Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary: Studies in Honor of Ladislav Zgusta [Reprint 2013 ed.] 9783110957075, 9783484309647

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LEXICOGRAPHICA Series Maior Supplementary Volumes to the International Annual for Lexicography Suppléments à la Revue Internationale de Lexicographie Supplementbände zum Internationalen Jahrbuch für Lexikographie

Edited by Sture Allén, Pierre Corbin, Reinhard R. K. Hartmann, Franz Josef Hausmann, Hans-Peder Kromann, Oskar Reichmann, Ladislav Zgusta 64

Published in cooperation with the Dictionary Society of North America (DSNA) and the European Association for Lexicography (EURALEX)

Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary Studies in Honor of Ladislav Zgusta edited by Braj B. Kachru and Henry Kahanet

Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1995

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme [Lexicographica / Series maior] Lexicographica : supplementary volumes to the International annual for lexicography / pubi, in cooperation with the Dictionary Society of North America (DSNA) and the European Association for Lexicography (EURALEX). Series maior. - Tübingen : Niemeyer. Früher Schriftenreihe Reihe Series maior zu: Lexicographica NE: International annual for lexicography / Supplementary volumes 64. Cultures, ideologies and the dictionary. - 1995 Cultures, ideologies and the dictionary: studies in honor of Ladislav Zgusta / ed. by Braj B. Kachru and Henry Kahanet. - Tübingen : Niemeyer, 1995 (Lexicographica : Series maior ; 64) NE: Kachru, Braj B. [Hrsg.]; Zgusta, Ladislav: Festschrift ISBN 3-484-30964-4

ISSN 0175-9264

© Max Niemeyer Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, Tübingen 1995 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany. Druck: Weihert-Druck GmbH, Darmstadt Einband: Hugo Nadele, Nehren

Professor Ladislav Zgusta

Contents Preface Acknowledgements Ladislav Zgusta: The Illinois Years Braj B. Kach.ru Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta Introduction Braj B. Kachru I. C0NTEXTUALI21NG

ix xi xiii xxi lxiii

CULTURE

Otomi Culture from Dictionary Illustrative Sentences Doris Bartholomew Un Film, Deux Linguistes et Quelques Dictionnaires. Un Regard Particulier sur Simple Mortel de Pierre Jolivet Pierre Corbin Dictionaries as Culturally Constructed and as Culture-Constructing Artifacts: The Reciprocity View as Seen from Yiddish Sources Joshua A. Fishman

3

9

29

Allusions Littéraires et Citations Historiques Dans le Trésor de la Langue Française Franz Josef Hausmann

35

Towards a Theory of the Cultural Dictionary Luis Fernando Lara

41

The Spindle or the Distaff Winfred P. Lehmann

53

The Principal Categories of Learnèd Words Yakov Malkiel

61

Lexical Cosmetics Eugene A. Nida

69

II. LEXICOGRAPHY IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT The Roots of Sixteenth-Century Mesoamerican Lexicography Frances Karttunen

75

The Current State of Chinese Lexicography Thomas B. I. Creamer

89

The 'New Historiography,' the History of French and 'Le Bon Usage' in Nicot's Dictionary (1606) Douglas A. Kibbee On Chi-nam Ngoc-am Giai-nghia: An Early Chinese-Vietnamese dictionary Bình-Hoà Nguyen

103 119

vi

Chaucer and Lydgate in Palsgrave's Lesclarcissement Gabriele Stein III. IDEOLOGY, NORMS AND LANGUAGE

127

USE

Political Considerations on Spanish Dictionaries Manuel Alvar Ezquerra

143

Marrism and Soviet Lexicography Donna M. T. Cr. Farina

153

Florence like Athens and Italian like Greek: An Ideologically Biased Theme in the Forewords of Some Italian Thesauri of the 19th Century CarlaMarello

171

Dictionaries and Ideologies: Three Examples from Eastern Europe Arma Wierzbicka

181

Philippine Regionalism versus Nationalism and the Lexicographer R. David Zorc

197

IV. PLURICENTRICITY

AND

ETHNOCENTRICISM

British and American Biases in English Dictionaries John Algeo

205

One Language, Two Ideologies, and Two Dictionaries: The Case of Korean Chin W. Kim

213

Worldview and Verbal Senses Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

223

De la Soumission à la Prise de Parole: Le Cheminement de la Lexicographie au Québec . . . ClaudePoirier

237

Taking it for Granted: Some Cultural Preconceptions in English Dictionaries Janet Whitcut

253

V. DICTIONARIES

ACROSS LANGUAGES AND

CULTURES

Lexical Exponents of Cultural Contact: Speech Act Verbs in Hindi-English Dictionaries Yamuna Kachru

261

The Bilingual Dictionary in Cross-Cultural Contexts Roger J. Steiner

275

VI. LANGUAGE DYNAMICS vs.

PRESCRIPTIVISM

The Learner's Dictionary in a Changing Cultural Perspective Anthony P. Cowie

283

v

Contents

»

Dictionaries and the Dynamics of Language Change Rufus H. Gouws

297

Dictionaries for the People or for People? Francis E. Knowles

315

VII. LANGUAGE LEARNER AS THE CONSUMER Learners' Dictionaries: Keeping the Learner in Mind Gerard M. Dalgish

329

VIII. STRUCTURING SEMANTICS The Dictionary as Philosophy: Reconstructing the Meaning of Our Father Fredric F. M. Dolezal

341

Meaning as Derived from Word Formation in South American Indian Languages Mary Ritchie Key

353

How Many Meanings to a Word? Johannes P. Louw

357

IX. ETHICAL ISSUES AND LEXICOLOGISTS' BIASES When Religion Intrudes into Etymology (On The Word: The Dictionary that Reveals the Hebrew Source of English) David L. Gold

369

Culture-Bound and Trapped by Technology: Centuries of Bias in the Making of Wordbooks Tom McArthur

381

X. TERMINOLOGY ACROSS CULTURES Amharic Lexicography and the Dynamics of Sociopolitical Terminology

393

Zdenelc Polàcëk Grammatical Indications in Chinese Monolingual Dictionaries Gunnar O. Richter

401

XI. AFTERWORD Afterword: Directions and Challenges BrajB. Kachru

417

Notes on Contributors Abstracts, Résumés, and Zusammenfassungen

425 431

Preface

Braj Β. Kachru

This volume is a ίraddhânjaiï ('token of salutation') to celebrate the scholarship of Ladislav Zgusta as a lexicologist. As we know, general lexicography is only one dimension of his expertise. Another scholarly volume edited by my colleague at Illinois, Hans Henrich Hock, honors Ladislav for his contribution to the venerable field of Indo-European studies. By this division we are able to focus on the honoree's two major areas of research and teaching—in Europe and in the USA. As is the case with all such volumes, Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary has a biography of its own--of its conceptualization, of various stages of its growth, of inevitable frustrations, and finally, of its completion. And as this is a collaborative volume involving almost forty contributors, the story naturally becomes more complex. I will share only a part of the story with the readers of this volume. A broad conceptualization of Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary began on March 15, 1992, in the late Henry Kahane's office in room 427 of the Library building at the University of Illinois at Urbana, Illinois. That was just 233 days before Henry Kahane passed away-almost three years ago now. It was on that day that Henry and I got together to talk about our mutual friend and colleague Ladislav Zgusta's contribution to the world of scholarship, to the University of Illinois, and in a specific way, about the possibilities of a volume to honor our distinguished colleague. There was, of course, no question in our minds about Ladislav being the right person to be honored. The questions we had were altogether of a different nature: What should be the scope and range of the volume? What should be the languages in which contributions could be written without turning the volume into the proverbial Tower of Babel? How inclusive should we be in inviting contributions to the volume? After all, Ladislav has a wide international circle of professional colleagues, students, and admirers. But more precisely, the question was what dimension of Ladislav's scholarship should the volume represent. In several succeeding meetings, Henry and I agreed to honor Ladislav with a thematically cohesive volume dedicated to a scholarly area in which Ladislav has done pioneering worklexicography. This area of research and teaching has continued to be close to his heart for over five decades. The theme of the volume was also chosen for its relevance to our times. It was decided that we would send an invitation to a select group of scholars for their contributions. The invitation, dated March 23,1992, reads as follows: We are writing to you as the friends and colleagues of Ladislav Zgusta, who will be turning 70 in 1994. We consider it appropriate to honor him on his birthday with a Festchrift covering, of course, Zgusta's special field: lexicography. In this field, Zgusta is internationally recognized for his theoretical and methodological insights.

χ The proposed volume will have thematic cohesion and a high degree of topical unity. The idea is to produce a scholarly volume which will be useful also to practitioners in lexicography and related disciplines for its scholarly merit and cross-cultural and cross-linguistic range. The volume will be entitled Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary. We believe that this theme has yet to receive the full attention of the scholars. We would hope, therefore, that the invited authors would discuss theoretical and descriptive issues related to the overall theme of the volume with supporting data from any language, ancient or modern, Western or non-Western. The term 'ideology' should not be taken as necessarily referring to the political trends of the twentieth century only. A broad understanding of the topic, including ancient religions, is welcome. We would like you to contribute a paper to the proposed volume. We feel that this volume will make a serious contribution to our understanding of the cultural and ideological issues in lexicography.

The last invitation was mailed in May 1992. The response to the invitation was most encouraging. But as fate would have it, Henry Kahane's counsel and guidance ended only a few months later when, without any serious illness, he passed away very peacefully at his home on September 11,1992. It was just 51 days short of Henry's 90th birthday. Henry's death was a personal loss to Ladislav and me. I had known Henry and Renée for almost three decades, and Ladislav first met him in 1969 when he was invited to teach at the Linguistic Institute at Illinois-a friendship of many years. It was actually after Henry's death that Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary slowly developed into its present form. Henry's participation was unfortunately limited to the initial phase of the volume. I believe that Henry would have been satisfied with the final product. It is in that sense, then, that Henry Kahane is co-editor of the volume. A volume of this size and range is not possible without the full cooperation of the contributors and their sustained enthusiasm from the first version of the contribution until the last, which appears in the volume. I was fortunate to receive their cooperation in abundance, for which I am grateful. In editing a volume of this nature there invariably are problems and complications. The faxes, correspondence, and contributions came in more than one language—and not only in English, German, and French. We had to get some papers, not written in English, German, or French, translated into one of these languages. That naturally took time, effort, and patience. The result, however, is a truly cross-linguistic and cross-cultural volume on a theme which addresses the most relevant concerns of our times. This is an appropriate iraddhânjaiï for Ladislav Zgusta. I am, however, well aware of the fact, as was Henry Kahane, that Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary recognizes only one scholarly dimension of the "...many-sided erudition" of our honoree.1

viJayädaSanS October 14,1994

1 See Yakov Malkiel, Review of Theory and Method in Lexicography : western and non-western perspectives, edited by Ladislav Zgusta. Language 57.1,1981,252.

Acknowledgements

There are several individuals and organizations who contributed to making this volume possible. The person who nurtured this project beyond the call of duty from its initial stage to its culmination is Rosa Shim. Rosa worked as an editorial assistant on this project with immense patience and unusual dedication, always with a smile and infectious confidence. This volume and her Ph.D. dissertation were completed at the same time-just before she left for her native Korea to teach linguistics. I am grateful to her for helping to shape this volume and for dealing with a variety of complex problems—some expected and many unexpected. We owe gratitude and thanks to a number of colleagues and graduate students who helped in various roles: Anne-Marie Andreasson, Clay W. Curtis Blaylock, Rory S. Clark, Elizabeth deKadt, Marc Deniere and Liz Martin for providing translations of texts into English, French, and German; to Yamuna Kachru of the University of Illinois at Urbana, Illinois, and Cecil L. Nelson of Indiana State University, Terre Haute, Indiana, for their assistance in solving numerous editorial problems and answering a variety of questions with unflinching cooperation; to Martin Baik, Kyutae Jung, Amita Kachru, Robert McCarthy Jr., and Adisa Teo for their help in preparation of the camera-ready copy; to the members of the editorial committee of "Lexicographica Series Maior" published by Max Niemeyer Verlag for including this volume in the series; to Andrea Welzel and Karin Wenzel for their constructive suggestions for preparation of the manuscript for publication; and to the Research Board of the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana for its support of this project.

Ladislav Zgusta: The Illinois Years

Braj B. Kach.ru

Ifirstmet Ladislav Zgusta in October 1965 in a small room (room 232) at 1207 West Oregon Street, Urbana, Illinois. This building now houses the School of Social Work of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. In 1965, a few rooms in this building provided office space for the Center for Comparative Psycholinguistics, founded by the late Charles Osgood. Osgood's own office was actually in Gregory Hall, just on the southeast corner of the Quad. Zgusta had been invited by William Archer, one of the senior researchers in Osgood's Center, to deliver a talk. At that time Zgusta was on a Greyhound tour of selected sights and campuses of the United States. In addition to the University of Illinois campus, the tour included Berkeley, Chicago, Columbia, Harvard, Los Angeles, Pennsylvania, and Texas. The flagship campus of the state of Illinois was one of Zgusta's stops due to the reputation of Osgood and the invitation of Archer. Zgusta's afternoon talk, I distinctly remember, was related to the British linguist John Rupert Firth's (1890-1961) concept of collocation. At that time, in some linguistic circles, it was a muchdiscussed concept, and several scholars in lexicography and stylistics were writing about it (see, e.g., Mcintosh 1961). The concept and its various applications had also seriously been discussed in the 1960s among the small group of students of Michael A.K. Halliday in Edinburgh. In fact, Halliday's paper, "Lexis as a linguistic level," had been circulated to his students, and extensively discussed, before its eventual publication in 1966.1 had been a student of Firth, in what I believe was his last batch of graduate students in Edinburgh in 1960 before he passed away. Firth had come to Edinburgh after his retirement from the first chair of general linguistics established at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. I had completed my Ph.D. dissertation at Edinburgh with Michael A.K. Halliday as my major advisor. Bill Archer knew about my Edinburgh connection, hence his invitation to me to attend the talk. At that time I was familiar with Ladislav's work primarily as a prolific reviewer of linguistic books in Archiv Orientálni published in Prague. He was the executive editor of that scholarly journal from 1955-1970. His numerous reviews, varying from brief notes to very long review articles, were, as Calvert Watkins, professor of Linguistics and the Classics at Harvard University has rightly said, "highly informative, and often trenchant."1 The range of his reviews included books on the linguistic sciences published in practically all European languages, and major Oriental languages in Europe, the USA, and Asia.21 had read his reviews in Poona (now Pune), India, at

Communication addressed to Robert B. Lees, dated December 6,1968. See his partial bibliography in this volume.

xiv

the Deccan College Post-graduate and Research Institute, and later in Edinburgh, with excitement and interest. There were only a few of us present at his talk; it turned into a discussion rather than a formal presentation. After all, in the 1960s, the University of Illinois was not an ideal place to talk of the British speculations on collocation. At that time Illinois was the main center, after MIT, of the new emerging paradigm of linguistics-Transformational Grammar~and Robert B. Lees was, as it were, the apostle of that paradigm.3 In that small room, Ladislav handled the topic "with wit, and grace." That is how Winfred Lehmann of the Department of Linguistics, University of Texas at Austin, has characterized his usual style.4 I also found him "extremely pleasant, with modest Central European manners," as Warren Cowgill, professor of Linguistics at Yale University, has described Ladislav.5 He was the type of speaker one wants to know, one wants to interact with, and one aspires to have as a colleague. It was not until four years later that an academic opportunity made it possible to invite Ladislav to Illinois as a visiting professor to teach at the 1969 Linguistic Institute of the Linguistic Society of America. The Institute was hosted by the University, with Robert B. Lees as its director. By then, what used to be a program in linguistics at Illinois had already been reorganized as a Department of Linguistics with Lees its first head. Since Lees was away in India for part of 1968,1 was the acting head, and corresponded with Ladislav about his proposed assignment at the Institute. The invitation was for teaching two seminars: structure of Hittite and comparative Anatolian languages. This was not an easy period for Ladislav and his wife Olga. In the winter of 1968, what used to be Czechoslovakia was a nation in crisis, and even the language of the invitation had to be very carefully chosen to make it "easier to settle ... pertinent problems" which one had to face in Prague.6 The "pertinent problems" were primarily political and bureaucratic. The bureaucracy in Prague was immense and intensely ideological, the paper work was complicated, and the travel plans were complex. However, eventually Ladislav surmounted all these problems and came to teach at the Institute. At the Institute, Ladislav was impressive as a colleague and as a teacher. And he was not merely an Indo-European specialist and a lexicologist. He was also a vital resource with a critical understanding of Russian Formalism, the Prague School, European Structuralism, the Indian linguistic tradition, and so on. Whatever one's orientation or linguistic interests, it was always refreshing to talk to Ladislav. His conversation was enlightening, and communication was easy. The ingredients of wit, grace, and learning were always present. Just three months after the Institute, Henry Kahane, who possessed the same qualities in abundance, observed about 3 4 5 6

SeeKachru(ed., 1992) particularly papers by Braj B. Kachni, Henry Kahane and Robert Β. Lees. Letter dated May 29,1970. Communication addressed to Robot B. Lees, dated December 3,1968. Letter dated November 28,1968 addressed to me by Ladislav Zgusta.

Ladislav Zgusta: The Illinois Years

XV

Ladislav, "I noticed during the Linguistic Institute of this summer [1969] that he was a great success with our American students. He is human, witty, learned, and of high intelligence. I personally had many discussions with him, and I enjoyed them thoroughly."7 The next step, then, was to find a way to make Ladislav a permanent member of the linguistics family at Illinois. We immediately initiated steps in that direction: On October 23,1969,1 made a formal proposal to then Vice Chancellor H.E. Carter, the Chairman of the George A. Miller Endowment Committee, nominating Ladislav for the George A. Miller visiting professorship for 1971. This was, of course, a temporary arrangement which, as Henry Kahane said in his supporting letter with my nomination, "could be a bridge to a tenure [tenured] position."8 The supporting documents included letters from half a dozen major scholars in Indo-European linguistics: Warren Cowgill (Yale), D.J. Georgacas (North Dakota), Eric Hamp (Chicago), Winfred P. Lehmann (Texas), Jaan Puhvel (UCLA), Calvert Watkins (Harvard), and, of course, several Illinois scholars including John J. Bateman (the Classics) and Henry Kahane (Linguistics and the Center for Advanced Study). All these initiatives to begin Ladislav's Illinois years were taken when he and his family were still in Prague. The Prague of the 1960s! It was full of uncertainties and confrontations~a Kafkaesque world. One major concern was: Would Ladislav and his family be able to escape easily from Czechoslovakia? At Illinois, things were progressing satisfactorily. On December 7, 1970, the then Assistant Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs, Roger E. Martin, informed me that Vice Chancellor Carter had approved my request, and that I could make an offer to Ladislav for the academic year 197071. That part sounds easy. But now began the process of arranging Ladislav's entry into the USA and that, too, from an Iron Curtain country, the "evil empire." And this takes me to an aside: When Claude Lévi-Strauss, the noted anthropologist, was asked, "Was it easy for you to get your visa for the United States?" His answer was (quoted in Eribon 1991: 28): Nothing is more complicated than being admitted as an immigrant into the United States. There were mountains of paper-work. You had to prove you had a job, an organization had to furnish proof that you were indeed going to be working there. You also had to find someone willing to pay a rather substantial fee on your behalf.

And Lévi-Strauss was not seeking entry from behind the Iron Curtain. However, I must hasten to add that Ladislav's experience was different and I shall soon explain why. I had had a mild taste of the possible complexities when Illinois invited Ladislav to teach at the 1969 Linguistic Institute. At that time, for his short visit, the Soviet and Eastern European Exchanges Staff of the Department of State, Washington, DC, wanted us to confirm the invitation "and advise this office

' 8

Letter addressed to Vice Chancellor Herbert E. Carter dated October 8,1969. ibid.

svi

of the dates of his stay at Urbana and the nature of the professional work in which he will be engaged." 9 That was, of course, simple. We were also asked that "[i]n the event that Mr. Zgusta should plan any professional activities other than those specifically included in his original program at your Institution, please inform us in advance in order that we may determine whether they appropriately fall within the scope of his visit." 10 Why was, then, Ladislav's experience different? The difference was made by the late Gordon Fairbanks, another Indo-Europeanist, whom Ladislav had first met at the Linguistic Institute at Illinois in 1969. Fairbanks had several talks with the proper authorities in Washington, D.C., and in his usual quiet but persuasive way Gordon convinced the authorities to issue relevant entry papers for Ladislav and his family. The generalization of Lévi-Strauss did not apply to Ladislav. Actually, reflecting on that experience, Ladislav told me that things "went quite smoothly for me." It was in the late winter of 1970 that Ladislav planned to leave Czechoslovakia-it was a case of accomplishing a complex and understandably very risky escape. The Zgustas, with their two teenage children, Monika and Richard, came to India with a tourist group sponsored by the Czech government tourist agency. This was the last possibility to leave Prague after the well-known tragic crackdown and occupation of Prague in August 1968,-and the fall of Alexander Dubçek (19211992) from Soviet grace. Dubçek fell in April 1969, and the Zgustas left Prague in February 1970. Their flight arrived in Bombay, India, full of Czech tourists with a typical tourist itinerary which the Zgustas never finished. Instead, they escaped to India's capital, Delhi, the location of the US Embassy. It was in Delhi, and in Rajasthan, that they kept a low profile while waiting, to put it neutrally, for things to work out. And during this period of waiting, they kept their two teenagers entertained and busy. They visited the sights in old Delhi, in New Delhi, and in Jaipur. This was an agonizing wait, for India did not, understandably, encourage political defection from socialist countries. An unobtrusive change of their passports helped with that, and finally, with the help of a friendly Embassy, the family received appropriate travel documents for the United States: their next step toward a new life and an unpredictable future. The plans for a tenured professorial position at Illinois were by that time largely worked out. Gordon Fairbanks and Wirifred Lehmann, who was at that time chairman of the Department of Linguistics at the University of Texas at Austin, provided help and counsel. The chronology of the Zgusta's move to the USA worked as follows: In the summer of 1969, as mentioned above, he came to teach at the Linguistic Institute and returned to Prague in August 1969 to organize things and finalize his move. That was accomplished in February 1970 via India. After their entry in the US, Ladislav taught at Cornell University for the spring semester 1970; he had a summer appointment at the Linguistic Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin, and he joined

Letter addressed to me by Jonathan Β. Rickert, Soviet and Eastern European Exchanges Staff, Department of State, Washington. D C., dated March 26, 1969. 10 ibid.

Ladislao Zgusta: The Illinois Years

xvii

the University of Illinois as a visiting associate in the Center for Advanced Study in September, 1970. This arrangement, complicated as it sounds, actually gave us some time to finalize the details for a tenured professorial position at Illinois. That goal was accomplished in 1971, when Ladislav's Illinois years as a tenured member of the university began. And within only a few years, in 1974, Ladislav was appointed a permanent member of the Center for Advanced Study at Illinois. An appointment to a professorship in the Center is the highest recognition the University of Illinois can bestow upon its most productive and widely recognized scholars at the UrbanaChampaign campus. We soon realized that Ladislav liked "the work and colleagues"11 at Illinois. Within three years of his arrival, he turned down offers from three major universities in the US, one of them with an endowed chair. In my role as head of the Department of Linguistics, it was reassuring to see how dependent Ladislav had become on the six-million-volume library in the (Mairie! I have now known Ladislav for two and a half decades. And during these decades I have seen many facets of Zgusta as a scholar, as a friend, and as a colleague. However, I should say, linguistically speaking, I have seen a variety of his dimensions—many Zgustas. There is the internationally recognized Zgusta, the lexicographer and lexicologist. In his now out-of-print Manual of Lexicography (1971), he was able to establish the theoretical and methodological frameworks of the field. This book continues to be a standard reference manual for practitioners of lexicography in pirated editions, in xeroxed versions and in translations in Russia, in China, in India, in the USA, in Malaysia and in various parts of Europe. In this field, the profession recognized his contribution by electing him president of the Dictionary Society of North America (1983-85) and a patron of the Lexicographical Society of India. He is the initiator, coordinator, and promoter of numerous major lexicographical enterprises, in his roles as editor of the journal Lexicographica: International Annual of Lexicography, and of the International Encyclopedia of Lexicography, to name just two. Then, there is Zgusta the onomastician. In his research in this field, he has shown that it is wrong to believe that dead persons tell no tales. Ladislav is comfortable in the remote cemeteries and among the tombstones of Asia Minor, where each tomb has a history and a story—for him a linguistic, social, and cultural story. Year after year, he used to look forward to his visit to Asia Minor to decipher the ancient tombstones as an architect of the linguistic and cultural prehistory of the region. This interest of his has resulted in over six monumental works, the latest one a Magnum Opus of an 800-pages Place Names of Asia Minor (1984). And for his contribution to this field he has been elected honorary fellow of the American Name Society and selected as editor of the International Encyclopedia ofOnomastics. Then there is Zgusta the Indo-Europeanist. It was for his research in this venerable field that his peers selected him the Collitz professor of the Linguistic Institute of the Linguistic Society of Letter addressed to me dated March 3,1971

xviii

America in 1976. There is also Zgusta the historian of the linguistic sciences. When he wears this hat (and I will return to his other hats and caps later), he does not reconstruct the history of his chosen field from secondary sources. Zgusta has critically studied several major contemporary linguistic schools and has interacted with most of the initiators and proponents of various paradigms-the Prague School, Russian Formalism, European Structuralism-and he has engaged in intensive textual and comparative study of Panini, thus going back to 500 BC. And there is yet another Zgusta, who is relating his humanistic knowledge and understanding to technology. He was, earlier, consultant to the machine translation project at Texas. He is now actively engaged in the use of computers in lexicographical research, with an award from the National Endowment for the Humanities. There are, of course, other Zgustas too. I could go on and on. It is for this depth and wide range of his scholarship that Yakov Malkiel calls him "a citizen of the world" (1981: 251) with a "cosmopolitan range of curiosity" (252). And, as we know, Malkiel is not known for being generous with his compliments. What Malkiel means is that Ladislav has shared other cultures and written about them: European, South Asian, and Southeast Asian. He has had experience in the field in various parts of the world as a Guggenheim Foundation Fellow (1977 and 1984), and as a Ford Foundation Scholar (1979). In 1982, Zgusta became a corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Science, and a decade later, in 1992, he was elected a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. All these honours and recognitions came to him during the Illinois years. And he has shared the cultural experiences of these regions in his scholarly pursuits through languages such as Greek, Hittite, Russian, Sanskrit, Czech, German, and French, to name just a handful. He is the only person whose telephone answering machine welcomes you in Latin—it is, as it were, a polite reprimand for disturbing him at home. In Illinois, Ladislav's cross-cultural interests go beyond his scholarship: These reflect in his work habits, too. Ladislav and I have been sharing a study in the secret confines of the University of Illinois Library since 1975. There in the study, Ladislav keeps an array of hats and robes. And a variety of coffees. One has a feeling that when he works on onomastics, he wears a Turkish fez and a red robe, and drinks Turkish coffee. When he works on Indo-European, he puts on a Greek cap. And when he works on Panini and Sanskrit, he drinks Darjeeling tea. It is fascinating to watch him work: Whatever he does has a style and grace. I have not discussed so far the qualities and effectiveness of Zgusta as an academic administrator. During his Prague days he had performed that role as head of the Linguistics Section of the Oriental Institute, Academy of Sciences (1959-70) and as head of the Department of Lexicography of the same Institute (1959-67). He was external head of the lexicographic section of the Oriental Institute of the German Academy in Berlin (1963-70). He was also deputy director of the prestigious Oriental Institute of the Academy of Sciences (1954-58). In Illinois he was selected

Ladislao Zgusla: The Illinois Years

as the director of the Center for Advanced Study in 1987. It is in that capacity that I see now the skill, wit, and effectiveness with which he provides administrative leadership to the Center. All these scholarly dimensions of Zgusta and the roles he has played as a teacher, editor, and academic administrator reflect in his Curriculum Vitae of about forty pages—that is up to 1994-which includes over 700 publications: books, chapters in various scholarly volumes, papers in journals, and reviews. Zgusta's is the only CVI have seen which has a title page and a title: the title reads: The Rosary of woes, calamities and regrets: or the curriculum vitae of Ladislav Zgusta. It is this modesty and, of course, sense of humor that touches all who interact with him. Ladislav carries his knowledge and his wisdom in a somewhat detached way. All these personal, scholarly, and administrative qualities add up to make the person and scholar, Ladislav Zgusta. References Eri bon, Didier (1991). Conversations with Lévi-Strauss. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Halliday, Michael A.K. (1966). "Lexis as a linguistic level". In In memory ofJ.R. Firth . Edited by C.E. Bazell, J.C. Catford, M.A.K. Halliday and R.H. Robins. London: Longmans. 148-62. Kachm, Braj B. (ed.). (1992). Twenty-five years of linguistic research and teaching at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Special issue of Studies in the Linguistic Sciences. 22.2. Fall, 1992. Malkiel, Yakov (1981). Review of Theory and method in lexicography: Western and non-western perspectives. Language 57.1. 251-3. Mcintosh, Augus (1961). "Patterns and range". Language 37,325-37.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

Abbreviations ARBA = American Reference Books Annual, Littleton, Colorado Ar.Or.= Archiv Orientální BSL = Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris DLZ = Deutsche Literaturzeitung für Kritik der internationalen Wissenschaft DL = International Journal of Lexicography KZ = Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung LF = Listy Filologické NO = Novy Orient RBPh = Revue Belge de philologie et d'histoire/Belgisch tijdschrift voor filologie en geschiedenis, Bruxelles WZUH = Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg: gesellschafts- und sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe, Halle-Wittenberg ZMK = Zpravodaj Místopisné Komise (Onomastic Bulletin) ZPSK = Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung

Books Authored 1. Die Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste.

(Monografie

Orientálního ústavu fcSAV, 16). Prague: Nakladatelství teskoslovenské akademie vëd, 1955. Reviews: Archeologické rozhledy, 4, 1955, 535-536, Josef Filip. Ar. Or., 24, 1956, 635-639, Adolf Erhart. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, 7, 1956, 207-210, Wilhelm P. Schmid. LF, 4, 1956, 124-126, Ladislav Vidman. Vestnik drevnej istorii, 57: 3, 1956, 68-79, Benjamin I. Nadel'. Kratylos, 11, 1957, 161-169, Olivier Masson. Language, 33, 1957, 446-450, Gordon M. Messing. Sbomík prací Filosofické Fakulty Brnenské University, 6 (A5), 1957, 132-135, Adolf Erhart. BSL, 53: 3, 1957-58, no. 2, 65-67, Emil Benveniste. Voprosy jazykoznanija, 7: 2, 1958, 153-157, V. I. Nadèl'. Onomastica. 5, 1959, 238-243', Tadeusz Milewski.

2. Kleinasiatische Personennamen. (Monografie Orientálního ústavu tSAV, 19.) Prague: Verlag der Tschechoslowakischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1964. Reviews: ZMK, 5, 1964, 322-234, M. Frydrich. Paideia, 20, 1965, 332-334, Roberto Gusmani. Revue des études grecques, 78, 1965 (1966), 610-619, Claude Brixhe. Sprache, 11, 1965, 195-200, Wolfgang Dressler. Ar. Or., 34, 1966, 104-106, Alfred Heubeck. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, N.F., 1, 1966, 81-82, Günter Neumann. Bibliotheca Orientalis, 23, 1966, 301-303, Rudolf Werner. Deutsche Literaturzeitung, $7, 1966, 16-18, Wolfgang Dressler. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 218: 3-4, 1966, 304-310, Günter Neumann. Voprosy jazykoznanija, 4, 1967, 106-115, Vitalij V. Sevoroskin. Sprache, 13, 1967, 66, Wolfgang Dressler. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, NF, 7, 1972, 137-142, Günter Neumann.

3. Anatolische Personennamensippen.

(Dissertationes Orientales, 2.) Prague, 1964.

Reviews: Sprache, 11, 1965, 195-200, Wolfgang Dressier. Archiv Orientální, 34, 1966, 104-109, Alfred Heubeck. Bibliotheca Orientalis, 23, 1966, 301-303, Rudolf Werner. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, N.F., 1, 1966, 81-82, Günter Neumann. DUZ, 87, 1966, 16-18, Wolfgang Dressier. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 218: 3-4, 1966, 301-312, Günter Neumann. 4. Neue Beiträge zur kleinasiatischen

Anthroponymie.

(Dissertationes Orientales, 29.) Prague,

1970.

5. Manual of lexicography.

(Janua Linguarum, Series Major, 39.) Prague: Academia. The

Hague: Mouton, 1971. a) Cidian Xue Gailun [Chinese translation of Manual of Lexicography], Yinshuguan Commercial Press, 1983.

Beijing: Shangwu

b) Prirucnik Leksikografije (Serbocroatian translation of Manual of Lexicography by Danko Sipka). Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1991. Reviews: Jazykovedny Gasopis 23, 1972, 91-96, M. Ivanová-Xalingová. Virittäjä: kotikielen seuran aikakauslehti, 1972, 462-466, Maija Länsimäki. Virittäjä: kotikielen seuran aikakauslehti, 1972, 466-469, Maija Kivekäs. WZUH, 21: 5, 1972, 151-152; and WZUH, 22: 1, 1973, 81-82, Otto Troebes. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, 88, 1972, 4-6, Kurt Baldinger. BSL, 68: 2, 1973, 27-29, L. Guilbert. KZ, 87:2, 1973, 299, Joachim Bahr. Leuvense bijdragen, 62: 2, 1973, 206-20, F. Claes. Limba si literatura moldovenjaské, 16: 4, 1973, 73-76, V. Solov'ov. Revista española de linguistica, 3, 1973, 480-483, J. López Facal. Studia Anglica Posnaniensia, 5, 1974,222-224, Barbara Ζ. Rielar. Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 96, 1975, 673-765, Josef Mattausch. Language, 5, 1975, 220-230, Laurence Urdang. Language in Society, 4, 1975, 241-243, Harold Conklin. Linguistics, 157, 1975, 142-149, Alain Rey. Orbis, 25, 1976: 2, 1977, 359-400, Demetrius J. Georgacas. Language Sciences, 46, 1977,27-33, Edward Gates. Kratylos, 20, (1975), 1977, 13-19, Adam Makkai. 6. Kleinasiatische

Ortsnamen.

Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1984.

Reviews: ΑΙΩΝ, 6, 1984, 363-369, Walter Belardi. Kratylos, 29, 1984 (1985), 82-85, Rüdiger Schmitt. Sprache, 31: 1, 1985, 95-96, Η. Eichner. KZ, 98: 2, 1985, 302-304, Günter Neumann. Giotto, 64: 3-4, 1985, 116-136, Alfred Heubeck. Gnomon, 57: 6, 1985, 497-501, Alfred Heubeck. Incontri Linguistici, 10, 1985 (1987), 172-173, Roberto Gusmani. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 45: 4, 1985, 317-322, Hans G. Güterbock. Salesianum, 47: 3, 1985, 682-683, R. Gottlieb. BSL, 81: 2, 1986, 142-144, Olivier Masson. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, 21:2, 1986, 206-209, Johann Tischler.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

xxiii

Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 79: 2, 1986, 355-357, Renée Kahane. General Linguistics, 26:1, 1986, 62-67, Saul Levin.

Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 238: 3-4, 1986, 191-200, W. Blümel. LF, 109, 1986, 57-58, Ladislav Vidman. Names, 34: 1, 1986, 110-112, E.M. Rajec.

Revue des études grecques, 99, 1986, 199-200, Claude Brixhe. Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 48, 1987, 64-67, H. Ditten. Indogermanische Forschungen, 92, 1987, 277-279, Fritz Lochner von Hüttenbach. Language, 63: 2, 1987, 427, Demetrius J. Georgacas. Linguistique Balkanique, 30:1, 1987, 39-50, Ivan Duridanov. Études balkaniques, 24: 2, 1988, 99-104, Georgi Michajlov.

7 . The Old Ossetic Inscription from the River Zelencuk.

Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1987. Reviews: BSL, 83: 2, 1988, 141, A. Christol. Kratylos, 33, 1988, 91-95, F. Thordarson.

Journal of the American Oriental Society, 109: 1, 1989, 165, Richard N. Frye. Language, 65: 1, 1989, 195-196, D. D. Testen. Sovetskaja Arkheologija, 1990: 1, 297-304, V. A. Kuznetsov and M. D. Cherchesova.

8. Lexicography

Today; an Annotated

Bibliography

of the Theory of Lexicography

(with the

assistance of D. M. T. Cr. Farina). (Lexicographica, Series Major, 18). Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1988. Reviews: Dictionaries, Germanistik,

10, 1988, 145-147, Richard Bailey. 30: 3, 1989, 612, Helmut Henne.

RBPh, 67: 3, 1989, 617, J.-P. van Noppen. Zeitschrift für Bibliothekswesen und Bibliographie, 36:2, 1989, 141-144, Klaus Schreiber. Machine Translation, Dordrecht 4: 4, 1989-90, 318-319, Francis Knowles. Anglia, 108: 1-2, 1990, 186-202, Ewald Standop.

Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 89: 2, 1990, 269-270, Ulrich Goebel. World Englishes, 10: 1, 1991, 110-111, M.Babs Ioannidou-Geanious.

Revista de Filología Española, 73: 1-2, 1993, Manuel Alvar Ezquerra.

Books Edited 1. Theory and Method in Lexicography:

Western and Non-Western

Perspectives.

S.C.: Hornbeam Press, 1980. Reviews: Kratylos, 25,1980 (1981), 201-203, G. Holtus. Language, 57, 1981, 251-253, Yakov Malkiel. Romance Philology, 35: 2, 1981, 418-420, Thomas J. Walsh.

Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 27, 1982, 83-85, M. D. Kinkade. International Review of Applied Linguistics, 20: 2, 1982, 169-171, Reinhard R. K. Hartmann. Word, 33, 1982 (1983), 255-257, A.L. Lloyd. American Anthropologist, 85, 1983, 482-484, Salikoko S. Mufwene.

Columbia,

xxiv

2. Probleme des Wörterbuchs. Dannstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985. Reviews: Kratylos, 33,1988, 167-168, Alfred Bammesberger. ZPSK, 41: 4, 1988, 126-127, D. Herberg.

3. Dictionaries.

International Encyclopedia of Lexicography.

Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O.

Reichmann, H. E. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Vol. I. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1989. 4. The Grimm Brothers and the Germanic Past. Edited by E. H. Antonsen, with J. W. Marchand and L. Zgusta. (Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, Vol. 54.) Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1990. 5. Dictionaries.

International Encyclopedia of Lexicography.

Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O.

Reichmann, Η. E. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Vol. Π. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1990. 6. Dictionaries.

International Encyclopedia of Lexicography.

Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O.

Reichmann, Η. E. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Vol. ΙΠ. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991. Reviews: Termnet News, 28, 1989, Magdalena Kroinnier-Benz. Fachsprache, 12: 3-4,1990, 164-165, Magdalena Krommer-Benz. Germanistik, 31: 3, 1990, 550-551, Hartmut Schmidt. Lexicographica, 7, 1991, 268-290, Rufus H. Gouws. Zeitschriftßr Bibliothekswesen und Bibliographie, 38: 3, 1991, 283-286, Klaus Schreiber. Fachsprache, 14: 3-4, 1992, 178-180, Jürgen Meier. Indogermanische Forschungen, 97, 1992, 259-265, Eckhard Eggers. Zeitschrift ßr deutsches Altertum, 121: 2, 1992, 231-241, Elmar Seebold. Zeitschrift ßr romanische Philologie, 108: 3-4, 1992, 326-330, Günter Holtus. Deutscher Forschungsdienst, 1992. Fachsprache, 1993. Jürgen Meier. Termnet News, 42-43, 1993. C.M. Germanistik, 32: 2, 1991, 354-355, Hartmut Schmidt. Dictionaries, 14, 1992/1993, 165-167, Manfred Görlach. Zeitschrift ßr deutsche Philologie, 113, 1994, 135-142, Christian Schmidt.

7. History, Languages, and Lexicographers. Edited by Ladislav Zgusta. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992. Reviews: Kratylos, 38, 1993, 5-8, Brigitte Neriich. Language, 70:1, 1994, Steven Peter.

Parts of Books Edited 1. Problems of the Bilingual Dictionary (Thematic section). Lexicographica, 2, 1986, pp. 1-161. 2. History of Languages and Lexicography (Thematic section). Lexicographica,7,

1991, pp. 1-93.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

XXV

Articles 1. ΓΕΡΩΧΙΑ. LF, 73, 1949, 65-66. 2. Une glose créto-cypriote. Ar.Or. , 17:3-4, 1949, 451-452. 3. Ad inscriptionem cypriacam Hoff. 120. LF, 74: 3-4, 1950, 69-71. 4. Sur quelques gloses cypriotes. Bulletin de la société royale des sciences de Bohème,

1950

[1951], 11 ff. Reviews: Mnemosyne, 6, 1953, 71-72, W. J. W. Köster. Revue des études grecques, 65, 1952, 244-245, Michel Lejeune.

5. La théorie laryngale. Ar.Or., 19, 1951, 428-472. 6. Staroveká obchodní cesta ze severniho temomon do Stredni Asie [The ancient trade route from the Black Sea to Central Asia], NO, 8, 1953, 112-113. 7. Indogermanisches in den alphabetischen Texten aus Ugarit (With Stanislav Segert.) Ar.Or., 21, 1953, 272-275. 8. Zwei skythische Götternamen: ΠΑΠΑΙΟΣ und ΑΠΙ. Ar.Or., 21, 1953, 270-271. 9. Le 65 e anniversaire du Professeur Josef Dobias, membre de l'Académie Tchécoslovaque. (With Stanislav Segert), Ar.Or., 22,1954, 29-31. 10. Jediny indoevropsky jazyk Kavkazu [Ossetic, the only Indo-European language of the Caucasus]. NO, 9, 1954, 80. 1 1 . 0 pouziti onomastiky pn stanovení vlastností jazykujinak neznámych [Onomastic research in lost languages]. LF, 77: 2, 1954, 204-212. 12. O obyvatelích starovekého evropského Ruska [The inhabitants of ancient Russia]. NO, 9, 1954, 125-126. 13. Epigraphica: Ad inscriptionem Olbiopolitanam Tolstoj 53. LF, 77, 1954, 213-215. 14. Conclusive evidence in historical linguistics [In margine of Lehmann's Phonology].

Proto-Indo-European

Ar.Or., 23, 1955, 184-204.

15. Egy adat a Mysek samaniszmusára. Antik Tanulmányok,í,

1954, 262-263.

16. Dissimilation des consonnes géminées. Ar.Or., 23, 1955, 483-484. 17. The Iranian names from the North Coast of the Black Sea. Acta Orientalia Hungarica,

4: 1-3,

1955, 245-249. 18. Lydian interpretations. Ar.Or., 23, 1955, 510-544. 19. Orientalistická zasedání o linguistice [Orientalist conference on linguistics], (Edited with O. Klima.) Ar.Or., 23, 1955, 1-12. 20. Die Deklination der Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste. Ar.Or., 24: 3, 1956, 276-283; 410-419.

xxvi 21. Jak vnikáme do smyslu starovêkych nápisu [How to penetrate into the meaning of ancient inscriptions], NO, 11, 1956, 82-87. 22. Dejatelnost' Instituía V o s t o k o v e d e n i j a C e c h o s l o v a c k o j A k a d e m i i N a u k . Vostokovedenije,

Sovetskoje

3, 1956, 147-149.

23. Iranian names in Lydian inscriptions. In Charisteria

Orientalia

loanni Rypka oblata,

1956,

397-400. 24. O vychodních indoevropskych jazycích [The eastern Indo-European languages]. NO, 12, 1957, 77-78. 25. Dnesni Osetie [Today's Ossetia]. NO, 12, 1957, 116-117. 26. Die Unrichtigkeit des Prinzips der binären Digiti in der phonematischen Analyse. ΜΝΗΜΗΣ

ΧΑΡΙΝ:

Gedenkschrift

Paul Kretschmer,

In

II, 1957. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,

pp. 220-226. 27. Die pisidischen Inschriften. Ar.Or., 25: 4, 1957, 570-610. 28. Chetägkaty K'osta-zakladatel osetské literatury [Ch. K . ~ founder of the Ossetic literature]. N O , 113, 1958,

25-26.

29. The Oriental Institute in Prague. Eastern World,

11, 1957: 12; 37-38.

30. Zur Etymologie von slaw, medh 'Kupfer, Erz'. Die Sprache, 4, 1958, 98-100. 31. Sprachwissenschaftliche Bemerkungen zur Sprachphilosophie des Indogermanischen, margine of P. Hartmann, Zur Typologie

des Indogermanischen).

(In

Ar.Or., 27, 1959,149-152.

32. Some aspects of Chetägkaty K'osta's political poetry. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 415-423. (Russian translation published in: Izvestija Severo-osetinskogo

naucno-issledovatel'skogo

instituía, 23:

3, 1959, 22-27.) 33. Sto let od narození osetského básníka Chetägkaty K'osty [One hundred years since the birthday of Ch. Κ.]. NO, 14, 1959, 154. 34. T w o trifles from the inscriptions of Asia Minor. Ar.Or. ,27, 1959, 553-555. 35. Skythisch ο ι ο ρ π α τ α " α ν δ ρ ο κ τ ν ο ι " . Annali del Istituto Universitario Sezione linguistica

Orientale

di

Napoli,

1, 1959, 151-156.

36. Nekolik interpretaci reckych nápisu

ζ vychodní Frygie [Interpretations of several East

Phrygian inscriptions], LF, 7, 1959, 203-206, and 8, 1960, 81-87. 37. Osetská prísloví [Ossetic proverbs, translations]. NO, 15, 1960, 78. 38. Ossetic words recorded by Svatopluk t e c h . Ar.Or., 28:1, 1960, 91-100. (Ossetic translation published in Izvestija

Severo-osetinkogo

naucno-issledovatel'skogo

instituía,

23:1, 1962,

133-142.) 39. Die verschiedenen Bevölkerungsschichten griechischer Städte des nördlichen Schwarzmeergebietes. In Griechische

Siädie und einheimische

28, Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft

Völker des Schwarzmeergebietes,

Band

der DAd W. Berlin, 1961, pp. 159-163.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

XXVI]

40. Zwei Bemerkungen zu Ernst Otto's Allgemeiner Sprachwissenschaft. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 660664. 41. Simeon Potter's Modern Linguistics:

some remarks. Ar. Or., 30, 1962, 156-165.

42. Some problems of a Czech-Chinese dictionary. (With P. Kratochvil, Z. Novotná, and D. Stovícková), Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 258-313. 43. The indigenous names of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera. (In margine of Ph. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian population groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera) Ar. Or., 30, 1962, 624-631. 44. Kreta a stary Predni Vychod [Crete and the ancient Near East], NO, 18, 1963, 71-72. 45. Pisidské nápisy a pisidsky jazyk [The Pisidian inscriptions and language]. NO, 18, 1963, 166-167. 46. Overlapping families of names and other difficulties in the anthroponymy of Asia Minor. In Atti e Memorie del VII Congresso Internazionale

di Scienze Onomastiche, Voi. Π, Firenze:

1961, pp. 327-333. 47. Die epichorische pisidische Anthroponymie und Sprache. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 470-482. 48. Nekteré úkoly jazykovedy ν oblasti Asie a Afriky a jejich prakticky dosah [Some linguistic tasks in Asia and Africa], NO, 18, 1963, 222. 49. Questions of meaning - -some question marks (In margine of L. Antal, Questions of meaning). Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 674-680. 50. Zpráva o Institut for navnforskning ν Kodani. ZMK, 5,1964, 35-36. 51. Some principles of work in the field of the indigenous anthroponymy of Asia Minor. Annali del Istituto Orientale di Napoli Sezione linguistica, 6, 1965, 89-99. 52. Zu den Subsystemen des Sprachsystems: Eine scheinbare Unregelmässigkeit der ossetischen Deklination. In Symbolae Linguisticae in Honorem Georgii Kurylowicz, Wroclaw, 1965, pp. 379-382. Review: Sprache, 15, 1969, 8-13, Witold Maiiczak.

53. Kuriosita ν pojmenování ulic [Curious street names]. ZMK, 6, 1965, 164. 54. Die indogermanischen Laryngalen und die Lautgesetze. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 639-645. 55. Κ tipologiceskim ob"jasnenijam i interpretacijam. In Lingvisticeskaja jazyky, materialy sovescanija.

tipologija

i vostocnye

Moskva ,1965, pp. 256-257.

56. Onomastické kuriosity ze Spojenych státu [Curious onomastic features in the U.S.A.], ZMK, 7, 1966, 11-16. 57. De nonnullis nominibus Microasiaticis. LF, 89, 1966, 9-12. 58. Jeste nekolik slov k 'onymii' [Yet a few words about the term 'onymy']. ZMK, 7, 1966, 261-264. 59. Slovník spisovatelu národu SSSR, [Entries concerning Ossetic authors in the Dictionary of Soviet writers],

(With Chadzybatyr Ardasenty.) Praha, 1966. (S. Baghäraty, G. Baraqty, t .

XX vili

Bedzyzaty, T. Dzadtiaty, I. Dzanajty, G. Dzîmity, Ν. Dzusojty, F. Gaglojty, C. Gädiaty, A. Guluti, T. Epxity, G. Kosojty, D. Mamsyraty, G. Plity, Ch. Plity, M. Qamberdiaty, S. Qwysaty, Q. Qwysaty, D. Twaty, E. Urujmägty). 60. Onomastické drobnustky ζ ïtecka [Onomastic trifles from Grecce]. ZMK, 8, 1967, 29-32. 61. Studies in Ossetic onomasiology. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 407-451. 62. Jeste naposled k 'onymii', s pndavkem o 'onomastice' [One last word about 'onymy', with an excursus on 'onomastics']. ZMK, 8,1967, 147-151. 63. Padesát let vyvoje osetstiny [Fifty years of the development of Ossetic]. NO, 22, 1967, 250252. 64. Zum Einfluß der Sprache auf das Denken: Eine negative Beobachtung zu diesem Problem. Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung,

20, 1967, 369-

370. 65. Hodonymické drobnosti ζ NDR a ζ Itálie [Hodonymic trifles from Germany and Italy], ZMK, 8, 1967, 465-468. 66. De Σαδαζεμι§ nomine Microasiatico. In Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Gedenkschriftßr

Kulturkunde:

Wilhelm Brandenstein. Innsbruck: AMOE, 1968, pp. 393-394.

67. Onomastické drobnosti z obou koncu Italie [Onomastic trifles from both ends of Italy]. ZMK, 9, 1968, 400-403. 68. Onomastické drobnustky ze Spojenych státu [Onomastic trifles from the U.S.A.], ZMK, 9, 1968, 499-503. 69. The formation of literary languages and the European model. In The East under impact: Proceedings

of Conferences

held by the Czechoslovak

Society for

Western Eastern

Studies, 1967. Prague: Oriental Institute/Academia, 1969, pp. 114-120. 70. Hodonymicky postfeh a úvahy o nominální komposici [An onomastic observation and some thoughts on nominal composition]. ZMK, 10, 1969, 69-71. 71. Habent sua fata libelli, Saussurovské publikace (Saussurean Publications).

Jazykovedné

aktuality, 2, 1969, 16-18. 72. Multiword lexical units. In Linguistic studies presented to A. Martinet, I. Word, 23, 1967 [1969], 578-587. 73. Onomastické paberky z Jugoslavie [Onomastic gleaning in Yugoslavia]. ZMK, 10, 1969, 268-275. 74. Onomatothetické postrehy [Onomastic observations], ZMK, 10, 1969, 276-280. 75. De Osseticae praesertim et Rossicae bilinguitatis modis variis nec non de bilinguarum enuntiationum transformatione Chomskiana. In Studia Classica et Orientalia Antonino Pagliaro Oblata III. Roma: 1969, pp. 303-309.

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76. The synchronic state of language. In Actes du Xe Congrès International

des

Linguistes,

Bucarest,.. 1967, vol. 1. Bucarest: Editions de L'Academie de la République Socialiste de Roumanie, 1969, pp. 473-477. 77. Drobnustky ζ jazykového a zemepisného pomezí Italie [Trifles from the linguistic and geographic frontier of Italy], ZMK, 10, 1969, 557-561. 78. Nekteré nové vyvoje ν generativní gramatice [Some new developments in transformational grammar]. Jazykovedné Aktuality, 3/4, 1969, 3-11. 79. Panini-descriptivist or transformationalist? Ar.Or., 37, 1969,404-415. 80. Franko-alemanské drobnosti (s exkursem o hrbitovech) [Franconian and Alemanic trifles, with an excursus on cemeteries], ZMK, 11, 1970, 68-75. 81. Malickosti ζ USA (s exkursy o trucovitych hodonymech a positivistické mosaice) [Trifles from the U.S.A., with an excursus on troublesome hodonyms and on a positivist mosaic], ZMK, 11, 1970, 76-86. 82. The shape of the dictionary for mechanical translation purposes. In Issues in

Linguistics:

Papers in Honor of Henry and Renée Kahane, 1973. Edited by Braj B. Kachru et al. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, pp. 912-922. 83. Lexicology: generating words. In Lexicography

in English, edited by Raven I. McDavid and

Audrey R. Duckert, 1972, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences,

211, 1973, 14-20.

84. Semantics and lexicography (In margine of H. Henne, Semantik und Lexicographie).

Papers

in Linguistics, 6:3-4, 1973 [1974], 537-558. 85. Names. In The New Encyclopedia

Britannica:

Macropaedia,

vol. 12, [1975], Chicago:

Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., pp. 814-819. 86. Die Lexikographie und die Sprachwissenschaft. In Probleme der Lexikographie.

Berlin:

Akademie-Verlag, 1970. pp. 7-22. 87. Syntagms, transformations, and lexicography (In margine of G. Wahrig, Anleitung grammatisch-semantischen

Beschreibung

lexikalischer

Einheiten,

zur

Tübingen, 1973).

Semiotica, 12: 4, 1974, 307-314. 88. Some observations on Jespersen's Analytic

Syntax.

In The First LACUS Forum,

1974.

Edited by Adam Makkai and Valerie Becker Makkai. Columbia, S.C.: Hornbeam Press, 1975, pp. 403-410. 89. Linguistics and bilingual dictionaries. Studies in Language Learning, 1:1, 1975,95-109. 90. Toward lexicology and semiotics: A calamity of verbalism. (In margine of Doroszewski, Elements of Lexicography and Semiotics, 1973). Semiotica, 16, 1976,284-291. 91. Graeco-Latin bilingualism in the Roman Empire. Studies in Language Learning, 1:2, 1976, 375-389.

XXX

92. Quomodo superficiel grammaticae nexus sensusque profundior in Jespersenii syntaxi analytica dicta tractentur. In Linguistic method: Essays in Honor of Herbert Penzl, 1979. Edited by Irmengard Rauch and Gerald F. Carr. The Hague: Mouton, pp. 601-615. 93. Semantics of coordination in German (In margine of Ewald Lang, Semantik der koordinativen Verknüpfung, Berlin 1977). Papers in Linguistics, 11, 1978, 267-276. 94. Equivalents and explanations in bilingual dictionaries. In Linguistic and Literary Studies in Honor of Archibald A. Hill, IV, 1979. Edited by M. A. Jazayery, Edgar C. Polomé, and W. Winter. The Hague: Mouton, pp. 385-392. 95. An appendix providing a reverse-index of indigenous names from Asia Minor in their Greek transcriptions. In Reverse Lexicon of Greek Proper Names (Rückläufiges Wörterbuch der Griechischen Eigennamen), 1978. Edited by F. Dornseiff and B. Hansen. Chicago: Ares Publishers, pp. 321-340. 96. Schleicher's tale after a century. (With W. P. Lehmann.) In Festschrift

für

Oswald

Szemerényi, 1979. Edited by Β. Brogyanyi. (Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, vol. 4.) Amsterdam: Benjamins, pp. 455-466. 97. Die Rolle des Griechischen im römischen Kaiserreich. In Die Sprachen im Römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit: Kolloquium, April, 1974, 1980. Köln: Rheinland-Verlag, pp. 121-145. 98. Some remarks on the context of lexicography. In Theory and Method in Lexicography, 1980. Edited by Ladislav Zgusta. Columbia, SC: Hornbeam Press, pp. 3-29. 99. Weiteres zum Namen der Kybele. Die Sprache, 28: 2, 1982, 171-172. 100. 'Hard words'—'schwierige Wörter' in der älteren englischen einsprachigen Lexikographie. In Wortschatz und Verständigungsprobleme,

1983. Edited by Helmut Henne and Wolfgang

Mentrup. Düsseldorf: Schwann, pp. 220-236. 101. Ad methodum, qua nomina locorum investiganda sunt, observationes aliquot (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag, 1982. Edited by Johann Tischler. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, pp. 459-463. 102. Translational equivalence in the bilingual dictionary. In LEXeter Proceedings, 1984. Edited by R. R. K. Hartman. Tübingen: Niemeyer, pp. 147-154. 103. A handful of Greek place names in Asia Minor. Onomata: Revue Onomastique, 9, 1984,4648. 104. Latin, Romance, and Anatolian toponymy (In margine of Alessio, Lexicon

Etymologicum).

Die Sprache, 31, 1985, 50-56. 105. Grimm, Littré, OED, and Richardson: a comparison of their historicity (Cátuskos'yam). Dictionaries, 8, 1986, 74-93.

xxxi

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

106. The lexicon and the dictionaries: some theoretical and historical observations. In Advances in Lexicography,

edited by William Frawley and Roger Steiner, 1986, special section of Papers

in Linguistics.

19: 1-4, 67-81.

107. Eine Kontroverse zwischen der deutschen und der englischen Sanskrit-Lexikographie: erster Schritt zu einer Theorie des Abschreibens. In Kontroversen, Internationalen

Germanisten-Kongresses

alte und neue: Akten des VII.

Göttingen 1985, Bd. 3. Edited by Albrecht Schöne.

Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1986, pp. 248-252. 108. The International

Encylopedia

of Lexicography:

an outline of the project, (with F. J.

Hausmann, O. Reichmann, and H. E. Wiegand). Lexicographica, (Chinese translation published in: Waiguoyu,

2, 1986, 271-283.

2, 1987, 72-78.)

109. Introduction (to Problems of the Bilingual Dictionary [thematic section]). Lexicographica, 2, 1986, 1-7. 110. Inscriptionis palaeo-Osseticae apud Zelencuk flumen repertae lectiones quaedam novae proponuntur (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In Festschrift Hoenigswald,

for

Henry

1987. Edited by George Cardona and Norman H. Zide. Tübingen: Gunter Narr

Verlag, pp. 409-415. 111. Derivation and chronology; Greek dictionaries and the Oxford (Dvadasakosyam). In Theorie und Praxis des lexikographischen Wörterbüchern: Akten der Internationalen

Fachkonferenz,

English

Prozesses bei

Dictionary historischen

Heidelberg, 1986. Edited by Η. E.

Wiegand. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1987, pp. 259-281. 112. Translational equivalence in a bilingual dictionary (Bihukos'yam). Dictionaries, 9, 1987, 1-47. 113. Copying in lexicography: Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary and other cases (Dvaikosyam). Lexicographica,

4, 1988, 145-164.

114. Pragmatics, lexicography and dictionaries of English. World Englishes, 7:3, 1988, 243-253. 115. Cenni di storia della lingua inglese: nota introduttiva. In Dizionario Inglese-Italiano,

Italian-

English. Edited by C. Passerini Tosi. Torino: Paravia, 1989, pp. 7-15. 116. Idle thoughts of an idle fellow; or, vaticinations on the learner's dictionary (Àsatyakos'yam). In Learners'

Dictionaries:

State of the Art . Edited by Makhan L. Tickoo. Singapore:

SEAMEO Regional Language Centre, 1989, pp. 1-9. 117. Ornamental pictures in dictionaries (Kausadhyäyacitrakarmanyam). In Lexicographers

and

Their Works. Edited by Gregory James. Exeter: University of Exeter, 1989, pp. 215-223. 118. The Oxford English Dictionary and other dictionaries

(Aikakosyam). IJL, 2: 3, 1989, 188-

230. 119. The role of dictionaries in the genesis and development of the standard. In Dictionaries: International

Encyclopedia

of Lexicography,

an

Vol. I, 1989. Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O.

Reichmann, H. E. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, pp. 70-79.

xxxii

120. The influence of scripts and morphological language types on the structure of dictionaries. In Dictionaries: an International Encyclopedia of Lexicography, Vol. I, 1989. Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O. Reichmann, Η. E. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, pp. 296-305. 121. Lexicography of Ancient Greek. (With Demetrius J. Georgacas) In Dictionaries:

an

International Encyclopedia of Lexicography, Vol. Π, 1990. Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O. Reichmann, H. E. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Berlin: de Gruyter, pp. 1694-1704. 122. Introduction. (With Elmer H. Antonsen and James W. Marchand). In The Grimm Brothers and the Germanie Past, 1990. Edited by Elmer H. Antonsen, with James W. Marchand and Ladislav Zgusta. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins, pp. 1-6. 123. Jacob Grimm's Deutsches Wörterbuch and other historical dictionaries of the 19th century (Dvitîyaikakosyam.) In Studien zum Deutschen Wörterbuch von Jacob Grimm und Wilhelm Grimm, Band Π, 1991. Edited by Alan Kirkness, Peter Kühn, and H. E. Wiegand. Tübingen: Niemeyer, pp. 595-626. 124. Onomasiological change: Sachen- change reflected by Wörter.

In Research

Guide on

Language Change, 1990. Edited by Edgar C. Polomé. Berlin: Mouton, de Gruyter, 389-398. 125. Demetrius J. Georgacas: obituary. Dictionaries, 12, 1990, 165-171. 126. Probable future developments in lexicography. In Dictionaries: an International Encyclopedia of Lexicography, Vol. ΠΙ, 1991. Edited by F. J. Hausmann, O. Reichmann, H. E. Wiegand, and Ladislav Zgusta. Berlin: de Gruyter, pp. 3158-3168. 127. History and its multiple meaning (Introduction).

In History,

Languages,

and

Lexicographers. Edited by Ladislav Zgusta. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992, pp. 1-18. 128. The polysemy of "history" (Introduction). In History of Languages and

Lexicography

[thematic section], Lexicographica, 7, 1991, 1-10. 129. Typology of etymological dictionaries and V.l. Abaev's Ossetic Dictionary. In History of Languages and Lexicography [thematic section], Lexicographicax 7, 1991, 38-49. 130. Sesquipedalian bilingualism: the difficult easiness of short words. World Englishes, 11: 2/3, 1992, 303-307. 131. Language, nationhood, and minority status (Introduction). In Nationalism and Language in Kurdistan,

1918-1985.

Edited by Amir Hassanpour.

San Francisco: Mellon Research

University Press, 1992, pp. xxxi-xl. 132. The Czech-Chinese Dictionary and the theory of lexicography (S vakosavidyä-sastrakaranyam). IJL, 5: 2, 1992, 85-128. 133. Obituary: Henry Kahane, 1902-1992. Names, 41:1, 1993, pp. 45-48. 134. Lexicography, its theory, and linguistics.

In Forum on the Theory and Practice of

Lexicography. Edited by William Frawley. Dictionaries, 14, 1992/1993, pp. 130-138.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav

Zgusta

xxxiii

135. De verborum in etymologiis constituendis examinandisque significatu (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In Sprachen und Schriften des antiken

Mittelmeerraums:

Festschrift für Jürgen Untermann zum 65. Geburtstag. Edited by Frank Heidermanns, Helmut Rix and Elmar Seebold. Innsbruck: Universität Innsbruck, 1993, pp. 483-492. 136. Henry Kahanef. In Gnomon, 1994, pp. 759-762. 137. Antallage epistolôn metaxy L. Zgusta kaì I. Ν. Kazáze. [Letters in (Ancient) Greek.] In I. N. Kazázes, Archaioellenikòs pezòs lògos. Thessalonikë: Zëtë, 1992, pp. 183-184. 138. Inscriptionis palaeoosseticae apud Zelencuk flumen repertae lectio nova (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In Miscellanea di studi linguistici in onore di Walter Belardi, vol. 1. Edited by P. Cipriano, P. Di Giovine, and M. Mancini. Rome: Il Calamo, 1994, pp. 107-109. 139. De Vladikavkaz nomine restitute, sive de nominum dandorum causis variis (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In Indogermanica et Caucasico: Festschrift Κ. Η. Schmidt, edited by Roland Bielmeier and Reinhard Stempel. Berlin, New York. Walter de Gruyter 1994, pp. 272-278. .

Reviews 1. Abel Juret, Vocabulaire étymologique de la langue hittite, Limoges, 1942. LF, 71, 1947,34-35. 2. Benjamin Dean Meritt, Epigraphica Attica, Cambridge, 1940. LF, 71, 1947, 192. 3. Alfred Merlin, Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, Paris, 1944. LF, 73, 1949, 318-319. 4. Holger Pedersen, Lykisch und Hittitisch, Munksgaard, 1945. LF, 73, 1949, 111-112. 5. Eduard Schwyzer, Griechische

Grammatik

auf der Grundlage

von Karl

Brugmanns

Griechischer Grammatik, edited by Albert Debrunner, München, 1950. LF, 74, 1950, 270272. 6. L.L. Hammerich, Laryngeal before sonant, Κ Ibenhavn, 1948. Ar.Or., 18, 1950, 547-551. 7. Holger Pedersen, Ζ novych prací o hethitstine a tocharstine, Munksgaard. LF, 75,1951, 54-57. 8. F. J. Tritsch, Lykictina.

LF, 75, 1951, 66-67.

9. Robert Shafer, Pisidské nápisy. LF, 75, 1951, 70. 10. B. Hrozny Záhada krétského písma. LF, 74, 1950, 148-149. 11. Carl Darling Buck, A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal

Indo-European

languages, Chicago, 1949. Ar.Or., 20, 1952, 658-659. 12. Johannes Sundwall, Kleinasiatische Nachträge, Helsinki, 1950. Ar.Or., 20,1952, 659. 13. Ferdinand Sommer, Hethiter und Hethitisch, Stuttgart, 1947. Lingua Posnaniensis, 4, 1953, 302-306.

xxxiv

14. J. Kuryiowicz, L'accentuation des langues indo-européennes,

Kraków,1952. Bibl. Or., 10:

5, 1953, 64. 15. J. Kurylowicz, L'accentuation

des langues indo-européennes,

Krakôw, 1952. Ar.Or., 21,

1953, 472-474. 16. Winfred P. Lehmann, Proto-Indo-European

phonology, Austin, 1952. Bibl. Or., 11, 1954,

4-5. 17. J. Friedrich, Kratkaja grammatika chettskogo jazyka, Moskva, 1952. Bibl.Or., 11: 1, 1954, 59. 18. Hartmut Erbse, Untersuchungen zu den attizistischen Lexika, Berlin, 1950. LF, 2:1, 1954, 41-142. 19. Friedrich Zucker, Studien zur Namenkunde vorhellenistischer

und hellenistischer Zeit, Berlin,

1952. LF, 2:1, 1954, 144. 20. Paul Thieme, Studien zur indogermanischen

Wortkunde und Religionsgeschichte,

Berlin,

1952. LF, 2:1, 1954, 142-143. 21. D. Decev, Charakteristika na trakijskija ezik, Sofija, 1952 LF, 2:2, 1954, 282-283. 22. Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft,

Heft 4, edited by Helmut Humbach and Annelies

Kammenhuber, München, 1954. Ar.Or., 22, 1954, 597. 23. Vladimir Georgiev, Problemy minojskogo jazyka

[Problèmes de la langue Minoenne], Sofija,

1953. Ar.Or., 22, 1954, 597-599. 24. Keilschrifturkunden

aus Boghazköi, Heft 35, edited by Heinrich Otten, Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or.,

22, 1954, 599-600. 25.Heinrich Otten, Luvische Texte in Umschrift, Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or., 22,1954, 600. 26. Heinrich Otten, Zur grammatikalischen 953. Ar.Or.,22,

und lexikalischen Bestimmung des Luvischen, Berlin,

1954,600-601.

27. Bernhard Rosenkranz, Beiträge zur Erforschung des Luvischen,

Wiesbaden, 1952.

Ar.Or.,

22, 1954, 601-602. 28. Kenneth L. Pike, Phonemics:

a technique for reducing languages

to writing, Ann Arbor,

1947. Lingua Posnaniensis, 5, 1955, 232-234. 29. V.l. Abaev, Osetinskij jazyk ifol'klor

[The Ossetian language and folklore], Moskva, 1949.

Ar.Or., 23, 1955, 274-275. 30. A.V. Desnickaja, Voprosy izucenija rodstva indojevropejskich

jazykov,

Moskva,

1955.

Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 61-162. 31. Heinz Kronasser, Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre

des Hethitischen, Heidelberg, 1956.

Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 162-163. 32. Jacob Wackernagel, Altindische

Grammatik,

Bd. II/2, Die Nominalsuffixe

Debrunner, Göttingen, 1954. Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 166. 33. Manfred Mayrhofer, Sanskrit-Grammatik,

Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 167.

von Albert

XXXV

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

34. Manfred Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen, Lief. 3-7, Heidelberg, 1954-1956. Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 167-168. 35. Wilhelm Brandenstein, Griechische Sprachwissenschaft

I, Berlin, 1954. Ar.Or., 25, 1957,

169-170. 36. Robert Birwé, Griechisch-arische

Sprachbeziehungen

im Verbalsystem, Walldorf Hessen,

1956. Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 306-307. 37. Joshua Whatmough, Language: a modern synthesis, New York, 1956. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 168-169. 38. Harushige Ködzu, Arkadia Hägen no Kenkyü, Tokyo, 1954. LF, 1957, 2 ff. (With J. Neustupny.) 39. Harushige Ködzu, Arkadia Hägen no Kenkyü, Tokyo 1954, (With J. Neustupny),

Ar.Or.,

26, 1958, 169-170. 40. Ferdynand Antkowski, La chronologie de la monophtongaison

des diphtongues dans

les

langues indo-européennes, Poznan, 1956. Ar. Or., 26, 1958, 284-285. 41. Kenneth L. Pike, Language in relation to a unified theory of the structure of human

behavior,

Pts. I and II, Glendale, CA, 1954,1955. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 285-286. 42. Hans Hartmann, Das Passiv, Heidelberg, 1954. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 287-290. 43. Gösta Liebert, Die indoeuropäischen Personalpronomina

und die Laryngaltheorie,

Lund,

1957. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 506-508. 44. Dimiter Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste, Wien, 1957. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 684- 685. 45. Anton Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, I: Einleitung;

Wörterbuch der

illyrischen

Sprachreste, Wien, 1957. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 685-686. 46. Albert Thumb, Handbuch des Sanskrit, I: Einleitung und Lautlehre, Heidelberg, 1958. Ar.Or., 26, 1958, 686-688. 47. Autoreferat über Die Personennamen...(1956),

Personennamen

...(1955) und über Die

Deklination

der

Ar.Or., 24, 1956, 276-283.

48. Autoreferat über Die pisidischen Inschriften (1957). Ar.Or., 25, 1957, 570. 49. Autoreferat über Die

Personennamen..(1955)

und über Die

Deklination

der

50. Autoreferat über Die pisidischen Inschriften (1957). Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis,

1958,

Personennamen...(1956), Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis, 1958, 356-360. 322-324. 51. Vittore Pisani, Allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft:

Indogermanistik;

Julius

Pokorny, Keltologie, Bern, 1953. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 153. 52. Jerzy Kurylowicz, L'apophonie en indo-européen, Wroclaw, 1956. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 53155. 53. Jakob Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, vol. I edited by Louis Renou, vol. Π edited by Albert Debrunner, Göttingen, 1957. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 156-159.

xxxvi

54. Olga S. Achmanova, O psicholingvistike, Moskva, 1957. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 336- 338. 55. André Martinet, Economie des changements phonétiques, Bern, 1955. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 338-341. 56. ΜΝΗΜΗΣ

ΧΑΡΙΝ: Gedenkschrift

Paul Kretschmer,

vol. I and II, edited by Heinz

Kronasser, Wien, 1956, 1957. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 341-343. 57. Corolla linguistica: Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer, edited by Hans Krahe, Wiesbaden, 1955. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 343-344. 58. Sybaris: Festschrift Hans Krahe, Wiesbaden, 1958. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 344. 59. Harushige Kôdzu, Inôgo hikaku bumpo, Tokyo, 1954. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 345. (With J. Neustupny). 60. John Chadwick, The decipherment of Linear B, Cambridge, 1958. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 345346. 61. Walther von Wartburg, Von Sprache und Mensch, Bem, 1956. LF, 7: 82, 1959, 144- 145. 62. Tamara Talbot Rice, The Scythians, 2nd ed., London, 1958. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 506- 508. 63. Stephen Ullmann, The principles of semantics, Glasgow, Oxford, 1957. Ar. Or. ,27, 1959, 683-685. 64. Louis Deroy, L'emprunt linguistique, Paris, 1956. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 685-686. 65. J. Gonda, The character of the Indo-European moods with regard to Greek and

Sanskrit,

Wiesbaden, 1956. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 686-689. 66. Minoica: Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall, edited by Ernst Grumach, Berlin, 1958. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 689-690. 67. Ulrich Schmoll, Die vorgriechischen

Sprachen Siziliens,

Wiesbaden, 1958. Ar.Or.,

27,

1959, 691-692. 68. Vladimir Georgiev, Vbprosi na bhlgarskata etimologia, [Problems of Bulgarian etymology], Sofija, 1958. Ar.Or.,Π,

1959,692.

69. Michel Β. Sakellariou, La migration grecque en Ionie, Athens, 1958. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 692693. 70. Hans L. Stoltenberg, Die termilische Sprache Lykiens, Leverkusen, 1955. Ar.Or., 27, 1959, 693-694. 71. Lexikon des frühgriechischen

Epos, edited by Bruno Snell, Göttingen, 1955. LF, 82, 261-

262. 72. Rückläufiges Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, edited by Bernhard Hansen, Berlin, 1957. LF, 82, 262-263. 73. Die thrakischen Sprachreste, edited by Dimiter Detschew, Wien, 1957. LF, 82, 263. 74. Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, Bd. I: Einleitung, Wörterbuch der illyrischen edited by Anton Meyer, Wien, 1957. LF, 82, 263.

Sprachreste,

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

XXX vii

75. Vladimir Georgiev, Vbprosi na bílgarskata

etimologija [Problems of Bulgarian etymology],

Sofija, 1958. LF, 82, 263-264. 76. Bibliograficeskij

ukazatel' literatury po jazykoznaniju, Moskva, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960,

323. 77. Walter Porzig, Das Wunder der Sprache, Bern, 1957. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 323-326. 78. W. S. Allen, On the linguistic study of languages, Cambridge, 1957. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 326327. 79. Arnaldo Gomensoro, John Dewey y la filosofia del lenguaje, Montevideo, 1956. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 327-328. 80. Contributions onomastiques...VI congres international des sciences onomastiques,

Munich,

1958, Bucarest, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 329. 81. V. I. Georgiev, Issledovanija po sravnitel'no-istoriceskomu

jazykoznanijuA Moskva, 1958.

Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 329-330. 82. Hans Krähe, Indogermanische

Sprachwissenschaft,

Bd. I, Berlin, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960,

330-331. 83. José Pedro Roña, La obra de Federico Hrozny en el dominio indoeuropeo,

Montevideo,

1957. Ar.Or., 28, I960, 331-332. 84. J. Németh, Eine Wörterliste der Jassen, der ungarländischen Alanen, Berlin, 1959. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 332-333. 85. V. I. Abaev, Istoriko-etimologiceskij

slovar' osetinskogo jazyka, vol. I, Α-K, Moskva, 1958.

Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 333-335. 86. Istorija Severo-Osetinskoj ASSR [History of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Northern Ossetia], edited by S.K. Busuev et al., Moskva, 1959. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 335. 87. Wilhelm Brandenstein, Griechische Sprachwissenschaft,

vol. II, Berlin, 1959. Ar.Or., 28,

1960, 335. 88. A. J. van Windekens, Contributions à l'étude de l'onomastique pélasgique,

Louvain, 1954.

Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 335-336. 89. M. I. Isaev, Ocerk fonetiki osetinskogo literaturnogo jazyka, Ordjonikidze, 1959.

Ar.Or.,

28, 1960, 518-519. 90. V. A. Zvegincev, Semasiologija, Moskva, 1957. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 519-521. 86. Antonino Pagliaro, La parola e l'immagine, Napoli, 1957. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 521- 522. 91. Joseph H. Greenberg, Essays in linguistics, Chicago, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 522- 526. 92. Readings in linguistics: the development of descriptive linguistics in America since edited by Martin Joos, New York, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 681-682. 93. Samuel Reiss, Language and psychology, New York, 1959. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 682. 94. C.E. Bazell, Linguistic typology, London, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 682-684.

1925,

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95. Miscelánea homenaje a André Martinet, vol. I and Π, edited by Diego Catalán, Canarias, 1957, 1958. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 684-685. 96. Alfred Heubeck, Lydiaka, Erlangen, 1959. Ar.Or., 28, 1960, 686-688. 97. V. I. Abaev, Grammaticeskij

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1960, 688-689. 98. Language, thought, and culture, edited by Paul Henle, Ann Arbor, 1958. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 119-121. 99. A. S. Diamond, The history and origin of language, London, 1959. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 121124. 100. Andreas von Weiss, Hauptprobleme der Zweisprachigkeit, Heidelberg, 1959. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 124-125. 101. T. V. Gamkrelidze, Khettskij jazyk i laringal'naja teorija, Tbilisi, 1960. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 125-126. 102. N. Lahovary, La diffusion des langues anciennes du Proche-Orient, Beme, 1957.

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29, 1961, 127-130. (With Κ. Zvelebil.) 103. Wilder Penfield and Lamar Roberts, Speech and brain-mechanisms,

Princeton, 1959.

Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 148. 104. Filippo Cassola, La Ionia nel mondo miceneo, Napoli, 1957. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 148- 149. 105. Pino Metri, Il dialetto panfilio, Milano, 1954. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 149. 106. Valter Tauli, The structural tendencies of languages, Helsinki, Wiesbaden, 1958.

Ar.Or.,

29, 1961, 322-324. 107. Charles E. Osgood et al., The measurement of meaning, Urbana, 1957. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 325-328. 108. Pelio Fronzaroli, Il linguaggio del bambino, Bologna, 1957. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 328- 329. 109. Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Linguists,

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Oslo, 1958. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 329-331. 110. Peter Hartmann, Wesen und Wirkung der Sprache im Spiegel der Theorie Leo

Weisgerbers,

Heidelberg, 1958. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 331-332. 111. Indogermanica:

Festschrift für Wolf gang Krause, Heidelberg, 1960. Ar.Or., 29, 1961,

332-334. 112. Albert Thumb, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte, 2nd expanded edition by Α. Scherer, Heidelberg, 1959. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 334-335. 113. Josef Vachek (with Josef Dubsky), Dictionnaire de linguistique de l'École de Prague, Utrecht, 1960. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 496-498. 114. Vladimir Georgiev, Bhlgarska etimologia i onomastika, Sofija, 1960. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 499. 115. Current anthropology: a world journal of the sciences of man, vol. I, edited by Sol Tax, 1960. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 499.

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xxxix

congres international des linguistes a Oslo, 1957, edited by

Iorgo Iordan, Emile Petrovici, and A. Rosetti, Bucarest, 1957. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 500-501. 117. Albert Thumb, Handbuch

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503. 119. Beiträge zur Einheit von Bildung und Sprache im geistigen Sein: Festschrift Ernst

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edited by Gerhard Hasselbach and Günther Hartmann, Berlin, 1957. Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 503504. 120. Hans Arens, Sprachwissenschaft, 121. Sprachwissenschaftliches

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Ar.Or., 29, 1961, 668-670. 122. Cinquième congrès international de toponymie et d'anthroponymie, actes et mémoires, edited by L. Cortés et al., Salamanca, 1958. Ar.Or., 29,1961, 671-673. 123. O. S. Akhmanova, A. Mel'chuk, Y. V. Paducheva, and R. M. Frumkina, O

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metodakh issledovaniya yazyka, Moscow, 1961. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 166- 170. 124. Roberto Gusmani, Studi frigi, Milano, 1959. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 70-173. 125. Theorie und Praxis der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den anthropologischen Disziplinen, edited by Emil Breitinger, Josef Haekel, and R. Pittioni, Horn, Niederösterreich, 1961. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 173-177. 126. André Martinet, Éléments de linguistique générale, Paris, 1960. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 507-511. 127. Dwight L. Bolinger, Generality, gradience, and the all-or-none,

's-Gravenhage, 1961.

Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 511-512. 128. Alphonse Juilland, Outline of a general theory of structural relations, 's-Gravenhage, 1961. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 513-517. 129. Bernhard Rosenkranz, Der Ursprung der Sprache, Heidelberg, 1961. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 517518. 130. L. F. Brosnahan, Genes and morphemes: some considerations regarding the biological basis of human language, Ibadan, 1957. Ar.Or., 30, 1962,518-519. 131. Manu Leumann, Kleine Schriften, Zürich, 1959. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 519-520. 132. Günther Neumann, Untersuchungen zum Weiterleben hethitischen und luwischen Sprachgutes in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit, Wiesbaden, 1961. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 662-664. 133. Alfred Heubeck, Praegraeca, Erlangen, 1961. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 664-666. 134. Fritz Lochner-Hüttenbach, Die Pelasger, Wien, 1960. Ar.Or., 30, 1962, 666-667. 135. C. L. Ebeling, Linguistic units, 's-Gravenhage, 1960. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 141-142. 136. Pierre Guiraud, La grammaire, Paris 1961. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 142-144.

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137. Trends in European and American linguistics 1930-1960, edited by Christine Mohrmann, Alf Sommerfelt, and Joshua Whatmough, Utrecht, 1961. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 144. 138. Hermann Ammann, Nachgelassene Sprachwissenschaft,

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139. Henry M. Hoenigswald, Language change and linguistic reconstruction, Chicago, 1960. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 145. 140. O. J. L. Szemerényi, Trends and tasks in comparative philology, London, 1962.

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31, 1963, 145-146. 141. W. Sidney Allen, Sandhi: the theoretical, phonetic and historical bases of word- junction in Sanskrit, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 146. 142. Charles F. Hockett, A course in modern linguistics, New York, 1958. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 146-149. 143. L.F. Brosnahan, The sounds of language, Cambridge, 1961. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 321-324. 144. Walter Belardi and Nullo Minissi, Dizionario di fonologia, Roma, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 324-325. 145. Studies in linguistic analysis [Special volume of the Philological Society], Oxford, 1956. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 325-328. 146. Robert E. Pittenger, Charles F. Hockett, and John J. Danehy, The first five minutes:

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sample of microscopic interview analysis, Ithaca, NY, 1960. Ar.Or., 31,1963, 328-330. 147. H. Giintert, Grundfragen

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1960, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 511-515 (With L. Motalová). 151. Β. A. Uspenskij, Principy strukturnoj tipologii, Moscow, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 515-518. 152. Trends in content analysis, edited by Ithiel de Sola Pool, Urbana, 1959. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 518-520. 153. Ernest F. Haden, Meiko S. Han, and Yuri W. Han, A resonance theory for linguistics, 'sGravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 681-684. 154. Winfred P. Lehmann, Historical linguistics: an introduction and Exercises to

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157. Sens et usage du terme 'structure' dans les sciences humaines et sociales, edited by Roger Bastide,'s-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 687. 158.1.1. Revzin, Modeli jazyka, Moskva, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 687-688. 159. A. G. Woodhead, The Greeks in the West, London, 1962. Ar.Or., 31, 1963, 688. 160. H. A. Gleason, Jr., An introduction to descriptive linguistics and Workbook in descriptive linguistics, New York, 1961. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 172-176. 161. Andrew Paul Ushenko, The field theory of meaning, Ann Arbor, 1958. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 176. 162. Robert M. W. Dixon, Linguistic science and logic, The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 176-179. 163. Stephen Ullmann, Semantics, Oxford, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 179-180. 164. André Martinet, Afunctional view of language, Oxford, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 180-183. 165. Alf Sommerfelt, Diachronic and synchronic aspects of language, The Hague, 1962.

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32, 1964, 183-184. 166. Otto Jespersen, Selected writings, London, Tokyo, 1960. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 184. 167. Louis Hjelmslev, Prolegomena to a theory of language (translated by Fancis J. Whitfield), Madison, WI, 1961. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 303-307. 168. Louis Hjelmslev and H. J. Uldall, Outline of glossematics, Copenhagen, 1957. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 307-309. 169. Bernard Lott, Style and linguistics, Djakarta, 1960. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 309. 170. Simeon Potter, Language in the modern world, Harmondsworth, 1960. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 310. 171. Giles W. Gray and Claude M. Wise, The bases of speech, New York, 1959, 3rd ed. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 310-311. 172. Studia grammatica, I, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Berlin, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 311-312. 173. Aemilius Springhetti, Lexicon linguisticae et philologiae, Roma, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 312-313. 174. Psycholinguistics,

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175. Punya Sloka Ray, Language standardization. The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 435-437. 176. P. Bosch-Gimpera, Les Indo-Européens, Paris, 1961. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 437-440. 177. Gustav Herdan, The calculus of linguistic observations, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 440-442. 178. Trends in modem linguistics, edited by C. Mohrmann, F. Norman, and A. Sommerfelt, Utrecht-Antwerp, 1963. Ar.Or., 32, 1964,442-443. 179. Colloque international sur la mécanisation des recherches lexicologiques, edited by B. Quemada, Paris, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 443-444. 180. Âke W. Edfeldt, Silent speech and silent reading, Chicago, 1960. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 444.

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181. Eric Buyssens, Vérité et langue: langue et pensée, Bruxelles, 1960. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 445. 182. J. L. Austin, How to do things with words, Cambridge, MA, 1962. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 445446. 183. Style in language, edited by Thomas A. Sebeok, New York, 1960. Ar.Or., 32, 1964, 446447. 184. VI. Internationaler

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201. Sprache, Schlüssel zur Welt, Festschrift für Leo Weisgerber, edited by Helmut Gipper, Düsseldorf, 1959. Ar.Or.,33,

1965, 109-111.

202. Poetics, edited by D. Davie et al., Warszawa, 1961. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 111-113. 203. Current trends in linguistics, vol. I: Soviet and East European linguistics, edited by Thomas Sebeok et al., The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 113-115.

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204. Linguistika ν Archivu orientálním. Jazykov. Aktual., 1, 1965, 39-42. 205. Roberto Gusmani, Lydisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1964. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 272-277. 206. Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Linguists, Cambridge, MA, 1962, edited by Horace G. Lunt, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 278-281. 207. G&b&raty N. Ja., Iron &vzadzy &mbaryng&n&g dzyrdwat

[Explanatory dictionary of the

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Severo-

instituía, 27, 1968, 244-260.)

212. Natural language and the computer, edited by Paul L. Garvin, New York, 1963. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 647-650. 214. Luis J. Prieto, Principes de noologie, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 650- 651. 215. Otto Haas, Messapische Studien, Heidelberg, 1962. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 651. 216. Oswald Szemerényi, Syncope in Greek and Indo-European and the nature of Indo- European accent, Naples, 1964. Ar.Or., 33, 1965, 704. 217. Michael Girsdansky, The adventure of language, London, 1963. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 92. 218. Robert Birwé, Der Ganapatha

zu den Adhyayas IV und V der Grammatik

Paninis,

Wiesbaden, 1961. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 92. 219. John P. Hughes, The science of language, New York, 1962. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 92- 93. 220. Anton Sieberer, Lautwandel und seine Triebkräfte, Wien, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 93. 221. Beiträge

zur Sprachkunde

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München, 1963. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 93. 222. Vittore Pisani, Le lingue indeuropee, Brescia, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 93-94. 223. Bertil Malmberg, Nya vägar inom spràkforskningen, Stockholm, Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 94. 224. David S. Ruegg, Contributions à l'histoire de la philosophie linguistique indiennex Paris, 1959. Ar.Or.,

34, 1966, 94-95.

225. Gaurinath Sastri, The philosophy of word and meaning, Calcutta, 1959. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 95. 226. R. C. Pandeya, The problem of meaning in Indian philosophy, Delhi, 1963. Ar.Or., 1966, 95. 227. K. Kunjunni Raja, Indian theories of meaning, Madras, 1963. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 95-96.

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228. J. Β. Hofmann and H. Rubenbauer, Wörterbuch

der grammatischen

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Terminologie, Heidelberg, 1963. Ar.Or., 34, 1966,96. 229. F. de Tollenaere, Alfabetische of ideologische lexicografie? Leiden, 1960. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 96-97. 230. Jürgen Untermann, Die venetischen Personennamen, Wiesbaden, 1961. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 97-98. 231. Ulrich Schmoll, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Keltiberische,

Indogermanen

Hispaniens

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232. Anton Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, Bd II.: Etymologisches

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Illyrischen, Grammatik der illyrischen Sprache, Wien, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 98- 99. 233. L'École de Prague d'aujourd'hui,

edited by F. Danes et al., Prague, 1964. Ar.Or.,

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1966, 99-102. 234. Horizons of anthropology, edited by Sol Tax, Chicago, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 103-104. 235. Indeuropeo e protostoria, Milano, 1961. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 221-222. 236. Approaches

to semiotics, edited by T. Sebeok, Alfred S. Hayes, and Mary Catherine

Bateson, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 223-224. 237. Alexander Jóhannesson, The third stage in the creation of human language, Reykjavik, Oxford, 1963. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 224-225. 238. A Prague School reader in linguistics, compiled by Josef Vachek, Bloomington, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 225-227. 239. Carlo Battisti, Sostrati e parastrati nell'Italia preistorica, Firenze. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 227. 240. Benvenuto Terracini, Pagine e appunti di linguistica storica, Firenze. Ar.Or., 34, 1966,227228. 241. Giacomo Devoto, Scritti minori, Firenze. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 228. 242. Carla Schick, Il linguaggio, Torino, 1960. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 228-229. 243. V. I. Abaev, A grammatical sketch ofOssetic, edited by Herbert H. Paper, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 446-454. 244. Vittore Pisani, Glottologia indeuropea, Torino, 1961. Ar.Or., 34, 1966,455. 245. V. I. Abaev, Skifo-evropejskie

isoglossy, Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 455- 458.

246. E. Benveniste, Etudes sur la langue ossète, Paris, 1959, and E. Benvenist, Ocerki po osetinskomu jazyku, translated by Κ. Gagkaeva, Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 458. 247. Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the theory of syntax, Cambridge, MA, 1965. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 667-670. 248. Jerrold J. Katz and Paul M. Postal, An integrated

theory of linguistic

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250. Martin Joos, The five clocks. The Hague, Bloomington, IN, 1962. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 675676. 251. Die Sprache, München, 1964. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 676-677. 252. Universals of language, edited by Joseph H. Greenberg, Cambridge, MA, 1963. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 677-680. 253. Calvert Watkins, Indo-European origins of the Celtic verb, vol. 1: The sigmatic

aorist,

Dublin, 1962. Ar.Or., 34, 1966, 680-682. 254. Aarni Penttilä, Über die metasprachlichen oder linguistischen Ausdrücke, Helsinki, 1962. Linguistics, 24, 1966, 115-120. 255. Evidence for laryngeals, edited by Werner Winter, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 145. 256. István Fodor, The rate of linguistic change, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 145-146. 257. In memory ofJ.R. Firth, edited by C. Bazell et al., London, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 147150. 258. Report of the Thirteenth Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language Studies, edited by Elisabeth D. Woodsworth, Washington, D.C., 1962. Ar.Or., 35,1967 150-151. 259. Report of the Fourteenth Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language Studies, edited by Robert J. Di Pietro, Washington, D.C., 1963. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 151- 152. 260. A. Rosetti, Linguistica, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 152-153. 261. The use of computers in anthropology, edited by Dell Hymes, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 153-155. 262. Current trends in linguistics, vol. ΙΠ, edited by Thomas Sebeok, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 298-301. 263. Josef Vachek, The linguistic school of Prague, Bloomington, IN, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 301-302. 264. Johannes Hubschmid, Substratprobleme, Bern, 1961, and Thesaurus praeromanicus,

fase. I

and II, Bern, 1963, 1965. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 303. 265. Hans Krähe, Die Struktur der alteuropäischen Hydronymie, Wiesbaden, 1963. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 303-304. 266. Wolfgang P. Schmid, Alteuropa und der Osten im Spiegel der Sprachgeschichte, Innsbruck, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 305. 267. Herbert Pilch, Phonemtheorie, Basel, 1964. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 305-306. 268. Readings in linguistics, vol. I edited by Martin Joos, vol. Π edited by Eric Hamp et al., Chicago, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 306-307. 269. Portraits of linguists, vol. I and Π, edited by Thomas Sebeok, Bloomington, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 307-309. 270. Μ. I. Isaev, Digorskij dialekt osetinskogo jazyka, Moskva, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 487-489.

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271. G. Axvlediani, Sbornik izbrannyx rabot po osetinskomu jazyku , vol. I, Tbilisi. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 489-490. 272. B.X. Balkarov, Adygskie elementy ν osetinskom jazyke, Nal'cik, 1965. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 490. 273. Α. X. Magometov, Kul'tura i byt osetinskogo krest'janstva, Ordjonikidze, 1963. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 491. 274. Mzia Andronikasvili, Narkvevebi iranul-kartuli enobrivi urtiertobidan

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35, 1967, 649-653. 279. Manfred Mayrhofer, Die Indo-Arier im alten Vorderasien, Wiesbaden, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 653. 280. Selected writings ofGyula Laziczius, edited by Thomas Sebeok, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 654-655. 281. Bertil Malmberg, Structural linguistic and human communication, Berlin, 1963. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 655. 282. Approaches to the study of aphasia, edited by Charles E. Osgood and Murray S. Miron, Urbana, 1963. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 655-656. 283. Ruth H. Weir, Language in the crib, The Hague, 1962. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 657. 284. J. B. Adam and A. J. Shawcross, The language laboratory, London, 1963. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 657. 285. Computation in linguistics: a case book, edited by Paul L. Garvin, Bloomington, IN, 1966. Ar.Or., 35, 1967, 657-659. 286. Readings

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II, edited by E. Hamp et al., Chicago, 1966.

Jazykovedné

Aktuality, 1968, 22-24. 287. John Lyons, Structural semantics, Oxford, 1963. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 149-150. 288. A. J. Greimas, Sémantique structurale, Paris, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 150-152. 289. Languages, edited by Tzvetan Todorov, Paris, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 152. 290. V. V. Sevoroskin, Issledovanija po desifrovke karijskix nadpisej, Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 153-154.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

xlvii

291. Die Wissenschaft von der Sprache und die Sprache in den Wissenschaften, edited by Günter Eifler, Mainz. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 331. 292. Grammaire générale et raisonnée ou La Grammaire de Port-Royal, vol. I and II, edited by Herbert Brekle, Stuttgart, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 331-332. 293. Alan Healey, Handling unsophisticated linguistic informants, Canberra, 1964. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 332. 294. Robert Lord, Teach yourself comparative linguistics, London, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 332333. 295. Kultur und Zivilisation, edited by Johann Knobloch et al., München. 1967. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 333. 296. Giulio C. Lepschy, La linguistica strutturale, Torino, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 333. 297. Milka Ivic, Trends in linguistics , translated by Muriel Heppel, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 333-334. 298. Papers in linguistics in honor of Léon Dosiert, edited by William M. Austin, The Hague, 1967. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 334-335. 299. Ernst Otto, Stand und Aufgabe der allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft,

Berlin, 1965. Ar.Or.,

36, 1968, 335-336. 300. William J. Samarin, Field linguistics: a guide to linguistic field work, New York, 1967. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 336-337. 301. Sociolinguistics:

proceedings of the UCLA Sociolinguistics

Conference, 1964, edited by

William Bright, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 337-340. 302. Report on the Twelfth Annual Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language

Studies,

edited by Michael Zarechnak, Washington, D.C., 1963. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 482-483. 303. Noam Chomsky, Cartesian linguistics , New York, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 484- 485. 304. Information sources in linguistics: a bibliographical handbook, edited by Frank Rice and Aliene Guss, Washington, D.C., 1965. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 103-104. 305. T. F. Mitchell, On the nature of linguistics, Leeds, 1965. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 104. 306. Readings in modern linguistics, edited by Anwar S. Dil, Lahore, 1964. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 105. 307. Henry M. Hoenigswald, Language change and linguistic reconstruction, Chicago, 1965. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 105-106. 308. Waltraud Bumann, Die Sprachtheorie Heymann Steinthals, Meisenheim, 1965. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 106-108. 309. L. Antal, Content, meaning and understanding, The Hague, 1964. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 108. 310. Language, thought, and culture, edited by Paul Henle, Ann Arbor, 1965. Linguistics, 39, 1968, 113.

xlviii

311. W. F. Albright and T. O. Lambdin, The evidence of language, [The Cambridge

Ancient

History, vol. I and Π, rev. ed.], Cambridge, 1966. LF, 91:3, 1968, 319. 312. Jerrold L. Katz, The philosophy of language, New York, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 685-687. 313. Andreas Koutsoudas, Writing transformational

grammars:

an introduction. New York,

1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 687-688. 314. Alfons Nehring, Sprachzeichen und Sprechakte, Heidelberg, 1965. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 688. 315. Louis B. Salomon, Semantics and

common sense, New York, 1966. Ar.Or., 36, 1968,

689-690. 316. Folia linguistica (Acta Societatis Linguisticae Europaeae, I), The Hague, 1967. Ar.Or., 36, 1968, 690. 317. Mario Pei, Invitation to linguistics, London, 1965. Linguistics, 41, 1968, 118-122. 318. Sprachen-Zuordnung-Strukturen: Festgabe seiner Schüler für Eberhard Zwirner, The Hague, 1965. Linguistics, 41, 1968. 122-124. 319. Eric Buyssens, Linguistique historique, Bruxelles, Paris, 1965. Linguistics, 41, 1968, 124126. 320. Friedrich Kainz, Psychologie der Sprache, VI:I, Stuttgart, 1965. Linguistics, 41, 1968, 126127. 321. Yoshihiko Ikegami, ME 'dight': a structural study in the obsolescence of words, Tokyo, 1963. Linguistics, 41, 1968, 128-129. 322. Bulletin d'information du laboratoire d'analyse lexicologique, fase. I-VI, Bésançon, 19601962. Linguistics, 42, 1968, 126-127. 323. Otto Bastian, Die europäischen Sprachen, Bern, 1964. Linguistics, 42, 1968, 128- 129. 324. Eric Buyssens, Linguistique historique, Paris, Bruxelles, 1965. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 94. 325. Explorations in sociolinguistics, edited by Stanley Lieberson, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 94-95. 326. Psycholinguistic papers: the proceedings of the 1966 Edinburgh Conference, edited by J. Lyons and R. J. Wales, Edinburgh, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 95-97. 327. Antoine Meillet, The comparative method in historical linguistics, translated by G. Ford, Paris, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 97. 328. R. H. Robins, General linguistics: an introductory survey, London, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 97. 329. Ferdinand de Saussure, Cours de linguistique

générale,

edited by Rudolf Engler,

Wiesbaden, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 97-99. 330. Harald Weinrich, Linguistik der Lüge, Heidelberg, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 99-100. 331. V. I. Abaev, A grammatical sketch of Ossetic, Bloomington, IN, 1964. Linguistics, 43, 1968, 131-136.

