351, 354–7, 402 St Augustine Campus (Trinidad) 9, 400, 401, 402 Unqualified Teachers 115, 207, 372 Veterinary Education 162 Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth (VUSSC) 318 West Africa 184 West Indies Royal Commission (1945) 91 World Bank 32, 34, 36, 107, 112, 230, 234, 237, 243, 244, 249, 254, 332, 335, 374, 387

443

444

445

446

447

448