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav

xlix

Zgusta

332. Cahiers de lexicologie, revue internationale de lexicologie générale et appliquée, vol. IV (1964), fase. I, edited by Β. Quemada, Paris, 1964-. Linguistics, 44, 1968, 107- 109. 333. Richard I. Aaron, The theory of universals, 2nd ed., Oxford,1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 273274. 334. Mario Pei, Glossary of linguistic terminology, New York, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 275. 335. Karl-Otto Apel, Analytic philosophy of language and the Geisteswissenchaften,

Dordrecht,

1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 275. 336. H. Freudenthal, The language of logic, Amsterdam, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 276. 337. Howard R. Pollio, The structural basis of word association behavior, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 276-277. 338. Robert Schmitt-Brandt, Die Entwicklung des indogermanischen 1967. Ar.Or.,Π,

Vokalsystems, Heidelberg,

1969, 277-279.

339. The verb "be" and its synonyms, pts. I, II, and ΙΠ, edited by John M. Verhaar, Dordrecht, 1967, 1968. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 279-280. 340. Francisco da Silva Borba, Introduçaô aos estudos lingüísticos, Saö Paulo, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 280-281. 341. Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, Langage et contexte, 's-Gravenhage, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969,281. 342. John P. de Cecco, The psychology of language, thought, and instruction, New York, 1967. Ar.Or., ST, 1969, 281-282. 343. Ferdinand de Saussure, Corso di linguistica generale, edited and translated by Tullio di Mauro, Bari, 1968. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 282. 344. Wolfgang P. Schmid, Alteuropäisch

und Indogermanisch,

Wiesbaden, 1968. Ar.Or., 37,

1969, 449. 345. Wolfgang Schlachter, Arbeiten zur strukturbezogenen

Grammatik auf der Grundlage

finnisch-ugrischen und indogermanischen Materials, edited by Björn Collinder, Hans Fromm, and Gerhard Ganschow, München, 1968. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 449-450. 346. Fernand Brunner et al., Vom Wesen der Sprache, Bem, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 50. 347. William Schwab, Guide to modern grammar and exposition, New York, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 450-451. 348. Eric Buyssens, La communication

et l'articulation

linguistique, Bruxelles, Paris, 1967.

Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 609-611. 349. Rudolf Engler, Lexique de la terminologie saussurienne, Utrecht, 1968. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 611-614. 350. Europa, Studien zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der frühen Aegaeis: Festschrift für

Ernst

Grumach, edited by William C. Brice, Berlin, 1967. Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 614- 615. 351. Veröffentlichung des II. internationalen Symposions "Zeichen und System der (Magdeburg 1964), Berlin, 1966. Ar.Or., 37, 1969,615-618.

Sprache",

1 352. Emmanuel Laroche, Les noms des Hittites, Paris, 1966.

Ar.Or., 37, 1969, 619- 621.

(With L. Matous.) 353. D. J. Georgacas and W. A. McDonald, Place names of Southwest Peloponnesus: register and indexes, Minneapolis, 1969. Names, 18: 2, 1970, 131-136. 354. Götz Wienold, Genus and Semantik, Meisenheim, 1967. KZ, 84: 2, 1970, 304-305. 355. Linguistic studies presented to André Martinet,

vol. I, edited by Alphonse Juilland, New

York, 1969. KZ, 84, 1970, 305-309. 356. F. H. George, Semantics

("Teach yourself'), London, 1964. Linguistics, 66, 1971, 119-

120.

357. Helena Kurzová, Zur syntaktischen

Struktur des Griechischen, Prague, 1968. Language,

47: 3, 1971, 733. 358. Current trends in Linguistics , vol.

South Asia, edited by Thomas Sebeok. Language

Sciences, 17, 1971, 50-52. 359. Bertil Malmberg, Les nouvelles tendences de la linguistique, Paris, 1966. Linguistics, 70, 1971, 106. 360. Louis J. Prieto, Messages et signaux, Paris, 1966. Linguistics, 70, 1971, 112-113. 361. Β. Siertsema, A study of glossematics, The Hague, 1965, 2nd ed. Linguistics, 70, 1971, 113-114. 362. Julius Stenzel, Philosophie der Sprache, München, 1934 [1964], Linguistics, 70, 1971, 115. 363. Theodore Drange, Type crossings: sentential meaninglessness

in the border area of

linguistics and philosophy, The Hague, 1966. Linguistics, 70, 1971, 115-117. 364. Tristano Bolelli, Per una storia della ricerca linguistica, Napoli, 1965. Linguistics,

74,

1971, 95-96. 365. Roch Valin, Le méthode comparative en linguistique historique et en psychomécanique du langage, Québec, 1964. Linguistics, 74, 1971, 103-104. 366. Hans Glinz, Grundbegriffe

und Methoden inhaltsbezogener

Text- und

Sprachanalyse,

Düsseldorf, 1965. Linguistics, 74, 1971, 104-107. 367. Roland Harweg, Pronomina und Textkonstitution, München, 1968. KZ, 85: 2, 1971, SOSSO?. 368. Studies in syntax and semantics, edited by F. Kiefer, Dordrecht, 1969. KZ, 85: 2, 1971, 307-309. 369. E. Adelaide Hahn, Naming-constructions in some Indo-European languages, Cleveland, 1969. Language, 48: 3, 1972, 695-702. 370. Fred W. Householder, Linguistic speculations, Cambridge, 1971. KZ, 87: 2, 1973, 285286.

li

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

371. Eugenio Coseriu, Sprache: Strukturen und Funktionen, Tübingen, 1971. KZ, 87: 2, 1973, 286. 372. Adam Smith, A dissertation on the origin of languages, Tübingen, 1970. KZ, 87: 2, 1973, 287. 373. Eugenio Coseriu, Einführung

in die strukturelle

Betrachtung

des

Wortschatzes,

Tübingen, 1970. KZ, 87: 2, 1973, 299-300. 374. Helmut Henne, Semantik und Lexikographie, Berlin, 1972. KZ, 87: 2, 1973, 301- 303. 375. Henrik Birnbaum, Problems of typological and genetic linguistics viewed in a generative framework,

The Hague, 1970. KZ, 87: 2, 1973, 303-304.

376. Elisabeth Bense, Mentalismus in der Sprachtheorie

Noam Chomskys, Kronberg, 1973.

Papers in Linguistics, 7: 3-4, 1974, 535-539. 377. Aspekte der Semantik: zur ihrer Theorie und Geschichte 1662-1970, edited by Laszlo Antal, Frankfurt, 1972. Studies in Language Learning, 1: 1, 1975,210-212. 378. Adam Makkai, Idiom structure in English, The Hague, 1972. Kratylos, 19, 1974 [1975], 146-149. 379. Josef Simon, Philosophie und linguistische Theorie, Berlin, 1971. KZ, 89: 2, 1975, 291292. 380. Friedrich Kainz, Philosophische Etymologie und historische Semantik, Wien, 1969. KZ, 89: 2, 1975, 293-296. 381. Fredrik O. Lindeman, Einführung in die Laryngaltheorie,

Berlin, 1970. KZ, 89: 2, 1975,

297-300. 382. Les noms de lieux et le contact des langues,

edited by H. Dorion and Christian

Morissonneau, Québec, 1972. UAL, 42: 2, 172-173. 383. Eugene A. Nida, Exploring semantic structures, München, 1975. Kratylos, 20, 1977, 2023. 384. Sprachwandel: Reader zur diachronischen Sprachwissenschaft, edited by Dieter Cherubim, Berlin, 1975. Lingua, 40, 1976, 264-265. 385. Sprache und Gesellschaft in der Sowjetunion, edited by W. Girke and H. Jachnow, Munich, 1975. Slavic Review, 6, 1977, 359. 386. John A. Brownell, A directory of selected resources for the study of English in Japan, Honolulu, 1976. ARBA, 1977, 515. 387. Abraham Lass and Betty Lass, Dictionary of pronunciation, New York, 1976. ARBA, 1977, 525-526. 388. Josefa Zotter, Cortina-Grosset basic German dictionary:

English-German/German-English,

New York, 1975. ARBA, 1977, 529. 389. Oxford Latin dictionary, fase. V: Libero-Pactum, edited by P. G. W. Glare, New York, 1976. ARBA, 1977, 530-531.

Iii 390. Joachim Kühn, Gescheiterte Sprachkritik: Fritz Mauthners Leben und Werk, Berlin,1975. Lingua, 42, 1977, 399. 391. Yakov Malkiel, Etymological dictionaries, a tentative typology, Chicago, 1976. Kratylos, 21, 1976 [1977], 184. 392. Bibliography of language arts material for Native North Americans: bilingual, English as a second language and native language materials

1965-1974,

Los Angeles, 1977. ARBA,

1978, 308. 393. Sprachwissenschaftliches

Wörterbuch, Lief. 1-6, edited by Johann Knobloch, Heidelberg,

1971. KZ, 91: 2, 1977, 307-308. 394. Eugen Coseriu, Einführung in die transformationeile Grammatik, Tübingen, 1968. KZ, 91: 2, 1977, 308-310. 395. R. B. Farrell, Dictionary of German synonyms, 3rd ed., New York, 1977. ARBA, 1978, 543-544. 396. Luis Fernando Lara, El concepto de norma en lingüística, Mexico D.F., 1976. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences, 7: 2, 1977, 191-192. 397. Luis Fernando Lara, El concepto de norma en lingüística, Mexico, D.F. 1976. Kratylos, 22, 1977 [1978], 51-53. 398. William E. McMahon, Hans Reichenbach's philosophy of grammar, The Hague, 1976. Lingua, 44, 1978, 389-391. 399. Herbert H. Clark, Semantics and comprehension, The Hague, 1976. Lingua, 44, 1978, 391. 400. Martin R. P. McGuire and Hermigild Dressier, Introduction to medieval Latin studies: a syllabus and bibliographical guide, 2nd ed., Washington, D. C. 1977. ARBA, 1979, 536. 401. Jeanne Ambrose-Grillet, Glossary of transformational grammar, Rowley, MA, 1978. ARBA, 1979, 537-538. 402. Mario Wandruszka, Wörter und Wortfelder, Tübingen, 1973. KZ, 92: 1-2, 1978, 306-307. 403. Jakko Frôsén, Prolegomena to a study of the Greek language in the first centuries

A.D.,

Helsinki, 1974. KZ, 92: 1-2, 1978, 307-309. 404. Ewald Lang, Semantik der koordinativen Verknüpfung, Berlin, 1977. Papers in Linguistics, 11: 1-2, 1978, 267-276. 405. Papers on functional sentence perspective, edited by F. Danes, Prague, The Hague, 1974. Lingua, 48, 1979, 271-274. 406. Bernard E. Rollin, Natural and conventional meaning, The Hague, 1976. Lingua, 48, 1979, 85-86. 407. Demetrius J. Georgacas, Ichthyological terms for the sturgeon and the etymology of the international terms 'botargo', 'caviar', and congeners, Athens, 1977. Word, 31: 2, 1980, 235-239.

liii

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

408. Walter Bauer, A Greek-English lexicon of the New Testament and other early

Christian

literature, 2nd revised and augmented edition by William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, Chicago, 1979. ARBA, 1980,480-481. 409. Oswald Ducrot and Tzvetan Todorov, Encyclopedic dictionary of the sciences of language, Baltimore, 1979. ARBA, 1980, 499. 410. The linguistic atlas of England, edited by Harold Orton et al., London, 1978. ARBA, 1980, 500. 411. Harry T. Hionides, Collins contemporary Greek dictionary, Cleveland, 1977. ARBA, 1980, 515. 412. The analytical Greek lexicon revised, edited by Harold K. Moulton, Grand Rapids, MI, 1978. ARBA, 1980, 515-516. 413. Hermann-Josef Zingel, Textile dictionary: English/American,

French, German, Spanish,

Amsterdam, 1979. ARBA, 1981, 446. 414. Linguistic atlas of the Middle and South Atlantic States, edited by Raven I. McDavid, Jr., Chicago, 1980. ARBA, 1981, 516. 415. George Ricker Berry, A dictionary of New Testament Greek synonyms, Grand Rapids, MI, 1979. ARBA, 1981, 526. 416. Margaret L. Press, Chemehuevi: a grammar and lexicon, Berkeley, 1979. ARBA,

1981,

530. 417. Robert W. Young and William Morgan, The Navajo language: a grammar and colloquial dictionary, Albuquerque, 1980. ARBA, 1981,

530-531.

418. Konrad Nielsen and Asbjorn Nesheim, Lapp dictionary: based on the dialects of Polmak, Karasjok, and Kautokeino, Oslo, 1979. ARBA, 1981, 528. 419. Transliterated dictionary of the Russian language, edited by Eugene Garfield, Philadelphia, 1979. ARBA, 1981, 531-532. 420. Clarence L Barnhart, Sol Steinmetz, and Robert K. Barnhart, The second

Barnhart

dictionary of new English, New York, 1980. ARBA, 1981, 517-518. 421. Frits J. de Jong, Quadrilingual economics dictionary: English-American, French, German, and Dutch, Boston, 1980. ARBA, 1982, 413. 422. William Dingwall, Language, and the brain: a bibliography and guide, New York, 1981. ARBA, 1982, 581. 423. Peter Davies, Roots: family histories offamiliar words, New York, 1981. ARBA, 1982, 583. 424. The Oxford-Duden pictorial English dictionary, edited by John Pheby, New York, 1981. ARBA, 1982, 585. 425. Jenni Κ. Moulton, The Random House basic dictionary, German-English, New York, 1981. ARBA, 1982, 597.

English-German,

liv

426. The Cambridge Italian dictionary, Vol. Ill: English-Italian, edited by Barbara Reynolds, New York, 1981. ARB A, 1982, 598-599. 427. M. A. R. Barker, H. J. Hamdani, and K. M. S. Dihlavi, Urdu-English vocabulary:

students

pronouncing dictionary, Ithaca, NY, 1980. ARBA, 1982, 603. 428. Uzbek-English dictionary, compiled by Natalie Waterson, New York, 1980. ARB A, 1982, 603. 429. Peter Wennrich, Anglo-American and German abbreviations in science and technology: Part 4 supplement, New York, 1980. ARBA, 1982, 698-699. 430. Wörterbuch der Elektronik, Englisch-Deutsch; Dictionary of electronics,

English-German,

edited by Alfred Oppermann, New York, 1980. ARBA, 1982, 810. 431. An index to the Revised Bauer-Amdt-Gingrich

Greek lexicon, edited by F. W. Gingrich and

F. W. Danker, Grand Rapids, MI, 1981. ARBA, 1983, 484-485. 432. Terminologies for the eighties with a special section: 10 years of Infoterm, Munich, 1982. ARBA,

1983, 501.

433. The American Heritage desk dictionary, Boston, 1981. ARBA, 1983, 502. 434. A supplement to the Oxford English dictionary, Vol. Ill: O-Scz, edited by R. W. Burchfield, New York, 1982. ARBA, 1983, 505. 435. Suffixes and other word-final elements of English, edited by Laurence Urdang et al., Detroit, 1982. ARBA, 1983, 506. 436. Melvin K. Hendrix, An international bibliography of African lexicons, Metuchen, N.J., 1982. ARBA, 1983, 509. 437. The Pinyin Chinese-English dictionary, edited by Wu Jingrong, New York, [1982]. ARBA, 1983, 510. 438. Paul Saagpakk, Estonian-English

dictionary, New Haven, CT, 1982. ARBA, 1983, 510-

511. 439. An Iban-English

dictionary, compiled by Anthony Richards, New York, 1981. ARBA,

1983, 512. 440. Russell G. Schuh, A dictionary ofNgizim, Berkeley, 1981. ARBA, 1983, 513. 441. The pocket Oxford English-Russian

dictionary, compiled by Nigel Rankin and Delia

Thompson, New York, 1981. ARBA, 1983, 514. 442. Wojciech Zalewski, Russian-English bibliography,

dictionaries with aids for translators: a

selected

New York, 1981. ARBA, 1983, 514.

443. Diccionario Inglés, edited by Fernando de Mello Vianna, Boston, 1982. ARBA,

1983, SU-

SIS. 444. Ivan Lutterer et al., Zemepisnâ jména Œeskoslovenska, Praha, 1982. Names, 32: 1, 1984, 89-90.

lv

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

445. Bono homini donum: essays in historical linguistics, in memory of J. Alexander

Kerns,

edited by Yoël Arbeitman and Allan R. Bomhard, Amsterdam, 1981. Language, 60: 1,1984, 182. 446. M. H. Bakalla, Arabic linguistics: an introduction and bibliography, 2nd rev. ed., New York, 1983. ARB A, 1984, 518-519. 447. N. S. Doniach, The concise Oxford English-Arabic dictionary of current usage, New York, 1982. ARB A, 1984, 519. 448. Shafi Shaikh, Handbook of English-Arabic for professionals.

New York, 1983. ARBA,

1984, 519-520. 449. A. J. Greimas and J. Courtes, Semiotics

and language:

an analytical

dictionary,

Bloomington, IN, 1982. ARBA, 1984, 520-521. 450. Le Robert méthodique: dictionnaire méthodique du français actuel, edited by Josette ReyDebove, Paris, 1982. ARBA, 1984, 521. 451. Akira Miura, Japanese words and their uses, Rutland, Vt., 1983. ARBA, 1984, 524. 452. Pandurang Ganesh Deshpande, A Modern English-Gujarati dictionary, Kaira, India, 1970 [Oxford, 1982]. ARBA, 1984, 523. 453. The Oxford-Duden pictorial English-Japanese dictionary. New York, 1983. ARBA, 1984, 524-525. 454. Standard English-Korean dictionary for foreigners, edited by B. J. Jones, Elizabeth, N.J., 1982. ARBA, 1985, 525. 455. Iwo Pogonowski, Dictionary: Polish-English; English-Polish, 2nd ed., New York, 1983. ARBA, 1984, 525-526. 456. James F. Shipp, Russian-English dictionary of abbreviations and initialisms, Philadelphia, 1982. ARBA, 1984, 526. 457. Elizabeth A. M. Wilson, The modern Russian dictionary for English speakers:

English-

Russian, Russian edition by L. P. Popova, New York, 1982. ARBA, 1984, 527. 458. A. Kucera, The Compact dictionary

of exact science and technology, vol. I and II,

Wiesbaden, 1980, 1982. ARBA, 1984, 608-609. 459. Das etymologische Wörterbuch: Fragen der Konzeption und Gestaltung, edited by Alfred Bammesberger, Regensburg, 1983. Language, 61: 1, 1985,215-216. 460. Claude Brixhe, Essai sur le grec anatolien au début de notre ere, Nancy, 1984. Language, 61: 1, 1985, 217-218. 461. Dictionaries and vocabularies in the terminology and reference library 1966-1981,6th

ed.,

New York, 1983. ARBA, 1985, 342. 462. Patricia Spencer, The Egyptian temple: a lexicographical study, Boston, 1984. ARBA, 1985, 346.

Ivi

463. T. Burrow and Μ. Β. Emeneau, A Dravidian etymological dictionary, 2nd ed., New York, 1984. ARB A, 1985, 353. 464. William Marsden, A dictionary and grammar of the Malayan language, New York, 1984. ARB A, 1985, 355. 465. Frances Karttunen, An analytical dictionary ofNahuatl, Austin, TX, 1983. ARBA, 1985, 355. 466. A dictionary of the older Scottish tongue, vol. 5, edited by A. J. Aitken and James A. C. Stevenson, Aberdeen, 1983. ARBA, 1985, 356. 467. English-Tibetan

dictionary of modern Tibetan, edited by Melvyn C. Goldstein, Berkeley,

1984. ARBA, 1985, 358. 468. T. Muraoka, A Greek-Hebrew/Aramaic

index to I Esdras, Chico, CA, 1984. ARBA,

1985,

474. 469. Das etymologische Wörterbuch: Fragen der Konzeption und Gestaltung, edited by Alfred Bammesberger, Regensburg, 1983. Kratylos, 29, 1984, [1985], 30-32. 470. Adolf Erhart, Indoevropské jazyky, Praha, 1982. Kratylos, 29, 1984 [1985], 158- 160. 471. Ram Adhar Singh, Ari introduction to lexicography, Mysore, 1982. Dictionaries, 6, 1984, 254-257. 472. Studien zur neuhochdeutschen

Lexikographie,

vol. I-IV, edited by Herbert E. Wiegand,

1981-1984. Dictionaries, 6, 1984,268-275. 473. Doris A. Bartholomew and Louis C. Schoenhals, Bilingual dictionaries for

indigenous

languages [Summer Institute of Linguistics], Mexico, 1983. Dictionaries, 6, 1984,283-285. 474. Robert E. Beard, The Indo-European lexicon: a full synchronic study. Diachronica,

1:1,

1984, 103-110. 475. Fritz Neubauer, Die Struktur der Explikationen in deutschen einsprachigen

Wörterbüchern,

Hamburg, 1980. Lexicographica, 1, 1985, 277-278. 476. Lexicography:

principles

and practice, edited by R. R. K. Hartman, London, 1983.

Lexicographica, 1, 1985, 285-286. 477. Everyday American English dictionary: a basic dictionary for English language

learning,

edited by Richard A. Spears et al., Lincolnwood, IL, 1984. Studies in Language Learning, 5: 1, 1985, 128-129. 478. Everyday American English dictionary: a basic dictionary for English language

learning,

edited by Richard A. Spears et al., Lincolnwood, 111., 1984. Lexicographica, 2, 1986, 315317. 479. A bibliography of writings on varieties of English, 1965-1983, edited by Wolfgang Viereck, Edgar W. Schneider, and Manfred Görlach, Philadelphia, 1984. ARBA,

1986,406.

480. Bruce Mitchell, Old English syntax, New York, 1985. ARBA, 1986, 407. 481. The pocket Oxford dictionary of current English, 7th ed, New York, 1984. ARBA, 407.

1986,

lvii

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

482. Australian pocket Oxford English dictionary, edited by George W. Turner, New York, 1984. ARB A, 1986, 407-408. 483. Nina Trnka, Czech-English,

English-Czech concise dictionary, New York, 1984. ARBA,

1986, 415. 484. Georgette A. Marks and Charles B. Johnson, Harrap's French/French-English,

slang dictionary:

English-

London, 1984. ARBA, 1986, 415-416.

485. J. P. Lupson, Guide to German idioms, Lincolnwood, 111., 1984. ARBA, 1986, 416. 486. A. D. Alderson and Fahir Iz, The Oxford Turkish-English dictionary, 3rd ed., New York, 1984. ARBA, 1986, 418. 487. Greek dictionary:

Greek-English

and English-Greek

pocket dictionary,

edited by P.

Nathanail, Boston, 1985. ARBA, 1986, 417. 488. Mikhail Zimmermann, Russian-English translator's dictionary: a guide to scientific

and

technical usage, 2nd ed., New York, 1984. ARBA, 1986, 417. 489. Marcus Wheeler, Oxford

Russian-English

dictionary,

2nd ed., Oxford, 1984.

Lexicographica, 2, 1986, 331-332. 490. P. S. Falla, The Oxford English-Russian dictionary, Oxford 1984. Lexicographica, 2, 1986, 314. 491. Dictionnaire du français québécois (Trésor de langue française au Québec), edited by Claude Poirier et al., St. Foy, 1985. Dictionaries, 8, 1986, 272-279. 492. Claude Brixhe and Michel Lejeune, Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes,

vol.1, II,

Paris, 1984. Language, 62: 2, 1986, 462. 493. Peter Von Polenz, Deutsche Satzsemantik, Berlin, 1985. Language, 62: 4, 1986, 947-948. 494. F. A. Bogadek, Cassell's new English-Croatian and Croatian-English dictionary, 3rd ed., New York, 1985. ARBA, 1987, 408. 495. Spanish at your fingertips;

French at your fingertips; Greek at your fingertips;

and

Portuguese at your fingertips, New York, 1986. ARBA, 1987, 417. 496. Mary K. Pukui and Samuel Elbert, Hawaiian dictionary, 2nd ed., Honolulu, 1986. ARBA, 1987, 410-411. 497. Abbas Aryanpur Kashani and Manoochehr Aryanpur Kashani, The combined new PersianEnglish and English-Persian dictionary, Lexington, KY, 1986. ARBA, 1987, 413. 498. Adrian Room, Dictionary of changes in meaning, New York, 1986. ARBA, 1987, 402-403. 499. Dictionaries, lexicography and language learning, edited by Robert Ilson, Oxford, 1985. World Englishes, 6: 1, 1987, 71-72. 500. Frantisek t e r m á k et al., Slovník

ceské frazeologie

a idiomatiky,

Praha, 1983.

Lexicographica, 3, 1987, 258-259. 501. Harold W. Kent, Treasury of Hawaiian words, Honolulu, 1986. ARBA, 1988, 439- 440.

Iviii

502. Branislav Grujic, Serbocroatian-English; English-Serbocroatian dictionary, New York, 1986. ARB A, 1988, 441. 503. Langenscheidt's universal dictionary: English, Serbo-Croatian; Serbo-Croatian,

English,

Maspeth, NY,1987. ARB A, 1988,441. 504. Jolanta Rokoszowa, Zum Anthropozentrismus

in der Sprache, Wroclaw, 1986. Language,

64: 3, 1988, 647-648. 505. Handbuch

der Lexikologie,

edited by Christoph Schwarze and Dieter Wunderlich,

Königstein, 1985. Lingua, 76, 1988, 254-255. 506. Walter Belardi, Filosofìa,

grammatica

e retorica nel pensiero antico, Rome, 1985.

Historiographia Linguistica, 15: 3, 1988,401-405. 507. Wolfgang Mentrup, Zur Pragmatik einer Lexikographie, Tübingen, 1988. Dictionaries, 10, 1988, 147-151. 508. Studien zur neuhochdeutschen Lexikographie, vol. V, VI.l, VI.2, edited by H. E. Wiegand, Hildesheim, 1984, 1986, 1988. Dictionaries, 10, 1988, 159-163. 509. Bent Conrad, Two essays on reference without meaning: suppositio materialis and proper names, Copenhagen, 1985. Language, 65: 1, 1989, 178-9. 510. Riccardo Ambrosini, Tendenze della linguistica teorica attuale, Pisa, 1987. Language, 65: 2, 1989, 418. 511. Marcelo Dascal, Leibniz: language, signs and thought, Amsterdam, 1987. Language, 65: 2, 1989, 423. 512. Matin L. Manchester, The philosophical foundations

of Humboldt's linguistic

doctrines,

Amsterdam, 1985. Lingua, 1989,363-365. 513. The history of linguistics in Italy, edited by Paolo Ramat, Hans-J. Niederehe, and Konrad Koerner, Amsterdam, 1986. Lingua, 79, 1989, 73-74. 514. Francisco Rodriguez Adrados, Nuevos Estudios de lingüística general y de teoría literaria, Barcelona, 1988. Kratylos, 34, 1989, 165-166. 515. Sumitra M. Katre, Astadhyayi of Panini, Austin, 1987. Studies in the Linguistic

Sciences,

19: 1, 1989, 187-193. 516. Igor A. Mel'chuk and Alexander K. Zholkovskij, Tolkovo-Kombinatornyj Sovremennogo Russkogo Jazyka: Explanatory combinatorial dictionary of modern

Slovar' Russian,

Vienna, 1984. Lexicographica, 5, 1989, 257-259. 517. Carl Darling Buck, A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal

Indo-European

languages, Chicago, 1949, repr. 1988. ARB A, 1990, 437. 518. Florent A. Tremblay, Bibliotheca Lexicologiae MediiAevi.

Vol. 1: Classics in the Middle

Ages, Education in the Middle Ages, Lewiston, Ν. Y., 1988. ARB A, 1990, 420-421. 519. Ian MacKay, Phonetics and speech science: a bilingual dictionary, New York, 1989. ARBA, 1990, 421-422.

lix

Bibliography of Publications by Ladislav Zgusta

520. Paul Wexler, Judeo-Romance linguistics: a bibliography, New York, 1989. ARBA, 1990, 439. 521. John M. Echols and Hassan Shadily, An Indonesian-English dictionary, 3rd ed., New York, 1989, ARBA, 1990, 443-444. 522. James A. Matisoff, The Dictionary ofLahu, Berkeley, 1988. ARBA, 1990,445. 523. William S. Heckscher, The Princeton Alciati companion: a glossary of Neo-Latin words and phrases. New York, 1989. ARBA, 1990, 445-446. 524. Irini Panoff, New Pocket Romanian dictionary: Romanian-English, English- Romanian, New York, 1988. ARBA, 1990, 446-447. 525. James A. C. Stevenson, with Iseabail Macleod, Scoor-oot: a dictionary of Scots words and phrases in current use, Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1989. ARBA, 1990, 447. 526. The Oxford-Duden pictorial Serbo-Croat and English dictionary. New York,1988. ARBA, 1990, 447. 527. Roy Harris and Talbot J. Taylor, Landmarks in linguistic thought: the western tradition from Socrates to Saussure, London, 1989. Historiographia Linguistica, 17:3,1990,403-405. 528. Sumitra M. Katre, Astßdhyäyi of Panini, Austin, 1987. Lingua, 82,1990, 247-253. 529. Arnold R. Taylor, Icelandic-English, English-Icelandic dictionary, New York, 1990. ARBA, 1991, 435-436. 530. Helen L. Johnson and Rossall J. Johnson, Indonesian-English,

English-Indonesian

dictionary. New York, 1990. ARBA, 1991, 436. 531. Iwo C. Pogonowski, Polish-English, English-Polish dictionary with complete

phonetics,

New York, 1990. ARBA, 1991, 436-437. 532. The Scots thesaurus, edited by Iseabail Macleod et al., Aberdeen, 1990. ARBA, 1991,437. 533. Morton Benson, Serbocroatian-English dictionary. Srpskohrvatsko-Engleski reZnik, 3rd ed., New York, 1990. ARBA, 1991, 438. 534. Branko Ostojic, English-Serbocroatian, Serbocroatian-English pocket dictionary, New York, 1989. ARBA, 1991, 438-439. 535. Cambodian-English English-Cambodian dictionary, New York, 1990. ARBA, 1991, 433. 536. Robert Claiborne, The roots of English: a reader's handbook of word origins, New York, 1989. ARBA, 1991, 422-423. 537. CCCC Bibliography of composition and rhetoric 1987, edited by Erika Lindemann, Carbondale, IL, 1990. ARBA, 1991, 418-419. 538. Jürgen Schäfer, Early Modern English Lexicography, vol. 1: a survey of monolingual printed glossaries and dictionaries, 1475-1640, New York, 1989. ARBA, 1991, 419. 539. Heikki Solin, Namenpaare: eine Studie zur römischen Namengebung, Helsinki, 1990. Names, 39: 1, 1991, 50-53.

Ix 540. Mary Snell-Homby, Translation studies: an integrated approach, Amsterdam, 1988. Lingua, 82, 1990, 359-361. 541. Two recent dictionaries to the Greek New Testament, [Griechisch-Deutsches den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und der frühchristlichen

Wörterbuch zu

Literatur by Walter Bauer; new

edition by Kurt Aland and Barbara Aland, Berlin, 1988; and Greek-English lexicon of the New Testament based on semantic domains, vol. 1 and 2, edited by Johannes P. Louw and Eugene A. Nida, New York, 1988.] Lexicographical,

1990,289-293.

542. J. Wawrzynczik, Polsko-rosyjskie minucje slownikowe, Warszawa, 1988. Lexicographica, 6, 1990, 301-302. 543. Esa Itkonen, Universal history of linguistics: India, China, Arabia, Europe, Amsterdam, 1991. Historiographia Linguistica, 19: 2/3, 1992, 375-380. 544. Yugoslav linguistics in English 1900-1980: a bibliography, edited by D. Milivojevic and Vasa D. Mihailovich, Columbus, OH, 1990. ARBA, 1992, 408. 545. Dutch-English, English-Dutch dictionary with a brief introduction to Dutch grammar. New York, 1990. ARB A, 1992, 429. 546. Ahtna Athabaskan dictionary, compiled and edited by James M. Kari, Fairbanks, AK, 1990. ARBA± 1992, 428. 547. Major T. Warren, A shorter English-Nepali

dictionary,

New Delhi, 1990. ARBA, 1992,

435. 548. Lewis S. Josephs, New Palauan-English

dictionary, Honolulu, 1990. ARB A, 1992, 435-

436. 549. Marcel Schonkron, Romanian-English,

English-Romanian

dictionary, New York, 991.

ARBA, 1992, 436. 550. Ján Simko, English Slovak dictionary. cl968. ARB1992,

Anglicko-slovensky

slovnik, Wauconda, IL, 1990,

437-438.

551. Libuse Olivová-Nezbedová and Jana Matúsová, Index lexikálních jednotek pomístních jmen ν Óechách [Index of the lexical units occurring in microtoponyms in Bohemia], Praha, 1991. Names, 40: 2, 1992, 135-138. 552. International encyclopedia of linguistics, edited by William Bright, New York, 1992. ARBA, 1993, 444-445. 553. Alexander Ushkevich and Alexandra Zezulin, Byelorusian-English;

English-Byelorussian

dictionary with complete phonetics, New York, 1992. ARBA, 1993, 458. 554. Carolinian-English Dictionary, edited by Frederick H. Jackson and Jeffrey C. Marek et al., Honolulu, 1991. ARBA, 1993,458-549. 555. Ksana Kyiv and Oleg Benyuch, Estonian-English, English-Estonian dictionary, New York, 1992. ARBA, 1993, 459-460.

Bibliography

of Publications

by Ladislav

lxi

Zgusta

556. John J. Torikashvili, Georgian-English,

English-Georgian

dictionary, New York, 1992.

ARB A, 1993,460-461. 557. Mary Kawena Pukui et al., New pocket Hawaiian dictionary with a concise grammar and given names in Hawaiian, Honolulu, 1992. ARBA, 1993,461-462. 558. Irish/English;

English/Irish dictionary and phrasebook,

New York, 1992. ARB A, 1993,

462-463. 559. R. David Zorc, Somali-English dictionary, 2nd ed. Kensington, MD, 1991. ARB A, 1993, 467. 560. Historicky slovnik slovenského jazyka, vol. I, A-J, edited by Milan Majtán et al., Bratislava, 1991. //L, 6:1, 1993, 33-36. 561. Etymologicky

slovnik jazyka staroslovenského

[Etymological dictionary of Old Church

Slavonic], fase. 1 and fase. 2, Eva Havlová (Ed. in chief), Praha, 1989, 1990. IJL, 6: 1, 1993, 37-44 562. Jaan Puhvel, Hittite etymological dictionary, vol. 3: words beginning with H. The Hague, 1991. IJL, 6: 1, 1993, 45-49. 563. Ján Kacala, Sloveso a sémantická struktúra vety [The verb and the semantic structure of the sentence], Bratislava, 1989. Language, 69: 2, 1993, 425-426. 564. Anton Kucera, The Compact dictionary of exact science and technology, vol. I, EnglishGerman; vol. II, French-German. Wiesbaden, 1989, 1991. Dictionaries, 14, 1992/1993, 169173. 565. R.H. Gouws, Leksikographie,

Pretoria, 1989. Dictionaries, 14, 1992/1993, 174- 176.

566. Bo Svensén, Handbok i lexikogra.fi: principer och metoder i ordboksarbetet

[Handbook of

Lexicography: Principles and Methods of Dictionary Making], Stockholm, 1987. Dictionaries, 14, 1992/1993, 175-178. 567. Miloslava Knappová, Príjmení ν soucasné cestine [Surnames=Family names in contemporary Czech], Libérée, 1992. Names, 41: 2, 1993, 121-127. 568. Lexikos, edited by P. Harteveld, Stellenbosch, 1991. IJL, 6:4, 305-306. 569. Carla Marcilo, Dizionari bilingui: con schede sui dizionari per francese, inglese, spagnolo, tedesco. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1989. Lexicographical,

1992 [1994], 392-393.

570. Ramazan Hyza, Albanian-English dictionary. New York: Hippocrene Books, 1993. ARBA, 1994, 452-453. 571. Korean, compiled by Thomas Eccardt, with Oh Wonchul. New York: Hippocrene Books, 1993. ARBA, 1994, 458. 572. Edgar Tu'inukuafe, A simplified dictionary of modem Tongan. Auckland, N.Z.: Polynesian Press, 1992. ARBA, 1994, 462. 573. Fahir Iz, H.C. Hony, and A.D. Alderson, The Oxford Turkish dictionary. Oxford University Press, 1992. ARBA, 1994, 463.

New York:

Introduction Braj Β. Kachru

The ten sections of this volume stand out like the ten heads of Havana, one of the major characters of India's epic Rdmayana (c.400 BC-c.200 AD). Whatever their legendary significance, Ravana's heads represent his ten important facets. But, more than that, the ten heads symbolize power, authority and pride. If we stretch the analogy, we might say that dictionaries wield immense authority as embodiments of linguistic etiquette, guides for appropriateness, repositories of standards, and even subtle and powerful vehicles of ideological and cultural norms. The ten parts of the volume focus on selected theoretical, methodological and ideological dimensions of the dictionary. These dimensions of the lexicographical enterprise have been illustrated by bringing together papers on selected Western and non-Western languages. A brief outline of the ten parts of the book follows. However, the division into various parts does not imply in any way that such classification is mutually exclusive. As is always the case with such categorization, it essentially indicates the major focus of a particular section. The first part, Contextualizing Culture, is the largest section and consists of eight papers, which demonstrate in various ways, as Joshua Fishman aptly observes, that dictionaries are both "culturally constructed and culture-constructing." The first paper by Doris Bartholomew, looks at the culture of the Otomi of the Mezquital (Hidalgo, Mexico) through "dictionary illustrative sentences." These sentences "don't constitute an ethnography as such but the information they supply is consistent with a fuller ethnography written by an Otomi speaker...." The paper makes a vital point that "having native speakers write sentences for dictionary entries produces several benefits.... One of these benefits is the cultural information that shows up in those sentences." Fishman demonstrates the reciprocity of his claim from Yiddish sources. There are, of course, other ways of looking at dictionaries as exponents of culture—for example, a specific microscopic one, as in the papers by Pierre Corbin, Franz Joseph Hausmann, Winfred Lehmann, Yakov Malkiel, and Eugene Nida. Louis Fernando Lara, on the other hand, uses broad strokes, toward a theory of the cultural dictionary and raises a variety of insightful questions about the definition of what we mean by 'culture', culture and linguistic theory, and methodology of the cultural dictionary. The paper emphasizes that "the most remarkable effect of every lexicographic work is the way in which it becomes a part of the culture of the language, and many times directs it." The second part, Lexicography in Historical Context, is just that - a study of some historical— historiographical—aspects of Mesoamerican (Frances Karttunen), Chinese (Thomas B.I. Creamer), French (Douglas A. Kibbee), Chinese-Vietnamese (Dinh-Hoà Nguyên), and English lexicography

Ixiv

(Gabriele Stein). The five studies actually represent five distinct case studies, broadly classified here according to their specific historical contexts. The third part, Ideology, Norms and Language Use, consists of five chapters. Out of these, four chapters directly address one of the key words —key concerns—used in the title of this volume: ideology. That four chapters out of five focus on Eastern and Western Europe is not by design: Manuel Alvar Ezquerra discusses political considerations in Spanish dictionaries; Donna Farina revisits much-maligned Marrism with special reference to earlier Soviet dictionaries, and Anna Wierzbicka contrasts ideologies in three Eastern European dictionaries. Only one paper, by David Zorc, relates to a non-European and non-Western language in his discussion of regionalism vs. nationalism and the lexicographer in the context of the Philippines. The fourth part, PluricentricityandEthnocentricism,

again comprises five chapters, and again—

except for Chin W. Kim's study—focuses on a Western language, specially on English. The issues arising out of pluricentricity of languages—normative, attitudinal and ideological, to name just a few-have not attracted the attention that such issues deserve. An overwhelming case of such linguistic pluricentricity is, of course, English. I shall return to this in the final chapter in this volume. We do get some taste of the relevant issues in John Algeo's paper. Chin W. Kim introduces us to the pluricentricity of Korean, a language with a total of 66,376,402 speakers (1992) divided into two distinct Koreas (North Korea 22,227,303; and South Korea 44,149,199) with diametrically opposite ideologies of politics, social organization and linguistic attitudes. And this ideological breakup has resulted in two distinct types of dictionaries. The fifth part, Dictionaries Across Languages and Cultures, consists of two chapters: one by Yamuna Kachru and the other by Roger Steiner. Their specific concern is that of translatability across languages and cultures. Kachru provides illustrative data from English and Hindi, two culturally distinct languages, and Steiner from French and English, two languages which are culturally and linguistically closer than are Hindi and English. Their concerns date back to the origin of literacy and language contact, and, of course, to language learning. The sixth part, Language Dynamics vs. Prescriptivism, includes three chapters. These chapters are devoted to cultural change, linguistic change and prescriptivism. These are not just abstract questions, but, as has been shown with abundant evidence, they have educational, social and political implications.1 Answers to these questions in language policies empower one group and disempower another group: Anthony Cowie, Rufus Gouws and Francis Knowles bring three perspectives to our understanding of these challenging and daunting questions. The seventh part, Language Learner as the Consumer, consists of a single chapter by Gerard M. Dalgish. One could argue that Dalgish's paper could have been added to the preceding part. However, one must recognize that a major consumer of a dictionary is the language learner. In

See, e.g., Kachru, ed., 1982 [1992], and Tickoo. ed.. 1991. for discussion specifically related to world Englishes.

Introduction

lxv

recent years numerous issues have been raised about the theoretical, methodological and cultural aspects~and, I might add, the user-friendliness~of such dictionaries, especially with reference to the languages of wider communication: English, French, Hindi and Spanish, to name just four (see relevant references in Zgusta 1988). The eighth part, Structuring Semantics, takes us to the most controversial area of linguistic and lexicographical research. The controversies and approaches to semantics date back centuries.2 The three chapters by Fredric Dolezal, Mary Key and Johannes Louw, raise in their own ways lexicographically interesting issues in structuring semantics. The ninth part has a rather broad title: Ethical Issues and Lexicologists' Biases. The ethical issues actually open a floodgate of attitudinally loaded terms. It is amazing in how many different ways biases manifest themselves: the intrusion of religion, caste, class and so on. 3 It is this intriguing aspect that has been briefly discussed by David Gold and Tom McArthur. That such questions are being raised now more frequently is a step in the right direction. It is particularly so since language specialists and linguists have generally not raised such questions as have other social scientists, for example, anthropologists, political scientists, and sociologists (see Hausmann 1986 and Kachru 1993). The tenth part, Terminology Across Cultures, takes us to a lexicographer's nightmare, that of terminology.4 This topic opens a Pandora's Box. The two chapters provide just a taste of the issues: Zderiëk Poláfcek discusses Amharic sociopolitical terminology, and Gunnar Richter outlines the use of grammatical indications in Chinese monolingual dictionaries—the first a broad terminological issue, and the second a specific applied issue. These are, then, the ten heads of Rivana, presenting aspects of culture, ideology and power a lexicographer has to encounter one or more of these in any serious lexicographical enterprise. And a discerning user of the dictionary has the responsibility to identify what type of power—e.g., ideological and cultural—a dictionary fosters. The thirty-seven papers in this volume provide just an introduction to these intriguing crosscultural and cross-linguistic dimensions of the dictionary. References Burchfield, Robert W. (1973). T h e treatment of controversial vocabulary in the Oxford English Dictionary. Transactions of the Phibbgical Society 1973: 1-28. (1980). "Dictionaries and ethnic sensibilities". In The State of the language edited by Leonard Michaels and Christopher Ricks (eds.). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Hausmann, Franz Josef (1986). "Romanistische Wörterbuchforschung". In Romanistik: Arbeitsfelder und berufliche Praxis edited by Herbert Christ. Gießener Beiträge zur Fremdsprachendidaktik. Tübingen: Gunter Nan Verlag. Kachru, Braj B.(ed.) (1982 [1992]). The Other Tongue.English Across Cultures. Urbana, IL.: University of Illinois Press. See relevant references in Zgusta, 1988. See Burchfield, 1973, and 1980. Zgusta 1988 (pp. 344-5) lists over 78 items related to aspects of "terminology'' in lexicography.

Ixvi (1993). "Ethical issues in applying linguistics; Afterword. In Ethical Issues in Applied Linguistics, special issue of Issues in Applied Linguistics, Department of TESL and Applied Linguistics at UCLA. 4.2.: 283-94. Tickoo, Makhan L. (ed.) (1991) Language and Standards: issues, attitudes, case studies. Singapore: SEAMEO Regional Language Centre. Zgusta, Ladislav (1988). Lexicography Today: An annotated bibliography of the theory of lexicography. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Vertag.

PARTI CONTEXTUALIZING CULTURE

Otomí Culture from Dictionary Illustrative Sentences Doris

Bartholomew

0. Introduction Many features of the culture of the Otomí of the Mezquital Valley (Hidalgo, México) emerge from sentences written by Otomí speakers to illustrate the meaning and usage of words in the bilingual dictionary (Sinclair C , Victoriano T. and Hernández P., in preparation). The sentences give a typical situation in which the entry word is used and include enough context to support the meaning of the head word and to exclude wrong interpretations. The cultivation of the maguey (century plant) is very important for the Otomí culture as reflected in the numerous times it is part of the context in sentences written to illustrate other vocabulary items. A concordance of such sentences gives an ethnographic sketch of maguey cultivation that compares favorably with some published ethnographies by anthropologists (Medina y Quezada, 1975; Guerrero, 1983; Tranfo, 1990; Oliver y Salazar, 1991). The dictionary sentences provide a series of snapshots of the daily life of the Mezquital Otomí Indians. They don't constitute an ethnography as such but the information they supply is consistent with a fuller ethnography written by an Otomí speaker (Bernard and Salinas Pedraza, 1989).

1. Characteristics of Good Illustrative Sentences Illustrative phrases or sentences have been very useful in dictionaries. The Spanish dictionary Pequeño Larousse Ilustrado (García-Pelayo y Gross, 1990), patterned after the original French Larousse of 1856, includes brief illustrative phrases for most of its entry words. The Dictionary of Spoken Spanish (Anonymous, 1960), in the tradition of the Army Method of language learning, makes use of complete sentences, which are especially useful to the learner. Beginning in the late 1960's the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Mexico has used illustrative sentences as part of the basic design of the bilingual dictionaries the Institute would produce for Mexican Indian languages (Robinson, 1969: 95-100). Good illustrative sentences help to define the entry word by using it correctly in a typical context. The sentences are not only grammatically complete but they contain enough context to

4

Doris Bartholomew

stand alone semantically. The sentences written by native speakers are especially valuable when they contain two or more clauses which have a cause and effect relationship between them. The pulque is sour because they scraped young maguey plants. You are transplanting the maguey plants now because it rained yesterday. I'm going to abandon the maguey plants I have been getting nectar from; they have dried up now.

Casagrande and Hale (1967, 165-93) did a study of the semantic relationships which they found in their collection of Papago folk-definitions. The twelve relationships they identified and exemplified also appear in good illustrative sentences, as indicated in Bartholomew and Schoenhals (1983, 60-63). A somewhat different approach is that of Grimes et al. (1981). Grimes used lexical functions as proposed by Mel'chuk (1973) and developed a field technique for working with speakers of Huichol, a Uto-Aztecan language of northern Mexico, to explore those functions. He organized the information gleaned from that field work according to about 50 lexical-semantic functions, with brief illustrative phrases. The good illustrative sentence usually includes some typical (if not diagnostic) element closely associated with the entry word. The following sentences indicate a characteristic time and characteristic instruments for the verb "to tap a maguey plant". I tap maguey plants when the moon is full. John is tapping maguey plants in the maguey grove with a tapping instrument and a knife.

2. The Ethnography of Dictionary Sentences The bilingual Otomi dictionary now being edited by the Summer Institute of Linguistics for publication (Sinclair et al.) contains a wealth of sentences which provide a window on Otomi culture. A cursory reading of the illustrative sentences not only helps the reader to understand the entry word, but it also gives him a feel for the kind of life led by Otomi speakers. The semidesert habitat soon becomes evident as does the role of the desert flora and fauna. Some sentences reflect the large farmers' market in Ixmiquilpan and its place in the economy of the Mezquital Valley. The illustrative sentences tend to use everyday words from basic vocabulary because their purpose is to explain the entry word. The sentences describe situations in everyday life and thus make frequent mention of the most common items of the material culture. The set of contexts in which one of these items is mentioned tends to give an overview of the role of that item in the culture. A burlap square (ayate) loosely woven from the fiber of the agave (maguey) plant is used in many aspects of Otomi life. It appears in over 40 sentences scattered throughout the dictionary and helps illustrate the usage of as many different lexical items. Each sentence is a piece in a jigsaw

Otomí Culture from Dictionary Illustrative Sentences

5

puzzle to describe what an ayate is, how it is made, how it is bought and sold, how it is used, and even cultural values associated with it. This fiber is from the century plant and is used for weaving ayates. One piece of an ayate forms one half of the ayate when sewed together with the other piece. My mother weaves until very late so she can sell her ayates on market day. The loosely woven ayates are the ones used for harvesting corn. Wrap up the baby and put him in the ayate so he doesn't feel cold. Long ago the people used to wear an ayate over the shoulders and this served them as a shirt. The ayate I bought is scratchy because it wasn't woven well. Previously people covered themselves with ayates because they didn't have any money to buy clothes.

The maguey plant is important, not only for the fiber extracted from it, but also for the nectar (aguamiel) taken from it and used to make a kind of beer (pulque). The multiple uses of the maguey are reflected in the fact that it is mentioned in illustrative sentences for 131 different dictionary entries. These sentences cover most aspects of its cultural importance. They tell how the plants are cultivated and harvested. Plants which no longer give nectar are uprooted to make room for transplanting new plants that have sprouted from the roots of the mature plants. The new plants must be planted in troughs that will direct the scarce rainfall to them. We should pull out the stumps of the maguey plants from which the nectar has been harvested to make room for new maguey plants. I am making troughs along the edge of the cornfield to plant the magueys in.

When a plant is mature, the center leaves grow thinner in preparation for sending up the stalk and flower which signal the end of the plant's life cycle. But before this happens, people dig out the center to form a bowl for the collection of the nectar (aguamiel) which becomes century plant beer when it has fermented. They scrape the sides of the bowl daily to stimulate the flow of nectar. I'm going to tap those magueys and harvest the nectar before they get too old. The nectar collector scrapes his maguey plant with the metal scraper so it will produce nectar.

The nectar is harvested two or three times a day by sucking it into an elongated gourd which is emptied into a barrel where it is allowed to ferment. A small amount of the beer is added to the nectar as a starter. The nectar collector sucks out the nectar with an elongated gourd. I need ten liters of pulque as a starter for my maguey nectar to make pulque.

Other uses of maguey are mentioned; for example, fences are formed by a row of living plants and roofs may consist of the dried leaves. Maguey leaves can also be roasted and used as a poultice. There are recognized rights to the nectar of the pliants which have been tapped; many of the sentences refer to "my maguey" or "his maguey." Plants can be bought and sold for rights to harvest the nectar or for rights to harvest the leaves for fiber or other uses. In the cornfield I am making a fence of maguey plants. Houses roofed with maguey leaves last more than twelve years.

6

Doris Bartholomew The foot that you say hurts, you should heat it with a piece of roasted maguey leaf to make it feel better. The buyers of maguey are the ones who make pulque and sell it.

The ecology of the maguey is reflected in the sentences which refer to the insects, animals, and birds which live in or on the plant. Some grubs live in the leaves and must be extracted with a hooked stick. Others live in the base of the plant and emerge in large numbers when it rains. These grubs are cooked and eaten as delicacies. The trunk of the maguey has rotted because the beetles have dug into it. They say that the grubs which grow in the leaf of the maguey plant are very nutritious. The grubs in the maguey leaf are extracted with a hooked stick. The grubs that live in the base of the maguey plant will come out of it when it rains.

A particular desert rodent is credited with the discovery of how to tap the nectar and teaching people how to do it. A variety of woodpecker penetrates the stalk of the mature plant to make its nest there. The rat with a white stomach, called a metoro, knows how to break into the center of a mature maguey plant and scrape the leaves to drink the nectar. The woodpecker bird makes a hole in the stalk of the maguey plant with its bill.

3. Native Ethnography and Dictionary Sentences The sentences in which "maguey" appears outline its place in the culture as viewed by the native speakers who wrote the sentences. They illustrate the typical use of the respective headwords and incidentally suggest the lexical and cultural networks in which the maguey fits. They do not give the more complete coverage to be found in an ethnography. In the case of Mezquital Otomi, we are fortunate in having a native ethnography originally written in Otomi by Jesús Salinas Pedraza and translated into English by anthropologist H. Russell Bernard (Bernard and Salinas Pedraza, 1989). Salinas provides an in-depth description of the maguey (53 pages) in the Flora section of his ethnography and touches on certain aspects of the maguey in the Fauna section; for instance, skunks often uproot whole rows of maguey plants in their search for the grubs that live at their base. The dictionary sentence only talks about righting maguey plants which had been knocked over. That person is standing up John's maguey plants which were knocked over yesterday.

The native ethnography by Salinas fills in details which are only hinted at in the dictionary sentences. Nevertheless, the dictionary sentences are in accord with the ethnography and even suggest a few more things that Salinas might have included. For instance, one sentence reports that the maguey nectar dried up because the man who scraped the maguey had not washed his hands. The nectar dried up in the maguey plant yesterday because I didn't wash my hands before I scraped it.

Otomí Culture from Dictionary Illustrative Sentences

7

Salinas d o e s discuss the b e l i e f s about w a s h i n g hands before doing any activity related to the maguey. This is especially necessary if o n e has touched meat or chicken e g g s . H e e v e n reports rubbing aloe j u i c e over the hands before planting the young maguey plants. But he doesn't mention that a plant may dry up if scraped without having washed hands.

4. Conclusion The practice of having native speakers write sentences for dictionary entries produces several benefits besides helping to d e f i n e the word. One of these benefits is the cultural information that s h o w s up in those sentences.

References Bartholomew, Doris A. and Louise C. Schoenhals (1983) Bilingual Dictionaries for Indigenous Languages. Mexico: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Bernard, H. Russell and Jesús Salinas Pedraza (1989) Native Ethnography: A Mexican Indian Describes His Culture. Newbury Park: Sage Publications. Casagrande, Joseph B. and Kenneth Hale (1967) Semantic relationships in Papago folk-definitions. In Dell H. Hymes and William E. Bittle (eds.): Studies in Southwestern Ethnolinguistics, The Hague: Mouton. 165-193. Dictionary of Spoken Spanish (1960) Garden City, New York: Doubleday. García-Pelayo y Gross, Ramón (1990) Pequeño Larousse Ilustrado. Barcelona: Ediciones Larousse. Grimes E., José, et al. (1981) El Huichol: Apuntes sobre el Léxico. Ithaca: Cornell University, Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics. Guerrero Guen-ero, Raul (1983) Los Otomies del Valle del Mezquital: Modos de vida, etnografía, folklore. Pachuca: Gobierno del Estado de Hidalgo, Secretaría de Turismo, Cultura y Redacción. Medina, Andrés y Noemi Quezada (1975) Panorama de las artesanías otomíes del Valle del Mezquital: Ensayo metodológico. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas. Mel'chuk, I.A. (1973) Towards a linguistic "meaning-text" model. In Ference Kiefer (ed.): Trends in Soviet Theoretical Linguistics. Dordrecht: D. Reidel. Oliver Vega, Beatriz y Lydia Salazar Medina (1991) Textiles otomíes: Catálogo de las colecciones etnográficas del Museo Nacional de Antropología México: Instituto de Antropología e Historia. Robinson, Dow F. (1969) Manual for Bilingual Dictionaries (Vol. 1, Textbook). Santa Ana, California: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Salinas Pedraza, Jesús (1984) Etnografia del otomí. México: Instituto Nacional Indigenista. Sinclair C„ Donaldo, Moisés Victoriano T. y Luís Hernández P. (In preparation) Diccionario otomí del Mezquital. Tranfo, Luigi (1990) Vida y magia en un pueblo otomí del Mezquital. México: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y el Instituto Nacional Indigenista (Título original: e magia in un villaggio messicano, 1980. Traducción de Ma. A. Hernández) Zgusta, Ladislav (1971) Manual of Lexicography. The Hague: Mouton.

Un Film, Deux Linguistes et Quelques Dictionnaires. Un Regard Particulier sur Simple Mortel de Pierre Jolivet Pierre

Corbin

Dans Week-end, Godard m'a dit: "Là, tu es dans la forêt et tu rencontres Lewis Caroli " Je suis allé dans la forêt et j'ai fait comme si je rencontrais le type. Il n'y a que Godard qui sache pourquoi... (Propos de Jean Yanne in Rouchy 1993:45) L'ouvrage de base de toute bibliothèque (Dépliant publicitaire pour Le Grand Robert, 1985)

0. Du cinéma et des linguistes Le statut de phare pour les autres sciences humaines dont on dit qu'il fut celui de la linguistique pendant l'ère structuraliste ne doit pas faire illusion: les linguistes ne sont pas des héros du monde moderne. La complexité de l'objet de leurs recherches les met dans un tel porte-à-faux avec le sens commun sur le langage que leurs proches mêmes s'émerveillent parfois qu'ils puissent être légalement rétribués pour de si mystérieuses occupations1 et que les médias audiovisuels, quand d'aventure ils les convient à se manifester, ne leur laissent guère de tierce voie entre l'esquive courtoise vis-à-vis de questions qui n'en sont souvent que pour les intervieweurs2 et de hasardeux numéros de bateleurs illusionnistes3. Rien de surprenant, donc, à ce que les personnages de linguistes soient passablement moins nombreux que les rôles de flics dans la production cinématographique contemporaine. Encore, quand il s'en rencontre, ne sont-ils parfois que desfiguressymboliques: que l'on songe à Mathias, héros d'Un soir, un train d'André Delvaux, dont le statut de professeur de linguistique connote la situation politique - le film est sorti en 19684 - d'une Belgique en proie à dés affrontements entre Flamands et Wallons dont une des péripéties fut le départ vers Louvain-la-Neuve des enseignants

1 Ce n'est probablement pas par les récents Mémoires d'un linguiste de Martinet (1993), anecdotiques et acrimonieux, que la lanterne des non-spécialistes sera susceptible d'être davantage éclairée. 2 Par exemple les questions d'inspiration esthétique, vis-à-vis desquelles Martinet (1965) a exprimé les réticences des linguistes: "Rien n'est plus étranger aux préoccupations du linguiste contemporain, lorsqu'il s'attache à dégager les traits caractéristiques d'une langue, que la question de savoir si cette langue est belle ou laide." (p. 227). 3 Π n'en va pas tout à fait de même pour les lexicographes, dont les produits se prêtent mieux à des campagnes de promotion qui s'apparentent de plus en plus à celles dont font l'objet les autres produits culturels de grande consommation, et dont les discours, nourris par une pratique professionnelle par essence didactique, sont susceptibles, toutes choses égales, d'être mieux en phase que ceux des linguistes avec les interrogations profanes. 4 En France, le 22 novembre (Hughes 1992: t. 2,157).

Pierre Corbin

10

francophones de l'Université de Leuven, mais n'est pas crucial pour le récit, celui d'un accident de train traité sur le mode fantastique. Fantastique, le registre narratif de Simple mortel de Pierre Jolivet, sorti en 19915, l'est aussi. Mais ici, c'est ès qualités que deux linguistes sont les protagonistes du film: le cas est assez rare pour que, s'écartant des chemins habituels de l'investigation linguistique ou métalexicographique, on analyse la représentation de cette corporation et de son activité et les moyens proprement cinématographiques qu'elle met en œuvre, ce qui passe par un aperçu liminaire sur le scénario.

1. Un film dont deux linguistes sont les héros Dans l'univers, une entité sans identité, omnisciente et omnipotente, soumet la survie de certains astres à l'aptitude d'un de leurs habitants à surmonter des épreuves dont elle leur énonce le libellé crypté et sibyllin en parasitant les supports sémiotiques disponibles (sur notre planète: radio, autoradio, radio-réveil, baladeur, télévision, télécopieur, radiographie). Jadis, le champion désigné d'Aquilae a échoué: le film s'achèvera sur l'explosion de cette étoile. Sur la Terre, c'est maintenant Stéphane Marais qui est choisi par l'entité mystérieuse. Parce qu'il est spécialiste du gaélique ancien et que cette spécialité rare doit garantir la confidentialité de sa mission: "Ecoutez, Monsieur Marais. Vous êtes la dernière chance. Pour garder le secret, nous communiquerons avec vous en Teangorlach, que vous êtes le seul à pouvoir comprendre", dit le sous-titrage du premier message qui vient brouiller son autoradio. Π ne dépendra donc que de Stéphane que sa mission ne soit pas divulguée, dans l'intérêt même de ses proches, ainsi que le spécifie le second message: "Ne parlez de rien à personne, vous mettriez vos proches en danger". Une dizaine d'autres messages suivront, dont le décodage fera appel aux compétences professionnelles de Stéphane et qui l'entraîneront dans un engrenage d'épreuves aux enjeux croissants qui tournera au cauchemar éveillé. D'abord incrédule ("Qu'est-ce que ça veut dire, bordel?!"), puis inquiet quant à sa santé mentale (il consulte une psychothérapeute), Stéphane finira par admettre la réalité de sa mission sans pour autant en comprendre le sens ("c'est moi qui ai été choisi et [...] je ne sais même pas pourquoi. [...] j'ai été choisi pour sauver la planète"), sa résistance initiale étant progressivement annihilée par le conditionnement méthodique auquel le soumet l'étalage de puissance de l'entité anonyme: sanction de sa passivité par des représailles violentes (la mort d'un chauffeur de taxi dans un accident de circulation, celle de vingt personnes dans l'incendie d'un cinéma à Madrid), récompense de sa mobilisation (le Japon échappe à un tremblement de terre annoncé), punition de son indiscrétion (sa compagne Brigitte, à qui il allait en dire trop, est tuée "accidentellement" par un chasseur). Stéphane devra finalement éliminer lui-même son collègue 5

Le 28 août (Première 174,24).

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Fabien (en écrasant celui-ci avec sa propre voiture) pour sauver la Terre d'un risque majeur dont la nature restera imprécise 6 . "C'est fini. Vous avez réussi. [...] Félicitations. Adieu.", dit le dernier message. La vie de Stéphane est devenue un champ de ruines.

2. Figures de linguistes Le scénario l'indique: Simple mortel n'est pas un documentaire sur l'exercice de la linguistique. Aussi est-ce légitimement qu'il a inspiré aux critiques spécialisés 7 des commentaires qui évaluent son efficacité en tant que film d'action8 et des exégèses qui interprètent sa signification 9 , sans que la description du petit monde des linguistes retienne leur attention. Cependant, le parti pris de l'auteur d'ancrer le fantastique dans le quotidien 10 sans sacrifier aux artifices spectacu6

Ce risque est simplement évoqué dans les propos d'un quidam rencontré par Stéphane dans le parking de son immeuble: "après ce qui vient de se passer là-haut, tout à l'heure. La Terre entière a failli y passer avec leurs..., leurs conneries là". 7 Les convergences de formulation observables dans les citations mentionnées dans les notes 8 à 11 suggèrent que les critiques pourraient aussi avoir trouvé l'inspiration dans un commun dossier de presse. 8 "Un grand jeu de piste habilement mené." ("Sélection" de L'événement du jeudi 357, 133), un "suspense de science-fiction" (Boujut 1991), "une sorte de suspense psychologique infernal" (Jeancolas 1991: 34), "un suspense psychologique extrêmement oppressant - et surprenant" (Siclier 1991), "mené avec beaucoup de finesse et d'intelligence. De sensibilité et d'efficacité" (Philipponnat 1991), "un thriller métaphysique qui fait si élégamment l'économie du pathos mystico-religieux" (Bouzet 1991), "un remarquable 'thriller'" et "une vraie réussite de mise en scène" (Coppermann 1991), "un récit informe, mou, incohérent, pratiquement sans émotion" (Magny 1991: 74). 9 Selon Murât (1991), "ce que filme Jolivet, c'est l'angoisse". Point de vue partagé par Siclier (1991): "ce qui est réussi, efficace, troublant dans Simple mortel, c'est la montée de l'angoisse chez Stéphane". Mais pas par Magny (1991:75), pour qui "la bizarrerie" du film "provoque le rire, à défaut d'angoisse". Pour Alion, "Simple mortel développe une évidente dimension éthique [...] dimension constante de l'œuvre de Jolivet", qui réalise "des films de genre qui sont autant d'itinéraires philosophiques" (1993): "il s'agit d'observer l'homme face à son destin (peut-il peser sur son devenir?) et à sa conscience" (1991). Analyse amplifiée par Roth-Bettoni (1991), pour qui "l'homme est au centre de l'œuvre de Jolivet" (p. 24), qui est "profondément marquée d'humanisme dans sa philosophie de nonrésignation à la fatalité des choses" (p. 23): "l'individu est seul face à lui-même, à ses responsabilités et au poids écrasant du fatum" (ibid.); dans son "extrême faiblesse face au destin [...], le sacrifice est la seule valeur pour le contrer" (ibid.) et "ce qui permet à l'homme d'exercer son libre-arbitre et, éventuellement, d'en modifier le cours. [...] La liberté d'action [...] se situe juste à l'endroit où l'homme en tant qu'être unique doit se sacrifier à un dessein plus vaste [...] pour ne pas perdre et son âme et sa dignité, même au prix de sa vie." (ibid.). Version plus concise dans Siclier (1991): "Solitude de l'homme, poids du destin, importance de la responsabilité individuelle". Jeancolas (1991), plus alambiqué, et Coppermann (1991) paraissent faire écho à cette lecture. Philipponnat (1991) parle d'"un film à plusieurs 'entrées' (cosmique, mystique, fantastique, psychologique, métaphysique?)", sans oublier la "réflexion morale", et elle évoque lesfiguresbibliques de Job et d'Abraham - les critiques pourraient aussi, à l'appui de leurs développements herméneutiques, convoquer Ulysse et Œdipe, Rodrigue et Zadig, le stoïcisme ou l'existentialisme... 10 "Le fantastique dans le quotidien" ("La sélection de la semaine". Le Monde 14489, 16). "Jolivet campe son histoire dans un univers des plus quotidiens" (Bernard 1991a). "Le suspense de science-fiction de Jolivet prend naissance dans le quotidien" (Boujut 1991). "[...] il existe une [...] voie qui consiste à décrire la réalité dans sa nudité [...] Il faut alors dégager l'anormal du fouillis de l'ordinaire [...] C'est ce que Pierre Jolivet a choisi de faire dans ce Simple mortel." (Alion 1991). '"Simple mortel' est un film [...] mêlant le réalisme quotidien à une histoire nettement fantastique" (Moreau 1992). "Au départ, il s'agit d'un film de genre, avec un argument fantastique. C'est-à-dire dans cette acception classique du fantastique qui veut que le quotidien le plus prosaïque, soudain, bascule." (Parent 1991: 113). "La grande force, et l'originalité, du film, c'est que jamais on ne quitte le domaine du quotidien."

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laires11 impose une mise en place psychologique et sociologique des personnages et une représentation de leur travail qui leur confèrent une certaine épaisseur, dont on peut décrire les caractéristiques et évaluer le degré de représentativité et la part de détermination par les contraintes de l'action. On verra que la caractérisation des protagonistes met en relief des traits comportementaux plausibles pour des universitaires de la même classe d'âge sans qu'ils soient foncièrement spécifiques de linguistes (en existe-t-il?), mais n'échappe pas à l'imagerie quand elle se focalise sur leur activité professionnelle. 2.1. Caractérisation sociologique Avant tout, les héros du film (Stéphane, son collègue et sa compagne) sont des êtres jeunes, la trentaine peut-être, pour qui tous les jeux ne sont pas encore faits. Divers indices expriment que l'installation dans l'existence n'a pas atteint son stade définitif. Les petites incertitudes du cœur entre Stéphane et Brigitte12, par exemple. Ou encore la modestie relative de l'ameublement de l'appartement de Stéphane (vraisemblablement situé dans l'est parisien13), sans recherche de style: un buffet dont le dessus est en marbre et un petit meuble bas dans l'entrée, une table-bureau, un secrétaire, un mur d'étagères, une table basse, une causeuse et deux fauteuils dépareillés (l'un en cuir, l'autre à bascule) dans le séjour, une table cirée ou vernie, un meuble peint et une chaise de jardin dans la salle de bains, un lit, une commode et deux chaises désassorties (dont une tenant lieu de table de nuit) dans la chambre; fonctionnel et confortable, mais pas bourgeois. Et même l'ambivalence sémiotique des voitures, qui connotent simultanément une touche discrète de sacrifice au paraître et un médiocre investissement tantfinancierque libidinal qui, de la part d'universitaires, ne surprendrait pas certains sociologues14: Stéphane, qui se déplace ordinairement en métro (cf. n. (Coppermann 1991). Et aussi Magny (1991: 75), dont le jugement négatif présuppose les mêmes prémisses: "Jolivet ne se donne guère de mal pour donner un minimum de réalité à l'univers quotidien". 11 Souligné par Alion 1991 ("sans le moindre recours à des objectifs déformants ou à une musique obsessionnelle"), Bernard 1991a ("• a su créer une terrible urgence qui, pour ne pas s'embarrasser d'effets spéciaux, n'en est pas moins fascinante"), Bouzet 1991 ("rigueur formelle. Ni effets spéciaux ni enrobages fantastiques"), Coppermann 1991 ("il n'a pas basculé [...] dans l'esbrouffe et les effets spéciaux [...] le suspense est uniquement intérieur") et Moreau 1992 ("sans une débauche d'effets spéciaux onéreux et difficiles à réaliser"), ce choix, revendiqué par Pierre Jolivet ("H y a un côté pornographique des effets spéciaux qui fait qu'on ne ressent plus rien devant de telles débauches", propos rapportés par Bernard 1991b: 75; cf. aussi Parent 1991:113), lui est aussi imposé par la modicité des budgets dont il dispose ("Je savais bien qu'avec un sujet comme celui-là [...], le prix à payer pour ma liberté serait de choisir parcimonieusement ce que j'allais filmer. [...] je ne peux pas me payer à la fois les figurants et la steadycam, j'ai dû créer un univers plus resserré", propos rapportés par Bachet 1991: 34). 12 Stéphane: "Ouais pis avec les séminaires on sait jamais qui on rencontre." - Brigitte: "Oh je t'en prie, ne recommence pas, t'es pas drôle. Tas qu'à m'épouser si tu veux plus que je sorte." - Stéphane: "D'accord, je t'épouse." 13 La voiture accidentée de Brigitte est expertisée dans un garage situé 20 boulevard Blanqui (13e arrondissement); Stéphane emprunte, semble-t-il, la ligne 7b du métro (Louis Blanc-Pré Saint-Gervais) pour rentrer chez lui et il passe une radiographie dans un établissement identifié par la plaque "Centre de l'est parisien. Imagerie médicale". 14 Cf. Baudelot/Establet/Toiser (1979: 89), décrivant la place de la voiture dans la consommation des différentes catégories professionnelles françaises: "II vaut mieux reprendre une voiture [d'occasion] à un agriculteur qu'à un ouvrier, à un commerçant qu'à un professeur, même s'il faut pour cela payer un peu plus cher... Tous les garagistes

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13), emprunte successivement à Brigitte un cabriolet - mais c'est une ancienne Peugeot qui se déglingue 1 5 - et à Fabien une berline rouge - mais de lignes rustiques (vraisemblablement une Lada) 16 . Autant d'indices caractéristiques de moments de la vie d'une génération que Pierre Jolivet scrute film après film 17 . Rien de propre à des linguistes, mais rien non plus d'incompatible avec ce statut professionnel, la vision stéréotypique des universitaires (et de la jeunesse) incluant volontiers une touche d'esprit bohème dont la modicité relative des revenus en début de carrière crée les conditions pratiques. Peu typés, également, sont les habitus 18 de ces personnages, dont la caractéristique dominante est une modernité moyenne, qu'il s'agisse de l'habillement (jean bleu et tee-shirt sombre ou clair pour Fabien, jean clair, chemise claire entrouverte et veste sombre pour Stéphane, qui est en outre un adepte du caleçon de couleur court 19 ), de la décoration (Stéphane et Brigitte donnent dans des draps bariolés 20 ), de la consommation culturelle (Stéphane écoute de la musique rock) ou de l'expression verbale (ils parlent cette koinè ni académique ni marginale que l'on a proposé de nommer "français ordinaire"21 et dont des lexicographes attentifs enregistrent l'émergence 22 , le savent." 15 Quand Stéphane conduit Brigitte à l'aéroport, une manette lui reste dans les mains. Stéphane: T u peux pas la réparer? Y a plus rien qui marche dans cette bagnole!" 16 Selon l'expérience de Pastoureau (1992:214), cette association d'une couleur voyante et de formes banales serait un gage d'économie pour un acheteur au budget serré: "Désirant acheter une voiture d'occasion, j'ai pu bénéficier d'un prix très avantageux parce que j'ai choisi (par soustraction, bien sûr) un véhicule ordinaire et placide, mais dont la carosserie était rouge vif. Le vendeur m'a expliqué que ce modèle plaisait aux personnes âgées ou rangées, peu éprises de vitesse ou de performances sportives, mais que la couleur leur déplaisait; en revanche, la clientèle plus jeune, qui aurait pu être séduite par une telle teinte, agressive et dynamique, trouvait le modèle 'ringard' et le moteur 'poussif'. La voiture était donc invendable, à moins de consentir à l'acheteur un rabais alléchant. Ce qui fut fait." (i.v. voiture). 17 Dans Le complexe du kangourou (sorti le 10 septembre 1986; cf. Chevassu 1988), Loïc, à trente-quatre ans, n'est installé ni dans sa vie professionnelle (artiste peintre sans concessions quant à son œuvre, il vit de la vente de marrons chauds à la sauvette), ni dans sa vie affective (rendu stérile par des oreillons tardifs, il oscille entre une femme à qui il ne pourra pas faire d'enfant et une qui a un fils dont il croit avoir pu être le père, tout en ayant contracté, pour lui permettre de séjourner en France, un mariage blanc avec une troisième, d'origine polonaise). Dans Force majeure (sorti le S avril 1989; cf. Legrand (éd.) 1992: 824), Philippe est un étudiant en mathématiques à l'Ecole Normale Supérieure et Daniel un jeune chômeur père de famille mal stabilisé. 18 C'est-à-dire les "systèmes de dispositions durables" (Bourdieu 1972:175). 19 Ce sous-vêtement, qui est également porté par Loïc et par son médecin dans Le complexe du kangourou (cf. n. 17), a suffisamment inversé ses connotations en France ces dernières années, de "vieux" devenant "jeune", pour susciter des articles "de société" dans les magazines: par exemple dans la rubrique "Tendances" de Grandes lignes, le mensuel de prestige de la SNCF (on le trouve dans les voitures de première classe), dans lequel Ramain (1993), se référant à des données émanant du Centre textile de conjoncture et d'observation économique (CTCOE), note que, tout en restant minoritaire (pas plus de 10% des sous-vêtements masculins (p. 21)), le caleçon a vu sa consommation nationale multipliée par six en dix ans ("un million de caleçons vendus en France en 1983, plus de 6 millions en 1992" (p. 20)). Sur l'évolution des connotations des couleurs des sous-vêtements, cf. Pastoureau (1992: 177-180, i.v. sous-vêtements). 20 Sur l'évolution des connotations des couleurs des draps, cf. Pastoureau (1991: 105-106; 1992: 77-78, s.v. draps). 21 Cf. Gadet (1989). 22 Dans la deuxième édition du Grand Robert de la languefrançaise(1985), et à sa suite dans celle du Micro-Robert (1988) et dans Le Nouveau Petit Robert (1993), cet entérinement est matérialisé par un recentrage de la marque "populaire" qui profite à la marque "familier'' (cf. Corbin 1991: 162): "L'abréviation pop. pour 'populaire' a été

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agrémentée de quelques expressions branchées23). Seul l'équipement électronique et télématique de Stéphane semble quelque peu surdéterminé par l'intrigue: chaîne hi-fi, télévision, transistor, radio-réveil, baladeur et répondeur téléphonique n'appellent pas deremarque,mais le télécopieur personnel et le téléphone sans fil paraissentressortirdavantage à l'économie narrative (c'est sur le télécopieur que s'inscrira l'un des messages cruciaux du film, cf. §§ 2.2, 3.1 et 3.2) qu'aux indicateurs sociologiques (à la date du tournage24, la diffusion de ces appareils est encore relativement restreinte23). Quoi qu'il en soit, aucun de ces indices de modernité comportementale standardisée observables dans la société française contemporaine n'est typique des universitaires, a fortiori des linguistes. Mais il n'y a rien d'incongru à ce qu'ils soient affectés à des jeunesreprésentantsde cette discipline, d'autant que celle-ci, à l'instar d'autres sciences sociales (psychologie, sociologie), tend à moinsrecruterses membres parmi les fractions les plus académiques de l'intelligentsia que ne peuvent le faire des disciplines plus traditionnelles (lettres, philosophie, histoire...)26.

beaucoup moins utilisée que dans la première édition du dictionnaire, et même que dans le Petit Robert. Cest qu'on a renoncé à qualifier de 'populaires' des mots et des emplois que toute la communauté employait dans certaines circonstances de la communication. [...] C'est en effet que ces emplois ('gros mots', vulgarismes, mots érotiques, etc., emprunts à l'argot bien répandus, aujourd'hui verlan, etc.) ne sont nullement des marques d'appartenance sociale, par exemple non bourgeoise, mais bien des choix de discours, et qu'ils sont fonction de situations de communication." (Rey 1985: XL). Un point de vue comparable est adopté dans le récent Dictionnaire général pour la maîtrise de la langue française, la culture classique et contemporaine, destiné prioritairement aux élèves de l'enseignement secondaire: "Nous avons exclu la marque POP. (populaire), encore présente dans de nombreux dictionnaires, la jugeant inadaptée au français d'aujourd'hui. Cependant, nous avons introduit une gradation dans le registre familier F AM. et T. FAM. (très familier) - qui nous parait plus pertinente pour guider le lecteur dans son usage de la langue." ("Présentation du dictionnaire", p. VII). 23 Par exemple être dans un trip accompagné d'un nom déterminatif (Stéphane: "Excuse-moi. Je suis pas tellement dans le trip conversation sur le temps." - Brigitte: "Ben alors dans quel trip tu es?" - Stéphane: "Gaélique ancien."). Cette acception de trip est répertoriée depuis 1985, généralement dans l'expression c'est (pas) mon [ton,...] trip, dans plusieurs lexiques spécialisés (Walter 1985: 379; Merle 1986; Bemet/Rézeau 1989; Colin/Mével/Leclère 1990, qui founissent une attestation de 1977; mais pas Caradec 1988, ni Cellard/Rey 1991) et dans certains dictionnaires généraux (Le Grand Robert de la langue française, 1985, qui la date de 1975; Dictionnaire du français, 1987; Le Petit Robert 1,1987; Le Dictionnaire de notre temps 1989; mais pas les plus récentes éditions du Petit Larousse illustré et du Dictionnaire de la langue française Lexis). On pounait aussi évoquer brancher quelqu'un avec sujet non humain (Stéphane: "Alors la quête du missionnaire Thlalocan, ça te branche?") ou l'emploi prédicatif de limite (Stéphane: "De toute façon personne peut parier cette langue couramment. Déjà la comprendre c'est limite..."). 24 "Le tournage dure neuf semaines, durant l'été 1990" (Parent 1991:113). 25 L'année 1990 paraît marquer le vrai démarrage de la diffusion des télécopieurs en France: 175 000 en 1989, mais 600 000 fin 1990, 800 000 en 1991 et 1 100 000 en 1992 (Frémy/Frémy 1993:1402c). Concernant les téléphones sans fil, à défaut de statistiques aussi précises, une estimation officieuse évalue à environ 500 000 l'ordre de grandeur des appareils commercialisés en 1991 (sur un total d'environ sept millions de postes) et le Rapport annuel 1992 du Syndicat des Industries de Télécommunication les désigne, avec les téléphones-répondeurs, comme les facteurs du maintien de la croissance dans le secteur de la vente de teiminaux (pp. 14 et 18). 26 Sur la variation des critères du recrutement universitaire en fonction des disciplines, cf. Bourdieu (1984: 180188).

Un film, deux linguistes et quelques dictionnaires

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2.2. Caractérisation professionnelle A cette caractérisation sociologique des personnages, somme toute assez générique, s'ajoutent des descripteurs plus spécifiquement professionnels qui n'excèdent guère le minimum requis par le récit et partant donnent des linguistes une représentation à certains égards fantomatique et de leur activité une image non exempte de convention, sans rupture avec une certaine tradition du savant de fiction. Le lieu de travail de Stéphane et Fabien est un institut, qu'ils peuvent apparemment fréquenter sans contraintes horaires27 ou autres28 et qui allie la richesse d'un fonds documentaire en libre consultation et la modernité technologique de l'informatique29. Ils en usent abondamment, parce qu'il leur fournit leurs outils professionnels30 et parce que ce sont des bûcheurs, comme en témoigne Brigitte, qui part pour une dizaine de jours sans le moindre doute quant aux occupations de Stéphane en son absence ("Tu vas travailler. Comme d'habitude."). Les veilles tardives de Stéphane à l'institut31 rendent d'ailleurs difficile la synchronisation de ses "câlins" avec Brigitte, à qui il arrive d'être déjà couchée quand il rentre: elle est du matin, lui du soir. Le statut administratif de Stéphane et Fabien - sont-ils enseignants à l'Université, ou à l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, ou chercheurs au Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique? - est indécidable. A l'exception d'une femme de ménage émigrée, et en dépit de la mention verbale d'autres présences32, ils hantent seuls leur institut même en pleine journée, ce qui pourrait surprendre pour une bibliothèque universitaire, fut-elle de langues anciennes. Mais, en recoupant divers indices, on peut établir que l'action, qui ne dure que quelques jours, se passe en été33, ce 27

Cette liberté d'accès au lieu de travail et aux outils du savoir pourrait apparaître comme l'élément le plus fantastique du film à des universitaires de chair et d'os qui trouvent couramment closes des bibliothèques qu'ils souhaiteraient ouvertes, à qui il peut advenir de se faire enfermer dans leur université pour s'être attardés dans leur bureau à des heures qu'ils jugent encore raisonnables, et qui savent quel fantasme inassouvi est susceptible de hanter les bibliothécaires - on les appelle aussi conservateury. celui de sanctuaires des livres dont aucun consultant ne viendrait jamais déranger l'ordonnancement. 28 La radio allumée au milieu des rayonnages, dans la scène d'exposition (cf. § 3.1), participe davantage du dispositif narratif du film que de la description documentaire des bibliothèques. 29 Dans la bibliothèque, deux ordinateurs (Macintosh) bien en évidence. Contrepoint symbolique: les archives abritent une vieille machine à écrire. 30 Pas d'ordinateur chez Stéphane, ce qui tranche avec son équipement télématique avancé (cf. § 2.1), et deux hauteurs de cinq rayons d'étagères plutôt aérées (cf. § 3.3), ce qui est maigre pour un intellectuel 31 Fabien (à Stéphane): "Je te rappelle que l'institut ferme à dix-huit heures et qu'il n'y a que des barjots comme nous pour bosser si tard." 32 Stéphane (à Fabien): "Tout le monde est parti?" 33 Deux bulletins météorologiques radiodiffusés annoncent un temps estival ("Et sur notre bonne vieille France, ce soir le ciel sera clair, étoilé même, avec une température moyenne de vingt-cinq degrés. Demain le même type de temps est assuré par un anticyclone largement installé sur l'ensemble de l'Europe de l'Ouest." / "Soleil au sud, soleil au nord, c'est la chaleur. C'est l'été qui s'installe. "); Fabien se plaint de la chaleur ("Putain qu'est-ce qu'il fait lourd! L'été c'est vraiment l'enfer, hein. Tu la gardes ta veste, toi?"), la concierge de Stéphane également ("Quelle chaleur, vraiment!"), mais Brigitte s'en réjouit ("On a de la chance, y a du soleil."); le cabriolet Peugeot roule décapoté; les fruitiers vendent des pastèques, des pêches, des prunes, du raisin. Une datation plus précise est rendue impossible par la contradiction apparente entre deux indices: Fabien fait allusion aux congés à venir ("Tu pars pour les vacances?"),

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qui préserve la possibilité qu'il s'agisse de locaux universitaires peu fréquentés. L'indication qu'ils accueillent des stagiaires pas plus que l'évocation de conférences de Stéphane à l'étranger (cf. § 3.1 et n. 55) n'éclairent la nature de l'affectation professionnelle des deux personnages. Leur domaine d'intérêt est en revanche clairement circonscrit: ce sont des spécialistes de langues anciennes - les langues celtiques, notamment le gaélique, pour Stéphane, le grec pour Fabien34. Et si leur éventuelle pratique enseignante n'est pas évoquée35, leur activité de recherche est suffisamment suggérée: ce sont des décrypteurs et des traducteurs de textes archaïques, qui déchiffrent des grimoires en utilisant des ouvrages spécialisés, au premier rang desquels des dictionnaires. Bref: des philologues. Ce qui suscite trois remarques concernant la représentation de l'activité des linguistes donnée par Simple mortel, qui toutes soulignent des aspects convenus ou stéréotypés de celle-ci contrastant avec l'option de modernité plausible de leur caractérisation sociologique. D'abord ceci: parmi les multiples pratiques relevant du champ de la linguistique, l'activité philologique n'est pas celle dont il est le moins aisé de donner une représentation accessible à des spectateurs non-spécialistes. L'expérience pratique largement répandue du contact avec des langues étrangères permet aux profanes de se construire une image de ce qu'est une activité de traduction, et la large vulgarisation de connaissances au moins rudimentaires sur certains aspects "exotiques" des écritures antiques (les hiéroglyphes, par exemple) les met en mesure d'imaginer, fût-ce de façon fruste, ce que peut être un travail de déchiffrement L'option narrative du film de faire de la compétence professionnelle de philologues un ressort dramatique rencontre donc une figure préconstruite du linguiste dans l'imaginaire des non-spécialistes qu'elle ne vient pas contredire et ne peut que renforcer. D'autres types de linguistes, par exemple ceux qui travaillent à modéliser leur propre langue en combinant méthode hypothético-déductive, construction d'exemples et jugements d'acceptabilité appuyés sur l'introspection, auraient sans doute constitué des héros plus déroutants. Par ailleurs, le principe dramatique du film, qui veut que Stéphane soit le seul à être capable de comprendre des messages en gaélique ancien (cf. § l) 36 , même si la confidentialité supposée de ce qui, dans le calendrier universitaire français, évoque le début de l'été, mais Brigitte est tuée alors que la chasse au fusil paraît ouverte, ce qui se produit ordinairement entre le premier et le quatrième dimanche de septembre (cf. Frémy/Fiémy 1993:1463c). 34 L'activité de Brigitte, en relation avec l'Université, n'est pas autrement spécifiée que par l'indication qu'elle se rend à Rome pour suivre une session de dix jours qui sera successivement nommée "séminaire" puis "conférence"; le fait que sa voiture soit assurée à la MAIF permet de la supposer enseignante ou assimilée. 35 II semble d'ailleurs que, comparativement à l'enseignement primaire et secondaire, l'enseignement universitaire soit rarement représenté - même partiellement et quelle que soit la qualité de la représentation - dans le cinéma d'expression française contemporain: un cours dans Un soir un train (cf. § 0), dans Tendre poulet de Philippe de Broca (sorti le 18 janvier 1978; cf. Alion 1978) et dans Métisse de Mathieu Kassovitz (sorti le 18 août 1993; cf. Première 197, 32), une leçon d'agrégation dans L'étudiante de Claude Pinoteau (sorti le 5 octobre 1988; cf. Alton 1989), un professeur au Collège de France dans I want to go home d'Alain Resnais (sorti le 27 septembre 1989; cf. Chevallier 1990), quelques autres sans doute - rien de très substantiel. 36 Ce que contribue à laisser croire la réitération par Fabien de ses médiocres dispositions pour les langues celtiques: "le comprends rien moi, j'aime pas les langues celtiques." / "le gaélique et moi on est plutôt fâchés."

Un film, deux linguistes et quelques dictionnaires

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cette discipline peut paraître accréditrer la rareté de ses spécialistes, rencontre, nonobstant la jeunesse, la modernité et le statut institutionnel indéterminé du personnage, une représentation convenue du savant comme détenteur unique ou emblématique du savoir dans sa sphère de compétence, image d'Epinal et stéréotype de fiction37, qui schématise les conditions de l'activité scientifique, aujourd'hui volontiers collective ou, à tout le moins, interactive, et idéalise le statut intellectuel actuel du chercheur, dont le domaine de qualification exclusive tend à être réduit à des aires très parcellisées par la prolifération des publications. Cette stylisation de la représentation du scientifique (Bouzet 1991 parle de "clichés") culmine dans l'élucidation par Stéphane et Fabien du message énigmatique38 délivré par la puissance occulte sur le télécopieur de Stéphane39, qui s'effectue dans le droit fil de leurs activités ordinaires: ils mettent en commun leurs connaissances spécifiques, consultent les ouvrages appropriés, se livrent aux spéculations opportunes, et trouvent le sens caché - un lieu identifié par sa latitude et sa longitude - sans paraître sortir de leurs attributions et sans plus de difficultés que Tintin décodant le secret de La Licorne40. Ce qui suggère en retour qu'il est assez banal pour des linguistes de décrypter des rébus et de résoudre des énigmes. Image à la fois flatteuse et réductrice: ce n'est pas tous les jours qu'on déchiffre la pierre de Rosette ou le linéaire B.

3. Le cinéma, art de la suggestion Le cinéma est un art de la suggestion dont les techniques de représentation peuvent osciller, en fonction de plusieurs paramètres (budget, sujet traité, choix esthétiques,...), entre la recherche de l'authentique et le recours au faux-semblant, l'"effet de croyance"41 produit n'étant pas déterminé mécaniquement par l'option retenue: un décor peint et on croit voir le Grand Canyon42, deux 37

Stéréotype abondamment illustré, du professeur Otto Lidenbrock du Voyage au centre de la terre en 1864 ("véritable savant [...], il joignait au génie du géologue l'œil du minéralogiste. Avec son marteau, sa pointe d'acier, son aiguille aimantée, son chaV""^) et son flacon d'acide nitrique, c'était un homme très fon. A la cassure, à l'aspect, à la dureté, à la fusibilité, au son, à l'odeur, au goût d'un minéral quelconque, il le classait sans hésiter panni les six cents espèces que la science compte aujourd'hui.'' (Verne 1992: 4-5)) au docteur Hari Seldon de Foundation en 1951 ("Without disrespect, I must claim a far better knowledge of it than any in this room." ( Asimov 1960: 33); trad, fr.: "Sans vouloir blesser personne, je prétends connaître mieux la question que n'importe lequel d'entre vous." (Asimov 1966: 35)) en passant par le professeur Abraham Van Heising de Dracula en 1897 ("he knows what be is talking about better than anyone else." (Stoker 1992a: 137); trad,fir.:"il sait mieux que quiconque ce dont il parle." (Stoker 1992b: 155)), pour n'évoquer que quelques figures romanesques. 38 S'impose une nouvelle fois l'évocation du Voyage au centre de la terre, dont l'intrigue s'articule sur le déchiffrement d'un manuscrit vieil islandais du XVIe siècle écrit en alphabet runique (Verne 1992: chap. Π-VI). 39 L'entité mystérieuse manifeste ici toute l'étendue de son pouvoir, puisque le télécopieur se trouve aloes remisé à la cave: comme le note Magny (1991: 75), "les extra-terrestres peuvent tout faire, y compris utiliser un fax débranché". 40 Secret qui, lui aussi, révèle des coordonnées géographiques (cf. Hergé 1947: 61-62). Des propos de Pierre Jolivet rapportés par Bachet (1990:90) décrivent d'ailleurs le peisonnage de Stéphane comme un Tintin métaphysique". 41 Cf. Bourdieu (1992: 60,455). 42 "L'effet de réalité ne provient [...] pas de l'adéquation entre l'image filmo-photographique et l'espace physique

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doigts qui tapotent en cadence sur un micro et on entend galoper des chevaux43. Mais il suffit de presque rien pour que la crédibilité se perde, que l'émotion se change en ricanements et que l'œuvre tourne au kitsch. Qu'en est-il dans Simple mortel? Les critiques, spectateurs professionnels auxquels on peut supposer une représentation suffisamment approximative du métier de linguiste pour qu'ils ne soient pas gênés par la part de convention que comporte celle qu'en donne le film, décrivent majoritairement celui-ci comme une fiction qui, dans les conditions ordinaires de réception du spectacle cinématographique44, fonctionne, c'est-à-dire dont les éléments réalistes dans lesquels s'ancre le fantastique sont perçus comme suffisamment plausibles pour entraîner l'adhésion des spectateurs ordinaires. Cependant, les réticences marquées de Magny (1991), qui considère qu'à certains égards Simple mortel "perd toute crédibilité" (p. 75) 45 , tranchent avec la quasi-unanimité ambiante. Cette divergence des perceptions incite à un complément d'enquête: ce sera l'objet de la dernière partie de cet article, consacrée à l'examen des procédés de mise en scène par lesquels le film suggère l'activité des linguistes, ses objets (les langues anciennes) et ses outils (les dictionnaires). 3.1. L'activité des linguistes Pour accréditer l'activité professionnelle de ses personnages de linguistes, Pierre Jolivet a pratiqué la sémiotique du Petit Poucet, parsemant plusieurs séquences des trois premiers cinquièmes de son film46 d'indices verbaux et visuels dont beaucoup sont concentrés en deux moments forts et dont certains sont susceptibles de produire des effets de surexposition quand l'ostentation des repères contrarie le réalisme de la représentation. La première séquence dialoguée du film, qui met en situation Stéphane et Fabien achevant leur journée à l'institut, a la fonction d'une scène d'exposition de facture plutôt théâtrale dans laquelle, sur le mode familier, s'échangent des propos de travail qui, en seulement une minute vingt, outre la mise en place du contraste de caractère entre les deux linguistes, concentrent quantité d'indices professionnels: - Stéphane furète dans les rayons d'une bibliothèque et revient s'asseoir à sa table de travail, où il annote un texte dont un gros plan montre qu'il n'est pas écrit en alphabet latin. - Fabien entre par le côté droit en proférant un aphorisme ("Ah putain l'homme n'est pas fait pour travailler la nuit, crois-moi!") d'inspiration (sinon de formulation) sganarellienne47. S'engage aussitôt réel, mais de l'adéquation entre la figuration filmique et la représentation imaginaire que j'ai de l'espace de référence." (Gardies 1993: 73). 43 "Dans les films d'horreur, par exemple, on tranche un cbou en deux pour imiter le bruit supposé d'une jambe ou d'un bras que l'on coupe." (Plau 1992: 47). 44 Conditions que Gardies (1993: 13) décrit comme générant un "état proche de l'hypnose ou du rêve [...] marqué par l'abaissement important du seuil d'activité motrice et conjointement l'élévation de l'intensité perceptive". 45 Ces réserves (cf. aussi nn. 8, 9 , 1 0 et 39) ne concernent pas explicitement la représentation des linguistes. 46 Environ cinquante minutes sur un peu plus d'une heure dix-sept que dure le film hors génériques. 47 Le Dom Juan de Molière (1665) s'ouvre sur cet aphorisme de Sganarelle: "Quoi que puisse dire Aristote et toute la philosophie, il n'est rien d'égal au tabac" (Molière 1962: 286).

Unfilm,deux linguistes et quelques dictionnaires

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un dialogue qui, dès la quatrième réplique, fait apparaître l'expression "idiomes indo-européens"48, dans l'acception la moins commune d'idiome en français49, et moins en vertu de nécessités dialogiques 50 que comme indice professionnel supposé et gage de couleur locale 51 . - Après deux répliques sur la durée de leur travail (cf. nn. 32 et 31) qui identifient la bibliothèque comme étant celle d'un "institut", Stéphane lit un fragment de texte de veine cosmique qu'il a traduit, ce qui l'amène à évoquer, en détachant les syllabes et en adoptant une prononciation vigoureusement gutturale, la langue traduite, le "teangorlach", mot qu'il glose aussitôt sans transition syntaxique, à la manière d'une traduction de dictionnaire bilingue, par "gaélique ancien"52. - Suit alors un échange à caractère administratif, auquel succède une forte pensée de Stéphane ("Tu sais quoi? Les langues mortes faudrait savoir les parler couramment Faire reculer la mort, en quelque sorte.") que sa réception ironique par Fabien fait déboucher sur l'esquisse d'une joute érudite concernant les injures dans les langues anciennes dont une réplique de Stéphane suggère qu'il s'agit d'un jeu professionnel ritualisé53. - La sortie de Stéphane du bâtiment fait apparaître une plaque qui identifie l'institut: "Centre de documentation et de recherches en linguistique".

Entre cette séquence de mise en place et le deuxième temps fort du film du point de vue de la représentation de l'activité des linguistes, des indices plus clairsemés distribués dans des séquences à vocation plus narrative contribuent à la construction de l'épaisseur professionnelle des protagonistes:

48

Fabien: "Et toi t'as fini?" - Stéphane: "Non seulement j'ai fini mais j'ai fait ça pour toi." - Fabien: "Ah ben ça c'est formidable. Tas tout souligné?" - Stéphane: "Ouais. Tous les idiomes indo-européens." 49 Idiome réfère ici non à des systèmes linguistiques (acception la plus commune), mais à des vocables. Le Dictionnaire historique de la languefrançaiseprésente cet emploi comme une réactivation, au XXe siècle, d'un usage ancien, sous une influence anglo-saxonne dont Le Grand Robert de la langue française situe l'origine chez le linguiste américain Hockett Cet emploi n'est mentionné, parmi les grands dictionnaires généraux français contemporains, que par ce dictionnaire ("Unité linguistique qui n'est pas analysable selon une règle générale de la langue (morphème; mot ou groupe de mots, expression idiomatique)", s.v. idiome 3.) et, parmi les dictionnaires spécialisés de linguistique, que par Dubois et aL 1973 ("Le tenne d'idiome peut être pris au sens de 'expression idiomatique'", j.v. idiome 2.). 50 Le travail effectué par Stéphane l'ayant été à l'usage de Fabien, celui-ci est supposé savoir quel type de données Stéphane a pu souligner sans que ce dernier doive le spécifier aussi techniquement. 51 Pierre Jolivet est coutumier de ce procédé: dans Force majeure (cf. n. 17), une séquence d'exposition aussi appuyée installe le statut de mathématicien en fin d'études de Philippe en lui faisant conduire au tableau noir, devant un auditeur médusé, une démonstration à laquelle la virtuosité de l'exposition et la rapidité du débit confèrent un caractère un peu forcé (Philippe: "Donc tu choisis un contour à partir d'un point Zo où la dérivée de f s'annule avec θ égale argument de Z' de Uo- Et tu comprends pourquoi ça s'appelle la méthode du col." - L'auditeur "Et pourquoi ta surface là a un col, et pas un sommet?" - Philippe: "Euh, parce que la partie réelle de f est harmonique. Donc elle a pas d'extremum local à l'intérieur du domaine." - L'auditeur. "Ah là je vois que t'es trop fort, là Moi je viens plus chez toi."). 52 Fabien: "Tas traduit ça de quoi?" - Stéphane: "Du tean-gor-lach: gaélique ancien." 53 Stéphane: "Pis y a pas que toi qui peux dire des conneries." - Fabien: "Et enfoiré, tu dis ça comment en teangor-lach?" - Stéphane: "Allons-y, c'est reparti!" - Fabien: "Non non, parce que [skanadja], ça c'est enfoiré en grec ancien."

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- l'évocation d'activités universitaires (le séminaire à Rome de Brigitte 34 ; un message québécois sur répondeur téléphonique invitant Stéphane ä faire une conférence (cf. § 2.2), qui constitue un exemple typique de détail à vocation réaliste dont la formulation manque de réalisme 55 ; la mention par Fabien de la présence de stagiaires à l'institut (cf. § 2.2)); - des considérations techniques de Stéphane sur le gaélique ancien 56 ; - des facéties langagières connotant l'activité de Stéphane et de Fabien 57 ; - un panoramique sur la bibliothèque privée de Stéphane (cf. n. 30), révélant la présence de dictionnaires (cf. § 3.3). L e décodage du message faxé par l'entité inconnue (cf. § 2.2 et n. 39), qui se situe vers le milieu du film, constitue son second moment dense en indices professionnels. Dans une première séquence, Stéphane couvre tout un mur avec le texte qu'il s'efforce d'interpréter et téléphone en pleine nuit à Fabien pour lui demander une aide documentaire. Une autre séquence voit Stéphane et Fabien parachever le déchiffrement à l'institut. Les indices que comportent ces deux séquences sont de trois types: - La transcription du message sur le mur et divers documents à l'institut confirment que la compétence des deux linguistes s'exerce sur des textes d'apparence cabalistique, ce que laissait entrevoir la scène d'exposition (cf. ci-dessus). - Le déchiffrement du message fournit l'occasion de mentionner diverses références livresques supposées de nature à y contribuer 58 . - Π met en outre en vedette des séquences ayant pour charpente syntagmatique Leña N de Npr ("l'euciclide de Menthor", "la quête du missionnaire Thlalocan") dont le premier terme comporte une part de mystère dans son signifié et/ou son signifiant et dont le second est un nom propre aux consonances exotiques, le rôle de l'article défini, en tant qu'il enclenche une piésupposition existentielle 59 , étant de mettre le spectateur dans des dispositions de connivence crédule vis-à-vis de l'existence de référents dont il ignore tout, qui ne seront pas explicités et dont il ne peut contrôler l'authenticité: les récits d'aventures "scientifiques" usent et abusent de ce procédé sémiotique qui cristallise la sugges-

54

Stéphane, en voiture avant le départ de Brigitte: "Combien de temps il dure, ton séminaire, t'as dit?" / Brigitte, au téléphone depuis Rome: "[...] on bosse comme des malades. Le conférencier est paranoïaque et à cause de l'avion les anglais ont eu deux heures de retard." (cf. aussi nn. 12 et 34). 55 "Allô, c'est l'Université de Montréal. Nos étudiants adoreraient vous faire revenir. Ils ont trouvé votre conférence de janvier fantastique. Vous pouvez nous rappeler? Merci beaucoup." Pour un spectateur profane, la crédibilité du contenu de ce message ne peut qu'être renforcée par le naturel d'un phrasé québécois typé sans excès. Un spectateur averti pourra pourtant le trouver peu vraisemblable parce que, de façon générale, les conférenciers sont invités par des universitaires ou des groupes de recherche et non par des universités (on pourrait aussi suspecter la plansibilité d'une invitation faite à l'initiative d'étudiants et réitérée au même conférencier dans la même année, ce qui implique en principe de prendre deux fois en charge sesfraisd'avion et de séjour sur le même budget). 56 Stéphane, en voiture avec Fabien: "Tu sais qu'en teangorlacb on doit un peu rouler les r. Pis y a des syllabes qui se prononcent pas, vraiment pas du tout." 57 Juron de Stéphane en latin de cuisine ("Ah merdum, c'est pas vrai!") quand une manette de voiture lui reste dans les mains (cf. n. 15), plaisanterie de Fabien en grec incertain (Fabien: "Tu sais, comme disent les Grecs, [tokalo takalakala]." - Stéphane: "Ça veut dire?" - Fabien: "Euh écoute faut queje vérifie."). 58 Successivement "un bouquin de [valoR )f]", un dictionnaire au nom indistinct et "la traduction des carnets de voyage de [fjenra]". 59 Cf. Ducrot (1972: ch. 8).

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tion de la science dans l'ostentation de formules quasi magiques 60 et estompe la frontière entre le monde possible de l'univers diégétique61 et le monde réel du spectateur.

3.2. Les langues anciennes

Dans l'évaluation de la représentation de langues anciennes (gaélique et, accessoirement, grec), on avancera avec prudence, le recours à une documentation livresque et à la consultation d'experts et d'informateurs (cf. n. 74) ne pouvant pallier pleinement un défaut de compétence de première main. Les messages oraux présentés comme formulés en gaélique ancien, ce qui, selon une périodisation reçue de l'irlandais, renverrait à un état de langue situé entre 600 et 900 6 2 dont la prononciation serait conjecturale, seraient en fait énoncés dans une variété locale de l'irlandais moderne 63 , non localisée précisément mais différente de la variété standardisée64. Le terme teangorlach utilisé dans le film pour nommer le gaélique ancien (cf. §§ 1 et 3.1, et n. 52) n'a pu être identifié, pas plus que le mot tezca que met en vedette le quatrième message (cf. n. 69). Les courtes séquences données comme du grec ancien (cf. nn. 53 et 57) résistent aux outils lexicographiques français (Magnien/Lacroix 1969, Bailly 1989, Chantraine 1990) et à la compétence de consultants grecs natifs versés dans le théâtre grec antique. Ce qui, en bonne méthode, conduit à des présomptions mais ne permet pas d'induire catégoriquement qu'il ne s'agit en aucune façon de grec ancien. Reste le message écrit que doit décoder Stéphane (cf. §§ 2.2 et 3.1). Le fait qu'il émane de l'entité mystérieuse qui recourt au gaélique ancien pour s'adresser à lui verbalement laisse sup60 Pour ne faire un sort qu'aux fictions archéologiques, on évoquera, à titre d'exemples, au cinéma la filiation qui relie "le manuscrit de Thoth" ("the scroll of Thoth") de The Mummy (Karl Freund, 1932) à "la croix de Coronado" d'Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade (Steven Spielberg, 1989) et, dans la bande dessinée, le sous-titre des deux volumes du Mystère de la Grande Pyramide (Jacobs 1954): "Le papyrus de Manéthon" et "La chambre dHonis". 61 Cf. Gardies (1993: chap. 3). 62 Les spécialistes de l'irlandais distinguent la période oghamique (IVe"VIe siècles), le vieil irlandais ((VIIe-IXe siècles), le moyen irlandais (Xe-XIIe siècles) et l'irlandais moderne (depuis le XIIIe siècle); cf. Greene (1974:1066; 1985: 165). D'un auteur à l'autre, la périodisation connaît quelques variations qui affectent les limites et le nombre des périodes distinguées: Mac Eoin (1993:102), par exemple, distingue en outre l'irlandais archaïque (VIIe siècle) et l'irlandais prémodeme (Xme-XVIe siècles). 63 En dépit de son statut constitutionnel (depuis 1937) de première langue officielle de l'Irlande (cf. Greene 1974: 1066, Ó Murchú 1993:471), l'irlandais, en tant que langue vernaculaire, n'est plus parié, sous diverses formes, que dans quelques zones dispersées de l'ouest de l'Irlande, par un nombre réduit de locuteurs dont l'évaluation numérique varie suivant les auteurs: moins de 50 000 locuteurs natifs (Greene 1974: 1067) ou moins de 200 000 (Malherbe 1983: 29), 77 000 habitants dans les zones concernées (Lambert 1985: 476), 120 000 utilisateurs quotidiens dans l'ensemble de l'île (Granddictionnaire encyclopédique Larousse, s.v. irlandais) ou guère plus de 300 000 (Malherbe 1983: 163). Cf. aussi Meillet/Cohen (éds) (1952: 53-54), Cohen (1958: 209), Greene (1972: 14-15), Ternes (1991: carte, 2344) et, pour un état récent de la question, Ó Murchú (1993). 64 L'irlandais standard, appris essentiellement en milieu scolaire (Grand dictionnaire encyclopédique Larousse, s.v. irlandais), est une variété plutôt conservatrice par rapport aux usages actuels des locuteurs natifs (Greene 1972: 15). Selon Baudin (1991), Pierre Jolivet a eu recours à un informateur irlandais pour "mettre dans la bouche de l'interlocuteur intergalactique de Stéphane un discours crédible".

Piene Corbin

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poser très naturellement que ce message est lui aussi rédigé dans cette langue. Cependant, le fait que Stéphane doive recourir aux lumières de Fabien (cf. § 3.1) suggère qu'il pourrait comporter une composante grecque (cf. § 2.2). Et de fait, l'indication (énigmatique) d'un lieu où Stéphane devra se rendre63 est écrite en caractères grecs nettement identifiables (à l'exception d'un epsilon initial mal formé), abstraction faite des esprits, de la plupart des accents et d'un iota souscrit66. En revanche, le reste du message paraît constitué de séquences arbitraires mêlant divers types de signes (lettres latines, grecques, symbole de la livre sterling, signes non identifiés (inventés?)), parmi lesquels il semble bien difficile de repérer la moindre semi-onciale ou minuscule d'une des variétés de la variante irlandaise de l'alphabet latin connue sous les noms d"'alphabet gaélique" ou d^écriture irlandaise" et en usage depuis la deuxième moitié du premier millénaire67. 3.3. Les dictionnaires Π reste à examiner les moyens mis en œuvre pour suggérer les outils utilisés par les linguistes. Si la bibliothèque de l'institut présente toutes les apparences d'une authentique bibliothèque68, le mur d'étagères de l'appartement de Stéphane est un décor en trompe-l'œil. Non qu'il ne s'y trouve de vrais livres. Mais ceux-ci ne peuvent pas remplir la fonction qui leur est assignée. La scène cruciale est celle où Stéphane est mis en demeure de traduire un mot précis par le quatrième message oral qu'il reçoit69. Π prend alors sur une étagère le septième tome d'un ensemble de neuf volumes reliés grand format que l'on a toutes les raisons d'imaginer constituer un dictionnaire. Et c'est ici que la mise en scène substitue doublement le décor au réel. D'abord parce qu'il n'existe pas de dictionnaire de ce format concernant le gaélique ancien: la synthèse bibliographique de Schmidt (1991) fait apparaître que les travaux lexicographiques descriptifs et étymologiques de ce domaine sont souvent des glossaires, qu'ils sont généralement monovolumes (quand il ne s'agit pas de simples fascicules), que plusieurs sont inachevés et que le plus volumineux est sans doute le Lexique étymologique de l'irlandais ancien de Vendryes (1959-1987), lui-même incomplet et ne comportant que six tomes brochés de dimensions plutôt moyennes. Ensuite parce que le dictionnaire utilisé se trouve être en fait Le Grand Robert de la langue française de 1985,

65

Fabien: "Le lieu, ce serait dans la cité de l'homme." "εν τη πόλι του ανθροπσυ", avec un datif πόλι non attique (cf. Bailly 1989, ί.ν. πόλι ς, εως). 67 Cf. Cohen (1958: 281, 347), Février (1959:486-487), Greene (1972:17-18). Emporté par son ardeur à critiquer Simple mortel (cf. nn. 8, 9, 10, 39 et 45), Magny (1991: 75) fait dépendre le choix du gaélique de l'esthétique supposée de son écriture ("Si les extra-tenestres communiquent avec le héros en gaélique ancien, inutile de se plonger dans un traité des civilisations: c'est seulement parce que les caractères gaéliques, c'est très joli sur le mur d'un appartement. C'est tout."). Le moins que l'on puisse dire est que ce point de vue est en porte-à-faux, tout comme celui, moins véhémentrde Bouzet 1991 ("ah! cette séquence de gribouillages gaéliques géants à même les murs de la chambre!"). Pour juger par soi-même, on pourra se reporter à Bachet (1990: 90), qui reproduit très lisiblement une partie importante du message. 68 Le décor, identifié par Jeancolas (1991: 34), est fourni par la Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. 69 "Même enjeu... traduisez: TEZCA..., TEZCA..." 66

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dans sa version reliée en skivertex chevo vert Un examen un peu attentif des plans montrant les étagères de l'appartement de Stéphane révèle d'ailleurs que le catalogue Robert constitue le fonds de bibliothèque de ce celtisant: on y trouve en effet, savamment éparpillés dans les rayonnages, un autre exemplaire du Grand Robert de 1985 - cette fois dans l'autre reliure proposée originellement à la clientèle, celle en skivertex worabati havane - , ainsi que deux Petit Robert

des

enfants

strictement identiques, un Robert méthodique et une dizaine d'Usuels du Robert, en version reliée ou de poche. Etait-il bien nécessaire de solliciter les éditions Robert pour meubler quelques étagères peu fournies que le réalisateur aurait pu garnir sans peine avec les moyens du bord? 70 En tout cas, l'éditeur a bien fait les choses et n'a pas volé les remerciements qu'il reçoit au générique final71.

4. Moralités La possibilité, pour une œuvre de fiction, de produire des effets de croyance chez ses récepteurs est fonction des dispositions de ceux-ci à accepter l'illusion narrative, dispositions qui sont sujettes à varier en fonction de divers paramètres, au premier rang desquels on retiendra la varia-

70

Dans le choix aléatoire des livres qui font partie de ses décors, Pierre Jolivet est un récidiviste: dans Force majeure, Philippe, à deux semaines d'un examen de mathématiques de haut niveau (cf. nn. 17 et 51), déménage pour quelques jours en emportant sous le bras trois gros livres qui sont en fait des Bouquins Laffont, soit environ trois mille pages de lecture non scientifique si près d'une échéance d'une telle importance. 71 Les dictionnaires Robert sont peut-être au début d'une belle carrière cinématographique. Après une prestation brève mais remarquée d'un Petit Robert 1 trônant sur la table d'un écrivain velléitaire (Pascal) dans Trop belle pour toi (film de Bertrand Blier sorti le 12 mai 1989, cf. Hugues 1992, t 2, 291), puis une simple figuration dans Les visiteurs (pochade 'médiévale' de Jean-Marie Poiié sortie le 20 janvier 1993; cf. Première 191,29) avec l'apparition fugace et hors de tout propos d'un Micro Robert de première édition (1971) dans les mains d'un personnage secondaire (Hilda), ils retrouvent un rôle de premier plan dans Montpamasse-Pondichéry, film d'Yves Robert sorti le 12 janvier 1994 (cf. Première 202,28) qui naire les tribulations d'une quadragénaire et d'un septuagénaire préparant le baccalauréat sur le tard, et où l'utilisation de leurs plus récents tirages ressortit à trois économies: - fonctionnelle: dans les lieux d'habitation des protagonistes, la présence de dictionnaires peut être considérée comme s'intégra» au récit (sur le bureau de l'héroïne, un Robert dictionnaire d'aujourd'hui ouvert mais identifiable par les tranches rouges et bleues de ses pages médianes, puis, probablement, un Robert ά Collins; sur le secrétaire du héros, successivement, un Robert de citations (dont il est difficile de dire si elles sont françaises (Oster 1992) ou étrangères (Montreynaud/Matignon 1993)) et Le Petit Robert 2; - utilitaire: comme dans Simple mortel, les dictionnaires Robert servent à meubla des étagères, ici celles de la bibliothèque d'une classe de philosophie du lycée Buffon à Paris, où l'on trouve six Usuels du Robert dans leur nouvelle édition, un Petit Robert 2, vraisemblablement un Petit Robert 1 et un Robert ά Collins, et même, semble-til, un Robert des jeunes dans sa jaquette de lumière; - purement ostentatoire: l'héroïne achète ses fournitures scolaires dans une librairie dans laquelle un présentoir vantant le Nouveau Petit Robert et la "deuxième révolution du français" qu'il constitue se détache aussi incongrûment que spectaculairement, en plein rayon papeterie, sur un fond de matériels de peinture; et la maison du héros, très curieusement, jouxte une modeste librairie-papeterie de quartier dont la vitrine exhibe un Petit Robert 1. L'herméneute de cet étalage dictionnairique n'a que l'embarras des hypothèses: stratégie publicitaire de l'éditeur (mais celui-ci n'est pas remercié au générique de Montpamasse-Pondichéry)? indolence ou manque d'imagination du décorateur du film? détrônement des Larousse par les Robert comme prototypes du dictionnaire dans la représentation collective? L'avenir fournira peut-être des éléments de choix.

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Pierre Corbin

bilité des attentes des récepteurs vis-à-vis des divers types d'oeuvres (récits à suspense, chroniques, reconstitutions historiques...)72 et leur degré d'adhésion aux convictions du sens commun concernant les réalités mises en scène dans les œuvres. Dans le cas de Simple mortel, la Action non vraisemblable (des extraterrestres s'adressant en gaélique ancien à un terrien par voie hertzienne) à laquelle les spectateurs sont supposés adhérer temporairement ne repose pas sur la construction de toutes pièces d'un monde imaginaire comme dans Yheroic fantasy ou le space opera, mais s'ancre dans un univers quotidien (cf. n. 10) dont les repères sont crédibles (celui de jeunes linguistes parisiens contemporains). Ce choix narratif permet de faire l'économie des effets spéciaux (cf. n. 11), mais il impose en revanche des contraintes de vraisemblance à la description de cet univers non fantastique dans lequel l'irrationnel fait irruption. Le coût de la crédibilité n'est toutefois pas le même pour ce qui concerne les composantes non professionnelles et les composantes professionnelles de cet univers, puisque la représentation préconstruite de ces dernières chez les profanes peut être supposée très fruste. De là résulte l'écart entre la caractérisation sociologique des personnages, dont la recevabilité repose sur une corrélation acceptable au monde réel (cf. § 2.1), et leur caractérisation professionnelle, qui, le métier de linguiste étant mal connu, ne peut produire ses effets de croyance qu'en recourant aux stéréotypes (cf. § 2.2). De là aussi le fait que les réserves d'un critique concernant le réalisme du film portent sur ce qu'il a de moins attaquable à cet égard - Magny (1991) trouve insuffisamment crédible la représentation du quotidien (cf. n. 10) - alors qu'aucun critique ne met en question la représentation du domaine linguistique, pourtant non empreinte de vérisme - le même Magny et Bouzet (1991) croient que le message sur le mur de Stéphane est en gaélique (cf. n. 67) parce que leur sens commun de spectateurs non-spécialistes leur laisse imaginer qu'il existe une écriture gaélique endogène. En définitive, les effets de croyance susceptibles d'être produits par Simple mortel sont vraisemblablement peu affectés par la précarité de lareprésentationprofessionnelle et le défaut de réalisme de détails de mise en scène, en raison de la très faible probabilité que les spectateurs sachent en quoi consiste le métier de linguiste et/ou qu'ils puissent identifier une langue en déshérence comme le gaélique et/ou qu'ils soient capables en quelques secondes de percevoir la nature composite des caractères inscrits sur un mur ou de reconnaître des dictionnaires Robert au logo (un R majuscule) figurant sur leur dos73. 72

S'inspirane d'Eco (1985), Gardies (1993: 48-51) décrit la réception des œuvres de fiction par les spectateurs en termes de "pacte" de "bonne coopération" vis-à-vis des "postulats narratifs" impliqués par les mondes possibles mis en scène: "La logique mise en jeu peut alors se résumer ainsi: de manière explicite ou implicite le texte filmique propose un ensemble de postulats narratifs sur la base desquels je construis un monde diégétique possible, avec ses lois et son fonctionnement propres. Au sein de ce monde, et compte tenu de ses particularités, un champ de possibles est ouvert (tandis que d'autres possibles sont exclus), qui se rapportent aussi bien à l'état de ce monde qu'à l'ensemble des événements susceptibles de s'y produire. Dès lors, je suis en mesure d'évaluer la vérité des propositions narratives." (pp. 49-50). 73 A titre de comparaison, on pourra considérer comme plus dommageable pour la production d'effets de croyance l'option prise par Roger Planchón de tourner à Chambord certaines scènes de Louis, enfant roi (sorti en France le 21

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Mais en retour reste posée, même si les critères de l'appréciation des films ne sauraient se réduire à l'évaluation des effets de croyance qu'ils sont susceptibles de produire, la question de la possibilité pour le cinéma de fiction de représenter des activités professionnelles en échappant à la convention, au schématisme et aux stéréotypes. La réponse n'est pas dans Simple mortel, dont on retirera plutôt, pour conclure, deux enseignements pratiques: le premier est que le métier de linguiste peut être dangereux, le second que rien n'est jamais perdu quand on dispose d'un Grand Robert.1*

5. Références 5.1. Dictionnaires Bailly, Anatole (1989): Dictionnaire grec-français. - Paris: Hachette. Bernet, Cbarles/Rézeau, Pierre (1989): Dictionnaire du français parlé. Le monde des expressions familières. - Paris: Seuil. Caradec, François (1988): N'ayons pas peur des mots. Dictionnaire du français argotique et populaire. - Paris: Larousse. Cellard, Jacques/Rey, Alain (1991): Dictionnaire du français non conventionnel. - Paris: Hachette. Chantraine, Pierre (1990): Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots. 2 vol. - Paris: Editions Klincksieck. Colin, Jean-Paul/Mével, Jean-Pierre/Leclère, Christian (1990): Dictionnaire de l'argot. - Paris: Larousse. Dictionnaire de la langue française Lexis. - Paris: Larousse. 1989. Le Dictionnaire de notre temps 1989. - Paris: Hachette. 1988. Dictionnaire du français. - Paris: Hachette. 1987. Dictionnaire général pour la maîtrise de la langue française, la culture classique et contemporaine. - Paris: Larousse. 1993. Dictionnaire historique de la langue française. 2 vol. - Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1992. Dubois, Jean et al. (1973): Dictionnaire de linguistique. - Paris: Librairie Larousse. Grand dictionnaire encyclopédique Larousse. 15 vol. - Paris: Librairie Larousse. 1982-1985. Le Grand Robert de la langue française. Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la langue française. 9 vol. - Paris: Le Robert. 1985. Magnien, Victor/Lacroix, Maurice (1969): Dictionnaire grec-français. - Paris: Librairie classique Eugène Belin. Merle, Pierre (1986): Dictionnaire du français branché. - Paris: Editions du Seuil. Micro Robert. Dictionnaire du français primordial. - Paris: S.NL. Le Robert. 1971. avril 1993; cf. Première 194, 34), le nombre des spectateurs sachant que la Cour est parisienne à l'époque de la Fronde et susceptibles d'identifier un château à l'architecture aussi typée - son escalier en double hélice est bien en vue dans le film - pouvant être relativement élevé: Chambord est le quatrième château de France pour le nombre de ses visiteurs (680 000 en 1990, selon Frémy/Frémy 1992: 1384b). 74 Merci à tous ceux qui, à des titres divers, ont mérité de figurer au générique de cet article: Dominique Aliquot (consultant statistique et conseiller esthétique), Raymonde Alluin-Popot et Christian Guyonvarc'h (consultants pour le gaélique), Ioulia Antypa (consultante pour le grec), Danielle Corbin (assistante de production), François Corbin (assistant herméneutique et consultant automobile), Stéphane Corbin (assistant documentaire, à qui je dois d'avoir découvert Simple mortel), Elmar Eggert (traducteur du résumé en allemand), Luce et Jean-Pierre Guillerm (consultants littéraires), Michaela Heinz (consultante documentaire), Carsten Meyer (consultant pour les sources allemandes), Philip H. Miller (traducteur du résumé en anglais), Raphaëlle Mourey (assistante informatique), Jérôme Paul (conseiller cinématographique), Daniel Sirach (consultant en télécommunications), Marleen Van Peteghem (consultante linguistique). Après une première vision en salle, l'analyse de Simple mortel a été effectuée à partir de la cassette VHS SECAM. Réf. 213027. Nouvelle Messagerie Vidéo, sur magnétoscope JVC HRD 400 S AMS et téléviseur Philips 26 Ρ 3295 AMS.

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Le Micro-Robert. Dictionnaire d'apprentissage du français. - Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1988. Montreynaud, Florence/Matignon, Jeanne (1993): Dictionnaire de citations du monde eniier. - Paris: Dictionnaires Le Roben. Le Nouveau Petit Robert. Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la langue française. - Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1993. Oster, Pierre (1992): Dictionnaire de citationsfrançaises.- Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert Le Petit Larousse illustré 1994 en couleurs. - Paris: Larousse. 1993. Le Petit Robert des enfants. Dictionnaire de la languefrançaise.- Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1988. Le Petit Robert 1. Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la languefrançaise.- Paris: Le Robert 1987. Le Petit Robert 2. Dictionnaire universel des noms propres alphabétique et analogique. - Paris: Le Robert 1991. Le Robert des jeunes. Dictionnaire de la languefrançaise.- Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1991. Le Robert dictionnaire d'aujourd'hui. - Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1991. Le Robert & Collins. Dictionnaire français-anglais anglais-français Senior. - Glasgow: Harper Collins Publishers. Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert 1991. Le Robert méthodique. Dictionnaire méthodique dufrançaisactuel. - Paris: Le Robert 1982. Vendryes, Joseph (1959-1987): Lexique étymologique de l'irlandais ancien. 6 vol. (A, MNOP, RS, TU, B, C). Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies/Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Walter, Henriette (1985): Lexique. - In: H. Obalk, A. Soral, A. Pasche: Les mouvements de mode expliqués aux parents (Paris: Le livre de poche) 366-408. 5.2. Autres références Alion, Yves (1978): Tendre poulet - In: Ecran (78) 67,78. - (1989): L'étudiante. - In: La revue du cinéma, Hors série XXXV (La saison cinématographique 1988), 46. (1991): Simple mortel: Fantastique éthique. - In: La revue du cinéma 474,22. (1993): Pierre JoliveL - In: Le mensuel du cinéma 4, 85. Asimov, Isaac (1960): Foundation. - London: Grafton. - (1966): Fondation. Trad. fr. de Jean Rosenthal· - Paris: Denoël. Bachet, Laurent (1990): L'aventure intérieure. Simple mortel, de Pierre Jolivet - In: Premiere 165,90-93. - (1991): Pierre Jolivet, simplement compliqué. - In: Libération 3193 (nouvelle série), 33-34. Baudelot Christian/Establet, Roger/Toiser, Jacques (1979): Qui travaille pour qui? - Paris: François Maspero. Baudin, Brigitte (1991): Simple morteL Pierre Jolivet: conversation avec les étoiles. - In: Le Figaro 14623, 23. Bernard, Jean-Jacques (1991a): Un récit de science-fiction exceptionnel en France: Simple mortel. - In: Première 174, 24. - (1991b): Pierre Jolivet à ciel ouvert - In: Première 174,74-75. Boujut Michel (1991): Simple mortel de Pierre Jolivet. - In: L'événement du jeudi 357,132. Bourdieu, Pierre (1972): Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique. Précédé de trois études d'ethnologie kabyle. - Genève: Librairie Droz. (1984): Homo academicus. - Paris: Les Editions de Minuit (1992): Les règles de l'art. Genèse et structure du champ littéraire. - Paris: Editions du Seuil. Bouzet Ange-Dominique (1991): Loterie gaélique. - In: Libération 3193 (nouvelle série), 33. Chevallier, Jacques (1990): I want to go home. - In: La revue du cinéma, Hors série XXXVI (La saison cinématographique 1989), 57. Chevassu, François (1988): Le complexe du kangourou. - In: La revue du cinéma. Hors série XXXIV (La saison cinématographique 1987), 42. Cohen, Marcel (1958): La grande invention de l'écriture et son évolution. Texte. - Paris: Imprimerie Nationale/Librairie C. Klincksieck. Coppermann, Annie (1991): Simple mortel, de Pierre Jolivet. Machiavéliquement angoissant. - In: Les Echos 15961, 22. Corbin, Pierre (1991): La lexicographie moderne: contrepoint. Réflexions sur la contribution de Josette ReyDebove. - In: Travaux de linguistique 23,161-169. Ducrot Oswald (1972): Dire et ne pas dire. Principes de sémantique linguistique. - Paris: Hermann. Eco, Umberto (1985): Lector in fabula. Le rôle du lecteur ou la coopération interprétative dans les textes narratifs. Paris: Grasset Février, James G. (1959): Histoire de l'écriture. - Paris: Payot. Frémy, Dominique/Frémy, Michèle (1992): Quid 1993. - Paris: Editions Robert Laffont

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- (1993): Quid 1994. - Paris: Editions Robert Laffont. Gadet, Françoise (1989): Lefrançaisordinaire. - Paris: Armand Colin. Gaudies, André (1993): Le récitfilmique.- Paris: Hachette. Greene, David (1972): The Irish Language/An Ghaeilge. - Cork: Mercier Press. - (1974): Celtic Languages. - In: The New Encyclopedia Britannica in 30 volumes (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Helen Hemingway Benton Publisher) Macropaedia, t. 3,1064-1068. - (1985): Irlande: langue et littérature. - In: Encyclopedia Universalis (22 vol., Paris: Encyciopxdia Universalis Editeur) Corpus, L 10, 165-168. Hergé (1947): Les aventures de Tintín. Le secret de La Licorne. - Tournai: Casterman. Hughes, Philippe d' (1992): Almanach du cinéma. 2 vol. - Paris: Encyclopaedia Universalis. Jacobs, Edgar P. (1954): Le mystère de la Grande Pyramide. 2 vol. - Bruxelles: Les Editions du Lombard. Jeancoias, Jean-Pierre (1991): Les enfants de l'Horloger sont des petits cons: Simple mortel. - In: Positif 367, 3435. Lambert, Pierre-Yves (1985): Celtes: langues celtiques. - In: Encyclopœdia Universalis (22 vol., Paris: Encyclopaedia Universalis Editeur) Corpus, t. 4,476. Legrand, Jacques (éd.) (1992): Chronique du cinéma. · Boulogne-Billancourt: JL International Publishing. Mac Eoin, Gearóid (1993): Irish. - In: M J. Ball, J. Fife (eds): The Celtic Languages (London/New York: Routledge) 101-144. Magny, Joël (1991): Simple mortel. - In: Cahiers du cinema 447,74-75. Malherbe, Michel (1983): Les langages de l'humanité. Une encyclopédie des 3000 langues parlées dans le monde. Paris: Seghers. Martinet, André (1965): Peut-on dire d'une langue qu'elle est belle? - In: Revue d'esthétique 3-4 (nouvelle série), 227239. - (1993): Mémoires d'un linguiste. Vivre les langues. Entretiens avec Georges Kassai et avec la collaboration de Jeanne Martinet. - Paris: Quai Voltaire. Meillet, Antoine/Cohen, Marcel (éds) (1952): Les langues du monde. 2 vol. - Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Molière (1962): Dom Juan ou Le festin de pierre. - In: Œuvres complètes (Paris: Editions du Seuil) 285-310. Moreau, André (1992): Simple mortel. - In: Télérama 2226,102. Murât, Pierre (1991): Simple mortel. - In: Télérama 2172, 37. Ó Murchú, Máirtín (1993): Aspects of the Societal Status of Modern Irish. - In: M J. Ball, J. Fife (eds): The Celtic Languages (London/New York: Routledge) 471-490. Parent, Denis (1991): Pierre Jolivet solo. - In: Studio magazine 53,110-113. Pastoureau, Michel (1991): L'étoffe du Sable. Une histoire des rayures et des tissus rayés. - Paris: Editions du Seuil. (1992): Dictionnaire des couleurs de notre temps. Symbolique et société. - Paris: Editions Bonneton. Philipponnat, Véronique (1991): Simple mortel. - In: Studio magazine 53,14. Platt, Richard (1992): Les yeux du cinéma. - Paris: Gallimard. Ramain, Christine (1993): Slip contre caleçon: la guerre des branchés. - In: Grandes lignes 7,20-22. Rey, Alain (1985): Préface de la deuxième édition. - In: Le Grand Robert de la languefrançaise[...] XVÏÏ-XLH. Roth-Bettoni, Didier (1991): Pierre Jolivet ou la condition de l'homme. - In: La revue du cinéma 474,23-24. Rouchy, Marie-Elisabeth (1993): Dix jours dans un ciré jaune. - In: Télérama 2251,45-46. Schmidt, Karl Horst (1991): Altirische Lexikographie. - In: FJ. Hausmann, O. Reichmann, H.E. Wiegand, L. Zgusta (Hgg.): Wärterbücher/Dictionaries/Dictionnaires. Ein internationales Handbuch zur Lexikographie/An International Encyclopedia of Lexicography/Encyclopédie internationale de lexicographie (3 vol., Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1989-1991) L 3, art 220,2339-2343. Siclier, Jacques (1991): Les chemins de l'angoisse. Le poids de l'invisible sur un homme élu au hasard pour sauver le monde: Simple mortel de Pierre Jolivet. - In: Le Monde 14490, 25. Stoker, Bram (1992a): Dracula. - London: Penguin Books. - (1992b): Dracula. Suivi de: L'invité de Dracula. Trad. fr. de Jacques Finné. - Paris: Presses Pocket. Syndicat des Industries de Télécommunication (1993): Rapport annuel 1992. - Paris: Service Communication du SIT. Ternes, Elmar (1991): Die Lexikographie der neukeltischen Sprachen. - In: F.J. Hausmann, O. Reichmann, H.E. Wiegand, L. Zgusta (Hgg.): Wörterbiicher/Dictionaries/Dictionnaires. Ein internationales Handbuch zur Lexikographie/An International Encyclopedia of Lexicography/Encyclopédie internationale de lexicographie (3 vol., Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1989-1991) t. 3, art 221, 2343-2351. Verne, Jules (1992): Voyage au centre de la terre. - Paris: Le livre de poche.

Dictionaries as Culturally Constructed and as Culture-Constructing Artifacts: The Reciprocity View as Seen from Yiddish Sources* Joshua A. Fishman

0. Introduction The notion that dictionaries always tell us more than they are consciously intended to tell is incontrovertible. Dictionaries always tell us something about the characteristics of their compilers, about the characteristics of their intended users and about the characteristics of the society and culture in which their compilers intend them to be used. Indeed, as with all cultural artifacts, dictionaries must tell us these things, whether or not they wish to do so. Dictionaries may speak to us openly or in disguised fashion, but speak to us they do. If the foregoing is clear and agreed upon ab initio, then what more remains to be said? Do we not burst in through an open door when we seek to prove that which is already granted? Perhaps not, if our purpose is to provide additional examples that can ultimately be assembled and re-examined in order to better define how (i.e., the dimensions along which) one should analyze dictionaries in order to learn more about their compilers, their intended readers and their socio-cultural settings. The following examples from the world of Yiddish dictionaries are presented, in part, in the hopes of providing more varied grist for that ultimate mill, but, more particularly, they are presented in order to pose a complementary possibility, namely, that any thorough understanding of dictionaries requires prior

cultural

knowledge to guide and to undergird it. As with other cultural artifacts, dictionaries may not only reflect their compilers, users and intended contexts (thereby providing useful entre

to

understanding them), but, in a sense, the reverse is true as well and the compilers, users and contexts of dictionaries must be well understood in order to fully fathom the dictionaries per se.

1. Mirkeves Hamishne: The World of the Bible Perhaps the first Yiddish dictionary and, indeed, the oldest Yiddish printed book extant, is the bilingual (Hebrew-Yiddish) dictionary plus concordance Mirkeves Hamishne ("Second Chariot").

* This paper is based upon an earlier work on Yiddish dictionaries (Fishman, 1990) which I prepared at the request and with the encouragement of Ladislav Zgusta. The previous paper was primarily a bibliographic review. The present paper is a conceptual inquiry into the issue of reciprocal interaction between dictionaries and their cultural and ideological contexts.

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(One must say "perhaps," because no copies remain of many of the very oldest Jewish books mentioned in various published and unpublished sources, due to the expulsions and pogroms to which medieval and renaissance Jewish communities were exposed in Christian Europe, on the one hand, and due to the generally low esteem in which Yiddish publications were held by the rabbinic and scholarly Jewish elite, on the other.) Published in Cracow in 1534—in the period of semi-incunabula, and in the very same year as Martin Luther's German translation of the Old and New Testament—the compiler of Mirkeves Hamishne was an otherwise obscure scholar, R' Osher Anshl. This is an example of a specialized dictionary. It does not have the "entire language" as its purview but only the language (Hebrew and Aramic [=Judeo-Aramaic], referred to together as Loshn-koydesh [holy tongue]) of the Old Testament. Specialized .dictionaries may conceivably reflect little more than the esoteric interests of their compilers and a small coterie of aficionados, but this was definitely not so in the case under discussion here. First of all, R' Anshel's work was enlarged and reprinted fifty years later, in 1584, under the title Seyfer shel R'Anshel ("R' Anshl's Book"), a title which implies that its author had achieved wider recognition based upon the first edition. Secondly, this particular type of bilingual specialized dictionary had, within its culture, many earlier predecessors, only segments of which are extant (e.g., the Orekh Kotn ["Abridged Arrangement"] of 1290; see Trima 1977), and was also soon imitated, its first [extant] rival being Moyshe Shertl's Sefer Be'er Moyshe ["The Book of Moses' Fountain"], Prague 1605. Indeed, as a culturally specific "dictionary genre," this type of dictionary has remained a staple of Yiddishspeaking Jewry's traditional intellectual and religious life for close to a millennium. Its listing of all of the words of its sanctified target text, followed by a translation of every word into Yiddish, reveals an intellectual stance in which every word of the original is regarded as significant, and, therefore, deserving of consensual and unambiguous understanding via the vernacular. Since the Jewish practice of Bible translation was so thoroughly traditional (and even institutionalized), the translations offered by such dictionaries continued to be used even when their particular usage had become archaic. Accordingly, we may assume that the Yiddish of Mirkeves Hamishne and of Seyfer Be'er Moyshe is that of a century or so earlier, in each case, rather than that which was vernacularly current between interlocutors around the time of their respective publication dates. During the centuries of the centrality of Babylonian Jewry (roughly from the 1st to the 9th century C.E.), literal understanding of the Jewish Bible had been fostered by translating the text of the weekly Pentateuchal lection in Aramic, not only during group or individual study of the weekly "portion" but at the synagogal public Torah-readings per se. In European Jewry, whether Sefardí or Ashkenazi, no similar synagogal practice arose vis-a-vis their intra-group vernaculars, Judezmo and Yiddish, but in organized Torah study (whether pair-wise or in larger study groups) both the by-then non-vernacular Aramic and the respective vernaculars, Judezmo and Yiddish, were employed in literal phrase-by-phrase translation-recitation. It is this latter usage which elicited and supported the preparation and publication of the above-mentioned specialized bilingual dictionaries

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—in which the words of the Bible were listed alphabetically rather than in their original order— thereby making them accessible also for individual study purposes. Finally, the dislocation of the traditional scholarship, which was occasioned by immigration to the New World, also resulted in a need for interlineary word-for-word translations, both of the Pentateuch and of the prayer-book (see, e.g., Lipshits, 1980; Mogilnitski, 1904), but these are not really dictionaries in anything even approximating the usual sense of that term, since their word order is not alphabetic but, necessarily, fully determined by the word order of the original text.

2. Shmoys Dvorem: Traveler's Aid in a Multiethnic World Another perspective on Yiddish dictionaries, as well as on the experience and needs of Ashkenazic Jewry surrounded by a gentile world, is provided by a better-known work authored by a much better known lexicographer (and grammarian and novelist tool). The work in question is Shmoys dvorem ["The Names of Things"] and the author is Eliyohu ("Elye") Bokher (14721549). This is the oldest multilingual dictionary to include Yiddish as the language of entry or reference. The other languages into which each Yiddish word was then translated were Hebrew, Latin, and German. Published in northern Italy (Isny, 1S42), in an area where Yiddish-speaking merchants and scholars came into constant contact with (a) Italkic [=Judeo-Italian] speaking/Hebrew reading and writing Jews, (b) Germanic speaking/writing Christians and (c) Latin "speaking'Vwriting Christians, this little dictionary is interesting for us today both for its choice of languages of translation as well as for its choice of words to be translated. Particularly interesting is the inclusion of German, laying to rest as it does the glib assumption that the Yiddish and German were/are so similar as to be interchangeable, knowledge of the one purportedly being tantamount to knowledge of the other. The inclusion of Latin is probably indicative of the stillweak writing tradition for Italian and, even more so, for Italkic. The distinction between Italian and Latin does not show up in Jewish multilingual dictionaries until the publication of Nosn Note Hanover's well-known Sofe Brure ("Clear Language"), Prague 1660, where the reference-words are listed in Hebrew and where Yiddish is the fourth language (all four languages being set in Hebrew type). To return to Elye Bokher's Shmoys Dvorem, it should be observed, in conclusion, that its four type faces (Vayber-taytsh type for Yiddish, Hebrew type for Loshn-koydesh, Roman type for Latin and Fractur type for German) are not only an example of early typographic virtuosity but a reflection of the early assumption that Yiddish should generally be printed in a distinctive Hebrewderivative type-face of its very own, so as not to be easily confused with holy writ. This assumption may even have been based upon a wider areal interpretation (including the nearby Greek-Orthodox world), with every language—Jewish and non-Jewish—being associated with its

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own peculiar typeface. Be that as it may, in the Yiddish vis-a-vis Hebrew case this differentiation was quite consistently implemented until early in the 19th century (when Yiddish too began to be printed almost exclusively in the same square letters [oysiyes mereboes] formerly largely reserved for sanctified texts). Nevertheless, as noted, there were a few exceptional departures from the above-mentioned convention over several centuries, Sofe Brure being among them. Finally, the choice of reference-terms in Shmoys Dvorem reflects the needs and interests of itinerant Jewish merchants and scholars, coming into contact with both Jews and non-Jews and requiring terms for both specifically Jewish and "not specifically Jewish" basic artifacts and behavioral practices. Once again, we see that the dictionary not only reflects its culture and is a creation of its culture, but that cultural knowledge is needed in order to fully comprehend the dictionary itself.

3. The "All-inclusive" Dictionary The two above-discussed types of dictionaries are so clearly cultural constructs that using them to illuminate our general query or proposition may be viewed as instances of having stacked the cards in advance. Let us, therefore, turn to a more "culturally neutral" type of dictionary, namely the one in which everything that is of interest is fair game and where only space is at issue. Accordingly, reference terms are selected only with (a) an explicit or implicitly "frequency of occurrence" (or utility) consideration in mind in conjunction with (b) a particular type of user defined by age and/or education. However, not only are utility and age or educational level culturally loaded considerations themselves, but they co-exist with other lexicographic considerations which are also far from really being culturally neutral. Within the Yiddish-dictionary fold there is the obvious fact that there are very few monolingual (Yiddish-Yiddish) dictionaries. The recently aborted Groyser verterbukh fun der yidisher shprakh, with its four large-format volumes all devoted to words beginning with the first letter of the alphabet (Mark et al., 1980), is itself ample reason not to formulate any rule that "general Yiddish dictionaries are bi- or multilingual," but this, nevertheless, remains the case in the overwhelming majority of instances. (The other major exception [Stutshkov, 1950] pertains to a thesaurus rather than to a general dictionary.) Is this not a reflection of the cultural facts of Jewish life "among the nations" and of a frequently changing geolinguistic base for Yiddish in addition? The bilingual dictionaries of a "general" sort also have their own "cultural manifestations." Thus, bi-directional bilingual dictionaries (e.g., Lifshits, 1869,1876; Harkavy, 1891; Weinreich, 1968) are, all in all, far less common than mono-directional ones. Even when both directions obtain, the Yiddish to X-ish (the "other" language) section is frequently briefer than the X-ish to Yiddish section, indicative of where the user's greater needs are assumed to lie. In addition, it is my impression that among the mono-directional works, those in which the reference-words are

Dictionaries as Culturally Constructed and as Culture-Constructing Artifacts

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listed in Yiddish (e.g., Harkavy, 1898, 1925; Lerman and Niborsky, 1979; Gris and Kerner, 1982, Tsanin, 1982) are more common than those in which the reference -words are listed in the X-ish (e.g., Abelson, 1924; Shapiro et al., 1984). If phrase-guides too are taken into account, (e.g., Weinreich and Silverman-Weinreich, 1958) the directional scores may even out somewhat. The Yiddish-to-X-ish direction may be a reflection of the need to learn a culturally new, nonJewish language, primarily at the spoken level, whereas the X-ish-to-Yiddish direction may be a reflection of the subsequent need to read X-ish texts or to [re-]learn Yiddish after it has been largely lost inter-generationally. Of course, in some instances, the lack of a complimentary direction is merely the result of lack of funds or of a publisher-defined series (e.g., Weinreich and Silverman-Weinreich, 1958) which, therefore, does not reflect Yiddish-related cultural circumstances at all. Within the field of general Yiddish dictionaries there are reflections of yet additional ideological considerations: orthography (traditional, modern, modified modern), purism relative to newHigher Germanisms, Americanisms, Russianisms, etc. Use of the "eynheytlekher yidisher oysleyg" [=Unified Yiddish Spelling] and the exclusion of (or the pejorative marking of) New High Germanisms, as e.g., in the Weinreich dictionary and the Weinreich and SilvermanWeinreich phrase book is indicative of a positive stance toward the program of Yiddish standardization and development conducted under the auspices of the YIVO (primarily from the late 1920's through to the late 1950's, i.e., during the time when it was still the Yiddish Scientific Institute rather than the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research) and, more recently, by The League for Yiddish.

Other spellings and word selections are indicative of different anti-YIVO

organizational/ideological orientations,whether focusing on religious Orthodoxy (rather than on secular nationalism) or on the only partially modernized American Yiddish press and Yiddish school publications. Yiddish is one of those languages in which every written or published text (and therefore every dictionary) is an immediate indication of the cultural/ideological stance of its author and its intended consumers or recipients.

4. Concluding Comments An examination of three different types of Yiddish dictionaries (those focused exclusively on translating the Hebrew words of the Bible, those focused on the most immediate multilingual needs of peripatetic merchants and scholars, and those of a much more general coverage and for a more general clientele) indicates that it is a simplification to merely claim that they each "reflect" their particular cultural-ideological milieus. They do that of course, but, in addition, we need to be wellinformed about those milieus in order to fully understand the dictionaries related to them. The very existence of Mirkeves Hamishne is a byproduct of the cultural stance that every single word of the

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Bible has unique and crucial significance. The dictionary complements and implements a preexisting cultural belief system. It is a pre-existing cultural-ideological stance that requires vaybertaytsh as the font for Yiddish in Shmoys Dvorem, just as the evaluative "wedge-mark" next to certain words (e.g., "kvele") in Weinreich's dictionary, coded as "inadmissible in the standard language," is an ideological rather than just a linguistic or lexicographic desideratum. The desire to distance Yiddish from New High German is far more than merely an idiosyncratic or personal "linguistic preference"; it has been espoused by an outstanding series of Yiddish linguists and writers now spanning nearly ten generations. It usually bespeaks the vision of a culturally autonomous Yiddish-speaking Eastern European (-derived) Jewry, a vision that is (or was) socially patterned and institutionally organized. Thus, we must interpret dictionaries in context and see them as both resultant of and constructive of their contexts. Indeed, this is what we do with other cultural artifacts. We recognize them as reflections of their contexts but as more than reflections we recognize them as constituents of those contexts, contexts which we must try to know by means of as many other artifacts and cultural behaviors as possible. We must come to view dictionaries in a similarly holistic way.

References Abelson, Paul (1924) English-Yiddish encyclopedic dictionary: a complete lexicon and work of reference in all departments of knowledge. New York: Hebrew Publishing Company. Anshl, R' Osher (of Cracow) (1534) Mirkeves Hamishne. Cracow. Revised: (1584) Seyfershel R' Anshi. Cracow. Bokher, Eyliyohu (Elye) (1542) Shmoys dvorem. Isny. Fishman, Joshua A. (1990) Yiddish dictionaries. In Franz Josef Hausmann, Oskar Reichmann, Herbert Ernst Wiegand and Ladislav Zgusta (eds.): Wörterbücher, Dictonaries, Dictionnaires, v. 3. Berlin: De Gruyter. 22462254. Gris, Noyekh, and Shmuel Kerner (1982) Verterbukh: yidish-franteyzish. Paris: Europe-Formation-Conseil. Hanover, Nosn Note (1660) Safe brure. Prague. Harkavy, Alexander (1891) Complete English-Jewish [sic!] Dictionary. New York: Sapirstein. (1898) Dictionary of Yiddish Language: Yiddish-English. New York: Hebrew Publishing Company. (1925) Yidish-english-hebreyish verterbukh. New York: Hebrew Publishing Company. Revised and enlarged edition: (1928) New York: Hebrew Publishing Company. Republished: (1988) New York: Schocken and YTVO. Lerman, Yankev-Yehoyshua, and Yitskhok Niborski (1979) Yidish-shpanish verterbukh. Buenos Aires: YIVO. Lifshits, Yehoyshua [Shiye] Mordkhe (1869) Rusish-yidisher verter bukh. Zhitomir. ( 1876) Der yidish-rusisher verterbukh. Zhitomir. Lipshits, Doved yekhezkl Arye (1980) Khumesh hameturgem letinoykes shel beyn rabn. Brooklyn: author. Mogilnitski, Yoysef (1904) Fulshtendiker liniyen-sider levotey-seyfer veloom. New York: Hebrew Publishing Company. Mark, Yudl (ed.) (1980) Groyser verterbukh fun deryidisher shprakh, vol. iv. New York, Jerusalem: Komitet. Previous volumes (all published in New York) had various co-editors. Vol. 1; 1961. Shapiro, Moyshe, Elye Spivak, and M. Shulman (1984) Rusko-evreyski (idish) slovar: Rusish-yidisher verterbukh. Moscow: Russki yazik. Shertl, Moshe (1605) Seyfer be'er moyshe. Prague. Stutshkov, Nokem (1950) Der oytserfun deryidisher shprakh. Edited by Max Weinreich. New York: YIVO. Tsanin, Mordkhe (1982) Fuler yidish-hebreyisher verterbukh. 2 vol. Tel Aviv: Letste nayes. Weinreich, Uriel (1968) Modem Yiddish-English, Yiddish-English Dictionary. New York: McGraw-Hill and YIVO. Weinreich, Uriel, and Silverman-Weinreich, Beatrice (1958) Say it in Yiddish. New York: Dover.

Allusions Littéraires et Citations Historiques dans le Trésor de la Langue Française Franz Josef Hausmann

0. Un Petit Waterloo du TLF Le 10 juillet 1992 la sixième étape du 79 e Tour de France passe à quelques kilomètres du champ de bataille de Waterloo. Quelle belle source de comparaisons et d'allusions historiques. Le journaliste qui, dans le grand quotidien Le Monde, couvre cette étape, ne s'en prive pas. Dans son texte du 12 juillet intitulé « L a charge de la brigade l é g è r e » il est question de Blücher, de Wellington, de Napoléon bien sûr, et de la ferme de la Belle-Alliance. Et l'auteur, à un moment, de dire: (1) ...la "plaine" belge traversée par cette sixième étape fut tout sauf morne.

Le jeune lecteur qui ne saisirait pas immédiatement cette allusion, serait néanmoins alerté par les guillemets entourant plaine et l'insistance sur mome. Se trouvant à la Bibliothèque Universitaire il décide d'employer les grands moyens et consulte le Trésor de la langue française. Or à l'article plaine il n'y a rien et à l'article morne guère plus: tout juste la collocation plaine mome (et non pas mome plaine). Notre jeune utilisateur de dictionnaires est déçu. Heureusement il a le réflexe de se tourner vers son bon vieux Petit Robert qui est beaucoup plus disert; tant à l'article plaine: (2) ...Waterloo! Waterloo! morne plaine!(Hugo)

qu'à l'article mome: (3)...Waterloo! morne plaine! (Hugo)

Evidemment il lui faudra l'aide d'autres dictionnaires pour trouver la référence exacte, par exemple le Dictionnaire des citations de l'histoire de France (Ressi 1990) No. 1922: (4) « W a t e r l o o ! Waterloo! Waterloo! Mome p l a i n e ! » Victor HUGO—Les Châtiments, l'Expiation (18S3) [accessible par l'index s.v. Waterloo]

ou, plus précis, Les grandes allusions. Dictionnaire commenté des expressions d'origine littéraire (Bologne 1989) No. 731: (5) « W a t e r l o o ! Waterloo! Waterloo! Morne p l a i n e ! » VICTOR HUGO, les Châtiments, V, 13, « l ' E x p i a t i o n » , II (1853) [non commenté] [accessible par l'index s.v. morne, s.v. plaine et s.v. Waterloo]

Franz Josef Hausmann

36

et le Grand Robert qui, pour la référence exacte, renvoie de l'article plaine à l'article bataillon, où il cite, comme Ressi 1990, les quatre vers suivants: (6)

« W a t e r l o o ! Waterloo! Waterloo! Morne plaine! Comme une onde qui bout dans une urne trop pleine, Dans ton cirque de bois, de coteaux, de vallons La pâle mort mêlait les sombres bataillons.»

On peut penser aussi aux dictionnaires de citations, mais ceux-ci sont moins utiles qu'on ne pense. D'une part ces dictionnaires offrent rarement l'accès par le mot plaine (le Dictionnaire des citations françaises,

Oster 1978, le fait), et d'autre part, ils ne distinguent pas entre ce qu'on

pourrait appeler la citation phraséologique (faisant partie de la langue) et la citation anthologique (qui est un morceau de parole) (Hausmann 1989,1044). Nous constatons donc que c'est grâce au Petit Robert ou au Grand Robert et non pas au TLF que notre jeune lecteur a été initié aux mystères de la mome plaine et qu'il comprendra désormais des allusions comme les suivantes: (7) [A propos d'un match de football à Bari] « A h misère, quelle aventure! Bari, mome p l a i n e . » (Le Monde 31.5.91) (8) « A n t e n n e 2, mome c h a î n e » (Télérama 19.2.92)

1. Le Trésor des citations célèbres Ce petit Waterloo du TLF nous contrarie. Le TLF ne serait-il pas le Trésor des citations célèbres? Pour falsifier cette hypothèse nous avons lu la moitié du tome 13 (pages 1-700) et relevé toutes les allusions et références à des citations célèbres, une bonne quarantaine en tout et pour tout. L'examen de ce relevé permet d'ores et déjà un certain nombre de constats. a) L'indicateur « p a r allusion» Le TLF (comme le Grand Robert du reste) se sert d'indicateurs référentiels du genre (par) allus[ion]. à [texte/auteur] (par) allus[ion]. littér [aire] à [texte/auteur] (par) référence], à [auteur/texte]

Il s'agit là d'un élément de dictionnaire qui manque dans Hausmann/Wiegand 1989, 343 ou dans Wiegand 1989, 433. En revanche on le trouve mentionné dans Gorcy 1989, 912, qui dit très judicieusement [à propos du TLF]: Ces indicateurs renvoient à des paroles ou à des faits entrant dans la mémoire sociale banalisée de la communauté linguistique.

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L'emploi de l'indicateur « P . alius, (littér.)» est loin d'être standardisé. En fait l'uniformité de cet emploi masque l'existence de deux situations complètement différentes. b) La citation d'une allusion à un texte célèbre Dans le premier cas de figure, le TLF cite un texte où l'auteur—de façon plus ou moins cachée— fait allusion à un texte célèbre que nous pouvons appeler « b a s e de l'allusion» et qu'il faut connaître pour comprendre l'allusion. Aussi le TLF nous livre-t-il cette clé avec—la plupart du temps—les références exactes. Nous sommes donc en présence de deux textes, le texte base de l'allusion et ce texte dérivé qu'est l'allusion elle-même. Il va sans dire que l'allusion relève nécessairement de la tranche synchronique couverte par le TLF, c'est-à-dire 1789-1960, alors que la base de l'allusion se situe très souvent en amont de cette période, notamment au 17e siècle. En voici un premier exemple: (9) [P. alius, littér. à Corneille, Le Cid, I, 6: Percé jusques au fond du cœur] M. le Baron des Adrets, (...) percé jusqu'au fond du cœur par la mort du seul être qu'il aimât (...) avait rompu avec le monde par dégoût de la vie (Stendhal, H. Brulard, t. 1, 1836, p. 112)

Si cet exemple en constitue la version complète, notre cas de figure connaît aussi des versions réduites. Il manque par exemple le texte de base que le lecteur est censé inférer de l'allusion: (10) [P. alius, à Corneille, Le Cid II 2] Il se moquait si gaillardement de moi q u e j e n'hésitai plus. Je lui tendis la main. « B o n s o i r , lui dis-je. A vaincre sans péril, on triomphe sans gloire. Et, ma foi, mon cher, la victoire vaut le d a n g e r . » Et j'entrai d'un pas ferme dans la chambre de Francesca (Maupass., Contes et nouv. t. 1, Sœurs R., 1884, p. 1271) (11) [P. réf. au mot de Jeanne d'Arc à son procès] L'humble paysanne de Domrémy, qui (...) ne songeait qu'à la « g r a n d e p i t i é » qu'il y avait alors dans le royaume de France (Coppée, Bonne souffr., 1898, p. 143)

Ailleurs il manque la référence exacte du texte de base, référence peut-être impossible à fournir: (12) [P. alius, à la formule de Robespierre: Périssent les colonies plutôt qu'un principe] Périssent les Etats-Unis plutôt qu'un principe ! (Flaub., Corresp., 1859, p. 311) (13) [P. alius, littér. au vers de Boileau] Ai-je besoin de dire maintenant que, bien qu'un sonnet sans défauts vaille un long poème, un conte est sans doute un chef-d'œuvre à moins de frais qu'un roman (Lemaitre, Contemp., 1885, p. 309) [Il s'agit en fait de l'Art poétique, Chant II, vers 94: Un sonnet sans défaut vaut seul un long poème]

c) La citation d'un texte célèbre Dans le second cas de figure, le TLF ne cite que la base de l'allusion qui par conséquent se situe entre 1789 et 1960. Dans ce cas l'indicateur « P . alius, littér.» laisse supposer que le texte cité est souvent pris comme base de textes allusifs dérivés, sans que le TLF en fournisse un exemple. Voici un extrait de l'article percer qui illustre ce cas de figure: (14) P. alius, littér. Ce siècle avait deux ans ! Rome remplaçait Sparte, Déjà Napoléon perçait sous Bonaparte, Et du Premier Consul déjà, par maint endroit, Le front de l'empereur brisait le masque étroit (Hugo, Feuilles automne, 1831, p. 717)

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Dans ce cas, l'indicateur signale la célébrité du texte cité. D'autres citations auraient dû bénéficier d'un tel traitement. Rien n'indique par exemple que le texte suivant fait lui aussi partie de la « m é m o i r e sociale banalisée»: (15) Π pleure dans mon cœur Comme il pleut sur la ville (...) Il pleure sans raison Dans ce cœur qui s'écœure (Verlaine, Romances sans par., 1874, p.14)

2. Choix de Lacunes La comparaison avec le Grand Robert et avec Bologne 1989 révèle un certain nombre de lacunes. C'est ainsi que le TLF ne rend pas compte, à l'article perché, du fameux vers de La Fontaine, pourtant présent à l'article corbeau: (16) « M a î t r e corbeau sur un arbre p e r c h é »

De même qu'il cite, à l'article perdu, comme simple collocation un titre qu'il aurait fallu relier à Proust: (17) « à la recherche du temps p e r d u » .

Il manque par ailleurs les bases d'allusions suivantes: (18) « S i x personnages en quête d'auteur» (Pirandello) (19) « L a petite phrase de Vinteuil» (Proust) (20) « L e Festin de pierre/Le convive de pierre» (Don Juan)

3. Emploi Impropre du Terme Allusion Le TLF a tort d'assimiler à l'allusion l'emploi métaphorique de certains mots.C'est ainsi qu'il fait précéder la comparaison (21) « L a jeune femme, (...) sotte comme une p e r r u c h e » (AMIEL, Journal, 1866, p. 540)

du texte suivant: (22) [Dans les comparaisons faisant allusion à la sottise prêtée à cet animal]

De même s.v. pie iB.l.a), s.v. planche I.A. Locutions (2 exemples), s.v. poète A.3.a) + b)

Allusions Littéraires et Citations Historiques dans le Trésor de la Langue Française

39

4. Vers un Trésor des Bases d'Allusions Concernant les allusions, la politique lexicographique du TLF peut paraître étrange.On ne s'étonnera évidemment pas de le voir recenser les citations célèbres qui rentrent dans sa tranche chronologique. Mais quid des citations d'avant 1789 qui sont présentées par le biais de textes auxquels elles servent de base d'allusion? Pourquoi, une fois engagé dans cette voie, notre dictionnaire ne fournit-il pas des textes faisant allusion aux citations célèbres du 19 e et du 20 e siècle? En voici un qui combine d'ailleurs les deux types de bases d'allusions: (23) « E n f i n ARTE parut et la famille étonnée et ravie se hâta de lui faire p l a c e » (Le Monde 2.11.92, combinant « E n f i n Malherbe v i n t » , non encore recensé par le TLF, et « L o r s q u e l'enfant paraît, le cercle de famille applaudit à grands c r i s » , s.v. cercle, cf. renvoi s.v. paraître).

Et pourquoi, pendant qu'on y est, ne pas citer des textes faisant allusion à des locutions tout court? Que l'on compare le délicieux exemple fourni par Jean d'Ormesson dans sa Réponse au discours du récipiendaire (qui est Michel Mohrt): (24) Pierre et Ruth se disputent avec violence dans un hall d'hôtel, lorsqu'elle le prend soudain par la main, elle lui crie: « I m b é c i l e ! » et elle l'entraîne vers les ascenseurs. Le chapitre se clôt en même temps que la porte de l'ascenseur. Expliquez-nous, Monsieur Mohrt, ce qui se passe juste dans cet ascenseur de New-York entre Pierre et la troisième femme. Je crois bien qu'il les transporte jusqu'au septième... étage. (Le Monde 2.3.86, p. XII)

En voilà une belle citation pour l'article ciel (ou septième). Oserons-nous aller plus loin? Pourquoi ne pas citer des textes dont la base d'allusion n'est pas phraséologique mais comportemental? C'est ainsi qu'on imaginerait fort bien le beau texte suivant à l'article flanc du TLF qui pourrait souligner le rapport entre le sens "partie latérale" et celui de "[chez la femme] siège de la gestation "expliquant la lecture orgiaque cachée: (25) Un étrange tremblement a saisi la bâtisse. Cela commence par les moellons enfouis sous les caves, dans les entrailles de la terre. Cela gagne, petit à petit, tout le squelette du monstre et ça se propage, ça monte. Des bouteilles grelottent contre le mur d'une cuisine. Des vitres se prennent à chanter. Ici, là, d'autres voix s'éveillent, entrent dans le chœur, une à une. Présent! Présent! Présent! voilà ce que répondent, à droite, à gauche, en haut, en bas, tous les objets inquiets dont la nature est de frémir. Le grondement s'enfle, s'exaspère. Avec une terreur jubilante, la maison tout entière salue le train hurleur qui lui passe contre le flanc, dans le lacis des rails, au nord. Le vent rabat sur nous les escadrons de la fumée. Une fine poudre de ténèbres va pleuvoir sur les balcons. L'odeur de la houille ardente est entrée par une imposte avec une grosse boule de vent. L'odeur des trains, comme elle est familière! Nul, ici, ne la salue plus d'une pensée, sauf le petit garçon à tablier noir qui monte l'escalier en suçant une bille. (Georges Duhamel, Le Notaire du Havre, Chap. Π)

N e rêvons pas. La réponse aux trois pourquoi est évidente. Le dictionnaire général a pour tâche de fournir des bases d'allusions, non les allusions elles-mêmes qui sont par définition en nombre illimité. Si dans le cas des citations célèbres d'avant 1789 le TLF fournit systématiquement des textes allusifs c'est parce que ce procédé lui semble la seule solution au problème de la synchronie. Manifestement une bonne partie de la langue d'avant 1789 est présente dans la synchronie couverte

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par le TLF. Bien des vers de La Fontaine, de Boileau, de Corneille, de tant d'autres, appartiennent au français d'aujourd'hui où ils fonctionnent comme unités phraséologiques. Ce qu'il fallait démontrer en citant les allusions et non leurs bases. Ceci dit, rien n'empêche qu'un véritable dictionnaire d'allusions aide le lecteur actuel de la presse française à déchiffrer les innombrables artifices de nos journalistes. Bologne 1989, très méritoire, est loin d'être complet, surtout «n ce qui concerne l'index. Prenons l'exemple de l'omniprésent « l e s mots pour le d i r e » tiré encore de Boileau, Art poétique, Chant premier, 153-154: (26) Ce que l'on conçoit bien s'énonce clairement Et les mots pour le dire arrivent aisément

Bologne a indexé les mots bien, clairement, concevoir, et énoncer. Il manque à son index: aisément, arriver, dire, et mot. (Les articles du TLF ne donnent rien non plus). Ce qu'il nous faut c'est en somme une sorte de concordance faite à partir d'un corpus aussi complet que possible des bases d'allusions actuelles. Pour réunir ce corpus il faut la rencontre d'un lecteur assidu de la presse actuelle et d'un grand connaisseur des textes classiques de préférence dans la même personne.

Bibliographie Bologne, Jean-Claude (1989) Les grandes allusions. Dictionnaire commenté des expressions d'origine littéraire. Paris: Larousse. Gorcy, Gérard (1989) Différenciation des signifactions dans le dictionnaire monolingue: problèmes et a méthodes. In Hausmann/Reichmann/Wiegand/Zgusta, 905-917. Hausmann, Franz Josef (1989) Das Zitatenwörterbuch. In: Hausmann/Reichmann/Wiegand/Zgusta, 1044-1050. Hausmann, Franz Josef, Oskar Reichmann, Herbert Ernst Wiegand, and Ladislav Zgusta (1989) Wörterbücher. Dictionaries. Dictionnaires/Encyclopédie internationale de lexicographie. Tome Premier. Berlin. New York: De Gruyter. Hausmann, Franz Josef and Herbert Emst Wiegand (1989) Component Parts and Structures of General Monolingual Dictionaries: A Survey. In Hausmann/Reichmann/Wiegand/Zgusta, 328-360. Heinz, Michaela (1993) Les locutions figurées dans le 'Petit Robert'. Description critique de leur traitement et propositions de normalisation. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Oster, P. (1978) Dictionnaire des citations françaises. Paris: Le Robert Ressi, Michèle (1990) Dictionnaire des citations de l'histoire de France. Paris: Du Rocher. Wiegand, Herbert Ernst (1989) Der Begriff der Mikrostruktur: Geschichte, Probleme, Perspektiven. In: Hausmann/Reichmann/Wiegand/Zgusta 1989, 409-462.

Towards a Theory of the Cultural Dictionary Luis Fernando Lara

0. Introduction In the last few years, Alain Rey has been working on the idea that the "Cultural Dictionary" is "une description lexicographique relativement extensive, soit unilingue, soit utilisant une métalangue didactique [...], d'un ensemble d'unités signes correspondant au discours d'un groupe humain caractérisé et donnant accès à la compréhension de ce discours; cette description s'effectue au moyen d'un appareil portant sur les formes [...] et sur une sélection de contenus, plus ou moins spécifiques de la civilisation ou les civilisations exprimées dans la langue-objet, et recourant plus ou moins explicitement à un materiel discursif (exemples, citations) en partie observé" (1987a: 4). This first definition, which is too wide, takes on a new tone with "on n'entendra pas ici par 'dictionnaire culturel' qu'un sous-ensemble de dictionnaires de langue, le plus souvent unilingue— en Occident et dans les temps modernes—et caractérisé par le type de contenu défini [...] comme philologique ou semiphilologique" (1987a: 9). Such a characterization of the "cultural dictionary" obviously applies to many modern dictionaries; in fact, Rey means, for example, the Oxford English Dictionary

(OED), the Grand

Robert de la Langue Française (GR), the Trésor de la Langue Française (TLF), and I would add the Diccionario

Histórico de la Lengua Española de la Real Academia Española (DHLE), even

though it is yet unfinished. 1 As Rey states, many of the great modern dictionaries are "cultural", due to the fact that they are based on philological data, widely collected over the centuries from multiple sources—mainly literary—and also because they expose specific cultural facts about the linguistic community under consideration. From this standpoint, therefore, the cultural aspect of the dictionaries is not an unknown result of a not-yet-practiced dictionary theory, but is just a new view of the modern unilingual dictionary. The view is new, because the cultural character of the great modern dictionaries, such as those listed above, is either traditionally conceived as obvious or simply forgotten. When dictionaries are conceived mainly as literary phenomena, its cultural character appears as obvious, since the traditional relationship between literary language and culture does not allow development of any

' The Diccionario de la lengua española of the Academy (DRAE) could also count as a cultural dictionary, if it were not for the unfortunate fact that the method followed in the Diccionario de Autoridades (DA)—origin of the later DRAE—based on quotations, in an early aplication of the "philological principle" that Rey and Delesalle (1979:8) propose, was interrupted in later editions of the academic lexicography, making its most known work short of the required exemplary bases.

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new insight on the meaning of "culture." Then Rey's proposal has no new significance. However, if the information in a dictionary is considered as pure objective information about the world, the cultural character of dictionaries is dismissed. In a very typical movement of Western culture, language is conceived only as a material support, as a simple lable, of "things as they are," turning dictionaries into what we could call "ontological catalogs of things." Facing these ways of conceiving western dictionaries, it is not strange that Rey's proposal requires a more detailed and more illustrated discussion on the part of dictionary theoreticians (the "metalexicographers") and the practitioners of lexicography. I will discuss these two conceptions of the dictionary and the sense of the cultural aspect itself, in order to contribute to the development of a theory of the cultural dictionary that can help contemporary lexicography to improve its products and offer present societies a precious means of knowledge.

1. Defining "Culture" Above all, we need a better definition of what we understand by "culture". Rey (1987b: 2423) distinguishes two extremes on a definition of "culture": the first derives from Herder and Schlegel, according to whom culture is "l'ensemble des aspects intellectuels, esthétiques et éthiques d'un groupe humain bien identifié, d'abord appliqué à une nation ou à une ethnie", of which, "les aspects matériels, techniques de la vie socialisée, les habitudes concrètes sont exclus"; and the second comes from North American cultural anthropology (Rey 1987b: 245), "basé sur une série d'hypothèses très générales, sinon généralisantes, et sur une definition extrêmement englobante du concept de culture comme ensemble systématique des formes acquises de comportement dans toute société humaine, incluant outre la symbolique sociale consciente, les croyances et les valeurs assumées, les normes sociales, mais aussi les habitudes matérielles de toute nature, les comportements les plus variés, pour peut qu'ils soient socialisés et portent la marque d'une symbolique. Selon une telle definition, une culture englobe tout le système de valeurs dominantes et des modes de comportement d'une société, et par example les techniques, les habitudes corporelles, etc." In both of these extreme definitions, language plays a central role, since it represents culture. But obviously it is not the same to start off from one or another definition to consider the cultural aspect of a dictionary. If one starts from the definition of cultural anthropology, every fact of a language has a cultural burden by itself, and, thus, a description of the language of a society is enough to make a cultural dictionary. If one starts from the definition of German Romanticism, the only section of the language that leads to culture is that of intellectual expression; in such case, the cultural dictionary could only have the language of literature, philosophy, and possibly, a part of science, as its object.

Towards a Theory of the Cultural Dictionary

43

A better definition can probably be achieved if one establishes, first, a distinction between the intellectual scientific contexts of both definitions of culture, and then a new definition of culture that can be more adequate to the linguistic phenomenon that we are dealing with. The cultural conception of anthropology is the result of its origin in the study of the preColumbian American, African and some Asian peoples, about whom there is no historical documentation that allows us to recognize a symbolical development of the social experience. So it is possible only to consider that the current state of their customs, their values and their symbols are part of their culture by definition. This conception of culture is, therefore, aprioristic, descriptivist, positive 2 and ideologically combative. The "cultural dictionary" that this view produces will consequently not be able to be anything other than an interesting catalog of words, waiting for an interpretation that specifies the cultural aspect of the symbols, values, customs and techniques they transmit—a task of the anthropologist, or even better, of the contemporary descendants of these peoples. 3 On the contrary, the definition born from Herder and Schlegel agrees with the recognition of values and symbols that translate themselves in modem and successive states of the intellectual life of the European societies. It is an historically-sensed, finalist, and, in certain cases, elitist definition. For this conception, it is the intellectual life that represents the major development of values and symbols of a society; it is not strange that it treats its material and technical aspects with disdain, as corresponding only to practical and daily activity, lacking an historical and cultivated process of development. It is easy to see that the great language dictionaries of which we have spoken previously enter this conception of culture, limited by the literary language, since, as Rey (1987b: 248) states, "le discours littéraire, en particulier, étant plus varié, plus différencié que tout autre, incarne un maximum de valeurs symboliques et de valeurs culturelles." 4 Alain Rey chooses a position which is nearer to that of Herder and Humboldt, but does not eliminate these daily aspects of the material and technical behaviour of a society, even though, at the time of defining which aspects are and which are not considered cultural, he takes the whole matter in a strictly linguistic and methodological way, in which the criteria of the decision-making is not clearly exposed, but leave barely a remainder of what was previously excluded: gramatical 2 We must not discard, in the descriptivism of the cultural anthropology, an important epistemological contribution from the positivism of the beginnings of the Twentieth Century. 3 It may be worth pointing out that this conception of culture is the one that gives rise to the supposition that every way of life, conceived as habits and behaviours, supposes culture, and that there are as many cultures or "subcultures" as social groups with certain characteristics. The practical consequence of this conception is that it gives place to the multiple spurious revindications of "cultural differences" on the part of groups which are more interested in obtaining political and economical earnings, or that are interested in avoiding obligations, than in affirming the right to a group of conceptions and owned values, worked on through time and gifted with an ethical trascendence. 4

We must not leave out the normative character the literary discourse has, which corresponds to another dimension of western cultures: the meaning of model of the language, first established by the classical authorities— in the sense of the Spanish lexicography—as the Latin culture did, and afterwards, by the literary authorities, already with the ambiguous modern sense of "authority", that mixes the example of an author with his decision of leading the uses. (Cf. Lara 1990:157-162.)

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words,

functional verbs,

m a x i m u m frequency words, and in general, every syntactic and

semantic characteristic of the vocabulary (Rey 1987b: 246), that according to his judgement, has no cultural dimension, although "si une remarque sociologique vient commenter une différence entre langues (par example dans une étymologie) ou entre usages, il s'agira bien de contenu culturel". As the reader will see later on, the method is decisive in revealing the cultural part of a language, but the theoretical level in which the discussion of what culture is, demands first a search for a solution in that level, and only later an introduction of the general layout, the lexicographic methods, and the techniques with which a semantic or pragmatic differences of a cultural character in the lexicographical material can be recognized. If, on the contrary, another conception of culture and its relation to language is proposed, it is possible that the importance of that new view of the cultural dictionary proposed by Rey can be better revealed. The thesis that a language, in its social and historical reality, is the means par excelence to communicate information among the members of a community, and at the same time, to limit what, in their experience, is worthy of being shared, belongs to the bases of the theory of language. The language in that way goes beyond the systematic and formal skeleton that has interested so exclusively the linguistics of the twentieth century, to the consideration of its ability to express the permanent symbolic, analytic differentiating, functional and reflexive activity of human beings. When the members of a society share their experiences in order to improve their lives, they use their resources of repeating the experiences that are important, of analyzing the elements that form them, of distinguishing their tones in their variety, of maximizing them metaphorically, and, later, of incorporating them in the memory and education of the rest of its members. This cultivation in the agricultural, handcraft, industrial, scientifical, sentimental, social, political, judicial, artistic, religious, etc. is what constitutes culture. And the language is the best vehicle to fix it, to remember it, to teach it and to improve it. That is why a language turns out to be so crucial in every thought about culture. 5 With this conception of culture and its relationship to language, it is clear that the characteristics of a cultural dictionary come f r o m the theory of culture and f r o m the theory of language that

5

Consequently with the definition of culture that was proposed here, it can be understood that the mistake made by such a global vision of culture as the one of the cultural anthropology consists, then, only in not recognizing that the cultural processes are so selective as the interests of the human beings in relation to all the events that take place in their daily life. Asigning a cultural character to every social fact, to every practical object or to every linguistic phenomenon is equal to denying the main character of the cultivation of experiences in a society. On the other hand, the mistake in the conception of culture as a purely intellectual, aesthetic and ethical fact, consists instead in disdaining the cultivation that is effectively found, for example, in the agricultural traditions, in the astronomical knowledge, or in the popular celebrations of the human societies. Both mistakes can be overcome, and to Alain Rey's wishes, if the emphasis is on the cultivation of the pertinent experiences to the interests of a society and, consequently, on the cultivation of its language—sustantially historical and dynamic facts—and not on the product of that cultivation that, as I have pointed out, when there are no historical data of the language of a community, it results impossible to recognize in its true cultural reality.

Towards a Theory of the Cultural Dictionary

45

support a theory of the dictionary, and that it is not enough to enunciate lexicographic methods and techniques o f treatment of what is cultural to elaborate a truly cultural dictionary. At the same time, the cultural aspect of the great modern dictionaries is not an inherent quality, but up to now has been the effect of a change of view in its interpretation.

2. Culture and Linguistic Theory Culture and the culture of language are, therefore, essentially historical concepts that require a linguistic theory to make them precise and organize them. As Rey notes several times (especially in Rey and Delesalle, 1979: 11-20) the Saussurean dichotomies of synchrony/diachrony and of language/discourse; the Chomskyan dichotomy of competence/performance; and plain linguistic description cannot explain what the cultural dictionary is. Besides, the study of these processes of culture and their manifestation in a dictionary require, in fact, data with certain characteristics, methods of interpretation, lexicographic techniques that are not always practiced and, up to n o w — and herein lies the importance of Alain Rey's proposal—of a different view of what a dictionary is and o f its cultural character. I venture to say that if the great French, English and Spanish dictionaries have a cultural character, it is because of the nature of the linguistic material they present, rather than because of the authors' understanding of that character. Once we have established the theoretical basis of the cultural dictionary, the crucial role of the methods and techniques involved in its development can be better understood. In fact, the theoretical and methodical dichotomies of modern linguistics do not help to formulate the linguistic aspect of the cultural dictionary; indeed, they obstruct it by destroying its necessary unity. Rey and Delesalle ( 1 9 7 9 : 11-12) propose five conflicts created by the dominant linguistic theory to the conception and elaboration of the cultural dictionary. First, the one of the functional description versus description o f evolutions, that deals with the Saussurean oposition between synchrony and diachrony; second, the one o f the description of a unique and fictive lexical competence against the description of social variation and connotations, that leads to the Chomskyan dichotomy between competence and performance; third, the one of the philological usage of a corpus against the construction of a linguistic model which is behind the modern conception of the task of linguistics; fourth, the one of the analysis o f particular real words against the "language" analysis that tends to collide with the Saussurean dicotomy of language and discours; fifth, the one of the analysis of signs against the description of notions, that questions the ontological character that tends to dominate in contemporary semantics. As for the first conflict, a synchronic description is unable to reveal the cultural phenomena manifested in the language of a community, precisely because it deals with historical facts, which are so specific that they can only be perceived if the dictionary is made with philological methods,

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Luis Fernando Lara

based on the presentation of cultural meanings and senses revealed by philology. Let us take as an example the case of the contemporary Spanish word adoratorio. Spanish-speaking people would insist that it means "a place where a divinity is worshipped" and, consequently, it would be worthy to designate a Christian church as much as a mosque, a Buddhist temple as well as a preColumbian pyramid. However, the DRAE 84 defines this word as a "temple in which the American Indians offered cult to some idol" and, as a second meaning, "a portable instrument for travel or outings". This is to say, for DRAE 84 the word adoratorio has, first, a usage referred to history, since the American Indians are not idol-worshippers any more. Why does the DRAE 84 offer that definition and not another one more consistent with what many Spanish-speaking people insist they understand? Or, what has happened in the evolution of· the meaning of this word? A synchronic dictionary is unable to answer both questions (in any case, it should not give a definition like the one from DRAE 84, unless it was still the more common one in the Spanishspeaking community), and its definition cannot reveal the cultural value of the word, if it has one. If one looks for the equivalent word adoratory in a contemporary dictionary of English, such as the W3, one will find that its definition is "a place of adoration", but the example that the W3 dictionary adds is "a pagan adoratory", and with this it gets close to the meaning given by DRAE 84. The OED, a philological dictionary—and, according to Rey, a cultural one—notes that adoratory

is a rare word in English and says: "a place of worship: specially applied like the

Medieval Latin to those of pagans". It registers this word for the first time in the year 1800 in the translation by M. Keatinge of the Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva España, by Bemal Díaz del Castillo, written in 1568 (published for the first time in 1632): "On the shore they found some adoratories or temples, built of lime and stone, and containing idols made of clay and wood". This use of the word in the fashion of the Latin of the Middle Ages, to designate places of worship for the pagans, that is recorded so late in English and based on a translation from Spanish, is common to the Spanish language, at least since the Fifteenth century, as noted by the corresponding article by the DHLE. But what is remarkable is that its recording is nourished through the sixteenth century—to be precise, in some chronicles of the conquest of America—and does not stop until 1953 (i.e., until the time when the Spanish Academy's data probably arrived before the publication of the DHLE). The cultural dictionary would need to interpret the data offered by the philological dictionary, remarking on the notable fact that the conquerors of America, facing an unknown world, went back to their original social memories, saturated with the religious sense of the Middle Ages, and still full of a Christian Latin sense, to mean their new experiences, which they could only face from the point of view of their culture. The philological dictionaries, like the OED or the DHLE, do not elaborate cultural phenomena, but barely offer the necessary registration to do so. We would have to verify—and for that we would need modern documents, Spanish as well as Spanish-American—whether the generalization of the meaning of the word adoratorio for every

Towards a Theory of the Cultural Dictionary

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place of worship and to any divinity is not due to the following process of the laicization of the Hispanic culture—more in Mexico than in Spain—and not only to the "false" ones, as stated by the Spanish dictionaries.6 A second Hispanic cultural momentum—the contemporary laicism of the Hispanic culture—would be interesting to bring out in a real cultural dictionary. The three following conflicts are more evident, because what is confronted is an abstract conception of the language with the linguistic reality presented to the lexicographer, a confrontation in which, on the one hand, the need of systematicity forces us to consider the language in its virtuality, in its full possibilities, and, on the other hand, the Chomskyan interest in the individual competence and its strictly formal and biological aspects imposed on the language—an individualizing unity and totality radically opposed to the conception of language that exists in lexicography, since lexicography takes language as a corpus of linguistic facts which are real, necessarily social and not individual, fragmentary and heterogenous. If this is a basic characteristic of lexicography, it will then be even more basic as the culture of the language does not proceed by successive totalizations, but by words, by fields, by random interests and by general assent among the individuals of a society, similar to the community of communication defined by Habermas. The last conflict Rey and Delesalle note takes us back to the main difficulty of the cultural dictionary of western cultures: the easy substitution of the analysis of meaning by the description of notions of ontological character, determined by the way in which the western cultures have defined all the characteristics of the contemporary world, making their conceptions universal and assigning to reality, especially through science, a character of the "thing itself', so that words are nothing but mere labels. When this happens—and it is a clearer tendency found in the encyclopedic dictionaries or in those that take as their semic equation the connective to be (Rey-Debove 1971: 188 and Lara 1992)—the meaningful thickness of a culture turns into an ontological transparency of reality. Let us take as an example the case of a little insect, called in Mexico mostly campamocha but also sabio, matacaballos and a dozen other names throughout the country; in Spain it is called santateresa and rezadora1; and in the American regions of Guaranian descent mamboretá; in some French regions it is called prie-dieu,8 and in English soothsayer, although it is its learned name mantis religiosa that is the most dominant in the three languages (English mantis, French mante). In those names there are two dominant interpretations of the peculiar position the insect assumes when stationary; it stands leaning forward, it joins the extremes of its front legs as if they were hands, and rubs them together or spreads them slowly and repeatedly. One interpretation considers 6

Even though the second meaning, "portable fence", that could mean, for example, the little container full of religious images—of the Virgin of Macarena, above all—that include the bull fighters, already widens the meaning of the word to the Catholic cult. 7 Which are the only recorded by DRAE 84, but surely there are many more in the Spanish Peninsula, not different in the least, in the wealth, to the Spanish-American countries. 8 The name is registered alike by the GR and the TLF, but in the entry mante 2 and not as a separate entry (prieDieu appears in those two dictionaries as "reclinatory" only); however, both pay attention to the belief and to the existence of the word quoting Dauzat and a text by Merimée, respectively: "insecte apellé aussi prie-Dieu, religieuse, pour son attitude évocant la prière" (GR).

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48

that it is praying; the other, that it contemplates a given question and signals the answer with one of its legs, as a soothsayer would do. The Greek root of mantis shows that it has been considered as a soothsayer since ancient times, and that is manifested in its English name soothsayer

and in

Spanish sabio ("wise"). The modern learned designation, of a zoologie origin (a "scientific redundance" says the GR), recovers a phenomenon of the Greek culture—a fact that a cultural dictionary ought to point out—as can be seen in these examples, is shared with other European cultures. The names santateresa, rezadora, prie-dieu, etc. do not cease to be an interesting cultural phenomenon by the fact that they are popular, rural or dialectal. The presumed Nahuatl word campamocha and the Guarani word mamboretá also indicate the conception of the fortune teller or sooth-sayer in those two Amerindian cultures, if one can believe the etymologists that have proposed that same meaning, 9 and if we are not dealing with just one more case of European meaning with Indian words. The clear specificity of these designations of mantis shows how different peoples assigned meaning to the insect's characteristic position and how this meaning is related to the development of beliefs which create culture. A cultural dictionary ought to cast light on these processes. However, the DRAE 84, the GR and the TLF disdain the cultural meaning of the words, favouring only etymological descriptions: they substitut meaning with an ontological "description of the thing itself." 10 The real difference between a dictionary that conceives of the words of a language as designations of realities and a cultural dictionary lies in the assumption of a basic cultural relativity that traces the phenomenon of meaning in a language without establishing differences that point towards an absolute ontology or to an ultimate and universally valid criterion of truth. This idea is not far from the ones that have been giving credit to the so-called "ethnoscience"; it is just that name and especially the prefix "ethno-", that has the effect of separating the interest for the meaning of the non-western languages, from the assumption of universality of the western ones. The principle of the cultural dictionary should always be the same, for any language: meaning is a relative phenomenon to every culture. As we can see, the conflicts posed by contemporary linguistic theories can be overcome by a theory of language that stops giving privileges to form, system and the biological basis of language, also above all else, based on a radical selection of meaning as a constituent phenomenon of the languages, as opposed to the ontologizing efforts of modern formal semantics. Contemporary lexicography is able to elaborate that theory of language.

" W e need to see if, as Robelo suggests (1912) and Becerra states (1954), the same conceptualization of the mantis religiosa among the Nahuatl and the Guarani is totally independent from the European one, in which case we would be dealing with an extraordinary case of coincidence between cultures so foreign to each other as the European and the Amerindian. * 0 The O E D rescues the cultural fact, but only under the label "superstition", and that has the immediate effect of confronting the meaning with "the truth", reinforcing the entomological description as the only possible meaning.

Towards a Theory of the Cultural

Dictionary

49

3. Methodology of the Cultural Dictionary Below the theory of language and the linguistic theory, the theory of the cultural dictionary must consider three basic points of its method: the type of recorded material it requires; the role of the lexicographer in its elaboration; and the reconstructive aspect of the lexicographical article. Rey insists on the application of the "philological principle" in the elaboration of the cultural dictionary. As shown in previous examples, such a principle is a fundamental constituent of that kind of dictionary. But not only should it meet the requirement of enough historical records of the meanings of a word through time—a need that covers all the great modem monolingual dictionaries on which Rey bases his proposal—but besides, it demands an explanatory elaboration of its evolution that will necessarily have to be based upon a hypothesis of a hermeneutical and general character, well nourished by the knowledge of history in general, of the history of culture, and the history of ideas. It is that possibility of a cultural explanation of the dictionary that makes it different from simple descriptive catalogs, generally lacking a true interest in the meaningfulness of the words they include, produced by linguistic anthropologists and ethnolinguists for nonEuropean languages. The recorded material, consequently, must come from all sectors of the language and not only or almost exclusively from literary texts. All words can contain culture and the cultural lexicographer will only be able to determine which words manifest it better after analyzing all kinds of documents. If one understands culture as proposed above, its vehicles can be high frequency words, prepositions as well as words from the technical traditions, as much as words specifically joined to the development of thought, as art, freedom, moral, etc. We cannot obtain explanations of this kind if we do not take into account the role of the lexicographer in the development of his work. The lexicographer not only gathers word recordings, but also acts upon them to achieve a truthful explanatory reconstruction of the meanings of each word. Upon this basis the result of each construction is bigger and of a different quality than that which the recordings offer. The lexicographical reconstruction is, therefore, more than a description. It becomes a complex text, in the sense of its major analytical power in relation to the social knowledge of the language, as much as in its capacity to establish conditions of validity on the discourse of knowledge. That is why the role of the lexicographer must be taken into account in the general method of lexicographical work. The linguistic formation is not enough; we also need a wide historical preparation and a capacity of erudition similar to that of the etymologist. Naturally, from the moment in which the lexicographer abandons the relatively more secure procedure of setting philological recordings in the lexicographic article, along with carefully neutral definitions, to then interpret the studied meanings in a cultural way, he runs the risk of doing a sloppy work, deriving into ideological discourse and in that way invalidating his dictionary. The

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50

discourse of the cultural dictionary becomes a powerful vehicle of subjectivization of the culture. That is why it is indispensable to develop effective critical procedures, that can socially validate this new kind of dictionary. As we have seen, a cultural dictionary defined in the way in which I have proposed has not been written yet, and, therefore, it is not possible to offer complete examples of its final aspects. It will surely not compete with the known dictionaries, but would offer another kind of discourse upon the words, and it would be up to society to decide how pertinent and useful it could get to be.

4. Conclusion The most remarkable effect of every lexicographic work is the way in which it becomes a part of the culture of the language, and many times directs it. The sole fact that the presentation of the philological data and the detailed and finely shaded definition of the words give the words contained in the dictionary a notable presence to the reflection of the public opinion about the language, also makes the lexicographic discourse abandon immediately its reflective character about the language, to be a part of the language itself, in its major meaningful potency. The dictionary becomes then a part of the culture of the language itself, 11 adding to the culture it deals with: that is to say, the dictionary becomes updated in relation to the culture of language, and as a cultural phenomenon itself. If this happens with any dictionary, the effect of a cultural dictionary upon its society must be even greater. Hopefully we will be able to see one of these someday.

References Becerra, Marcos E. (1954) Rectificación y Adiciones al Diccionario de la Real Academia Española. Colegio de México Diccionario de la Lengua Española. (1984) Madrid: Real Academia Española. Diccionario Histórico de la Lengua Española. (1964) Dirigido por Julio Casares. Madrid: Real Academia Española. Lara, L. F. (1990) Dimensiones de la lexicografía. A propósito del Diccionario del español de México. México: El Colegio de México (1992) "La ecuación sémica con ser y significar, una exploración de la teoría del estereotipo", en: R. Barriga et al.. Reflexiones lingüísticas y literarias, v. I, El Colegio de México, 211-230. Le Grand Roben de la Langue Française. (21986) Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la langue française, dirigido por Alain Rey. Paris: Le Robert.

1 1 Which is not the same thing as to integrate the materials of a dictionary with the textual recordings of words during the elaboration of a new one, and that is fairly censored by Rey and Delesalle on the matter of certain procedures practiced by the TLF (Rey and Delesalle 1979:18, n. 10). The semantic analysis has to operate with two absolutely different times: the first one, dedicated to the exploring of contexts of usage of a word, in which mention contexts of the word are clearly separated and are excluded from the analysis (a procedure which is a part, in fact, of the hermeneutical process of detaching oneself from a language, which every lexicographer-speaker must practice), and the second, in which the contexts in which words are mentioned—of which the articles of a dictionary are a part—are incorporated as witnesses of those usages to verify the obtained analysis and, later on, if that is the case, are taken into account in the reconstruction of the meaning that the cultural dictionary offers.

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Rey, Alain (1987a) "Le dictionnaire culturel", Lexicographica, 3, 3-50. (1987b) "La notion de dictionnaire culturel et ses applications", Cah.Lex., 51.2, 243-256. Rey, Alain and Delesalle, Simone (1979) "Problèmes et conflits lexicographiques", Langue Française, 43,4-26. Rey-Debove, J. (1971) Étude linguistique et sémiotique des dictionnaires françaises contemporains. La Haya: Mouton Robelo, Cecilio A. (1912) Diccionario de aztequismos. Colegio de México The Oxford English Dictionary. (1933; 21989) Oxford: Clarendon. Trésor de la Langue Française. (1971) Paris: TLF Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language. ( 1966) Unabridged. Directed by Philip Gove, Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster.

The Spindle or the Distaff Winfred P. Lehmann

0. Introduction In the definitive work on lexicography by the honoree, the second edition of which we await with some impatience, we find among other aims to be noted by members of the lexicographical profession the "interest of the user in the facts of the respective language itself" (Zgusta, 1971:17). Somewhat later in his general remarks the author opens a potential loophole for the lexicographer in attempting to achieve this goal by characterizing the work as "an activity in which tradition plays a great role [because of] the sheer impossibility to change things, methods, and procedures once settled and decided on" (1971:19). Tradition, as is well-known may etch patterns in the minds of even the most scrupulous scientist, though possibly not as deeply as the rules of an ideology. Yet it may prove almost as hazardous for linguists, including lexicographers, in their efforts to present the "facts" of a language. As such it may skew a dictionary away from the characterization admired by our honoree as "a systematically arranged list of socialized linguistic forms compiled from the speech-habits of a given speech-community and commented on by the author in such a way that the qualified reader understands the meaning ..." (1971:197). While not pursuing initially the central theme of this volume celebrating the distinguished career of the honoree, I verge towards it by first noting one of the shortcomings in the lexicographical area that may be laid at the feet of tradition.

1. Cultural and Ideological Stances in Etymological Dictionaries My title stems from a definition discussed at some length in Barber's excellent book, Prehistoric

Textiles

(1991:264). Examining the Greek for the technology she notes that

ήλακοίτη is defined as 'distaff while she has determined it to mean 'spindle.' Her discovery of this definition in the authoritative Greek dictionary of Liddell and Scott leads her to the somber conclusion 'that we have to rebuild the dictionaries written by people who knew nothing about spinning.' Barber demonstrates that the meaning must be 'spindle' by referring to its use in texts, such as the Odyssey 4:125-35, where a servant brings Helen two objects, "a silver work-basket and a golden ή λ α κ ο ί τ η " Pointing out that one cannot spin with a distaff, Barber finds in Homer --as well as in Euripides—incontrovertible evidence for her definition. Yet Cunliffe (1984) in the

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Winfred P. Lehmann

standard Homeric desk dictionary, gives only the meaning 'distaff.' Even more remarkably, Veneris and Chadwick (1973) in the second edition of their comprehensive work on Mycenaean Greek, define ήλακοίτη as 'distaff, ' adding a reference to Odyssey 4:135+ in their entry to a-raka-te-ja, which they define as 'spinning-women' (1973: 533). The British tradition seems to have considerable strength. When, on the other hand, one consults the German counterpart of Cunliffe, Kaegi (1904), or other German dictionaries of Greek, the term is defined as 'Spindel' not 'Spinnrocken.' This definition is also found in nineteenth-century German dictionaries, such as Suhle and Scheidewin's of 1875, which was obviously available to Messrs. Liddell and Scott for their later editions, as well as to the replacements of the two authors in subsequent editions. Since the preface to the first edition of Kaegi's work is dated 1873, there is very little chance that it, like Suhle and Scheidewin's, was unavailable to Cunliffe. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that our honoree characterized his field accurately in giving tradition a "great role" in its operations. If such traditions are maintained in a given linguistic, or political area, and such an area comes to adhere to a specific ideology, the apprehension that apparently directed the editors of this work to the announced topic may lead to departures from normal views in dictionaries, as well as to skewed entries. The recent undertakings in Germany, when divided, to produce etymological dictionaries, one a further edition of the standard Kluge dictionary, the other an undertaking by an Autorenkollektiv led by Pfeifer (1989), virtually guaranteed a pre-arranged example for such a result. Hermodsson has published an excellent review article on the two works (1991). Discussing them in the context of recently published etymological dictionaries, he deals largely with their editorial choices of form and content. But he also includes a brief paragraph on "Zeugnis von den absurden politischen Verhältnissen von damals." Here he cites the definition by the Autorenkollektiv of Arbeiter and Elendung, including in his citation the statement that Arbeiter bezeichnet sowohl den ausgebeuteten Lohnarbeiter unter kapitalistischen Verhältnissen also auch den von Ausbeutung befreiten und der herrschenden Arbeiterklasse angehörigen Werktätigen nach der sozialistischen Revolution (Autorenkollektiv 1989:71)

Hermodsson concludes the paragraph with the droll comment that such statements will probably have a certain historical curiosity in the future (1991:231). Like Hermodsson we might expect an etymological dictionary to be free of any bias, for it deals largely with well-attested facts that should have been purged by age from ideological perversions. If, therefore, perversions in the scientific analysis of language were to be absent in any of its pursuits, the supposedly dry arenas of etymology might be expected to make up the most likely segment. Yet unfortunately the chaste field of lexicographers like Sigmund Feist, Friedrich Kluge and Walter Skeat, among others, may be sullied by ungoverned extensions of ideological views.

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The Spindle or the Distaff

Citation of a large number of examples would try the patience of readers and editors alike. We may refer first of all to a few entries that might be expected to avoid ideological blemishes, and then to central terms in an ideology that could hardly escape them. Such a neutral word is Dame, which, moreover, in these days of feminist scrutiny we might well expect to be treated with extraordinary caution. When we compare the brief definitions, often little more than attempts at identification of an entry, we find in the former West German area simply 'vornehme Frau' (Seebold 1989: 126). In the East German counterpart, on the other hand, it is defined as "'Frau von Bildung und gepflegtem Äußeren,' heute allgemein höfliche Bezeichnung für eine weibliche Person." While at first sight innocuous, the East German definition brings with it a hint of proletarian concern. The aim of the members of the Autorenkollektiv to locate the ambit of the word, if one may call on the terminology of one of the foremost practitioners in etymology today (Malkiel 1990: 220), in the social and economic situation throughout its period of existence in German becomes quite apparent in their further account of the word. Ende des 16. Jhs. wird frz. dame ins Dt. entlehnt, ist in der Bedeutung 'geliebte Frau, Herrin' zunächst Modewort der höfisch-galanten Dichtung (wie Kavalier und Galan, s.d.) und seit Mitte des 17. Jhs. die übliche Benennung für Frauen des Adels; auf bürgerliche Frauen wird es erst gegen Ende des 18. Jhs. angewendet. Daneben tritt im 17. Jh. die (wohl durch Euphemismus entstandende) Bedeutung 'Geliebte, Mätresse, Dirne' auf (so auch das Deminutivum Dämchen), die in der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jhs. erneut gebräuchlich wird (1989:251-2).

To be sure, Seebold concludes his entry by stating: "Es wird als Wort höfischer Kreise gegen etwas älteres Frauenzimmer

(s.d.) durchgesetzt." But this straightforward Statement lacks the

extensive attention to the classes that adopted the word and modified its meaning; that attention might well alert us to comparable treatment of terms that can scarcely be uttered without reference to their social and political values. If we pursue the directions in the definition of Dame to examine other words such as Kavalier, we find that the entry for it (817-18) is treated almost as fully by the Autorenkollektiv as is Dame, in contrast with a simple paragraph of ten lines in Seebold's work (364). Greater widening of the differences between the two traditions, if they persisted, might be assumed from the treatment by Seebold of Dame in games like chess as a separate entry, while the Autorenkollektiv includes it in the single entry. Another inference concerning possible differences in a continuing tradition may be drawn from the variation in the times given for introduction of the word into German, Seebold assigning it to the 17th century and the Autorenkollektiv to the end of the 16th. Further entries that might be assumed to be neutral betray more strikingly the possibility of widening differentiation, and the sources of influence. Seebold fails to include at all the term Dederon, which we learn is a "gesetzlich geschützter Handelsname für Polyamidfaserstoffe in der DDR (50er Jahre 20. Jh.), Kunstwort aus DDR (DeDeR)

und -on, der Endung zur

Bezeichnung vieler Chemiefasern nach dem Vorbild von Nylon (s.d.)"'(261). We may understand the absence of Dederon in Seebold's dictionary because it also fails to include Nylon; but since a

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Winfred P. Lehmann

large number of technological terms have been incorporated in it, Dederon probably escaped entry through its primary use in the other ideological sphere. Such an assumption is strengthened when we observe that Datsche 'dacha' is also absent in the Seebold dictionary. Datschi Obstkuchen' on the other hand is included in his dictionary as a Bavarian term but is absent from the dictionary of the Autorenkollektiv. We then are fully prepared for contrasts, such as that between Seebold's definition of Ding in the Germanic dialects other than Gothic as 'Vertrag, (festgesetzte) Versammlung' in contrast with the competing definition by the Autorenkollektiv as 'germ. Volks- und Gerichtsversammlung [...].' They then explain that the subsequent broader meaning, as in 'thing,' may be observed in Old High German where it reflects the social changes after the period of the Völkerwanderung, as illustrated in the founding of the Frankish feudal state, which led to the disintegration of the former people's assembly. Of such political developments that are in accord with the Marxist view of history we read nothing in Seebold's definition. On the face of it, the terms cited so far are politically neutral. Yet they include indications of political differences; these are prominent in definitions and treatments by the Autorenkollektiv of terms referring to statecraft. It is hardly surprising that Demokratie is treated differently in the two dictionaries. The definition given by Seebold represents the word as referring to a "Regierungform mit vom Volk in allgemeinen Wahlen bestimmter Regierung" (134); this is followed by a brief account of its origin, and a statement that the word received its current political meaning through the French revolution, having been used earlier as a purely theoretical concept. The treatment by the Autorenkollektiv on the other hand extends through almost two columns (267-68), beginning with the definition '"Herrschaft der Mehrheit eines Volkes, Staat mit demokratischer Regierungsform,' meist ungenau oder vereinfachend mit 'Volksherrschaft' wiedergegeben." After virtually contradicting Seebold's definition in this way it cites Engels as having pointed to the connection of the meaning with classes, leading to differences like direct, representative, and parliamentary democracy or "bürgerliche bzw, sozialistische Demokratie, und in Zusammensetzungen wie Volksdemokratie (1947)," which they explain as based on a Russian phrase. We are then fully prepared for reference to Engels in the treatment of such further words as Dialektik, which Seebold simply defines as 'Kunst der Gesprächsführung' (140); the Autorenkollektiv go on to materialistische,

objektive and subjektive Dialektik thereupon

providing Engels's definition (279-80). After noting the ideological preferences in the work of the Autorenkollektiv we are well prepared to find entries on such words as Sowjet and Subbotnik that are absent in the Seebold work. Moreover, we might well expect references to Marx and Engels in the work of the Autorenkollektiv and their absence in the Seebold dictionary, as under the terms Proletarier and Revolution ; but we may then also expect these authorities to be listed in the set of references (1989:xv-xxiii); apparently they belong to a higher sphere of authority, acceptable even though

57

The Spindle or the Distaff

the location of their comments on lexical items may not be necessary for inclusion in the bibliography. More telling for ideological bias than a straightforward account of the background of a term like Revolution is its interpretation by these authorities, as when a sentence is included explaining that: "Marx sieht in der Revolution einen notwendigen historischen Prozeß" (1989: 1422). The ideology is further clarified for us in the treatment of the word Rasse. Here we leam at some length about its 'unscientific' use. "In Anlehnung an die unwissenschaftliche Vorstellung von der Ungleichwertigkeit der Rassen (vgl. 'Essai sur l'inégalité des races humaines' Gobineau 1853) entwickelte der dt. Faschismus eine Rassentheorie

bzw. -ideologie,

mit der er die

Ausbeutung, Unterdrückung and Vernichtung bestimmter Völker oder ethnischer Gruppen zu rechtfertigen suchte" (1989: 1374). The contrasting examples given above may have been adequate to indicate effects of ideological skewing, even in an etymological dictionary. Among further examples we might note Faschismus—which

is treated at some length in Seebold (203-04), though with an attempt at

using neutral terms—or even Ideologie,

which lacks a separate entry in Seebold, being listed

under Idee. By the Autorenkollektiv we are instructed as follows after citation of the definition by Marx and Engels: "Da allein die sozialistische Ideologie auf der Erkenntnis der objektiven gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungsgesetze beruht, sind voraufgehende Ideologien notwendig unwissenschaftlich" (726). We must leave it to the reader who so wishes to pursue the implications of this statement, as in examining it by the definition of objektiv : "unabhängig vom Subjekt und seinem Bewußtsein existierend, tatsächlich vorhanden, der Wirklichkeit gerecht werdend, sachlich, vorurteilsfrei" (1190).

Recent events have probably interfered with the

continuation of the tradition in which the Autorenkollektiv worked, and also with the likelihood of the projected ideology, however unprejudiced in its own estimation, in portraying the background of the vocabulary of German. The duration of other ideologies, however, may not be so brief.

2. "Correctness" as a Cultural and Ideological Notion Such a long-standing ideology has had a considerably different effect, with users rather than lexicographers directing the course of dictionaries, or even of lexicography. In support of this statement we may note the reception of Webster's

Third New International

in 1961. The

dictionary was greeted by general reviewers with dismay, often combined with derision and rejection. Their reaction is well-documented in the collection of essays assembled by Sledd and Ebbitt (1962). With its sub-title: "a casebook on the aims of lexicographers and the targets of reviewers" the book reprints essays with titles like: "The Death of Meaning" (53-54), "Webster's lays an Egg" (121-22), "Anarchy in Language" (200-01), "Keep Your Old Webster's" (125-26),

Wwfred P. Lehmann

58

as well as reasoned articles by scholars attempting to inform users on lexicographical procedures. Nonetheless, the effects of the widespread condemnation were ruinous for lexicographical research in this country as well as for continued publication of dictionaries in accordance with well-established practices. The ideology underlying the intense criticism is one of the 'correctness' movements that seem to characterize American culture. The background of that ideology was well documented by Leonard (1929). It started in England during the 18th century when the middle classes, equipped with growing wealth, set out to move upward socially into the realms of the nobility. A ready means to achieve the objective—marrying daughters to sons of impecunious members of the nobility-could be thwarted if the young lady spoke an idiosyncratic form of the language. Speech teachers flourished, set standards, and the King's English was secured. As was the notion of correctness in language. Without recapitulating the account of its progress, we may note that the ideology was continued, and strengthened, in this country as wave after wave of immigrants wanted their sons and daughters to move upward to the same plane as the sons and daughters of the Cabots and the Lodges. In contrast with England, here the school teachers flourished. Evidence for the maintenance of the tradition scarcely needs to be furnished to anyone who has observed the political advantages of a highly valued form of pronunciation, like John F. Kennedy's, or the disadvantages of speech of lesser esteem as used by an earlier Democratic candidate for the presidency, Alfred Smith. And any alert graduate of our schools could supply examples, like the requirement that the pronunciation of aunt be shifted away from that of ant, of (rural) route away from that of a rout in battle, and of course the damaging use of ain't. Sane instructors might point to the pattern of negative auxiliaries, like isn't, aren't, can't, and so on, with a gap only for the first person present of the auxiliary. Or they might recall that formal British speech includes the word, with slightly different pronunciation. The taboo was unmercifully monitored. It is also clearly evident in the editorial comments on the dictionary. Of those reprinted by Sledd and Ebbitt, five include 'ain't' in titles such as: Saying Ain't Ain't Wrong: See Webster, (51-52), It Ain't Necessarily Uncouth (54-55). Others condemn its inclusion under different titles, such as: "The Death of Meaning" (53-54). The essay concludes with the paragraph: A dictionary's embrace of the word 'ain't' will comfort the ignorant, confer approval upon the mediocre, and subtly imply that proper English is the tool only of the snob; but it will not assist men to speak truly to other men. It may, however, prepare us for that future which it could help to hasten. In the caves, no doubt, a grunt will do. (54)

The taboos of the pedagogue stigmatized by Mencken are out in full force. Once again the honoree's statement on "the sheer impossibility to change things" is supported, but now by the audience rather than the lexicographer. He has become a harmful drudge.

The Spindle or the Distaff

59

Just how, and why, the taboo against ain't arose may be impossible to determine. Specialists in pronunciation and the history of English have pointed to varying attitudes toward specific usages at different periods. But in some way the patrons of correctness in speech decided that the form was to be excised. Mencken comments on the situation in numerous pages of The American Language and its supplements. He also points out that even the august Fowler was unable to stem the tide, to say nothing of lesser authorities (1945:405-06). In referring more generally to attitudes in this country concerning language, Mencken cites Pickering's statement of 1826 in favor of "correct English, " and goes on to say (1946: 51): His theory is still entertained by multitudes of American pedagogues. They believe as he did that the natural growth of the language is wild and wicked, and that it should be regulated according to rules formulated in England. To this end they undertake periodical crusades against 'bad grammar,' the American scheme of pronunciation, and the general body of Americanisms . . . .

Mencken's fulminations may have been admired, though his recommendations as cited here were not accepted. Among the criticisms of the new dictionary, the most serious flaw for the general reviewers, as we have noted by citing some of their titles, was its recognition that ain't is an acceptable member of the vocabulary. If, like Mencken, we ascribe the attitude to the influence of pedagogues, those inculcating it must have been among the most extraordinary in the profession for the profound following they found among journalists. Scanning the authors of the articles inveighing againt ain't, who published them in our leading newpapers and journals, we might on the other hand lay the notion of correctness at the feet of many other members of American society than the excoriated pedagogues. Ideology, then, may not only skew the work of lexicographers but also interfere with their task, as it is seen by our honoree, i.e., to prepare "a systematically arranged list of socialized linguistic forms compiled from the speech-habits of a given speech-community ...." In a society determined to direct its course along firmly regulated lines, it may be prudent to modify the negative of the adjective in Johnson's frequently cited characterization of the lexicographer as a "harmless drudge."

For if "over 100 staff editors—most of whom are scholars—and 200

consultants [who] poured 757 editor-years" into a dictionary that is repeatedly reported to have cost $3.5 million and weighs thirteen and a half pounds produce a work that is harmful to "the machinery of understanding," while casting "the mantle of its approval over another example of corrupted English" [passages quoted from the essays in Sledd and Ebbitt cited above], the occupation characterized by our honoree may be somewhat more hazardous than it has seemed to its members. We may hope that he evades such dangers as he pursues his career; also, that he may propose means for his colleagues to avoid dangers from their own traditions as well as that from the speech-community in which they do their work. Through recent events it has become apparent that ideologies "once settled and decided on" can be modified in some areas of human affairs, and accordingly the lexicographers of the future may enjoy more serene conditions as well as achieve their admirable goals, if they, their sponsors and their audiences continue to

60

enjoy judicious guidance from

Winfred P. Lehmann

a colleague who has set goals and provided exemplary

handbooks for his profession.

References Barber, E. J. W. (1991) Prehistoric Textiles. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Cunliffe, Richard John (1924) A Lexicon of the Homeric Dialect. Glasgow: Blackie. Hermodsson, Lars (1991) Deutsche etymologische Lexicographie aus West und Ost. Review article. Studia Neophilologica, 62,223-33. Kaegi, Adolf (1873; 101904) Autenrieths Schulwörterbuch zu den homerischen Gedichten. Leipzig: Teubner. Kluge, Friedrich (1883; 22 1989) Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, edited by Elmar Seebold et al. Berlin: deGruyter. Leonard, Sterling Andrus (1929) The Doctrine of Correctness in English Usage, ¡700-1800. New York: Russell and Russell. Liddell, Henry George and Robert Scott (1843;91940.) Λ Greek-English Lexicon, I-II. Oxford: Clarendon. Malkiel, Yakov (1990) Diachronic Problems in Phonosymbolism. Edita and Inedita, 1979-1988. Vol. I. Amsterdam: Benjamins. McDonald, Raven I. (1941) Ain't I and Aren't 1. Language 17.57-59. Mencken, H. L. (1919;4l946) The American Language. Supplement I (1945). Supplement II (1948). New York: Knopf. Pfeifer, Wolfgang and Autorenkollektiv (1989) Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Deutschen. 3 vols. Berlin: Akademie. Sledd, James and Wilma R. Ebbitt (1962) Dictionaries and that Dictionary. Chicago: Scott, Foresman. Suhle, B. and M. Schneidewin (1875) Übersichtliches Griechisch-Deutsches Handwörterbuch. Leipzig: Hahn. Ventris, Michael and John Chadwick (1956; 2 1973) Documents in Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language (1963) Editor in chief, Philip Gove. Unabridged. Springfield, MA: G.&C. Merriam Co. Zgusta, Ladislav (1971) Manual of Lexicography. The Hague: Mouton.

The Principal Categories of Learnèd Words Yakov Malkiel

0. Introduction In several cultural areas there are ancient, or classical, languages that since antiquity have served as a source of constant borrowings that are necessary to meet the need for terminological or other learnèd neologisms. Two outstanding examples of this phenomenon are Sanskrit in India and Latin in Europe. With the exception of tribal languages, all the literary languages of India, irrespective whether Indo-European or Dravidian, have over centuries experienced constant influx of such borrowings from Sanskrit (usually called tadbhava's) that can be recognized by their form. In a similar way, the European languages have heavily borrowed from Latin (more recently also, directly, from Greek as well). Even in languages that are closely related to Sanskrit or Latin, or even—broadly speaking—descend from one of these languages, words thus borrowed are recognizable by their form, which differs from the domestic words by different sound correspondences and derivational suffixes. While all these words belong to the more or less learnèd vocabulary, they belong to different cultural and linguistic epochs; hence, while all of them are recognizable by their forms, they are not completely uniform. In spite of the fact that each lexicological study and each lexicographic work—above all the historical and etymological dictionaries—must be aware of these learnèd borrowings, there remains much to be yet studied, particularly in respect to their categories and types; this article will discuss the area of Latin borrowings into the Romance languages.

1. Earlier Appeals to Categories of Learnèd Words in Key Languages The so-called learnèd conduit of cross-temporal transmission of Latin words into the individual Romance languages (and, on a lesser scale, dialects) as well as into some other tongues constitutes a process reasonably well known to experts for more than a century. Yet, the aggregate of theoretical discussions bearing on the elucidation of this phenomenon has been surprisingly modest. Also, the tone of the debates has, for the most part, been casual; the relevant remarks have been incidental and made in footnotes to historical grammars (in an effort to explain why a certain sound law has seemingly been broken) rather than in dictionaries. As a result of such infelicities, and of many scholars' nonchalant attitude toward the cultural implications of Latinisms, the final

Yakov Malkiel

62

yield of the debates has for the most part been less than adequate. At this point, one can, in a realistic mood, offer here little more than samples of preliminary thinking, in the hope that such thoughts may someday prepare the ground for a thorough reformulation of the entire analysis. Even the terminology available for neatly formulating one's observations in this field shows inconsistencies. To be sure, Fr. mots savants,

G. gelehrtes Wort(gut), E. learnèd words are

fairly close to one another; they also share a certain paleness, giving the impression of representing mere circumlocutions. Sp. cultismo, sponsored and vigorously promoted by R. Menéndez Pidal and his long-influential school ever since the turn of the century, stands somewhat apart: It carries with it the advantage of resembling such crisp labels as arcaísmo and regionalismo, pleasing on account of the succinctness of their message, but suffers from its excessive proximity to culteranismo,

which happens to be a widely accepted tag for a certain literary style close to

Baroque and thus inescapably involves an element of esthetic appreciation. In any event, cultismo, based on culto, overtly stresses the cultural facet of the phenomenon rather than the given word's incompatibility with allegedly unbreakable sound correspondences. All these labels, whatever their level of felicity, fail to do justice to the separate existence of Hellenisms, whether directly absorbed from some variety of ancient (or Byzantine) Greek or adopted by medieval and modern languages via Latin as an intermediary, either pagan or ecclesiastic. The separate question of the proper inclusion, under the broad category of leamèd words, of an occasional Hebraism, such as G. Tohuwabohu '(primeval) chaos', reminiscent of a celebrated passage near the beginning of Genesis, is seldom brought up in such contexts. Worthy of incidental mention is the fact that proper names, whether geographic or personal, are also eligible for the status of learnèd words. Witness Finisterre (strictly, -ae 'the end of land', the name of a French peninsula). Given the plurilingual status of Switzerland, the fairly recent coinage of a supranational name for that country, namely Confoederatio Helvetica (C.H.), must rank as a step forward. Among first names, (María de la) Concepción, as against highly informal Concha, Conchita, is highly characteristic of Spanish. The artificial Latinization of vernacular names (e.g., Friedericus beside Friedrich in older German, in speaking respectfully of a monarch) represents, however, something entirely different.

2. Doublets-Oriented Research; Arrangements by Chronology and Language Inquiries into Latinisms have been seriously interfered with in the past (especially in the 18701940 period) by the vogue of research in so-called doublets (also called doppioni in Italian, Doppelformen

beside Scheideformen

in German, and the like), particularly those involving

semantic differentiation of the partners. In Romance, a pair of doublets preeminently involves two forms, both of them securely traceable to the same Latin prototype, one of them modified upon

The Principal Categories of Learned Words

63

occasion beyond easy recognition, through the impact and interplay of virtually irresistible sound laws, while its counterpart, preponderantly, has remained unmodified except for minor irresistible adjustments to fashions of spelling and pronunciation. It is then argued that the second form has been artificially coined through deliberate adoption (or imitation) of the underlying Latin prototype. A short account of the history of doublets-oriented research was presented elsewhere not so long ago, and it would be pointless to repeat here what has already been established (Malkiel, 1992: 133-148). This sort of investigation, after serving a certain purpose for a while, practically collapsed by the middle of this century, for several reasons (overlapping in part). To cite a few: First, in addition to doublets, sets of triplets (or worse) were discovered before long. Second, in the names of doublets and triplets one indeed could often detect—but not to the point of safe predictability—one learnèd partner, but rival models were also available, e.g., through borrowings from rival dialects and from neighboring congeneric languages. Third, it was far from clear why semantically differentiated doublets and triplets alone were to be recognized as worthy of scholarly attention. In sum, inquiries into doublets deserve retrospective credit, for they occasionally served as eye-openers, but represent a genre of research no longer worthy of continued cultivation. Leamèd words, of varying degrees of formal leamèdness, can be most effectively set off from other categories of lexical units in those languages (not only those of the Romance family) in which gradual oral transmission of the vast majority of widely-used words familiar to average speakers can be taken for granted. That is to say, one of the characteristic features of typical learnèd words is their distinctly shorter lifespan than that of the bulk of lexis. To that extent they remind one of any other subclass of lexical borrowings from neighboring languages still alive. This remark holds particularly true of Latin in its network of lively and intricate relations to its daughter languages, with the further peculiarity that the donor language itself was finely nuanced: classicists know how to distinguish among Archaic Latin, Classical Latin, Archaizing Latin, Early Medieval Latin, Latin Revived by Carolingians, Renaissance and Humanistic Latin, and present-day scientific Latin, all of which, although to different degrees, could have been contributors of Latin-sounding words in modern languages, at successive periods. From this observation it follows that one relatively simple way (provided the raw material has been conscientiously sifted) of classifying learnèd words is to arrange them not alphabetically, but chronologically. The next step might well be an attempt at reconstructing the social/occupational (plus, by implication, educational) scale for the deliberate transmitters of learnèd words in a given culture: medieval scholars, clerics, and translators (besides interpreters), with particular attention required for checking the separate performances of notaries and practitioners of law; chroniclers; doctors and surgeons, steeped in antique sources; theologians, priests, preachers, and commentators; freethinking lovers of Antiquity; as well as humanistically polished scientists. Ordering the instances of the infiltration of Latinisms (or, alternatively, of their large-scale acceptance) in conjunction with the real-life status and the intellectual aspirations of their original sponsors or advocates remains an

54

Yakov Malkiel

ever-present, constantly stimulating possibility—and parenthetic remarks to that effect have, as a matter of fact, been widely dropped, especially among lexicographers. Can it be seriously argued that, within a given language family, certain members are more prone than others to tolerate or even to welcome leamèd formations? This certainly happens to be true of the Romance family, whatever the reason(s) for this idiosyncrasy. The one most sharply profiled language whose writers (and no doubt also speakers) from the start displayed an addiction to using, almost at any cost, solely standard vernacular forms, to the near-exclusion of leamèd variants or satellites, was Old Provençal. One glance at its roster of derivational suffixes shows the troubadours' consistent predilection for -al from -ale (where Old and Modern French waver between -al and -el ); for -eza from -itia in adjectival abstracts, where Old and Modern French are split between -ece /-esse and -ise and where Old Spanish exhibits a rivalry between -eza (in strange preference to -eça ) and -icia\ cf. also OProv. -men < -mentu , as in norrimen 'nutrition', tenemen 'ownership', where the member of the (Old) Spanish speech community has had to choose between -mento and -miento. This feature is pervasive and should rank as a characteristic peculiarity of the language, practically devoid of counterexamples. Spanish and Portuguese also lend themselves to such comparisons, with Portuguese often emerging from carefully conducted confrontations as the language more faithful to vernacular variants and Spanish as the one more responsive to leamèd counterparts. Thus, the Lusophones to this day use derivatives in -ança beside others in -ància, from Latin -antia, alongside others, either in -ença or in -ência, from ancestral -entia. Spanish, in contrast, while continuing to have recourse to -ança (spelled -anza at present) beside -ancia, gave up -iença except for vestigial attestation, in favor of -encia.

However, on this occasion there is strong probability of the existence of

counterexamples, so that any generalization runs the risk of turning out to be rash, hence inaccurate. A thorough investigation is, consequently, needed before any potentially useful scale can be established and applied for a variety of purposes. The available textbooks have been consistently silent on this subject.

3. Semi-learnèd Items, Transition to a Quadripartite Pattern: Latin Formulas in Old Romance Texts Is it defensible to invoke the existence of a leamèd lexical layer in languages not directly descended from a prestigious ancestor of the caliber of Latin? With the proper exercise of caution, such indeed seems to be the case. Neat contrast in Doppelformen style must then, as a rule, be foregone, even though Old English and Old High German each had a sprinkling of Latin ingredients (identified in the classical treatises of Jespersen and Frings), a few of which might

The Principal Categories ofLeamèd Words

65

invite comparison with leamèd borrowings. A language like Russian tempts one to focus attention on the contrast between Byzantinisms and a more modernist stratum of Hellenisms. Where Latinisms are involved, they are usually indirect or lateral (see infra). The basic division of learnèd loan-words here favored, simply because it is most profitable for advanced linguistic analysis, should be squarely based on the degree of learnèdness involved in each individual case, i.e. on the sum total of deviations from the ideal product of the given ancestral word—if it can be safely supplied—in the speech community at issue. To put it differently: Did the fruit of the process of change under observation faithfully preserve every single feature of the model-the radical, the affixes, the inflectional endings, the architectural design of the prefixeseven if this show of loyalty to the heirloom implied a clash with the broad trend of modifications? In that event, the item caught by the analyst's lens is indeed a full-fledged "cultismo." If such is not the case and if, as a result of this discrepancy with one's expectations, only a partially leamèd form is available to us for inspection, what ingredients can preponderantly be attributed to the learnèd layer? Some thinking along this meandering line underlies the traditional separation of socalled "semi-learnèd" items (all too often a grievous misnomer) from their (allegedly) fully-learnèd counterparts; cf. G. halbgelehrte Bildungen, Sp. semicultismos, etc. One advantage of this strictly formal analysis is that, in the end, there remain fewer lacunae than through application of rival methods. If late-19th-century scholarship, then, operated preferably with bipartition of lexis (vernacular vs. learnèd descendants of Latin prototypes of Romance words) and its 20th-century sequel opted instead for positing an edifice of tripartition (contrasting learnèd and partly learnèd [semilearnèd] items with others, that exhibited no traces of retardation), the approach of a new century at the present juncture may be a good excuse for trying out a quadripartite pattern. Using the growing distance from Latin as a suitable yardstick, one may indeed set off as many as four strata: (a) Words echoing, with the maximum fidelity then attainable, the entire Latin words, or combinations of words, with equal attention to radicals and all morphological ingredients, afGxal and inflectional elements alike; (b) Latin words with partial adjustments to their new Romance surroundings; (c) Words in part preserved in their pristine Latin shapes, in part allowed to share the normal development into Romance speech habits; (d) Words normally developed from one stage, or shape, into another.

The innovative element here, in the revised schema, is, of course, (a) Philologists have, at all times known that individual Latin words and, especially, phrases occur in medieval writings composed fully in a vernacular, but they have treated the Latin passages, of varying length and accuracy, like any other foreign-language incrustations, using italics for them. Passages such as Ex Oriente lux! can indeed be so treated. But where fragments of sentences or clauses (e.g. individual words, adverbial phrases, and the like) constitute something different, especially in the oldest texts, a short Latin phrase in an archaic Old French text, such as the "Cantilène de Sainte

Yakov

66

Malkiel

Eulalie", which is replete with them, comes close to constituting an appeal to a different social register of essentially the same language. Whereas the older schools of philology invariably had recourse to italics to set off such intercalary passages, one may at present prefer to think twice before having recourse to such drastic division. In attempting to draw a dividing-line between the classes (a) and (b), one should allow oneself to be guided by the spelling rather than by the assumed actual pronunciation of the given word or phrase in Classical Antiquity, as reconstructed by philologists and linguists over the last century and a half. It is arguable that the medical term pneumonia or the phrase in statu nascendi, as commonly pronounced by an educated speaker of English or of French, would not be recognizable as Latin (or as something readily understandable) by the ancients, if they could be admitted to some of our meetings. Similarly, one need not worry about the proximity of modern (the, die ) conditio sine qua non to the way representatives of Roman jurisdiction might have uttered that phrase, a genuine terminus technicus. It is the -ia ending of E. nostalgia that prompts one to class that word under (a), while Fr. nostalgie

deserves to be viewed as belonging to class (b), against the

background of the -ia prototype in Low Latin, which here echoes Greek usage, being a postClassical Hellenism. Recall that those pioneers who originally adopted such fossilized formulas as de iure, defacto, vox populi could not have cared less about vowel length in the Augustan Age.

4. Indirect Transmission of a Learnèd Form Could individual Latinisms, once they had been firmly or loosely adopted by a medieval or modern language, be allowed to move from one of the four categories here established to another? The answer is: Yes, but within fairly rigid limits. A vernacular word, under cultural pressure, thus yields ground to its etymon—as a rule, in a fraction of its semantic nuances, as when status (quo), beside Fr. statu quo, has been re-instated, in small part at the cost of Fr. état, Sp. Ptg. estado, It. stato, E. state, G. Staat, etc.—typically, words classifiable under category (c). By the same token, not a few type-(c) words, superficially viewed, produced the impression of slipshodness among connoisseurs of classical Antiquity and were replaced by corresponding (a) words or (b) words, i.e. by uncompromisingly accurate Latinisms,which produced the impression of greater neatness. Thus, it is difficult to imagine a set of circumstances under which Fr. velléité, a very sophisticated term, could be defensibly shifted from channel (b) to channels (c) or (d). Scattered hints have already been dropped at a process perhaps most suitably tagged indirect (or lateral) transmission of a learnèd form. Thus Russian, in addition to having adopted numerous Byzantinisms (Vavilón

"Babylon', Vifleém

"Bethlehem', F ivy

Thebes'), also exhibits an

assortment of Latinisms and straight Hellenisms: dóktor, proféssor; aptékar', filósov, tema. The underlying etyma are, as a rule, readily transparent and unworthy of any further discussion. More

67

The Principal Categories of Learned Words

rewarding than their bare identification might be the piecing-together of the itinerary of each one. In the overwhelming majority of cases, they were adopted via a detour through German or French (at later dates, also through English or Italian). In terms of geographically projected cultural history, each such lexical contact, if deftly interpreted, can be a matter of heightened interest. In the West, the classic counterpart is the late-medieval and early-humanistic infiltration of untold Hellenisms and Latinisms into English, not infrequently via older French, which proved so influential on Middle English. In the process not a few of such words were subjected to careful scrutiny as to accuracy and authenticity, and some were patiently "corrected." For readily understandable reasons it frequently proves easier to polish and archaize a lexical item in the process of adoption than one already firmly entrenched, whether in colloquial or in literary usage, or else in both. Only meticulous inspection of French, Portuguese, Spanish, and Italian lexical material bids fair to enlighten us on such instances of cross-fertilization. Migratory words and habits of this sort have so far aroused less curiosity among experts in lexical diffusion than have such other witnesses to lexical spread as designations of tools, utensils, containers, or parts of navigational equipment. Again and again, for those who come to grips with such issues, there arises the troublesome problem of multiple causation. Beyond the shadow of a doubt, a puristic attitude on the part of the original spokesmen for the introduction of Latinisms, in addition to a leamèd pose which some of them may have enjoyed striking, was the principal driving force behind the phenomenon. Could there have been independent supplementary motivations? One of them might well have been the evidence of irksome homonymy. A single illustration must suffice. The parent language had two near-homonyms, the adj. mundus, -a, -um 'pure' and the noun mundus, -i 'world'. Both words, to some extent, were replaceable, the former by universum, the latter by purus or limpidus. Whatever the details, including the dialectal evidence, some of which can be cursorily culled from W. Meyer-Lübke's revised etymologicum, it remains a fact that immundus

(i.e., the negative pendant, free from homonymie pressure of the adjective here at

issue) has been distinctly better preserved in the major daughter languages than has been mundus itself, widely dislodged by purus and limpidus. Quite apart from the startling contrast between the stressed vowels of Sp. Ptg. mundo and It. mondo, which awaits further clarification of the blurred Romance outcomes of Lat. u, one detects a special challenge in the unaccounted-for shift from OFr. mont 'world' to mod. monde.

Did the temporary coexistence of mont \ and mont 2

'mountain' (from ancestral mons, montis) constitute a rivalry which produced a need for eventual differentiation through the shift of vernacular mont ι to the category of nearly-leamèd words? Austerely learnèd universu (cf. G. Weltall, R. vselennayaj was spared such vicissitudes. This is just a single word history sorely in need of further elaboration. But it suffices to show that the

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assignment of a word to one of the four channels of transmission here isolated depends not entirely on purely cultural factors.

5. Grotesque Pseudo-Latin Formations Can one seriously claim that a Latinism in a modern tongue (other than one intentionally coined so as to produce a comic effect) can be faulty, i.e. irreconcilably clash with the pattern which it was called upon to support? Such a situation can indeed arise at rare intervals—through unusual concatenations of circumstances (normally, any such slip will be speedily corrected by the uninspired proponent's alert fellow-workers). Take the important Class. Lat. verb sumo, sumpsi, sumptum, sumere, conceivably best translated by some such circumlocution as 'to take deliberately or advisedly'. For reasons of scant relevancy, we have consumption,

presumption,

resumption,

and their counterparts in other

languages. Although Spanish, in various respects, follows this pattern (asumir,

consumir,

presumir, etc.; Asunción, etc.), its speakers balk at the use of expected consunción ' consumption' and, instead, have recourse to consumición, as if consumir had cut loose from the resurrected family of sumere. To the extent that Francophones have allowed consommer (hazily reminiscent of assommer 'to slay') to cut loose from the bundle of -sumer verbs, they may also be charged with having committed a slip. A hint has already been dropped at the existence of grotesque, pseudo-Latin formations, launched in an effort to ridicule certain professions specializing in the invention and use of pompous, pretentious terminology. Medics, surgeons, and lawyers not infrequently were targets of such ridicule. Rabelais' language has already been investigated with such a demonstration in mind, the best-known analysts being L. Spitzer and L. Sainéan. It is difficult to imagine Molière's persiflage of doctors as being entirely free from such parody of their speech habits, including a few polysyllabic monsters allegedly borrowed from Latin as the language of science par excellence.

Lexical Cosmetics Eugene A. Nida

0. Introduction Lexical cosmetics involves the use of words or fixed phrases in such a way as to focus on the positive rather than the negative features of the concepts which the lexemes represent. Although we are accustomed to this in commercial advertising and tend to discount the results, it does not seem quite right for real-estate brokers to sell homes rather than houses, and we soon recognize the motivation of car salesmen who talk about pre-owned cars rather than used cars. We clearly prefer Leisure World and Golden Years Manor to Old Folks Home·, but when brochures describe small apartments for people over fifty as Retirement Estates, the use of lexical cosmetics becomes absurd.

1. Politics The most astute practitioners of lexical cosmetics are probably the politicians who find words to be convenient devices for concealing meaning. The German Democratic Republic could be called Democratic only by draining the word Democratic of all its essential meaning from the time of ancient Greece. The fact that people could vote for a single slate selected by a ruling hierarchy was only a caricature of democracy, but for some people the word carried a feature of legitimacy, which was precisely what the totalitarian regime wished to imply. Calling the East German government the German

Democratic

Republic

was almost as invalid as speaking about

Charlemagne's domains as the Holy Roman Empire, which was not holy, Roman, or an empire. When American politicians used the phrase separate but equal as a rubric for educational and social segregation, they cynically chose words which seemed just but which masked a serious social evil. More recently the abortion issue has given rise to two parallel cases of lexical cosmetics: pro-life and pro-choice, which sound much more positive and acceptable than the realities which they represent, namely, anti-abortion and pro-abortion. Everyone could and should be in favor of life and of choice.

These are positive terms and the prefix pro- always seems

favorable, while the term abortion carries negative associative meanings for almost everyone.

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2. Religion Although we assume that salespeople and politicians will use lexical cosmetics whenever it is advantageous, we may be surprised to see the extent to which this also characterizes certain aspects of religion. The expression Faith Missions is a common way of speaking about programs for overseas missionary activity which is not supported by particular Protestant denominations but by largely para-church societies of individuals who must each raise their own support. The phrase Faith Missions would seem to suggest that the members of such organizations either had or claimed to have unusual faith, but for the most part the phrase refers to the financial structure rather than to any religious reality other than the tendency to be theologically conservative. A closer look at some of the underlying reasons for lexical cosmetics in religion may be helpful in understanding the motivations for using terms which mask certain negative features. For example, the term inerrancy has become a crucial word in doctrinal statements of theologically conservative groups. To claim that the Bible is inerrant is almost a hallmark of churches and societies wishing to be regarded as faithful to the traditional interpretation of the Bible as containing no error of any kind. If it is the Word of God, it must ipso facto be without error. Accordingly, a number of Faith Missions require that members subscribe to the doctrine of biblical inerrancy. What happened at a conference some years ago may be useful in understanding the issues and the underlying motivations for the cosmetic use of inerrancy. A group of biblical scholars, writers, and editors associated with a widely read and theologically conservative journal met together for two days to discuss the use of the term inerrancy in writing about the contents of the Bible in articles appearing in this journal. Some articles had already been criticized by persons of a more theologically liberal orientation, and some writers and editors of the journal had begun to question the appropriate way to characterize the journal's position concerning the infallibility of the Scriptures. For this consultation there were no prepared papers and no recording of the discussions, but an agreement that everyone should speak openly and freely about all the issues and that no one person would later be quoted on any issue. This preliminary understanding was essential in view of the differences of opinion and the emotional overtones of the issues. The chairman stated briefly some of the major topics which might be profitably discussed, and then the group began to deal with various problems without following any strict order. One of the difficulties discussed was the diversity of statistics between (1) First and Second Chronicles and (2) First and Second Samuel and First and Second Kings. For example, in Second Chronicles 3.4 the height of the house built by King Solomon for the Lord is described as being 120 cubits high, while in First Kings 6.2 it is said to be only 30 cubits. In Second Chronicles 8.10 the number of officers appointed by King Solomon to manage his conscripted labor force is given as 250, but in First Kings 9.23 the number is 550. Similarly, in First Chronicles 21.5 the

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number of men capable of bearing arms is given as 1,100,000 for Israel and 470,000 for Judah, but in a parallel passage in Second Samuel 24.9 only 800,000 is the figure given for Israel and 500,000 is the number for Judah. Differences such as these were discussed at some length, but because of certain problems of scribal traditions, some participants decided that in matters of statistics the term inerrancy was simply not applicable. In other words, inerrancy was not a factor in numbers. This view was then recorded on the blackboard as another element in trying to determine the meaning of inerrancy. Another issue was the divergency in New Testament quotations of the Old Testament text, because so many quotations follow the Septuagint Greek text rather than the Hebrew. For example, the Hebrew text of Psalm 104.4 has "who makes the winds his messengers and flames of fire his servants", while the Epistle to the Hebrews has in 1.7 "he makes his angels winds and his ministers a fiery flame", based on the Septuagint. But a number of conferees were also of the opinion that differences in quotations should not be considered as a factor in inerrancy.

They

reasoned that in the case of the Septuagint another Hebrew text might underlie the difference. Therefore, differences in quotations should not be considered in defining inerrancy. Attribution of sources was also discussed. For example, in Mark 1.4 the best Greek texts have "Isaiah" as the source of the following quotation, but the first words of the quotation come from Malachi and only the second part is from Isaiah. Accordingly, early scribes evidently recognized the mistake and changed the text from "Isaiah" to "prophets". These three types of problems, as well as several others, were discussed, and in each case the majority of participants felt that the discrepancies were really not a factor in the definition or use of inerrancy.

But all the participants did agree that the "resulting definition" was substantially

different from what most people would understand by inerrancy. Since, however, some scholars claim that inerrancy applies only to the original autographs, which do not exist, some participants felt they could legitimately use inerrancy, because as one conferee said, "This word is such an emblem of our faith". Certain other persons favored using the term inerrancy if people clearly understood that its meaning was restricted to matters of "faith and morality".

3. Motivations One should not conclude that lexical cosmetics inevitably involves a conscious intent to mislead. Most instances of this process occur when people who favor a particular concept or action instinctively want to talk about it in the most favorable manner. This is certainly what has happened in the case of Faith Missions and biblical inerrancy.

People simply express their

cherished views in the company of those who likewise share the same beliefs and attitudes. But once such expressions are used for a period of time, they establish their own legitimacy and

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authority, and in the case of religious terminology develop a degree of sanctity that is difficult to question or to discuss. Furthermore, since such expressions tend to be used only within a more or less ideologically homogeneous in-group, they serve more as "emblems" than as symbols of thought. It would, however, be quite wrong to suggest that only persons of conservative theological views employ lexical cosmetics. Some more liberal persons apparently believe that using such German terms as Heilsgeschichte

for 'salvation history' and Sitz im Leben for 'setting' enhances

the scholarly validity of their statements. Certain other persons are evidently not content with Greek borrowings such as Paraclete and parousia, which are now in some English dictionaries. They seemingly want to enhance both the mystery and the validity of the New Testament message by using kerugma for 'the proclamation of the gospel' and agape in place of 'love'. But when a preacher talks about the presence of the Holy Spirit as being "a pneumatic experience", he is probably only trying to show that he knows the Greek word pneuma. He is, however, more likely to start the audience thinking about a sale on new tires. Lexical cosmetics is a universal phenomenon designed in most instances either to cover over ideological blotches or to add glow to scholarly pretensions.

PARTII LEXICOGRAPHY IN HISTORICAL CONTEXT

The Roots of Sixteenth-Century Mesoamerican Lexicography Frances Karttunen

0. Introduction1 With the possible exclusion of the initiation of our own atomic age a half century ago, sixteenthcentury contact between the eastern and western hemispheres was undoubtedly the most traumatic human event the world has known. As soon as the contact was made, diseases were let loose in both directions with devastating effect. Conveyed to new parts of the world, plants and animals (including Old World homo sapiens) took over for lack of effective natural controls, and human institutions that survived were radically transformed. It would be hard to find a comer of the world that was not soon touched, for better or for worse, by the shock waves of contact. There was and there remains great genetic, cultural, and linguistic diversity in the eastern hemisphere, but over thousands of years of human history the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Europe had encountered each other time and time again. Nothing the Europeans had seen before quite prepared them for the New World experience, and this was even more true for the indigenous peoples of the Americas. Face to face with each other in the throes of profound culture shock, each side seriously doubted that the beings they confronted were truly human. This boded ill for communication, and yet the sixteenth century, in spite of the wholeseale destruction it witnessed, also saw the completion of marvels of ethnographic and linguistic investigation. Among them were the great encyclopedia of Aztec history and culture compiled by the Franciscan, Bernardino de Sahagún (1950-1982) and the many grammars and dictionaries of Mesoamerican languages by his colleagues from among the Franciscans (the first religious order to arrive on the heels of the conquest) and the other religious orders that soon followed.

' An earlier version of this paper appeared in Smoke and Mist: Mesoamerican Studies in Memory of Thelma D. Sullivan, J. Kathryn Josserand and Karen Dakin, Eds., Oxford: B.A. R. 1988. The present revised version benefits greatly from the recent work of Mary L. Clayton (1989). James Lockhart also contributed by keeping a record of every Spanish loan word he came across in Molina (1571) and calling my attention to unlikely items he found there. I wish to thank the staff of the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection at the University of Texas at Austin, especially those in charge of the Rare Books Room, for years of unfailing interest and helpfulness. I have been especially fortunate to be working at the Latin American Collection, which includes among its holdings original copies of Molina (1555, 1571), and Alvarado (1593), together with a 1901 reprinting of Gilberti (1559), a facsimile edition of Córdova (1578), and a microfilm of the Newberry manuscript. A facsimile of Urbano's (1605) dictionary, which is located in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, became available in 1990. The comparative work I have done on the dictionaries would hardly have been possible if they were not available together in one place. Original research for this study was supported by National Science Foundation grants BNS78-17447, BNS80-17608, and BNS8208213.

76

Frances Karttunen Perhaps it may be easy for us to overlook, but it was a considerable achievement of the

missionary friars responsible for these works to recognize that the languages of New Spain were full human languages for which grammars and dictionaries could be constructed. Although in many ways they did not fit Spanish and Latin grammatical models, the languages are treated respectfully and without condescension by the Spanish grammarians and lexicographers of the sixteenth century. This stands in marked contrast to the popular belief widespread in Latin America today that indigenous peoples speak "dialects" (dialectos) which are deficient and impoverished by comparison with real "languages" (idiomas, lenguas). What made these friars such good linguists? What enabled them to accomplish what they did? Undoubtedly one important factor was the Moorish chapter of Spain's history. More than most Europeans, the Spanish had been in long-term direct contact with non-Christians speaking a nonIndo-European language. In spite of (or perhaps because of) their long history of bitter conflict on the Iberian peninsula, Spaniards and Moors held each other, however grudgingly, in mutual respect. Given that Arabic, despite its complete difference from Spanish and Latin, was undeniably a vehicle of high culture and literature, it was not so outlandish to assume that the languages of Mesoamerica's strange city states might be too. And then, the Mesoamericans did have books, impressive pictorial volumes painted on paper and leather screenfolds, that Sahagún in particular made use of in eliciting information from survivors of the conquest. Over millennia prior to contact with Europeans, Mesoamericans had independently developed logosyllabic writing, and apparently their skills were transferable to Spanish/Latin alphabetic writing. As a result, the friars found some common ground with the sons of the indigenous nobility whom they took into their schools and trained as intermediaries between themselves and the peoples of New Spain. And finally, the friars came to Mesoamerica with recently published and absolutely invaluable models for their work, namely Antonio de Nebrija's grammar and dictionary of Spanish. Without these models, I very much doubt that they would have succeeded in compiling the works they have left to us. We need only look to the Canary Islands for a contrasting example of utter failure. By the end of the fifteenth century, when the first editions of Nebrija's (1516) works were published, the people of these islands off the coast of Africa, who were known as Guanches, had already been decimated by military incursions and slave trading, and, most effectively, by introduced disease. In the introduction to his translation of Alonso de Espinosa's account of fifteenth-century contact between the Guanches of Tenerife and the Spanish, Clements Markham remarks, 'The greatest loss of all is caused by the neglect of the Spanish priests to make grammars and vocabularies of the language, as was done in South America. Espinosa, Galindo, and Viana have preserved a few words and nine sentences; that is all." (Markham, 1907: xviii).

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Throughout the fifteenth century, when the Canaries were well-populated and in on-going contact with Europeans, negotiations were carried on through interpreters. There is no evidence of any linguistic work even attempted by missionary friars in the Canaries during the fifteenth century. The models embodied in Nebrija's works came too late for the indigenous people of the Canaries. In Mesoamerica the course of events was quite different. Although Nebrija's Latin-based grammatical description was sometimes rather forced on New World languages, his extraordinarily timely dictionary provided the missionary, lexicographers with an elicitation word list, and it is their dictionaries' evolution from this list that I will now trace here.

1. The Family of Mesoamerican Dictionaries That the substantial dictionaries of Nahuatl, Tarascan, Zapotee, and Mixtee, all published in the sixteenth-century, bear striking similarity to each other in content and actual wording has led to speculation that a basic elicitation list was shared by their compilers. To the company also belongs a trilingual dictionary of Spanish/Nahuatl/Otomí (Urbano, 1605). Manuscript Maya dictionaries compiled in Yucatan do too, with a notable exception. The bilingual Motul Dictionary (Martinez Hernández, ed. 1930) was compiled after 1577, since in one of its Maya-to-Spanish entries it refers to a comet that appeared that year. It consists of a substantial Spanish-to-Maya section appended to an even more substantial Maya-to-Spanish one. An unpublished Spanish listing of the contents of the Maya-to-Spanish section (Lounsbury, n. d.) indicates a very marked difference from the contents of the Spanish-to-Maya one, which in its turn is, if derived from Nebrija at all, significantly expanded and modified. Since aside from the Maya-to-Spanish body of the Motul Dictionary (Martínez Hernández, ed. 1930; facsimile 1984), the early Yucatecan manuscript dictionaries have remained unpublished, I will leave the matter of Maya dictionaries to a future study. 2 This leaves six Mesoamerican dictionaries too similar for coincidence (Molina, 1555, 1571; Gilberti, 1559; Cordova, 1578; Alvarado, 1593; and Urbano, 1605). 3 I have heard their hypothetical common source referred to as "the Franciscan elicitation list," but this is unjustified,

2

A Tzotzil manuscript dictionary (Laughlin/Haviland, 1988) resembles the Motul Dictionary (Martínez Hernández, ed. 1930; facsimile 1984) in the enhaustiveness and elaboration of its Spanish-to-Tzotzil entries, but the entries themselves are quite different. It was compiled sometime between the mid-sixteenth century and the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth. 3 A manuscript dictionary of Nahuatl in the Tulane University Latin American Library, which has been incorrectly dated 1598, is a compilation by Francisco Xavier Araoz based on neither Molina (1555) nor Nebrija (1516). However, the library has corrected the catalogue date to 1778, and inspection of the handwriting and of the date written at the end confirm that it is indeed a late eighteenth-century manuscript. It seeks to rigorously exclude Spanish loan words, sometimes going to such lengths as glossing Spanish caballo 'horse' with Nahuatl yolcatl 'livestock, vermin', and sometimes failing to recognize assimilated loan words such as xolalli from Spanish solar 'house lot'. In this it is an exemplar of a restorationist movement of the eighteenth century which ignored first-hand sixteenth-century records in favor of reconstructions of sometimes misguided "ideal" forms.

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since Alvarado and Córdova were Dominicans. Trae, the two earliest dictionaries (Molina, 1555; Gilberti, 1559) were produced by Franciscans, and they could have then served as models for the later dictionaries. Moreover, the fact that Molina and Gilberti must have been engaged in creating these first two dictionaries almost simultaneously does argue for the two lexicographers using a common elicitation list. Even if Gilberti had received the first copy of Molina off the press in 1555, he could hardly have taken it up at that point to use as a model, compiling and publishing his own large dictionary in just four years. But we needn't imagine the Franciscans creating an in-house master list to be carried to New Spain and there pirated by the Dominicans. Instead we can tum to direct comparison of all these dictionaries with Antonio de Nebrija's dictionary, and we also can compare them with an incomplete Nahuatl manuscript dictionary that has been preserved. Both routes lead us to the same source. 4

2. The Newberry Manuscript Aztec ms. 1478 of the Edward E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library in Chicago is a small leatherbound book of 147 folios. In a diminutive, exceptionally clear hand Spanish words and phrases are written followed by Latin glosses. Beneath each entry a line is left for a corresponding word or phrase in Nahuatl. The Nahuatl glosses are written in contrasting red ink in an equally precise, very similar or identical hand. The compiler worked from the Spanish/Latin, apparently relying more on the Latin than on the Spanish in seeking Nahuatl equivalents. Many entries are left without a Nahuatl gloss. Well before the middle of the sixteenth century, the friar-evangelists had trained Nahua protégés in reading Spanish and Latin and in writing their own language in a Spanish-based orthography. Possibly the Latin-Spanish list had been placed in the hands of one of these assistants for him to work on. Mary L. Clayton suggests another scenario: that a literate Nahua undertook the project on his own initiative, not to provide information for a Spanish friar-lexicographer, but to elucidate Spanish for himself (Clayton, 1989: 406). Indeed, telltale letter substitutions involving c, ç and q in Spanish words indicate that the Latin-Spanish list itself was copied out by a Nahuatl speaker. But whether the enteiprise was commissioned by friars or privately undertaken by one or more Nahuatl speakers, someone had decided what form Nahuatl citation forms should take. For most nouns the absolutive singular form was the obvious answer, but for verbs it was more problematical. The convention of giving Nahuatl verbs in the first person singular, present tense, with the third person singular object prefix in the case of transitive verbs—a practice institutionalized in Molina's (1555, 1571) dictionaries—is already in use in this word list, but the convention of separating the 4

Laughlin (1988:11-27) provides a tabulation of shared vocabulary between Nebrija (1516) and the New World dictionaries that followed.

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prefixes from the stem by punctuation is not. As for Spanish loan vocabulary in Nahuatl, although the Newberry manuscript gives as the Nahuatl gloss of pesar en balança the verb form nitlapexoiotia,

derived from Spanish peso 'weight, balance, scales', 5 most of the loan words

recognized already in Molina (1555) are missing from the manuscript, another piece of evidence suggesting that the manuscript was produced during the early contact period. Furthermore, Clayton points out that the loan words that do appear in the Nahuatl glosses are strongly assimilated to Nahuatl morphology and phonology. A striking example she offers is quilichúca

'lettuce', a

compound/blend of Nahuatl quilitl 'edible greens' and Spanish lechuga 'lettuce' (Clayton, 1989: 408). The Nahuatl orthography of this manuscript is consistent with that used throughout the sixteenth century with one striking exception; the ever-predictable Nahuatl penultimate stress is indicated with accent marks, a redundancy eschewed by Molina and missing from Nahuatl writing conventions in general. However, through her exhaustive analysis of all aspects of the manuscript, Clayton (1989: 410-411) has discovered nearly 800 instances of an accent mark on an other-than-penultimate syllable, often on one containing a long vowel, a practice that perhaps indicates confusion on the part of the writer between stress and duration. (Although stress in Nahuatl is predictable, the language has contrastive vowel length.) There is no date on the manuscript, and the date 1590 suggested by the Newberry catalogue is unlikely for several reasons. First of all, according to the catalogue the manuscript has been "perhaps erroneously" attributed to Sahagún, and among the marginalia there is supposed to be a note in his hand. This would virtually rule out 1590 as a date for the manuscript, since Sahagún died that year in great old age. Second, by the end of the sixteenth century there was a wellestablished tradition of Nahuatl orthography that recognized that stress is predictable and need not be marked. But the strongest evidence that the date is unreasonable resides in the fact that by 1590 Molina's (1571) bilingual Spanish/Nahuatl-Nahuatl-Spanish dictionary had been published for nearly twenty years, and there was little reason to begin a new compilation of Nahuatl lexical material, unless, as Clayton (1989: 406, 414) suggests, a Nahuatl speaker were undertaking this project for the purpose of carrying out linguistic analysis of Spanish. It is my opinion that the Newberry manuscript must predate Molina (1555). What it represents to me is someone's early attempt to set down Nahuatl lexical material before it was clear exactly what conventions were most useful; i.e., for a language with so many inflectional and derivational affixes sample verbal prefix strings are crucial, but marking stress is unnecessary in Nahuatl. This is not to claim that the manuscript is necessarily Alonso de Molina's primary elicitation list. But given the conventional parallels between it and Molina's (1555) Spanish-to-NahuatI dictionary, it appears to have been done by a Nahuatl speaker who worked for Molina during the early stages of 5

R. Joe Campbell (personal communication) offers an alternative analysis of nitlapexoiotia as derived not from Spanish peso, but from the Nahuatl verb pexoni 'to overflow', which in some other derived forms has the sense of filling a measure to overflowing with a liquid.

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the friar's own lexicography project. 6 On the other hand, the incomplete nature of the Newberry manuscript's Nahuatl glossing and the fact that Molina's (1555) and Gilberti's (1559) dictionaries share some identical innovations that are missing from the manuscript imply that the friarlexicographers must have shared some additional common source or sources. The Newberry manuscript is none other than the 1516 edition of Nebrija's Spanish/Latin dictionary copied into notebook form with following lines for the addition of Nahuatl glosses. Banishing all doubt is the fact that at the beginning of the manuscript there appears the literal sentence that opens Nebrija's Spanish/Latin work, Dictionarium sermonem interprete Aelio Antonio Nebrissensi.

ex hispaniensi

in

latinum

Lege feliciter (Nebrija, 1516, 1973:7). Here and

there blocks of entries are out of order, and there are the letter substitutions mentioned above and other copyist's errors, but it is clearly and simply a hand copy of Nebrija's published work and it likely had close parallels in what was used to elicit similar data for the family of sixteenth-century Mesoamerican dictionaries.

3. Nebrija's Dictionary Nebrija's (1516) Spanish/Latin dictionary appeared more than twenty years after his original dictionary, the publication of which nearly coincided with the expulsion of the Moors from Spain and the return of Columbus from the West Indies. Apparently it remained in great demand, because a vigorous series of editions continued long after Nebrija's death in 1522, each edition providing opportunity for emendations and additions.

In the Humanities Research Center Rare Books

Collections at the University of Texas at Austin there is a 1560 Latin/Spanish-Spanish/Latin edition showing the cumulative effect of such revision. Certain conventions peculiar to Nebrija carry on through the editions and also manifest themselves in the Mesoamerican dictionaries.

One such convention is deviation from strict

alphabetical order in favor of grouping entries in derivational families. For example, the entries sufrimiento

'toleration, endurance', sufrido 'enduring', and sufrible o sufridera

cosa 'tolerable

thing' follow the verb sufrir 'to tolerate, to endure'. Secondly, Nebrija eschews grammatical class labels, relying instead on Spanish morphology, the Latin gloss, and frequent citation of Spanish synonyms to make clear what part of speech each entry is. In general this works, but it is problematical for Spanish adjectives, which agree in gender with the nouns they modify. Nebrija's solution is to give adjectives in feminine form followed by the noun cosa 'thing' (for example, buena cosa 'good thing'). This convention, too, is perpetuated by the missionary friars in their dictionaries. Finally, the ubiquitous notations assi, desta manera, en esta manera, and este mesmo 'thus, so, in like manner' of their dictionaries are all originally Nebrija's conventions.

" The Fransiscan Friar Juan Bautista (1606) identifies Hernando de Ribas as a Nahuatl speaker who assisted Molina (Bautista, 1606: second of two unnumbered pages in prologue).

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4. Lexicography in New Spain 4.1. Molina 1555 The first of the Mesoamerican dictionaries to be published was Molina's Spanish/Nahuatl dictionary, which appeared in 1555. As children in Mexico, Molina and his brother became bilingual in Spanish and Nahuatl. When need forced their mother to place one of them in the service of the Church, Alonso was chosen and lived a long and fruitful life as a Franciscan friargrammarian. His first dictionary (Molina, 1555) is Spanish-to-Nahuatl only. Comparison of any section of it shows that it closely follows Nebrija, but Molina has pruned out some items irrelevant to the New World (Nebrija's entry for zebra, for example, which in Mexico certainly was not, as Nebrija's (1516) dictionary would have it, an animal

conocido

'known animal'), and has expanded

considerably to include fine distinctions in Nahuatl that would otherwise be slighted (65 entries involving echar 'to cast down, to pour out', compared to Nebrija's 29). Nebrija's (1516) entry formage o queso 'cheese' has been omitted, and the two entries queso and queso fresco added, and this change proves to be significant. The Newberry manuscript follows Nebrija 1516 and has only the formage entry. There is no Nahuatl gloss in the Newberry manuscript, suggesting that at the time of that compilation, dairy animals and cheesemaking had not yet established themselves in Mexico, but Clayton has discovered Spanish queso incorporated into at least two Nahuatl glosses of Spanish/Latin entries having to do with cheese (Clayton, 1989: 409). Molina's (1555) Nahuatl gloss of queso has a descriptive circumlocution involving the Nahuatl word for breast milk, while the gloss for queso fresco modifies that circumlocution with Nahuatl yancuic 'new, recent'. Queso itself actually appears compounded into quesopayantli as the Nahuatl gloss for migajas de queso 'morsels of cheese', an entry shared by Molina (1555) and Gilberti (1559) but not present in Nebrija (1516) (hence not in the Newberry manuscript either), Alvarado (1593) or Cordova (1578). Molina (1555) and the Newbury manuscript together demonstrate that by the 1550s cheese was a known substance in Central Mexico, referred to either by a Nahuatl neologism, however awkward, or by its borrowed Spanish name readily incorporated into Nahuatl noun morphology. In Molina (1555) there are also Nahuatl circumlocutions for things having to do with horses. These are built on Nahuatl magati 'deer' (examples to be found under herrar 'to shoe horses'and domar 'to break horses'). But Spanish horses had become so much a part of daily life in Mexico that Nahuatl had early borrowed the Spanish word caballo, as Molina's (1555) dictionary records in many an entry. Even in the Newberry manuscript, where most Nahuatl glosses under cauallo [for caballo], domar, and herrar are built on magati, cauallo appears a few times. By 1555 cauallo is joined in Molina's dictionary by about two hundred more Spanish loan words, and a special use for the convention mesmo 'same' is adopted which is subsequently shared

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by the other dictionaries (with the exception of Alavarado, who uses idem). When a Spanish word had come into use in the indigenous language because the thing it named had only recently been introduced by the Spanish themselves, the gloss for that entry is given as lo mismo or lo mesmo. If, on the other hand, a Spanish word in the course of being borrowed was altered to the morphology of the recipient language, the changed form is spelled out. An example of a single dictionary entry incorporating both of these conventions is sayo de varón, lo mismo, vel. oquich xaiotli 'man's smock, the same, or oquich xaiotli' (Molina, 1555: f.219v), where xaiotli is the morphologically and phonologically assimilated Nahuatl form of Spanish sayo 'smock, jacket'. Returning to the entries queso and queso fresco, in addition to documenting the introduction of dairy farming into Mexico, these have some significance in the history of sixteenth-century lexicography, since the Tarascan (Gilberti, 1559), Zapotee (Cordova, 1578), and Mixtee (Alvarado, 1593) dictionaries (and of course Molina's own 1571 dictionary) all include the same entries, the Tarascan (Gilberti, 1559) and Mixtee (Alvarado, 1593) dictionaries indicating by lo mismo and idem that the word queso had been borrowed outright into those languages. Turning to the 1560 edition of Nebrija, we find that by then, it too had been emended to include queso generalmente and queso fresco, while still retaining the old formage entry. It also has entries for cow's milk cheese, mare's milk cheese, and apparently for Swiss cheese (literally 'cheese with many holes'). Since the University of Texas does not have copies of intervening editions, I cannot say when these additional entries first appeared in Nebrija's dictionary, but if some post-1516 edition of Nebrija were the source of the entries in both Molina (1555) and Gilberti (1559), it would have to be an edition of well before midcentury. Cordova (1578) shares Nebrija's exact phrasing queso generalmente, while the other dictionaries have simply queso. Either this is a matter of spontaneous identical innovations, or the Mesoamerican dictionaries shared some common source other than copies of Nebrija (1516). Possibly it was a later edition of Nebrija (1516) already available to both Molina (1555) and Gilberti (1559) when they were compiling their dictionaries. Or perhaps these two Franciscans were in direct contact with each other as they did their pioneering lexicographical work, sharing ideas about what to include or exclude, so that their dictionaries came to share innovations that were then appropriated from their published works by the non-Franciscans Alvarado (1593) and Cordova (1578). 4.2. Gilberti 1559 Gilberti's (1559) Tarascan dictionary, which appeared four years after the publication of Molina's first dictionary, took a great stride forward by being bilingual. It contains both Tarascanto-Spanish and Spanish-to-Tarascan sections, with the Tarascan-to-Spanish section preceding the Spanish-to-Tarascan one.

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As with Molina (1555), comparison of any section of Gilberti's Spanish-to-Tarascan section reveals that it is very close to Nebrija (1516) in wording, order, and content for long stretches, but it has also been tailored to its context. Like Molina (1555), Gilberti (1559) has discarded zebra and replaced formage with queso and queso fresco.

On the other hand, like Molina (1555) again,

Gilberti (1559) has retained Nebrija's entries for box 'boxwood', ostia 'oyster', faysan 'pheasant', and haca 'small horse', somewhat exotic items from a Mesoamerican point of view which might logically have shared the fate of zebra. In fact, box is carried thorugh all the dictionaries and evokes a native-language response only in the Mixtee (Alvarado, 1593) dictionary, while ostia is much more succesful, getting some sort of native response in each dictionary. 4.3. Molina 1571 Molina's (1571) second dictionary remains to this day the inseparable companion of every scholar of Nahuatl. Catching up with Gilberti's (1559) lead, Molina (1571) is bilingual. The first section is a reworking of the 1555 Spanish-to-Nahuatl work containing expanded glosses, additional entries, and improved alphabetization; the second section is Nahuatl-to-Spanish. Over the four centuries since its publication, there has been a shift in how this dictionary is used. Molina's (1571) contemporaries were actively engaged in translating religious texts from Spanish to Nahuatl, while the main occupation of users of the dictionary today is reading Nahuatl texts. As a result, we tend to wear out the Nahuatl-to-Spanish section of our copies while hardly touching the Spanish-to-Nahuatl side. But it is through careful examination of the first section that we can observe the dynamics of Molina's (1571) lexicography. To begin with, the dictionary is not entirely symmetric. There are Nahuatl words of some significance in the glosses of the first section that do not appear as main entries in the second, such as mattati 'sling', tlaquittli 'woven cloth', pacyotl 'weft of cloth', toca (intransitive) 'to be engaged in sowing', and itonia 'to sweat'. On the other hand, there are many Nahuatl entries in the second section that do not correspond to entries in the Spanish side. Given the noncongruence of Mesoamerica with Europe, it could hardly be otherwise. The Nahuatl gloss for peacock (already in Molina, 1555; repeated in 1571) is literally 'Castilian quetzal-bird'. Quetzals, pocket gophers, sweet potatoes, and the like all had to be described and explained in Spanish, just as such things as peacocks, cheese and horseshoes had to be described in Nahuatl or the words for them borrowed outright. Describing the xicamatl 'jicama' in a Spanish gloss, for instance, Molina (1571) says that it is a very sweet root that is eaten raw. Under rayz 'root' on the Spanish side of the dictionary there is no mention of xicamatl. Clearly, the Nahuatl-to Spanish section is the result of new complilation, based not on a Spanish word list, but on the actual Mesoamerican context. As a result, the two sections are equally large, but their

84

Frances Karttunen

contents only partially overlap. This contrasts with Gilbert's (1559) Tarascan dictionary where the Tarascan-to-Spanish section is much briefer than the Spanish-to-Tarascan one. Among the additions to the Spanish-to Nahuatl side of the 1571 dictionary are culinary terms reflecting the use and preparation of New World foodstuffs. A number can be found under the verb echar. Already in Molina (1555) there is an entry for echar cacao de una xìcal a otra para hazer espuma

'to pour liquid chocolate from one gourd vessel into another in order to raise a head of

foam on it'. In the Molina (1571) dictionary this is joined by entries for adding tomatoes and husk tomatoes to salsa, adding chillis to stew, and adding salt and onions to dishes. Gilberti (1559) and Cordova (1578) share the original echar cacao entry but not the Molina (1571) additions, while Alvarado (1593) includes the echar items for salt and chillis but not those for tomatoes and onions. The identity of Alvarado's (1593) wording with Molina's (1571) indicates that he had a copy of Molina (1571) at hand as he compiled his dictionary. Timewise, Cordova (1578) might also have had a look at it before his own work went to press, but if so, he chose not to go into such fine culinary detail as Molina (1571). (In the Nahuatl to Spanish side of Molina (1571), we find the whole inventory of indigenous vegetables and seasonings, including tomatoes, jicamas, chayotes, tunas, epazote, achiote, and many entries involving chillis.) One might expect that in the sixteen years between the two Nahuatl dictionaries many new Spanish loan words would have entered the language and that this would be recognized in the second dictionary. But in fact most of the Spanish loan words that appear in Molina (1571) are already to be found in Molina (1555), and there is no particular pattern to the 1571 additions. Comadre joins compadre, which was already in the 1555 dictionary (these being the feminine and masculine forms of the word for 'co-parent' in the relationship of a child's natural parents and godparents). The gloss describing cucumbers as little green edible squashes is expanded to include lo mismo, indicating that Spanish pepino 'cucumber' was now in use as a loan word in Nahuatl; and the Nahuatl gloss for silla de cauallo o mula

'saddle' is expanded to include xile, a

phonologically assimilated form of silla. There are some more additions as well, but it is clear that Molina gave low priority to recording the creep of Spanish loan words into Nahuatl. I think we can be confident that the Spanish loan words that appear in his dictionary do so because they really were in regular use and not because he was on the lookout for them and certainly not because he encouraged them. As mentioned above, most of the direct Spanish loans of Molina (1555) are absent from the Newberry manuscript, with one particularly intriguing exception: the verb tlapexoiotia 'to weigh something on a scale', derived from Spanish peso. Molina (1555) does not include this derivation but has only the native Nahuatl tlatamachiua, while Molina (1571) expands the gloss to include tlapexouia, a different derivation from peso. If Molina had the Newberry manuscript at hand while preparing his dictionaries, he must have rejected tlapexoiotia as an error but later admitted the widely used and accepted tlapexouia.

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Lexicography

85

Comparing spelling in the 1571 dictionary with that in the 1555 one, we see some instances of Molina making an effort to deal with variation in pronunciation. One such variation is between o and u, where there really is no contrast in Nahuatl. For 'flower' Molina has both xochitl xuchitl in different entries, for 'heart' both yollotli and yullotli.

and

But in 1571, Molina increases the

number of alternative spellings with « and o and also changes some 1555 entries. For instance, he alters cozcatl.tlapoualcozcatl

'bead for counting' to cuzcatl cuentaxtli.tlapoalcuzcatl,

for u as well as acknowledging that Spanish cuenta

exchanging o

had entered Nahuatl as a morphologically

assimilated loan word. In this example Molina (1571) has also altered tlapoual to tlapoal, dropping out the u that represents an intervocalic /w/. There is a difference in Nahuatl between /owa/ and /oa/, but ths distinction is easily obliterated, and he moves closer to pronunciation in the latter spelling. Molina also seems to be moving closer to actual speech in 1571 by representing the loan form of Spanish peso as pexo, changing 1555 tlapesouiloni adding nitlapexouia tlatamachiualoni

to tlapexouiloni 'scale for weighing things' and

'to weigh something in a scale', although retaining the Spanish spelling in peso

'scale'. Spelling it with χ more accurately represents the characteristic

Nahuatl approximation of the somewhat retracted sound represented by 5 in sixteenth-century Spanish. The Newberry manuscript already recognizes this pronunciation in nitlapexoiotia, does not appear in either of Molina's dictionaries.

which

There are many examples of Nahuatl χ for

Spanish s in Molina (1555), and the adjustment of this particular loan word brings it into line. Finally, we see Molina give rare acknowledgement to the segmental glottal stop that never found representation in conventional Nahuatl spelling. In the Nahuatl-to-Spanish side of the 1571 dictionary there are two entries, tlahneuia and tlaneuia, both glossed as 'to mistake one thing for another'. But there is also another entry for tlaneuia

meaning 'to borrow something'. Horacio

Carochi, a Jesuit and the most exacting of the Nahuatl grammarians, points out that the verb for confusing things contrasts in pronunciation with the verb for borrowing something by virtue of a glottal stop in the first syllable (Carochi, 1645: f. 128v). Molina gives two spellings, one indicating the glottal stop with h and the other omitting it. This is an exceptional case, however; Molina does not make such distinctions systematically in either of his dictionaries.

4.4. Cordova 1578

Juan de Cordova's (1578) large Spanish-to-Zapotec dictionary was published seven years after Molina's (1571) second dictionary. It keeps very close to Nebrija (1516) but has in common with Molina (1571) and Gilbert! (1559) innovations such as queso and queso fresco, etc. Both Molina (1555) and Gilbert! (1559) must have been readily available to Cordova, but in checking additions and emendations of Molina (1571) against Cordova's (1578) dictionary I have found no firm evidence that he had a copy of Molina's later work. The remarkable thing is that there are so many

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86

additional entries in Córdova's dictionary. The entire ζ section of Nebrija (1516) consists of twelve entries. Molina (1555) and Gilberti (1559), having eliminated zebra and made some other changes, both contain eleven. In Molina (1571) the number rises to sixteen, but Córdova (1578) has no less than sixty-seven ζ entries including zebra, which is described not as an animal conocido but as an animal ligero (not suited for riding), and for which he has elicited a complicated gloss including the Spanish words cauallo and zebra. On the other hand, for the entry box Córdova (1578) has no printed gloss at all, although there is an inked-in note reproduced in the 1942 facsimile. Córdova (1578) appears to have practiced unrelenting elicitation, creating many new Spanish entries to distinguish the finest shadings of meaning expressed by Tarascan and eliciting descriptive phrases in Tarascan for even the most unfamiliar items in Nebrija's dictionary. 4.5. Alvarado 1593 The last of the sixteenth-century Mesoamerican dictionaries is Alvarado's (1593) Spanish-toMixtec dictionary. Comparison of the initial pages of each letter section shows that it too is based squarely on Nebrija (1516), but it also shares the queso and queso fresco entries, the one about cacao, etc. In the Tarascan dictionary Córdova (1578) had slightly altered the cacao entry. Molina (1555) and Gilberti (1559) share the wording de una xical a otra 'from one gourd container to another', Molina (1571) replaces α with en\ but Córdova (1578) has de una xicara en otra 'from one gourd container into another' and Alvarado (1593) also has xicara en rather than xical a. This suggests to me that Alvarado had a copy of Córdova's (1578) dictionary at hand. A bit more evidence is the expansive nature of both dictionaries. Consider the numbers of echar entries. Córdova's (1578) Zapotee dictionary has one hundred thirty entries, twice as many as Molina (1555), and Alvarado (1593) is not far behind with one hundred six. Instead of following Gilberti (1559) and Molina (1571) into producing bilingual dictionaries, Córdova (1578) and Alvarado (1593) have painstakingly expanded the basic Spanish word list to give very full expression of lexical distinctions in Zapotee and Mixtee. This was all to the good for writing sermons and translating religious works into these languages, but the lack of Zapotec-to-Spanish and Mixtec-toSpanish counterparts makes reading and translation of texts in these languages more difficult for modern scholars than the reading and translation of Nahuatl texts.

4.6. Urbano 1605 At the beginning of the seventeenth century Urbano (1605) produced a short grammar of Otomi and a trilingual Spanish/Nahuatl/Otomi word list of 404 folios. There can be no doubt that his elicitation list was Molina (1555), since the Spanish/Nahuatl wording is copied out as exactly as Nebrija's (1516) Spanish/Latin wording is copied in the Newberry manuscript. The editorial

The Roots of Sixteenth-Century Mesoamerican

Lexicography

87

improvements of Molina (1571) are not present in Urbano's (1605) work. Taking the beginning of the a section as an example, the first dozen entries are exactly as in Molina (1555) with the exception of one entry being out of order. But Molina (1571) adds three new entries and slightly rewords one, and these changes are absent in Urbano (1605). Moving through the dictionary we find the entries for boxwood and oysters, both kinds of cheese, etc. There are three entries for different types of mushrooms, worded exactly as in Molina (1555). But Molina (1571) adds the entry hongo generalmente, and this too is missing from Urbano (1605). With the Otomi dictionary we come full cycle in a bit less than a century. During the second quarter of the sixteenth century someone had copied out Nebrija (1516) and used it to make an early lexical collection for Nahuatl. By 1555, Molina had produced a sophisticated Nahuatl dictionary, and then Gilberti (1559) did Molina (1555) one better by creating a bilingual dictionary for Tarascan. Molina (1571) rose to the challenge by producing a bilingual dictionary for Nahuatl as well. Then Cordova (1578) and Alvarado (1593) surpassed Molina's (1571) and Gilberti's (1559) Spanish sections with dictionaries that are much richer in lexical entries. At the end of the century Urbano (1605) has copied out not Nebrija (1516), but Molina (1555) and used it to elicit words in Otomi. Nebrija, the parent of the sixteenth-century dictionaries, has become the grandparent of the first seventeenth-century one.

5. Conclusion With this study I wish to bring out in detail Antonio de Nebrija's enormous historical contribution not only to Spanish linguistics but to Mesoamerican linguistics as well. Without his works in hand, the missionary grammarians/lexicographers in New Spain would have had no foundation upon which to build. Second, I have traced the actual acomplishments of the New World lexicographers, who have sometimes been perceived as unoriginal in their adherence to Nebrija's model. True, they stuck very close to his content and wording, and they didn't spend time on improving on it. In their dictionaries they let the less-than-strictly-alphabetical order stand and even made it worse as they intercalated new entries of their own. They did leave out some irrelevant entries that had no referents in Mesoamerica, but others they let stand, glossed awkwardly or with lo mismo. They did not devise grammatical labels to identify parts of speech, although such labels might have been very helpful to users of their dictionaries. Faced with a task of intimidating proportions, they wisely took advantage of Nebrija's published works as research tools and directed their ingenuity to the novel tasks at hand. Employing consistent orthographies for languages that had not previously been written alphabetically, they had not only to collect words for things and actions, but to understand how these words worked

Frances Karttunen

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morphologically and to provide paradigmatic information as well as sense. To this end we see sample prefix strings already in the Newberry manuscript and the citation of preterit forms of verbs, which unambiguously identify verb class membership, in the Nahuatl-to-Spanish section of Molina (1571). The size and sophistication of the dictionaries of the New World languages speak for themselves. In these volumes Nebrija's work shines through, as it properly should, and by its own light illumines the accomplishments of his worthy intellectual successors, the lexicographers of sixteeenth-century Mesoamerica.

References Alvarado, Francisco de (1593) Vocabulario en lengua mixteca. México: Pedro Balli. Araoz, Frarcisco Xavier (1778) ms. Vocabulario mexicano. Tulare University Latin American Library Rare Books #497.2013 A552. Bautista, Juan (1606) Sermonario en Lerqua Mexicana. Mexico City: Diego López Dávalos Carochi, Horacio (1645) Arte de la lengua mexicana con la declaración de los adverbios della.. México: Juan Ruíz. (Facsimile edition 1983. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.) Ciudad Real, Antonio de (1984) Calepino

Maya de Motul. Two volumes. Facsimile edition. René

Acuña (ed).

Mexico City: Universidad National Autónoma de México. Clayton, Mary L. (1989) A trilingual Spanish-Latin-Nahuatl Manuscript Dictionary Sometimes Attributed to fray Bernardino de Sahagún. In International Journal of American Linguistics 55.4, 391-416. Cordova, Juan de (1578) Vocabulario en lengua çapoteca.. Mexico: Pedro Charte y Antonio Ricardo. (Facsimile edition 1942. Mexico City: Instituto de Antropología e Historia.) Dictionarium ex hisniensi [sic] in latinum sermomen interprete Aelio Antonio Neprissensi. n.d. Trilinqual SpanishLatin. Nahuall manuscript dictionary. Ayer ms. 1478, Newberry Library, Chicago. Gilberti, Maturino (1559) Vocabulario en lengua de Mechuacan.. (Reprinted 1901, under the direction of Antonio de Peñafiel. Mexico City: Palacio Nacional.) Laughlin, Robert M., with John B. Haviland (1988) The Great Tzotzil Dictionary of Santo Domingo Zinacantán, with grammatical analysis and historical commentary. 3 Volumes. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Lounsbury, Floyd (n.d.) Manuscript listing contents of Motul dictionary by Spanish. Markham, Clements (1907) The Guanches of Tenerife: The Holy ¡mage of Our Lady of Candelaria and the Spanish Conquest and Settlement, by the Friar Alonso de Espinosa of the Order of Preachers. (Originally published in Seville in 1594). Martínez Hernández, Juan (1930) Diccionario de Motul maya español. Atribuido a Fray Antonio de Ciudad Real. Y Arte de lengua Maya por Fray Juan Coronel. Mérida, Yucatan: Talleres de la Compañía Tipográfica Yucateca. Molina, Alonso de (1555) Aquí comiença un vocabulario en la lengua castellana y mexicana.. México: Juan Pablos. (1571) Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicana y mexicana y castellana. México: Antonio de Spinosa. (Facsimile edition 1970. Mexico City: Editorial Porrua.) Nebrija, Antonio de (1516) Vocabulario de Romance en Latín. Seville: Johannes Varela. (Republished with an introduction by Gerald MacDonald, 1973. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.) 1951 [1495]. Vocabulario español-latino. Facsimile ed. Madrid: Real Academia Española. (1560) Dictionarium Latino Hispanicum, et vice versa. Antwerp: Johannes Steelfij. Sahagún, Bernardino de (1950-1982) Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain. Thirteen volumes. Edited and translated by Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble. Salt Lake City: School of American Research and University of Utah Press. Urbano, Alonso (1605) Arte Breve de la lengua Otomíy Vocabulario trilingüe español-mexicano-otomí.. (Facsimile edition 1990, René Acuña (ed.): Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México).

The Current State of Chinese Lexicography1 Thomas Β. I. Creamer

0. The Chinese Language Today Since the early 1950s, Chinese government authorities have been promoting

putonghua

(-§-ί&·ί£·, the common spoken language based on the Beijing dialect, sometimes called "Mandarin") as the standard spoken language for all of China. Their efforts have been only partially successful, however. One reason for the lack of success is that many dialect speakers, especially in southern China, take cultural pride in their local languages, such as Cantonese and Wu, which in many ways are historically and phonetically richer than the homogenized putonghua. Even in Beijing, speakers of the pure Beijing dialect think, mistakenly, that they need not alter their speech to speak proper putonghua. Another reason is the shortage of competent language teachers in the primary schools. In February 1992, the State Education Commission (the former Ministry of Education) issued a directive stating that by the end of this century putonghua must be used as the language of instruction in all schools (CD 2/20/92). If implemented, this directive will go a long way toward making putonghua the national language, but it is very doubtful whether this goal can be achieved in eight short years. In recent years, government officials have begun to use economic incentives as a way to encourage the people to learn putonghua.

In Guangdong Province, the home of the Cantonese

dialect, the provincial Communist Party passed a regulation in February 1992 requiring that all government workers in the province's special economic zones (boomtown-like areas with special incentives to develop economic relations with foreign businesses) must use putonghua in the workplace by the end of the year, and that by the end of 1993 all government workers throughout the province must also use the language.2 Going one step further, the national government issued a circular in mid-1992 stating that shop assistants in all special economic zones nationwide would have to pass a test to demonstrate their ability to speak putonghua by 1995 (Ma, 1992). Officials in Huaxi, Jiangsu, which is sometimes described as one of the richest villages in China (Xi, 1992), took a more positive approach in early 1992 by offering a one-grade pay increase to any villager who could speak putonghua (CD 5/18/92).

1

The author wishes to thank Wu Ying for her help in preparing this article. For Darby. See RMRB 2/22/92 and CD 2/24/92. Provincial authorities also planned to hold a contest for putonghua in hopes of spurring interest in the language: see CD 8/15/92; see also RMRB 3/1/92 and RMRB 3/1/92.

2

Thomas Β. I. Creamer

90

The proper use of written Chinese is of equai concern to government officials. The State Council, the highest ruling body in China, recently issued a statement acknowledging that the people lacked "appreciation" for the need to standardize the written and spoken languages. The general situation was described as "unhealthy" and a determent "to the popularization of education and the development of culture, science and technology" (CD 9/26/92). As an example of the lengths the government is willing go to to enforce the use of simplified characters, local authorities in Beijing during the first half of 1990 examined all the public signs on the main streets of the city and identified and had corrected more than 17,000 instances of misused characters (CD 7/19/92). In many cases, the "offense" was writing a character in its complex form ( fántizi 3

than the officially sanctioned simplified form (jiántízi fô-ft-Î).

rather

In a more sweeping move, the

national government issued the "Regulation on the Management of the Use of Chinese Characters in Publications" in July 1992 that requires all publications for both internal and overseas distribution to be printed with simplified characters (CD 7/29/92). One of the first manifestations of this policy occurred on July 1, 1992, when the Overseas Edition (#MhJíl) of People's Daily (Renmin Ribao λ ^ Β ÍSL), switched from complex forms to simplified. This may ultimately backfire, however, because most of the Overseas Chinese populations, particularly the older people, do not know the simplified forms. Hong Kong, which will revert to China in 1997, will pose compound problems for the PRC government because the local population not only speaks Cantonese as their native dialect (not to mention a large number of bilingual English speakers), but they also use complex characters in the majority of their publications. The issue is already being addressed by government officials (CD 5/23/93) and the business community (CD 6/30/93) in Hong Kong and in the language literature in China (Tian, 1992). In Macao, which will also revert to China in 1997, a language committee, headed by the governor, was established in February 1992 to help popularize and standardize Chinese (CD 2/25/92). While the government is concerning itself with regulating proper language usage, large sections of the urban population continue to be interested in learning a foreign language. For many, the ability to speak a foreign language, especially English or Japanese, is seen as one of the quickest ways to improve one's employment opportunities and become eligible for schooling or travel abroad. In Hauxi, for example, any villagers who can speak a foreign language will have their salary increased two levels, thereby making it more advantageous to be able to speak a foreign language there than standard Chinese (CD 5/18/92). In Beijing, city officials initiated a foreign-

^ That there might be some concern or ambivalence about the styles of characters used should come as no surprise. For example, the title of the standard Chinese monolingual dictionary compiled by the governmentsponsored Linguistics Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Science also mixes styles. The tide is inscribed as -ftÌ5L with the first, fourth and fifth characters written in the complex form. All characters in simplified form would be written J J L - f t N o t e that the second and last characters are written the same in both forms. Also, it is often the case that the complex forms are used, especially on shop signs, merely for affect. A somewhat analogous situation in English would be where the word "shop" would be spelled as "shoppe" to convey an Olde World flavor. See also notes 8 and 13.

The Current State of Chinese Lexicography

91

language-learning campaign in 1992 to bolster their bid for the next Olympic Games and to be better prepared for doing business with the outside world. The drive is being carried out through language instruction over local radio and television stations, and features language contests and proficiency tests. Workers who receive certification in a foreign language are awarded a monthly bonus of between five and ten Chinese dollars (CD 6/24/92; CD 12/22/92; CD 3/2/93). Also in Beijing, private schools are doing a brisk business teaching foreign language to both adults and children. Parents are particularly keen on sending their children to such schools because they see it as one of the most significant investments they can make in their child's future (Xie, 1992). Similar situations exist in other major cities such as Shanghai and Guangzhou. In recent months there have been discussions for a nationwide standard test for English modeled after G-TELP (General Test for English Language Proficiency) (CD 3/26/93). With the government actively promoting proper language usage and the people popularizing bilingual language-learning materials, the prospects for language and reference books publishers are bright. At the same time, the publishing industry is being given unprecedented latitude. The State Press and Publication Administration announced on August 13, 1992, that it will allow publishing houses to make their own decisions concerning publishing previously tightly regulated items such as the ancient classics, calendars with advertising for the overseas market, and even nude art. The new regulation also allows specialty publishing houses such as those previously restricted to the fields of science and technology to diversify into other areas, such as popular literature, in order to increase their profits. These measures are said to be a result of Deng Xiaoping's policies of domestic reform, opening to the outside world, and "liberating the mind." 4 Publishers will now also have their products protected by both national and international copyright laws. The Copyright Law of the People's Republic of China went into effect on June 1,1991, and China became a signatory to the Bern Convention on October 15, 1992 and the Universal Copyright Convention at the end of November, 1992 (CD, 8/3/92; BR, 10/26-11/1, 92; Taylor 1992). All of these factors afford new and profitable opportunities for the Chinese lexicographic communities both inside and outside of China. The accomplishment of this community over the last several years is the subject of this paper.3

See CD 8/14/92. See also CD 12/24/92. For renewed interest in the classical literature see Zhang 1992a; Zhuang 1992; Yao and Liu 1992. For recognition of the editing and publishing of the classical literature see Zhang 1992b. ^ For the most part, this article does not repeat information in Creamer 1987. Also, this paper is limited to general language lexicography because a description of scientific and technical lexicography would require a great deal more space than allotted here.

92

Thomas Β. I. Creamer

1. The Study of Lexicography in China Lexicographers and linguists in China enjoy perhaps the most active scholarly press devoted to dictionaries and dictionary-making. Between 1911 and 1989 almost 4,000 articles on lexicography were published in the Chinese press.6 In 1990 alone more than 250 articles appeared.7 In recent years, Lexicographic

Studies (Cishu Yartjiu #

has become the leading forum for the

discussion of lexicography in China. Published by the Shanghai Dictionary Publishing House tfc J&iì), Lexicographic Studies began in 1979 with two issues per year, expanded to four issues per year in 1980, and to six issues from 1982. Most issues have a thematic section (e.g., 1990.2 devotes six articles to the role of computers in dictionary compilation; 1990.3 addresses dictionaries for school children; issues 1990.4 - 1991.6 have a special section on lexicography as a separate branch of learning), dictionary reviews (Chinese and foreign), word studies, lists of new dictionaries, and reports on lexicography meetings and societies (Chinese and foreign, e.g. DSN A, EURALEX).

In addition to producing perhaps the world's leading

lexicography journal, the editors of Lexicographic Studies and their publishers at the Shanghai Dictionary Publishing House deserve much of the credit for advancing the study of lexicography in China through their numerous publications, their sponsorship of scholarly conferences throughout China, and their support of the Shanghai Lexicography Society. Another important journal is Dictionary Research Collection (Cidian Yanjiu Congkan 1980, originally by the Sichuan People's Publishing House (W

^A^fiJ 8 ) published annually since ifaXlii) and recently by the

Sichuan Dictionary Publishing House ( ö ;ι| # $ & J&íA), both based in Chengdu, Sichuan. In addition to articles on general issues in lexicography, one of the strengths of Dictionary Research Collection is its essays on historical lexicography. Another is the detailed reporting on the compilation of An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Chinese Characters (see section 2), which was copublished by the Sichuan Dictionary Publishing House.

Along with these two specific

lexicographic publications, language journals such as Chinese Language (Zhongguo Ί* S if "I"), Dialects (Fangyan ár "a), Ancient Chinese Studies (Gu Hanyu Yanjiu and Minorities Language Studies (Minzu Yuyan Yanjiu

Yuyan

-friS-té^íí),

^fltL) often include articles on

major dictionaries in their fields. University research bulletins like Beijing and Sichuan Normal Colleges, and Fudan, Hubei and Anhui Universities also occasionally publish articles on

This number is based on Shanghai Cishu Xuehui 1990. See also Zhongguo Kexueyuan 1978; Yang 1985 and Chien 1986. 7 This number is based on Li 1992 and CSYJ 1990.6. β Note here too that simplified characters are mixed with complex. The first character is written in its complex form (i.e., 1 vs. iil) and the fifth is simplified (i.e., & vs. 3(t). The second, third, fourth and last characters are written the same in both forms. See also notes 3 and 30.

The Current State of Chinese

Lexicography

93

lexicography, as do the major daily newspapers such as People's Daily and Guangming Daily OfcW B A ) . A number of monographs on lexicography have appeared in the last decade to complement the journal literature. Some of the more useful (in chronological order) include: Xu Qing's Character Dictionaries and Word Dictionaries

Hubei People's Publishing House

ìfc Akji, 1981), An Introduction to Lexicography (i*I

People's University of

China Publishing House t ® A R i c f i l ! MLi±, 1982) edited by Hu Mingyang Wu Zhangshu's

Discussions on Lexicography

1983), Liu Yeqiu's (*]

# ) , et al.,

China Book Company

A Brief History of Chinese Dictionaries ( t S ΐ

China Book Company, 1983), Chen Yuan's (l&M-) Dictionaries and Information

(#

Shanghai Lexicographic Publishing House, 1985), Chen Bingtiao's (1%

Essentials of

Lexicography

Fujian People's Publishing House « í t A R ìfe

Dictionaries and Dictionary Compilation

1985), Studies on

ι , Shanghai Lexicographic

Publishing House, 1985), Qian Jianfu's

A.) An Introduction to Ancient Chinese Character

and Word Dictionaries ( t ® i ^ í á ^ ^ t ó , Commercial Press tifri? Jianhua's ( H " ^ ^ ) On Dictionaries

Çfê, 1986), Huang

Shanghai Lexicographic Publishing House, 1987)',

and An Introduction to the Study of Dictionary Compilation ( # ΐ áft pfeife", Fudan University Publishing House

Λ 1 9 9 1 ) by Chen Bingtiao. The most noteworthy foreign

monograph to appear in China is Ladislav Zgusta's Manual of Lexicography, which was translated by Lin Shuwu (#- % Â,), et al.; and published by Commercial Press in 1983 under the title Introduction to Lexicography

10

).

The study of lexicography in China is promoted by publishing houses, scholarly and academic institutions, and professional gatherings throughout the country. Shanghai should be considered the center for lexicography in China. The city is the home of three major dictionary publishing houses (the Shanghai Dictionary Publishing House, the Shanghai Translation Publishing House (Ji^rtf χ £

and the Shanghai Antiquities Publishing House (

Λ

Ä ^ i ) ) , of two

large dictionary editing groups (An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Chinese Character Combinations and The English-Chinese Dictionary (Unabridged)), and of a branch office for the Encyclopedia of China.

The city also benefits from the activities of the Shanghai Lexicography Society

( J i i # - # # #-£-), established in February 1981, and the Bilingual Dictionary Research Center ( « . • Ü · - ¡ 3 ^ -u), formed at the Shanghai Foreign Languages Institute in 1984.

" In 1989, Huang's book, a compilation of essays originally serialized in Lexicographic Studies, was awarded a prize by the Society for Excellence (-ffc^-íi-έ-) of Guangdong Province, see CSYJ 1990.4. I" Distinguish this from Hu Mingyang's collection mentioned above which has the identical Chinese title.

Thomas Β. I. Creamer

94

Another important city for lexicography is Beijing, the site of Commercial Press, China's most prestigious publishing house, major universities such as Beijing University and the Beijing International University (i.e., the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute), and government organs such as the Linguistics Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences ( + S

# fè &

and the National Minorities Institute ( R ^ t ^ Ä ^ f ) . Beijing is also the home of the Lexicography Society of China ( + S # 45

which was established in late October 1992. In

other parts of the country there are the Shaanxi Lexicography Society established in 1985, the Fujian Lexicography Society (fâit-tètf # the Anhui Lexicography Society

4*

Φ

4*

established in 1989, and

established in 1991.

The teaching of lexicography in China occurs at the graduate level. Chen Bingtiao, a professor of Chinese at Fudan University in Shanghai, taught one of the first graduate courses in lexicography beginning in the 1980s, but the course was discontinued after his death in October 1991. Some of the academic institutions currently offering courses include Shanghai Normal University, Sichuan University, and the Guangzhou Foreign Languages Institute. The Linguistics Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences also offers a course in lexicography. Elsewhere in the academic world, Beijing, Heilongjiang, Anhui and Nanjing Universities also have dictionary research centers and editing groups that promote the study and practice of lexicography. A number of meetings have been called in recent years in an attempt to better coordinate lexicographic activities. In late 1985 and early 1986, the China Publishers' Association ( + 0 Λ

·$·-#·) met in Kunming, Yunnan with representatives from more than thirty dictionary

editing groups reporting on current projects in Chinese language, national minority languages, and foreign language lexicography. The National Symposium on Lexicography

Bl # 4$

met in Shanghai in 1988 to address lexicographic concerns nation-wide, and has since become an annual gathering. The most recent meeting was held in the Fall of 1992 in Xi'an, Shaanxi. Also in 1988, the Xinwen Publishing Office ffl tfc

a government organ, convened the National

Dictionary Editing and Publishing Planning Symposium

S # 4«

# ΛÄ Ä

in

Chengdu, Sichuan. There was also a National Symposium on Bilingual Lexicography

S

/jt-SHt-ê-) held in Beijing in 1990. The standardization of dictionary formats and terminology and the coordination of dictionary projects have been recurrent themes in lexicographic circles. In an attempt to standardize reference book formats, the National Technology Control Bureau ( S

ft

J&it^i), after much input from

publishers and lexicographers, issued "Symbols for Dictionary Compilation" ( #

Ä l M i ~f) in

1990 (CSYJ 1991.3). The symbols, based in part the ISO 1951 - 1973 lexicographic symbols, address general reference works, as well as Chinese monolingual and bilingual dictionaries. Some of the practices to be standardized include: the listing of an entry word in bold type, using Song (£.) type-face for the head character in Chinese source lariguage dictionaries, separating distinct definitions with numbers in a circle, using a slash mark ( / ) to separate an illustrative example

The Current State of Chinese Lexicography

95

from the definition, etc. If actually put into effect by Chinese publishers, these symbols will be important not only in unifying formats, but also in preparing the way for computerized analysis of Chinese dictionaries, glossaries and encyclopedias. In a similar vein, the final draft version of "Basic Lexicographical Terminology, Part One"

was circulated and

approved at the 1992 National Symposium on Lexicography. After the flurry of activity in lexicographic circles, especially since the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, dictionary publishers in China have expressed the need to coordinate their efforts in order to better utilize their resources. Toward this end, a plan for compiling lexicographic works was drafted at the Second National Symposium on Lexicography (CSYJ 1990.7). The plan, projecting needs and directions to be taken in the years 1988 - 2000, is an attempt to increase the quality of major reference works, promote research, and improve the management of and coordination among publishing houses. The plan is divided into the following categories: Chinese monolingual dictionaries (43 items), foreign-language dictionaries (59), national minority language dictionaries (1), encyclopedias (9), social sciences dictionaries (48), and scientific and technical dictionaries (9). The plan was officially approved by the State Council in 1992.

2. The Practice of Lexicography in China More than 3,000 dictionaries have been published in China in the last decade or so (CSYJ 1990.7). Some of the major commercial publishing houses that specialize in reference materials and their recent and noteworthy publications include: the Shanghai Dictionary Publishing House": An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Popular Chinese Sayings (Ί* SI'fS-ii· Chinese Place Names ( +

the Commercial Press: A Dictionary for the Verification

and Elucidation of Chinese Idioms (ΛίδΉ'^ί'ίά

and A Chinese-Arabic

Dictionary Publishing House

Jt # # tb

Complete Poems of the Tang Dynasty

theHubei

A Dictionary of Literary Allusions for the and A Dictionary of Chinese Folk

the Sichuan Dictionary Publishing House": Seal and Official Script

Characters of the Qin, Han, Wei and Jin Dynasties Dictionary of Elliptical Sayings ( i t Js

and An Encyclopedic and the Fujian People's Publishing House: A

' 1 New books by this press are often listed on the back cover of Lexicographic Studies. For a complete listing of their recent publications see CYC No. 12 (1992).

12

Dictionary

the Shanghai Translation Publishing House: A German-Chinese Dictionary

(·&».*!]-&) and A Concise Dictionary of New Russian Words

Customs (1* S

and A Dictionary of

96

Thomas Β. I. Creamer

Dictionary

of Commonly

Used Ancient Chinese Characters ( • ¿ " S . i i - i á . ^ l í í - ^ · ) and A

Comprehensive Dictionary of English Idioms In addition to the above-mentioned works, a number of monolingual and bilingual dictionaries merit special attention. An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Chinese Characters ( ί ΐ ^ ϊ & λ . ί - É - , copublished by the Hubei and Sichuan Lexicographic Publishing Houses) and An Dictionary of Chinese Character Combinations

Encyclopedic

1-&, Shanghai Lexicographic Publishing

House) are the two most significant dictionaries published in China in the last fifty years. The dictionaries were planned as complementary projects with the work, begun in 1975, divided among the respective publishing houses and teams of lexicographers; the character dictionary team headed by Xu Zhongshu (#" +

and the character combination dictionary team by Luo Zhufeng

( ψ ¥r A ) . The first volume of An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Chinese Characters appeared in 1986, and the eighth and final volume in 1990. The dictionary is arranged by "radicals" and contains 56,000 entries making it the largest collection of Chinese characters ever published." To date, nine volumes of An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Chinese Character Combinations have been published with, four additional volumes forthcoming. In all, the dictionary will define more than 350,000 entries.15 Head characters are arranged by "radicals", and character combinations by total strokes of the second or next unique character in the combination. Despite the size of the above-mention dictionaries, additional sources are necessary to keep pace with new developments in the language. One especially important work is the 20,000-entry A Supplement to A Dictionary of Modern Chinese (íJÍL'ft.S-il-'^-íMhíft, Commercial Press, 1989), which updates its namesake, the standard one-volume monolingual dictionary originally published in 1979 and slightly revised in 1983. The supplement contains new words (e.g., & fr # E. "special economic zone"), entries not included in previous editions (e.g.,

a literary term for

"old age"), and additional definitions to existing entries (e.g., # as an abbreviation for "mho"). Items in the latter category are marked by the symbol "[#:>(.]". Another work is the 1989 revision of Cihai ( # $ · , Shanghai Lexicographic Publishing House, originally published in 1936 and revised in 1979), which is useful for the general language, as well as new scientific and technical terms. Some dictionaries specifically devoted to new words include: Λ Dictionary of New Chinese Words (iX.ü-#r Jiayi ( SI

tf

Shanghai Lexicographic Publishing House, 1987) edited by Min

&), et al.; A Dictionary of New Modern Chinese Words (SL'ftjsUf êf ν] i*\

Ji'nan,

13

1*1 is translated here as "dictionary of character combinations" because a i 5 ] can either be a "word" or a "phrase". This can also be translated as a "word dictionary" to distinguish it from a "character dictionary." Note here too how the characters in the titles of both dictionaries are written in the complex not simplified forms. See also notes 3 and 8. 14 By comparison. An Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Chinese Language ( + X Taibei, 1962 - 1968) has 49,905 characters, The Encyclopedic Character Dictionary of China Shanghai, 1915) has 48,000 characters, and The Kangxi Dictionary 0 Í . & Í •£·, Beijing, 1716) has 46,961 characters. By comparison, An Encyclopedic 371,231 entries.

Dictionary of the Chinese Language ( t x i l f í , Taibei, 1962 - 1968) has

The Current State of Chinese Lexicography

Jilu Publishing House (ΙΜΛ

97

-f- $ *t, 1987) edited by Wang Junxi ( i Ml

) Λ Dictionary of New Chinese Words

Publishing House Λ & Ü t f ife

et al.; Han Ming'an's Shandong Education

1988); Λ Chinese-English Dictionary of Neologisms (Λ &

«Γ i»I Ä C Ä , Beijing Language Institute Publishing House db ^ ϋ- "s # Bfc A Zhenjie

1989) by Li

and Vivian Ling Hsu; and this author's A Dictionary of New Chinese Words

(Dunwoody Press, 1989). This last source is currently being revised and expanded in cooperation with the Shanghai Foreign Languages Institute and should be available in late 1993 or early 1994. Many new words first appear as regionalisms. One particularly promising source for such terms is Xu Baohua's ( # • £ # • ) An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Chinese Regionalisms which is presently being typeset. The dictionary will contain approximately 200,000 entries, is arranged by "radicals," and features both Pinyin and IPA pronunciations.16 One of the more eagerly awaited bilingual dictionaries is the revision of A Chinese-English Dictionary (¿X- £

$?), compiled by the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute and published by

Commercial Press in 1978. Generally considered the standard bilingual source for modern Chinese, A Chinese-English Dictionary is sorely out of date, especially after the far-reaching policy of liberalization in China during the 1980s. The Institute, after a split with Commercial Press over issues such as copyright control, sought out cooperative ventures with foreign groups such as the University of Massachusetts at Amherst to produce a new edition. For various reasons, the editors at the Institute ultimately decided to compile and publish an updated and enlarged edition on their own. The new dictionary should be available in 1993." The publication of The English-Chinese Dictionary (Unabridged, £á*-*.

in 1989 was a

major event in Chinese lexicographic circles. Based on A New English-Chinese Dictionary Shanghai People's Publishing House

tfc^Ui, 1975), The English-

Chinese Dictionary was compiled at the Shanghai Translation Publishing House by a team of lexicographers headed by Lu Gusun (F&£-#), Professor of English at Fudan University. The dictionary is in two large volumes and contains approximately 200,000 entries. A one-volume reduced edition with complex characters was published in 1992 by the Joint Publishing Company ^ yS) of Hong Kong, and a similar edition was also published in Taiwan by the Donghua Book Company

•,£(). 1 9

This information is based on a meeting I had with Professor Xu on May 16, 1990 at Fudan University and on a preliminary sample of the dictionary that he kindly gave me.

17

While visiting the Shanghai Number Three Printing Works on September 28, 1991,1 was given a three page sample of this dictionary. My general impression, based on this very small sample, is that the revision does not measure up to the original dictionary in coverage or lexicographic "crispness".

18

I am admittedly prejudiced toward this dictionary because I worked on it for six months in Shanghai in 1982. 9 A one-volume reduced edition of this dictionary with simplified characters is scheduled to be published in China in September 1993. 1

98

Thomas Β. I. Creamer

To date, computers have been used mainly as a typesetting device in dictionary publishing in China. For example, The English-Chinese Dictionary ( Unabridged) and the revised edition of A Chinese-English Dictionary were typeset at the Shanghai Number Three Printing Works M •=-Γ ) using British and Japanese hardware and software. Number Three also has a computer program for converting materials printed with simplified characters into complex characters. This program was used to produce a complex character version of The EnglishChinese Dictionary and the 1989 edition of Cihai for the overseas market. 20 As advances continue in the development of Chinese fonts, affordable personal computers, and machine-readable texts and databases, one can envision a much greater role for the computer in lexicography in China in the very near future.

3. The Practice of Chinese Lexicography World-wide Few large-scale Chinese dictionary projects are undertaken outside of China. The expense of such projects is but one problem. Equally pressing problems are the lack of experienced editors, the small number, at least until recently, of reliable language reference works, and the difficulty of printing high-quality Chinese characters. A number of high-powered personal- computergenerated Chinese-character printing systems have been developed in the last few years that should alleviate the printing problem.21 Nonetheless, there is a large market for Chinese dictionaries, and several groups outside of China have published or are in the process of compiling reference tools for that market. In Taiwan lately it appears as if publishing houses have been more interested in producing monolingual and bilingual scientific and technical glossaries rather than general language dictionaries. As noted above, various Taiwan publishers have purchased the rights and subsidized the reprinting of complex-character editions of dictionaries produced in the People's Republic of China.22 One notable exception to this trend in Taiwan was the publication in 1992 of the Far East Chinese-English Dictionary ( of Taibei (Taipei), Taiwan.

23

i

b

y

The Far East Book Company (iâ^-H

The dictionary, a revision of Liang Shiqiu's

A New

20 The program requires a good deal of "human intervention" in that one simplified character may represent several complex characters. For example, the simplified form M represents two complex characters, i.e., & and Ht. When the word means "history" an editor must make sure that A is substituted, and It- when the meaning is "calendar". ^ Even in China, publishing and print houses still prefer to typeset a dictionary with metal type. ^ In addition to Cihai and The English-Chinese Dictionary (Unabridged), Ciyuan (#•£·), an excellent monolingual dictionary of traditional China (i.e., to the mid-Nineteenth Century) published in four volumes in 1979 by Commercial Press, was reprinted in Taiwan in 1991 as a one-volume condensed edition. Because of its coverage, Ciyuan was printed in China with complex characters.

23 This dictionary is available in the United States from U.S. International Publishing Inc., 49 West, 39th Street, New York, N.Y. 10018.

99

The Current State of Chinese Lexicography

Practical Chinese-English Dictionary

ffl

Far East Book Company, 1971),

contains 7,331 head characters arranged by "radicals" and 120,000 character combinations arranged by Chinese Phonetic Symbols ( 0 ϋ · ± · $ · # "?")· For those not familiar with "radicals," the dictionary includes a Pinyin (here called "U.N. Mandarin Phonetic Symbol" (!)) index. It should go without saying that the Japanese have had a long and fruitful scholarly interest in China and the Chinese language. Japanese lexicographers, in fact, produced the first encyclopedic dictionary of Chinese.24 In recent years lexicographers at Aichi University

have

compiled what may be the finest bilingual dictionary with Chinese. Their dictionary, Chü-Nichi Daijiten (Ί* Θ

A Comprehensive Chinese-Japanese Dictionary), was first published in

1968 and revised and enlarged in 1987. The revision includes approximately 8,000 head characters and more than 125,000 character combinations. The last two dictionaries to be discussed, Le Grand Dictionnaire Français de la Langue Chinoise and The CETA Group's Chinese English Dictionary Database, are works in progress.23 Le Grand Dictionnaire Français de la Langue Chinoise

is being compiled at the Ricci

Institutes in Paris and Taibei. The team in Taibei is responsible for computerizing an existing manuscript of 16,000 head characters and 180,000 character combinations, and producing diskettes for the editing team in Paris. The final dictionary is expected to contain approximately 11,000 head characters and 250,000 character combinations. Head characters will be extensively defined by showing the evolution of the character, and include etymologies as given in Shuowen Jiezi26, as well as the various written styles of a character (e.g., oracle bone, bronze, seal scripts). The entire dictionary will be arranged by the Wade-Giles romanization system and should be available sometime after 1995. The CETA (Chinese-English Translation Assistance) Group's Chinese-English Dictionary Database is the result of twenty years of work to compile a computerized "living" dictionary of the Chinese language.27 The dictionary currently contains more than 220,000 entries, including approximately 9,000 head characters, and is available in machine-readable form through the National Technical Information Service (OTIS) of the U.S. Department of Commerce. Efforts are

24

Dai Kan Wa liten ( λ ί ^ ί ^ - Λ · ) , compiled under the editorship of Morohashi Tetsuji and published between 1955 and 1960. r¡ ¡ -- I have also heard of plans in Germany to compile a large Chinese-German dictionary under the sponsorship of Volkswagen and a small dictionary of literary Chinese by Far Eastern Publications of Yale University Press, but I can offer no further details expect to say that they would both be most welcomed additions to the field. 26 -fltiLÄt ΐ (Explaining Pictpgraphic Characters and Analyzing Composite Characters) was complied by Xu Shen ( · # & ) and completed in 100 A. D. The title is sometimes translated into English simply as The Etymological Dictionary. For more on this important source see Creamer, 1989. 97 I am one of the main editors of this database.

Thomas Β. I. Creamer

100

currently underway to produce a printed dictionary of approximately 150,000 entries, a CD-ROM version of the entire database, and a concise edition for use with personal computers.

4. Summary Ladislav Zgusta has dubbed the present as "the Golden Age of Lexicography."

His

characterization is particularly apt for the Chinese language. In the last few years a number of impressive monolingual and bilingual dictionaries have been published in China and abroad that attest to the vigorous state of Chinese dictionary-making. Scholarly interest in lexicography is also running high, with national and regional lexicography associations prospering in China. All of these developments are being fueled by a government that is promoting language standardization, a publishing industry that has been given significant new freedoms, and an eager and supportive public. Lastly, a number of dictionaries and lexicographic treatises mentioned in this paper have been recognized by various book awards in China. Outside of China, the

Czech-Chinese

Dictionary, an exemplary bilingual dictionary produced in Prague beginning in 1974 by a team of lexicographers headed by Professor Zgusta, was given long-overdue recognition by the Czech Academy of Sciences in 1991. Like most things in China, lexicography is in no small way linked to the political situation. The "brain drain" that has followed the Tian'anmen Massacre of June 4,1989 has already had an effect in the lexicographic community. At the same time, the economic liberalization of the 1980s may also have an impact on this community as their products become more expensive to produce and to purchase. It is doubtful, for example, whether a publishing house in China today could afford the large staffs (e.g. fifty-members plus) staffs that were necessary to compile many of the dictionaries mentioned in this paper. The developments in China in the next few years will go a long way in setting the tone for the direction of Chinese lexicography in the next century. References B R 10/26-11/1/92 = "Copyright convention takes filli effect here." In Beijing Review, October 2 6 - November 1, 1992, 6. C D 2 / 2 0 / 9 2 = "State speaks for common tongue." In China Daily, February 20, 1992, 3. C D 2 / 2 4 / 9 2 = "Speaking the same language." In China Daily, February 24, 1992, 3. C D 2 / 2 5 / 9 2 = "Chinese language." In China Daily, February 25, 1992, 3. C D 5 / 1 8 / 9 2 = "Putonghua." In China Daily, May 18, 1992, 6. C D 6 / 2 4 / 9 2 = "Capital's language campaign." In China Daily, June 24, 1992, 3. C D 7 / 1 9 / 9 2 = "Chinese characters better used." In China Daily, July 19, 1990, 3. C D 7 / 2 9 / 9 2 = "State edict on misuse of Chinese." In China Daily, July 29, 1992, 3. C D 8/3/92 = "China set to follow copyright dictates." In China Daily, August 3, 1992, 1. C D 8 / 1 4 / 9 2 = "Chinese publishers given new freedoms." In China Daily, August 14, 1992, 3. C D 8 / 1 5 / 9 2 = "Putonghua common in ethnic areas." In China Daily, August 15, 1992, 3. C D 9 / 2 6 / 9 2 = "Li: work to standardize language." In China Daily, September 26, 1992, 1.

The Current

State of Chinese

Lexicography

101

C D 1 2 / 2 2 / 9 2 = "Self-taught English to be tested." In China Daily, D e c e m b e r 2 2 , 1992, 3. C D 1 2 / 2 4 / 9 2 = "More reforms to publishers on the books." In China Daily, D e c e m b e r 2 4 , 1992, 1. C D 3 / 2 / 9 3 = "Learners o f E n g l i s h to serve city." In China Daily, March 2, 1993, 3. C D 3 / 2 6 / 9 3 = "One English test for all?" In China Daily, March 2 6 , 1993, 3 C D 5 / 2 3 / 9 3 = "HK civil servants learning putonghua." In China Daily, M a y 2 3 , 1993, 3. C D 6 / 3 0 / 9 3 = "Hong K o n g bank starts Putonghua radio show." In China Daily, June 30, 1993, 3. Chien, D a v i d . ( 1 9 8 6 ) Lexicography in China: Bibliography of Dictionaries and Related Literature. Exeter: T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Exeter. Creamer, T h o m a s . ( 1 9 8 7 ) "The State o f Lexicography in the People's Republic o f China." In Advances Lexicography. Edmonton, Alberta, Boreal Scholarly Publishing, 1987. ( 1 9 8 9 ) "Shuowen 3, 176 - 187. CSYJ 1990.4 =

Jiezi and Textual Criticism in China." In International «•%

[Huang Jianhua's On Dictionaries

Journal

in

of Lexicography,

captures a prize]. In

[Cishu Yanjiu -- Lexicographic Studies], 1990, N o . 4, 155. CSYJ 1990.6 = # 1 9 9 0 1 - 6 ( & % 5 9 - 6 4 M) % Β * I I " [Index to Articles in Research 1990, N o s . 1 - 6 (Cumulative N o s . 5 9 - 64)]. In [Cishu Yanjiu Lexicographic

V o l . 2, N o . # Lexicographic Studies],

1 9 9 0 , N o . 6 , 152 - 158. CSYJ 1990.7 = « 1 9 8 8 - 2000 « # * » % ib Ä L f t * ' J > > " [State C o u n c i l ' approves 'National Plan for C o m p i l i n g Lexicographic Works, 1988 - 2 0 0 0 ' ] . In [Cishu Yanjiu Lexicographic Studies], 1 9 9 0 , N o 7, 1. - 4. C S Y J 1 9 9 1 . 3 = " « < * 45 -?"»a [ S y m b o l s for Dictionary C o m p i l a t i o n ' National Standards Issued], In [Cishu Yanjiu Lexicographic Studies], 1991, N o . 3, 1 - 7. C Y C N o . 12 ( 1 9 9 2 ) = Ji| # 4« A 1985 - 1 9 9 0 ΐ " [Sichuan Dictionary Publishing H o u s e 1985 - 1 9 9 0 ]. In ^ - J W f S f c & f J [Cidian Yanjiu Congkan Lexicographic Research Collection] N o . 12, 106 - 117, 118 - 120. Li, H a i m i n g (1992) í f i f c x i í I ( 1 9 9 0 ) " [Index to Articles o n L e x i c o g r a p h y in 1990]. In [Cishu Yanjiu Lexicographic Studies], 1992, N o . 2, 148 - 1 5 2 . M a , Zhiping. ( 1 9 9 2 ) "People told to get o n the s a m e page." In China Daily, R M R B 2 / 2 2 / 9 2 = "Γ $

July 15, 1992, 3.

[Guangdong's decision to vigorously popularized putonghua].

In

A R . El [Renmin Ribao - People's Daily], February 22, 1992, 1. RMRB 3/1/92 = [Putonghua in Guangdong]. In λ Κ , EI [Renmin Ribao - People's Daily], M a r c h 1, 1 9 9 2 , 1. RMRB 3/2/92 = ft xi" [ P o p u l a r i z e p u t o n g h u a to suit 'reform and o p e n i n g ' ] . In A R , S 4 1 [Renmin Ribao - People's Daily], March 2, 1992, 3. Shanghai C i s h u X u e h u i 45 # T h e Shanghai Lexicography Society], ( 1 9 9 0 ) + Β # 4 5 # ι £ χ · £ ?l [Index to Articles on Chinese Lexicography], Shanghai Lexicography Publishing H o u s e , 1990. Taylor, Sally. ( 1 9 9 2 ) "Pirates no more." In Far Eastern Economic Review, D e c e m b e r 10, 1992, 3 4 - 35. Tian, X i a o l i n (1992) [The N e e d for the Standardization o f the S p o k e n and Written Languages o f H o n g Kong]. In + S ü · "s [Zhongguo 1992, 1 0 9 - 112.

Yuyan --Chinese

Language],

N o . 2, (March),

X i , M i . ( 1 9 9 2 ) "More languages m e a n better business." In China Daily, September 17, 1 9 9 2 , 4 . X i e , Liangjun. ( 1 9 9 2 ) "English l e s s o n s are starting early." In China Daily, September 17, 1 9 9 2 , 6 . Y a n g , Paul F u - m i e n , S. J. ( 1 9 8 5 ) Chinese Lexicography and Lexicography A Selected and Classified H o n g K o n g : T h e Chinese University Press. Y a o , Z h e n g and Liu, D o n g p i n g . ( 1 9 9 2 ) "Modern versions o f C h i n e s e classics." In Beijing 1992, 34.

Review,

Bibliography. Nov. 23 - 29,

Zhang, Lin. ( 1 9 9 2 a ) "Printing o f c l a s s i c s to b e increased." In China Daily, March 7, 1992, 1. Zhang, Lin. ( 1 9 9 2 b ) "Editors o f classics get b o o k award." In China Daily, M a r c h 11, 1992, 3. Zhongguo Kexueyuan S if T h e Linguistics Research O f f i c e o f the Chinese A c a d e m y o f Sciences], (1978) [Index to Articles on Chinese Linguistics]. Beijing: C o m m e r c i a l Press, 2 v o l s . Zhuang, Huaping. ( 1 9 9 2 ) "Publisher l o o k s for lasting value of books." In China Daily, April 21, 1992, 5.

The 'New Historiography,' the History of French and 'Le Bon Usage' in Nicot's Dictionary (1606) Douglas A. Kibbee

0. Introduction The Thresor de la langue françoyse, published in 1606, two years after Jean Nicot's death, was the first monolingual French dictionary, at once the culmination of the Estienne French-Latin dictionary tradition, and the foundation of a new monolingual tradition. The very act of creating a monolingual dictionary reflects the confidence of the newly healed nation/state (after the Wars of Religion), and serves to make the language an instrument of power. This dictionary followed a halfcentury of debate over what constituted naïffrançois, a question that required a new historical approach to the French language, developing out of the new generation of historians that emerged from the tutelage of Adrien Turnèbe (1512-1565) midway through the sixteenth century. The resolution of that issue, as it played out in the seventeenth century, established a standard language for the nation and a language standard for membership in the nation's elite. The debate over usage in French has centered, for the most part, on individual words. The debate gave rise to the tradition of books entitled "Remarques et Observations sur la Langue Française", a tradition that has not slowed to this day 1 . Indeed, Nicot's own work prefigures this development, as the title given on the first page of the dictionary is "Les Commentaires de la langue françoyse". Emphasis on words takes several forms: determination if a word is truly or should be part of (correct/refined) French vocabulary; discussion of the semantic and syntactic frames of individual words; the relationship between orthography and pronunciation of individual words. Each of these aspects, in turn, relates to broader questions of language and power in society: rejection of dialectal forms reflects the increasing centralization of governmental power; rejection of words based on class distribution reflects the influence of a particular social/professional group (the court, the legal profession); the insistence on strict rules of correct usage for accepted words stigmatizes those who are removed from the seat of linguistic power, as do injunctions concerning pronunciation. The dictionary, then, being a genre of linguistic description totally devoted to words, has particular interest for the investigation of issues concerning language and power. Inclusion in the

1

See Ayres-Bennett (1991) for a description of the genre in the 17th century. In the 20th century the remarques et observations tradition has been a regular feature of journalism (cf. Jacques Cellard Le Monde, "Aristide" for Le Figaro), supplemented by a number of books on the "crise du français".

104

Douglas A. Kibbee

dictionary is a mark of acceptance, as evidenced each year by the attention that greets the announcement of the new words to be included in the latest edition of the Petit Larousse.

Within

dictionaries, indications of usage abound ('vulgar', 'archaic', 'technical'). Nicot's dictionary in particular offers special insights into the linguistic debates over usage, at the time that concept was being developed. His description of acceptable vocabulary early in the 17th century bridges the openness to variation found in the theories of the Pléiade (if not in their practice) and the increasingly rigid strictures of the classical period. He stands at the transition point between two linguistic and lexicographic traditions, for in the year between his death and the publication of his dictionary Malherbe, the apostle of classicism, arrived at the court. Furthermore, his interest in the history of French reveals changes taking place not only within that nascent discipline, but also within historical studies in general.

0.1. Biographical information

To understand the individual position taken by Nicot, we must take some account of the circumstances of his life as well as of the trends in lexicographic and grammatical thought at the time. He was not Parisian, and not a member of the upper nobility, although he was accepted into the court of Henri Π and served at the highest levels of the state. Born into a family of notaries in 1530, his early education in Nîmes included studies under Claude Baduel at the newly founded (1540) Collège des Arts of his native town. He may have continued his studies of law at Avignon or Toulouse before moving to Paris in 1553 or 1554, to take a position in the service of the Garde des Sceaux (Falgairolle, 1897:xix ff; the details which follow are based on Falgairolle's account). By 1556 he had made enough of an impression on Henri II to be named Maître des Requêtes de l'hôtel du Roi, a position that involved oversight of a number of representatives of the crown. In 1559, when Henri Π wanted to arrange the marriage of his daughter Marguérite to Sebastian of Portugal, he turned to Nicot as his personal ambassador. Nicot served as ambassador in Lisbon for two years, during which time he was introduced to the tobacco plant, brought back by Portuguese explorers of the New World (whence nicotine).

When

Nicot returned to France, he took up a life of letters, publishing in 1567 an edition of Aimoin's Latin history of the French kings. He provided some archeological information for François Belleforest's Cosmographie

(1575) and was well-known to other leading intellectuals of the

second half of the 16th century in France (the poets of the Pléiade, Ramus, Lambin, Buchanan). The history of France and the history of French were his passions, and these interests shaped both his dictionary and his conception of usage in the French language.

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0.2. The Thresor Nicot's Thresor is a complex document with a complex history. The complete title helps to describe the nature of the book: Thresor de la langue française, tant ancienne que Moderne. Auquel entre autres choses sont les mots propres de marine, venene & Faulconnerie, cy deuant ramassez par Aimar de Ranconnet, viuant conseiller & President des Enquestes en Parlement. Revev et augmenté en ceste demiere impression de plus de la moitié; Par lean Nicot, viuant Conseiller du Roy, & M[aître] des Requestes extraordinaire de son Hostel. Avec une Grammaire Françoyse et Latine, & le recueil des vieux prouerbes de la France. Ensemble le Nomenciator de ¡unius mits par ordre alphabetic, & creu d'une table particulière de toutes les dictions

As noted above, Nicot added the title "Les Commentaires de la langue francoise" before his dictionary, which runs 674 two-column pages. The 32-page grammar (Exact et tres-facile acheminement a la langue francoise), compiled by Jean Masset, is directed towards foreign learners of French, particularly Germans. There follow 24 pages on proverbs, divided into a list of French proverbs with Latin translation, and more detailed explanation of more than a hundred of those. Iunius' classified Latin vocabulary, with translations into Greek, German, Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish, provides 190 pages of specialized vocabulary and a 38-page index. Thus the complete volume published by Douceur in 1606 is about two-thirds Nicot's Thresor and one-third other documents. These other documents, viewed as necessary additions to the "commentaries on French", hint at other uses for Nicot's dictionary: teaching French as a second language, providing moral training for youth, translating technical treatises. The interest in "vieux proverbes" reflects the importance of historical questions at this point in the development of the French nation. Proverbs were seen as a window to observe an ancient quality of French, and of the French people, now lost. Furthermore, proverbs and metaphors were seen as particularly reflective of the "native genius" of a language, what separated that language from others, giving it its distinctive quality. Erasmus noted this particular quality of proverbs in his Apophthegmata (1568: Introduction):2 Habent enim apophthegmata peculiarem quandam rationem et indolem suam, ut breviter, argute, salse et urbane cuiusque ingenium exprimant. Siquidem ut singulis hominibus, ita singulis etiam nationibus suus quidam genius est.

Thus the section on proverbs is an integral part of the overall plan of the volume, and in particular of the use of the dictionary to trace the historical development of the French people and their language. The dictionary itself is a direct descendant of Robert Estienne's Dictionaire francois-latin, first published in 1539. Estienne published a second edition "corrigé et augmenté" in 1549, in which he added about 4000 words (Brandon, 1904:72). Jean Thierry (with the help of Jacques Dupuys? 2

The Apophthegmata first appeared around 1530; I have cited the edition available to me, published by Henri Estienne. Erasmus had published earlier several long collections of "adages": Collectanea (1500), Adagiorum Chiliades (1508) and subsequent augmented editions. See Phillips 1964 for full details.

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See Brandon, 1904:82) published another edition in 1564, and Dupuys published one of his own in 1573 (second printing, 1584), to which Nicot contributed. In between these two, upon the expiration of Thierry's privilege, his version was reprinted with the addition of two works on place names, all under the name of Jean le Frère de l'Aval. Each of these editions (with the exception of Jean le Frère de 1'Aval's pirated publications) adds more words, and more French description of the words. The particular contributions of Nicot are the addition of French definitions to almost every main entry and many of the subentries, and the addition of many commentaries relating to etymology and usage. The important question, once the variety of these comments are identified and classified (as they have been by Heymann, Lanusse, Brandon and Wooldridge), is why he chose to make the comments he did in these domains.

1. Le Bon Usage The answer to that question lies in the debates over the French language that took place in the second half of the sixteenth century and continued into the seventeenth century, leading to but certainly not ending with the intervention of the state through the creation of the Académie Française. The central concept of this debate is usage, in particular le bon usage. Although some have been more open to language reform according to reason/analogy, some conception of usage has always been the basis of most linguistic description and prescription. The variation has been in the dialect chosen as model, and how that model has been proposed to/imposed on others. In the sixteenth century, a number of conceptions competed for dominance, with none gaining the ascendance. Jacques Dubois often preferred his native Picard dialect to the Parisian dialect, because he attributed to that dialect a greater affinity to Latin. The poets of the Pléiade professed openness to the dialectal variation found within France (cf. Ronsard's Abbrégé de l'Art poétique, 1565). Louis Meigret preferred the language of the court, all the while warning against the whimsical pronunciation of some "effeminez mignons" found in that locale. Ramus considered the anomalies of French (such as the generally condemned constructions, e.g., 'j'allons') indicative of the native genius of French, and insisted that French was an evolved form of Gaulois (see Trudeau, 1992, Chapter 3 for an insightful account). Henri Estienne, while promoting the usage of Paris, leveled his harshest attacks on the court, especially on the Italian influence on courtly vocabulary. Mathieu, a member of the legal profession, chose the language of that group as the example of the best French. All of these ideas were circulating as Nicot made his additions to the dictionary.

The types of variation he noted, the attitudes he took towards variation, both

synchronic and diachronic, the attitudes towards French borrowings from different languages—all

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of these reflect political as well as linguistic choices in the tempestuous years of the Wars of Religion and, in their aftermath, of the establishment of the modem French state. The links between language, culture and power were certainly well known to Nicot. In the dedicatory letter of the editor to the posthumously published dictionary, David Douceur notes the important link between "le langaige et les meurs d'un pays" and urges that "par le restablissement de nostre parler ancien (plus ferme, plus court, & plus significatif, que celuy qui a depuis esté receu) l'on reprenne le chemin de pouvoir revenir à la générosité, constance & magnanimité de nos peres".

By insisting on understanding the development of the French language, as a means to

understanding and returning to the values expressed in works several hundred years old, Nicot rejects the Italianized language of the court in the Medicis period (ferme vs. effemini), the creative fancy of the earlier Renaissance (court vs. prolixe), and the culture these developments represent (significatif vs. insignifiant). The openness of the Pléiade to variation is random; poets borrow a word when it fits their fancy, to fill a specific semantic and artistic need. Nicot will instead define the essence of French through his commentaries, reunifying the French people with their illustrious past, for the creation of a modem French state based on cultural and linguistic unity.

2. Method Most previous studies on the work of historians of the language have focused on the question of accuracy. 3 Lanusse's study of Nicot is no exception. He lists fifteen pages of words where Nicot corrects previous etymologies of his predecessors, particularly from those who saw Greek origins of French. Here we shall focus more on the reasons why Nicot rejected those etymologies (as well as many others) and how he adapted the theories of the 'new history' of the second half of the sixteenth century to the study of language. Isolating such features in a 674-page dictionary is not an easy task. A new tool available for judging the extent of these changes is the computer-generated concordance of Nicot's work produced by Wooldridge (1985) and other full-text computer databases currently being created. 4 The changes in sixteenth-century historiography are manifested in Nicot's dictionary by the use of certain vocabulary.

Studying the metalanguage of historical linguistics with the help of

Wooldridge's concordance, we can see the types of contexts in which Nicot uses terms such as naïf as opposed to naturalisé-, the importance Nicot attaches to the "anciens" and various pre-

3

See for example Samfiresco's evaluation of Ménage. Future work promises an even more accurate picture of changes in linguistic thought and vocabulary, through the comparison of the vocabulary identified in this manner with the vocabulary identified in the concordance of Latin grammarians (Index Grammaticus), with full-text data-bases of linguistic works of the 16th and 17th century in France (under preparation by Kibbee, as described at the annual meeting of the Association for Literary and Linguistic Computing, June 1993), with full-text sources of other works of the same period (Trésor de la langue française), etc. 4

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'French' categories: Gaulois, Francs, Grecs, Romains, etc. To trace these developments in a comprehensive way, we have isolated vocabulary related to usage: ancien, naif, naturel and their derivatives; tiré, pris, dérive, origine and other words relating to etymology; the names of all languages, dialects and cited sources; the verbs dire and appeler (particularly in their past tenses, as in on disoit, on appeloit). A few examples demonstrate the importance of these terms for Nicot. First, the term naïf and its derivatives. The French term itself is derived from the Latin verb nascor, "to be bom", which has the past participle natus, and from that the adjective nativus. For a word or expression to belong to the naïf françois, this means that it has been part of French from the beginning of 'Frenchness'. Naif thus refers to the steady core of Frenchness. This can be alteration of the root sense of a word, as when Nicot criticizes Nicole Gilles' application of the word riblerie to legitimate warfare because this use contravenes "naifveté" of the word, i.e., the sense of the verb from which the noun is derived (ribler). It can also be a change in the morphology of French, as in the article on empereur where Nicot criticizes the feminine form imperatrice, preferring the naïve form emperiere: En ceste sorte le François depuis quelque temps en ça combien qu'il retienne sa terminaison naipe au masculin Empereur, il a prins une terminaison estrangere au feminin Imperatrice, là où les anciens disoyent Emperiere. Il est vray toutesfois que de tuteur & curateur & procurateur il dit tutrice, curatrice & procuratrice, mais l'analogie n'y est pas: car en ces trois derniers il retient toutes les syllabes des masculins Latins, là où en ce mot Empereur, il en laisse une en chemin, du Latin qui est de quatre.

That is to say, because empereur has gone through all the phonetic changes natural to French, the feminine form should reflect that long history in the language. Recent learned borrowings are exempt from such expectations. The argument of naïveté can also be invoked to block such borrowings altogether, whether from an ancient language or a modern. Nicot sees no reason to replace haster {"naïf François") by accelerer ("pur Latin"), or embusche by the Spanish/Italian influenced embuscade. "Ancien" and its derivatives describe an intermediate stage, a period when the French nation was already formed and the French language was already being used in literature. Nicot's interest in this period is evidenced by the appearance of words from this family 612 times in the dictionary. Most often the terms is found in discussions of (1) former place names; (2) general customs and practices now out of use (e.g., clothing, money, measures); (3) Practices relating to royalty and government; (4) changes in word use (particularly meaning and pronunciation). It is these last two categories that interest us the most here, and reflect the interdependence of the Nicot's two pursuits: history of the nation, history of the language, especially when used in combination with françois

(adjective or noun) in expressions such as les anciens François disoient... or "Dans

l'ancienne langue françoise". These terms appear almost without exception in Nicot's extended articles, his primary extension of the Estienne, Thierry, and Dupuys dictionaries. The range and application of this vocabulary provides a broad view of Nicot's approach to historical variation.

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3. History of French and Nicot's Concept of 'Bon Usage' Several theories of the origin of the French language circulated in the sixteenth century. Obviously most of the vocabulary had come into French from Latin, but the distinctive features of French received closer attention. Were these due to Frankish or Gaulois influence? Whichever one chose, a link was invented between that origin and Greek, the language of highest prestige. Some claimed that the Franks were descendants of Hector, grandson of Priam. Others claimed that the Gauls spoke Greek, citing evidence from Greek and Roman historians that Gaulish was represented by Greek letters. Furthermore, St. Paul spoke to the Galatians in Greek, the Galatians were a Celtic people related to the Gauls, therefore the Gauls, must have spoken Greek. In one variant, the Gauls actually taught civilization to the Greeks. Perion (1555), Henri Estienne (1565), and Trippault (1580) were the main sources for the linguistic evidence, and Nicot adds to these Wolfgang Lazius' (1514-1565) De migrationibus gentium5 (1550) and Estienne Pasquier's (15291615) Recherches de la France (1560). This description of the history of the word "dune" demonstrates the confusion that reigned concerning the origins of peoples: Dune, ou Dunne, f penac. Est ce qu'on appelle vnde de mer, que les mariniers nomme Oule, quand elle est grande & impétueuse, vsurpans en cela le mot Espagnol, Ola, la quelle navigeans en la mer mediterranee ils appellent Vague [...] Le mot vient du vieil terme des Gaulois Grecs, Dunne, qui signifie vnde, lequel (comme dit Wolfgangus Lazius, au premier livre De Migrationib. gent.) Lesdits Gaulo-Grecs (qui estoient Allemans comme il pretend) prindrent des Grecs, lorsqu'ils y furent sous la conduite de Brennon, Acichorion Belgien, Ceretbrion & Bathauace leurs capitaines, par meslange & corruption de leur langue naturale, avec celle du pais de leur conqueste, où le mot "δυνη " estoit vsité pour vnde, qui semble estre la cause pourquoy les Flamans ont donné le nom de Dunnes, aux falaises costoyans le bord de leur mer, qui sont hurts de sable haut eslevez en la coste ou costans de sable, d'autant qu'ils font teste à la Dunne, c'est à dire au flot impetueux de la mer, & empeschent qu'il ne submerge le païs...

The search for sources outside the obvious Latin was driven by political motives: gallican independence from the Roman church, the authority of the French king and his relationship to the parliament, the quest for dominance over other European cultures (see Kibbee, 1992 for further details). 3.1. Method in the history of the French language One trait that unites these commentators on the origins of French at this time, with the exception of Estienne Pasquier and Claude Fauchet, is a lack of familiarity with medieval French

5

The full title of Lazius' book shows its direct relevance to these questions; unfortunately I was not able to consult a copy while preparing this article; no copies of the first edition are located in US libraries. The full title: De gentium aliquot migrationibus: sedibus fixis, reliquis, linguarumque initiis & immutationibus ac dialectis, libri XII. In quibus praeter caeteros populos, Francorum, Alemannorum, Suevorum, Marcomanorum, Boiorum, Carnorum, Tauriscorum, Celtarumque, atque Gallograecorum tribus, primordio et posteritas singulorum, quaeque ex his insigniores principum comitumque: ac nobilitatis totius pene Germaniae, Latiique & Galliae stirpes processerunt, diligenti examine historiae denique autorum, Annaliumque cum lectione tum collatione traduntur atque explicantur.

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included a number of medieval manuscripts. In hundreds of entries Nicot cites evidence from Old French texts, as when he includes trulle, even though it is "Grec corrompu", because "il se trouve en aucuns anciens livres François". A trait that distinguishes Nicot from Pasquier and Fauchet is his detailed knowledge of other Romance languages. Both Fauchet and Pasquier were born in Paris, and, aside from periods of study and travel in Italy, spent their entire lives there, working in legal circles. Nicot, in his dictionary, makes many references to other Romance languages, including his native Occitan (Languedocien: 146 mentions), Italian (450), Spanish (534) and Portuguese (28). Bovelles had mentioned equivalents of a few words in a number of Romance languages and dialects, but Nicot uses his far superior knowledge to demonstrate the links among'them, generally without the polemical predispositions of Henri Estienne. The knowledge of these sources transformed the search for origins from etymology to history of the language. The former, as practiced in the sixteenth century, sought origins in the sense of primary, often hidden, meanings through random links of meaning and approximate form across language families and across millenia. The latter sought to trace the chronology of linguistic developments through regular equivalencies of letters (the concept of phoneme being still unknown). More consistent letter change rules replaced the random and inconsistent attempts to link semantically related forms. Thus, in the entry for burre (Mod Fr. beurre), Nicot presents a good attempt at a rule for progressive assimilation: Burre [...] Il vient de ce mot Latinisé, Butyrum, Par syncope de la voyelle y, & changement de t, en r, (car quand par syncope és mots transportez du Grec ou Latin en François, deux consonantes s'assemblent si la precedente reçoit mutation, c'est en sa suivante qu'elle se change communément) (1606:95)

Other phenomena noted by Nicot are apocope, syncope, insertion of glide (transition) consonants {camera > chambre),

diphthongization, vocalization of [1] before consonants, etc. (Lanusse

(1897:89-102) lists the sound changes noted by Nicot.) The inaccuracies engendered by the analysis of letters rather than sounds are many, but the principle is established. 3.2. The history of French and the history of France For Nicot tracing this historical development was crucial to the definition of the standard language. A major innovation of his lexicography was to describe the French language "tant ancienne que moderne" and the reason for doing this is made clear by the dedicatory letter of the editor, cited above: the old language represents the "natural" way for French and for France, because language, culture and nation are one. Reviving knowlege of the history of the language would revive the France of the past, marked by a strong monarchy and a united church. Pasquier dated the beginning of a polished French language to the beginning of the Valois dynasty (1328). Since then, according to Pasquier, the French language grew more and more

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polished. Nonetheless, all change is not for the good and Pasquier notes that "il n'est pas dit que tout ce que nous avons changé de l'ancienneté, soit plus poly, ores qu'il ait aujourd'hui cours" (1560:Vni, 3). Pasquier's interest in the history of the language shows the role of language in the history of the country, and the role of historical linguistics in the formulation of a new history. 3.3. French historiography and the history of France The antiquarian interest in French had been growing for more than a century. Late in the 15th century Nicole Gilles (d. 1503) wrote his Annales6, which failed to distinguish between pure fable and solid history. This type of history was scorned for its style by Robert Gaguin (1433-1501)7, and for its content by Paolo Emilio (d. 1529). The definitive break came at mid-century, with a new generation of historians: in addition to Pasquier and Fauchet, there were Pierre Pithou (15391596), Jean de Serres (1540-1598), Lancelot Voisin, Sieur de La Popelinière (1541-1608), and Jean Bodin (1529-1596). These historians were profoundly affected by Humanist Italian historiography, which focused on political history, insisted on realistic explanation of events (no miracles), required the critical analysis of sources, and applied the lessons of history to current events. These interests were certainly reinforced by the troubled times of the Wars of Religion, during which the authority of the church, the educational establishment attached to it, and the nature of the monarchy were the objects of ferocious debate and, all too often, violent confrontation. The historiography of the French nation turned to the critical analysis of specified sources, the establishment of a rigorous chronology, the insistence on explanation, and the application of history to an understanding of the present. Through these means, the historically defensible nature of French society would be defined. Nicot's dictionary was a crucial tool for arriving at these ends. His approach to lexicography, in particular his description of Old French and the use of technical, legal and political terms from Old French, have to be interpreted in the light of this vision of history as a discipline and the history of France as a vocation. We shall now consider each of these features in Nicot's dictionary.

6

The full title of Gilles' work is: Les tres elegantes, tres veridiques et copieuses annales des tres preux, tres nobles, tres chrestiens et tres excellens modérateurs des belliqueuses Gaules.

This first appeared in 1492, with subsequent printed editions through the sixteenth century and even into the seventeenth. 7 Nicot had read Gaguin's Compedium, as evidenced by the twenty references he makes to his work in the dictionary (see, for example, the article for consaul). He also cites Gilles' Annales and Pasquier's Recherches.

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3.3.1 Attention to sources The citation of sources, and the comparison of conflicting sources, is a key feature of Nicot's etymological explanations. The following article shows how Nicot used this technique: Esclamine, f penacut. C'est une façon de manteau long que les pelerins portoyent anciennement, comme se void au Roman de Guy de Waruich. aucuns l'appellent Escluine, penula chlamys. Mais on peut dire que au lieu de Esclamme & d'Escluine, il faut lire Esclauine, ou Sclauine, voyez Esclauine. Toutefois du Fouilloux cha. 20. de la venerie, dit que des cerfs bruns y en a qui sont grands, longs & esclames, qui est à dire de grand corsage & manteau. Aussi dit-on le manteau du cheval, pour le poil et la peau dont il est emmantele

Nicot here cites two sources, the Anglo-Norman romance Guy de Warwick (early thirteenth century) and Jacques du Fouilloux's sixteenth-century treatise on venery. The former provides an early dating, the latter a confirmation that this term should be used rather than the alternative esclavine. Not all words have Old French sources cited, but the appearance of specific sources from Old French serves to valorize that stage in the language and insist on the continuity of the language. Among the sources mentioned are Guy de Warwick (32 citations), François Villon (8), Gaston Phoebus' treatise on hunting (2), etc. Non-literary sources, particularly those relating to the monarchy and official functions and practices, such as the Salic Law (originally compiled in the sixth century), Aimoin's Chroniques

(twelfth century), the Coustumes

de Paris and other

municipalities, the chronicles of Froissart (1337-1400) and Enguerrand de Monstrelet (13901453), and the sixteenth-century historians are frequently invoked in the important and often encyclopedic articles on that vocabulary. The citation of contemporary or near-contemporary sources elevates those authors to the same plane as the ancients (already well cited in the Estienne tradition) and as renowned sources in other languages (Castiglione, Dante, etc.). Among the sixteenth-century authors mentioned Ronsard is by far the most popular (97 times); others include Des Essarts (Amadis de Gaule), Du Bellay (esp. the Odes), Jean Lemaire des Belges, François Belleforest as well as the historians noted earlier. The importance of such sources in a dictionary has negative implications as well. Limitation of the sources of accepted French vocabulary to (1) words used to translate great Latin authors (the basic stock of the Estienne dictionaries); (2) words used by approved French authors; and (3) words used by approved French speakers (generally from the legal profession) eliminates the common usage that gives Palsgrave's English-French dictionary (1530) such liveliness and practicality. The repercussions of this decision, subsequently adopted by Malherbe and the Académie Française, continue to be felt to this day, as witnessed by the exchange between Jean Dutourd (1986) and Orlando de Rudder (1987). Thus Nicot, acting in accordance with the historiographical technique that gained acceptance in the latter part of the sixteenth century, established a practice for French lexicography that contributed to the fossilization of classical French.

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3.3.2 Establishment of chronology One of the preoccupations of the new school of historiography was to establish firm chronologies of events in political history, so that causes and effects could be reasonably determined. Nicolas Vignier (1530-1596) notes the importance of this aspect, as well as of the sources, in the title of his Sommaire de l'histoire des François (1579), when he states that this 'summary' is drawn "des plus certains aucteurs de l'ancienneté, & digéré selon le vray ordre des temps".

Du Tillet's Recueil des Roys de France is complemented by a chronological table of

French history from the fifth century to 1550. For Nicot this emphasis on correct chronology had particular importance in the political and legal vocabulary, but it also extended to more general considerations. Within the legal realm this concern can be seen in the precise dating of the use of the term "brief in the following article: Bref [...] Brief de dessaisine entre Normands, c'est Interdiction, uti possidetis pro spolia to, C'est une briefve commission du iuge ottroyée à ¡'expolié & chassé de sa possession, pour faire adiourner celuy qui ainsi l'a deietté. Mot ancien entre eux, &. dés l'an mil trois cents quatre vingts, Selon ce brief en general, sont telles commissions données du iuge, lesquelles selon les diversitez des matieres & actions sortissent diuerses appellations sous le nom de Brief de mariage encombré...

The change in the legal use of the term is thus precisely dated, which will help in sorting out the implications of legal documents that precede and follow. A more general use of chronology takes advantage of Nicot's broad knowledge of other Romance languages. Through his reading of Old Italian, Old Spanish, and Old Provençal, Nicot could, more accurately than his predecessors, judge whether a word came into French from another Romance language, or directly from Latin, and changes in meaning that occured since the break-up of a common Romania (to the extent that such an entity ever existed). Thus, for example, Nicot can compare the use of the feminine courtisane in French, Italian and Spanish, and the spread of its less favorable connotation from Italian to the others: Courtisane, f. penac. Signifie proprement la Dame, Damoiselle ou chapperonniere suyuant la court d'un Prince, Mulier curialis, Mais l'Italien (que l'Espagnol a par après imité, & les François aucunement) luy a donné une signification odieuse, appelant cortigiana une putain de reputation, car les autres de moindre qualibre, que le François nomme filles de ioye, ou Cantonnieres, il les nomme Scalchine, & par un nom commun Putane.

Henri Estienne might see in this profusion of Italian nouns an indication that such women are more common in Italy, just as he notes that charlatan had to be borrowed into French because such people only exist in Italy and were unkown in France before the arrival of Italian courtiers8. Nicot is much more circumspect, simply noting variation, and order of semantic change. The legal importance of such variation and change is evidenced by the long article on the word palais: 8 [...] il ne se fault pas esbahir si nous ne pourrions trouver un motfrançois signifiant telles gens, veu que le mestier duquel ils se meslent est tel qu'à grand'peine le pourroit-on descrire à un François, sinon en les contrefaisant. (Estienne 1578:93 [Smith edition])

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Douglas A. Kibbee Palais/.../ Est proprement (comme dit l'Empereur Constantin en la loy unique De palatiis & dominibus dominicis au 12.l.du Code) l'hostel royal, ou Imperial, Domus Regia Augustana. L'origine du mot vient d'un des principaux monts de la ville de Rome dit Palatium, auquel estant posée la premiere situation de ladicte ville: Romulus premier Roy d'icelle, establit son auberge Royal, où depuis habitèrent grande partie de ses successeurs Roys. Finalement fut en ce mont establi le siege de l'Empire, & hostel Imperial; si que depuis Auguste tous les Empereurs Romains y habitèrent. Et à cause de ce est venu l'usage, que toute maison de Roy estoit anciennement appelée palais. L'Italien et l'Espagnol retiennent cet usage encore; mais ils communiquent aussi ce mot à toutes grandes maisons d'edifice somptueux, ores qu'elles soient à seigneurs particuliers, inférieurs à Monarques, & autres seigneurs souverains; ce que le François ne fait pas.

The word itself has a Latin root, and Italian and Spanish have generalized its meaning to include any large sumptuous building. The link to the Roman empire, its traditions and its legal code is important, as is the distinction between the extension of the word in other Romance languages, and the maintenance of its more 'proper' use by the French. However, Nicot then felt obliged to explain how certain buildings in Paris, now no longer used as royal dwellings (the "Petit Palais"). Because the Petit Palais had become, by Nicot's time, the site of many judicial functions, the term palais had spread in France to all buildings where the Parlements

were seated.

Palais

designated, as Nicot put it, the lict Royal de iustice, as well as the site of the lict royal. By establishing the chronology of the use of these words, Nicot helped his contemporaries understand what key terms in government meant at specific periods, and thus he furthers the work of the historians in fixing the order of political events in the history of the French kingdom. To this task he brings not only his skills as a philologist in tracking down attestations and placing them in order, but also his skills as a comparativist, showing ways in which the major languages of Romania have gone their own way. The fact that French remained closer to ancient usage in some terms bolstered France's claims to superiority in the battle for supremacy among the vernaculars. The value placed on that conservatism also affects judgments made within French, and contributes to the so-called doctrine de Malherbe.

3.3.3 Insistence on explanation The new historians found their predecessors simple chroniqueurs,

who at best recounted

events without explaining them. Such superficial efforts would not suffice for history, and Nicot offered a dual response: first, he would explain the history of the language, not simply make chance comparisons between superficially similar words across time and languages; second, by the act of this explanation, he would make the type of history the new historians desired possible, making the ancient texts comprehensible and thus subject to comparison and verification. The first response, the creation of a science of historical linguistics with sound change rules (or at least letter change rules), was not without its faults. Among the features noted with greater accuracy, we can cite the syncope of pre-tonic and posttonic vowels (directum > droit; sœculum > siècle)·, diphthongization of tonic vowels (verum > voir)·, loss of intervocalic stops (redemptionem > rançon). While he notes many cases of what we would call today palatalization, he tends to see them as straight changes, without understanding the process (e.g., lectum > lit, spelled ).

The 'New Historiography, ' the History of French and 'Le Bon Usage' in Nicot's Dictionary (1606)

115

N i c o t m a k e s no references to articulators, e v e n though s o m e knowledge of this type of analysis of s o u n d w a s current in the latter part of the sixteenth century (see for e x a m p l e B e l l o t 1578 and 1588). N i c o t is not necessarily accurate in his historical explanation, but he attempts a level of explanation u n k n o w n to his predecessors. T h e s e c o n d response, the creation of a linguistic tool that w o u l d make possible more accurate historical explanation is manifest in the many e n c y c l o p e d i c entries. For example, the f o l l o w i n g article on pair offers an explanation of the term, and the importance of the term in various settings: Pair m. & n. C'est en general égal, semblable, equipollent, Par. Pareil & en pluriel Pairs, sont les vassaux d'vn seigneur, qui sont tenus assister à leur seance en Cour, & à leurs plaids, lesquels ne sont en tous pais d'vne sorte Pares. Du-Tillet en son recueil des Roys de France, le Comte de Champagne d'ancienneté a esté créé Palatin, & decoré de sept comtes ses vassaux & principaux membres & pairs de son Comté de Champagne leur chef [...] Pairs de France, sont les douze grands seigneurs de Tiltre & Domaine eminent, Ducs et Comtes, moitié Ecclésiastiques, Les Ducs Archeuesque de Rheims, Evesques de Laon & de Langres: Les Comtes Euesques de Beauvais, de Chaalons, & de Noyon. Moitié seculiers. Les Ducs de Bourgoine, de Normandie, de Guienne: les Comtes de Flandres, Champagne & de Tholose. Lesquels estoient & sont tenus à mesme deuoir aux plaids &. Cour du Roy, qu'on dit à present lict de iustice, que sont les pairs des seigneurs inférieurs, & de ce est procédé qu'on dit la Cour de Parlement de Paris estre la Cour & seance des Pairs de France, pour estre le lieu arresté & sédentaire représentant les plaids & audiences solennels & generales, que nos Roys au premier tenoient ores cy ores là, assistez desdits Pairs comme de leurs asesseurs et conseillers nais, prenant l'advis desquels ils decidoient ce qui s'offroit en tels plaids. ladis anniversaires, & par traict de temps iterez par iceux Roys en moins de temps. Et cette-cy est la raison de ce qu'on leur donne le tiltre de France, & de cette maniere de parler aussi, le Roy tenant son lict de iustice (ou séant en son lict de iustice) en sa Cour de Parlement garnie de Pairs, vsitée quand on veut marquer cette grande & authentique seance de nos Roys, ou les grandes affaires de la couronne sont debatuâs par ordre iudiciaire, comme fut la plaidoirie de la Reuersion du Comte de Flandres par la felonnie de Charles d'Austriche. Morts. Pasquier au deuxiesme liure de ses Recherches extrait ce mot de Patritius Latin, & en allegue des raisons & authoritez, lesquelles ie ne veux debatre, ne accorder. L'institution des fiefs, dont les sources & les premiers sont ceux qui de Dieu sont tenus & de l'espée, a introduit les Pairies, c'est à dire les assessoriats de conseilers, de fiefs, dominons, dont les Roys de France ne furent oncques sans, quoy que le nom fust diuers, & par reigle d'estat les seigneurs plus signalez de tiltre & seigneurie estoient de ce rang reduicts finalement à douze, le Roy faisant le chef & le parfait du nombre de treize, court mystique, rapportant au College des douze Apostres, sommes pour tymbre & chef de lesus Christ. Lesdits Pairs estoient la iustification de nos Roys en toute leurs deliberations de conseils és affaires du Royaume, pata-namul 'seeweed, sea plant' kwanjdl --> ppyö-madi

'bone joint'

ch'usu —> kaSl-gOji 'harvest' (literally,'autumn crop') taehwa —> sSro-mal 'dialogue' (lit., 'mutual speech') ch'imsik —> nogyö-kkakki

'erosion'

(b) Loanwords (non-Sino-Koirean origin) replaced p'ama < E. perm(anent wave) —> pokkUm möri (lit., 'toasted hair') herik'opt'a < E. helicopter --> chiksüng-pihaenggi (lit., 'vertically ascending aircraft') k'olset'u < E. corset --> mommae-tti (lit., 'bodystyle-belt') aksent'u < E. accent —> sori-maru (lit., 'sound-ridge') (c) Regional words elevated (equivalent SK words are given in parentheses) namsae (ch'aeso) 'vegetable' pongch'ang (poch'ung) 'replenishment'

One Language, Two Ideologies, and Two Dictionaries: The Case of Korean

217

eminai (kyejibae) 'lassie' yögari (kajangjari) 'edge, rim' pangch'ittol (tadSmittol) 'a fulling stoneblock' (d) Archaic/exctínct words resurrected tungguri 'a peeled log' minch'um-hada 'foolish and immature' pörük-tOng'i 'waste from a mine' nunsOgi 'spring-thaw' palgu 'a horse-drawn sleigh' (e) New compounds coined with native elements karang-p'a 'thin green orion' ae-jOlmun 'boyish' nop-ttwi-da 'to high-leap' mun-daji-da 'to rub-press' pom-p'ul-ssak 'spring-grass-bud' son-buk-ch'um 'hand-drum-dance'

Secondly, North Korean dictionaries are more linguistic, while Southern counterparts are encyclopedic;

whereas the entries in North Korean dictionaries are in general and by design

confined to common words in current usage, those in South Korea additionally include extinct words, dialectal and regional forms, personal and place names, technical words, idioms, phrases, etc. For example, the following entries in Lee's (1992) dictionary are not found in any of the three North Korean dictionaries: Socrates (p. 2023) Lee Sdng-Gye (Founder of Yi dynasty, p. 2908) Pyongyang (p. 3981) Pukkyong (=Beijing, p. 1600) puhSita (extinct word meaning 'whitish', p. 1600) sot'ae (name of a tree, -. 2023) pakchi, pakchu, pakchugi, pakchwi (various dialectal forms of pakchwi 'a bat (a flying mammal) p. 1616)

2.3. Definitions It is to be expected that two political systems with two different ideologies would generate many system-particular words, i.e. capitalism-related words in the South but socialism-related words in the North. But, more often than not, it is the semantic shifts in the existing words rather than new coined words that reflect the ideological differences. The direction of the shift is invariably narrowing or telescoping in North Korea, with didactic and prescribed meanings. The following are a few examples (South Korean definitions are taken from Lee Hui-Sung: Kugötaesajffn.

Rev. ed., Seoul, 1982, and North Korean definitions are taken from

Hyondai-

Chin W. Kim

218

chosönmal-sajön,

2 n d ed., P y o n g y a n g , 1981. Equivalent English words are g i v e n directly b e l o w

the entry words): EnEX

Dominant meaning in South Korea

Dominant meaning in North Korea

tongmu 'friend'

a person with whom one plays together intimately and frequently (p. 938)

an affectionate word for a person who is fighting with others in the revolutionary ranks (p. 764)

nodong (spelt rodong in North Korea) 'labor'

a physically or mentally taxing work (p. 694)

a physical and mental activity for the purpose of creating material and cultural wealth.... In an exploiting society, labor is a lowly and hard toil, but in a socialist state, labor is a most glorious and joyful work. (p. 817)

minjokchuäi 'nationalism'

a doctrine that attaches the first importance to the nation's autonomy and unification (p. 1328)

in a bourgeois society: a counterrevolutionary thought in which the exploiting class deceives people by misleading them into believing that its own interest is the people's interest (p. 1050)

puja 'a rich person'

a person with plentiful means (p. 1589)

in a degenerate society: a person living a luxurious and wasteful life with goods (amassed by exploitation and deception) (p. 1229)

sepo 'a cell'

a basic building unit of a living organism (p. 1988)

a basic organization that educates party members, disciplines their thoughts, and directs their daily lives (p. 1628)

ch'akch'wi 'extraction'

extraction of things like milk by pressing and wrenching (p. 3556)

in a degenerate society: pillaging of products of working people's bloodsweating labor by those who have production means and capital (p. 2006)

A s can be seen, the North Korean entries have undergone narrowing and specialization s o that dominant m e a n i n g s are often fraught with heavy political overtones. D e f i n i t i o n s of many entries (e. g „ w o r d s f o r 'torture', 'employer', 'prison', 'prosecutor', 'rape', 'police 1 , etc.) b e g i n with a leading phrase: nalgitn

sahoe-esö

'in a degenerate society' or puriïjoa

society' (e.g., d e f i n i t i o n s o f minjokchuüi 'extraction' g i v e n above).

'nationalism', puja

sahoe-esö

'in a bourgeois

'a rich person', and

ch'akch'wi

In addition, where applicable, quotes f r o m K i m II S u n g in bold face

immediately f o l l o w lexical entries. Sometimes, a dictionary definition is the same as a quotation of a statement by Kim, as is the case with the e x a m p l e sep'o

'a cell' above.

One Language, Two Ideologies, and Two Dictionaries: The Case of Korean

219

3. Lexicography The 50 years of post-war linguistics in South Korea can be rougly divided into three periods. The first two decades (1946-65) can be said to form the period of historical linguistics, in which scholars were primarily concerned with linguistic changes that had occurred in Korean since King Sejong of the 15th century. Then, with introduction of Western linguistic theories, Chompskian generative grammar in particular, the next two decades (1966-85) saw theoretical linguistics flourish with remarkable zeal and speed. It began in the late 60's with young scholars returning with Ph. D.'s in linguistics from U. S. institutions. The foundation of the Linguistic Society of Korea in 1975 and its exponential growth reflect the fervor that dominated the second period. The third period (1986 to the present) is what I would characterize as the period of applied or practical lingusitics, in which Korean linguists began to pay serious attention to more practical subjects such as linguistic divergence in the Korean peninsula, language pedagogy, and lexicography. Historical demarcations are understandably and expectedly inexact, and my personal divisions above are no exception. A trend in the preceding period often spills into the following period, and one seldom finds a Janus-faced date which cleanly and unambiguously marks a boundary. Yet a remarkable phenomenon occurred in South Korea in 1986, the year I take as heralding the new period. In that year not only was the Korean Lexicographic Society founded by about 290 scholars (the Society began publishing a journal called SajSn-p'yönch'anhak-yön'gu

[Studies in

lexicography] in 1988), but also in 1986 and 1987 about a dozen articles on dictionary-making and lexicography appeared in journals (e.g., Cho, 1986; Hong, 1986, 1987; H. Kim, 1987; M. Kim, 1986; P. Lee, 1986a, 1986b; Shim, 1987). Hardly a thing on dictionaries and lexicography had appeared before 1986, except for a few memoirs by those who had compiled K'ütisajön (19471957, Seoul). It was as if the Korean scholars en masse were out to support Ilson (also 1986!) whose subtitle is "An emerging international profession." This sudden abundance in South Korea, however, appears to have been foreshadowed by a single work in North Korea, namely Chöng and Ree's 1984 monograph.

Titled

SajSn-

p'ySnch'an-riron-yön'gu [A study of a theory of dictionary-making], it is the first such monograph in Korea, and it is this work that I would like to address briefly. Dictionary makers in South Korea had few principles to guide them in their choice of entries, in their definitions, and in the amount of grammatical information to be given. In general, they collected as many items as possible, whether they were extinct words, archaic words, dialectal forms, slang, ideophones, technical words, loanwords, personal names, place names, etc., and gave as much information as possible, e.g. phonetic, grammatical, semantic, etymological, usage, etc., making the dictionary look like an encyclopedia. Chöng and Ree (1984), on the other hand, state clearly a number of principles for each of four categories: (1) entries, (2) definitions, (3) special vocabulary, and (4) grammatical information.

220

Chin W. Kim

Two things should be noted before proceeding.

First, this monograph appeared after the

publication of major dictionaries in North Korea, and therefore it can be said that the book is not so much a theoretical model for dictionary-making as an ordered collection of thoughts and problems experienced during previous dictionary-making (Chöng, as Director of Office of Linguistic Research, Academy of Social Sciences, was Chief editor of Hyöndae-chosönmal-sajön,

rev. ed.,

1981). Second, as is to be expected in publications in a socialist state, the book is laden with political overtones. The preface states four basic principles to be observed in compiling a definitional dictionary: (1) the principle of self-reliance, (2) the principle of Party and working class people, (3) the principle of modernity, and (4) the principle of scientificity and prescriptivism. It is clear that the first two principles are ideologically motivated, while the last two are linguistically motivated. The first principle justifies inclusion of coined words resulting from the "cultured" language movement and exclusion of foreign elements; the second principle legitimizes inclusion of quotes from Kim II Sung and Kim Chöng Π and definitions derived from them. The third principle justifies exclusion of archaism from entries, and the fourth principle stresses the importance of scientific and prescriptive definitions. In Chapter one, the book states that the entries chosen for inclusion should befit the aims and results of the linguistic revolution. This principle favors native words and "cultured" words, and disfavors Sino-Korean vocabulary and loanwords. The chapter goes on to discuss a classification of words and its relevance as a criterion for making an entry, units of entries, methods to display entry words, and order of entries. Chapter two deals with definitions. It first discusses the kinds of meanings (e.g., basic meaning, etymological meaning, hyponymic meaning, representative meaning, derived meaning, contextual meaning, etc.) and the criteria for the order of appearance. The second part of the chapter discusses several different ways to present definitions (e.g., explanatory vs. referential; direct vs. indirect; linguistic vs. encyclopedic; etc.) The final section discusses ways to present examples of usage along with the forms and contents of the examples. Chapter three, titled "Special Vocabulary," deals with the problems of definitions of special entries such as idioms, proverbs, technical vocabulary, and ideophones. The final chapter deals with the amount, the kind, and the methods of representation of grammatical information. It discusses in detail how to define and represent parts of speech, the relation between lexical meaning and grammatical information, grammaticalized words, affixes and morphemes of word formation, and finally, phonetic information. Ideological garments aside, this monograph represents the first comprehensive model of Korean lexicography. The closest counterpart in South Korea is Cho, 1984: p'yönch'anron

Kugff-sajön

[A study of dictionary-making in Korea], but it is more a history of dictionary-

making and a survey of dictionaries in Korea than a theory of lexicography, and neither in scope

One Language, Two Ideologies, and Two Dictionaries: The Case of Korean

221

nor in depth, is it equivalent to Chöng and Ree, 1984. Indeed, in the first workshop on Korean lexicography, the initial remark by the moderator P. Lee states that "the current state of affairs is that lexicography has not been established in Korea" (P. Lee et al. 1987: 101). However, a growing number of works (e.g., Cho, 1988; Hong, 1987; H. Kim, 1987; M. Kim, 1986; P. Lee, 1986ab; Sang-Bok Lee, 1988; Sangsup Lee, 1990; Nam, 1988; and Shim, 1987) following the foundation of the Korean Lexicographic Society appear to have surpassed lexicographic activities by their counterparts in North Korea.

4. Concluding Remarks By all consensus, the greatest divergence between the two varieties of Korean is found in orthography and lexicon. Dictionaries naturally mirror these differences. With a state-controlled policy of self-reliance and socialization of language, the northern dictionaries contain more native entries, whose definitions are often prescriptive, while the southern counterparts contain an olio of entries and definitions that reflect a more open society with a more permissive language policy. A "purged" look in the North vs. a "hodgepodge" look in the South derives from these policy differences. Political reunification, if it is to come in the future, necessitates linguistic reunification. Neither will come easily. Fifty years of geopolitical separation, autonomous language policies, and two different linguistic substrata (see C. Kim, 1992a, 1992b) have produced and

solidified

divergence, from keyboard to vocabulary, and from orthography to style of speech. Yet there is a cause for more optimism than pessimism. Despite apparent surface differences, the two forms of Korean still share the same script, the same phonology, and the same syntax, making them easily mutually intelligible. Moreover, scholars and officials on both sides seem to have perceived the potential gravity of divergence, sometimes leading them to adopt a "regressive" policy, just to check an uncontrolled divergence. Thus, there is yet no reason to strike an alarm bell. What is most important is the attitude toward the language that is held by scholars on each side of the border. The South should recognize that the "cultured" language is not a "cumbered" language, but was a necessary byproduct of a socialist state, and the North should discard a derisive stance that defined the Seoul speech as "a hodgepodge ... created by American imperialist lackeys." 3 As in a slowly growing 3

There are signs that a change in attitude is taking place. A cursory examination of the new NK dictionary (see

footnote 2) revealed that the entry söul-mal "Seoul speech' is absent from it. In addition, the primary definition of sep'o 'a cell' in the 1981 dictioanry (Hyöndai-chosönmal-sajön) is now the secondary definition (P. 1981), and the primary definition of minjok-chuöi 'nationalism' in 1981 has now become the tertiary definition (p. 1231). The criteria for adoption as lexical entries were also widened to include proper nouns, Sino-Korean vocabulary, loanwords, technical words, historical events, place names, archaic words, ridu, dialects, idioms, proverbs, etc.

222

Chin W. Kim

fatal disease, the real danger lies not so much in negligence and optimism in its early stage as in not recognizing its devastating potential and not checking its further growth.

References Austerlitz, R. et al. (1980) Report on the workshop conference in Korean Romanization. Korea Studies 4. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii. 111-125. Cho, Chae-Su. (1984) A study of dictionary-making in Korea. Seoul: Kwahaksa. (1986) Speech and writing of North Korea - with special reference to dictionary-making. Seoul: Han'gulhakhoe. (1988) Observations on dictionary-making in North Korea. In KugB-saenghwal 15. 91-106. Ch'oi, Ki-Ho. (1990) Modern Korean dictionary and language policies of North Korea. In Chaha-Qmunhakhoe (ed.): Korean linguistics in North Korea, Seoul: Hanshin Publisihers. 277-289. Chön, Su-T'ae and Ch'oe Ho-Ch'öl. (1989) A comparison of North and South Korean languages. Seoul: Nokchin. ChSng, Sun-gi and Ree Ki-won. (1984) A study of a theory of dictionary-making.

Pyongyang: Social Science

Publishers. Hong, Chai-SSng. (1987) Korean dictionary-making and grammatical information. In Language Research 23. Seoul: Seoul National University. 113-132. Ilson, Robert. (1986) Lexicography: An emerging international profession. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Kim, Chin W. (1978a) Divergence in language policies in Korea. In Chin W. Kim (ed.): Papers in Korean linguistics, Columbia, SC: Hornbeam Press. 245-257. (1978b) Linguisitcs and language policies in North Korea. In Korean Studies 2. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii. 159-175. (1991) Linguistic divergence in Korea. Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on Korean Studies Abroad, New York, NY: Research Institute of World Affairs. 415-433. (1992a) Korean as a pericentric language. In Michael Clyne (ed.): Pericentric languages, Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 239-260. (1992b) Some underlying causes of linguistic divergence in Korea. Paper presented at the 44th Annual Meeting of Association for Asian Studies, April 1992, Washington, D. C. Kim, Hyon-Gwon. (1987) Problems of definitions and grammar in linguistic dictionaries. In Han'gul 196.455-476. Kim, Min-Su. (1986) Korean dictionaries: Problems in choice of entries and their order. In Kugö-saenghwal 7. 36-57. Korean Lexicographic Society, (ed.) (1992) References in Korean dictionary-making. In Studies in lexicography 4. Seoul: Yonsei University. 187-231. Lee, Chi-Yong. (1990) Lexicography in North Korea: a review of Chöng Sun-gi & Ree Ki-won's A study of a theory of dictionary-making. In Chaha-Qmunhakhoe. (ed.): Korean linguistics in North Korea, Seoul: Hanshin Publishers. 225-275. Lee, Pyonggeun. (1986a) A history of Korean dictionary-making. In Kugö-saenghwal 7. 8-35. (1986b) Korean dictionaries and derived words. In Language Research 22. Seoul: Seoul National University. 389-408. (1990) Dictionaries and lexicography. In Current status of Korean linguisitcs. Seoul: Tong'a Press. 554-567 et al. (1987) Problems in Korean lexicography: A workshop. In Language Research 23.101-102. Seoul: Seoul National University. 145-158 Lee, Sang-Bok. (1988) Korean dictionary-making and treatment of grammatical morphemes. In Studies in lexicography 2. Seoul: Yonsei University. 63-92. Lee, Sangsup. (1990) Modern lexicography: Theory and practice. In Studies in lexicography 3. Seoul: Yonsei University. 77-117. Nam, Ki-Shim. (1988) Current status of Korean dictionaries and their methods of complilation. In Studies in lexicography 1. Seoul: Yonsei University. 7-34. Park, Ktlm-Ja. (1989) Dictionary-making in North Korea. In Ko Yöng-KBn (ed.): Language and writing in North Korea. Seoul: Ulyu-munhwasa. 173-196. Shim, Jae-Kee. (1987) On defining words in Korean dictionaries. In Language Research 23. Seoul: Seoul National University. 133-144. [All references given above are in Korean, except Austerlitz et al., C. Kim, and R. Ilson.]

Worldview and Verbal Senses Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

0. Introduction The choice of a specific verbal code (Polish, English, etc.) by a language user provides material for reflections on the role of language selection in shaping the human conceptual system1. The whole issue pertains to the old problem of the Whorfian relativity hypothesis concerning the extent to which the language we use predetermines our conceptual system. While the Whorfian thesis has lost part of its attractiveness with Chomsky's language acquisition theories and claims for Universal Grammars, final evaluation of the hypothesis has had to be suspended in the face of a number of experimental findings. For example a study by Clarke et al. (1981) indicates that categorization of concepts and objects is influenced by the grammatical categories present in the speaker's native language. Even if we accept a weaker version of the Relativity Hypothesis, i.e. not a causal view of language and thought, which is rather simplistically ascribed to Whorf by Carroll (Whorf, 1956), but one that views reality as essentially a subjective understanding of perceptual stimuli, the question is to what extent the cognitive constructs that evolve out of the contact between two or more verbal codes, which are expressions of different conceptual systems, differ from their constituents. The results of recent anthropological research appear to be consistent with both universalism and relativism. In case of colour nomenclature, for instance, Witkowski and Brown (1982) report experiments conducted by Lucy and Shweder (1979) who applied memory recognition tests for short-term and long-term memory. The short-term memory findings appear to confirm the universal physical-perceptual advantage of focal colours, while the results for the long-term memory recognition tasks closely follow the lexical salience sequence (Witkowski and Brown 1982: 415-417). Similarly, lexical salience has been found to be strongly related to the success speakers have in colour communication with their interactional partners. As the authors conclude, physical-perceptual salience is mirrored in lexical salience. The latter, in turn, amplifies the physical-perceptual salience of colour referents and plays a mediating role between the physicalperceptual salience and colour behaviour of language users.

1

The problem of the Whorfian Relativity Hypothesis and its interpretation in terms of a cognitive interactional model of dynamic meanings has been discussed in Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (1987), from which the questions raised in the Introduction originate.

224

Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk To put it briefly, language seems to exert an active influence on human thought and behaviour,

but this process does not run contrary to universal perceptual and cognitive preferences. In the present paper I will attempt to show the extent to which the lexical form of verb concepts can influence the speaker's worldview.

1. Worldview and Iconicity 1.1. Synthetic and analytic senses Human cognition cannot be assumed to be predetermined by language. What can be claimed, however, is that the lexical system and syntactic structures of one linguistic code make certain meanings directly accessible, while other language systems, which do not have corresponding lexicalized

or gramaticized counterparts, have to convey similar meanings indirectly, via

periphrastic explanations or more analytic structures. Such more decomposed forms in turn, bring their own semantic load and for that reason add aspects of the meaning which are absent in the oneunit message. Furthermore, part of the meaning, which is connected with the holistic interpretation of a concept is lost as a consequence of dividing the whole meaning into partial senses whose sum is not quite synonymous with the meaning of the whole. Directly accessible senses evoked by single forms will have a chance to be more uniformly, although not identically, interpreted by the users of the same linguistic code, thanks to their unitary nature. A multiplication of linguistic forms entails a multiplication of linguistic senses and therefore leaves much more room for what I have elsewhere called a displacement of senses (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, 1985). A linguistic form in one language and its single-form equivalent in another entails one type of possible displacement. More elements multiply the effect and may bring about a danger of even missing the original sense altogether. The English word annoyance, for example, has no direct equivalent in Polish. The explanation of this concept in terms of a combination of other concepts such as gniew 'anger', strach 'fear', and niecierpliwoáé1 impatience' adds up to more than in the original English sense of annoyance by making it possible to have a number of different combinations of the three. Each of the three separately as well as their mixtures may lead as a consequence to inferences not necessarily consonant with the original sense of annoyance. On the other hand, the sum total of the three componential concepts signifies less than the original concept annoyance leaving some aspects of the original sense uncovered. Another example of non-identical ways of conveying verbal senses refers to the Polish prefixed verbs and their possible translation equivalents in English. The Polish verb system has a rich prefixation pattern. The prefixes, derived from prepositions, mark the aspectual modifications of a verb and add a topological element which modifies the sense of the verb. They can be considered a

Worldview and Verbal Senses

225

tool for expressing the cognitive correlation between the concept of space and time in language by pointing to a Path which one participant of an action (referred to as a trajector by Langacker 1983) in the Figure plane moves along to reach a landmark,

a salient feature of the Ground. The

prepositional prefixes can combine both with the unmarked/imperfective as well as with corresponding imperfective/iterative forms e.g.: (1) jeid

'eat'

zjeíé 'eat up' (perfective) lit. 'with+eat'

jadaé 'eat' (iterative) zjadai 'eat up' (iterative) lit. 'with+eat' (iterative)

Polish prepositions sanction image schémas not totally overlapping with the English ones e.g.: the English preposition over is not fully equivalent to the Polish przez , realized as the prefix prze-, whose central meaning is associated with the sense through e.g.przekiué [through+pierce] 'pierce*. The over sense of przez

is one of the possible extensions (cf. examples (3)-(5)). A

similar remark refers to other prepositions such as ζ which profiles schémas corresponding to the English with or from senses, e.g. zsumowaé [with+sum] 'sum up', spisaé [from+write] 'copy'. In English 2 neither aspectual nor topological features are marked in a way fully congruent with Polish (see Krzeszowski 1971 for the concept of congruence).

The analytic version of the

perfective aspect (to have eaten) or the iterative syntactic forms (used to eat) overlap only partially with the equivalent Polish constructions. The prepositional versions in contrast, exploit differently orientated topological schémas (Polish: zjeíé 'wif/i+Verb', English: eat up 'Verb - up'). An interesting fact concerning the preposition up in English and the preposition/prefix ζ in Polish is that the preposition up, similarly to the Polish ζ can also acquire an ablative meaning, i.e. a directional interpretation in the sense of moving away from the Source, such as in upset or give up. Both pairs of senses can be schematically represented by means of the following diagram: (2) English: up eat up give up

Polish: ζ zjeíé [with-]

[up to-] [away

from-]

spisaé

[from-]

The topological element can be expressed in Polish either by an independent prepositional phrase or by a prefixed verb or else by both these devices functioning together. For example the verb skoczyé

'jump' can be followed by a prepositional phrase:

(3) Janekskoczyi przez piot. 'John jumped over the fence'

2

A rich system of prefìxed verbs is evidenced in Old English. A more systematic analysis could show possible analogies between the semantic interpretation of such verbs in Old English and Polish.

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226

The lexical item skoczyt

'jumped', expressing a directionally unmarked form, acquires an

orientated interpretation przez pk>t 'over the fence' in the above context. Prefixation then can highlight or profile, to use Langacker's parlance, additional elements in the sentential scope of predication. The prefixed verb przeskoczyé

'over+jump' on the other hand is an explicit topological verb of

telicity pointing to the landmark. It can be used in two types of construction: (4) Janekprzeskoczyipiot. 'John over+jumped the fence'

(5) Janek przeskoczyiprzez piot. 'John over+jumped over the fence'

While sentence (4) expresses a more direct relation between the verb and its object and can be interpreted in the sense of overcoming a difficulty or conquering, the pleonastic construction in sentence (5) introduces a more indirect relationship between the two elements by intensifying the concept of over. The meaning relation here can be compared to the differentiation introduced by the preposition up in the English phrases climbing the mountain and climbing up the mountain. 1.2. Lexical form and lexical senses The English language displays a high degree of lexicalization of troponymic types of verbal senses (for the term troponymy

cf. Fellbaum, 1990) while Polish utilizes a range of prefixes, or

else provides a number of periphrastic options which include, among other formations, similes and metaphors e.g.: (6) eat up

P. zjeíé, zjada¿ lit. 'with+eat'

(7) nibble

P.

najeíé siç, najadaésiç

'on(to)+eat oneself

dziobaé, 'pick (as a bird)' jefé maio jak ptaszek, 'eat (as little) as a bird' jeíí od niechcenia, 'eat not paying much attention to it' bawic sif jedzeniem, 'play with food/eating'

Such corresponding equivalents, however, do not capture all the meaning. While nibble may imply 'small bites' similarly to any of the Polish phrases, it also entails 'quick and repeated bites'; not only is this implication absent from the Polish 'equivalents' but in fact the Polish phrases imply the contrary value of 'slow and irregular bites', closer to the sense of pecking at food. The perfective of the sense conveyed in (6) above, grammaticalized in both languages is rendered analytically

in English. The have+en

Langacker (1990) calls subjectification,

marking in English is an instance of what

which designates a schematization of a once fully

meaningful analytic construction Subject + have (possessive) + Object + Past Participle (note that such a construction was in fact current in Old English). The construction underwent a semantic bleaching, as is usually the case in the process of grammaticalization. The semantic structure of the

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preposition up in the construction eat up on the other hand profiles a trajector's Path directed towards a given point (landmark). The schema captures the allative and perfective sense of the preposition, which can be interpreted as completeness and reaching a Goal. In comparison, Polish zjeSé, a regular perfective verb, utilizes a schematic topology of contiguity (lit. with-eat) to render the accomplishment of an act. Zjeíé (with-eat) is in some sense similar to eating up as they both use a conceptualization of reaching a certain final point or level; however while the scheme orientation and vantage point in English are quite unambiguous (vertical, going up), the same attributes are not salient in Polish (cf.(2)). Verbs of eating can also be used as an example of the differentation between the categories which, on the one hand can function as hyperonyms, while on the other, can enter the privative relation of the hyponymic type. In both English and Polish the verb eat has a more general sense and wider range of application than drink. The question (8) Have you eaten anything ?

may cover both eating solid and liquid food, while (9) Have you drunk anything ?

is a question precisely about liquids. Further evidence concerning a more 'core' interpretation of the objects of eating rather than drinking can be found in the following anecdote quoted from the authentic English conversational material (Svartvik and Quirk 1980: 97; prosodie symbols ommitted): (12) and then Arabella said "I have a theory that one should eat alternately liquid and solid meals, so I eat liquid at breakfast, I have liquid breakfast, solid lunch, liquid tea and solid dinner". Somebody I told this to said "she probably knocks back a bottle of gin for breakfast".

That the problem is not simple, can be shown in the examples below, where a certain incompatibility between drink and liquid food proves a more intimate relationship between the verb and its object than that between the verb and the object modifier: (10) (11)

I eat liquid food every day. ? / drink liquid food every day.

1.3. Syntactic patterns An additional dimension in contrasting verbal concepts is introduced by differences in the syntax of verbs (cf. examples (4) and (5)). Analogous to differences between synthetic and analytic senses, differences in syntactic patterning of utterances make reference to the principle of iconicity: different forms convey different meanings. Both the English He wrote his girlfriend a letter and the corresponding Polish sentence Napisai swojej dziewczynie list convey a more direct

Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

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relation between the verb and an indirect object than a more distant, prepositional version, separated by a direct object: He wrote a letter to his girlfriend 'Napisal list do swojej dziewczyny'. Syntactic patterns are not empty structures devoid of content. They are meaningful. The underspecification of the superordinate verb to eat vis-a-vis its subordinates, which are much more specific and richer in detail, makes it possible to use the hyperonym with a less determined, more general interpretation when compared with its hyponym: (13) (14)

I have eaten. ? / have devoured.

The less direct relationship between the Agent and the Object in the case of nibble or peck is conveyed by a preposition inserted between these elements: (15) (16)

She nibbled at/on the pastry. He pecked at his dessert.

2. Context-Free and Context-Sensitive Meanings Lexical senses are underspecified outside the context. A prototype approach to lexical meanings entails one of the two following assumptions: 1) the concept may be furnished with a number of default values, defeated when the context specifies otherwise, or 2) the concept may have a number of unspecified dimensions.

In the former case the context may change the values, in the latter - a set of values can incrementally emerge in discourse. The full semantic potential of a lexical item is realized only when the word appears in a context, surrounded by other words and intentionally used by a speaker at a given place and time, in a definite interactional situation. The effect of individual lexical senses on one another is clearly visible at these times to the extent that the sense of one word can defeat the most central sense properties of another (the combinations of /aifce-Noun, etc.)(cf. Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk,

1985). Verbs are not different in this respect. The relationship between, say, I can see it and I can hardly see it seems comparable to that between fire and mockflre or duck and decoy duck. The peripherial attributes of fire, duck, or seeing, are present in both elements of each pair, what is missing however from the second element of the pair are the typical properties of fire (natural fuel), necessary attributes of duck (animateness) and, correspondingly, the central features of seeing (perception, object identification). Verb senses are not only affected by such 'annihilating' adverbs as hardly but are intensified, or made more precise by adverbial phrases, which restrict the quality, intensity, duration, etc. of

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the action, and evoke different image schematic representations. Compare, for example, He ran quickly vs. He ran slowly. Time and place adverbials provide another refining tool for the verb, hence, a whole dormant scenario conveyed in a verb form can be activated in their presence. Drinking coffee in a bistro, entails different conventional, culture-bound frames, than for example, drinking an after-dinner coffee in a sitting-room. A rich set of conceptualization patterns is evoked for the verbs with different troponymies, ie. different manner parameters. The sentence Susan has nibbled a sandwich

involves an entirely different scenario than Susan has devoured a sandwich with a

number of not necessarily identical presuppositions and implications (Susan is not hungry - Susan is hungry; Susan is a well-mannered girl - Susan is not a well-mannered girl; Susan is eating slowly - Susan is eating hastily etc.). There are also different entailments for nibble and devour in the examples above, where it is only the devour example that conveys the message of the accomplishment of the action, as a possibly telic utterance. The kind of participants of an act influences the interpretation of an utterance not only by adjoining the values mentioned to the Agent, Patient, etc., but also by imposing a conventional knowledge structure on the verb itself. That is why the two sentences below convey such different conceptualizations : (17) (18)

The 3 month old drank his bottle in a minute The old tramp drank his bottle in a minute.

The aspectual marking foregrounds the duration, completion, iterativeness, etc. of an action and, as such, reflects a number of different conceptualizations. Compare English ran with possible Polish interpretations below: (19)

Eng.

He ran 3,000 meters

(20)

Pol.

(a) Przebiegi 3,000 metrów [ perfective single act] [He over+ran 3,000 m.] 'He ran the distance of 3,000 m' [i.e. He covered the distance of 3,000 m] (b) Biegaina 3,000 metrów [unmarked/imperfective or iterative] [He ran-on-3,000 m.] 'He ran a 3,000 m. course.' [participating in contest]

Differences in aspectual interpretations in example (20) above are highlighted by the direct link between the verb przebiegi and its direct object 3,000 m., and the less direct combination of biegai and the object introduced by the adverb/preposition na 'on'. Similes, metaphors and other figurative uses give further specification to the script, e.g: (21 )

Przybiegijak strzaia [atfoy+run-3PersonSgMasculine-Perfective] 'He came running here like an arrow.'

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230

The speaker's background knowledge of the world, reflected in his/her language, is stored as a number of conceptualizations conveying the speaker's perspective towards an event, action, etc. This background knowledge then dictates the conceptual differences between, say, writing a book and writing a letter, taking a shower, taking a drink, taking a smoke, or taking a picture. The English examples above put such a variation in the grammatical objects the verbs combine with. Polish conveys its own conceptualizations either by means of almost exactly parallel constructions: wziqé prysznic 'take a shower', or by a number of prefixed verbs, which convey different topological conceptualizations, as with napié siç lit. 'on(to)-drink oneself, zapalié (papierosa) lit. 'behind/over-smoke' [inchoative] or exploit entirely different action conceptualizations such as zrobié zdjfcie lit.'make a picture'. From the above examples we can conclude that verbs, or any other grammatical category for that matter, are indeed fairly underspecified units when considered in isolation. For the verbs of eating for example, one could propose the central features (or, in the cognitive-topological modelling, image schémas) covering Schank's (1973) INGEST + SWALLOW as well as a number of different parameters characteristic of familiar culture-bound scenarios. However, it would be difficult for me to accept what Dunbar (1991:84) proposes in his discussion of nouns: "the bare noun has no meaning in isolation [...]. There is no privileged access to the pure noun meaning." His statement is arguable vis-a-vis native speaker judgments concerning word senses. When asked, a native speaker of a language can give one or more definitions, explanations, descriptions of what she/he considers the meaning(s) of a word, sensitive, certainly, to a given world knowledge frame and his/her conceptualization of this particular 'chunk' of knowledge (cf. Idealized Cognitive Models - Fillmore, 1982). Outside context the senses of lexical items are accessible, I think, to a certain (sometimes fairly shallow) level (cf. e.g. carburettor vs. machine i.e. the 'context free' meaning of basic level or species level categories seems accessible to a greater depth than that of the superordinate level categories). The other part of the conceptual sense, decisive in fact for the sense interpretation, gets an on-line specification of meaning, with other word senses incrementally added and the semantics of the grammatical patterning of the utterance made available as well. Notice the sense specification of the item machine in the examples below: (23) (24)

She shut the machine. She took the sheet of paper out of the roller and shut the machine. (COBUILD)

3. Verbal Concepts and Metaphorization Most contributions assuming the cognitive approach to metaphor concentrate on the analysis of the mapping of an abstract domain (e.g. LOVE) on a physical domain (e.g. FLOWER). Verbs

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referring to abstract states and mental operations can also be conceptualized in terms of physical actions (e.g. TO THINK - TO MOVE ALONG A PATH). In his Invariance Hypothesis, George Lakoff (1990) proposes that all human abstract thinking can most probably be carried out exclusively via the conceptualizations of abstract entities in terms of a physical experiential grounding. From the epistemological point of view the hypothesis seems to put definite constraints on human creativity. The philosophical and psychological repercussions of such a stand may have far-reaching consequences on the interpretation of the mental abilities of the human mind. With verbs of physical activities, on the other hand, like eating and drinking, one can resort to other physical (physiological) activities to offer a sharpened representation of word sense. In such cases (e.g. Pol. jeí¿ 'eat' - dziobaé 'peck') the cognitive processes are not directed only towards getting a closer grasp of a verbal sense to start with,as would be the case with abstract objects, but rather towards capturing those properties of an action, activity, or act, that are not conveyed in the bare underdetermined sense of the verb, which acts both as a hyperonymic term and a neutral prototypical exemplar of the category (eat vs. nibble). Subordinate categories on the other hand have most frequently a troponymic character and foreground a range of salient properties such as the manner in which the action is performed on the one hand as well as the circumstantial properties and conditioning of the action together with the attitude of the speaker who uses such a lexical item in discourse (wait vs. lurk) on the other. Metaphors of eating frequently foreground undesired properties of the eating act. The salient property of the Polish ¿reé for example, covers an object referring to the large quantities of food and highlights the Agent's greed. A close English counterpart of irei- devour, also with a sense derived from animals' habits, foregrounds a total consumption, slightly less highlighted in the Polish verb. Bolt(down) focusses on haste, gobble, on haste and greed. All these verbs imply bad manners, which are negatively evaluated by both Polish as well as English speakers.

3.1. Spatial inheritance in metaphorical extensions Both the spatial organization as expressed in the syntax of metaphorical extensions of verbs e.g.: (25)

Ζjadiam jednç literç w tekície 'I've eaten up one letter in the text'

as well as the spatial organization in the meaning of verbs which are taken from other conceptual domains and metaphorically applied to different verbal concepts (cf. examples (30) (31) below), are consistant with the original topological organization in the verbs as used for non - figurative senses. So, while a verb such as zmiataé 'sweep away' can be proposed as a synonym for jeíé (szybko) 'eat (quickly)', 'gobble up', zmiataé would not produce préfixai verb variants parallel in

232

Barbara

Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

the sense to objadaé siç/najadaé siç/przejadaé siç/ 'stuff oneself, while other metaphorical concepts of eating pakowaé 'put in, get in' does admit that formation - napakowaé siç 'to take in food to the limits'. The metaphorical synonym preserves the same spatial organization as the non-figurative verb. The syntax of the verbs given above then reflects their conceptual content and spatial organization: zmiataé

is a troponymic verb of speed, while pakowaé - reflects the process of

adding more and more of some stuff, which is semantically cognate to overeating [stuffing oneself], eating up, etc. Therefore one can say both non-figuratively and metaphorically: (26)

Zmiotham wszystkie Smieci. Ί swept away all the rubbish'

(27)

Zmiotíam caiy talerz (zupy). Ί swept away the whole plate (of soup)'

(28)

0(b)miotiam caiy pokój. [Omiottam - suggests superficial cleaning Obmiottam - implies completeness] Ί swept around the whole room'

(29)

0(b)miottam caiy talerz. Ί swept around the whole plate'

although one does not say (30)

* 0(b)miottam caiq zupç. Ί swept around the whole soup'

(31)

* Obmiottam siç talerzem (zupy). Ί swept around with a plate (of soup)'

or

simply because zmiataé

does not incorporate the sense component of putting some stuff in

apparently necessary to render the objeié siç sense of the word, very aptly, for that matter, captured by pakowaé - napakowaé siç 'stuff oneself and their variants. 3.2. Metaphoric extensions of préfixai meanings The salient property of the Polish verbal senses prefixed with o/ob 'around'3 is the mental path a trajectory performs around a landmark. The spatial schema of the prefixes o-, ob- represents the concrete circuitive path where the trajectory moves around the landmark e.g.: 3

An interesting type of syntactic patterning in Polish is a Dative construction with the Dative object coreferential with the subject. A sentence such as: ( 1 ) Zapalitam sobie

papierosa

is ambiguous between:

233

Worldview and Verbal Senses

(32)

toinierze okrgfyli budynek 'The soldiers surrounded the building' (trajectory) (landmark)

Syntactic patterns of a verb such as objeíé

'around+eat' cover a number of different perspectives

of the eating event (33)

Objadtam koí¿ (ζ miçsa) Ί around+ate the bone (of meat)'

(34)

Objadkim mifso (z koici) Ί around+ate the meat (of a bone)' [In both cases eating up of all meat that was on the bone is involved]

A number of prefixed verbs in Polish can employ a (pseudo) reflexive marker siç: (la) / lit a cigarette to (by) myself. and (lb) / smoked a cigarette for myself. The construction is used with a great range of the verbs of human behaviour including verbs of eating. Formed with a regular perfective z-(with+v) the verb requires a direct object: (2) Zjadtam sobie ciastko. [I've eaten up for myself a pastry] 'I've eaten up a pastry' When a verb of eating with the prefix po-(up to) is used the verb requires no direct object and the sentence offers two semantic implications: (3) Pojadi sobie. [He up to+ate for himself] 'He had some food' (4) a) Pojadi sobie orzeszków. [Perfective] [Genitive partitive] [He up to+ate for himself nuts] 'He ate some nuts' b) Pojadat sobie orzeszkow/orzeszki. [Iterative] [Genetive partitive]/[Accusative] [He up to+ate for himself nuts] 'He ate some nuts' Firstly it implies an accomplishment but no excess (po- entails delimitation and diminishing), and secondly the Agent's control over the action (coreferential Dative object). The prefix pod 'under-', similar in meaning to po in this type of example: (5) Podjadi sobie orzeszków. [He under+ate for himself nuts] 'He ate some nuts' additionally implies a partly undercover action or at least an action which the Agent is not willing to perform ostentatiously.

234

Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

(35)

Objadkm sif (mifsem) Ί around+ate myself (with the meat)'. [i.e. I have eaten up an excessive quantity of meat]

Here, the Agent [trajectory] is perceived as putting more and more meat around himself, and in this way, a speaker transgresses a similar mental path as in the meat - bone examples above. The prefixes o- and ob- can be extended to cover abstract concepts, some of which are based on the conduit metaphor (Lakoff/Johnson, 1980): (36)

Omawialiímy wspólne plany. [We around+talked common plans] 'We talked about common plans'

(37)

Nie obgaduj mnie. [Don't around+talk me] 'Don't gossip about me.'

(38)

Obmyélakun nowy projekt. [I around+thought a new project] Ί was setting up a new project.'

The salient property of all the extentions employing the prefixes o-, ob- is the notion of a closure interpreted metaphorically as completeness, which, as can be seen from the above examples, is still intensified in the case of the prefix ob-. The measure of the internalization of the metaphorical sense of prefixes of this type in a linguistic system is their productivity in new contexts. The prefixes o- and ob- are evidenced to occur with their schematic metaphorical meanings in such new contexts in contemporary Polish as: (39)

obdyskutowany temat [the around+discussed topic] 'a topic discussed through and through - completely'

(40)

Nalety obelkowaé strop. [One should around+beam the ceiling] 'One should put beams on the whole ceiling' (SJP, 1992)

4. Conclusions The human race shares a number of mental and physiological functions. However, the way we think and talk about them differs from one culture to another. Language provides a form to our conceptualizations and each language uses a unique combination of morphological and syntactic tools to perform this task. Some of these tools can be shared by a number of different languages but a particular combination is singular and unique to a given code. It would be untenable to claim

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that language predetermines our thinking, however the presence or absence of labels for specific concepts as well as the expression of messages by synthetic or analytic means do bring about different cognitive implications (cf. Bloom, 1984). Morphological, syntactic and discourse structures are the devices that bound the reality we perceive and express the focussing of our attention on some of its aspects.

References de Beaugrande, Robert A. and Dressier, Wolfgang. (1981) Introduction to Text Linguistics. London: Longman. Bloom, Alfred H. (1984) Caution - the words you use may affect what you say: A response to Au. In Cognition, 17, 275-287. Clarke, Mark, Losoff, Ann, Dickenson-McCracken, Margaret and Still, Joann (1981) Gender perception in Arabic and English. In Language Learning, 1, 159-169. English Language Dictionary. (1987) London,Glasgow: Collins. Dunbar, George (1991) The Cognitive Lexicon. Tubingen: Gunter Narr. Fellbaum, Christiane (1990) English Verbs as Semantic Nets. In Five Papers on Word-Net.. CSL, Princeton University Report 43. Fillmore, Charles (1982) Toward a descriptive framework for spatial deixis. In Robert J. Jarvella, Wolfgang Klein (eds.): Speech, Place and Action. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 31-58 Krzeszowski, Tomasz P. (1971) Equivalence, congruence and deep structure. In Gerhard Nickel (ed.): Papers in Contrastive Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 37-48. Langacker, Ronald W. (1983) Foundations of Cognitive Grammar, vol.1 and II, Series A, No.99,100. Trier: L.A.U.T. (1990) Subjectification. In Cognitive Linguistics, 1-1, 5-38. Lakoff, George (1990) The Invariance Hypothesis: is abstract reason based on image-schemas. In Cognitive Linguistics, 1-1, 39-74. Lakoff, George and Johnson, Mark (1980) Metaphors We Live By . Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, Barbara (1985) On semantic change in a dynamic model of language. In Fisiak, Jacek (ed.) Historical Semantics. Historical Word-Formation. Berlin: Mouton Gruyter. 297-323. (1987) Conceptual Analysis, Linguistic Meaning, and Verbal Interaction, t ó d í : Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Lucy, John A. and Shweder, Richard A. (1979) Whorf and his critics: linguistic and nonlinguistic influences on color memory. In American Anthropologist, 81, 581-615. Whorf, Benjamin L. (1956) Language, Thought and Reality. Carroll, J.B. (ed.) New York: Wiley Schank, Robert C. (1973) Identification of conceptualizations underlying natural language. In Schank, R.C. and Colby, E.H. (eds.) Computer Models of Thought and Language. Freeman: San Francisco. Siownik Jçzyka Polskiego [SJP]. Suplement. Warszawa: PWN. Svartvik, Jan and Quirk, Randolph. (1980) A Corpus of English Conversation. CWK Gleerup: Lund. Witkowski, Stanley R. and Brown, Cecil. H. (1982) Whorf and universale of color nomenclature. In Journal of Anthropological Research, 38.4, 411-420.

De la Soumission à la Prise de Parole: Le Cheminement de la Lexicographie au Québec Claude Poirier

0. Introduction Le Québec a toujours été à la recherche d'un statut spécial à travers les diverses formules politiques qui ont été essayées depuis la Conquête (en 1763) pour faire cohabiter francophones et anglophones sur le territoire canadien. De nos jours, en dépit du sentiment nationaliste qui les anime, les Québécois francophones demeurent attachés au Canada, mais ils ont conscience de former un groupe ethnique distinct par ses origines, par ses aspirations et par les manifestations de sa culture. En ce qui a trait à la langue, le Québec connaît la même relation ambiguë avec la France. Que ce soit sur le plan de la terminologie ou sur celui de la langue courante, les Québécois 1 souhaitent une certaine autonomie par rapport à la norme française de France, mais en même temps ils tiennent à ne pas se couper de l'influence de la mère patrie, même si cette influence est souvent sentie comme excessive du fait qu'elle s'impose toujours à partir de la région parisienne, perçue au Québec comme en France comme exagérément dominatrice. L'histoire de la lexicographie au Québec reflète cette double tendance à l'autonomie et au respect d'une certaine orthodoxie. H nous a paru utile, dans le cadre d'un ouvrage cherchant à établir des liens entre lexicographie, cultures et idéologies, d'examiner la question de la lexicographie québécoise sous un éclairage à la fois sociopolitique et sociolinguistique, notamment en établissant un parallèle avec la situation de l'anglais américain par rapport à l'anglais britannique. Nous serons amené à expliquer comment s'est formée la conscience linguistique des francophones du Québec et à constater que la prudence proverbiale des Québécois sur le plan politique a influencé également leurs choix publics sur le plan linguistique, même si la pratique quotidienne de la langue a toujours été marquée par une grande liberté, parfois chez les puristes eux-mêmes. L a préparation de dictionnaires de langue présente, pour cette raison, un défi particulièrement difficile pour les lexicographes québécois qui doivent

1 Le terme Québécois est utilisé dans ce texte avec un sens restreint pour désigner les Québécois francophones; il faut savoir cependant que le Québec compte une population d'environ 6,500,000 habitants dont environ 1,300,000 anglophones établis surtout dans la région de Montréal.

Claude Poirier

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apprendre à concilier la rigueur de la description de l'usage avec l'incertitude d'une communauté dont l'élite a généralement tenu un discours conservateur.2

1. Lexicographie et Société: Québec versus U.S.A. Dans un texte publié en 1963, Jean Darbelnet, linguiste réputé dans le domaine de la stylistique comparée du français et de l'anglais, faisait état d'une annonce publicitaire du journal montréalais anglophone The Gazette (tirée d'un dépliant américain) dans laquelle on invitait les touristes à visiter le Québec pour venir entendre "the strange French patois" (cité d'après Darbelnet, 1976: 3). Cette anecdote rend compte d'un phénomène qui a eu une certaine importance dans les débats sur la qualité de la langue au Canada français, à savoir l'évaluation négative de cette langue par les voisins anglophones. La perception que les Québécois ont eue de leur langue s'est en effet grandement détériorée à partir du début du XIX e siècle; elle a pu être affectée notamment par la mauvaise réputation que les Anglais et les Américains ont donnée au français canadien. C'est John Lambert, un voyageur anglais ayant parcouru le Bas-Canada3 en 1806-1807, qui a été le premier à parler du caractère défectueux du français qu'il avait entendu pendant son voyage; à partir d'exemples non pertinents—parce que les faits en cause sont d'origine française, par ex. le mot froid prononcé frète, ou ici prononcé icite—il concluait que le français s'était corrompu au contact de l'anglais (voir le texte reproduit dans Bouthillier et Meynaud, 1972: 123-124). Par la suite, Lord Durham, chargé par le Gouvernement de Londres de préparer un rapport à la suite du soulèvement des Patriotes en 18374, avait tiré argument du fait que ce peuple était "sans histoire et sans littérature" pour proposer qu'on prenne les moyens pour qu'il soit assimilé par l'élément anglophone (ibid. : 156). Depuis l'époque de Lambert et de Durham, les anglophones ont pris prétexte de cette soi-disant infériorité linguistique des Québécois pour nier leurs droits. Le premier ministre Pierre Elliott Trudeau lui-même, qui a régulièrement manifesté un mépris pour la langue de sa communauté d'origine, a exploité cette veine au grand déplaisir de ses commettants québécois, comme le rappelle Bouchard (1990: 47).

2

Une discussion complète du sujet traité ici exigerait un développement beaucoup plus important que les quelques pages qui suivent. C'est pourquoi l'auteur a jugé bon de présenter une sorte de résumé des principaux aspects de la question en renvoyant à diverses études qu'il a réalisées au cours des dernières années sur la question de la lexicographie québécoise et sur celle de la norme du français au Québec. 3 L'appellation Bas-Canada, désignant grosso modo la province de Québec, s'opposait à l'époque à Haut-Canada qui renvoyait à un territoire encore peu peuplé correspondant à la province actuelle de l'Ontario. 4 Insurrection contre le Gouvernement de Londres qui s'est produite dans la région de Montréal et qui a été rapidement matée par les Anglais. Il s'agit, selon la formulation de Rioux (1974: 129), de "la première tentative de création par les Québécois d'un pays libre et souverain". A la suite de ces événements, Londres force l'union des deux Canada en 1841 dans le but d'angliciser le Bas-Canada (le Québec); l'anglais devient la seule langue officielle. Ce n'est qu'en 1867, grâce à des gains successifs obtenus à la suite de luttes parlementaires, que le français obtient le statut de langue officielle, avec l'anglais, sur le territoire du Québec.

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Dans son étude qui porte sur l'évolution de ce jugement négatif des anglophones sur le français des Québécois à partir de documents de la fin du siècle dernier, Bouchard observe que la légende du "French Canadian Patois" a été diffusée notamment par les journaux canadiens-anglais et américains. D'après ses recherches, "la population anglophone d'Amérique du Nord était à tel point convaincue que les Canadiens français parlaient patois qu'il était devenu impossible à un Québécois d'enseigner le français dans les universités et les collèges américains à moins de détenir un diplôme de l'université McGill" (p. 39), rien de moins! Cet épisode de l'histoire linguistique du Québec fait bien voir le lien qui existe entre le contexte sociopolitique et le sentiment métalinguistique. Il faut en effet se rendre compte que les jugements sur la qualité de la langue étaient tout autres quelques décennies auparavant, à une époque où la situation politique des francophones était meilleure. Le français du Canada 5 s'est en effet mérité de nombreux éloges de la part des visiteurs étrangers sous le Régime français, essentiellement parce qu'ils étaient heureusement surpris de ne pas retrouver au Canada le morcellement dialectal de la France: tout le monde parlait français en Nouvelle-France, et non patois. Inversement, les jugements sur l'anglais américain paraissent avoir été plus sévères à la même époque. L'Anglais Francis Moore qualifiait la langue qu'il entendait à Savannah de "barbarous English" en 1735; dans la série d'articles qu'il écrivit pour le Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser

de Philadelphie dans les années 1780, John Witherspoon se plaignait que les

Américains ayant reçu une éducation faisaient preuve d'un relâchement lamentable dans leurs discours publics (voir Mencken, 1937: 3 et suiv.). En 1816, John Pickering reprendra encore le refrain de la corruption de l'anglais américain qu'il attribuera notamment à... l'influence du français! Le discours puriste n'a pas cessé aux États-Unis depuis cette époque 6 , mais il n'a pas réussi à entraver le développement d'une opinion favorable à l'émancipation de l'anglais américain. H n'est qu'à se rappeler la violente polémique qui a suivi la publication de la troisième édition du dictionnaire Webster, en 1960, pour constater à quel point la résistance à cette émancipation est demeurée vigoureuse. 7 Pourquoi cette tradition puriste n'a-t-elle pas empêché l'émergence d'une lexicographie américaine affranchie de la tutelle britannique alors qu'au Québec les lexicographes

5

Jusque vers les années 1960, l'expression français du Canada désignait généralement le français parlé sur le territoire actuel du Québec; de même, Canadiens et, plus spécifiquement, Canadiens français s'employaient en parlant des francophones québécois, par opposition à Anglais qui servait ä dénommer les anglophones du Canada. Depuis les années 1960, Canadiens a fait place à Québécois en parlant des habitants du Québec, qu'ils soient francophones ou anglophones. 6 Voir à ce sujet Smith (1979: 48-51) qui fait un rapide bilan des nombreux ouvrages de correction ayant paru en Angleterre et aux États-Unis au XIX e siècle. 7 Voir le relevé des comptes rendus qui a été établi par Haebler (1989); la seule lecture des titres de ces textes renseigne bien sur la réprobation qu'a suscitée le fait que les auteurs de l'ouvrage avaient donné priorité à l'usage américain courant. Voir en outre Gold (1985) qui montre que la critique a généralement erré, laissant de côté les problèmes fondamentaux et faisant preuve d'une méconnaissance profonde de la question et d'un amateurisme étonnant.

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ont encore beaucoup de peine aujourd'hui à faire valoir l'intérêt de décrire la langue de leur communauté? La raison principale tient sans doute au fait que les lexicographes américains ont eu la chance d'insérer leurs projets lexicographiques dans une vision sociopolitique favorable à l'émancipation. De façon indirecte, l'Indépendance américaine, avec l'espoir qu'elle a suscité et le projet de société qu'elle a lancé, a été la pierre d'assise de la lexicographie américaine; l'histoire de cette lexicographie est peut-être l'exemple le plus évident du rapport étroit qui existe entre dictionnaire et société. En 1789, Webster écrivait déjà: As an independent nation, our honor requires us to have a system of our own, in language as well as government. Great Britain, whose children we are, and whose language we speak, should no longer be our standard [...]. Several circumstances render a future separation of the American tongue from the English necessary and unavoidable [...]. Thèse causes will produce, in a course of time, a language in North America as different from the future language of England as the modern Dutch, Danish and Swedish are from the German, or from one another [...]. We have therefore the fairest opportunity of establishing a national language and of giving it uniformity and perspicuity, in North America, that ever presented itself to mankind. (Cité d'après Mencken 1937: 10.)

Au Québec, la Conquête a rendu impossible ou, du moins, a considérablement repoussé dans le temps tout projet d'émancipation linguistique. Alors que leurs voisins du Sud proclament leur indépendance et commencent à réaliser leur "rêve", les Québécois se rendent compte que leur avenir politique est compromis et ils commencent à développer un complexe d'infériorité paralysant. Ils reprennent à leur compte l'évaluation négative de leur langue qui est faite par leurs voisins anglophones et la propagent eux-mêmes, par la voix de leurs puristes. Même si les Français ont en général été beaucoup plus compréhensifs que les Québécois dans l'évaluation de la langue de ces derniers, on trouve repris ici et là dans leurs écrits certains de ces jugements. Encore au début du XX e siècle, le grand linguiste Meillet (1918: 280 et 282) écrira: Si les Canadiens français ne servent guère à cet enrichissement [de la langue française, contrairement aux Belges et aux Suisses], c'est qu'il s'est produit entre eux et leur pays d'origine une séparation morale; ils ne contribuent pas à la culture française parce qu'ils ont rompu le contact avec elle. [...] L'enclave française au Canada, rurale, sans prestige, sans avenir ne rompt pas l'unité [linguistique de l'Amérique du Nord].

Comme le souligne Algeo (1989: 140), on doit reconnaître l'existence, après 1776, d'un anglais américain par opposition à l'anglais britannique. Dès 1781, on rencontre le terme Americanism dont la seule existence illustre le fait que l'usage américain est considéré comme différent de celui d'Angleterre; un peu moins d'un siècle plus tard (1868) apparaît le terme Briticism, qui rend compte de l'existence d'une vision purement américaine de la langue anglaise. Par comparaison, le terme canadianisme, s'appliquant à un emploi caractéristique du français du Québec 8 , n'est attesté que depuis 1888, et le termefrancisme (en parlant d'un emploi propre au ° De nos jours, on dit plutôt québécisme, le terme canadianisme ayant pris une valeur plus générale, englobant les acadianismes, les québécismes et autres particularités régionales du français du Canada (voir la note S). Le terme québécisme est attesté depuis 1973; on trouve, en 1966, une attestation isolée de québécianisme, sur le modèle de canadianisme·. "Quant aux "canadianismes' (devrait-on risquer 'québécianismes'?...), il faut dire que cette question est encore plus confuse que la précédente." (Des Marchais 1966: 33.)

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français de France) ne figure encore que dans un seul dictionnaire, publié récemment, le Dictionnaire du français Plus (DFP 1988).9 Le développement de cette terminologie rend compte de la progression différente, au Québec et aux États-Unis, de la prise de conscience et de l'affirmation de l'identité linguistique de la communauté. Même si l'originalité du français du Québec a été perçue dès le Régime français, la reconnaissance de cette identité commence à peine à être proclamée. La réception difficile qu'ont connue récemment certains dictionnaires ayant posé comme principe la légitimité de l'usage québécois montre bien que cette reconnaissance est encore fragile. La lexicographie québécoise accuse un retard important par rapport à la lexicographie américaine. Ce retard s'explique de façon principale par l'absence, pendant de longues décennies, d'un projet de société viable et par l'incapacité des Québécois de porter un jugement valorisant sur leur langue. C'est le développement de la société québécoise depuis le début des années 1960, avec la percée internationale du Québec sur le plan politique et sur le plan culturel, qui a rendu possible l'éclosion d'une véritable discipline lexicographique qui est actuellement à se construire sur la base de recherches d'envergure, en cours depuis une vingtaine d'années, mais aussi à partir des nombreux travaux d'approche qui avaient été réalisés depuis près de deux siècles.

2. Conscience Linguistique et Lexicographie au Québec Le français du Québec suscite la curiosité des observateurs du langage depuis longtemps. Déjà à l'époque de la colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, des missionnaires et des voyageurs relevaient des mots et des expressions caractéristiques du français des "Canadiens". Un jésuite d'origine belge, le père Potier, en a même dressé une liste importante au milieu du XVIII e siècle, à l'occasion de son séjour à Québec et dans la région de Détroit. Ce n'est qu'à partir du début du XIX e siècle que les Québécois commencent à s'intéresser eux-mêmes à leur vocabulaire. C'est l'époque où ils se rendent compte avec consternation que leur langue est grandement menacée et qu'elle présente des différences sensibles avec le français de France. L'élite réagit à l'influence anglaise, qui est devenue omniprésente, par la publication de glossaires et de manuels de locutions vicieuses. Dans les décennies qui suivront, les Maguire, Gingras, Buies, Tardivel, Lusignan, Frechette, Rinfret et bien d'autres encore se relaieront dans cette lutte qui marquera profondément la mentalité québécoise. Dès 1880, avec le Glossaire franco-canadien d'Oscar Dunn, se manifeste une préoccupation lexicographique: on cherche à connaître les raisons des particularismes québécois et on commence à jeter les bases d'une vaste entreprise d'évaluation de la langue dont la responsabilité sera tour à

9

Le terme francisme paraît avoir été utilisé pour la première fois par Hausmann (1986), à l'occasion d'un colloque organisé par l'équipe du Trésor de la langue française au Québec et qui s'est tenu à l'Université Laval en avril 1985.

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tour assumée par des partisans de l'alignement inconditionnel sur le français de Paris et par des groupes revendiquant le droit à la différence. C'est dans ce contexte qu'il faut situer le travail remarquable de la Société du parler français au Canada qui a formulé, dès le début du XX e siècle, un premier projet d'enquête géolinguistique couvrant l'ensemble du Canada français et qui a publié, en 1930, le Glossaire du parler français au Canada qui est demeuré jusqu'à récemment le principal ouvrage de référence concernant le lexique (Rivard/Geoffrion, 1930). La période d'effervescence des belles années de la Société a été suivie d'une accalmie pendant laquelle on ne signale qu'une oeuvre importante: le Dictionnaire général de la langue française au Canada (Bélisle 1957). Ce n'est que dans les années 1970 que les deux grands chantiers ouverts par la Société ont vraiment repris vie et que ses projets de description du lexique ont été relancés sur des bases nouvelles. C'est en effet pendant cette décennie qu'ont été menées des enquêtes approfondies, sous la direction de Gaston Dulong, professeur à l'Université Laval, qui devaient conduire à la publication d'un atlas linguistique de l'est du Canada (Dulong et Bergeron 1980); un travail semblable, dirigé par Thomas Lavoie, de l'Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, a permis d'approfondir la recherche géolinguistique sur une portion du territoire, celle englobant les régions de Charlevoix, du Saguenay, du Lac-Saint-Jean et de la Côte-Nord (Lavoie et al. 1985). Pour ce qui est de la dimension proprement lexicographique, c'est à l'équipe du Trésor de la langue française au Québec que revient le mérite d'avoir repris le flambeau des études scientifiques sur le lexique, également au cours des années 1970. Le but principal de cette équipe a été de créer une infrastructure de recherche qui permette le développement d'une véritable discipline lexicographique, fondée sur des principes rigoureux, à partir de l'élaboration d'un grand dictionnaire historique de québécismes, le Dictionnaire du français québécois (DFQ 1985). D'autres recherches d'envergure sur le français du Québec, notamment de nature sociolinguistique, ont été menées dans les universités québécoises depuis les années 1970. Un colloque intitulé La lexicographie québécoise: bilan et perspectives, qui s'est tenu à l'Université Laval en 1985, a permis de faire un bilan des recherches de nature lexicale et de raviver la motivation des chercheurs (Boisvert et al. 1986). On voit donc, par ce qui précède, que l'intérêt des Québécois pour la lexicographie est manifeste depuis longtemps. Depuis le milieu des années 1980, cet intérêt est devenu presque frénétique. Les expériences se succèdent (notamment DFP 1988 et DQA 1992), avec un succès mitigé, en raison du fait qu'aucun ouvrage ne répond encore aux attentes de la communauté, attentes qui sont très grandes. Le dictionnaire est devenu le symbole de la reconnaissance linguistique, d'où la pression énorme qui s'exerce sur les lexicographes pour qu'ils produisent un ouvrage "parfait". Les divers manuels, glossaires et dictionnaires publiés au Québec depuis les années 1880 se rattachent à l'une ou à l'autre des deux grandes tendances qui ont opposé les érudits. D'une part,

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une tradition d'alignement inconditionnel sur l'usage de France, qui domine dans les ouvrages normatifs, d'autre part, une volonté de légitimer l'usage québécois qui se manifeste dans quelques glossaires (de façon timide chez Dunn 1880, un peu plus audacieuse chez Clapin 1894 dont la description est plus neutre) et dans les dictionnaires publiés récemment. Les deux tendances se sont exprimées sous des variantes diverses allant des positions extrêmes aux attitudes conciliantes. Même dans le groupe des puristes les plus intransigeants, on trouve des contradictions qui illustrent bien le malaise de dégager une norme du français dans un contexte nord-américain, même quand on adopte un point de vue très conservateur. Les discussions sur la question sont généralement dominées par des attitudes émotives et l'absence de données objectives permettant de fonder les choix (voir à ce sujet Beaudet, 1991: 37-57; Poirier, 1990: surtout 131-133). Les positions officielles que les autorités politiques ont adoptées sur la question de la norme ont toujours été très prudentes. Le groupe des conservateurs a généralement eu gain de cause; les organismes linguistiques ont manifesté une certaine ouverture depuis les années 1960, mais les mots caractéristiques du français québécois ayant pu obtenir droit de cité dans leurs listes se limitent encore à quelques dizaines; or, dans les dictionnaires les plus progressistes (DFP et DQA), ouvrages qui sont considérés avec beaucoup de méfiance par l'élite traditionnelle, on compte quand même plusieurs milliers d'emplois propres aux francophones du Québec. Il faut dire que les organismes linguistiques ont consacré le plus clair de leurs énergies à la question de l'implantation des terminologies françaises (pour lutter contre l'influence de l'anglais) et à la mise en application de la Charte de la langue française, promulguée en 1977, qui a donné un statut prioritaire au français sur le territoire du Québec. Les problèmes concernant la langue de travail, l'affichage et les terminologies officielles ont donc pris le pas sur ceux relatifs à la qualité de la langue d'usage. C'est finalement dans le monde de l'enseignement et dans les milieux universitaires qu'a été posée la question de la qualité de la langue; cette question fait l'objet de discussions plus constantes depuis le début des années 1980. Ces discussions reposent de plus en plus sur des travaux de bonne qualité, livrant des données objectives, ce qui devrait avoir pour effet d'élever le débat. De plus, la réflexion n'est plus limitée à un petit groupe de francs-tireurs, comme pendant la période 1880-1930, pendant laquelle ont été produits de nombreux glossaires et manuels de bon usage, de sorte que toute la société est maintenant mobilisée. La division reste grande quant aux solutions à mettre de l'avant, notamment quant à l'attitude à adopter à l'égard des caractéristiques québécoises, mais le contexte actuel est beaucoup plus favorable qu'autrefois à l'émergence d'un large consensus concernant la définition d'une norme québécoise du français. Le contexte sociopolitique est, de plus, bien différent de ce qu'il était pendant les périodes où la réflexion linguistique a été plus intense dans le passé, par exemple pendant celle de 1880 à 1930. Jusqu'en 1960, les Québécois formaient un peuple soumis, dirigé par une élite peu nombreuse. L'action de cette dernière se faisait difficilement sentir sur l'ensemble de la population, encore peu

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scolarisée. L'idéal linguistique proposé par les éradits présentait peu d'attrait, en partie parce que cet idéal s'appuyait sur une conception et des valeurs importées de France et ne permettait pas d'intégrer celles de la communauté québécoise. L'État québécois, qui est aujourd'hui un facteur de changement important sur le plan social et sur le plan linguistique, n'existait pour ainsi dire pas. Depuis la Révolution tranquille des années 1960, divers groupes ont pris la parole, contestant parfois avec force les valeurs prônées dans le passé, par exemple le groupe de ceux qu'on a appelés les joualisants qui ont exprimé dans leurs écrits une volonté ferme de décoloniser la langue, c'est-à-dire de la libérer à la fois de l'influence omniprésente de l'anglais et de l'emprise étouffante de Paris. Le mouvement d'épuration de la langue est favorisé, depuis cette époque, par une vision de société plus ouverte, des projets politiques plus valorisants, une expression culturelle riche en réalisations dans divers domaines (littérature, cinéma, chanson) et la prise en main progressive des leviers économiques. Des sept médailles olympiques que se sont méritées les Canadiens aux derniers Jeux d'hiver (1992), cinq sont allées à des Québécois et à des Québécoises, ce qui traduit une autre facette de l'intérêt des Québécois pour les défis internationaux. Ce n'est pas pour une simple question de terminologie que, depuis les années 1960, le nom de Québécois a remplacé celui de Canadiens sur le territoire du Québec. Le changement social a eu une incidence sur la perception que les Québécois avaient de leur langue. Leur société s'étant hissée au niveau de celles qui les entourent, ils ont maintenant à coeur de dégager un standard linguistique valorisant, qu'ils pourront afficher comme signe d'identité. Le dictionnaire devient un outil essentiel.

3. Norme Québécoise ou Norme Française? Le problème principal qui reste à régler est, nous l'avons souligné plus haut, l'attitude à adopter face à la norme de France. Il convient de revenir un peu sur ce point. Convaincues que les caractéristiques que présentait le français d'ici par rapport à celui de France s'expliquaient essentiellement par l'influence de l'anglais, les élites québécoises ont cherché en France les solutions aux problèmes langagiers qui se posaient au Québec; ils ont ainsi fait abstraction du caractère particulier de la situation des francophones québécois, isolés dans un environnement anglophone et vivant dans un contexte nord-américain. Dans leurs campagnes de correction, ces élites se sont constamment référées à des ouvrages élaborés en France: n'ont été traditionnellement considérés comme acceptables que les emplois enregistrés dans les dictionnaires faits à Paris. Cet alignement inconditionnel qu'on a pratiqué sur la norme de Paris est une des sources de l'insécurité linguistique des Québécois; c'est que cet

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alignement a pour effet de toujours donner priorité aux usages des locuteurs d'une autre communauté, donc à leur façon de voir les choses. Cette tendance à l'alignement sur Paris frise parfois la caricature. Non seulement on en arrive à préférer les anglicismes de France à ceux qui ont pénétré dans le français du Québec, les premiers étant prônés en bloc et les seconds, décriés sans nuances, mais on va même jusqu'à préférer des anglicismes de France à des mots tout à fait français qui sont implantés depuis longtemps dans l'usage ou qui ont fait l'objet d'un large consensus. On trouvera dans Poirier (1993a) l'histoire amusante de la lutte entre air climatisé, création québécoise qui avait d'abord été encensée par les puristes, et air conditionné, anglicisme qu'on a cherché à imposer au Québec sous prétexte que les Français l'avaient adopté. Autre exemple: le mot motoneige qui a réussi à s'imposer malgré les puristes; les deux extraits suivants, exprimant les deux points de vue opposés, donnent une bonne idée des arguments invoqués par ses détracteurs et ses défenseurs (voir une explication plus détaillée dans Bovet, 1990): les premiers préfèrent un anglicisme, relevant de l'usage d'une autre communauté, à notre mot français à nous! Pour savoir comment une chose s'appelle en français, il faut d'abord consulter l'usage de France, le plus souvent par le moyen du dictionnaire. Ce n'est pas parce qu'une invention est québécoise qu'il nous appartienne pour autant d'oublier les principes qui régissent la formation des mots en cette langue [...]. Cela dit, je signale que les Français appellent votre "motoneige" scooter des neiges. (Beaudry, 1973.) Nous Québécois sommes les inventeurs de ce véhicule que nous avons appelé "motoneige" après moultes [ÎI'C] réunions, consultations, etc. [...] Quant à son nom [...], il fut transformé en scooter-des-neiges, en luge mécanique, en moto-luge, en traîneau mécanique, et je ne sais quoi, alors que nous les inventeurs, Armand Bombardier et compagnie, l'avions appelé "motoneige". (Bergeron, 1980: 4.)

Ces exemples font voir que, dans l'évaluation du français du Québec, on n'a souvent pris en compte que l'usage parisien, sans accorder aucun crédit à l'identité de la communauté québécoise. Cette attitude extrême, qui passait autrefois pour de la saine correction linguistique, est de plus en plus perçue aujourd'hui comme une forme d"'intégrisme" à laquelle—sauf exception—même les conservateurs ne veulent plus être associés. L'insécurité linguistique traditionnelle, qui prédisposait les Québécois à s'en remettre à d'autres pour les choix concernant leur propre langue, commence à s'estomper. La position que défendait Dagenais (1967: 645), à savoir que seuls une dizaine de "canadianismes" (voir la note 8) étaient acceptables, n'est plus aujourd'hui soutenue par personne. Il faut bien comprendre ici que l'orientation qui commence à émerger n'est pas de rejeter la norme de France, mais bien de la moduler pour tenir compte de l'histoire linguistique et de l'identité des Québécois, lesquelles peuvent difficilement être prises en considération à Paris, comme on le verra plus loin.

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4. L'identité Québécoise Dans les années 1940, la question qu'on débattait chez les érudits était de savoir si la littérature québécoise était une littérature indépendante de celle de France ou un simple rameau de celle-ci. Ce n'était pas la première fois que cette question était soulevée (voir par ex. Beaudet, 1991: 59-85, qui fait état d'une querelle sur ce thème au début du siècle) et ce ne fut pas la dernière: les divergences de points de vue se sont exprimées avec force au sein des départements de littérature française des universités québécoises jusque dans les années 1970. Le débat des années 1940 mérite toutefois une mention à part en raison de son intensité et de son effet catalyseur. La figure dominante du débat a sans nul doute été Robert Charbonneau qui a pris vigoureusement la défense du point de vue québécois contre un groupe d'écrivains français; comme le souligne l'éditeur dans l'avant-propos de l'ouvrage de Charbonneau (1947), "ce qui frappe dans cette polémique [...], c'est que l'écrivain canadien connaît les ouvrages de ses adversaires alors que ceux-ci ignorent tout de lui". Charbonneau s'insurgeait contre la tutelle de Paris et invitait les écrivains canadiens-français à "découvrir notre signification américaine": [...] plus que par ses historiens et ses hommes politiques, c'est par ses écrivains et ses artistes qu'un peuple prend conscience de sa différence, de ses aspirations, de sa signification propre. [/] Le premier pas d'une littérature vers l'autonomie, consiste à répudier toute conception coloniale de la culture. Que nos écrivains ambitionnent d'abord d'être eux-mêmes, sans tenir leurs yeux sur ce qu'on pensera à Paris, ou plutôt, qu'ils regardent ce qui se fait ailleurs, qu'ils choisissent dans les techniques françaises, anglaises, russes et américaines ce qui convient à leur tempérament et qu'ensuite, ils n'aient qu'un but: créer des oeuvres qui soient fondées sur leur personnalité canadienne. C'est en étant lui-même, en s'acceptant avec sa terre, son histoire, sa vie et son temps qu'un écrivain produit des oeuvres humaines d'une portée universelle, (p. 12.)

L'originalité de la littérature québécoise est maintenant bien établie; les auteurs québécois sont aujourd'hui reconnus dans tous les pays où l'on s'intéresse à la langue française (même en Chine); leur langue, même chez les auteurs qui sont les plus accueillants pour la langue populaire, n'est plus un mystère et fait l'objet d'études nombreuses dans les universités américaines et européennes. Depuis l'époque de la controverse littéraire que nous venons de rappeler, les Québécois ont démontré, par diverses autres manifestations culturelles (notamment par le film, par la chanson, par la télévision) que leur identité, bien enracinée dans un héritage français, ne pouvait être définie adéquatement que par eux-mêmes, à travers des productions tout à fait originales au sein de la communauté francophone internationale. L'identité québécoise repose sur deux composantes: l'origine française de la population d'une part, son expérience nord-américaine d'autre part. Diverses publications ont traité de cette question (voir notamment Rioux, 1974; Tremblay, 1983; Dufour 1989). La langue reflète cette double composante, notamment à travers le vocabulaire qui s'est formé à partir des usages de diverses régions de France, qui s'est adapté pour pouvoir désigner des réalités que le français n'avait encore jamais nommées et qui a emprunté à l'anglais un certain nombre de mots qui font partie de l'usage courant (par ex./un, usuel dans avoir du fun, se faire du fun, être le fun, etc.).

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Le français du Québec présente, pour ces raisons, de nombreuses différences avec le français de France sur le plan du lexique: formes, sens, constructions syntagmatiques, connotations, etc. Les plus importantes sont peut-être celles qui sont les moins évidentes à première vue, c'est-à-dire celles qui sont liées à la fréquence des mots, à leurs connotations, aux registres d'emplois, etc.; ces différences ont pour effet de créer des relations originales entre les mots et donnent une couleur particulière à l'ensemble du lexique. L'originalité lexicale ne concerne donc pas seulement les dénominations des réalités nord-américaines du climat, de la géographie, de la faune, de la flore, etc. En effet, une fois circonscrit le vocabulaire des realia, on n'a pas encore parlé des êtres humains eux-mêmes, de leur vision du monde, de leur relation avec le milieu et entre eux, de leur imaginaire, de leur personnalité propre en somme. Le mot glace est un bon exemple de l'originalité du lexique québécois. Ce mot n'a jamais fait l'objet de remarques particulières au Québec parce que, à première vue, il fonctionne comme en français de France. Mais, en réalité, seul le sens de base, celui d'"eau congelée", peut vraiment être considéré comme commun aux Français et aux Québécois; et encore, le mot présente-t-il dans cet emploi divers syntagmes caractéristiques: glace vive ou glace bleue "glace unie et ώιτζ", fausse glace, plaque de glace, etc. Pour le reste, Québécois et Français utilisent le mot de façon différente. Au Québec, on s'en sert pour désigner la surface glacée sur laquelle on pratique certains sports, notamment le hockey. En France, le mot peut désigner une boisson ou une crème congelée, une plaque de verre ou une préparation sucrée servant à recouvrir les gâteaux; ces emplois ne sont pas inconnus au Québec, mais ils y sont peu usités car, dans ces cas, on préfère au mot glace les mots crème glacée ("crème congelée"), vitre ("plaque de verre transparente et épaisse"), miroir ("plaque de verre réfléchissante")10, glaçage et crémage ("préparation recouvrant les gâteaux"). Les Québécois parlent le français, puisqu'ils peuvent être compris en France, mais ils ne disent pas les choses de la même façon que les Français. Des mots aussi usuels que gros et grand, beau et bon, dispendieux, cher et coûteux, pendule et horloge, etc. n'évoquent pas tout à fait les mêmes concepts en France et au Québec ou alors ils sont connotés différemment (voir des développements sur toute cette question dans Poirier, 1988, 1992). Malgré le fait que les Québécois ont lutté farouchement contre l'influence anglaise, il faut reconnaître que la cohabitation avec les anglophones a eu des répercussions importantes sur la formation de leur identité. Dans la mesure où leur vie politique, sociale et économique, leurs milieux de travail, leurs institutions, leurs loisirs, leur folklore même ont été largement conditionnés par les habitudes et les moeurs de leurs conquérants et de leurs voisins, il était inévitable que leur langue en reçoive le contrecoup." Les Québécois ne sont plus des Français et

10

D'après Robert (1985), le mot miroir est en recul en France dans le langage courant. ' Cette question a fait l'objet d'un séminaire pluridisciplinaire à l'Université Laval à l'hiver 1992; des spécialistes de diverses universités francophones du Canada y ont présenté des communications qui seront réunies dans un ouvrage que publiera la Chaire pour le développement de la recherche sur la culture d'expression française en Amérique du Nord (CEFAN), voir Poirier 1994. 1

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ils ne sont pas devenus des Anglo-Américains. Ce sont des francophones de souche vivant en Amérique du Nord, sur un territoire où, aujourd'hui, la langue officielle est le français. En dépit de l'importance des différences que présente le lexique québécois par rapport à celui des Français, les mots québécois sont souvent considérés encore comme des exceptions et traités en conséquence dans les dictionnaires. On commence cependant à entrevoir que le français du Québec présente une identité globale différente. Après s'être affranchis des Français dans la littérature, dans le film, dans la chanson, les Québécois s'apprêtent à affirmer leur identité par le dictionnaire. Compte tenu que des réticences se sont manifestées chaque fois que les Québécois ont voulu marquer leur autonomie sur le plan culturel, il ne faut pas s'étonner des notes discordantes qui se font encore entendre quand il est question de faire des dictionnaires québécois. C'est en mettant l'accent sur la qualité des productions qu'on réussira, cette fois encore, à dégager un consensus sur la question, au Québec et à l'étranger.

5. Vers une Lexicographie Autonome Les développements qui précèdent ont déjà permis de comprendre qu'il est devenu urgent de pouvoir compter sur un dictionnaire représentatif du français de la communauté québécoise. Le besoin à combler est d'abord de fournir aux locuteurs un outil leur permettant de prendre conscience, d'une façon plus nette, du consensus qui s'est développé au Québec sur le plan de la norme, avec les quelques zones grises qui subsistent. Mais le dictionnaire est nécessaire aussi pour une meilleure intégration des nouveaux arrivants, pour le décodage des oeuvres diffusées à l'étranger et, nous l'avons déjà évoqué, comme symbole d'une identité enfin reconnue. Les Québécois se sont servis jusqu'à présent des dictionnaires faits en France, à Paris pour être plus précis. Or ces ouvrages, rendant compte du point de vue d'une autre communauté, ne répondent plus aujourd'hui aux besoins des Québécois qui souhaiteraient que le texte du dictionnaire s'adresse à eux (qu'on parle de temps à autre de Montréal et de Québec, pas seulement de Paris et de Marseille!), que les définitions soient formulées dans un discours mieux adapté à leur sentiment linguistique, que les emplois soient illustrés avec des exemples tirés de la littérature québécoise, que les prononciations proposées correspondent au standard qui est le leur, etc. (sur ce point, voir Poirier, 1989). Les lexicographes français tentent bien de remédier à ces problèmes en insérant des québécismes dans leurs dictionnaires, mais il s'agit d'une solution très limitée puisque l'ouvrage ne peut accueillir que quelques centaines de mots québécois et qu'il continue de s'adresser à la clientèle de France, ce qui empêche toute adaptation du discours lexicographique. Mais, même en acceptant ces limites, les résultats atteints par les lexicographes français ont été jusqu'ici peu satisfaisants, les Français n'ayant pas pris toutes les précautions nécessaires dans le traitement de

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ces mots. D'où de nombreuses erreurs, certaines choquantes du point de vue d'un Québécois. Nous avons eu l'occasion d'en souligner quelques-unes (voir ce qui est dit à propos des mots érablière, casse-tête, cent et sou, traîne sauvage, vis-à-vis, banc de neige, bozo, toboggan, piastre, raquette, etc. dans Poirier 1989, et à propos du mot Halloween dans Poirier 1993b; voir aussi Bovet, 1986). L'exemple le plus frappant de ces erreurs de traitement est sans nul doute l'article bozo dans Robert (1985). L'article du grand dictionnaire français se lit comme suit: BOZO [bozo] η. m.—Mil. XX e ; orig. incertaine.O Canadianisme. Auteur-compositeur-interprète, (ex.: F. Ledere, G. Vigneault). Des bozos.

Ce qu'il faut savoir pour bien comprendre l'ahurissement des Québécois qui ont vu cet article, c'est que Félix Ledere et Gilles Vigneault sont des chansonniers de grande réputation et qu'il ne viendrait à personne l'idée de les qualifier de bozosl Le mot désigne en effet au Québec un pauvre type, pas trop brillant, que Félix Ledere a mis en scène dans l'une de ses chansons. Ce passage d'un journal sarcastique des années 1930 laisse deviner le contenu sémantique du mot: Qfuestion].- Tous mes amis m'appellent Bozo. Qu'est-ce que cela veut dire? R[éponse]. Cela veut dire qu'ils vous apprécient à votre juste valeur. (Le Goglu, Montréal, 3 avril 1931, p. 7.)

Le mot est d'origine obscure, si l'on prend en compte l'aspect proprement étymologique, mais sa provenance européenne est probable puisqu'on le trouve dans les parlers de France (d'après l'article à paraître dans DFQ). Bozo a été relevé en outre en anglais américain depuis 1920 (voir Cassidy 1985); il pourrait s'agir d'un emprunt aux francophones canadiens, hypothèse qui trouve un appui dans le fait que le mot est relevé dans des régions où s'est fait sentir leur influence (Cassidy déclare le mot d'origine incertaine). Les Français ont plusieurs siècles d'expérience en lexicographie. Les Québécois ne pouvaient pas espérer acquérir cette expérience du jour au lendemain. C'est depuis le XIX e siècle, nous l'avons vu plus haut, qu'ils se préparent à prendre en charge, de façon autonome, la production de leurs dictionnaires. Les ouvrages qui ont paru récemment (notamment DFP 1988 et DQA 1992) ont fait l'objet de nombreuses critiques, pour des raisons différentes. Dans le cas du DFP, la critique principale portait sur le fait que ce dictionnaire était trop incomplet, même s'il était le premier à enregistrer quelque 4000 emplois québécois, et que les québécismes n'y étaient pas identifiés. Le second a reçu un accueil carrément hostile parce qu'on a perçu dans l'ouvrage une volonté d'ériger en norme l'usage québécois populaire. Les lexicographes doivent tirer les leçons de ces expériences. Le public québécois est très exigeant: les critiques ont comparé, sans indulgence aucune, ces premiers dictionnaires généraux réalisés au Québec (si l'on fait exception de Bélisle 1957) avec les meilleurs dictionnaires de France. Cette attitude, que les lexicographes trouvent un peu dure, est excellente pour l'avenir de la lexicographie québécoise: le public n'acceptera pas de troquer les dictionnaires de France pour des

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ouvrages de qualité moindre, fussent-ils réalisés au Québec. Le fait que les commentateurs ont critiqué avec beaucoup d'intérêt ces nouveaux ouvrages est une autre garantie d'avenir; cela indique que les lexicographes peuvent compter sur la collaboration d'un grand nombre d'intervenants, dans le monde des écrivains, des professeurs, des chercheurs, des lettrés en général. Même si les critiques sont parfois exagérées, que le ton rappelle à l'occasion le discours puriste d'autrefois, il y a beaucoup à prendre dans les comptes rendus que l'élite québécoise a faits de ces ouvrages. Π faut se rendre compte en effet qu'on n'impose pas un dictionnaire à une communauté. Le lexicographe doit bien cerner les besoins qu'il vise à combler et, s'il estime que le public n'est pas prêt à aller aussi loin qu'il pourrait le conduire, savoir procéder par étapes pour préparer les mentalités. Mais surtout, l'émergence d'une lexicographie de haut niveau ne sera possible qu'à partir de solides travaux d'approche. C'est dans cette optique que l'équipe du Trésor de la langue française au Québec (TLFQ) travaille depuis le milieu des années 1970 à développer un savoir lexicographique québécois en préparant un dictionnaire de québécismes. Devant la tâche énorme qu'il y avait à décrire l'ensemble du lexique, les auteurs du Dictionnaire du français

québécois

(DFQ) ont fait le choix d'étudier en priorité les mots qui posaient le plus de problèmes dans l'évaluation du français du Québec, c'est-à-dire les emplois caractéristiques. Les dimensions étymologique et historique ont paru essentielles également compte tenu du fait que la plupart des jugements (favorables ou défavorables) qui ont été portés sur le français du Québec reposent sur des arguments touchant la provenance des emplois, les liens avec l'anglais, etc. L'accent a été mis pendant de nombreuses années sur la documentation; l'équipe a ainsi constitué un volumineux fichier d'exemples qui renseigne aussi bien sur l'usage oral que sur l'usage écrit. Elle a d'ailleurs reçu, pour ce faire, la collaboration d'un grand nombre de chercheurs des universités québécoises qui ont mis à sa disposition des corpus informatisés et des fichiers de mots (pour une présentation plus complète de l'entreprise du TLFQ, voir Poirier 1990: 133-138).12

6. Un Dictionnaire Québécois Avant la Fin du Siècle? De nombreux autres chercheurs sont maintenant engagés dans des travaux de lexicographie, selon des optiques diverses. On observe des divergences de vues importantes sur les formules de dictionnaires à préparer à l'intention du public québécois, divergences qui sont souvent en relation avec les tendances antagonistes qui ont façonné le développement de la conscience linguistique. Cette diversité de points de vue est un autre gage de réussite. Dans les prochaines années, le Québec disposera d'un et sans doute même de plusieurs excellents dictionnaires du français, notamment d'un bon dictionnaire de l'usage courant. La publication de ces ouvrages marquera 12 L'équipe du TLFQ a fait paraître en 1985 un volume de présentation de son dictionnaire qui sera publié en 1997. Parmi les nombreux comptes rendus que ce volume a suscités, il convient de rappeler celui, fort détaillé, qu'en a fait le professeur Zgusta auquel le présent ouvrage collectif est dédié (voir Zgusta, 1986).

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l'aboutissement du mouvement d'émancipation politique et culturelle qui a pris naissance dans la première partie du X I X e siècle. 1 3

References Aigeo, John (1989). Americanisms, Briticisms, and the Standard: An Essay at Definition. In Joseph B. Trahern (ed.): Standardizing English, Knoxville, The University of Tennessee Press, 139-157. Beaudet, Marie-Andrée (1991). Langue et littérature au Québec, 1895-1914. Montréal: L'Hexagone. Beaudry, Pierre (1973). Un canadianisme de mauvais aloi. In La Presse, 5 sept. F12. Bélisle, Louis-Alexandre (1957;21971 1979). Dictionnaire général de la langue française au Canada. Québec: Bélisle éditeur. 3 e éd., Dictionnaire nord-américain de la langue française. Montréal: Beauchemin. Bergeron, Henri (1980). Le français, langue de communication. In C'est-à-dire... (Bulletin du Comité de linguistique de Radio-Canada). Vol. ΧΠ, n° 3. 1-5. Boisvert, Lionel, Claude Poirier et Claude Verreault (éd.) (1986). La lexicographie québécoise. Bilan et perspectives. Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval. Bouchard, Chantai (1990). Contes et légendes du Canada français: Le mythe du French Canadian Patois, 1862-1970. In Bulletin de l'A.C.LA., vol. 12, n° 1. Montréal. Printemps. 35-49. Bouthillier, Guy et Jean Meynaud (1972). Le choc des langues au Québec, 1760-1970. Montréal: Les Presses de l'Université du Québec. Bovet, Ludmila (1986). Le traitement des québécismes dans le Grand Robert 1985. In Revue québécoise de linguistique, UQAM. Vol. 16, n° 1. 311-321. (1990). La motoneige au fil des mots: faits d'hivers québécois. In Québec français. N° 76. Hiver. 84-85. Cassidy, Frederic G. (1985). Dictionary of American Regional English. Vol. 1, Introduction and Α-C. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Charbonneau, Robert (1947). La France et nous. Journal d'une querelle. Montréal: Éditions de L'Arbre. Clapin, Sylva (1894). Dictionnaire canadien-français. Montréal et Boston: C.O. Beauchemin & Fils et Sylva Clapin. Réimpression par Les Presses de l'Université Laval en 1974. Dagenais, Gérard (1967). Dictionnaire des difficultés de la langue française au Canada. Québec-Montréal: Éditions Pedagogia inc. Darbelnet, Jean (1976). Le français en contact avec l'anglais en Amérique du Nord. Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval. (Travaux du Centre international de recherche sur le bilinguisme. A-12). Des Marchais, Gilles (1966). Défense et illustration du québécien. In Parti pris. Vol. 3, n° 6. 24-43. DFP (1988). Dictionnaire du français Plus, à l'usage des francophones d'Amérique. Édition établie sous la responsabilité de A.E. Shiaty, avec la coll. de Pierre Auger et de Normand Beauchemin. Rédacteur principal : Claude Poirier, avec le concours de Louis Mercier et de Claude Verreault. Montréal: Centre Éducatif et Culturel. DFQ (1985). Dictionnaire du français québécois. Volume de présentation. Sous la direction de Claude Poirier. Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval. XXXVIII +169 p. L'édition complète de l'ouvrage paraîtra en 1997. DQA (1992). Dictionnaire québécois d'aujourd'hui. Sous la direction de Jean-Claude Boulanger. Saint-Laurent (Québec): DicoRobert inc. XXXV + 1269 p. Complété par un Atlas géographique & historique, une Chronologie, un Dictionnaire de noms propres et des Annexes grammaticales. Dufour, Christian (1989). Le défi québécois. Montréal: L'Hexagone. Dulong, Gaston et Gaston Bergeron (1980). Le parler populaire du Québec et de ses régions voisines. Atlas linguistique de l'Est du Canada. Québec: Gouvernement du Québec, Ministère des Communications en coproduction avec l'Office de la langue française. 10 vol. Dunn, Oscar (1880). Glossaire franco-canadien et vocabulaire de locutions vicieuses usitées au Canada. Québec: Imprimerie A. Côté et Cie. XXVI + 199 p. Réimpression par les Presses de l'Université Laval en 1976. Gold, David L. (1985). The Debate over Webster's Third Twenty-Five Years Later: Winnowing the Chaff From the Grain. In Dictionaries. Nu. 7. 225-236. Haebler, Ted (1989). The Reception of the Third New International Dictionary. In Dictionaries. Nu. 11. 165-218.

13 Nous remercions nos collègues Lionel Boisvert et Claude Verreault qui ont fait une lecture critique de ce texte et nous ont aidé à l'améliorer, ainsi que Martine Germain qui en a fait la révision.

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Hausmann, Franz J. (1986). Les dictionnaires du français hors de France. In Boisvert et al. 3-21. Lavoie, Thomas, Gaston Bergeron et Michelle Côté (1985). Les parlers français de Charlevoix, du Saguenay, du LacSaint-Jean et de la Côte-Nord. Québec: Gouvernement du Québec, Ministère des Communications. 5 vol. Meillet, Antoine (1918). Les langues dans l'Europe nouvelle. Paris: Payot. Mencken, H. L. (1919;41937). The American Language. An Inquiry into the Development of English in the United States. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Poirier, Claude (1988). General Problematics of a Quebec French Dictionary: Dictionnaire du français québécois. In John Lihani (ed.y.Global Demands on Language and the Mission of the Language Academies. Lexington: The University of Kentucky. 37-46. (1989). Le rôle du dictionnaire dans la perception et la définition des nonnes langagières. In Le français en tête. Centrale de l'enseignement du Québec. 41-48. (1990). Description et affirmation des variétés non hexagonales du français: le cas du français québécois. In Visages du français. Variétés lexicales de l'espace francophone. Sous la direction de André Clas et de Benoît Ouoba. Paris-Londres: John Libbey-Eurotext. 127-139. (1992). Identité québécoise, norme et lexicographie. In Terminogramme (Bulletin de l'Office de la langue française). N° 64. Printemps. 1-5. (1993a). Description du lexique et incidence normative. In Inventaire des usages de la francophonie: nomenclatures et méthodologies. Sous la direction de Danièle Latin, Ambroise Queffelec et Jean Tabi-Manga. Paris: John Libbey-Eurotext. 47-63. (1993b). L'anglicisme dans les dictionnaires de langue québécois: le point de vue de l'équipe du Trésor de la langue française au Québec. A paraître dans les Actes du Colloque "Les anglicismes et leur traitement lexicographique', qui s'est tenu à Magog du 24 au 27 sept. 1991. (éd.) (1994). Anglicisme et identité québécoise. Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval. A paraître dans la collection "Culture française d'Amérique', sous l'égide de la Chaire pour le développement de la recherche sur la culture d'expression française en Amérique du Nord (CEFAN). Rioux, Marcel (1974). Les Québécois. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Rivard, Adjutor et Louis-Philippe Geoffrion (1930). Glossaire du parler français au Canada. Préparé par la Société du parler français au Canada. Québec: L'Action sociale limitée. Réimpression par Les Presses de l'Université Laval en 1968. Robert, Paul (1985). Le Grand Robert de la langue française. Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la langue française. Deuxième éd. entièrement revue et enrichie par Alain Rey. Paris: Le Robert. 9 vol. Smith, James W. (1979). A Sketch of the History of the Dictionary of English Usage. In J.E. Congleton, J.E. Gates et D. Hobar (eds.): Papers on Lexicography in Honor of Warren N. Cordell. Indiana State University: The Dictionary Society of North America. 47-58. Tremblay, Marc-Adélard (1983). L'identité québécoise en péril. Sainte-Foy: Éditions Saint-Yves Zgusta, Ladislav (1986). Compte rendu du Dictionnaire du français québécois. Volume de présentation (voir DFQ 1985). In Dictionaries. Journal of The Dictionary Society of North America. Nu. 8. 272-279.

Taking It For Granted: Some Cultural Preconceptions in English Dictionaries Janet Whitcut

0. Introduction Although it purports to describe a world language, any dictionary of English must in practice deal chiefly with the English of its own place of origin. This is only reasonable, and is obvious at all stages of the dictionary entry: in headword selection; probably in pronunciation; in the choice and differentiation of senses; and, most strikingly, in the use of examples.

1. Inclusion The headwords and senses of a small dictionary, where selection must be severely controlled, have to be those which are most important to one particular culture. Thus, the British LongmanActive Study Dictionary of English (1983), with a mere 38,000 headwords, finds space for the special British sense of allotment:: 2 (in Britain) a small piece of land rented out, esp. by a town council, to people who will grow vegetables on it. The much larger American Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary (1983) naturally does not cover this sense.

2. Definitions An interesting contrast is between the various treatments of native in a random selection of dictionaries of different 'Englishes': 3 A native is someone who was born and lives in a non-Western country and who belongs to the race or tribe that forms the majority among its inhabitants, especially when they are poor and uneducated; an old-fashioned use, now fairly offensive, e.g. ..bands of black natives wandering over the veldt. (Collins COBUILD English Language Dictionary.) 3 [often plj now usu derog, becoming rare (esp. used by Europeans of non-Europeans) one of the original people living in a place: The government of the island treated the natives badly. (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English.) [...] (one) of other than white nation-group, sp., at low level of development. (The General Basic English Dictionary.)

Janet Whitcut

254 1. one of the original inhabitants of a country, especially if non-white: 'the natives are fighting for independence'. (Heinemann New Zealand Dictionary.)

3. belonging by birth to a people regarded as natives, esp. outside the general body of white peoples: native policemen in India. (The Macquarie Dictionary.)

This pejorative "non-white" sense of native seems to ran right through the British English dictionaries, and survives in the New Zealand dictionary and the Australian Macquarie. It does not appear in the American Webster's Ninth, which sees no reason to separate this sense from the more general one of "an original or indigenous inhabitant." Webster does include the headword Native American, a correct and non-pejorative term for the American Indian. But the difference of treatment reflects, of course, the difference between the British cultural tradition, with its colonial past, and the American one, where black people are not native at all. Accordingly, the Americans have no occasion to warn that the word may be offensive. Now a similar contrast for the noun dog: (1) A domestick animal remarkably various in his species; comprising the mastiff, the spaniel, the buldog, the greyhound, the hound, the terrier, the cur, with many others. The larger sort are used as a guard; the less for sports. (Johnson's Dictionary.) 1.1. a very common four-legged animal that is often kept by people as a pet or used to guard or hunt things. There are a lot of different breeds of dog. e.g. Their dog started barking at me. (Collins COBUILD.) 1. a domesticated carnivore, Canis familiaris. bred in a great many varieties. (Macquarie.) an animal with four legs and a tail, that eats meat: Some people keep dogs in their houses, and some dogs are wild. ( Longman Primary Dictionary.)

These definitions describe a common, though not universal, cultural role of the dog. So why is it left to the little Longman Primary Dictionary, alone, to reveal the existence of wild, non-domestic dogs? Because this is a dictionary for African schoolchildren, and in Africa wild dogs do exist. And consider now the difference between the treatment of Boy Scout in Webster's Ninth and that in the Longman Dictionary of the English Language. Webster first: Boy Scout 1: a member of the scouting program of the Boy Scouts of America for boys 11 through 17 years of age scout 3 [...] a member of any of various scouting movements: as a. boy scout b. girl scout scouting 2 [...] the activities of various national and worldwide organizations for youth directed to developing character, citizenship, and individual skills

Now Longman: boy scout [...] scout 4~no longer used technically scout 4 [...] a member of a worldwide movement of boys and young men that was founded with the aim of developing qualities of leadership, responsibility, and comradeship and that lays stress on outdoor activities (e.g., camping and tracking); specif a member of the intermediate section of the British Scout movement for boys aged from 11 to 15

Taking It For Granted: Some Cultural Preconceptions in English Dictionaries

255

scouting 2 [ . . . ] the activities or philosophy of the Scout movement

Neither of these widely divergent sets of definitions is wrong. What has happened here is that the Americans are obliged to retain Boy Scout as a technical term, and to give scout and scouting unisex definitions, since under their system the guides, or Girl Guides, are called Girl Scouts. The difference is one merely of emphasis.

3. Examples But it is in the use of examples that our cultural presuppositions become most obvious. This is true even of citational examples. Although citations are certainly "objective" as evidence of the existence and use of a word or sense, when they are quoted as examples they must be selected, perhaps from many other citations, as the most characteristic instances of the word in use: they pass, in fact, through the lexicographer's brain, where some process of "recognition" must occur. A lexicographer working by citation alone may well fail to recognize an open compound, in particular, as being a lexical item that demands inclusion as meaning more than the sum of its parts. Thus, those dictionaries which include cot death " the sudden death of a sleeping baby", or friendly fire " that which comes from one's own side in a conflict", have benefited not only from a substantial bank of citations but also from the alert intelligence of the lexicographer. Dr. Johnson himself deliberately excluded examples that were too early: "lest my zeal for antiquity might drive me into times too remote, and croud my book with words now no longer understood"; or too recent: "My purpose was to admit no testimony of living authours, that I might not be misled by partiality." The compilers of the Oxford Dictionary of New Words, having teased out from numerous citations the chief meanings of the trendy new adjective designer"expensive and prestigious" and "designed individually" must then have gone on to choose the best examples from a wide range of collocates: designer scarf/jeans/knitware; designer water/stubble; designer plants/drugs. This is a human process, not a mechanical one, and depends on human awareness of the culture. But many dictionaries, particularly the smaller ones, depend on made-up examples alone. These illustrate the Sprachgefühl of the lexicographer, who writes what first naturally occurs to him or her: have (= possess): He has a new car. [...] Have you got a pencil? [...] She's got plenty of money. (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English.) The family has three cars. (Heinemann New Zealand Dictionary.)

Janet Whitcut

256 I have seven cows and my father has ten cows. Do you have any fruit? [...] ALI has black hair. (Longman Primary Dictionary.) contribute

1 contributed (a pound) towards Jane's leaving present. (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English.) He contributed three paintings by Longchamp to the museum. restoration fund. (Oxford Thesaurus.)

They contributed generously to the

He contributed (some money) to the mosque. (Longman Primary Dictionary.) sun 2 [...] light and heat from the sun: She was sitting in the sun reading a book. (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English.) contented [...] After his meal, the contented old man sat in the shade smoking his pipe. (Longman Dictionary.)

Primary

Whether people sit in the sun or in the shade depends on whether the lexicographer is writing in England or Africa.

4. Pictures One form of exemplification is by pictures, and here various cultural points may be made, either intentionally or by accident. The choice of what to illustrate in the first place may not be made by the lexicographer at all, since it is the subject of inevitable conflict between writer and designer. Designers want the book to look attractive, and try to include whatever will make a good picture; perhaps the galaxy of different breeds of cat in Webster's Ninth is a case where the designer won this battle? Lexicographers want illustrations of concepts, however dull, which are difficult to explain in words; C.K. Ogden's Basic English dictionary and the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary

English seem to be unusual in illustrating a spiral,

of which countless

lexicographers have struggled vainly to produce a neat non-technical definition. But when the choice of topic has been made, cultural values come into play. The African Longman Primary Dictionary naturally illustrates the labelled parts of the body on black children, and uses an African scene to exemplify the use of the prepositions. Its iron appears to have no electric cord, unlike the one in the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. The profusely illustrated Longman New Universal Dictionary shows a full page of architectural detail for church, though nothing for any other kind of religious edifice. And the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English makes several cultural points in a single picture at kitchen, which shows a man (antisexist) taking a piece of meat (non-vegetarian) out of an electric oven (a piece of equipment rarely used in many parts of the world).

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257

5. Conclusion A s working lexicographers, whether in monolingual or bilingual dictionaries, w e must always strike a balance over our cultural assumptions. T o select and e x e m p l i f y what is relevant to our o w n culture is sound lexicographic practice. T o take for granted that our o w n culture is universal is cultural myopia.

References Collins COBUILD English Language Dictionary (1987) London & Glasgow: Collins. Heinemann New Zealand Dictionary (1979) Auckland: Heinemann. Johnson, Samuel (1755) Dictionary of the English Language. London. Longman Active Study Dictionary (1983) Harlow: Longman. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (1987) Harlow: Longman. Longman Dictionary of the English Language (1984) Harlow: Longman. Longman New Universal Dictionary (1982) Harlow: Longman. Longman Primary Dictionary (1982) Longman. Ogden, Charles Kay (1940) General Basic English Dictionary. London: Evans. Oxford Dictionary of New Words (1991) Compiled by Sara Tulloch. Oxford & New York: Oxford Univesity Press. The Macquarie Dictionary (1981) Edited by A. Delbridge. St. Leonards, N.S.W.: Macquarie Library. Urdang, Laurence Oxford Thesaurus (1991) Oxford: Oxford University Press. Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary (1983) Springfield, Mass.: Merriam-Webster.

PARTY DICTIONARIES ACROSS LANGUAGES AND CULTURES

Lexical Exponents of Cultural Contact: Speech Act Verbs in Hindi-English Dictionaries Yamuna Kachru

0. Introduction* In recent years there has been considerable discussion on speech acts in theoretical linguistics, psychology, artificial intelligence, sociology, ethnography of communication, and other disciplines interested in linguistic pragmatics. Areas of applied linguistic focus, such as first and second language acquisition, language teaching and learning, rhetoric, stylistics, conversational analysis, and translation have also found speech acts a fascinating area of investigation. There have been a number of descriptive and contrastive studies of speech acts in various languages, e.g., Chinese, Danish, English, French, German, Hebrew, Japanese, (e.g., Blum-Kulka, House and Kasper, 1989). However, very few detailed studies of speech acts in multilingual contexts have so far been carried out (see, for example, D'souza, 1991; Y. Kachru, 1991, 1992; Nelson, 1991; Valentine 1991). World Englishes provide an excellent source of data to study the effect of socio-cultural context on speech acts realized in a transplanted language. Modem Standard Hindi (Hindi, henceforth) provides an equally good source of data to study the reverse situation: that is, the effects of linguistic and cultural convergence as manifested through speech acts performed and realized in its Englishized variety. This study is an attempt to exploit this potential of Hindi, and to discuss the implications of the Englishized variety for Hindi monolingual and Hindi-English bilingual dictionaries. This goal is accomplished by looking at speech acts in Englishized Hindi to determine how languages and cultures interact to produce linguistic and cultural influence effects in even intimate domains of verbal interaction. However, before I proceed with this study, a few facts about Hindi may not be out of place.

* I am pleased to have this opportunity to show my regard and admiration for my dear friend and colleague, Ladislav Zgusta, by dedicating this paper to him. My thanks are due to Cecil Nelson for reading and commenting on an earlier version of this paper.

262

Yamuna Kachru

1. The Varieties of Hindi Language The Hindi language belongs to the group of New Indo-Aryan languages spoken in Northern India by more than two hundred million people as a first, or a second language, and several hundred thousand people of Indian origin in Fiji, Guyana, South Africa, Surinam, Trinidad, the U.K. and the U.S.A (see Y. Kachru, 1987 for a brief description of Hindi). In terms of numbers of speakers, the Hindi speech community is the fifth largest speech community in the world. Hindi (in the Devanagari script) is the official language of the Republic of India, English being the associate official language. In addition, it is the state language of six major states, i.e. Bihar, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh. Hindi, as any other language of wider communication, has several distinct regional and stylistic varieties. Since I am more concerned with stylistic variation here, let me discuss that briefly. In addition to a 'pure' or neutral (thath or suddha) variety of Hindi, there is a Sanskritized, a Persianized, and an Englishized variety of the language. The neutral variety refers to the form of the language that has resulted from natural historical processes of language development from Old Indo-Aryan (1500 BC-450 BC) and Middle Indo-Aryan (600 BC-1000 AD) to New Indo-Aryan(1000 AD-). It contains nativized borrowed vocabulary from several sources, including Perso-Arabic. The Sanskritized variety, on the other hand, refers to the form of the language which has borrowed a large number of Sanskrit lexical items—both registerspecific and common—from the 17th century onward. The pace of borrowing has accelerated in modern times (i.e., since the beginning of the 20th century) to meet the demands of modernization. Although there is evidence of some borrowings from Perso-Arabic soon after the invasion of Northwestern India by Darius I of Persia (6th century BC), conscious and deliberate borrowing from these sources accelerated around the time of the decline of the Moghul empire (18th century AD), which resulted in a stylistically distinct form of the language known as Urdu (for a detailed and insightful discussion of the emergence of Urdu, see Rai 1991). The PersoArabic borrowings in the Persianized variety of Hindi come largely via its cousin, Urdu, which is written in the Perso-Arabic script and is one of the national languages of India, and the official langauage of Pakistan. The difference between Urdu and Persianized Hindi, besides their scripts, is that the latter shows much less influence of Perso-Arabic syntactic constructions, literary conceits, genres, and Islamic culture, than does the former. An educated speaker of Hindi has some competence in all these varieties, and they are all used in creative literature, as well as conducting normal activities in everyday life (see Y. Kachru, 1988, 1989 for details). The varieties differ marginally in phonology and syntax, and substantially in vocabulary. The Sanskritized variety has a large number of borrowings from Sanskrit, often with semantic shift to accomodate "modern" concepts. The Persianized variety has a large number of Perso-Arabic borrowings, which have undergone semantic shift to make

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Lexical Exponents of Cultural Contact: Speech Act Verbs in Hindi-English Dictionaries

them relevant to the South Asian sociocultural context. The Englishized variety has a large number of borrowings from English, which exhibit the same process of 'nativization' in the South Asian context.1 As a result of the resources for borrowing mentioned above, an educated speaker of HindiUrdu has a lexical repertoire consisting of four sets of items, depending upon the situational factors of language use, to express more or less the same meaning. Note that the items in Neutral Hindi may be of native origin, i.e. from the Old Indo-Aryan sources, or nativized borrowings from Perso-Arabic. This is illustrated in 1 below: Table 1 MEiir

SKI

PERS

ENG

Gloss

manna

svTkâr karnâ

manzur karnâ

aksept karnâ

byâh karnâ

vivâh karnâ

sâdTkarnâ

mairif karnâ

ginnâ cakhnâ

gananâ karnâ svâd lenâ

sumar karnâ

kâunt karnâ

zâykâ lenâ

test karnâ

rây ( P ) 2 lenâ aknâ

parâmars lenâ anumân karnâ

masvarâ karnâ

kansalt karnâ

andâz karnâ

estimet karnâ

to accept to marry to count to taste to consult to estimate

1.1. Speech Act Verbs in the Educated Variety Educated speakers use of speech act verbs (verbs used to denote acts such as ordering, thanking, insulting, insisting, etc.) differ from that of non-speech act verbs in that the neutral forms of speech act verbs are considered a marker of uneducated speech. For instance, hukum denä

'to order', baJatT karnâ

'to insult', or a rn a 'to insist' are not educated and prestigious

forms, whereas items from the following sets are perfectly acceptable in educated speech and writing. To clarify, once again, the Persianized forms used in Hindi have come from the PersoArabie sources via Urdu, and have gone through the process of nativizatioin to function in the sociocultural context of South Asia. Table 2 Sanskritized

PCTSianiZSd

Englishized

Gloss

áj¡ñá denä

huqm denä

ardardenâ

to order

pramânit karnâ

säbit karnâ

prûv karnâ

to prove

âpatti karnâ

etraj karnâ

abfeksan karnâ

to object

' Extended contact with the West, especially the British empire and the introduction of the English language have been the agencies of modernization of many traditional eastern societies, including that of India. For a definition of Westernization, see Srinivas 1966, and for a definition of modernization, see Singer 1972. 2 The following capital letters are used to indicate the sources of items: Arabic (A), English (E), Hindi (H), Persian (P), and Sanskrit (S).

Yamuna Kachru

264 apmän karnä bal denâ

beizzatT karnä zor denâ

insalt karna insist karnä

to insult to insist

These sets, naturally, result in three overlapping systems of phonological and syntacticsemantic choices as well, however partial or marginal they may be in some cases. 3 The sets overlap in their use only partially; choices from one as opposed to the other set has stylistic overtones and sociocultural connotations (see Y. Kachru, 1986).

2. Focus of This Study I will first describe two sets of speech acts in 'pure' or 'neutral' Hindi and then contrast them with the comparable sets in Englishized Hindi. While discussing speech act data, consideration must be given to the domains, the interlocutors, the realization patterns, and the effects of the set of speech acts in focus. Moreover, it must be remembered that the neutral variety has assimilated a large number of borrowings from Perso-Arabic, although its vocabulary is largely Indo-Aryan in origin. Finally, I will discuss the implications of this state of affairs for lexicographical work in Hindi. I will also breifly mention its implications for a pragmatic description of Hindi.

3. Speech Acts in Hindi As shown in Wierzbicka (1985), there is no reason to assume that labels for speech acts across languages are the same. For instance, there is nothing comparable to 'fussing' or 'boasting' of Black English Vernacular in Standard American English (Whatley, 1981). This suggests that speech act verbs across languages may not be exact translation equivalents of each other. In order to establish equivalence of Hindi and English items, I will first present a set of data from 'pure' or 'neutral' Hindi and indicate its comparability to data from English. Subsequently, I will discuss another set of data representing a situation of language contact, i.e., contact of Hindi with English, and address the issue of its implications for monolingual and bilingual dictionaries of Hindi, and subsequently, its implications for a pragmatic description of the language.

3 Persianization has resulted in the introduction of consonants such as [q], [x], [y], [z] and [f] and Englishization has resulted in adding [Z] and introducing the vowel sound [3] to the repertoire. Persianization has introduced the pattern of noun head followed by a linking morpheme and the adjective [e.g., m u s t e - x ä q 'handful of dust'], and both Persianization and Englishization are believed to have led to the wide-spread use of passives, post head clausal complements, post head relative clauses, etc.(B. Kachru 1986, Y. Kachru 1988).

Lexical Exponents of Cultural Contact: Speech Act Verbs in Hindi-English

265

Dictionaries

4. Speech Acts in the Neutral Variety of Hindi I will discuss the conventional speech acts of expressing gratitude and apology in the neutral variety of Hindi first. 4.1. Expressing Gratitude In crosslinguistic studies on South Asia as a sociolinguistic area questions have been asked whether one can, or does, say 'thank you' in the languages of the region (e.g., Apte, 1974; Ferguson, 1992). In Bengali, Hindi, Marathi, Tamil, etc. gratitude is not expressed verbally by asserting the benefactor's actions in intimate familial and social domains, as doing so would be felt to create social 'distance' and indicate formality. Gratitude is not expressed verbally towards one's superiors, either, as that would be displaying arrogance. Thus, there are, as has been discussed in literature, no precise equivalents to the item 'thank (you)' in Hindi (Apte, 1974). The traditional ways of expressing gratitude in neutral Hindi (in any domain with any interlocutor) are as follows: 1.

a. b.

acknowledge one's good fortune in encountering someone, or receiving that which benefits oneself, and/or praise the person, circumstances, etc. beneficial to oneself.

One's visitors of superior or equal status are thanked formally by saying something like the following: 2.

hamäre our

dhanna fortunate

bhag fate

jo that

ap you (hon)

hamârT our

kutlyS hut

me in

padhäre. came (hon)

We thank our stars that you graced our humble dwelling with your presence.

In informal situations, one expresses one's happiness, or says something about one's good fortune in having the visitors come to spend some time with oneself, as in the following: 3.

tum β you come

sakT, could (f)

yah this

bacì much

xuST happiness

kT of

bat matter

hai. is

I am happy that you could come.

Note that all of these verbal expressions assert the speaker's good fortune or his/her happiness, and not the addressee's actions. There are no expressions comparable to "Thanks for coming." Literary works are a good source for examples that show characteristic behavior patterns in different settings among different interlocutors. One example of acknowledging a good deed as a

Yamuna Kachru

266

way of showing gratitude, extracted from a literary work, is as follows (the relevant text and its translation are in italics in this and subsequent examples)4: 4.

r u p i ne h o r î kT t a g ò m ê l i p a t k a r k a h â -

k â k â ! dekho m â t ne ek d h e l â bhT n a h t

c h o r a , bahan k a h t î h a i , j"â, p e r tale bai th. dhele na tore Jâênge k â k â , to m i t t T

kaise

b a r â b a r hogT. horT ne use god m ê u t h â kar p g ä r karte hue k a h â - tune

kiyë betT, £al ghar

bahut

acôhë

Saie... Premchand: 20

Rupa entwined herself with Hori's legs and said—"Father! Look, I haven't left a single clod. Sister says, go, sit under a tree. If the clods are not broken, Father, how will we have smooth earth?" Hori picked her up in his arms and said caressing her—" You did well Daughter, let's go home now."

The conversation in 4 is between a little girl and her father about the daughter helping to get the field ready for planting. There is no specific word of thanks, but there is an acknowledgement of the work the daughter has done. Another example of the same phenomenon is the following exchanges between two women married to two brothers, living separately: 5.

. . . p u n n i i g lene âî. rasoT ke d v ä r par j ä kar dekä to adhéra p a r a h u â thâ. bolT - âj" r o t î n a h î b a n â r a h T h o k g â bhäbhTj"T? ab to belâ ho g a T . . . . d h a n i y â koT b a h â n â na kar s a k í . bolT - r o t i k a h S se bane, g h a r m ê dânâ to hai h ï naht. v a h u l t e p â v l a u t i aur s o n â ko bhT s â t h letT gaT. ek k s a n m ê do dalle a n a j se bhare l â k a r Sgan m ê rakh d i y e . . . d h a n i y â ne dekhâ to Jau ke u p a r ek c h o t î sT d a l i y â m ê c a r - p a c s e r â t â bhT thâ. . .

âkhô më prem gharmëbhTkuèh

aur kritajnatâ chora? kahîbhëgë

bhar jëtë

kar bolT thâ?

-

sab

kë

sab

uthâ

iëyT

ki

Premchand: 152 Punni came to borrow fire. She looked into the kitchen and found it dark. She asked - "Aren't you cooking today, Sister-in-law? It's already late." Dhaniya could find no excuse. She said - "How can I cook anything, there is not a grain in the house." She [Punni] went back and took Sona with her. Within a minute she brought two baskets full of grain and put them in the courtyard. Dhaniya saw that on top of the barley, there were eight to ten pounds of flour in a small basket. She said, her eyes full of love and gratitude • "Did you leave anything at all or bring everything here. Would the stuff have run away?" [i.e. The stuff would not have disappeared, you could have brought it in smaller quantities as I needed it.]

Again, there are no specific words of thanks, just the honest acknowledgement that Punni has been very generous. The word kritajnatâ

'gratitude' has been used by the narrator, not the

character.

4

Data for this study have been drawn from the following sources: Ansai, Kusum. 1990. bas ek kraas. India Today. Dec. 31, 1990. pp. 96-99; Joshi, Malti. 1982. man na bhaye das biis. Delhi: Saraswati Vihar; Pandey, Mrinal. 1990. bachuli chaukidaarin ki karhi. New Delhi: Radhakrishna Prakashan Pvt. Ltd.; Premchand. 1936. Godaan. Allahabad: Saraswati Press. [1961 edition]

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Dictionaries

267

A third example of the same phenomenon is the following exchange between two strangers of unequal social position. The context is that of a man from the city hunting fowl and a village maiden retrieving the bird shot by the hunter: 6.

sahsä unhöne dekhä, ek yuvatT kinâre k l ek j h o p r ï se niklT, ciriyâ ko bahte dekh kar sârT ko jaghô tak carhâyâ aur pânT më ghus pari. ek ksan mê usne ciriyâ pakar l ì aur mehtâ ko dikhâte hue bolï - p â n i s e nikal âo bâbOjT, tum hârT ciriyâ yah hai... . mehta ne use dhanyavSd dete hue kahâ - tum bare mauke se pahûi gayf, nahîmufhe na fane kltnTdur tal ma parta. Premchand: 85 AU of a sudden he saw a young woman coining out of a hut, hitching up her sari to her thighs as soon as she spotted the bird floating away, and entering the water. Within a minute she caught the bird and showed it to Mehta and said - "Come out of the water, Sir, here is your bird." Mehta said thanking her —"You arrived just in time, otherwise, who knows how far I would have had to swim. "

Again, there is no specific expression such as 'thanks' in the dialogue; Mehta praises the young woman for her promptness, which, according to the narrator, expresses his gratitude for her timely help. The word dhanyavad

'thanks' occurs in the narrator's description of the

character's action, not in the character's speech. All the above interactions take place in a rural setting; all the characters, except Mehta, are villagers with no formal education. In this setting, items from neither the Sanskritized nor the Persianized set would occur between the interlocutors. Since English education has had only a thin impact so far in the rural areas of the Hindi region, there is no question of any item from the Englishized set occurring in such interactions. 4.2. Expressing Apology As in the preceding section, there are no exact translation equivalents in Hindi for 'apology', 'apologize', or 'sorry'. In Hindi, one expresses one's apology about an unwanted situation by saying something like the following: 7. 8.

mufhe bahut khed/ afsos hai. . ."I'm very distressed..." bare khed/ afsos kï bât h a i . . . "It is a matter of pain/sorrow..."

The lexical meanings of khed and afsos are as follows: 9.

5

khed

pain, distress (M-W) 5

The dictionaries consulted for this study include the following: Bahri, Hardev. 1960. Vrihat Angrezi-Hindi Kosh (Comprehensive English-Hindi Dictionary). Varanashi: Gyanmandal Ltd.; Bulke, Father Camil. 1968. Angrezi-Hindi Kosh (An English-Hindi Dictionary). Ranchi: Catholic Press; Monier-Williams, Monier. 1899. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Reprinted Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 1990]; Satyaprakash and Mishra, Balbhadra Prasad. 1971. Manak Angrezi-Hindi Kosh (Standard English-Hindi Dictionary). Prayag: Hindi Sahitya Sammelan; Shakespeare, John. 1834. Urdu-English and English-Urdu Dictionary. Lahore: Sang-E-Meel Publications [1980 Edition]; Verma, Ramchandra. 1966. Manak Hindi Kosh. Prayag: Hindi Sahitya Sammelan; and Tripathi, Karunapati. 1965-75. Hindi Shabda Sagar. Varanasi: Kashi Nagari Pracharini Sabha.

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268 afsos

sorrow, concern, regret, vexation (JS]

One apologizes for a perceived transgression by asking for forgiveness; the lexical meaning of ksamâ

(S) a n d

mâfT ( P - A ) is 'forgiveness'.

The following excerpts from literary works illustrate the typical contexts and uses of such expressions of apology and asking for forgiveness: 10.

. . . jgo h l Mr. Tankha s a j e - s a j â e , müh më sigär dabâe kamre më âge aur hâth barhâgâ ki râg sâhab ne bamgolâ chor digâ—mâT ghante bhar se gahâ b a i t i huâ hu aur âp nikalte-nikalte ab nikle hâT. m a n s e apnTtauhïni samajhtâ hti. Mr. Tankha ne ek sofe par baithkar niscint bhâv se dhuâ urate hue k a h â — m u j h e iskâ khed hai... Premchand: 233 As soon as Mr. Tankha entered the room, all dressed up, with a cigar in his mouth, Rai Sahab exploded a bomb—"I have been sitting here for an hour and you emerge now at your own sweet time. I consider this an insult." Mr. Tankha sat on a sofa and said, blowing smoke carelessly—'7 am sorry (for this). "

This is an instance of apologizing for the sake of form, and not because one is sincerely apologetic. Mr. Tankha and Rai Sahab, both educated and members of upper middle class, are friends, but on this occasion are not on particularly good terms with each other. Such apologies are rare among uneducated speakers of Hindi. Another example, where a friend is excusing himself from an invitation to a meal is as follows: 11.

. . . mâltï ne äkar unkä häth pakar ligi aur âgrah-bharî akhö se bolT—âp abhî n a h t j â sakte. caliye, pâpâ se âpkîmulâkât karvau aur âjv v a h î k h â n â khâige. mehtâ ne kân par hâth rakh kar kahâ—nahf, mujhe ksamâ kTjlye. vahisaroj meri Jan khâegT. mSTln iarkiyô se bahut ghabrâtS hu. Premchand: 169 Malti came and held his hands and insisted—"You can't leave now. Let's go, I would like you to meet Papa, and you must eat with us." Mehta put his hands on his ears and said—"No, please forgive me. Saroj will drive me up the wall. I am scared of these girls. "

Note the use of m u J he k sam β k Tfiye '(please) forgive me' instead of mujhe khed hai Ί am sorry' by Mehta. Refusing an invitation to a meal from a good friend, especially to meet her father, is more serious than keeping someone of equal status waiting, so asking for forgiveness is appropriate. A more serious context is illustrated in the following example, in which a man who has eloped with a woman comes back after an absence to try to set things right with her father: 12. . . . gobar ne lapak kar unke cOk huT, use ksamâ kar do.

cara η chue

. . .. bolä—käkä,

mujhse

Jo

bhûl-

Premchand: 217

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Dictionaries

Gobar advanced and touched his [father-in-law's] feet. He said • "Father, please forgive me for whatever mistakes I made. "

Both the intelocutors in the above example are villagers, but Gobar has been to a city and has adopted some of the Sanskritized vocabulary of the educated Hindi speakers. Were he to use the neutral form, it would have been chime, and not kpame for 'forgiveness' in his speech. There are distinctions between khed honS 'to be distressed', dukh

hone or afsos

hon a 'to

feel sorrow', and kßamä or maf 7 m agni 'to ask for forgiveness'. The item khed hone is enough to express regret at minor inconveniences suffered by an interlocutor; there is no implication of the speaker being responsible for them, however. More serious matters, such as any reporting of serious illness or death by an interlocutor, require dukh hon a. The semantic range of afsos honS encompasses both these meanings. None of these involve or imply responsibility on part of the one expressing distress, or sorrow. In contrast, one indicates acceptance of some responsibility for some transgression when one asks for forgiveness with kßamä

or

m Sf Τ magna.

5. Speech Acts in Englishized Hindi Among educated speakers, code-mixing with English is very common (B. Kachru, 1978, 1982). In the code-mixed variety, the contexts in which gratitude and apology are expressed, and the devices by which these speech acts are realized are different from those of the neutral and other varieties. 5.1. Expressing gratitude The items "thank you, thanks" are very common in Englishized variety and are used even among family members: 13.

"mafsirf yah kahne âï thΤ ki bhâî, duniyâ bahut bari hai. . . usmë aur bhT log hai. aur sabhídTdí jaise .. .yâ Ph jaise nahìhàT." bhäT kä cehrâ ekdam safed par gaya. dubtï-sî äväz mê itnä hl kah päe the, "thanks, sikhä, thanks for understanding.. Joshi: 44 "I just came to say that Brother, the world is very big. There are other people in it and not everyone is like elder sister or PM." Brother's face turned white. He could say only this much in a sinking voice, 'Thanks, Shikha, thanks for understanding. "

The situational context is as follows: the younger sister is consoling her brother by saying that not all girls prefer financial success to other qualities in men. The brother, who has been

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jilted b y P M f o r l a c k of f i n a n c i a l s u c c e s s , t h a n k s his sister f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h a t h e is g o i n g through, and d o e s s o b y u s i n g English. A s e c o n d e x a m p l e , a n interaction b e t w e e n t w o classmates, is as f o l l o w s : 14.

uske ghabrae durbal cehre ko dekhte-dekhte mere bhîtar kuch pighalne lagä, aur bävjöd iske ki imtahänö ke kul do mahine bac rahe the, m a i ne xalîfâ härtü ul rasïd ka rol adâ karte hue use apne klâs nots kâ kírntípulindá thamâ diga. "Thank you, thank you so much." r a t t i kâ cehrâ atgadhik sankoc se ruasâ ho âgâ t h ä , . . . Pandey: 159 As I looked at her perturbed pale face, something started melting in me, and in spite of the fact that there were just two months to the examinations, I played the role of Caliph Harun ul Rashid and handed over the precious bundle of my class notes to her. "Thank you, thank you so much. " Ratti looked as though she would burst into tears from extreme shyness.

B o t h girls are f r o m u p p e r m i d d l e class f a m i l i e s and in college. It is natural f o r t h e m to speak an E n g l i s h i z e d v a r i e t y of H i n d i w h i c h a l l o w s f o r a m i x i n g of E n g l i s h i t e m s in H i n d i conversations. A n o t h e r e x a m p l e is of a w o m a n t h a n k i n g a n e w a c q u a i n t a n c e f o r g i v i n g h e r a n d h e r f r i e n d E v a a ride: 15.

"acchâ p r i g á j í dhanyavid. äp calè. . . Iva kâ ghar udhar piche h î hai. ham log paidal cale Jâënge... thanks, apse mil kar aèòhè lagä. " Ansai: 99 "OK Priya [+hon] thanks. Please be on your way. Eva's house is just behind there. We will walk. Thanks, it was nice meeting you. "

N o t e the repetition of t h a n k s , o n c e u s i n g t h e Sanskrit item dhanyaved, a n d later, t h e E n g l i s h item 'thanks'. T h e t h r e e e x c e r p t s a b o v e r e f l e c t E n g l i s h i z e d H i n d i u s e d in i n t i m a t e , f a m i l i a r a n d f o r m a l d o m a i n s , and s h o w t h e i m p a c t of E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g culture on interactional patterns in the H i n d i speaking area.

5.2. E x p r e s s i n g A p o l o g y

T h e expressions "sorry, I ' m sorry" are also c o m m o n in Englishized Hindi: 16.

"äpko is tarah k ï s î kï bhävnäö kâ makhaul n a h í urânâ câhige," m â î n e bematlab dTdT kTvakâlat karte hue kahâ. "makhaul urâ rahâ hu bâbâ! m â î t o haqîqat bagân kar rahâ h ú , " ve bole, uttar me m â t cup hî ban! rah i" to bole, "nârâz ho gaTkyâ? soooorT!... " Joshi: 39 "You should not make fun of someone's sentiments like this," I said, fruitlessly pleading on behalf of my elder sister.

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"I make fun of someone! I am stating the facts," he said. I kept quiet in reply, and he said, "Are you angry with me? Soooorry!"

The context is as follows: the brother is making fun of his older sister after her wedding in front of their younger sister. The married sister has left with her husband, but the brother has not forgiven her for her previous actions. The younger sister gets upset about the brother's attitude toward the elder sister. The brother, though older in age, then apologizes for hurting the feelings of his younger sister by uttering the word 'sorry'. Another example of the same phenomeon is a friend apologizing in English for becoming lost in thought and not paying attention to the car, which is making a strange noise: 17.

"ajTb hai tu Tvâ, itnT der se gârT äväz kar r a h i hai aur tú jane kahâ gum hai. bas, terâ sarir yah a par hai, tupie kuch s u n â T n a h î d e t â nä."

"hü sunâ nahf.

I am sorry Kinn ".

Ansai: 98 "You are strange, Eva, the car has been making this noise for such a long time and you are lost God knows where. You are here just in your body. You aren't able to hear a thing, are you?" "No [lit. yes], I didn't hear it. I am sorry, Kiran. "

Both the above excerpts illustrate the use of apology in an intimate domain. The English item 'sorry' has been used in both to convey apology. It is the English-educated speakers of Hindi who use apologies in this manner.

6. Current Bilingual Dictionary Entries The items that exist for 'thank' and 'apology/apologize' in bilingual English-Hindi dictionaries are listed below (the abbreviations in parentheses represent the sources; see f.n. 4 for full citations) 18. Hanks: Thank (v.):

dhanyaväd, sukriyä (SH-ED; E-HD); äbhär, kritafnatä prakäs, sädhuväd (CE-HD) dhanyaväd denä (to give praise, applause), âbhâr pradarsit/prakat karnâ (to express indebtedness) kritajñata prakat/prakâs karnâ (to express gratitude) (SH-ED; CE-HD); sukra karnâ (to thank)(CE-HD)

Except for the items sukrly β and sukra, which are from Perso-Arabic, the rest of the items are borrowed from Sanskrit. The bilingual dictionaries list items for apology such as the following: 19. Apology

ksamâ-prârthanâ (praying for forgiveness), ksamâ-yâcnâ (asking for forgiveness), svados svTkär (acceptance of blame), aprâdh kTkhedpûrvak svTkriti (accepting blame with distress),

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Apologize:

m if Τ m agni (asking forgiveness), nirdositâ kâ âsvâsan (assuranace of blamelessness), niraparädhitä kä visväs dilänä (persuade someone of one's blamelessness), spastïloran (clarification), safâï (explanation), javâb (rebuttal) (SE-HD; CE-HD; E-HD); saccaritratâ k î safâT (explanation of one's good conduct), bhulsudhâr (repair of error); khed prakâs (expression of distress) (E-HD) k sm âyâcnâ karnâ (ask for forgiveness), k sam â m âgn â (ask for forgiveness), qasür mânnâ (accept wrong doing), bhul athvâ aprâdh svTkâr karnâ (accept mistake or wrong doing), m â f î cähnä (want forgiveness) (SE-HD; E-HD); khed prakat karnâ (express distress), dos svTkâr karnâ (accept blame) (E-HD)

It is worth noting that neither the monolingual nor the bilingual dictionaries of Hindi acknowledge the use of terms such as 'sorry', 'thank you', 'thanks', etc. in Hindi by listing them along the items cited above. This is a serious problem, since the items cited as equivalents for the English items are not exact equivalents, and do not function in the same way. The meanings of the items given as equivalents for 'thank' or 'gratitude' in Sanskrit, according to Monier-Williams 1899 (1990 edition), is as follows: 6 20. dhanya (adj) dhanyaväda (η) kritajña (adj) kritajñata (η)

bringing or bestowing wealth; opulent; rich; fortunate; happy; auspicious; good; virtuous; wholesome; healthy thanksgiving; praise; applause knowing what is right; correct in conduct; acknowledging past services or benefits; mindful of former aid or favors; grateful gratitude

Note that gratitude in the Indian sense means acknowledging to oneself that which has been good or beneficial to oneself, not necessarily an expression of these feelings to an addressee whose action or thoughtfulness or whatever has been good or beneficial to oneself. The sense of English 'thank', on the other hand, does involve an expression of gratitude toward an addressee whose action(s) or consideration has been good or beneficial to oneself. The items given for 'apology' and 'regret' express, again, according to Monier-Williams 1899 (1990 edition), the following rather different meanings; 21. kheda (n) ksam (v)

pain, distress to pardon, forgive

Neither one of the items is equivalent to 'sorry' or 'apology' in English, since there is no sense of pain involved in 'sorry', or 'apology'.

" The transliteration of Sanskrit items are according to the conventions of Romanization of Sanskrit. The meanings listed here are the most relevant for a discussion of the use of these items in Hindi.

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7. Suggested Listings The question is, in view of the educated usage, what should be the treatment of speech act verbs such as 'be sorry', 'thank', etc. in Hindi lexicography, whether monolingual or bilingual? In bilingual dictionaries, items borrowed from English, such as 'sorry', 'excuse me', 'thanks', and 'thank you' should be listed along with dhanyav

ad, 'ìukrlyà,

khed, afsos,

and k.sam a,.

And more information should be given about the semantic distinctions between these items, as discussed above. Additionally, the sociocultural attitude toward the English items should be explained. These attitudes can be succintly illustrated by the following excerpt from a wellknown poet, writer, translator of Shakespeare into Hindi, and ex-professor of English at a major university in India with a Ph.D. from Cambridge University: 22.

angrezT b i n a les m i t r a kritajnatä anubhav k i g e 'thaink y u ' kah s a k t ì hai. Jab yah ' s a r i " kahtT hai tab afsos ise sâyad h î kahT c h ü t ä ho. 'ài aim aifraid' se i s k ä tâtpary b i l k u l yah n a h î h o t â ki yah zara b h í d a r T h a i ; aur i s k í u k t i , ' e k s k y ü z m í ' ( y á n í m u j h e k s a m â karê) âpke gaio par thappar lagâne k î b h û m i k â b h ï h o s a k t ï hai.

B a c c h a n 1971 [2nd pr]: 2 1 0

English [language] can say 'thank you' without feeling the least bit of gratitude. When it says 'sorry', it is doubtful that sorrow even touches it anywhere. Ί am afraid' does not mean that it fears [anything] the least bit; and its expression 'excuse me' (i.e., forgive me) can be the precursor of slapping you on your cheeks.

What Bacchan is referring to is the formulaic use of expressions such as 'thanks,' 'sorry,' and 'excuse me' in English, which do not necessarily convey a sincere apology or feeling of gratitude. As Apte (1974: 85) observes about the use of 'thank you' in American English, "it is safe to say that the phrase is used to express gratitude, more often perhaps in a mechanical rather in a sincere way."

8. Conclusion In the code-mixed Englishized variety of Hindi that most educated speakers use in their daily lives, the patterns of social interaction are changing. There is a move toward adopting the patterns of interaction of English-speaking communities in that there is more use of English expressions such as 'thank you' and 'sorry' (or their Sankrit/ Perso-Arabic counterparts) to express gratitude and apology even among the members of the family and close friends. There is an accomodation between the characeristic Indian non-verbal and verbal ways of expressing gratitude and apology and the verbal expression of 'thanks' and 'sorrys' in the repertoire of Hindi speakers. Note that although for the purposes of description, one can talk about the 'neutral', the 'Sanskritized', the 'Persianized' and the 'Englishized' varieties of Hindi, it is difficult to categorize the use of the language by educated speakers in these terms in all contexts. There is a great deal of 'mixing' of all the resources of the language; however, even in the Englishized variety, there is

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not a c o m p l e t e shift to the patterns of the English-speaking c o m m u n i t i e s . There are different systems coexisting and complementing each other, as is exemplified by the excerpt in 16 above, where both dhanyavëdand

'thanks' are used in the same tum by one of the interlocutors.

A n ethnographic description of the Hindi-speaking community and a linguistic description of Hindi will be incomplete without taking into consideration the coexisting pragmatic systems that undelie the data presented here. I h a v e earlier p o i n t e d out the n e e d for a richer theory incorporating the n o t i o n s of s p e e c h act, c o n v e r s a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , s o c i o l i n g u i s t i c s ,

and

ethnography of c o m m u n i c a t i o n to study the illocutionary force and perlocutionary e f f e c t of locutionary acts in Indian English (Y. Kachru 1991, 1992). The data f r o m Englishized Hindi c o n f i r m s the need for such an integrated theory to account for the c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n the 'meaning potential' o f Hindi (Halliday 1978) and the s p e e c h acts that realize them. S u c h a pragmatic description of Hindi, in turn, has profound c o n s e q u e n c e s for dictionaries of Hindi, whether monolingual or bilingual. This is an area of research which is still largely unexplored in South Asian linguistics.

References Apte, Mahadeo L. (1974) 'Thank you1 and South Asian languages: a comparative sociolinguistic study. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 3. 67-89. Bacchan, Harvansh Rai (1970; 2 1971) Nirkanirman phir. Delhi: Rajpal and Sons. Blum-Kulka, S., House, J. and Kasper, G. (eds.) (1989) Cross-cultural Pragmatics: Requests and Apologies. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex. Bright, William (1968) Toward a cultural grammar. Indian Linguistics 29.20-29. D'souza, Jean (1991) Speech acts in Indian English fiction. World Englishes 10J , 307-316. Ferguson, Charles F. (1976) The structure and use of politeness formulas. Language in Society 5. 137-151. Halliday, M.A.K. (1978) Language as social semiotic. London: Edward Arnold; Baltimore, MD: University Park Press. Kachru, Braj B. (1978) Code-mixing as a communicative strategy in India. James E. Alatis (ed.): International dimensions of bilingual education: Georgetown University Roundtable on Language and Linguistics. Washington, D.C. Georgetown University Press. 107-124. (1982) The bilingual's linguistic repertoire. In Beverley Hartford A. Valdman and Charles R. Foster (eds.): Issues in international bilingual education: The role of the vernacular. New York: Plenum. 25-52. Kachru, Yamuna (1988) Impact of expanding domains of use on a standard language: Contemporary Hindi in India. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 17.1, 73-90. (1989) Code-mixing, style repertoire and language variation: English in Hindi poetic creativity. World Englishes 83,311-319. (1991) Speech acts in world Englishes: Toward a framework for research. World Englishes 10J, 299-306. (1992) Speech act in the other tongue: An integrated approach to cross-cultural research. In Larry Smith and S. N. Sridhar (eds.): The extended family: English in global bilingualism. Special issue of World Englishes 11.2-3. 235240. Nelson, Cecil L. (1991) New Englishes, new discourses: New speech acts. World Englishes 103,317-324. Rai, Amrit (1991) A House Divided: The Origin and Development of Hindi-Urdu. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Singer, Milton (1972) When a great tradition modernizes: An anthropological approach to Indian civilization. New York: Praeger Publishers. Srinivas, M. N. (1966) Social change in modem India. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Valentine, Tamara (1991) Getting the message across: Discourse markers in Indian English. World Englishes 103, 225-235. Whatley, Elizabeth (1981) Language among black Americans. In Charles Ferguson and Shirley Heath (eds.): Language in the USA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 92-107. Wierzbicka, Anna (1985) Different cultures, different languages, different speech acts: Polish vs. English. Journal of Pragmatics 9, 145-178.

The Bilingual Dictionary in Cross-Cultural Contexts Roger J. Steiner

0. Introduction Persons interested in cross-cultural fertilization, in which the impact o f o n e culture draws forth a response f r o m the other culture, find the bilingual dictionary a deficient tool. The best bilingual dictionaries are s u c c e s s f u l in j u x t a p o s i n g t w o linguistic s y s t e m s 1 but they lack an adequate interface b e t w e e n t w o cultures. T h e problem is e x e m p l i f i e d by a lexical item such as 'Twelfth N i g h t cake'. T h e use o f a bilingual dictionary will find "cake eaten in France on T w e l f t h Night" and "Twelfth-night cake" as translations for 'galette des Rois,' and will find "to eat T w e l f t h Night cake" or "to (pass round the cake to) find the (bean) king" as translations o f 'tirer les Rois'. 2 Since m a n y speakers o f English will not be acquainted with T w e l f t h Night, they may look for help in E n g l i s h - l a n g u a g e m o n o l i n g u a l dictionaries. B u t t h e s e w i l l treat ' T w e l f t h Night' o n l y as a s p e c i a l i z e d r e l i g i o u s or ecclesiastical term. H e l p must c o m e in the f o r m o f information and explanation o f the cultural setting and background o f the French 'galette d e s Rois' and o f the French expression 'tirer les Rois'. Unfortunately, no contemporary bilingual French and English

1 This "success" of juxtaposing two linguistic systems can never be a complete success because the problems are too great. One of the cultures lacks the thing or concept, as for example, the 'bidet", a common plumbing fixture in Europe but almost unknown in America. A bilingual lexicographer is forced to offer a definition for the benefit of the English speaker. Even cognates are a problem. They may be equivalents semantically but on different registers. For example, 'ineluctable' is more formal than 'inéluctable* and usually the French 'inéluctable' should be translated by 'inevitable'. Cognates may show diachronic change. English 'penury' and French 'pénurie' once mirrored each other in both of their meanings. Over the centuries the English word lost its meaning of scarcity and the French word lost its meaning of poverty so that now the two are deceptive cognates. Meaning discrimination is essential in enabling the user to match the two linguistic systems but some well-known bilingual dictionaries are incomplete in this respect. For example, junk can indeed mean cable or cordage but the user must be made aware of the fact if the lexicographer wishes to offer the equivalent 'vieux cordage'. There is the matter of including grammatical explanations and the best method of including grammar, which sometimes cannot be separated from meaning. There are pragmatic considerations and speech acts. One could go on and on to fill many volumes with pertinent observations concerning the matching of two linguistic systems. The match between two linguistic systems can only be a partial one.

2 There is no carping here about the quality of the particular dictionaries offering these translations. The dictionaries are two of the largest, most complete, most linguistically accurate, and most prestigious French and English bilingual dictionaries available today: (1) The Collins-Robert French-English English-French Dictionary, first published by Collins in 1978. (2) The Harrap's New Standard French and English Dictionary by J. E. Mansion, 1934, with the most recent revision in four published volumes starting in 1972. There is no criticism of the lexicographical technique of these dictionaries. In the Harrap's, of course, the overuse of parentheses could be criticized. Some users might wonder who the 'bean king' is (vide supra).

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dictionary systematically provides this cultural information. The user does not have ready access to the sources needed for cultural information. The user lacks a newspaper clipping in which a wellproportioned starlet dressed in scanty attire is breathlessly reported as being ready to 'tirer les Rois'. We know she couldn't go to church in such an outfit. The user cannot mount a flying carpet and reach a French bakery or pastry shop to see the thousands of 'King's cakes' or 'Twelfth Night cakes' well supplied with glistening gold cardboard crowns and on sale weeks before and weeks after Epiphany. The average user would not have attended a club meeting at a French university where the students are joyously ready to 'tirer les Rois'. The students are not thinking of religion as they accept a piece of cake, have the chance to find a bean or an almond or a statuette in their portion, find themselves promoted to king or queen if they do find such a object, have the privilege thereby of choosing a partner of the opposite sex, then take turns standing with their consort on a table, and finally give their partner a royal kiss, to the applause of the other members of the club. This 'Twelfth Night cake', so arcane to an American, has taken on important proportions in French culture. As an innocent kissing game in the family circle when a mother or an aunt cut the 'Twelfth Night cake', it spread to a milieu that has little to do with family values. If this lexical item confuses the user trying to understand French, consider the misunderstanding of the Frenchspeaking user who might assume that 'Twelfth Night cake' has the same cultural context in English as it has in French.

1. Lexical Equivalence Let us consider an area that holds a larger place in the lexicon than does the 'Twelfth Night cake' and a more important place in culture, for example, the old and well-known institution of prostitution. What is striking in the French lexicon is the large number of lexical items available for prostitute. Here are various items containing femme 'woman': femme délurée; femme de mauvaise moeurs; femme de mauvaise vie; femme de moeurs équivoques; femme de moeurs faciles; femme de moeurs légères; femme dévergondée; femme du Milieu; femme effrontée; femme en carte; femme facile; femme galante; femme malpropre; femme toute prête. The following is a list of lexical items containing fille 'girl; daughter; prostitute': fille; fille d'amour; fille commune; fille de joie; fille de mauvaise vie; fille de moeurs dissolues; fille de moeurs équivoques; fille de moeurs faciles; fille de moeurs faciles et hardies; fille de moeurs légères; fille de rien; fille des rues; fille de vie; fille en carte; fille facile; fille folle; fille folle de son corps; fille galante; fille perdue; fille publique; fille soumise; fille vénale. Finally let us list a number of other lexical items for prostitute; with these the total is brought to 112: aguicheuse; allumeuse; ange du trottoire; belle; belle-de-nuit; cabaretière; catin; charogne; cocotte; coureuse; courtisane; dames de petite vertu; débauchée; demimondaine; dévergondée; dévoyée; donzelle; drôlesse; entraîneuse; frappe; futée; gagneuse; garce;

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godine; godinette, goton; gouge; gourgandine; grisette; grognasse; grue; guenipe; gueuse; impudique; jupon mase: jupe; marchande d'amour; marchande de plaisir; margot; marie-couche-toilà; marie-salope; maritorne; mâtine; morue; mouqère (or moukère); ordure; outil; paillarde; paillasse; pavute; peau; peau de vache; pierreuse; pouffiasse (or poufiasse); poule; poule de luxe; professionnelle; prostituée; prostituée retenu par téléphone; prostituée sur rendez-vous téléphonique; putain; pute; racoleuse; respectueuse; ribaude; rouleuse; salope; soubrette; souillon; torchon mase: toupie; traînée; vache; vadrouille; vieille peau; volaille; voyoute. The 112 preceding lexical items were taken from books, magazine, and newspapers, as well as from well-known monolingual French dictionaries. Many of the items were popular in the nineteenth century

3

and are valuable in dictionaries compiled for scholars of nineteenth-century

literature and civilization. The items in the preceding lists contain different shades of meaning, different nuances, and different levels of reproach. Some are little used and archaic. All together they constitute a recording of part of a culture. The subject of prostitution and that of relations between the sexes are frequent areas of misunderstanding by persons living outside of a culture. During the American Puritan era, which did not entirely come to an end with the Lost Generation and the bootleg culture of the 1920's, Americans looked upon Paris as Sin City. When they got there, they often behaved like schoolboys let loose abruptly from authority. Their frame of reference was different from that of the hosts. An American has been known to comment that "French women are immoral." 4 Such an American has not realized that Americans can also be thought of as immoral.

2. Cultural Attitudes Let us now try to realize how some people in France might evaluate the morality of Americans. One French mother was amazed when told that female cheerleaders are considered respectable young ladies—how can this be when pictures of them show them scantily clad and gyrating in public! In America, it is not unusual for a woman to consent to be without a chaperon when going out in the evening with a man. (The immorality is obvious, n'est-ce pas?—She is a woman, isn't she? He is a man, isn't he?) The doors of respectable middle-class French families with eligible daughters used to be open only to men who were friends of the family or engaged to one of the

3

The lexical items selected for this research have a nineteenth-century tone about them because they were gathered from established written sources. The discussion of the cultures of France and of the United States (vide infra) are based mainly in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The use of this old material has been deliberate in order to take a neutral stance and also not to be sidetracked by sociology when lexicology and lexicography should be the subject. Of course, newer lexical items could be gathered by the use of informants but some of these would prove in future years to have been ephemeral. 4

An undergraduate student at the University of Delaware made this comment in a French class twenty years ago. Many other Americans have made similar comments years before he did.

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daughters. But in America, any man may be welcomed in—and the neighbors are not even shocked! Their morality suspect, the Americans lower themselves still further by their flagrant hypocrisy. Whereas in France, prostitution was legalized, inspected, and formed a stable part of the culture, Puritanism in America forced it into the murky underworld of hypocritical secrecy. One explanation for the greater number of terms of prostitute would be the healthy honesty that compares favorably to American attitudes when one takes into account the dishonest fraud of silence that Americans played on themselves and on others. What has been said about the lexical items for prostitution might also be said about the lexical items for drinking alcohol and for drunkenness: they are numerous in French. To the 112 items for prostitute let us add 128 items having to do with the consumption of alcohol. drunkenness: l'alcoolisme mase: l'alcoolisme aigu; la beuverie; la bombance; la bombe; la bringue; une bringue à tout casser; l'éthylisme mass; la fange; la fête; la foire; l'ivresse f a n ; l'ivrognerie fem; le mâchon; l'oenilisme mase: une orgie; une partie; une partie de débauche; la partouse (or: partouze); la ribouldingue; la ripaille; la soulographie; une tournée des cafés; la vadrouille; une vie de bâton de chaise; une vie de débauche; la virée. Drunkard: alcoolique mf; bamboucheur bamboucheuse; buveur buveuse; débauché débauchée; fétard fétarde; ivrogne mf; noceur noceuse; noctambule mf; pilier mase de cabaret; pochard pocharde; poivrier mase: poivrot poivrote; soiffard soiffarde; soûlaid soûlarde; soûlaud soûlaude; soûlot soûlote; soulographe mf: viveur viveuse; Drinking: Expressions with avoir: avoir la gueule de bois; avoir le bec salé; avoir le nez salé; avoir le vin gai; avoir mal aux cheveux; avoir sa cocarde; avoir son compte; avoir son pompom; avoir un coup de sirop; avoir un peu de vent dans les voiles; avoir un verre dans le nez. Expressions with être: être dans les vignes du Seigneur, éméché, émoustillé, enivré, en goguette, entre deux vins, gris, grisé, ivre, noir, paf, parti, plein, poivré, pompette, pris de vin, rond, soûl, soûl comme un âne, soûl comme un cochon, soûl comme une bourrique, soûl comme une grive, soûl comme un Polanais, un peu gai, un peu ivre. Expressions with fails: faire la bambouche; faire la bamboula; faire la bombe; faire la bringue; faire la fête; faire la foire; faire la noce; faire la nouba; faire la ribouldingue; faire les quatre cents coups; faire ribote; faire ripaille; faire une partie de plaisir. Reflexive expressions: s'adonner à une vie de débauche; se cocarder; se débaucher; s'enivrer; se griser; s'imbiber de; se mûrir; se paffer; se piquer le nez; se poivrer; se prendre de vin; se saouler la gueule; se soûler; se taper la gueule. Other lexical items for drinking alcohol: alcoholiser; bambocher; caresser la bouteille; cascader; courir le guilledou; courir une bordée; cuver son vin; émécher; enivrer; griser; mener une vie de bâton de chaise; mener une vie de débauche; prender une cuite; prendre une culotte; prendre un pot; saouler (or: soûler); taper sur la cocarde; tirer une bordée; vadrouiller.

The observation offered concerning the large number of terms for prostitute may be applied here for drinking. The large number of terms for consuming alcohol indicates the honest and open use of alcohol in France. In America, on the other hand, drinking customs were influenced by the 'blue-law' legacy of Puritanism. Where Americans make so much ado about the minimum drinking age, the age is calmly accepted in France: birth. Wine has formed an integral part of French meals

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with women and children having their wine diluted with water. Table wine at meals has been thought to be sober and respectable as contrasted with the American propensity for drinking hard liquors at all hours of the day. The French could feel that the Americans must have had a bad drinking habit indeed to have felt called upon to embark upon such a futile act of desperation as was Prohibition, 1920-1933.

3. Bilingual Dictionaries and Cross-Cultural Attitudes It is evident that the full understanding of these lexical items for prostitution and for drinking alcoholic beverages depends upon knowledge of the institution of prostitution in France and a comprehension of French drinking habits. A knowledge of these parts of the culture requires a study of the history and civilization of France. This is the dilemma of the bilingual dictionary: encyclopedic material is essential but there is no good way to make it readily accessible to the user. It cannot be the function of a bilingual dictionary to provide seminars in cultural understanding but nevertheless, the dictionary must provide cultural guidance so that the lexical items are understood. Is it possible to solve this dilemma? If one set about making this desired encyclopedia/dictionary with present methods of publishing, a shelfful of volumes would be the result. Users would find the volumes too cumbersome to use and too costly to buy. The answer to the dictionary's role in cross-cultural fertilization may be an electronically published bilingual dictionary with careful programing. A dictionary available on a computer at a central location would offer the following advantages: 1) ease of reference: Personal computers can be portable and can be plugged in by various methods to the central computer. 2) expense: Without millions of copies to print, the publishers could fit the making of the dictionary into their budget and could sell privileges for its use at a price to fit the user's budget. 3) quality and scope: The screen might show a conventional dictionary entry at first but the on-line search would begin with a menu from which choices could be made as the need arose. Retrieval would be simple from desired sections of monolingual dictionaries, thesauri, encyclopedias, grammars, illustrations, maps, charts, diagrams, and moving pictures in full color and even in three dimensions. The monolingual dictionaries could be 'bilingualized', that is, translated into the language of the user as well as kept in the original language. The other features could also be 'bilingualized' so that the user would have the help of his or her own language as well as the information about the idiomatic and grammatical usage in the target language.

4. Conclusion If translation is a bridge between cultures, it is a bridge that sometimes leads to strange, unwanted roads when the signposts in the translator's dictionary is denotation without regard for

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connotation. The best dictionaries now make strenuous efforts to provide connotation by meaning discrimination, examples, and explanations. Heroic as these efforts are, they are often futile because a dictionary cannot, on the one hand, have a useful length and consultability and, on the other hand, have the resources of an encyclopedia, a file of media clippings, and a collection of videos showing the cultural life of a linguistic group. Therefore, if translation is essential in our world, the reference works known as dictionaries are dangerous guides. Such is the conclusion drawn from the observations made above in this present study. There are two alternatives. One alternative is to combine the encyclopedia and the dictionary by means of the computer. Since this technology has not yet been developed, the other alternative is alertness on the part of lexicographer and dictionary user. Lexicographers will do their best to inform the public of the cultural, philosophic, and political background that goes into the connotation of a lexical item. The dictionary user will always keep in mind the present limitations of the dictionary and look for any sign that connotation is lacking.

PART VI LANGUAGE DYNAMICS vs. PRESCRIPTIVISM

The Learner's Dictionary in a Changing Cultural Perspective Anthony P.

Cowie

0. Introduction This paper is concerned with cultural information in all four editions of A. S. Hornby's Advanced Learner's Dictionary, though with particular reference to the first world-wide edition (1948), and the most recent to appear (1989). The cultural element in EFL dictionaries still awaits detailed exploration and is seldom referred to in descriptive or critical studies of the type. Ladislav Zgusta is among the few scholars writing in English to stress the importance to pedagogical dictionary users of cultural information (Zgusta, 1989: 3-4), just as he is the first to provide an annotated guide to the relative abundance of work on the topic published in Eastern Europe (Zgusta, 1988).1 The study of the cultural element in learners' dictionaries is complex and problematical. In the course of a wide-ranging and detailed discussion of the "cultural dictionary," Rey (1987) has attempted to identify those features of content and organization that can properly be said to convey cultural information. In drawing up his specification, Rey makes clear that it is the unabridged monolingual dictionary ("dictionnaire monolingue extensif"), which constitutes the cultural dictionary par excellence, though all such dictionaries will contain encyclopedic and terminological entries as well. Focusing more narrowly on elements within such works which yield cultural information, Rey pinpoints entries with a truly "philological" content, i.e. those which are based on a "corpus de discours partiellement restitué", and "semi-philological" entries. The latter, which are of particular relevance to the present paper, are not based on a corpus, but are made-up, and derive from the linguistic "competence" of the lexicographer (Rey, 1987: 25). Rey also discusses matters of organization and the various conventions of arrangement and definition adopted. Central to Rey's view of the monolingual "dictionnaire de langue" as the vehicle of a culture is the belief that both the content of a dictionary and its organization are strongly indicative of the values, judgements and priorities of the society in which the dictionary is compiled. A compiler's classification procedures, no less than his or her choice of entry-words and illustrative examples, reflect "les valeurs propres à une tradition culturelle" (Rey, 1987: 11). It is worth noting, for instance, that the quasi-synonyms, antonyms and lexical fields which are a

1

This work includes papers in English by Bujas (1980) and Tomaszczyk (1981, 1984). Other more recent studies of culturally-marked lexis (including collocations and idioms) in relation to the EFL dictionary are Alexander (1989, 1992), Bool and Carter (1989) and Nuccorini (1988).

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feature of Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1961) often denote groupings of events which are characteristic of a culture at a given time. At ^breach (noun), for example, the quasisynonymous set BREAK, SPLIT, SCHISM, RENT, RUPTURE, RIFT are listed and the various marital, political, and religious implications drawn out and illustrated by the editors. The pedagogical dictionary is one of a number of dictionary types considered by Rey to have a low cultural content. At one point, while recognizing that learners' dictionaries are marked by the culture from which they derive, he comments that they are chiefly concerned with acquisition of the foreign language system (Rey, 1987: 4). At another, while discussing the proportion of unmarked to marked entries in various types of dictionary (marked entries being those which call for a usage label of some kind), he comments that the proportion of unmarked to the total is especially high in the pedagogical dictionary. But the claims are open to challenge. It is arguable that illustrative examples in English learners' dictionaries (even leaving aside those based on corpus data) are often strongly suggestive of culturally-determined attitudes and values at the time of compilation. Attitudes towards the domestic and occupational roles of men and women are one obvious instance. This paper will attempt to show how far and in what ways a specific dictionary for foreign learners of English can be described as cultural. It will begin by analysing, in Section 1, a spread of consecutive entries and their illustrative examples from the first world-wide edition of the Advanced Learner's Dictionary (ALD 1, 1948).2 The analysis will have three points of focus: (a) It will attempt first to answer Alain Rey's charge that pedagogical dictionaries have little cultural content by assigning examples to structural categories and by establishing if, and to what extent, those categories correspond to two possible functions of the learner's dictionary: developing linguistic proficiency on the one hand, and conveying information, including cultural information, on the other; (b) The study then focuses on issues of gender, and tries to determine how far examples convey a view (which may be more or less unconscious) of the male as central and dominant, both in the home and the work place; (c) The third point of emphasis will be chiefly organizational. If it is true, as Rey suggests, that the form of definitions, or the grouping of compounds and derivatives, within the microstructure of a dictionary can reflect the values and priorities of a given period, then we should expect to find them conveyed by such means in the EFL dictionary. We shall see whether this is the case in ALD 1. Section 2 will be comparative. It has been noted, also by Rey, that a comparison between a dictionary entry compiled at an earlier time and the same entry as it appears in a present-day edition can reveal much about socio-cultural change in the intervening years. With this observation in mind, we shall examine the various themes and conventions set out above as they are represented,

2

ALD 1 is a photographic reprint, published by OUP in 1948, of the Idiomatic and Syntactic Dictionary, Tokyo: Kaitakusha, 1942. The titles of the first and second editions are abbreviated in this paper as ALD 1 and ALD 2 and those of the third and fourth as OALD 3 and OALD 4. Further details appear in the bibliography.

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almost half a century later, in the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary, fourth edition (OALD 4, 1989).

1. ALD 1 (1948) 1.1. Lexical units and example types Reckoning up the lexical units in a spread of entries, and the example types represented there, throws much light on the innovative nature of ALD 1 as a dictionary for foreign learners. The figures of course provide a limited basis for measuring the expansion of the dictionary between 1948 and 1989 - an expansion which goes some way towards explaining the fuller and more diversified cultural element in the current edition.

But breaking down the examples into

grammatical categories is also highly informative, as it reveals the extent to which Hornby allotted specific example types to particular functions. Broadly speaking, clause and phrase examples in ALD 1 are minimal lexicalized patterns with a linguistic function: they are intended to help with the interpretation and correct use of the headword. Sentence examples may have these functions too, but they are also a means of conveying other information, including cultural information. For the present study, 506 "lexical units" were identified, from the sequence 2 make (p. 764) to ^ a t e (p. 778) inclusive.3 Lexical units were considered to be: (a) unnumbered and undivided main entries (e.g. manger); (b) numbered senses of a main entry, whether simple word (mandible ... 1 ... 2 ...), derivative (mannish ... 1 ... 2 ...), or compound (mankind ... 1 ... 2 ...); (c) compounds, phrasal verbs and idioms located in numbered sub-divisions of particular entries (e.g. market-day at market ...1;) (d) run-on derivatives, with numbered senses as appropriate (e.g. marketable at market); (e) run-on zero-derivatives, again with numbered senses as appropriate (e.g. -vr. 1... 2, at master ... n.).

In contrast, unnumbered divisions in noun entries corresponding to the "countable" "uncountable" distinction were ignored. (As they are when analysing entries in the 1989 edition, where such differences are generally introduced by (a) and (b)). Examples in the fifteen-page sequence were counted and classified under four heads: complex and compound words incorporating an affixal or root entry (thus malcontent at mal-, merchantman at 1 man); noun phrases (e.g. a mangy dog, a mannish style of dress)·, io-infinitive non-finite clauses (e.g. to malign an innocent person)', and full sentences (e.g. They marched the prisoner away.). Figures for the three types are shown in Table 1.

3

For clarity of presentation we omit from this paper the raised dots used in headwords in OALD 3 and OALD 4 to indicate possible divisions of a word at the end of a line. (Hyphens were used for this purpose in ALD 1 and spaces in ALD 2.)

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EXAMPLES

UNITS

506

Words

Phrases

Clauses

Sentences

TOTAL

14

95

34

115

258

Table 1: Example types in ALD 1, ^make to ^mate.

A scrutiny of clause and noun phrase examples in ALD 1 shows that they are introduced in the same way and often perform similar illustrative functions. As the following examples show, they are always linked to the definition by the conjunction "as", a device borrowed from COD: margin ... 2 a border or edge, as the margin of a pool. marshal... -vi... 1 arrange in proper order, as to marshal facts [military forces].

Moreover, these entries appear to have little cultural content: the aim rather is to show the collocability of the headword (margin ... pool; marshal ... facts) in the relevant senses— information which the learner can use either for production or to clarify meaning. If we take note of the dominant structural pattern among clause examples, we find that, with remarkably few exceptions (3 out of 34), clause examples consist of a transitive verb in the infinitive form, and a noun with little modification - or none - as direct object, thus: to man a ship to manage a horse to mark out a tennis-court to master the English Language

This strengthens the impression that clause examples are often simple frames with a linguistic function. 4 In contrast, because of their grammatical completeness, and the shifts of tense, aspect and mood that are made possible, sentence examples can come closer to simulating actual speech and writing, and can convey information more fully and explicitly. 1.2. The treatment of gender in ALD 1 Given the increasing interest shown in issues of gender by lexicographers over the past twenty years (cf. Whitcut, 1984) it seems worthwhile to consider the treatment of gender in ALD 1, as a significant instance of socially determined attitudes in the learner's dictionary. We focus on two questions: first, whether nouns or pronouns with male or female reference are given the more prominent place in dictionary examples; and, second, whether in definitions and examples, women are portrayed in positions of responsibility and authority or are simply assigned to supporting domestic roles. Cf. Alain Rey's "syntagme non actualisé" (1987: 25).

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We look first at the use of pronouns and nouns of male and female reference in examples. Here, there is clear evidence of a strong preference for masculine items in entries where the compilers have had a free choice in the invention of examples, i.e. where they are not constrained in their choice of a masculine or feminine form by the headword itself. It is to be expected that in entries such as masculine itself and, in several of its senses, man, the forms man, he, him, etc., should predominate. In this small survey, we have ignored all entries, or sub-entries, where choice is determined in this way. We have also been careful not to include in the figures nouns or pronouns within a given example which are co-referential with an initial noun or pronoun. In the example He has in him the makings ofa great man., him and man are predictable, given initial He, and are thus ignored. Setting aside all such cases, we have the following comparative figures for nouns and pronouns (and occasionally determiners) denoting males and females. It will be seen that the total of masculine items (38) is exactly double that of feminine items. The discrepancy is all the more striking if one combines the figures for he, him and his and compares them with those for she, her and hers. The respective totals for those masculine and feminine pronouns (and determiners) are 26 and 8.

MASCULINE

FEMININE

man male husband son boy fellow prince he/him his

6 1 1 0 1 2 1 21 5

woman female wife daughter girl lass, etc princess she/her hers

3 0 4 2 2 0 0 8 0

TOTAL

38

TOTAL

19

Table 2: Masculine and feminine nouns and pronouns in ALD 1 examples.

It must be added that in the metalanguage of definitions a more even balance is struck. The general rule, as one might expect, is to select the neutral term "person" to define entries where a person of either sex can perform the relevant action. Consider: marker ... n. l a person who marks, e.g. one who keeps the score in a game of billiards.

It is also noticeable that in the entry for marksman, where one might expect a compiler writing at the time of preparation for war to use "man", one again finds "person": marksman ... n. a person who is skilled in shooting ...

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One could go further. At a time when the management and control of businesses in many countries was still largely a male preserve, A. S. Hornby and his colleagues leave the reader free to assign the role of manager to women as well as men. 5 Note: manager ... n. l a person who manages, controls or directs a business or a department of a business.

One can compare in this respect director ... n. a person who directs; ... governor ... n. l a person who governs; ...

But in examples where the roles of women and men, and their supposed characteristics, are dealt with, the balance shifts back again. There are some entries which, though they express attitudes that were unremarkable at the time, might now be criticized for reflecting male superiority (or fear of female assertiveness): manage ... to manage a fool [a naughty child, one's wife] ... His wife is a very managing

person.

As regards the supposed rights and responsibilities of husbands and wives, we find (at marital) that the husband is portrayed as having marital rights, while elsewhere (at mate) the choice of feminine pronoun as subject stresses the wife's fidelity to the husband, as opposed to his fidelity to her: She has been a faithful mate (= wife) to him. 1.3. Cultural themes in ALD 1 The Idiomatic

and Syntactic Dictionary of 1942, of which ALD 1 was a photographic

reprinting (though with some details changed to reflect the post-1945 political settlement in the Far East), was entirely produced in Japan. It had developed over some four years from a programme of vocabulary research initiated by Harold E. Palmer and continued by A. S. Hornby, and was based on an awareness, gained through local teaching experience, of Japanese interests and learning difficulties (Hornby, 1938: 20-21). The result, not surprisingly, was that the dictionary reflected in a number of entries the political, geographical and to some extent socio-cultural, circumstances of the Far East in the late 1930s. Entries such as Manch(o)ukuo, Manchu and Manchuria, and examples such as Japan is the mandatory for some of the former

German

colonies clearly mirror this background. None of the first three items had appeared in the third edition of the Concise Oxford Dictionary (Fowler/Le Mesurier, 1934), and as this was a work on which Hornby and his colleagues certainly drew, the suggestion is that other influences were at play. There are other indications - of an organizational kind - that oriental or tropical items were of special interest to the dictionary user, and so attracted the special attention of its compilers. 5

There was no (published) discussion of such issues when the dictionary was being designed and compiled.

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Consider the encyclopedic treatment of an entry such as malaria. The entry has a two-part definition. The first categorizes malaria as "an illness in which there are periods of fever". But there is a second part with a sentence-like structure explaining how the disease is transmitted: "it is caused by the bite of certain mosquitoes which introduce the disease into the blood". This is supplementary information, and it is formally signalled. It is noticeable that the same type of definition features in the entry for mangrove, and that this is also tropical in reference. But one must be careful not to suggest that this treatment is confined to such entries: the entry for mammal is treated in the same way. As we shall see with reference to OALD 4, the dominance of certain cultural themes at a given time may be indicated by the concentration of related compounds, idioms, etc., in specific entries. At the time in the late 1930s when the first edition was being compiled, war had already broken out in the Far East, and a contemporary reader might expect military senses and idioms to be salient in the entry for ^marcii (verb). He or she would find that the first (military) sense of the verb was the most fully developed; that three out of the four senses of the noun concerned the movement of troops; and that these were illustrated. The reader would also find four technical military terms (marching orders, on the march, a line of march, a dead march) made prominent by bold print. In a later section (2.3), we look back from the vantage-point of OALD 4 to earlier treatments of the noun market. Here we look forward to later recastings of march. OALD 3 (1974) preserves the dominant military note. But by the fourth edition, this dominance is seriously eroded. Almost all the forms made prominent in ALD 1 are now italicized and merged with example material, and a new non-military sense of the idiom get one's marching orders is introduced. Above all, we note the appearance of the notion of marching as a form of civil protest, and of marcher as a lexicalized derivative of the verb in this sense: marcher n: freedom marchers or civil-rights marchers.

2. OALD 4 (1989) 2.1. Lexical units and example types To provide a numerical basis of comparison between lexical units and examples in the first and fourth editions, an entry sequence in OALD 4 was chosen corresponding as closely as possible to that examined in ALD 1. This was the sequence make 2 (p. 754) to mate 1 (p. 767), inclusive. Units and examples were then counted. As the figures in Table 3 indicate, the number of lexical units has greatly increased in the period separating the two editions: from 506 in 1948 to 693 in 1989. Moreover, expansion in the number of units is accompanied by growth in the number of

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examples, so that the totals to the left and right of Table 3 are almost equal. The ratio of examples to units has thus doubled over the forty-year period.

EXAMPLES

UNITS

693

Words

Phrases

Clauses

Sentences

TOTAL

21

267

71

324

683

Table 3: Example types in OALD 4, make^ to mate^.

This large increase in illustrative material in itself provides scope for expanding the cultural content of the dictionary. But a further contributory factor is a change in the structure and functions of the phrase and clause examples which began with the third edition (1974) and was consolidated with the fourth. As we have seen, many of the ALD 1 examples in those categories were not simulated instances of language in use, but simple lexicalized frameworks for the student to extend, manipulate and flesh out. Beginning with OALD 3, we find greater structural diversity within those two types, and an attempt in many more individual cases to approximate to actual discourse. Two types of change affecting noun phrase examples will be commented on here. The commonest pattern for such examples in ALD 1 consisted of a determiner, a single adjective or noun as pre-modifier, and a noun head, thus: malady ... often used fig., as ... a social malady. marble ... (often attrib.), as a marble tomb.

In the second edition of 1963, for reasons of economy, linking "as" was dropped and a tilde (-) introduced in place of the headword. Yet despite these changes, the essential pattern survived, as did its clarifying and productive functions: malady ... disease; illness: a social -.

Increasingly from OALD 3 onwards, we find two departures from this minimal pattern. One has the structure and pedagogical functions of the examples already discussed, but may indicate lexical choice as well: marble ... (attrib) a - statue/tomb.

The other departure has a noun other than the entry word as head, and the entry word itself used as part of the complementation of that head: manufacture ... n. ... firms engaged in the - of plastics; goods of foreign ~ .

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In the current edition this extended pattern is more widely used, so that we find: mannerism ... an eccentric with many odd mannerisms. malice ... a look of pure malice ...

This type of pattern has a double advantage. First, its more complex structure can indicate collocation at several points. (Compare pure malice and a look of pure malice.) Second, the extended pattern is often more easily converted to a simple sentence structure, as witness: Firms engaged in the manufacture ofplastics => Several firms are engaged in the manufacture ofplastics.

Finally, such examples allow for a fuller and more convincing expression of cultural content, as is demonstrated by the phrase examples in Section 2.3. 2.2. The treatment of gender in OALD 4 When discussing the treatment of gender in ALD 1, we assumed in the absence of any reported discussion at the time, that the predominance in examples of masculine nouns and pronouns reflected a more or less unconscious view of the male as a central, controlling figure, especially in occupational contexts. OALD 4, by contrast, sees the application of a conscious decision by the editorial team (several of whom were women) to give greater prominence to females overall, and, especially, to reflect present-day patterns of employment by featuring women in a wider range of professional roles. Earlier, we attempted to assess the relative prominence of male and female in ALD 1 by asking how often masculine as opposed to feminine nouns and pronouns appeared in illustrative examples. We now ask this question with reference to OALD 4. The same procedure is followed as before in not taking account of the choice of masculine or feminine in any example where selection is determined by the headword itself. This explains the omission from the totals of he and his in the following example: manly ... (of a man) having the qualities or appearance expected of a man: I've always thought he looked very manly in his uniform.

Also left out of the reckoning, as before, are pronouns or determiners (here her), which are linked anaphorically to an initial masculine or feminine item: manoeuvre ... She manoeuvred her friends into positions of power.

Ignoring such cases, we arrive at the comparative figures for nouns, pronouns and determiners of male and female reference shown in Table 4. The contrast with the earlier figures (where there were twice as many masculine as feminine items) could not be more stark. In this (admittedly limited) spread of entries, the relationship of feminine to masculine is in the ratio 7: 6.

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MASCULINE

FEMININE

proper noun man husband son boy fellow pnnce king he/him his

2 3 0 0 0 0 1 0 40 13

proper noun woman wife daughter girl lass/etc. princess queen she/her hers

1 5 1 0 1 0 0 1 61 0

TOTAL

59

TOTAL

70

Table 4: Masculine and feminine nouns and pronouns in OALD 4 examples.

These figures provide a helpful general impression of the relative prominence given to males and females in OALD 4. But for details of the domestic or occupational roles assigned to men and women we need to look again at the examples. Here too, much has changed. In ALD 1, we saw that in defining such nouns as manager or director, the editors left the reader free to decide whether those jobs could be filled by women or men. However, no woman was shown occupying any of those positions in an example sentence. In OALD 4 examples, in contrast, women are portrayed in a number of responsible and prestigious jobs (not in all cases in the entries which define the relevant nouns): making ... She has the makings of a good lawyer. margin ... She won the seat by a margin often votes.

They are also shown to possess qualities - of guile, of determination - more conventionally associated with men: manoeuvre ... She manoeuvred her friends into positions of power. march ... She marched in and demanded an apology.

As regards examples which are critical of women or portray them from an unflattering male standpoint, we can consider again, from ALD 1: manage ... to manage ... [a naughty child, one's wife] ... His wife is a very managing person.

These survive with only minor modifications into OALD 3, but in OALD 4 the

negative

association in the first phrase is broken, giving Can you manage children well? - while the second example is banished altogether.

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2.3. Cultural themes in OALD 4 Finally we turn to consider other major cultural themes and ask how these are expressed in the content and organization of OALD, especially its most recent edition. The third edition of OALD (1974) captured at many points the political, economic and social transformations of the previous decade. It mirrored the cultural revolution of the sixties and early seventies (recording disco, flower power, acid, pop festival) and proclaimed its awareness of the social and environmental issues of the time (with aggro, drop-out, defoliation).

The fourth edition voiced the continuing

humanitarian concerns of the eighties, adding (within the spread of entries surveyed for this paper) the units malnourished (cross-referenced to undernourished), before malnutrition, and manipulative and manipulator at manipulate. As we have seen, the noun entry march appears for the first time in the sense "procession from one place to another by many people, esp as a protest", and with the (then still appropriate) example an anti-nuclear/weapons/march. The 1989 edition appeared towards the end of a decade which had often vigorously promoted consumer spending. The compounds credit card, credit-worthy and credit note were already included in the third edition; cash point, credit rating and credit transfer first appear in the fourth. Within the entries surveyed, examples record the development of new shopping facilities (shopping mall) and the taste for such consumer luxuries as malt whisky (an excellent 12-year-old malt) and marinaded fish or meat (a marinade of pork and lamb). But this is to record the simple accumulation of items and examples. Of much greater interest for the lexicographer, as well as the social historian, is the way in which emerging or salient fields of interest are highlighted by the clustering of derivatives and compounds in specific entries. Such clustering is of course valuable for the learner, especially when writing in the foreign language (Cowie, 1983: 141), but its significance in the present discussion is that by this means quite subtle changes in political, economic or social behaviour are quickly perceived. Revealing in this respect are compounds formed from the noun market. The following four items are listed in the entry market... n. in the first edition of ALD, and reappear unchanged in the second edition: marketday, market-garden, market-place, market-town. In the first, third and fourth of these, the sense of the initial element is "when/where people meet to buy and sell goods", and in all four definitions the emphasis is on direct contact with the customer in open-air and possibly rural settings. (Such a setting is clearly signalled in the 1963 definition of market-town, with its reference to cattle and sheep.) The compounds market-gardening, market hall, market price and market-square (shown as a variant of market-place), were added in 1974, though with little change in the overall impression conveyed. But in the current edition the range has been extended to include market gardener, the market-place ("commercial buying and selling"), market share and market value. Significantly, these additions capture the increasing use of market in oblique

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senses ("volume of trading" in the case of market share) and reflect a shift in the focus of economic activity from the producer towards the marketing director, the economic analyst and the commodity dealer.

3. Conclusion Enough has been said to show that the learner's dictionary can serve as the mirror both of the conscious (or unconscious) social values and judgements of its compilers, and of the chief social and ideological concerns of the period of compilation. These interests and preoccupations are manifested both in the simple accretion of new material, and at various points in the dictionary microstructure, including illustrative examples and the metalanguage of definitions. Of special interest is the way various organizational features of successive editions of the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary are brought into play in articulating cultural content. Finally, devices such as the clustering of compounds and derivatives can throw into sharp relief major cultural changes which have taken place from one edition to the next or over the whole lifetime of a dictionary. References Alexander, R. (1989) Fixed expressions, idioms and collocations revisited. In Paul Meara (ed.): Beyond Words: Papers from the Annual Meeting of the British Association for Applied Linguistics, 1988. Reading: British Association for Applied Linguistics. 15-24. (1992) Fixed expressions, idioms and phraseology in recent English learner's dictionaries. In Hannu Tommola, et al. (eds.): EURALEX '92 Proceedings: Papers submitted to the 5th EURALEX International Congress on Lexicography, 1992. Tampere: University of Tampere. 35-42. Bool, H. and Carter, R. (1989) Vocabulary, culture and the dictionary. In M. L. Tickoo (ed.): Learners' Dictionaries: State of the Art. Singapore: SEAMEO Regional Language Centre. 172-183. Bujas, 2 . (1980) Lexicography and ethnicity (dictionary needs of Croatian ethnics/immigrants in the US). Studia Romanica et Anglica Zagrabiensia, 25, 19-28. Cowie, A. P. (1983) English dictionaries for the foreign learner. In R. R. K. Hartmann (ed.): Lexicography: Principles and Practice. London: Academic Press. 135-144. (ed.) (1948;41989) Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fowler, H. W. and Le Mesurier, H. G. (eds.) (1911;31934) The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English. Oxford: Clarendon Press Homby A. S. (1938) Report on the year's work: dictionary problems. IRET Bulletin, 55, 20-28. Hornby, A. S„ Gatenby, E. V. and Wakefield, H. (1942) Idiomatic and Syntactic English Dictionary. Tokyo: Kaitakusha; reprinted and published (1948) as A Learner's Dictionary of Current English. London, Oxford University Press; subsequently (1952) retitled The Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English. ( 19481963) The Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, London: Oxford University Press. Hornby, A. S., with the assistance of Cowie, A. P. and Windsor Lewis, J. (1948;31974) Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English, London: Oxford University Press. Nuccorini, S. (1988) The treatment of metaphorical and idiomatic expressions in learners' dictionaries. In Mary Snell-Hornby (ed.): ZäriLEX '86 Proceedings: Papers read at the EURALEX International Congress, University of Zürich, 1986. Tübingen: Francke. 149-160. Rey, Α. (1987) Le dictionnaire culturel. Lexicographica, 3, 3-50. Tomaszczyk, J. (1981) Issues and developments in bilingual pedagogical lexicography. Applied Linguistics, 2, 287296.

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(1984) The culture-bound element in bilingual dictionaries. In R. R. K. Hartmann (ed.): LEXeter '83 Proceedings: Papers from the International Conference on Lexicography at Exeter, 1983. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. 289-297. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the American Language. (1961) Gove, P. B. (ed.) Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster. Whitcut, J. (1984) Sexism in dictionaries. In R. R. K. Hartmann (ed.): LEXeter '83 Proceedings: Papers from the International Conference on Lexicography at Exeter, 1983. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. 141-144. Zgusta, L. (1989) Idle thoughts of an idle fellow; or, vaticinations on the learners' dictionary. In M. L. Tickoo (ed.): Learners' Dictionaries: State of the Art. Singapore: SEAMEO Regional Language Centre. 1-9. Zgusta, L„ with the assistance of Farina, D. M. T. Cr. (1988) Lexicography Today: an Annotated Bibliography of the Theory of Lexicography. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer.

Dictionaries and the Dynamics of Language Change Rufus H.

Gouws

0. Introduction Within any speech community dictionaries are employed as linguistic instruments. Dictionaries are comprehensive containers of linguistic information and one of their most important functions is to enable the user to achieve a higher degree of communicative competence. Therefore a good dictionary should be committed to a realistic account of its target language. This applies to both monolingual and bilingual dictionaries. The linguistic, cultural and political situation in South Africa confronts any potential lexicographer with a real challenge. Not only do the people in South Africa speak a variety of languages, but they also represent a wide-ranging cultural spectrum. The political history and the influence of conflicting ideologies had added to the complexity of the situation. This paper will reflect on some of the aspects resulting from the interaction between the political, cultural and linguistic situation and the compilation of dictionaries. The emphasis will primarily be on the dynamics of language change as reflected in dictionaries like the Dictionary of South African English and Die korrekte woord. Reference will also be made to other monolingual Afrikaans and bilingual Afrikaans-English dictionaries.

1. The Linguistic Situation in South Africa Since 1926 Afrikaans and English are the two official languages of South Africa. Besides these two languages there are nine indigenous languages. Although the decission to establish Afrikaans and English as the only two official languages had not been without political motivations, it also had a strongh linguistic basis. Whereas Afrikaans and English had been used without any geographical restrictions the same could not have been said about the indigenous languages. But although only Afrikaans and English have been acknowledged as official languages and are used on a national basis, the other South African languages function on a regional basis and have been kept alive by active speech communities. This linguistic constellation provided a vibrant and productive language contact situation influencing all the languages concerned. The results are especially noticeable in the lexical stock. Loan words occur frequently in all the South African languages. Although the indigenous languages are restricted to specific geographical areas the

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lexicon of both Afrikaans and South African English contain a variety of elements from these languages. On a national basis the language contact situation provides an ongoing interaction between Afrikaans and English. The bidirectional influence resulted not only in lexical changes but also affected other levels, e.g. aspects of phonology, syntax and morphology. However, from a lexicographical perspective lexical changes have to be regarded as the most salient and relevant. The fact that language contact coincides with cultural contact enhances the extent of the lexical influence between the different South African languages. This situation offers an intriguing challenge to sociolinguistic and general research in the field of language contact. A number of prominent explorative studies have been undertaken, e.g. Rousseau (1937), Donaldson (1988) and Ponelis (1992). The interaction has also had an effect on the extent and nature of prescriptive attitudes regarding puristic language usage. This applies especially to Afrikaans. The ideal of establishing Afrikaans as a fully-independent language alongside the world language English, had activated a puristic urge which resulted in numerous attempts to ignore the reality of the language contact situation and to neutralize or minimize the influence of English. Afrikaans school grammars portrayed a strong prescriptive attitude which was also reflected in lexicographical activities. Normative dictionaries, e.g. Hiemstra (1980) and Van der Merwe (1967), were primarily aimed at the purification of Afrikaans. However, the last decade witnessed an important change of attitude, acknowledging the reality that the South African languages have to survive alongside each other and that language contact will necessarily lead to linguistic change. It is also accepted that this does not imply a lowering of the status of the languages concerned. This attitudinal change established a new perspective regarding the prescriptive and descriptive function of dictionaries. Dictionaries have to convey information regarding the linguistic reality and the dynamics of language change. Monolingual and bilingual dictionaries have to reflect the influence of the linguistic and cultural contact situation in South Africa. Because these are ongoing processes lexicographers are compelled to give an account of the latest trends and changes. Both linguists and lexicographers have to be aware of the relation between linguistic and cultural contact in a multilingual and multicultural society. The same relation does not necessarily hold between al the different language pairs. The degree of cultural assimilation between e.g. the Xhosa and the Zulu communities may differ from that between say the Sotho and the Venda. Afrikaans and English speaking South Africans may have two different languages but the cultural differences between these two speaker groups may be less significant. The extent and nature of cultural and language assimilation have definite consequences for both the bilingual and the monolingual dictionaries of the languages in question.

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2. Dictionaries of South African English 2.1. Earlier works and the Dictionary of South African English South African English (henceforth abbreviated as SAE) shows a high degree of resemblance to Standard British English. Due to the language contact situation in which SAE is used there are more than enough differences to qualify SAE as a variant of Standard English (cf. McArthur, 1992: 952-954). SAE displays not only the results of linguistic contact but also the influence of an intercultural environment. A need exists for dictionaries aimed at the specific nature of SAE. This need had already been felt in the previous century. Pettman (1913) explains the motivation for this publication as follows in the preface: "The Glossary was begun on the day of the author's landing in Cape Town in October, 1876, when he jotted down in his notebook a few strange words that then fell upon his ear." Pettman gives a clear indication of the many loan words the language contact situation had then already contributed to SAE. The most comprehensive account of SAE will be given in a dictionary of South African English on historical principles. The compilation of this dictionary is done at the Rhodes Dictionary Unit in Grahamstown. This publication will be the most comprehensive lexicographical treatment of SAE. In 1978 research of SAE resulted in the publication of the first edition of the Dictionary of South African English (henceforth abbreviated as DISAE). The fourth enlarged and expanded edition was published in 1991. This dictionary can be regarded as one of the most significant lexicographical endeavours in South Africa. The significance is not primarily due to DISAE's treatment of SAE. Of more importance is the way in which the lexicon of SAE is presented and the clear indication of the influence of Afrikaans, the idigenous African languages as well as the cultures of the speakers of these languages on SAE. DISAE gives evidence of the multidirectional influence of language and cultural contact.

2.2. DISAE and the lexicon of SAE In the preface it is stated that the editor of DISAE regards SAE as the English spoken by any South African, and not only the English of South Africans with English as their native language. This approach has a substantial influence on the macrostructural selection. The dictionary aims to treat SAE as a variety of Standard British English, but also endeavours to illustrate the extent of the lexical differences between SAE and Standard English as objective as possible. This is accomplished by a macrostructural selection that predominantly focusses on lexical items unique to SAE. DISAE is not impeded by a puristic bias, and the changes in SAE due to language contact as well as the influence of surrounding cultures are explicated systematically. In this regard DISAE differs dramatically from the majority of other dictionaries accommodating SAE.

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In spite of the existence of other South African dictionaries focussing on SAE, e.g. Pettman (1913) and Branford (1987), the most comprehensive treatment can be found in a variety of bilingual Afrikaans/English - English/Afrikaans dictionaries. These dictionaries give an account of SAE and Afrikaans as the two official languages of South Africa. Bilingual Afrikaans/English English/Afrikaans dictionaries (henceforth abbreviated as BAE dictionaries) have a high usage frequency and dominate the collection of locally compiled dictionaries. BAE dictionaries have played an important role in the standardization of Afrikaans and in establishing Afrikaans on equal par with English in their function as official languages, cf. Gouws & Ponelis (1992: 92). Publishing houses have been eager to commission lexicographers to compile, revise and update BAE dictionaries. One of the leading members of this category, Groot

woordeboek/Major

Dictionary (henceforth abbreviated as GW), has had thirteen revised editions between 1926 and 1986. The demand and popularity of these dictionaries and their frequent revisions have resulted in them being regarded as the best exponents of the South African lexicographical practice, cf. Gouws (1993). These bilingual dictionaries have a far more comprehensive macrosructure than DISAE because the selection is not aimed at elements belonging exclusively to SAE but includes a general representation of SAE. According to general criteria bilingual dictionaries have to reflect the standard variety of source and target language. Within the South African context the standard varieties of both Afrikaans and English have too often been regarded as the variety displaying the least influence of language contact. Therefore the macrostructural selection in the English/Afrikaans section of BAE dictionaries has been governed by a puristic bias aiming to reflect predominantly those items used in Standard British English with only a scant representation of typical SAE items. Although active usage in spoken and written Afrikaans and English had been a dominant criterion for the choice of lemmas in BAE dictionaries the macrostructural scope was severely restricted by a selection that does not reflect the full extent of the typical standard usage. In the English section this led to a display of predominantly Standard British English. The inclusion of unique SAE items in BAE dictionaries has been limited to well-established loan words. In the Afrikaans section the limited scope of the standard lexicon resulted in as little an indication as possible of the massive influence of English on Afrikaans. The strong Anglicist fear had caused lexicographers to present a macrostructural selection that displays pure Afrikaans. One of the disturbing results of this attitude is the presence of a strong Dutch influence. By trying to present a pure variety of Afrikaans the "lexical cleansing" had the penetration of English as its main target. In doing so a vast number of Dutch items have been retained. The inclusion of these items represent an invalid account of the lexicon of Afrikaans, cf. Gouws & Ponelis (1992:96). BAE dictionaries like Tweetalige woordeboek (henceforth abbreviated as TW) and GW include loan words that reflect the linguistic and cultural reality, but they are extremely prescriptive and puristic. Although the English section will contain well-established Afrikaans loan words like

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biltong "dried meat" and koeksister "a kind of cruller" as well as loan words from the indigenous languages, and the Afrikaans section includes items from the indigenous languages as part of the loan word component of Afrikaans, the Afrikaans component does not reflect the degree of English influence. This is indicative of an approach to purify Afrikaans from an Anglicistic influence.

2.3. Reflecting the influence of language contact

Afrikaans words like biltong and koeksister

and words from the indigenous languages like

muti, Zulu: "traditional African medicine", and mampoer, Sotho: "kind of fruit brandy", represent traditional cultural items without one to one translation equivalents in English. These words are part and parcel of SAE and have to be included in SAE and BAE dictionaries. The inclusion of these items in DISAE has no innovative value because they have previously been treated in BAE dictionaries like T W and GW. These dictionaries reflect the standard variety (of both SAE and Afrikaans) and treat the loan words as items of the lexicon of SAE. DISAE goes further than the established standard by accounting comprehensively for loan words with an attested and active usage in the standard but also in the colloquial and informal registers of SAE. This approach has led to the inclusion and treatment of a variety of items not previously dealt with in SAE or BAE dictionaries. Within the South African linguistic situation the influence of English on Afrikaans is often discussed at great length. The macrostructural selection and the nature of the treatment in DISAE exhibit the other side of the language contact coin by illustrating unequivocally the vast influence of Afrikaans on SAE. This is done by the inclusion of words widely and frequently used in SAE but not traditionally treated in BAE or SAE dictionaries. This collection includes Afrikaans words like lekker "nice", bakkie "light delivery van", eina "ouch", sommer "just, merely, for no particular reason", darem "after all, all the same", etc. By including lexical items from the core vocabulary of Afrikaans DISAE acknowledges their penetration of SAE. One of the most important contributions of DISAE is its account of the linguistic interaction stimulated by the language contact situation. The value of the treatment of these items as part of the lexicon of SAE exceeds the limits of the dictionary domain. South African linguists have studied the influence of English on Afrikaans. The other target area of this interaction, i.e. the influence of Afrikaans on English, has only received scant attention. This leads to the false impression of a one directional influence of the language contact situation. DISAE gives evidence to the contrary. By using attested usage as an important criterion for its macrostructural selection the lemmas represent the language as it is used by real speakers in typical discourse situations. DISAE gives an empirical account of SAE. The information in DISAE is not only lexicographically relevant but it also identifies a domain not yet covered by linguistic research. This contribution of DISAE could activate an in depth study of the

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way in which English had been affected and still is affected by its contact with Afrikaans and the other South African languages. 2.4. Reflecting the influence of politics, ideology and culture Not only the influence of language contact but also the influence of culture, politics and ideologies are accounted for in this exciting lexicographical endeavour. The fourth edition of DISAE is one of the first dictionaries published in the era of the so-called "New South Africa". This dispensation is witnessing the total dismantling of the apartheid ideology. The development within the various South African languages since 1948 gives evidence of the linguistic consequences of the apartheid ideology. New words and expressions came into existence, e.g. apartheid, group areas act, pass laws. Existing English words acquired a new sense, e.g. the word location "a black township on the fringes of a white town". Not only the jargon associated with the ideology but also the language describing the harsh realities of its implementation and maintenance resulted in an expansion of the lexicon of all the languages involved, including SAE. DISAE reflects the political and ideological jargon associated with the apartheid regime but it also illustrates the linguistic reality of the struggle for change and liberation and the terminology of the "New South Africa". This treatment of political and ideological jargon establishes a sound recording of yet another facet of SAE. The treatment of political words and expressions like people's education,

black-on-black

violence, necklace, cultural weapons, the struggle and toyi-toyi "dancing and chanting during demonstrations" in articles where the definitions are supplemented by ample citations, helps to reflect the social reality of South Africa. In the semantic description attention is given to the polysemous expansion of some words. The word comrade acquired a strong political flavour meaning "young militant left-wing activist" and sell-out "a collaborator with whites or with the Government". The lexicographical treatment of these items represents a documentation of a part of the linguistic expression of the South African political situation. Some of these words and expressions may have a limited life-span and may not survive to be included in other dictionaries. By accommodating such a vast range of political lexical items DISAE contributes substantially to the overall description of SAE.

3. Afrikaans Monolingual Dictionaries and the Prescriptive Approach In Afrikaans dictionaries standardization has often been linked with prescriptiveness and normativity. Afrikaans had to develop alongside English and every available aid to grow and to survive had to be employed. BAE dictionaries adopted a stringent adherence to puristic Afrikaans.

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A similar prescriptive approach also exists in monolingual Afrikaans dictionaries. This applies to all the subtypological categories, e.g. standard desk dictionaries, school dictionaries and restricted normative dictionaries. One dictionary where it is less noticeable is the comprehensive and overall-descriptive Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (henceforth abbreviated as WAT). The lesser degree of prescriptivity in the WAT is motivated by its typological demands compelling the lexicographers to reflect the lexicon of Afrikaans as comprehensive as possible. This motivated the inclusion of a large number of lexical items with a limited and non-standard usage. The selection of non-standard items is primarily aimed at words with cultural, regional and technical field restrictions. The WAT gives a valid account of a large section of the lexicon of Afrikaans. This dictionary should not only be evaluated in terms of its contribution to an extensive lexicographical treatment of Afrikaans but it should also be regarded as an invaluable documentation of the cultural history of Afrikaans. The WAT includes culture specific words as lemmas and gives a comprehensive treatment of their meaning and usage as well as a description of their historical and cultural value. This enhances the value of the WAT as a general source of reference. The WAT has often, and justifiably, been criticized for its excessive encyclopedic approach. However, its treatment of culture specific items ascertains the importance of a comprehensive treatment emphasizing both linguistic and some extra-linguistic features. In spite of its informative approach in dealing with non-standard usage, the WAT is unfortunately still impeded by a puristic bias not unfamiliar to that found in BAE and other Afrikaans dictionaries. As an overall-descriptive dictionary the WAT has to treat the full spectrum of the lexicon of Afrikaans. Macrostructural comprehensiveness implies the selection of lexical items representing all the styles and registers, including items from the sizeable component of English loan words. Unfortunately the WAT fails to reflect the full extent of the influence of English on Afrikaans. Although English has affected and still affects the lexicon of Afrikaans with a massive influence on technical and scientific language, the strongest and most noticeable influence is on the level of the colloquial and informal registers of Afrikaans, cf. Van der Merwe & Ponelis (1991:63). The nature and extent of the influence of English on Afrikaans can only be comprehended if one considers the bilingualism of the speakers of Afrikaans. Due to the official language status of Afrikaans and English the average member of the Afrikaans speech community has a high level of bilingualism. He is not only fluent in his first language, Afrikaans, but the powerful resources of English, and especially the comprehensive English vocabulary, are at his immediate disposal. This language contact within the individual speaker leads to a productive transfer of English words and expressions into Afrikaans. Some expressions are "Afrikanized" by adjusting them according to Afrikaans grammatical, phonological, morphological or syntactic patterns, but a huge

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amount of English words are internalized as part of the lexicon of Afrikaans. Some of these loan words have a limited occurrence and dictionaries do not have to include them. However, once a loan word has acquired an established use in Afrikaans it should be indicated in dictionaries. Due to their normative approach desk dictionaries will be more hesitant to include English words because these dictionaries focus on the fixed and well-established standard lexicon. An informative dictionary with an overall-comprehensive assignment should give a wide-ranging account of the loan word component. The inclusion of these loan words could be complemented by attaching usage labels to indicate their possible restrictions. By omitting an account of the result of this language contact situation, the WAT's representation of Afrikaans loses a lot of its validity. This diminishes the status of the WAT as a comprehensive source of linguistic information. In spite of the above-mentioned criticism the WAT includes a proportion of English loan words, albeit far from enough. Afrikaans monolingual desk dictionaries, however, offer an even less valid account of the lexicon of Afrikaans by ignoring a very representative component of the informal register. Dictionaries like the Verklärende handwoordeboek

van die Afrikaanse taal

(HAT), Nasionale woordeboek (NW) and Verklärende Afrikaanse woordeboek (VAW) have to be normative to comply with their typological demands and therefore they should be aimed at the standard vocabulary. However, their macrostructural selection gives a distorted reflection of this aim. This problem is caused by an invalid interpretation of the notion "standard Afrikaans". Adhering to the tradition of guarding and protecting Afrikaans against English influence this notion is interpreted in puristic terms, disregarding the sociolinguistic reality and prototypical Afrikaans usage. The puristic bias prevalent in monolingual desk dictionaries not only impedes a valid macrostructural selection but it also leads to an extremely prescriptive and normative approach. Even well-established English loan words that are included are often labelled in such a way that dictionary users regard them as stigmatized items to be avoided in good language usage. The prescriptive urge of monolingual Afrikaans dictionaries has traditionally been supplemented by a series of normative usage books. The main objective of these restricted prescriptive dictionaries had been to promote a pure variety of Afrikaans, liberated from the influence of English, cf. Van der Merwe (1967) and Hiemstra (1980). The revision of Van der Merwe (1967) Die korrekte woord by Ponelis in 1981 and especially in 1991 came as a major lexicographical breakthrough. Ponelis has a totally different opinion of the function of a prescriptive dictionary and his approach introduced an era of Afrikaans dictionaries acknowledging the South African sociolinguistic reality and its consequences for the lexicon of Afrikaans. 3.1. A new perspective on the prescriptive function in lexicography One of the characteristic features of special-purpose dictionaries focussing on normative guidelines for Afrikaans has been their Anglicist bias (cf. Gouws 1990:61). This resulted in an ill-

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disguised attempt to establish and fix Afrikaans along puristic lines. By doing so these dictionaries actually erred in the same way as BAE and monolingual Afrikaans desk dictionaries: they display the lexicon of an ideal speaker and not that of a typical user of Afrikaans. According to Hanks (1990:32) the job of lexicography is "to discover and capture in words what is conventional in a language". This approach reiterates the function of a dictionary not only to display linguistic information regarding e.g. the grammar, meaning, pronunciation and etymology of a selection of lexical items but also to give account of the sociolinguistic reality of the speech community. Within the South African linguistic situation this will mean that the Afrikaans lexicographer has to give consideration to the reality of language contact and has to reflect its influence in his dictionary. During its formative years Afrikaans had to struggle to establish and maintain itself as an independent language alongside English. Although this "battle" has been completed with success some lexicographers and language purists still continue fighting it. These ongoing attempts to ensure the position of Afrikaans regard the evidence of English influence as symptoms of decay which should be withstood with the fiercest possible resistance. As a result of this approach some dictionaries still display a macrostructural selection representing what the lexicographer regards as the correct language and not what the linguistic and sociolinguistic reality actually ascertain as such. Afrikaans special-purpose dictionaries with a normative assignment have contributed substantially to this misconception. The first editions of Die korrekte woord (henceforth abbreviated as DKW) adhered to the then prevailing approach. Ponelis, in the 1982 and especially in the 1991 edition, broke with the old system and he introduced a new function for this dictionary. The first editions of DKW dealt with an extensive variety of Afrikaans language matters, focussing on a normative treatment of lexical items that present spelling, semantic, usage or other linguistic problems or peculiarities. The lexicographical addressing (cf. Hausmann/Wiegand, 1989: 328) had been directed at a selection of problematic lexical items and the microstructure consisted of a discussion of some of the most salient aspects of these lemmas. Ponelis also includes macrostructural items selected according to these principles. However, his assessment of the lexical items with which users could experience problems is not based on a purist bias but on the sociolinguistic reality. He includes a substantial selection of English loan words and the treatment of these items displays a liberal attitude emphasizing the ways in which Afrikaans can profit from language contact. A well-motivated attitude towards language change is not only prevalent in the selection and treatment of loan words and in their acceptance as part of the lexicon of Afrikaans, but Ponelis conveys his ideas as part of the treatment of a new type of lemma in DKW. He expands the scope and extent of the lemma selection in an innovative way by introducing selection criteria allowing the inclusion of more than just lexical items with pragmatic problems. Ponelis goes further than the established typological tradition by utilizing his dictionary to introduce and discuss some important notions applicable within a language contact situation. The

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invloed "English influence",

normering

"normating" taalverandering "language change" and variaste "variation" gives DKW a new stature. The addressing in these articles reflects a sound and objective exposition of the lexicographer's view of these issues, emphasizing the function of DKW as a companion to the Afrikaans language. In the preface to the 1991 edition Ponelis refers to the inclusion of these lemmas and by doing so he not only informs the user of the new nature of the macrostructure, but he also directs him to these articles because the way in which Ponelis discusses these relevant language matters and the unbiased approach to some delicate issues form a basis for the general approach he adopts in the normative treatment of lexical items in DKW.

3.2. The official regulation of the spelling of Afrikaans and the validation of loan words. The spelling rules for Afrikaans are compiled by the Taalkommissie "Language Commission" of the Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns "South African Academy for Science and Art", officially entrusted with the regulation of the spelling of Afrikaans and the validation of lexical items as part of its lexicon. The decissions of the Taalkommissie are published in the authoratitive Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls "Afrikaans word list and spelling rules". The Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls (henceforth abbreviated as AWS) is primarily a spelling list but this restricted dictionary consists of three components: a section in which the various spelling rules for Afrikaans are formulated, the comprehensive word list and a section in which the rules for abbreviation in Afrikaans are formulated, followed by a list of Afrikaans abbreviations. Inclusion in the word list is governed by at least three principles. The majority of entries illustrate specific spelling principles. Lemmas in the AWS have a restricted treatment but one of the types of addressing given systematically is morphological information. Some words are included to illustrate specific morphological patterns. The Taalkommissie also employs the AWS to validate lemmas as established elements of the lexicon of Afrikaans. Every item included in the AWS has official sanction and can to be regarded as pure Afrikaans. The Taalkommissie acknowledges the influence of language contact by including loan words in its AWS. Traditionally the Taalkommissie had a more conservative approach with a reluctance to validate too many loan words. Therefore the normative AWS has never reflected the full extent of the influence of English on Afrikaans. In the latest edition of the AWS (1991) the Taalkommissie has displayed a more liberal approach by including a comprehensive component of English loan words, e.g. derby, folk (music), rock (music) and shandy. The lexicographical and sociolinguistic value of the inclusion of these lemmas should not be underestimated. On the most official lexicographical level the language contact situation is being acknowledged, emphasizing the extent of the linguistic and sociolinguistic interaction in South Africa. By accommodating an extensive collection of English loan words in the AWS the Taalkommissie validates their use but also signals

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to its users that the development of Afrikaans depends on its interaction with other South African languages and especially with English. This approach constitutes an important guideline to lexicographers not to stagnate in an Anglicist bias but to acknowledge and reflect the reality of the linguistic situation. 3.3. Afrikaans dictionaries and the Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls Because the AWS is the official source of spelling information Afrikaans dictionaries obey its ruling. The degree of lenience that dictionaries display in their acknowledgement of the influence of English on Afrikaans has often been determined by the approach adopted in the AWS. Lexicographers have tried to confine the loan word component of their dictionaries to the limits implied in the AWS word list. By doing so they adhered to the officially recognized lexicon of Afrikaans, but unfortunately it resulted in the dictionaries lacking the sparkle of a display of new information. Dictionaries followed the AWS but very seldom adopted an independent and innovative line by including a representative collection of loan words to mark the vibrant growth and expansion of Afrikaans and the way in which it is used by the majority of its speakers. In the 1991 edition of DKW Ponelis follows the more liberal approach of the Taalkommissie. By doing so his dictionary gives a more objective account of the sociolinguistic reality than any other normative special-purpose dictionary. But DKW's lexicographical recognition of the language contact situation and its influence on Afrikaans exceeds the lenience of the AWS macrostructure. Ponelis identifies and exhibits the real lexical frontiers of Afrikaans by including a wide selection of loan words being used especially in the colloquial and informal registers. 3.4. DKW's reflection of the language contact situation DKW offers a more representative treatment of an important subsection of the Afrikaans lexicon than any other special-purpose, general monolingual or BAE dictionary by emphasizing the real presence of items from the informal level as part of the overall lexicon of Afrikaans. The extent of the DKW's lexicographical contribution regarding the results of language contact is not restricted to the inclusion and the implied recognition of loan words, albeit an important function of this dictionary. The microstructural addressing in the articles of these lemmas represents an equally valuable aspect, illustrating a new attitude towards language contact and towards the status of loan word lexical items. The microstructural addressing of English loan words in Afrikaans dictionaries traditionally explicated a negative attitude. Some established loan words, especially those used in the higher registers, received a neutral treatment. English lexical items infiltrating the more informal registers were labelled as Anglicisms. This label has a stigmatizing value. In the struggle to establish

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Afrikaans as an independent language a lot of effort had been directed at the identification and eradication of so-called Anglicisms. Although attidudes have changed and the witch hunt on Anglicisms no longer exists the term Anglisisme still has a negative connotation, and items labelled as such are therefore regarded as unwanted elements in Afrikaans. In DKW's article of the lemma Engelse invloed "English influence" Ponelis argues that it would be foolish to allow an unimpeded process of English influence on Afrikaans. Allowing such an influence would mean the end of Afrikaans. However, a fanatic search for an eradication of all Anglicisms would enstrange the spontaneous speaker from his language, and this could have disasterous results. This approach of Ponelis is relevant to all Afrikaans lexicographical works. Dictionaries should treat the influence of English in such a way that the attitude of the lexicographer does not work negatively in the mind of the loyal user of Afrikaans. The way in which dictionaries reflect language influence can have a determining effect on the attitude of the speech community.

3.5. English loan words in DKW The attitude explicated in the article of the lemma Engelse invloed is generally reflected in DKW's addressing of English loan words. Words like boobytrap, ladybird, lover,

mechanic,

O.K., rumpsteak, scrap, tissue (paper handkerchief) represent a small percentage of English lexical items included as lemmas. DKW acknowledges their occurrence in Afrikaans, and the way in which Ponelis treats them is aimed at establishing them as Afrikaans lexical items by saying, e.g. in the article of tissue "Daar is 'n groot behoefte aan tissue ..." (There is a big need for tissue ..). This formulation typifies the DKW approach which relies on the principle of functional loaning. In some articles Ponelis motivates the need for a specific loan word, e.g. in the article of the lemma jet-set he says it is not easy to get equivalents for jet-set and jet-setter, and the attempted Afrikaans equivalent stralerjakker(s)

has not been formed according to the Afrikaans pattern but should

actually have been stralerjakkeraar. In a similar way he argues in favour of the loan word cater and its adapted Afrikaans spelling kyter. He states it quite emphatically that an Anglicism fear has lead to the substitution of this word by the Afrikaans form spysenier: a very formal word trying to substitute an already established loan word. The word spysenier does not function well as a verb. Cater/kyter also fits within the Afrikaans pronunciation system and is already used in a very common Afrikaans expression: Nie vir iemand se nonsens cater nie "not tolerate someone's nonsence". The neutral attitude towards English loan words is also explicated in the DKW treatment of loan words widely used in stead of or along with existing Afrikaans equivalents, where the loan word is a gain for Afrikaans. Ponelis includes face-lift and the only treatment this lemma receives is the Afrikaans equivalent ontrimpeling. The lemma jet lag gets the translation equivalents lugroes and vlugtamheid.

This implies that the loan words as well as their equivalents are acceptable

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Afrikaans. Dictionaries should give a more comprehensive account of this phase of language influence. A lexicographer in a multilingual society has to reflect the dynamics of language change. DKW indicates the extent of the influence of English in different ways. The most simplistic display is found in articles where the lemma is a loan word, e.g. boobytrap,. ladybird, O.K. and others stated above. Some English loan words have been adapted and have become established items of Afrikaans. A variety of adaptions is displayed in DKW including spelling adaptions, e.g. orraait "all right", oukei (as a variant of O.K.); particle verbs with an Afrikaans particle and an English verbal component, e.g. uitfigure "to figure out", given in the article of the lemma Engelse invloed; rondshunt "to shunt around", meaning to order someone about; a spelling adaptation as well as partial translation, e.g. opstêrs "upstairs", used to refer to a person who keeps aloof and is very haughty; multilexical lemmas consisting of an Afrikaans and an English component, e.g. finish en klaar, literally: "finish and finish", Afrikaans klaar = "finish"; iemand sy pedigree vertel "to tell someone his pedigree" = to scold someone). A number of these loan items, e.g. opstêrs, rondshunt, iemand sy pedigree vertel, illustrate significant semantic differences in their occurrence in Afrikaans, South African English and Standard British English. The inclusion and treatment of lemmas like rondshunt, opstêrs, etc. is yet another way in which DKW reflects the dynamics of the South African linguistic situation. Its account of the assimilation and consequent adaptation of English loan words covers a wide spectrum. DKW does not restrict its macrostructural selection to formal and purist language usage but illustrates real usage in the informal register of Afrikaans. The English item show off has a number of Afrikaans equivalents, e.g. pronk and spog. In the informal register the loan word afshow has a high usage frequency. This particle verb consists of the Afrikaans particle af and the English verbal element show. Afrikaans has a suffix -erig "-ish" which forms adverbs and adjectives, e.g. mooi χ mooierig "pretty χ prettyish", lag χ laggerig "laugh χ inclined to laugh". This is a productive suffix and DKW illustrates its application to form a derivation from the loan word afshow: afshow-erig. Ponelis comments that although afshow has been established firmly in the informal usage it is not used in a more polished style. By adding this entry DKW adheres to its normative and pragmatic assignment. In spite of the inclusion and positive assessment of a wide variety of loan words DKW still endeavours to give a prescriptive judgement by indicating in many articles that a specific loan word should be regarded as an unwanted Anglicism. But the DKW approach differs significantly from that of the majority of other Afrikaans dictionaries because of its well-balanced and objectively assessed interpretation of the demands, changes and realities of the South African linguistic situation.

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3.6. Loan translations in DKW One of the most prolific domains of the English influence on Afrikaans is that of loan translation. Where two languages exist as the official languages of one community, it is inevitable that the constant language contact will not only lead to an active loan word interplay but also to the direct translation of compounds and idiomatic expressinons. Afrikaans has many loan translations that can still be related directly to their English cognates. This is a bidirectional process which also has a substantial influence on SAE. The frequency of loan translations in Afrikaans and English and the way in which BAE, monolingual and special-purpose dictionaries deal with this phenomenon are important indicators of the relation between the prevailing cultural and linguistic contact. Originally there existed noticeable cultural differences between Afrikaans and English speaking South Africans. Ongoing contact had led to an interaction affecting both cultures and both languages. According to Kromann et al (1991:2712) dictionaries have to interpret culture. If there exists a relation of zero equivalence between two languages for a culture-specific item, the lexicographer should make proposals to establish possible translation equivalents. Such an approach has definite implications for the descriptive/prescriptive function of dictionaries. Earlier BAE dictionaries also negotiated the cultural influence by trying to establish translation equivalents. In the course of time the language division between Afrikaans and English speaking South Africans could no longer be regarded as an indication of a cultural division. The co-existence within a single geographical and social community had led to cultural assimilation. Although minor cultural differences still exist within certain geographical and social groupings Afrikaans speaking and English speaking South Africans can be regarded as a single cultural community. This community is not divided by two languages but it includes users of two languages. The cultural assimilation between English and Afrikaans speaking South Africans and the status of these two languages as official languages had far reaching implications for the influence and scope of language contact. Language contact between Afrikaans and English exists to a large extent within a unified cultural community. During the early decades of this century there still prevailed a desire to associate the two languages with two cultures. This feeling had been motivated by e.g. the animosity between Afrikaans and English speaking South Africans in the years surrounding the Anglo-Boer Wars; the struggle to establish Afrikaans as one of the official languages of South Africa and the continued attempts aimed at the survival of Afrikaans alongside the world language English. The animosity between the speakers of the two languages and their desire to associate Afrikaans and English with different cultures created an urge to dissociate these two languages. Afrikaans linguists and lexicographers embarked on a course of "linguistic cleansing". One of the aims of the purists was to create Afrikaans equivalents for all English words and expressions and

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to promote and ensure their and only their use. Afrikaans dictionaries had to assist in this unrealistic endeavour. The bilingual Afrikaans speaking South African's easy access to English and the comprehensiveness of the English vocabulary has led to the direct translation of many English compounds and expressions. These loan translations have a high usage frequency. Purists detested them and embarked on a meticulous scrutinization of the lexicon to suppress the occurrence of English loan translations. Dictionaries were employed to create and establish Afrikaans equivalents to replace the loan translations. These attempts were doomed because neither a dictionary nor a prescriptive linguist can stop or alter the dynamics of language change. The lexicographer's task is not to create new words but to reflect the actual usage of the items that are conventional in everyday language. The assessment of loan translations in Afrikaans has to be directed at each individual item. There are many unwanted loan translations competing with well-established Afrikaans items. DKW includes a collection of these loan translations but in their treatment it is stated categorically that they should be regarded as Anglicisms. Reference is made to the applicable Afrikaans equivalents. The following examples illustrate how DKW fulfills its normative function. The lemma aanvat "to take someone on" is labelled as an Anglicism and reference is made to the common Afrikaans form aanspreek. In a similar way the lemma en so aan "and so on" is marked as an Anglicism and the correct Afrikaans equivalents en so meer/en dies meer are given. But loan translations often represent a valuable contribution to the vocabulary of Afrikaans. Dictionaries should reflect the occurrence of these translations as Afrikaans lexical items in a systematic and objective way. Unfortunately a biased limitation of the scope and influence of language contact has led to an ill treatment of this lexical category in many Afrikaans dictionaries. Attempts by lexicographers to purify Afrikaans from loan translations led to the lexicographical display of unnatural and unconventional forms, coined as artificial attempts to expand the vocabulary of Afrikaans and to exclude all English loan translations. DKW introduces a new perspective on the status of loan translations in Afrikaans. In spite of its condemnation of many loan translations this dictionary acknowledges the need for a considerable collection of these items. This is in accordance with the needs and demands of the active language users. The user of DKW can get the assurance that he is entitled to use words like boekmerk "book mark" in stead of boekleêrfleeswyser; puristic armoedslyn/bestaansminimum

broodlyn "bread line" in stead of the

and valstande "false teeth" in stead of kunsgebit. DKW

gives the puristic Afrikaans equivalents but often labels them as unnatural or affected language usage. The lemma lokettreffer

"box-office hit" stands in dramatic contrast to the artificial

equivalents kasstuk, suksesstuk, kastreffer and kassukses given in TW.

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Loan translation expressions and idioms are treated in a similar way. Where a good, viable Afrikaans equivalent exists and the translation does not make a real contribution it is clearly indicated, e.g. Bloed is dikker as water, the direct translation of the English idiom "Blood is thicker than water" is marked as an Anglicism and the Afrikaans equivalents Waar bloed nie kan loop nie daar kruip dit/Die hemp is nader as die rok are given. But the loan translation 'n perd van 'n ander kleur "a horse of a different colour" is marked as an established English loan form. The expression op roep "on call" is likewise treated as an established loan translation and it is said that this lexical item has no equivalent in Afrikaans.

3.7. A functional normative approach DKW reflects the results of language contact in an objective and unbiased but still in a normative way. Ponelis includes a wide variety of English loan words and other borrowings and assesses each one of them on its own merits and in terms of its function in and contribution to Afrikaans. He does not only include English words he regards as assets to Afrikaans but explicates the unwanted status of a wide selection of loan words. In his treatment of this category of English words he emphasises that they have no real function in Afrikaans and should therefore not be accepted as part of the Afrikaans lexicon. This is exemplified by his comment on the lemma malvalekker.

The Afrikaans for marshmallow, and the lemma zip: We have no need for this

word because we have the short equivalent rits In articles like these DKW still fulfills its normative assignment but the assessment is based on the functional contribution and value the specific lexical item has for Afrikaans. Part of the normative guidance DKW gives is to question the reason for the usage of certain English loan words where the use of their Afrikaans equivalents would have been expected. The microstructural treatment of the lemma leftovers is restricted to the following question: "It is a riddle why this loan word is ousting our own oorskiet/oorskietkos in the informal uage." In some articles Ponelis reluctantly admits that a specific English word will eventually have to be acknowledged because it has a higher usage frequency than its Afrikaans equivalent. The lemma idle is treated as follows: "If luier does not succeed we shall have to acknowledge idle against our hopes and wishes." In other articles he gives the English loan word but states the fact that the Afrikaans equivalent is gaining ground, e.g. the lemma masking tape: "The use of maskeerband increases but masking tape is still used actively". This illustrates once again the value of a dictionary as an instrument to document and reflect the dynamics of language change and linguistic interaction.

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4. Conclusion The development in Afrikaans lexicography has reached a stage where dictionaries start to mirror the linguistic, sociolinguistic, and cultural reality. This is accomplished by the inclusion and treatment of lexical items representing results from the ongoing interaction in a multilingual and multicultural environment. This approach enhances the quality of dictionaries and adds to their status as authoratitive sources of information

References Bosman, Daniel, Β. et al. (1984 8 ) Tweetalige woordeboek/Bilingual dictionary. Cape Town: Tafelberg. Branford, Jean and Branford, William (1991 4 )A Dictionary of South African English. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Branford, William (1987) The South African Pocket Oxford Dictionary. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. De Villiers, Meyer et al. (1987 7 ) Nasionale woordeboek. Cape Town: Nasou. Donaldson, Bruce C. (1988) The influence of English on Afrikaans. Pretoria: Serva. Gouws, Rufus H. (1990) Information categories in dictionaries, with special reference to Southern Africa. In Reinhard R.K. Hartmann (ed.):Lexicography in Africa. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. 52-65. (1993) Aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse leksikografiespraktyk. Tydskrifvir Geesteswetenskappe 33 (2): 79-95. Gouws, Rufus H. and Ponelis, Friedrich A. (1992) The development of Afrikaans and the lexicographical tradition. In Ladislav Zgusta (ed.): History, Languages and Lexicographers. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. 77-104. Hanks, Patrick (1990) Evidence and intuition in Lexicography. In Jerzy Tomaszczyk and Barbara LewandowskaTomaszczyk (eds.): Meaning and Lexicography. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 31-41. Hausmann, Franz J. and Herbert E. Wiegand (1989) Component Parts and Structures of general Monolingual Dictionaries: A Survey. In Franz J. Hausmann et al. (eds.): Wörterbücher. Dictionaries. Dictionnaires. An International Encyclopedia of Lexicography. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. 329-360. Hiemstra, Louis W. (1980) Die juiste woord. Cape Town: Tafelberg & Nasou. Kritzinger, Matthys S.B. et al. (1986 13 ) Groot woordeboek/Major dictionary. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. Kritzinger, Matthys S.B. and Labuschagne, F.J.(1980 7 ) Verklärende Afrikaanse woordeboek. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. Kromann, Hans-Peder et al. (1991) Principles of Bilingual Lexicography. In Franz J. Hausmann et al. (eds.): Wörterbücher. Dictionaries. Dictionnaires. An International Encyclopedia of Lexicography. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. 2711-2728 McArthur, Tom (1992) The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Odendal, Francois, F. (1979 2 ) Verklärende handwoordeboek van die Afrikaanse taal. Doornfontein: Perskor. Pettman, Charles (1913) Africanderisms. London: Longmans, Green & Company. Ponelis, Friedrich A. 1992. Standaardafrikaans in oorgang. In Victor N. Webb (ed.): Afrikaans na Apartheid. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. 69-89. Rousseau, H.J. (1937) Die invloed van Engels op Afrikaans. Cape Town: Maskew Miller. Taalkommissie (1991®) Afrikaanse woordelys en spelreëls. Cape Town: Tafelberg. Van der Merwe, Hendrik J.J.M. (1967) Die korrekte woord. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. Van der Merwe, Hendrik J.J.M. and Ponelis, Friedrich Α. (1991 7 ) Die korrekte woord. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse taal. Pretoria: Staatsdrukker.

Dictionaries for the People or for People?* Francis E. Knowles

0. Descriptivism and Prescriptivism It is interesting to speculate—as AD 2000 approaches—about whether today's lexicographers, particularly perhaps in countries where English is the exclusive, primary or dominant language,1 feel any great sense of mission in their work. Are they inspired, constantly, continually or indeed ever, by lofty feelings of offering a helping hand to those who suffer from "language deficit", of opening up new territory to the culturally disadvantaged or alienated, or of demonstrating to the socio-politically—but not necessarily economically—emancipated that they may feel free, by following their instincts, to be linguistically emancipated as well? Of course, the above question—which is not intended to be merely rhetorical—could easily be stated in the very different terms of the axis of tension which has descriptivism at one pole and prescriptivism-cum-proscriptivism at the other. This would depend materially on whether English still is, so to speak, "good news" at home and abroad and what methods are chosen for proclaiming this: by offering choice or by imposing "rules". For lexicographers of the former persuasion descriptivism implies scrupulous non-intervention, dispassionate non-involvement and a scholarly suspense of value-judgement vis-à-vis their working material so that the banner of their products' authenticity can fly high. Lexicographers must hence deliberately adopt a self-eclipsing profile in order to succeed in the task as they conceive it. In fact, the self-eclipsing process is nearly always less than complete because the introversion "mode" lexicographers must subject themselves to accidentally permits metalexicography—sometimes referred to as "lexicographese"— to get in the way of lexicography, thereby provoking inhibitions on the part of the very people for whom dictionaries are intended. Be that as it may, in what might be temporarily called the absolutist terms of descriptivism lexicographers may neither amplify nor attenuate the "signal strength" of the information they handle in the process of reducing textual mass to lexical quanta and then "codifying" these quanta. If a society's channels of communication or its methods of dialogue are imperfect—and where is that not the case?—this is not the fault of lexicographers and hence no blame can attach to them. They, like everybody else, are also prisoners of these enduring facts: most of all, everybody is a prisoner, or at least a hostage of the fact that the main medium of

* I am most grateful to my colleague Agnes Kukulska-Hulme for her valuable comments on this paper. ' In a recent talk heard by the author of these lines such countries were amusingly—and accidentally?—referred to as "Anglo-Saxophone"!

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communication between human beings, language, is endemically affected by variability, on the level of langue as well as parole. Saussure himself made the dualism inherent in his structuralist doctrine clear by stating that the distinction of langue and parole separates "what is social from what is individual" and "what is essential from what is accessory and more or less accidental".2 To what extent are dictionaries, and are dictionaries still perceived as operating on the social as well as the individual plane is a material question. Can the individual's linguistic and lexical needs be safely "foregrounded", given virtually total prominence, because society's corporate needs are operationally defined as being no more than those of a postulated prototypical dictionary user? What mental picture does the average lexicographer have of her/his reader? Is it in fact a single reader or a reading audience? Clearly, different views are possible with respect to this particular contingency: much depends, if we resort momentarily to the world of philosophy, on whether we incline towards rationalism or empiricism. If our tendency is rationalist then we would perhaps not wish to go so far as to claim that language is, for each individual, a priori and that intellectual birth, growth and maturation are a process of adaptation to language rather than adoption of it, or labouring the point, adaptation to communal discourse rather than adoption of an individual means of self-expression. If, on the other hand, we favour the empiricist approach then we would give primacy to the self-awareness process which arises as a result of experience and which is accompanied by the gestation of an idiolect which will have much in common—given that it is acquired and "internalised" by dint of experience and exposure—with the idiolects which quite literally characterise other members of the immediate community. Locke was one of the first empiricist philosophers and it is to him that we owe a famous aphorism: Nihil est in intellectu quod non fuerit in sensu. We may, pace Locke, reformulate and redirect this thought for our purposes: Nihil est in thesauro verborum3 quod non fuerit in textu [aut in colloquio]. This should be a canonical principle of lexicography—these days it does seem, in fact, to be adhered to in the vast majority of cultures, domains and modes.

1. Terminology The same cannot be said of terminology but there the whole thrust of the activity is different. Terminological data-collection needs to be more empirically based than it currently is. If that sounds like a prescriptive and dogmatic statement which is out of place and out of tune let judgement be suspended so that an explanation and a justification can be given. Not enough is currently known about terminology, terminological units and their distribution and conceptual

2 Quoted from Saussure via Giddens. 3 I eschew the "dictionarisms" dictionarium bi-lingual dictionaries only!

and glossarium, of which the latter is—I believe—intended to refer to

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connectivity within textual environments. What is known is that there is a profusion of terminology and confusion within it. Railing against profusion may be like trying to swim against a technological tide that always flows rather than ebbs. Pointing out the nature and details of confusion, by contrast, is salutary in a double sense: firstly, it is intellectually necessary and secondly, it can help to remove the potentially lethal physical dangers and risks associated with synonymy and inexactitude in technical nomenclature. However, the main point of this brief excursus into terminological lexicography is to indicate that the rationale of the exercise is to systematise 4 linguistically and referentially, to align multilingually and to "orthogonalise" the technical vocabularies of as many fields as possible. This is done by "cleansing" them, by purging from them redundant or misleading terms and, where necessary, by creating new concepts5 which need to be "nominated", that is, supplied with names; this is the act of creating terms associated with concepts—it follows from common sense that the concept (or artefact) precedes its name chronologically. Term formation is a routine occurrence; it matters not where the name comes from prior to its acquisition of term status: this normally occurs via its incorporation in lists of "recommended terms" published by standardisation agencies, but once that status is allocated—at least in theory!—it should not be possible to observe any variation in usage. In other words, a sort of rapprochement has taken place between langue and parole: terms do not belong to individuals but only to "society" in the sense of a professional community, not only on the level of langue but most definitely of parole as well. One side-effect of this is that many individual terms appear in glossaries and thesauri which have never or hardly ever appeared in actual text. This could be because the concepts are almost too recondite to be invoked but normally, it is due to the "parole effect" that individual professionals often use other, circumlocutory means of expression! It ought also to be stated that many new coinages arise during the technical translation process—the responsible task of coining new terms is, more often than not, left to hapless translators by default. In this case the path followed is "source text name" — » "target text name", not "extra-linguistic concept/artefact" — » "target text name". The nearest that technologically unversed people normally come to the working world of terminologists is when they have to read instruction or assembly manuals for various pieces of domestic equipment. It is on such occasions that they may be confronted with dilemmas of comprehension that they cannot solve by referring to a dictionary. This is true, in a minor way, because some of the material is probably pictorial; what is not pictorial must be studied even more carefully lest misunderstandings occur. At such moments people are in an encyclopedic environment: they are looking for instructions and explanations, not for definitions or

4

The prevalent usages are "harmonising" and "standardising" but these are lesser operations than systematising! 5 For the sake of completeness it needs to be pointed out that—not surprisingly—many new terms come into existence as a result of the invention of new artefacts. Clearly, it is the task of technologists alone to invent new artefacts; it normally falls to technologists to invent new concepts as well, but terminologists often work alongside them in common cause.

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interpretations. Of course, a definition may be an explanation but it does not have to be; conversely, an explanation may be a definition but it is unlikely to be. Obviously, some clarity about needs should dictate what sort of "third party" reference book is to be consulted on such occasions: neither dictionary nor encyclopedia appears to fit the bill. Perhaps we just need a better, more structured and reader-oriented approach to this rather special type of writing. The writers of encyclopedias, however, do not need to constrain themselves in the same way as—descriptivist—lexicographers do. They need to be mostly factual in their writing, they certainly need to be concise but they can and need to feel free, should the occasion demand it, to make statements that are matters of probability or personal opinion rather than of collective opinion or of fact. They are in the business of codifying and communicating knowledge—total or partial— about things, and about phenomena and ideas of one sort or another. They need to be firmly guided by realistic expectations about their readers and the level of knowledge they are likely to possess. They need a sort of disguisedly didactic writing skill which will nonetheless evoke interest in readers' minds and give them satisfaction.

2. Dictionaries and Their Users This is a very different order of writing skill and talent compared with what the dictionaryconsulting public requires of lexicographers who are, to boot, always "faceless". They almost need to be terse, rather than concise. They need to be severely analytical and almost anti-encyclopedic. They need to be very aware of the profile of dictionary user they are aiming at. If the answer to that question is "anyone and everyone" then the complexity of the task grows beyond what is realistically achievable, given any sort of "quality" criterion vis-à-vis customer satisfaction. Yet, because they do not have to "grab" and hold—never mind entertain—their consulters as readers, the intensity of the problem is actually diminished because any frustration arising in users' minds from an unsuccessful foray into the dictionary soon dissipates. What does develop, however, is a feeling of disenchantment with dictionaries and a disinclination to use them that is frequently, sometimes permanently, acted upon. There remain, however, three major dilemmas. Firstly, lexicographers are called on to "help" the users of their products: this means that they must enlighten their users without appearing to "instruct" them. The self-same entries must be formulated so that they can either harmoniously trigger off knowledge already pre-existing in the user's brain or implant new knowledge there. Secondly, ways need to be found to blur the principle that dictionaries are supposed to contain information about words rather than about things. Thirdly, most people who use dictionaries, learners partially excepted, want to find out what a word means rather than how to use it. We need to devote more thought to this crux, not least by pursuing the issue well beyond the utilitarian level to which most treatments are still

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confined. Knowing how to use a word inevitably involves the world of grammar, syntax and style and such needs cannot be ignored by dictionary-makers even though they are catered for by others too. The point is that seeking a word's meaning in a dictionary is tantamount to verifying what others have taken its meaning(s) to be, authors in vivo and lexicographers in vitro. In like manner, using a dictionary to find out how a word is used is merely to view how others—this time only authors and not lexicographers!—have used it before. It is unfortunately possible to equate prototypicality of use with stereotypicality and squeeze out any elasticity in the process. Some implications emerge from these considerations for "general purpose" dictionary microstructures. The advent and success of the "learner's dictionary" in the Anglo-Saxon, French and Russian lexicographic cultures is something to be heartily welcomed, of course; it should be noted, however, that the modus operandi of a learner's dictionary is essentially didactic, in that such a dictionary is a sort of textbook or course-book—an odd sort, admittedly — which becomes very familiar to any enthusiastic possessor by dint of constant use. The metalanguage in such volumes is more tightly structured, the user is more openly enjoined to do this or to avoid that. As long as the user continues to use a learner's dictionary he or she is consciously and self-consciously still a sort of "apprentice", with exactly the same status as school-children who use a school dictionary. In both these cases, mutatis mutandis, it is not unfair to draw a parallel with the twin, and entirely natural and predictable, processes of socialisation6 and acculturation.7 These processes, although firmly rooted in the areas of sociology and cultural anthropology, are inalienably linked with language acquisition and development, not only in the case of native languages but also with respect to any foreign languages learnt or attempted at any time during the human life cycle. What sociologists and anthropologists are surprisingly reticent or even silent about are the allied processes of resocialisation and re-acculturation. Upwards, perhaps even downwards, mobility within one's own society and native language community requires resocialisation and reacculturation, potentially more than once in a lifetime. Even straightforward geographical relocation could engender the same need in given circumstances. Emigration or even a lengthy but nonetheless finite visit to a foreign country clearly requires some sort of resocialisation and reacculturation, with concomitantly greater emphasis on the linguistic "learning curve" involved. With the accelerating incidence and pace in the modem world of relocation and migration the intensity of this "exacerbation factor" is becoming acute.

6 socialisation: "... the learning process beginning at infancy by which an individual acquires the values, rules, skills and attitudes relevant to his/her participation in society" (Longman Dictionary of the English Language, 1984) 7 acculturation: "a process of interaction and diffusion of cultural values and traditions between individuals or societies, resulting in the acquisition of new cultural characteristics" (Longman Dictionary of the English Language, 1984)

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3. Linguistic Practices and Linguistic Policies Even though the answers may be elusive, certain questions may legitimately be asked about the basics of socialisation and acculturation in normal circumstances and notably about the "donors" rather than the recipients. First of all, who are they? They are parents and other close relatives, nursery staff, school-teachers, doctors and several other "actors" totally visible to children, including even the "bobby" in the street. Then there are the authors of children's books and the makers of children's films and television and radio programmes. Contact with these people, directly or vicariously, is a powerful influence on the process of attitude-formation and cultural "domestication". Yet, do all of these people have a "master plan" and, if so, what is it? Is there a deliberate attempt, overt or covert, to acculturate or is any acculturation that takes place merely a secondary, concomitant, unavoidable and irreversible development? If it does take place to any significant degree, and especially if it provokes identity crises, then we need to know much more than we do at present about the mechanics and dynamics of this phenomenon. And, last but not least, what does acculturation mean in multi-cultural societies anyway? Can it ever mean anything substantially greater than knowledge about the variety of cultures and membership of one—or two, if a child's home is bi-cultural? This multi-faceted phenomenon needs to be investigated much more thoroughly by linguists, sociolinguists, developmental psychologists, cultural anthropologists and others. There has been a long tradition in many well-established language cultures—French, German, Russian, Turkish, for instance—of not merely reflecting about the matter of "performance-related" variation within languages but of making determined efforts, often via well-subsidised "national" language academies, to induce conformance with linguistic canons of correctness and, furthermore, of taking steps to ensure social and hence political cohesion in the face of potentially centrifugal forces arising from linguistic heterogeneity or diversity. This is not merely a question of separate languages spoken by autochthonous sub-populations or of a main language's regional dialects with different but reasonably stable norms vis-à-vis what is usually a dominant, culturally "superior" or even "official" language variety. All of this revolves—depending to a great extent on precise historical circumstances, locations and dates—around matters of prestige and linguistic "purity", the definers and custodians of which are usually a dominant intellectual elite, often in league with political forces whose constant preoccupation is the cohesion or otherwise of the particular body politic. In-groups perpetrating this kind of cultural hegemony will seek to maintain, unless turbulence is too great, the disadvantaged status of any out-groups by all sorts of methods, including linguistic ones which may even form an open part of a political programme; there are ample instances of this in European history. The objectives set by politico-intellectual elites may also rely on a consensual basis for their effectiveness; this is particularly so in times when a nascent state is geopolitically threatened by a

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powerful neighbour. If a consensus does exist, the circumstances are right for the "emergence" of the particular national language as a rallying point, adopted in a variety which is felt to be prestigious in some way, not least by those who eagerly aspire to it. The Cercle Linguistique de Prague played an important role—following on from the linguistic "consciousness raising" of the 19th century—in the early years of the Czechoslovak Republic after the First World War. The aim of the linguists involved on that occasion was to be authoritative without being too authoritarian in the tasks which needed to be carried out: establishing usage and norm prior to the codification and propagation of a "standard" national language; investigating linguistic functionality in terms of the linguistic means available for the communicative tasks faced; striking a proper balance between purism and hospitality towards foreign lexis and other linguistic innovations; seeking an optimum but gradual solution for the diglossia problem affecting Czech. In terms of policy and everyday practicalities alike, dictionaries and grammars and popular literature about language questions become the instruments of national culture in such circumstances and are imbued with an authority which it is difficult for anyone to contest. The "mode of exposition" of dictionaries and grammars easily adopts a prescriptive and prescriptive tone, but this is merely one aspect of a general cultural or cultural-anthropological climate which a country's citizens—whatever the prevalent socio-economic or political inequalities may be—may welcome or from which they do not dissent at a particular moment of history. Hence this phenomenon does not belong to the area of (socio-)linguistics alone and cannot be thus "compartmentalised". It usually embraces factors such as civil rights, culture, demography, economics, education, geography, history, political science, and religion. It is to this amalgam that we must look for hypotheses, theories and explanations and solutions. In following up one strictly sociological clue it is interesting and instructive to discover a much greater degree of agreement than might be expected between the leading exponents of different and often opposing schools of sociological thought. Both functionalist and Marxist sociological thinkers recognise—although with different motives—the existence within most modern societies of dangerous inequalities which those with a vested interest in maintaining power and privilege attempt to keep in place. The question is: what are the precise mechanisms which are invoked for such nefarious purposes? Control of culture is avowed by some as the chief "weapon" in such power struggles and even a cursory glance at recent history in Nazi Germany, Ayatollah Khomeini's Iran or the former Soviet Union proves the point that the control and propagation of an unambiguous and monolithic "official" culture, hijacked or imposed, is one of the highest priorities. This means, in extreme cases, not merely control of the culture and its sub-cultures but also of its "delivery systems", notably the mass media and book-publishing, not least wherever and whenever dictionaries and encyclopedias are concerned. It also means hermetically sealing off all cultural outlets to and inlets from foreign countries and establishing various self-perpetuating mythologies. Perhaps, however, the most serious long-term blow that can be struck by a dictator

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of one ilk or another is to tum a state's education system into a non-education system by inducing it to atrophy intellectually. In such extreme conditions each citizen is coerced to think of himself or herself not as an individual but as a member of a "collective" whose duty it is to give rather than receive and not to reason why. The mass media and all cultural and educational materials and processes are mobilised to serve the state's purposes, whether they are explicit or not. This is the world of political and cultural prescriptivism-cum-proscriptivism which insistently and dogmatically reaches right down to the nooks and crannies of life, including the realm of encyclopedias, dictionaries and grammars, written for "the people". Socialisation and acculturation happen once and the result of both processes is artificial, wooden and pernicious. The world is divided into two: heroes and traitors, good and bad, right and wrong, the righteous and the corrupt, the sacrosanct and the profane. The other side of the coin has the word "democracy" on it, writ large. Although the world has seen what many would call "absolute dictatorships", few would claim to have experience of absolute democracies. The argument must be expressed, once again, in absolutist and extreme terms: democracies are countries where no person, no government acts as an Orwellian "big brother", where the culture—or, better, the myriad of cultures—is not oppressive and where there is never any internal need to enjoin people to solidarity with their fellow-citizens. Socialisation and acculturation are so individualised, sui generis and temporary that, as societal processes, they are effete and meaningless. It is a country where no-one need feel obliged to subscribe to any particular code of cultural behaviour, where anyone's opinion is as good as anyone else's etc. etc. etc. Is it also a country where grammarians need feel no higher ambition than to teach people how to avoid basic misunderstandings in everyday discourse? What about lexicographers? What does their task look like? If they are totally descriptivist, they must still try to reduce their voluminous descriptions—quot homines [in via?], tot sententiae!—to manageable proportions. Creating differentiated dictionaries, especially for a small populace, is an economic and logistical impossibility; they, like the educational programmes they would be intended to support, would have neither recognisable size nor shape, neither coherence nor cohesion. It is abundantly clear that any country which permitted total freedom of action or even of expression would be so ungovernable and chaotic that it could not survive, perhaps because, first and foremost, its linguistic standards and channels of communication were not up to the mark. Where, then on the cline between total dictatorship and absolute democracy is the best place to be, both in terms of harmonious "co-habitation" and linguistic efficiency, effectiveness and efficaciousness?

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4. Linguistics, Lexicography and Public Education It is a truism to say that all people are forced to live their lives both as individuals and as members of society. It is predominantly as members of society that they function but that functioning is impaired or "under-powered" until and unless socialisation and acculturation have successfully taken place. It is interesting to note that studies of mental illness have posited sets of ideal characteristics which, if possessed in full measure by individuals, would act as powerful safeguards of mental health: one such set of characteristics comprises the following:8 1. adequate feeling of security; 2. adequate spontaneity and emotionality; 3. efficient contact with reality; 4. adequate bodily desires and the ability to gratify them; 5. adequate self-knowledge; 6. integration and consistency of personality; 7. adequate life-goals; 8. ability to learn from experience; 9. ability to satisfy requirements of the group; 10. adequate emancipation from group or culture.

A second, shorter set covers similar territory:9 1. attitudes of an individual towards his own self (self-esteem); 2. the individual's style and degree of growth, development or self-actualisation; 3. degree of integration; 4. degree of autonomy; degree of independence from social influences; 5. the adequacy of an individual's perception of reality; 6. environmental mastery.

The criteria in bold print eloquently confirm—from a very different context—the point above that people need to calculate a trade-off between corporate and individual needs. It is, of course, the responsibility of governments and their agencies to create an infrastructure and a cultural climate which best serves the needs of society but nonetheless pleases individuals. This task is always either complex or exceedingly complex; it is never simple. Neither is it ever cheap. In what follows, I adduce the situation of Great Britain as an example of the general phenomenon of cultural turmoil which may occur from time to time and manifest several problematic aspects. Four indicative statistics will set the scene satisfactorily. Firstly, more than one tenth of the British population are immigrants or have recent ancestry originating outside the country. 10 Secondly, a recent survey of foreign languages being used by children attending London schools revealed that approximately 120 languages were in regular, predominantly domestic use on a daily basis. Thirdly, many mixed legal and common law marriages now exist and the tendency for such partnerships to form is growing; once formed, they have an opposite tendency to rupture.

8 9 10

Maslow & Mittelmann, quoted in Schwab and Schwab. Jahoda, quoted in Schwab and Schwab. See UK Labour Force Survey, London: OCPS, 1992.

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Fourthly, about one tenth of the British population changes its abode each year, with about one in seven of those removing to premises at least fifty miles away. 11 It can be hence suggested, for the purpose of this argument, that Britain is a multi-cultural and even somewhat rootless society. Many of the societal strata or "partitions" which emerge in such rapidly changing and free-running circumstances are disadvantaged in terms of their "market share" of resources, over and above the general maldistribution of public-sector goods and services which seems to be "endemicised" by the British class structure. In terms of inequality of provision one of the worst affected public-sector services is the primary and secondary education system which has been seriously underfunded for years; it is currently in the throes of extensive, costly restructuring as a result of party-political confrontations and initiatives which have beset the system over the last score years. An attempt is being made, in the teeth of public controversy between "experts" and politicians, to introduce "national curricula" and examinations to accompany them. What has been done so far seems to have produced more heat than light, but the restructuring will no doubt continue and, in the end, the winners will write the "canonical version" of this particular piece of socio-cultural history. It is against this background that British school-children must experience the processes of socialisation and acculturation at the present time. There seems to be little chance of a "received culture" being transmitted in any coherent form to growing generations of school-children and welcomed by them, at least within the educational establishments they attend. As far as language issues go, employers' and other public complaints about illiteracy and severe sub-literacy have reached an alltime high over the last few years. The greater part of the 16-year old cohort leaving school at the minimum permissible age is now functionally illiterate, according to some commentators. It is a well-founded fear in many people's minds that good literature, grammar and dictionaries are almost certainly no longer the vehicles and instruments of culture they once were for school-children of all social backgrounds. In terms of attitudes—not to speak of knowledge or skills!—communicated, wittingly or unwittingly, by the public educational system to its young and adolescent charges very little, it would seem, can be said that is positive. Are lexicographers to be observers or rescuers and educators in this situation? What impact can they have and what are the sheer logistics of involvement? In both the specific instance outlined and in a more general context some guidance is surely available from approaches such as that undertaken by KrejCi and Velimsk^ with the purpose of devising a multi-dimensional taxonomy to do fuller justice to various known empirical situations. The hope is that such a taxonomy will prompt an inventarisation of needs. Once needs are thoroughly established a way forward can be mapped and, inter alia, tasks of linguistic and lexicographical significance taken in hand. An important aspect of the European Community's portfolio of plans for the years up to and beyond AD 2000 is a strong desire, backed up by funds, to create linguistic and cultural reference works 11

See Coleman & Salt.

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which could offer the necessary diversification and customisation alongside a non-threatening invitation to aspire to and achieve standards and to observe good practice which would serve the EC societal microcosm just as much as the individuals who comprise it. Obviously, EC citizens will have to bide their time before deciding on their attitude to the effects of "linguistic subsidiarity" and the tricky symbiosis of linguistic and cultural particularism within a globalised polyglot and multicultural milieu. Much could depend on how well the "experts"—linguists, lexicographers, terminologists and many others—rise to the challenge of creating via ΓΓ and diffusing via ΓΓ what are essentially constantly developing and abidingly attractive products, tuned to ongoing assessments of their success and changing market needs. ΓΓ can and must play a major role in configuring a whole gamut of differentiated "shells" for linguistic engines which allow users natural, controlled but unconstrained access to information and advice empirically known to be useful to them.

5. Conclusion It is to be hoped that lexicographers faced with the problems described at length above or with similar ones, will betray their personalities to some extent and not react as intellectually speculative people overwhelmed by the magnitude of the task which now confronts them in today's world. They may well wish to acknowledge with some resignation the abiding truth of Heraclitus' observation π ά ν τ α pél? Yet this present flux looks like turning into a flood. If no action is taken to stem and reverse a trend—detected in many countries—of linguistic and cultural erosion it will no longer be a question of dictionaries for the people or for people. It could well be a case of no dictionaries at all, logically to be followed by questions such as: "What is a dictionary?" or "What does the word dictionary mean?".

References Budagov, Ruben A. (1989) Tolkovye slovari ν nacional'noj kul'ture narodov. Moscow: Izd. MGU. Coleman, David and Salt, John (1992) The British population: patterns, trends and processes. Oxford: OUP. Danzin, André (1992) Towards a European language infrastructure. Luxembourg: EC/DGXIII. Dofny, Jacques and Akiwowo, Akinsola (1980) National and ethnic movements. Beverly Hills: Sage. Giddens, Anthony (1979) Central problems in social theory. London: Macmillan. Jarceva V. N. (1990) LingvistiZeskij enciklopedííeskij slovar'. Moscow: Sovetskaja Ènciklopedija. Koelwel, Eduard and Ludwig, Helmut (1964) Gepflegtes Deutsch. Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie. Knowles, Francis E. (1988) Lexicography and terminography: a rapprochement? in: Snell-Hornby. Krejïi, Jaroslav and Velímsk^ Viteïslav (1981) Ethnic and political nations in Europe. London: Croon Helm. McNeill, Patrick and Townley, Charles (1981) Fundamentals of sociology. London: Hutchinson. Rey, Alain (1982) Encylopédies et dictionnaires. Paris: PUP.

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Riggs, Fred W. (1989) Terminology and Lexicography: their complementarity. International Journal of Lexicography, 2/ii, 89-110. de Saussure, Ferdinand (1960) Course in general linguistics. London: Peter Owen. Snell-Hornby, Mary (1988) ZüriLEX'86 Proceedings. Tübingen: Francke Verlag. Schwab, John J. and Schwab, Mary E. (1978). Sociocultural roots of mental illness. New York: Plenum. Smith, Anthony D. (1981) The ethnic revival in the modem world. Cambridge: CUP. Toffler, Alvin (1970) Future shock. London: Bodley Head. (1980) The third wave. Glasgow: Collins. Vachek, Josef (1960) Dictionnaire de linguistique de l'Ecole de Prague. Utrecht/Antwerp: Spectrum.

PART VII LANGUAGE LEARNER AS THE CONSUMER

Learners' Dictionaries: Keeping the Learner in Mind Gerard M. Dalgish

0. Introduction This paper discusses a number of considerations in the underlying philosophy, preliminary research considerations, design, and methodology regarding the development of learners' dictionaries of English. The paper will focus on a discussion and critique of some of the approaches utilized by several current learners' dictionaries, thus providing a review of the more popular learners' dictionaries that teachers of English as a Second Language (ESL) and English as a Foreign Language (EFL) might find useful, while striving to be of interest to the lexicographer as well.

1. Aims and Goals of Learners' Dictionaries The overall aim of any learners' dictionary should be to make its contents appropriate and accessible to its intended audience. To concretize the ensuing discussion, I shall henceforth make reference to several of the more popular learners' dictionaries currently on the market with an eye to how well they succeed in making the information they contain appropriate and accessible. Broadly speaking, the current market of learners' dictionaries encompasses the three traditional ranges of proficiency, loosely labeled beginner, intermediate, and advanced, corresponding to levels for dictionaries for native speakers. Five of the more popular learners' dictionaries are listed below, together with an abbreviation for each to be used hereafter, the number of entries, the variety of English emphasized, and the level: Longman Dictionary of American English (LDAE 38,000 entries; American English; intermediate); Oxford Student's Dictionary of American English (OSDAE, 20,000 entries; American English); Longman Dictionary of Contemporary (LDOCE, 70,000 entries; British English; advanced); Cobuild English Learner's

English

Dictionary

(CELD, 55,000 entries; British English; intermediate); and Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary (CCELD, 70,000 entries; British English; advanced). Considerations of appropriateness to the learner are not so simple as may seem at first. Learners bring a wide range of proficiency to the language learning process, with intermediate gradations among the three broad levels, and there will also be variations among each of the traditional skills areas of reading, writing, speaking and listening, resulting in correspondingly

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different needs. Furthermore, learners will also vary in the degree of first-language literacy that they bring to the learning process. Moreover, learners will be in varying educational contexts: some will be in English as a second language situations, others in English as a foreign language situations, and others in bilingual settings, to mention a few. In addition, some learners will want information regarding British English, others American English, others Australian English, etc. All this is in addition to differences in learning styles that learners bring to the language-learning situation.1 And, of course, learners bring varying social, political and cultural backgrounds to the acquisition process, all of which affect expectations and understandings of meaning. Learners' dictionaries that home in too narrowly on any of these considerations will not have a lucrative market; trying to appeal to all such categories will almost inevitably dilute any strengths that a solid focus would bring. In many ways these books successfully address the needs of their target audience. Dictionaries are careful to be sensitive to the level of the learner in their choice of main entries, inflected forms, pronunciations, part-of-speech labels and/or grammatical coding, the level, style and register of the language in their definitions, the use of illustrative quotations, and the use of cross-references and usage notes. Most dictionaries discuss these issues in the front matter and provide examples. Supplemental material, sometimes in appendices and sometimes scattered in the book proper, varies among the levels: most include lists of irregular verbs, some have prefixes and suffixes, geographical names, grammar notes, and illustrations varying from single-item graphics, as in OSDAE, to full-blown Duden-style illustrations of scenes, as in LDAE. 2 In the remainder of this article I would like to critique some of the approaches utilized in these books, proceeding from a discussion of their overall aims and working through such items as just described: choice of main entries, pronunciations, inflected forms, part-of-speech labels and/or grammatical coding, the level, style and register of the language in their definitions, the use of illustrative quotations, and the use of cross-references and usage notes. Our interest throughout will be on how these elements reflect attitudes and demands on different groups of learners; what is, in essence, the ideology of the dictionary maker.

2. Selection of main entries Clearly, the more advanced the level of the book, the more entries will be included as main entries or sub-entries. The lexeme sophistry

is a main entry in the advanced CCELD, but,

appropriately enough, is not found in OSDAE, CELD and LDAE. CCELD lists as main entries

1

See Brown, 1987, Chapters 3, 6 and 7. The example here. p. 467, is one of an overhead view of a business office with such items as desk, copying machine, bulletin board, and the like labeled. 2

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such items as spanking and sovereignty, while LDAE and OSDAE will have them as run-ons or sub-entries. Occasionally it is difficult to understand the need to include some entries: CCELD for instance lists Space Invaders 'a computer game...' as a main entry; LDAE has Royal Highness (recall that this book is for American English). In other cases, words or forms of words are excluded as main entries or as run-ons or subentries, or such words or forms of words are buried in the definitions of a main word, precisely where learners would need access to such information. Consider the grammatical category of the use of the present participle and past participle. For many learners the choice between these is a source of errors. If one aim of a learners' dictionary is to assist the learner, it should make some reference somehow to these differences, not as thoroughly as in a grammar text, but in some manner. Treatment of this category turns out to be uneven in some cases, lacking in others. LDAE lists as main entries excite, excited, exciting, thereby providing the learner with useful information, but then treats fascinate as a main entry, fascinating as a run-on with no definition, with fascinated not listed. CCELD has excite, excited, exciting as main entries; fascinate is a main entry, with fascinated and fascinating as undefined run-ons. Such commonly confused items would be much better illuminated as main entries, with appropriate information more clearly spelled out. LDAE, LDOCE and OSDAE list as separate main entries different parts of speech of the same etymological item, a practice employed in many non-ESL dictionaries. Thus, the word abstract, in its adjective, noun and verb forms, is listed as abstract 1 , abstract 2 , and abstract 3 in such works. In spite of whatever lexicographic justification may exist for "separate" entries for these different "words," it is clear that for learners such separation of items is time-consuming and confusing, implying that there is no relationship among these different parts. Commendably, CCELD and CELD consolidate these different parts-of-speech items in one main entry, but as we shall see below there are difficulties in the way such grouping tends to obscure information. And both CCELD and CELD swing to the other extreme by grouping in one main entry homologs that are not etymologically related. Thus, sow 'scatter seeds' and sow 'female pig' are listed as simply different numbered definitions, appearing to the learner to be the "same" word. Both extremes are cases where editorial, lexicographic and traditional practice in dictionary-making result in a disservice to the users, who in my classroom experience indicate that it is difficult to find the word they want if there are "separate" meanings that aren't really separate, and if the definition they need is not sharply delineated. An approach analogous to the Random House family of dictionaries would seem far more appropriate here: keep related parts of the same etymon under one main entry, separated by part of speech labels; list as separate entries any homologs that are not etymons.

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3. Pronunciation All of the learners' dictionaries currently employ some version of the IPA to indicate pronunciation. This approach has logic from a pedagogical view, appeals to an international and internationalist marketing strategy, and follows practice in numerous English /second language dictionaries in Europe, Asia, South America, and Africa. 3 There are some minor differences in approach within these dictionaries that have opted for EPA. The approach in CCELD and CELD is probably the most unique; it puts prints in underlined boldface the vowel that receives primary stress, counting on the learner to determine that any other full vowel in the pronunciation receives secondary stress. To many this seems very demanding. Compound words like lighthouse, bull's eye, old maid should contain information regarding the stress pattern; for learners these are just as important as separate pronunciations for the different parts of speech of abstract, permit, etc. in their noun vs. verb forms. LDAE has an abbreviated, schematic feature for this; OSDAE, CELD and CCELD show primary stress on light, with no secondary stress listed. Probably no learners' dictionary of English would be marketable today without some reference to IPA pronunciation. And yet there are circumstances where one could easily envision the need to supplement or replace such a system. For learners who bring little or no literacy skills in their first language to the learning process, it seems an unnecessary burden to saddle them with an esoteric IPA system that bears little resemblance to anything they read in English, especially while they are struggling to read in English. A pronunciation system similar to the one used for LI English speakers—and there are some that are consistent and yet successfully point up to the user the existence of some orthographic/phonetic/phonemic correspondences—might be more suitable for certain learners: for instance, bilingual learners, those learners bringing no previous interference from their LI writing system, and those learners in transition who are becoming immersed in English-language environments and no longer need what may seem as the crutch of the IPA.

4. Inflected Forms Inflected forms are listed differently and in varying degrees of completeness among these books. All books provide spellings of irregularly inflected forms for nouns, verbs and adjectives. OSDAE however has the slightly annoying feature of lightly holding and changing the font for irregularly inflected forms, making them hard to notice at first. The others follow the more 3

See for example Engelsk svenska / Svensk engelska ordboken, an English-Swedish/Swedish-English dictionary, and Engelsk skoleordbok: Engelsk Norsk / Norsk Engelsk, an English-Norwegian /Norwegian-English dictionary. Specialized dictionaries as Branford's Dictionary of South African English and this writer's Dictionary of Africanisms also utilize variants of IPA.

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"regular" practice of maintaining bold but changed pitch for inflected forms. There is then the gray area regarding which other inflections to include, and how to indicate them. CCELD again provides one extreme: all inflected forms—even regularly inflected forms for plurals of nouns—are spelled out: an odd approach for such an otherwise demanding, advanced book. LDAE has the more middle-of-the-road approach, -e final verbs are spelled out in inflections: dissolve, -solved, -solving, but some -t final verbs are not: the forms of abet are merely indicated with -tt-. OSDAE does not indicate inflected forms for dissolve, soothe and the like. For -/ final verbs, OSDAE gives ellipsis which in some cases is wrong or confusing: the verb level is inflected with (-1-, -//-), but the latter is British English, yet not so indicated. This area is most likely a judgement call. No critic will object to the need for clearly indicating irregularly formed words. In addition, any "non-transparent" inflected forms of a main entry should also be spelled out. There are fairly clear cases that would require the spelling of inflections: for verbs they involve examples that end in vowel and -n, -r, -d, as well as -y- final items. So, the entry for a verb like abandon should include the (truncated) inflections -doned, -doning, as would abhor, annoy, apply and abbreviate. On the other hand, abduct should have none of its inflected parts spelled out because it is not only regular, it's transparently regular. Similar patterns should be maintained for nouns: ability will have its plural form truncated and spelled, but abbreviation will not because the latter is transparent for pluralization. Implicit here is the juggling of many considerations: space and complexity, of course, but also the demands one might wish to put on a learner. For many experts in TESL there is a growing awareness that risk-taking and encouragement to search for patterns is an important part of learning a language. Dictionaries can play a part by not spoon-feeding everything transparently.

5. Part of Speech Coding and Grammatical Information Grammatical coding is very important for learners of English, and the type of information necessary here is only marginally found in native speaker works. OSDAE, LDOCE and LDAE have traditional grammatical coding to varying degrees. Following the main entry is some indication of whether a noun is countable, uncountable, only singular, or plural; a verb is listed with information as to whether it is transitive, intransitive, or whether certain prepositions follow it; adjectives are labeled when they are attributive or predicative; and so on. In terms of format, CELD and CCELD are unique; they include grammatical information in an "Extra Column," a narrow column alongside each column of entries, apart from the definition material, relying in part on the wording of the definition to make clear what the part of speech is. How well do these dictionaries convey the information they possess? Again there is wide variation. LDOCE has a lengthy, dizzying list of coded terminology, requiring the user to thumb

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frantically back to find simple facts as that a verb like seem may be followed by an adjective. 4 Some of CCELD's terminology is confusing: the code Ν COUNT stands not for non-count but for a countable noun, and other abbreviations are obscure or cryptic, but in general it is a very complete system. OSDAE is weak in this area: it often fails to indicate the prepositions that may follow a verb or adjective, as in obedient, which does not indicate that to may follow. This book also lists verbs that are both transitive and intransitive by lumping them in the label v. f., v. i. but then often failing to define the verb with either of these meanings, and failing furthermore to provide examples to illustrate these uses. 5 This criticism applies to LDAE, which, with OSDAE, will take this shortcut for such verbs but also for some nouns that have countable and uncountable senses, lumping them together with the label [C;U] with no further examples and no way to see how each sense is used. CELD and CCELD will do this occasionally for some nouns, much less for verbs. And sometimes the coding for LDAE is momentarily confusing: adjectives that come only before a noun are coded [A], (for attributive), which confuses some learners into thinking of "after (a noun)"; while predicative adjectives are coded [F], for "following(?)." In any event, learners find these discrepancies and omissions particularly frustrating and difficult, and dictionary use is neglected because of them. But for most major categories, these dictionaries do provide useful information. Clearly, then, learners should have such grammatical coding readily available to them, in clearcut language or non-obscure symbols, with sufficient illustrative material to make the senses clear. 6 The use of abbreviations or symbols per se is not the issue; obscurity, obfuscation, and confusion are what must be avoided.

6. Definitions The language of definitions is another critical area in learners' dictionaries. These dictionaries usually employ a fixed defining vocabulary of approximately 2,000 to 2,300 words; words beyond their list when used in definitions are, in LDAE for example, printed in small capitals. The more advanced the dictionary is, the larger will be the list of defining vocabulary to be employed, and the greater will be the complexity of the syntax within the definition itself. Worthy of mention is the approach to defining in the CELD and CCELD. In a departure from the non-sentential, strict equivalence format of nearly all dictionary definitions, these books define entries by means of full sentences or "explanations," actually cursive, sentential descriptions of the

4

Oxford's Advanced Learner's Dictionary, though not reviewed here, also is overly complex in its verb coding material. 5 See for example OSDAE's entry sicken, listed as v.t., v.l., yet for which not one transitive definition or quotation is given. 6 See below for further discussion of illustrative quotation material and their use in learners' dictionaries.

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definiendum. For example, the item moat is defined as follows: "A moat is a ditch which people used to dig round a hill or castle and then fill with water, in order to protect..." Definitions of some verbs begin with if clauses, as in moan: "If you moan you make a low and miserable cry because you are in pain..." Some teachers and students find this refreshing and new; others find it much too long-winded and, in some cases, the syntax becomes overwhelmingly complicated anyway. These dictionaries will vary in how fine they will make distinctions among different meanings of a lexeme. For the verb sense of need 'have a need for; want' there are some six senses in CCELD; LDAE is content with one; for the modal sense of need 'must' CCELD has six senses while LDAE has one. Some of CCELD's distinctions do seem a bit much: there is a separately listed sense for needle referring specifically to the sort used in acupuncture, for instance. Such fine distinctions seem unnecessary and needlessly complicated, especially if there are not enough supporting illustrative quotations. It goes without saying that great pains must be taken to remain sensitive to the often nonWestern cultures of learners using these dictionaries. References to religion, moral taboos, history, different societal strictures, sex, the roles of men, women and children, and other culturally sensitive topics must be made carefully, with an open mind, and with every attempt to be respectful of others. It is also true, however, that many learners hope and expect to glean some useful information about American, British, or English-speaking culture and society as they make use of a dictionary ; references can be made to Western society so long as they and it are not presented as even subtly ideologically superior or self-important.

7. Illustrative Quotations Illustrative quotations are example sentences that follow the definition. They are useful because they provide extra denotative and connotative information, and can convey or reinforce grammatical information by exemplifying its syntactic behavior. In strict theory all such sentences should be either based on or be reproduced directly from the actual recorded citations that were used in formulating the definitions in the first place. As expected, these learners' dictionaries vary in the degree to which they practice adherence to such principles. CELD and CCELD make much of the authenticity of their illustrative quotations, citing the extensive corpus and computer-assisted analysis they used in amassing their work, and decrying the use of invented or made-up examples.7 The assumption is that such authenticity will guarantee usefulness and appropriateness to the learner. However, consider these examples:

7

See Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary, p. XV.

Gerard M. Dalgish

336 prefigure,...He had significantly prefigured the whole subsequent history of "pure painting." old maid, ...He's nothing more than a ridiculous old maid, officious, ..She liked them because they were not officious.

These examples may very well be from CCELD's authentic text files and citations, but they are clearly not informative, interesting, or striking, and they do little to enlighten the learner.8 Principle must again yield to usefulness if the user is going to be helped.9 LDAE and OSDAE usually contain simple-language, fluent examples of words in use, whether adapted, made up or authentic. One complaint about some of their illustrative quotations goes back to the discussion of grammar coding: in many cases, it is the illustrative quotations that are the sole information regarding ambiguous grammatical codes. Thus, LDAE defines satire correctly as a noun that is both count and non-count, [C;U] in their coding scheme. Yet the quotation given is only the countable sense. The learner naturally wants to know what the non-count sense is like, but has no quotation to help unlock this puzzle. Perhaps in order to save space, OSDAE makes use of the swung bar in quotations to replace the illustrated word. But this does a disservice to the reader who misses a chance to be reinforced with another spelled and/or inflected example of the target. The other books spell out the target word in the illustrative quotation. All of these books could go further in re-emphasizing the grammatical behavior of a word, as by ensuring that all illustrations place the target word in syntactic contexts that clearly and unambiguously show its behavior. Thus, an illustrative quotation for a non-count should show it preceded by a lot of, much, or the zero article; count nouns should be preceded by a(n) or shown in the plural to reinforce the grammatical coding. None of the books highlights such structures to point up the target and its syntactic context, as by underlining, italicizing, or holding. An approach not yet pursued would be to base at least some citations and illustrative quotations on authentic text taken from the learners themselves, suitably edited to eliminate possible errors. 10 There would be no doubt about authenticity here, and the relevance of one learner's writing to that of another learner is indisputable. Some of the considerations pertaining to sensitivity toward different cultures as discussed above in definitions apply to the use of illustrative quotations, though there is, in a sense, more leeway here, because illustrative quotations often exemplify connotations, and connotations themselves imply attitudes that are peculiar to, and sometimes prevalent in, certain societies. Due consideration must be paid to learners of different cultures, but once again learners may expect to learn something about the attitudes of speakers who use certain words; illustrative quotations should not be reined in too far and made totally antiseptic. Not unexpectedly, all the learners'

® 9

Each of these is impeccable for illustrating the syntactic behavior of the entries.

The editor of the CCELD does acknowledge that sometimes sentences "are slightly adapted from the citations in the text files" (page XV). 1 0 The corpus could be, for instance, all the essays written by learners of English in college writing classes.

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dictionaries seem to have thought this aspect through carefully, and have apparently removed anything thought to be even remotely insensitive to the learner. And it is clear that some editors have carefully reviewed the use of pronouns and consciously avoided sexist language and stereotyping, ensuring that there is a balance between the roles of men and women as subjects and objects, as victims and perpetrators, as doers of good and of evil, as holders of prestige positions, etc.

8. Cross-references and Usage Notes Most of the learners' books make references to related items for particular words. LDAE is particularly good at this; for many words that learners have difficulties with there are numerous usage notes or cross references to semantically related words. Thus, speak and tell are discussed in a usage note; under discover the user is referred to invent·, under interested the reader is advised to compare disinterested, and so on. CELD, CCELD and OSDAE do not contain such information or references of this sort at all. CELD and CCELD have in the "Extra Column" references to synonyms (under live together is the information = COHABIT), superordinates (under live through is the information WITHSTAND) and antonyms (under negative is the information «» POSITIVE). Of interest to many learners would be cross references to words or inflections of words that are synonymous but behave differently syntactically and are thus a source of errors for learners. The first category contains such groups of words as glance, see, stare, look, all of which differ syntactically by following prepositions or absence of a preposition. Even agree and disagree function differently with respect to complementation; dictionaries do not point this out to the learner. The second case concerns groups of words like marry and be married to, obey and be obedient to, favor and be in favor of, which again differ in prepositional complementation, and which are often confused in learners' writing. 11 Most dictionaries make no reference to these groups, perhaps because their primary emphasis is on meaning, and these considerations have to do with syntax. Yet this information is part of what a learner might wish to find about the lexicon of the language, since the lexicon is the repository of idiosyncratic, non-predictable aspects of language; certain prepositional and complementational syntax is just that, idiosyncratic. Another fruitful area for cross-reference, but one that is missing in learners' dictionaries, is the problem of infinitive or gerunds after certain main verbs. Thus enjoy takes a gerund, while semantically related like takes the infinitive or gerund. Although most dictionaries point out these facts for the individual items, there is no formal cross reference to the similarity.

1 1

See Dalgish, 1985, for discussions of error types and samples of these errors.

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Another feature lacking in current learners' dictionaries has to do with etymological information on words that are related, or are in "word families." No learners' dictionary includes etymologies, but learners might find it useful to know that the meanings of certain words can be determined from a knowledge of the Latin, Greek or Germanic root at the base: restrict, constrict, strict, for example, or conjoin, join, junction, adjunct, etc. Some of the most important roots could be listed as main entries, with a brief note as to the meaning, and a list of words built from the root. Then the words in the dictionary can be cross-referred to the root. Learners might profitably be alerted to other potential sources of errors of form. ESL writers occasionally write *sometime,

*alway, and *for examples

for sometimes,

always, and for

example. Usage notes to remind learners of these problems should be part of a good learners' dictionary, but are currently not found in any of them.

9. Conclusion This paper has been primarily a review of the underlying and stated principles of dictionary making employed by five of the most popular learners' dictionaries, with a view to how well these texts are accessible and appropriate to the needs of the learner. The areas of main entry selection, pronunciation, inflected forms, grammar coding, definition writing, illustrative quotations, and usage and cross-reference materials have been the yardsticks employed in the examination. These books generally receive high marks for appropriateness and accessibility, as well as in sensitivity to the differing social and cultural considerations implicit in their use.

References. Branford, Jean. (1980) Dictionary of South-African English. Cape Town: Oxford. Brown, H. Douglas (1987) Principles of language learning and teaching. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Dalgish, Gerard. (1982) A dictionary of Africanisms; contributions of sub-Saharan Africa to the English language. Westport: Greenwood. (1984) Review of the Longman dictionary of American English. TESOL Quarterly, 18. 1, 133-140. (1985) Computer-assisted ESL research and courseware development. Computers and Composition, 2.2, 45-62 Englesk skoleordbok, Engelsk-Norsk/Norsk-Engelsk. (1983) Oslo: Kunnskapsforlaget. Gray, Arley (ed.) (1983) Longman dictionary of American English. New York: Longman. Hornby, A.S. (ed.) (1983) Oxford student's dictionary of American English. New York: Oxford. Petti, Vincent, ed. (1983) Engelsk svenska / Svensk engelska ordboken. Solna: Esselte. Proctor, Paul (ed.) (1978) Longman's Dictionary of Contemporary English. Harlow: Longman. Sinclair, John (ed.) (1987) Collins Cobuild English language dictionary. London: Collins. (1989) Cobuild English learner's dictionary. London: Collins.

PART Vili STRUCTURING SEMANTICS

The Dictionary as Philosophy: Reconstructing the Meaning of Our Father Fredric F.M. Dolezal

0. Introduction "You must decide whether you will write a history or a linguistic analysis"—so said Henry Kahane during the oral component of my preliminary examination. Braj Kachru and Ladislav Zgusta agreed. Now, as then, I continue to seek a method that will allow me to discuss coherently a three-hundred-and-some-year-old text that itself does not heed the advice of the late Professor Kahane. The text, An essay towards a real character and a philosophical

language

(Wilkins, 1668), does fall within the discipline of "humanistic linguistics," a discipline named by Kahane that I believe aptly describes many of the pedagogical concerns and methods of Ladislav Zgusta. Let it be known that neither Kachru, Kahane nor Zgusta are culprits in the path that I follow in this essay. This article raises questions concerning the nature of definition and its relation to meaning; but it also must address the nature of a lexicon, specialized dictionaries and the representation and transmission of knowledge. Within the confines of a brief essay it is not possible to follow every intellectual lead; therefore, I concentrate on defining the problems posed by the questions and presenting a solution offered by the scientific community in seventeenthcentury England.

1. Philosophical Language and its Dictionary That a dictionary of philosophy should be something quite different than a philosophical dictionary tells us about the specialization of our intellectual life which, in turn, indicates a fragmented and compartmentalized approach to knowledge: in a dictionary of philosophy we expect to find special terms defined according to an encyclopedic method, as if the only matters upon which philosophers argue would be the jargon created especially for philosophical discourse. A specialized dictionary organized according to this principle determines the limits of philosophical discourse; that is, a dictionary of only specialized terms seems to deauthorize ordinary language as proper to philosophy. A dictionary of scientific terms follows the same method: is science a specialized vocabulary that finds expression within the grammar of a given natural language? Perhaps philosophy and science only meet in a discipline called the philosophy

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of science. The production of scientific dictionaries 1 (as opposed to dictionaries of science) reveals a predilection for science over philosophy, which further affirms our ability to divide the two; as a consequence of the modernist trend towards minute compartmentalization, the new philosophy of the seventeenth century faded into mere science. The work under consideration here, An essay towards a real character and a philosophical language (1668), largely comprises a "Scientifical part, containing a regular enumeration and description of such things and notions, as are to be known, and to which names are to be assigned, which may be stiled Universal Philosophy..."

(Wilkins, 1668: 297) This project was

ordered by the Royal Society to provide a means of universal communication that would be free from the "defects" of all existing languages. Not surprisingly, in the culture of science in seventeenth-century England, philosophical discourse and scientific discourse exist within the same linguistic register; however, a truly philosophical discourse includes the possibility for "facilitating mutual Commerce... spreading the knowledge of Religion... and unmasking wild errors [of Religion], that shelter themselves under the disguise of affected phrases ..." (Wilkins, 1668, The Epistle Dedicatory). In the same way that universal laws can be formulated to account for the natural world, it is possible to construct a universal language based on an understanding of those universal laws and the "things and notions" that are represented by them. From this perspective the universal, the philosophical and the scientific are synonymous: Wilkins says, "As men do generally agree in the same Principle of Reason, so do they likewise agree in the same Internal Notion or Apprehension of things" ·, the principle of reason, as presented here by Wilkins, provides the intellectual foundation for the synonymy of the three terms. Reason also allows an active connection between the domain of science and the domain of religion;2 thus, a philosophical language can "unfold" religious argumentation. The philosophical language consists of a grammar, an oral and written sign system, and a "philosophical table" which we would call in our terms a lexicon, or a dictionary organized upon scientific principles. The Table is both a philosophical dictionary and a dictionary of philosophy. In other places I have pointed out the congruence of the Essay with a variety of semantic theories in the twentieth century; this is not the place to review those arguments; 3 it should be sufficient

1 Some may not be willing to call dictionaries organized on principles of linguistic analysis scientific; however, it is common for contemporary lexicographers to validate their work by invoking linguistics as science. Of course, this does not prevent squabbles over the extent to which a dictionary succeeds in being scientific: one person's descriptivism is another's prescriptivism, to name just one possible point of debate. 2 The tradition of Anglicanism, especially as represented by John Jewell (see Southgate, 1962) and Richard Hooker (see Booty, 1979), gives the use of human reason an authoritative position in questions of textual interpretation. 3 I have drawn comparisons with principles of Saussurean structuralism, lexical semantics as practiced by Nida

(1975), Apresyan, Mel'ïuk, 2olkovski (1969) among others. Particularly interesting is Wilkins' use of so-called Transcendental Particles which perform in a fashion similar to the Lexical Functions of Apresyan, 2olkovski and Mel'Suk. See also Anna Wierzbicka's essay, "In search of tradition: The semantic ideas of Leibniz" in Dolezal (1992:10-25).

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to note here that philosophical discourse for Wilkins includes ordinary language, indeed, ordinary language forms the knowledge base for discourse. Notwithstanding the usefulness of the philosophical language, the Tables certainly represent the state of scientific knowledge of the period. I would argue that the dictionary is philosophical because it succeeds as a descriptive lexicon rather than as a prescriptive manual. Even so, some of the guardians of the history of English lexicography still seem determined to refuse admission of Wilkins and Lloyd's conceptually and alphabetically ordered definitions into the pantheon of English dictionaries, 4 and therefore do not recognize the contribution of the Essay to the practice of lexicography in England. However, the nature of a philosophical (or scientific) lexicon demands attention as an important problem for consideration. First, I will consider the problem from a more general perspective of textual analysis and then consider the problem from the specific perspective of constructing a specialized lexicon; I will conclude with a discussion of the philosophical lexicon as English dictionary. Textual scholars of our age argue whether one can know the intentions of an author to the extent that there exists a gradient of authorial intentionality that moves from the positivist Author's Final Intention to the idealist Illusion of Intention. In the history of ideas, however, there appears to be a general trend of deducing intention from influences and what the author tells us he or she wishes to accomplish (I will leave aside the question of author-ship, but certainly my wavering between referring to Wilkins and Wilkins-Lloyd suggests a problem of author-ity). The Essay has been labeled "essentialist taxonomy" and "logocentric". The term logocentric in this case reduces the lexical-conceptual classification to a dirty word and really does not merit attention; however, the charge of "essentialist taxonomy", especially as it appears in Slaughter (1982), deserves an answer. Because of the scope of this paper I must be brief, even though the issue warrants a fuller exposition. Slaughter (1982: 5-6) makes this general assertion about the Aristotelian underpinnings of pre-Newtonian science (in spite of the reaction against Aristotelianism in the new philosophy): For the non-mechanists... the belief in Aristotelian essences persisted through the seventeenth century. When they ask what differentiates a plant from an animal, a tree from a shrub, a cucumber from a marigold, they are asking what is the essence or nature of these things such that it is similar to or different from the essence of those other things. (A linguist like Lodowyck is doing the same thing when he puts moisture, to besprinkle, to baptize, to wet into the same semantic paradigm.) The notions of genus and species, which in the seventeenth century belonged to ordinary language as much as to natural history, are predicated on the existence of essences. Any utterance or description of nature that invokes these concepts!...] implies that what is under consideration is the nature or essence of the thing at hand. It implies that there are essences.

To be sure, Slaughter concentrates her attention on the charts of plants and animals, and as a result provides an interesting insight into the methods of natural history in conjunction with the

4

Professors Noel Osselton and Gabriele Stein appear thoroughly unmoveable in their reluctance to recognize the dictionariness of Wilkins' and Lloyd's Essay; see Dolezal 1983, 1985 for a different appraisal.

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new philosophy. She does note that "Wilkins was concerned to point out that determining or knowing the essence was an empirical rather than an a priori matter." (Slaughter, 1982: 162) Indeed, we know that the language system he developed took priority over the taxonomic tables supplied to him by the foremost botanist of the time, John Ray. 5 To bring the discussion back around to the topic of lexicography and linguistic description, I would point out Slaughter's comment on Lodowyck in the citation given above that ascribes the search for essences to the organization of a "semantic paradigm." It is here that a question of the intentions of the author might well be asked: My approach has been to analyze the text as it presents itself to our reading; that is, to decide what is in the text rather than where it might have come from. If we find a "semantic paradigm," then it must offer itself to linguistic analysis. Perhaps all dictionaries and thesauruses are essentialist taxonomies, and perhaps criterial features are nothing more than Aristotelian essences hiding under a new term. Furthermore, Slaughter tells us that genus and species are as much a part of the ordinary language as of a specialized language of the period; if that is true, we run the risk of making too much of these ordinary language metaphors, unless they can rigorously be defined as metaphors of science. The following comment from Clauss (1982: 552) on the reductive labeling propensities of Michel Foucault's analysis of Wilkins, et al., is relevant to the discussion of how difficult it is for us in the twentieth century to categorize the ideas of the seventeenth century: In this omnivorous work [the .Essay], philosophy and taxonomy, theory of knowledge and natural science, together wrestle against the limits of language, forcibly demonstrating that the experience of language for the seventeenth century was anything but a solid and tightly knit unity. A plethora of blueprints for universal languages, real character alphabets, and philosophical grammars testify to a pervasive suspicion that resemblance never really did enter into the propositional relation and that consequently, the hardest task for all men since Adam has been to ascribe the proper names to things "and in that name to name their being."

Clauss might have added religion and theology into the wrestling match within the "omnivorous work." No doubt Wilkins believed that the form and essence of a being differentiated that being from all other beings; 6 however, the linguistically motivated method he instituted in his language system to represent the differentiation is of more interest to me than naming the system "essentialist." If we wanted to put Wilkins into a chain of influence, it might be more felicitous to introduce Aquinas into the great chain since that provides us the link of the Aristotelian world to the Christian world. Whether Bishop Wilkins successfully reflects the state of scientific knowledge in his system merits study. The artifact he left us has textual and rhetorical characteristics that should help us

5 Wilkins did not follow the taxonomic tables of Ray to the letter; rather, he modified them according to the structure of the Philosophical Tables, a consequence of what Wilkins calls the "streightness of that method which I am bound up to by these Tables" (1668, p. 24). 6 Wilkins in his "Scheme of Moral Principles" lists definition 1: "That which doth constitute any thing in its being, and distinguish it from all other things, is called the Form or Essence of such a thing" (Wilkins, 1675, p. 17). He is speaking of animate beings here, so it is debatable how this applies to all concepts which fall under discourse.

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think about the project of definition, especially as it touches upon representation and transmission of knowledge. The relative absence of discursive text within the volume places the artifact within a tradition of lexicography rather than, say, philosophy: there are 307 pages of tables (philosophical and grammatical) out of 469 pages of discursive matter (prefatory text included), plus another 157 pages of alphabetically ordered dictionary entries. The Essay relies upon non-discursive modes of print communication. I suggest that the model is the message, the method is the theory. The structure of the whole and its parts becomes a metaphor for the knowable world. Frawley (1982: 147) articulates a procedure for measuring the effectiveness and validity of scientific lexicons; I will allow these suggestive comments to show a possible line of inquiry into Wilkins, since this essay must proceed along the central theme and leave this question for another day. In constructing a definition of a scientific term, the lexicographer is representing the state of knowledge in a particular discipline. In constructing a metaphorical definition of a scientific term, the lexicographer is making explicit claims about the theories, models, and cognitive perspectives which rule the semantics of the discipline which he is trying to codify [...] the lexicographer is committed to claiming that he knows the state of the art of the discipline in which he is working [...] It is therefore incumbent upon him to know the logic of definition in science so that he may render a clear and responsible picture of the talk which constitutes the discipline.

Whatever we may think of the premises and realization of Wilkins' work, the scope and method of the tables and the dictionary do make "explicit claims about the theories, models, and cognitive perspectives which rule the semantics of the discipline which he is trying to codify." The structure of the tables and dictionary contains the narrative: we can read the narrative and open it to the same sort of analytical criticism we would apply to any other traditionally ordered print artifact. 7

2. Wilkins' Dictionary, Tables, and the Lord's Prayer It is in the spirit of reading Wilkins and Lloyd that I look into the relationship between the alphabetical dictionary, the philosophical tables and use of the Lord's Prayer. People generally use dictionaries to support the reading of a text; the dictionary appended to the Essay functions as an index to the tables. However, Wilkins claims a broader status for the dictionary that William Lloyd prepared for him:

7

See Dolezal (forthcoming) for a preliminary discussion of the narrative that underlies onomasiological classification systems; also see Wiegand (1990) and Dolezal (1989) for essays on the dictionary as a text. At this point, "non-narrative" texts are not normally considered within critical and literary theories, not to mention the general lack of textual analysis (rather than stylistics or discourse/text analysis) within the whole discipline of linguistics.

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[...]this Nation could not have afforded a fitter Person [Lloyd][,..]both in Philological, and Philosophical matters[...]I must wholy ascribe to him that tedious and difficult task, of suting the Tables to the Dictionary, and the drawing up of the Dictionary it self, which upon tryal, I doubt not, will be found to be the most perfect, that was ever yet made for the English tongue. (1668, To the Reader)

A dictionary may support the reading of a text but it does not interpret the text or decide between readings of a text. If the Wilkins-Lloyd dictionary definitions ideologically prescribe meaning and thereby limit a reader, then the dictionary cannot be called a dictionary of the English tongue. Of course, the tables have to be considered as integral in the course of searching defínitions in the dictionary: many of the notations, and indeed the substance of the definitions themselves, refer directly to corresponding concepts and lexical items within the tables. It may seem contradictory to claim that this work explicitly states the theories and models of a prevailing semantics and also defines the vocabulary of the English tongue. My task is to show, through analyzing the method Wilkins employs when using the dictionary and tables to read a text, how the elements of a dictionary cannot be mechanically inserted into a particular text: in other words, context 8 determines the application of the linguistic material of the

Essay.

Moreover, the acutely organized lexical base that is the material for the dictionary allows the user to generate meanings not specifically given a formal position within the tables. The rules for generating meaning are found in the grammatical section of the Essay. I will introduce and explain the various components of the language system as it becomes necessary within the confines of analyzing the Wilkins explication of the Lord's Prayer9.

In short, Wilkins, by way of

giving an illustration on how to use his philosophical language, constructs a philosophical, and thus scientific, analysis of this most common of prayers in the Christian liturgy. The first two words of the prayer, Our Father, would appear simple enough to define: a possessive pronoun followed by a frequently used noun; the capitalization offather marks it as a special usage. Of course, this mark is peculiar to written language. The spoken prayer does not indicate a special use of the word. Dictionaries do ordinarily depend upon the written record, so we expect the marked form to be recorded. In the Alphabetical Dictionary

that forms a part of

the Essay all the entries are capitalized. Following is the entry for Father. Father. Parent. RO.I.2. (male.] monk RE.n.7. ly, [adj. Father] less. [Un-fathered.] in law, [Father by Affinity.] fore [Progenitor.] RO. 1.1.

° Clauss' use of omnivorous to describe the Essay is apt: it is difficult to discuss any one aspect of the Essay without opening up a multitude of complex issues that are not really side issues; what context means here includes not only the linguistic material, on the levels of morphology to discourse (which is important), but also the theological, historical, textual, and philosophical foundations. 9 I will address the explication as exegesis within the Anglican tradition in another paper: "Scripture, tradition, and the authority of the new philosophy: Bishop Wilkins and the Parenthood of God."

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The Dictionary as Philosophy: Reconstructing the Meaning of Our Father. Foster

R0.III.2.

God

RO.m.l.

God the

G.I.

Non-italicized words within an entry designate the various senses of the entry; the italicized words indicate multi-word lexical units or affixes; in this case: fatherly; fatherless; father in law; forefather;

foster father;

Godfather; and God the Father.

Simple definitions are given

within the square brackets; the abbreviations and numerals indicate a specific position within the tables. Obviously, one cannot use the dictionary without reference to the philosophical tables. The title page of the dictionary explains the nature of the text: "An ALPHABETICAL DICTIONARY

Wherein

all

ENGLISH

WORDS

According

to

their

VARIOUS

SIGNIFICATIONS, are either referred to their Places in the PHILOSOPHICAL TABLES, or explained by such words as are in those TABLES." RE. stands for Ecclesiastical Relation, for Oeconomical

Relation·,

RO.

the numerals designate subdivisions within the generic category.

Therefore "Parent. RO.I.2 (male]" tells us the position in the tables, wherein the concept is defined by its placement; father

is not a radical, or integral, concept and thus needs to be

generated by the semantic operator (called a "transcendental particle") male. Under RO.I.2. we find: That respect wherein one man may stand to another, according to the first and most natural kind of association of men into Families, is styled OECONOMICAL RELATION, Family, Household, domestic, menial, House, Home. 1. Those who partake of the same Bloud, are styled Relations of CONSANGUINITY, Kin, kindred, Bloud, House, Stem, Stock. [...] [...] Direct [...] ascending [...] 2. PARENT, Sire,Father, Mother, Dam, paternal, maternal, Grandsire [...]

The notational system within the dictionary is mostly consistent, so that upon learning the basic features one knows to read the definition for Father, "male parent." Accordingly, the crossreferencing system allows a reader to find an expanded explication of the term as well as lexical and semantic associates of the term (Parent and Child are both listed in position 2—child is 'direct descending': Issue, Son, Daughter, Brood, Litter, .... The marked Father appears in the dictionary as God the Father, even though the dictionary does not explicitly distinguish the two orthographic occurrences. The cross-reference sends us to this explication in the tables: That which the Heathen Philosophers stile the first Mover, the first and supreme cause of all things, and suppose to be a Being of all possible perfections, is GOD, Lord, Jehovah, Deity, Divine-ity, Deifie. And because of that absolute Simplicity and Purity of the Divine nature, whereby 'tis distinguished form all other things, and therefore incapable of being divided by Parts or by Differences and Species as the rest are; hereupon, under this Head there is onely provision to be made for that great Mystery of Christianity, the Sacred Persons of the Blessed /Trinity/ /Father/ /Son/ /Holy Ghost, Holy Spirit/. (Wilkins, 1668: 51)

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Fredric F. M. Dolezal

Interestingly, God makes its entrance after four major categories have already been enumerated; the generic category before GOD is DISCOURSE.

The category is brief, orthodox, and in

relation to the pattern of the other Tables, anomalous. The "Heathen Philosophers," on the other hand, are allowed to put forth the basic definition. Perhaps here there is more than a hint of a gesture towards natural religion. Before moving to the reading of the Lord's Prayer, it will be useful to compare the entry in Wilkins-Lloyd to another entry for father; I have selected the Oxford English Dictionary for this purpose (abbreviated to conserve space). Father ... 1. One by whom a child is or has been begotten, a male parent, the nearest male ancestor. Rarely applied to animals[...] b. fig. [..·] c. (More explicitly spiritual father. )[...] d. Proverbs[...] e. Colloquially extended to include a father-in-law, stepfather, or one who adopts another as his child (morefully adoptivefather)[...] 2. A male ancestor more remote than a parent, esp. the founder of a race or family, a forefather, progenitor!...] 3. One who institutesf...] 4. One who exercises protecting care like that of a father; one who shows paternal kindness[...] 5. a. Applied to God, expressing His relation to Jesus, to mankind in general[...], or to Christians (as His children by regeneration or adoption). Also applied to heathen gods[...] c. Theol. (God) the Father : the First Person of the Trinity[...]

The obvious congruencies between the two entries (not including the tables) include the terms male parent; father-in-law;

forefather;

immediately, are spiritual father/monk;

progenitor;

God the Father.

adoptive father/ foster father.

Related, but not so

Including the tables for

comparison, then these terms are added to the list: paternal; heathen; child; Trinity; God; and family. The OED does not distinguish between the unmarked and marked (capitalized) written forms. I offer this brief, but suggestive, comparison, to help support my general argument for accepting Wilkins-Lloyd as a dictionary of English, albeit a dictionary that is claimed to be constructed according to philosophical principles. Within the tradition of English lexicography, the Alphabetical Dictionary

is the first monolingual dictionary that includes a broad range of

English vocabulary items, rather than a select list of so-called hard words (this honor usually is given to J.K.'s A New English Dictionary, 1702—a dictionary that is totally inferior to the AD by any standard of measurement). The comparison also shows that Wilkins-Lloyd adequately describe father, even if their method does derive from Aristotle, essentialism or any other archaic ideology. I turn now to the "Particular Explication" and "Verbal Interpretation" of the Lord's Prayer (Wilkins, 1668): the point where natural language and philosophical, or scientific, language must be mediated. Following is the "Verbal Interpretation" of the philosophical reading of the prayer:

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the Meaning of Our Father.

Our Parent Who Art In Heaven Thy Name May it be Hallowed Thy Regnation May it be Coming Thy Will May it be Done So In Earth As In Heaven Maist thou be Giving To Us In This Day Our Bread Expedient And Maist thou be Forgiving To Us Our Trespasses As we Are Forgiving To Them Who Have been Transgressing Against Us And Not Maist thou be Leading Us Into Temptation But Maist Thou be Delivering Us From Evil For the Regnation, or tò regnare, And The Power And The Glory Is Thine Everly Amen So May it be

There are many points of interest within this analytical reading of the prayer, but an examination of Our Parent

will illustrate the relationship between dictionary entry and

philosophical interpretation. The philosophical language, including the tables and the grammar, provides a formal semantic base for a philosophical interpretation. A verbal interpretation (to use Wilkins' term) explains the language that appears in the real character (each character corresponds to a particular place in the tables, for example PARENT—RO.I.2). Father may be used to designate God

(the Alphabetical Dictionary

In English,

indicates this), but the

philosophical language places Father within a category that specifies human nature ("being originally a noun of Person," as Wilkins says; cf. the OED:

"Rarely applied to animals"). A

dictionary treats the Wilkinsian philosophical interpretation as a special application of the item: for example, the OED introduces the sense of Father

as 'God' in this way:

"Applied to

God[...]"; as we have seen, the Wilkins-Lloyd dictionary shows the English usage, though the dictionary does not have a metalexicographical term, Applied to

. The concept applied to

underlies the act of interpreting a text: the philosophical and scientific interpretation of Our Father must take the context in which it occurs into consideration. The concept father does not occur as a Radical (elementary semantic unit, loosely speaking); as we have seen, it is generated through the use of a semantic operator ("transcendental particle"), male, plus the Radical, Parent.

Yet we do not find "Our male Parent" in the verbal

interpretation. According to Wilkins, "male parent" represents the "strictest sense" of father : "the word Father in the most Philosophical and proper sense of it, denoting a Male Parent." The usage in the context of this common prayer is metaphorical; the "Particular Explication" of parent. ( ) this next Character being of a bigger proportion, must therefore represent some Integral Notion. The Genus of it, viz. ( " 3 " ) is appointed to signifie Oeconomical Relation. And whereas the Transverse Line at the end toward the left hand, hath an affix, making an acute Angle, with the upper side of the Line, therefore doth it refer to the first Difference of the Genus, which according to the Tables, is relation of Consanguinity: And there being an Affix making a reight Angle at the other end of the same Line, therefore doth it signifie the second Species under this Difference, viz. Direct ascending, by which the Notion of Parent is defined. And this being originally a Noun of Person, doth not the need therefore Transe. Note of Person to be affixed to it. If it were to be rendred Father in the strictest sense, it would be necessary that the Transcendental Note of Male should be joyned to it, being a little hook on the top, over the middle of the Character, after this manner ) The word Father in the most Philosophical and proper sense of it, denoting a Male Parent. And because the word Parent is not here used according to the strictest sense, but Metaphorically; therefore might the Transcendental Note of Metaphor, be put over the head of it, after this manner, ). But this being such a Metaphor as is generally received in other Languages, therefore there will be no necessity of using this mark. (Wilkins, 1668: 396)

Fredric F. M. Dolezal

350

Wilkins implies that a proper reading would begin "our metaphorical Parent," not "our metaphorical Male Parent." As correct as he seems, the parenthood of God derives from a reasonable 10 reading of the text, not a feminist reading. The OED

states that the relation of

Father to the Christian community is regenerative and adoptive, not metaphorically consanguineous. Wilkins takes the further step of deleting the "male" designation altogether. He had the option, using his own definition and philosophical system, to analyze father as God the Father·, in his explication of the Nicene Creed we find, "I believe in [am believing] God the Father Almighty [...]" (Wilkins, 1668: 405). Perhaps because the Lord's Prayer has a universal tone, rather than the theologically specific nature of a creed, it can more easily be rendered philosophically. The assertion that the metaphor of Divine Parent is "generally received in other Languages" supports the universal, thus scientific, reading. Wilkins did not just take an English version of the prayer and work out his philosophical analysis. The occurrence of "bread Expedient" for "daily bread" tells us that he must have considered the textual history of the prayer: in the Greek translation the phrase reads, "αρτον [...] επιουσιον". Emovaiov

is a hapax legomenon: Bauer (see Arndt, Danker and Gingrich

1979) and his successors do not show awareness of Wilkins' contribution to Biblical text analysis. The appropriateness and ingenuity of the Wilkins solution to the mystery of "our daily bread" deserves a thorough analysis. Therefore, I must leave this highly interesting example of linguistic and philological analysis to Part Two of this series.

3. Wilkins' Language as Knowledge of the World Alphabetically ordered dictionaries that do not proclaim a philosophical motivation can present definitions entry by entry without providing a greater context for each entry than the citational evidence held within the publisher's vault. Specialized dictionaries can ignore the vocabulary of "ordinary" language, supposing the reader can integrate the technical with the ordinary by looking first in a general and then in a specialist dictionary. Wilkins' attempt to construct a philosophical dictionary of the world of things and notions impelled him to consider meaning beyond definition. Concepts are not just matched to words, but to affixes, compounds, phrases, word components (features), associative lists of words and the interrelationships and interconnections among all of these. A scientific taxonomy is not sufficient; there must be linguistic elements that open the classification to unlisted items and a systematic method to apply the elements. A definition of an item exists as an abstraction that requires an application (a

The use of "reasonable" refers to the ecclesiastical, philosophical and ideological tradition in which Wilkins participates: "the reasonableness of Christianity" is a trope common to scientists such as Robert Boyle and Isaac Newton. Reason and scripture do not collide in this theology: reason is a necessary component for a reasonable relationship with the Divine nature and human existence.

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context) before we can speak of its meaning. For Wilkins the primary application was the world, and the secondary application was the moment of discourse in which an item occurs; it was in this context that he determined meaning. The philosophical unfolding of Our Father implies an approach to defining human knowledge that assumes a context of historical and cultural dimensions: that language is the humanly flawed arbiter of what we believe we know.

References Apresyan, YU. D„ Mel'Çuk, I.A. and Zolkovsky, A.K. (1969) Semantics and lexicography: towards a new type of unilingual dictionary. In F. Kiefer (ed.): Studies in Syntax and Semantics. Foundations of Language. 10, 1-33. Arndt, W.F. Danker, F.W. and Gingrich, F.W. (1957; 1979) A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, Augmented from Walter Bauer. Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und die übrigen urchristliche Literatur. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Booty, John E. (1979) Richard Hooker. In William J. Wolf. Wilton (ed.): The Spirit of Anglicanism: Hooker, Maurice, Temple. Connecticut: Morehouse-Barlow. 1-48. Clauss, Sidonie (1982) John Wilkins' Essay toward a real character : its place in the seventeenth-century episteme. Journal of the History of Ideas, 42, 531-553. Cummings, Philip W. (1979) Dictionaries and philosophy: a survey and a proposal. Dictionaries. 1,97-101. Dolezal, Fredric (1983) The lexicographical and lexicological procedures and methods of John Wilkins. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. (1985) Forgotten but Important Lexicographers: John Wilkins and William Lloyd. A Modern Approach to Lexicography before Johnson. Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. (1989) The dictionary as text. Special Issue (editor). The International Journal for Lexicography., 2, 167-266. (ed.) (1992) The meaning of definition. In Dolezal, Kuïera, Rey, Wiegand, Wolski, Zgusta (eds.): Lexicographica: International Annucal for Lexicography. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. 1 -289. (forthcoming) The narrative of structure. In Werner Hüllen (ed.): The World in a List of Words. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Frawley, William (1980-81) Lexicography and the philosophy of science. Dictionaries. 3,18-27. (1982) Aspects of metaphorical definition in the sciences. In: Dictionaries. 4,118-150. Nida, Eugene A. (1975) Componential Analysis of Meaning. The Hague: Mouton. Oxford English Dictionary—The Compact Edition (1971) New York: Oxford University Press. Slaughter, M. M. (1982) Universal languages and scientific taxonomy in the seventeenth century. New York: Cambridge University Press. Southgate, W.M. (1962) John Jewell and the Problem of Doctrinal Authority. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Wiegand, Ernst Herbert (ed.) (1990) Dictionaries and their parts as texts. In Fredric F.M. Dolezal, Antonin Kucera, Alain Rey, Herbert Ernst Wiegand, Werner Wolski, and Ladislav Zgusta (eds.): Lexicographica: International Annual for Lexicography. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. 1-161. Wilkins, John (1668) An Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language. London. (1675) Of the Principles and Duties of Natural Religion . London.

Meaning as Derived from Word Formation in South American Indian Languages Mary Ritchie Key

0. Guaycuruan Languages The threads of meaning work their way through each language in their own way, and this can be beautifully illustrated by American Indian languages. Dictionaries are the best source for the database that can be analyzed to discover the semantic system of a language or class of languages. This presentation is based on the Guaycuruan family of languages in northern Argentina, and it shows semantic categorizing among three languages. It also illustrates what are probably universal characteristics of how human beings perceive the world about them, using all their senses in relating to their bodies and to the environment. The study is based on three dictionary lists, and for this reason, I believe, it properly honors Professor Ladislav Zgusta, who has spent so much of his energies on discussing collections of words. The Guaycuruan languages, Mocoví, Pilagá, and Toba, of the Gran Chaco provide the data for my study. Albert S. Buckwalter*, and various native speakers contributed the WordLists for the Intercontinental Dictionary Series, and credits for this rich source of language data go entirely to them. The Buckwalters have spent over forty years among the Guaycuruan people and are fluent speakers. Thus, Buckwalter was able to provide the morpheme breaks and identification of morphemes, without which my study would not have been possible. Most of the following examples are taken from Pilagá, without repeating the same concepts in the other Guaycuruan languages, where they also occur. During the last few years I have keyboarded over 75 languages into the computer database of the South American volume of the Intercontinental Dictionary Series. The linguistic data were contributed by scholars who are specialists in the various languages. While checking each language for consistencies, typos, and correct identification of morphemes, it was necessary to do some analysis of the lexicon. Some of these observations were entered into footnotes for the WordLists. The model for the Intercontinental Dictionary Series is Carl Darling Buck's synonym * Albert S. and Lois Buckwalter and their family have lived in the Chaco since 1951, working with the Mennonite Board of Missions. It is with great appreciation that I acknowledge their large contributions to linguistic studies of South American languages. Mr. Buckwalter provided the Toba list first, before a serious illness was diagnosed, and in between treatments, he continued to provide Mocoví and Pilagá lists. The Buckwalters are still in Argentina, and correspondence is slow, so I have not had the luxury of his reading of my article. But it should be understood that any flaws are entirely my own. In the credits given in his dictionary, Buckwalter acknowledges the linguistic counsel of William D. Reyburn, who spent time in Argentina. Buckwalter and Reyburn have essentially done the contemporary linguistic analyses of these languages.

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dictionary (1949). Buck's numbering system is used with some modifications; the numbers which are included in the following illustrations are from the dictionary. With these numbers, and using Buck's volume, readers can further explore these ideas in Indo-European languages. The present tribute to Professor Zgusta illustrates a type of study which can be done with the database. The over-all picture of basic morphemes in all the South American languages is that basic morphemes are short—often one syllable, and rarely more than two syllables. Some morphemes comprise less than a syllable. Many words appear to consist of several syllables, but these often can be segmented into their component parts of multiple morphemes. Many several-syllable words have not yet been analyzed, and it is also likely that those with "frozen/fossilized" morphemes may never be correctly analyzed, because that part of history has been lost forever. Good illustrations of morphemes made up of single phonemes occur in Pilagá. I have not recorded stress in the following examples. Pilagá'put'(12.120): /yaCa?ña/, is segmented as /y-aí-a-?-ñ-a/, with the literal meanings of '3(person actor)-place-aspect-(object)-down-object'; (glottal stop changes position). Also 'go down' (10.473): /ta? ña/, segmented as: /t-a-?-ñ-a/, with the literal meanings of '3(person actor)-go-(to)-down-to'; (glottal stop changes position). These languages illustrate complex constructions that can only be confidently dissected by speaking and hearing the language for many years. The word for 'tear /rip' (09.280) in Pilagá is /yikolauata?age/. This is segmented as: /yi-kolaK-at-a-?age/, with the literal meanings: '3(person actor)-tear-causative-aspect-along', with no morpheme larger than two syllables. Neologisms are easily created by native speakers, such as 'anvil' (09.620): /towovosoKonaKala?/. It is segmented as: /towoKO-soBon-auala? /, with the literal meanings:

'strike-intransitive-long (masculine)

platform', appealing to the function and shape of the anvil.

1. Lexicalized and Derivational Meanings Guaycuruan languages illustrate a well-known feature of many South American languages, that is, position and movement are dominant. The basic profile 'sit, lie down, stand' is enhanced in Toba, with movement and direction. Seven suffixes for aspect are listed in Buckwalter (1980: 482). This clearly and unambiguously exhibits a strong and active sense of space. Position morphemes occur throughout the vocabulary, for example, Pilagá 'sugar cane' (08.941) is /he-da? ma-ik/, lit. 'masculine-standing/vertical sweet-producer'. Very often the terminologies for identification of shape and space are also names of body parts. This corporeal connection is seen dominantly in other South American languages, which speaks to a universal way that human beings perceive; and the perceptions are built into the vocabulary. The visual sense, for example, perceives things as: round, long and pointed, small or large, hollow, bent or angled. The touch or feeling sense perceives textures, such as hard or soft. The word for

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355

'body' in some South American languages is thought of as being a hollow container, covered with the 'skin'. Though I have not discussed this idea with Buckwalter, morpheme identification in the Guaycuruan languages seems to support this analysis. For example, Pilagá 'skin' (04.120) is /l-o?ok/, with meanings '3(person possessor)-skin'. The word for 'body' (04.110) is /l-o?okiaifak/, with literal meanings '3(person possessor)-skin-action nominalizer'. The morpheme for 'skin' occurs elsewhere in the dictionary with meanings of 'covering, shell, eyelid, leather, tree bark'. The word for 'cloud' (01.730) /l-o?ok/ is identical with the word for 'skin'; and it may have the sense of 'covering, a wrapping around'. An alternative analysis is that these forms are homophones. There are two types of 'covering' used in word formations: one is a smooth covering, as illustrated above, and the other is 'leafy', with a fuzzy appearance to the visual sense. The latter type of covering stems from'hair'(04.140): Pilagá /1-ayo-uot/, lit '3(person possessor)-hairmasculine thing'. It occurs in 'beard, feather, leaf, wool, fur'. Words are also constructed with corporeal concepts interacting. The 'calf of the leg' (04.352) is analyzed as: 'belly/stomach of the leg'. The word for 'gums' (04.271) is made up of 'tooth + 'flesh/meat'. Kinship terms are used in word formation to indicate size; for example 'mother' (02.360) occurs in the word for 'thumb' (04.342),(large finger): Pilagá /1-iauata l-at?e/, lit.

'3(person

possessor)-finger 3(person possessor)-mother'. 'Saucer' (05.360) (small plate) contains the morpheme for 'offspring' (02.430):

/koki k?0-B0t/ lit. 'plate offspring-masculine thing'.

'Handkerchief (06.810) (a small piece of cloth), also contains the morpheme for 'offspring': Pilagá/kai-l-ap0k?0-B0t/, lit. 'head-3(person possessor)-cover offspring/to parent-masc. thing'. (In this case, the handkerchief is thought of as a 'kerchief, which, incidentally, also means 'cover head'.) Shapes or configurations are perceived by the eye as outlines, the 'edge' or 'termination' of the shape. The word for 'edge' (12.353) in Toba is /1-oi-ge/ '3person possessor-terminal-along', which also means 'shore' (01.270), and 'boundary' (19.170). The word for 'straight' (12.730) actually includes the visual act in Toba: /i-lo-t-eek/ '3person actor-looks-direct-out'. (Recall how the hunter fabricates an arrow. As he is working with the shaft to discipline it to an undeviating straight-line, he holds the shaft up to his eye.) The 'ell' or 'angle' is represented in the word for 'elbow' (04.320) and 'corner' (12.760), with the same vocable for both words: Pilagá /lo-kote/, lit. '3(person possessor)-elbow/corner'. It is just as well translated 'its angle'. Shape morphemes are illustrated in two words for 'spoon' (05.370) in Mocovi, with either an oblong spoon or a round-shape spoon: /re-kon-ek/ '3person possessor-grasp-oblong (masc.)'; and /re-kon-a/

'3 person possessor-grasp-round (fem.)'.

Shape is combined with action in Mocovi 'ditch' (08.170) /l-i?ya-k/ '3person possessor-digoblong/ elongated (masc.)'.

How Many Meanings to a Word? Johannes P. Louw

0. Introduction Though there is such a wealth of literature on lexicography and though linguists know how complex a science it is, the relation between words and meanings still seems to be an undertaking most people feel they can confidently contribute to. There appears to be a consensus that if people can speak (or even merely read) a language, they are a match for any professional lexicographer. In fact, lexicography seems to many people to be a fairly straight-forward procedure. Anyone can do it, anyone can compile a dictionary, anyone can be an authority on words and their meanings. Why not? We all use language every day and we know what we talk about! This attitude was very much mine before 1971, when I read Manual of Lexicography by Professor Ladislav Zgusta. Even if this paper, contributed to honor him, does not match his expectations, it is a confession that he was the first to open my eyes and to introduce me to a science I now cherish for its challenging complexities.

1. Distribution of Polysemy into Numbered Sources One such intricate feature of lexicography is the need to determine how many meanings a word can represent. In asking this question of people from all walks of life, including professional lexicographers, it is apparent that almost all users of dictionaries concur that words (can) have many meanings. But this is perhaps as far as it goes. For some, the "many" are restricted because these people distinguish "real" meanings from "derived" meanings, by grouping meanings into clusters. A few, who are more etymologically minded, even resort to a single basic meaning to which all others are related or are regarded as extensions. The basic meaning is also often no longer historically determined, but seems to be the most commonly used, or unmarked meaning. For the majority, however, the many meanings are more or less "open," since they assume that whenever a word is used, a meaning comes from the usage. The more a word is used, the more meanings it acquires due to the contexts in which it is used. This view is encouraged by the fact that larger dictionaries list more "meanings" than shorter dictionaries, simply because they include more usages. This state of the art is essentially due to the fact that the meaning of meaning is not something about which (complete) consensus has been reached. As more and more dictionaries

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are produced, one still finds a whole range of views, from a lack of concern (since the matter of what meaning is seems to be obvious enough to approach it with mere common sense), to that of regarding meaning to be so complex that there seems little hope of ever coming to a real understanding of the issue. However, when one considers how people in everyday life are outspoken on the meanings of words, and how even some scholars are insensitive to the advances in semantics and lexicography made during the past two decades, it seems that, for most people, approaches to meaning are still highly ideological; that is, they are based on assumptions acquired by cursory observations which gradually become convictions and are finally understood as obvious. Therefore, it seems that, for all practical purposes, it is generally accepted that each numbered entry in a dictionary, especially in monolingual dictionaries, is indicative of a different meaning. Many of our larger dictionaries have short introductions informing the user that the meanings (sic) are arranged in the order of the earliest or common meaning(s) first, and that later or more specialized meanings follow. This convinced most readers that each new entry must entail a new meaning. We may, therefore, assume that each numbered entry represents a different meaning, even though they may at times seem to be closely related. The 179 entries for the word run in the latest edition of The Random House Dictionary of the English Language, can thus be understood as representing that many meanings. But the moment one compares the definitions in this dictionary (and the same applies to all other dictionaries) with the illustrative examples given, the question of how many meanings a word may have becomes crucial. For example, the meaning defined as "to depart quickly; take to flight, flee or escape" is illustrated by the phrase to run from danger.

"To depart quickly" may

seem to be somewhat acceptable as that which is contributed by run to the understanding of the phrase, but actually the choice of "depart" instead of "move" is conditioned by from.

The

annotation"take to flight; flee or escape" however, seems to be more appropriate as the meaning of the total phrase rather than of run as such, since the definition incorporates mainly features of meaning contributed by danger.

The same can be said of "to move, roll or progress from

momentum or from being hurled, kicked or otherwise propelled" as a definition of run in the statement the ball ran over the curb and into the street. Except for "move," the rest of the definition comes from what we know about the movement of a ball. Compare further "to finish in a race or contest in a certain numerical position" for the horse ran second. The notions of "race or contest" and "second" comes from our encyclopedic knowledge about horse racing. The same applies to a number of other usages such as "to ply between places, as a vessel or conveyance" illustrated by the bus runs between New Haven and Hartford, or "to empty or transfer content" for the river ran into the sea, or "to flow along, esp. strongly as a stream, the sea, etc. for the rapids ran over the rocks, or "to melt and flow" for wax ran down the burning candle, etc. The separately numbered "meanings" as defined, are certainly not that of run, but of the phrases in which run is used. They define usage rather than lexical meaning. In no way should one think that a listing of a large

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number of usages is of little value. On the contrary, such dictionaries are extremely valuable. But these different uses of run are not to be understood as the meanings of the lexical item run. They are, at most, contextual meanings in which run is part of the context. It is of the utmost importance to distinguish lexical meaning from contextual meaning. Failing to do so entails the danger of assuming or, perhaps more precisely, of suggesting to the user that meanings of run are defined which may as such be applied to other contexts where they may not fit, but are forced upon such a context. This is perhaps not so much of a danger to native speakers of a language, but with foreigners, to whom that language may be a second or third language, such dictionaries are not as helpful as they might wish. Nevertheless, if we propose to explain the meaning of words, we must concentrate on what the word, in and of itself, contributes to the understanding of an utterance. For example, in all of the above illustrations the meaning conveyed by run may be defined as "to move from one point to another in a relatively quick manner." This is a lexical meaning of run that can be applied to all the examples above as the meaning contributed by run. Adding the contextual information derived from the other items in the phrases, one can understand the phrases as described, yet as far as run is concerned, we have only one meaning of run for all the above entries. By such reasoning the 179 entries in the dictionary can be drastically reduced, since one would find that all of the 179 entries can be explained by recognizing only a small number of lexical meanings of which the meaning defined above, is but one of that much smaller number of lexical meanings for which run is used in English. However, if we fail to distinguish lexical meaning from contextual meaning we are bound to accept that whenever a word is used, a meaning comes from that usage. Since usages are unlimited, a comprehensive dictionary should then have to list all possible contexts in which run may occur. This would be begging the question. One may then even debate the rationale of only 179 entries. Why only these usages? Unfortunately, the Random House Dictionary itself does not spell out its theory and methodology. In essence, the issue calls for a rethinking of what we are actually talking about when we refer to the meaning(s) of a word. It seems that for our traditional dictionaries such a concern would be somewhat beyond the point. Therefore, dictionaries hardly ever include in their introductions any thorough semantic discussion of what lexical meaning is, or, at least, what type of meaning they pursue. It seems rather as if "word meaning" is taken to be something so ordinary that it needs no explanation and that "the meaning of meaning" can be left to philosophers. Bilingual dictionaries seem to find the question of meaning much easier. It is merely a gloss, that is, another word in the other language, a matter of word substitution. For example, as many German words as one can list as substitutes for an English word, so many meanings are believed to be assigned to that English word, and accordingly readers assume that these glosses are all different meanings of that English word. This method reflects no realization that such words are essentially mere translational equivalents and not lexical meanings (Louw, 1989). When such

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translations are taken to be meanings, it would imply that the English word in question is to be understood through the German equivalents, that is to say, the "meanings" assigned to the German words are transferred to be that of the English word. Such dictionaries are frequently referred to by linguists as "translation dictionaries," and rightly so. Monolingual dictionaries often resort to the same procedure by including single words as substitutes. Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary defines the first entry for the word clear as: "bright or luminous; light; hence, unclouded, as by passion; serene; also (formerly) brilliant; illustrious." It is left to the user's knowledge or initiative to take issue and to fill out what meaning is represented by these words. However, when an illustrative example is added, a definition is usually given, not of the meaning of the word, but of the complete phrase: "able to see or perceive distinctly; as, a clear intellect" or "free from knots or other defects; as, clear lumber." This brings us back to the problem discussed above with reference to run.

2. Definitions of "Meaning" Nevertheless, when the word meaning is looked up in dictionaries, one often finds definitions such as "what is meant," or "what one intends to convey in language," or "what is understood," or "that which is intended to be, or actually is expressed or indicated" or "linguistic content." Such definitions contain the essence of word meaning as such, and, for that matter, of semantics. However, these definitions cover a total range of which words are but one of the items used by humans to communicate. Others are phrases, sentences, paragraphs, total discourses, contexts and situations, customs and cultures, body language, background knowledge, traffic signals and codes, and numerous other signs. Each sign affords its own contribution to the total process of communication. Therefore, it stands to reason that word meanings are nothing more than that which is contributed by words and by words alone, to the total process of communication. Word meaning, therefore, involves the lexical meaning(s) of words as defined above, namely, that which is contributed by the particular word, in and of itself, to the understanding of an utterance. Theoretically, this is the desired content that should be reflected in the definitions given in dictionaries, by which the various lexical meanings are explained. However, lexical meanings tend to be more abstract by nature. Ordinary users of dictionaries might find it somewhat difficult to apply such definitions to a context. On the one hand, it may be necessary to realize that the basics of lexicography should become part of our school curriculum. At present it seems as if we tacitly accept that using a dictionary requires no training. On the other hand, a rethinking of our traditional methodology employed in compiling dictionaries may be imperative. To illustrate this concern, an entry from a standard dictionary may now be analyzed in terms of the contentions discussed above and rewritten as a

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suggestion of what might be lexicographically more desirable. For the sake of brevity, a mediumsized dictionary will be used.

3. Definitions of "New" Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary has seven definitions for new and one of these is divided into (a) and (b). We, therefore, expect to find seven or eight meanings, or in terms of our earlier discussion, seven or eight usages. The first definition, or usage for that matter, (having no illustrative example) reads: "Having existed, or having been made, but a short time; recent; modern;~opposed to old." It suggests the idea of a time notation, in fact a short time. However, at the very end of all the definitions, new is distinguished from the synonyms novel,

modern,

original, fresh and redefined as "never until recently known, experienced, manufactured, or the like." This means that features such as "existed, made known, experienced, manufactured" are contextual applications to be enlarged as required by the contexts in which the word new may be used. The lexical meaning of new involved in this first entry in Webster's may therefore be reformulated as "pertaining to an extent in time measured from the present into the relatively near past." Definition 2(a) reads "recently manifested, recognized or experienced; hence, strange; unfamiliar; as new lands." This definition shows that the phrase new lands is contextually understood as lands not known before, but only recently discovered; and as such most people are, by implication, not well acquainted with these lands. The comprehensive edition of Webster's lists the same example and defines it as "not cultivated before." This definition suggests yet another context. Nevertheless, the lexical meaning contributed by new, in and of itself, in all such contexts as suggested by the descriptions, is merely that of a short time since a point in time. Similarly, entry 2(b), defined as "Other than the former, or old; as a new teacher," is yet another instance of new being used in a context suggesting that a former teacher was replaced by another. The word new itself, however, contributes merely that the teacher referred to is one pertaining to the recent past. Definition 3 reads "Not habituated; unaccustomed; as, «ew to the plow." The word new as such, signifies that the person presumably referred to is one whose experience (signified by "to the plow") is pertaining to an extent in time measured from the present into the near past. The first four definitions entail merely various contextual applications of one and the same lexical meaning. It could very well have been stated as follows: 1. pertaining to an extent of time measured from the present to the relatively recent past. This meaning of new is widespread and will be found in numerous contexts referring to something recently made: as, a new car. Or recently discovered: as, a new land, a new galaxy with the implication that it was not known before. In an agricultural context new land could refer to land not cultivated before. Expressions such as I'm new at it, or new to the plow point to a short time of acquaintanceship with something. A new dance, or a new book, or new converts may denote that which originated in the recent past. Though a new teacher may in certain contexts imply or refer to someone "other than the

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one before," new merely points to being "not long since a past point in time" if the time designation is in focus. See 2 below.

The next definition in the smaller Webster's reads: "beginning or appearing as the recurrence, resumption, or repetition of some previous act or thing; as, a new year; also, renovated or recreated; as rest had made him a new man." The cyclic features (recurrence, resumption, or repetition) are deduced from year. Similarly the physiological (renovated or recreated) is inferred from man. The word new, in and of itself, denotes a lexical meaning, different from the one defined as number 1 above. In the case of new year, or new era , the term new signifies a type, or kind, or class other than a preceding one. In a sentence such as "we will do this in the new year" or "this is surely a new era," the reference is to the time span (year, era) of a kind other than the preceding one. Similarly a new teacher may be used in a context such as "when our teacher returned from the course, she was a new teacher." The term new indicates a kind or class, and not an extent of time as in the usage noted under 1 above. The phrase a new teacher is, therefore, in itself ambiguous. Similarly in the case of a new man the term new points to a man of a kind other than the preceding one. Whether the reference is merely physiological depends on contexts. It may also be psychological, or intellectual, etc. We are now ready to define another meaning for which new may be used in English: 2. pertaining to a kind or class other than a preceding one. This meaning of new occurs regularly in contexts involving what is different, though the focus is on kind or class. For example, New Latin, New Testament, New Learning, etc. Also new moon (which may refer in some areas to the stage when the moon is seen as a crescent, or completely dark), a new year, a new era, a new edition, a new irrigation system, a new man, a new teacher. Note that some of these expressions may be ambiguous according to contexts. They may signify a kind or class, or an extent of time (see 1 above.)

The remaining three definitions, numbered 5, 6 and 7 in the smaller edition of Webster's referred to, can easily be incorporated under meanings 1 and/or 2 above. Definition 5: "Different or distinguished from a person, place or thing of the same kind or name that has longer existed; as the new reservoir" seems to refer to the meaning defined as 2. But "the new reservoir" may also, in other contexts, be understood as a reservoir of recent existence and, as such, new may be seen as denoting meaning 1. Definition 6: "Not of ancient lineage; recently acquiring rank, distinction, or the like; as, a new family" belongs to meaning 1. Definition 7: "In names of languages, modern; esp., in use since medieval times; as, New Greek, New Latin" may be classified as meaning 2. There is, however, the possibility of a third meaning pertaining to condition or state, but hardly ever recognized as such in traditional dictionaries; it is not cited in the comprehensive Webster's with its fifteen usages, nor even in the mammoth Oxford English Dictionary with its fifty-eight usages. To a certain extent, however, something of this third meaning may be recognized in some of the usages in the Oxford defined as "Having but recently come into a certain state, position or relationship,' or as "Having or retaining the qualities of a fresh or recent thing; showing no sign of

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decline or decay." But these usages and their specific illustrative examples belong, more properly, to meaning 1 suggested above, and do not seem to be intended as focusing on condition or state per se. This is, in fact, due to the definitions coined specifically to cover the particular examples quoted. The American Heritage Dictionary lists eight usages, of which some are divided into (a) and (b) amounting to eleven usages, all of which may be classified under 1 and 2 above. But in a note on synonyms at the end of these usages, distinguishing new from novel and original, the term new is redefined as "a broad, general term having reference to both time and condition." No illustrative example is given, but one may wonder whether a usage such as "my car is new though it is five years old" may be a suitable example for new to contribute the notion of "excellent, or at least good condition" to the understanding of the example. Meanings 1 and 2 above cannot take care of this usage which does not seem to be in any way rare. As a matter of fact, many examples of new used to signify condition can be found, for example, "use this blade, it is new" (implying "not ever used"), "start on a new sheet of paper" (implying a clean one, not used), "this shirt looks new" (implying like a recently manufactured one, or one little used), etc. It is possible that the American Heritage Dictionary could have regarded its usage 6(b), defined as "changed for the better; refreshed; rejuvenated," and illustrated by A nap made a new man of him, as indicative of condition. Usage 2(b) for which no illustration is given, may be another possibility, since it is defined as "Used for the first time; not secondhand." On the other hand, it is also possible that dictionaries would regard these usages suggesting condition as variants of kind or class, and some even of time on the basis of comparison: "my car is like a new car though it is five years old," etc. If we take this position, only two lexical meanings need to be recognized. There is, however, still the feature of comparison to be added which would surely call for a different meaning. Taking this feature seriously, one would have to recognize three lexical meanings signified by new, since the comparison ("like a new") does not, in essence, focus on the time feature, but rather on state or condition. The third lexical meaning needs then to be defined as: 3. pertaining to a proper state or condition. In some contexts this meaning of new would imply that the item in question compares favorably with a new one (in the sense of meaning 1) with focus on its being little used, in other contexts on being unused. For example, my old car is still new, use a new sheet of paper, her dress looks new, they are expensive when bought new.

4. The System and the Context "How many meanings" is essentially a matter of semantic components or features of meaning and how they are combined and defined. Apart from purely rational considerations, there are also the processes of lumping and splitting which are largely psychological, in that people tend to be more inclined to either lumping or splitting. Lumpers tend to experience meaning on a somewhat

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more generic level, while splitters seem to favor finer distinctions.

This is an intrinsic

psychological aspect of human cognition and has to be recognized. Dictionaries will surely differ from one another in this respect, but the differences would not be that much and would be indicative of the fact that meaning is not always that clear cut. It will also help to counter the idea that dictionaries represent holy truth. No, they represent the analyses of their authors. Yet they will have to comply with the principles outlined above. If dictionaries would move away from the present convention of focusing on contextual usages in listing their material, in favor of a system (as suggested above) in which lexical meaning would be the basis of an entry, users would be helped to understand the important difference between lexical meaning and contextual meaning. This will also help the user to not read into a word more than is justified, a problem that occurs so often in analyses of texts written in ancient languages. Smaller dictionaries could then also be more helpful. The Oxford Minidictionary, for example, defines new by defining the word as "not existing before, recently made or discovered or experienced, etc." followed by two synonyms "unfamiliar, unaccustomed." For the sake of brevity such dictionaries choose to represent only a few of the most prevalent usages and, as in this case, supply only one lexical meaning. The same space could have been better utilized by defining all three lexical meanings in a concise manner, and following with a contextualized example, such as: new:

1 since the recent past: do you know the new mayor? 2 of another kind or class: this is surely a new era 3 of good condition: my old car is still new

Comprehensive dictionaries such as the major Oxford English Dictionary could follow the same methodology by spelling out the three definitions more fully and by dividing the numerous usages they wish to record under the appropriate definition with cross referencing where ambiguous expressions apply. Such dictionaries could also add idioms and references to synonyms, as required. One important feature that will surely show up by such a procedure is that words do not have numerous meanings, but rather numerous usages. Many of the long entries in comprehensive dictionaries are to most users more confusing than anything else. Users regularly do not consider and weigh, they merely run down the listing and pick out some descriptive notation that may seem to statisfy their need, without properly understanding what lies behind the way in which the material is organized and presented. When this happens, dictionaries rarely serve their purpose. A dictionary that seems to take a new approach is the Collins COBUILD Dictionary of the English Language. It concentrates mainly on contextual meanings and presents these as such, in that it begins a usage by posing a particular situation or context and then proceeds to illustrate this by a (number of) representative sentence(s). For example, "If you are new to a situation or place, or if the situation or place is new to you, you have not previously seen it or had any experience of it." This contextualized definition is then illustrated by the sentence " a part of England completely

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new to him." However, this somewhat new approach is, in essence, merely a more elaborate incidental definition applicable to a particular usage. From a usage point of view it is indeed helpful (and should be commended), but the reader soon realizes that not all usages can be covered in a dictionary and that what is given only serves to highlight a few of the most frequent usages. This becomes even more apparent if a usage such as the following is considered: "New potatoes or carrots are produced early in the season for such vegetables, and are usually small with a rather sweet flavour. E.g., There were no more new potatoes." The question also arises as to whether such a definition applies to a dictionary or to an encyclopedia, unless one enters new potatoes or new carrots as lexical units. However, this dictionary has marginal notations for each entry, such as adj qualit, adj classif (:attrib) which, though mainly syntactic, do convey some semantic overtones comparable to the meanings pertaining to '"class" and "condition" discussed above, but they are recognizable only if the lexical distinctions made above are known beforehand. It , nevertheless, demonstrates the need for a different level of classification of meaning(s). The only dictionary thus far that takes the distinction between lexical meaning and contextual meaning seriously is the Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament based on Semantic Domains (1988). The primary purpose of this dictionary, namely to provide Bible translators with lexical meanings as a guide to finding suitable translational equivalents in the numerous languages they have to deal with, was perhaps the main reason for focusing on what a word in and of itself contributes to the understanding of an utterance. Such dictionaries would, naturally, recognize many fewer meanings than dictionaries focusing on usages. However, the question of how many meanings may be assigned to a word depends largely upon what type of meaning is pursued. This choice will also influence what type of dictionary will be produced. Usage dictionaries abound; semantic dictionaries, focusing on lexical meanings, are surely wanted.

References The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (1970) American Heritage Publishing Company. Collins COBU1LD Dictionary of the English Language (1987) John Sinclair (ed.) London: Collins. Louw, Johannes P. (1989) Meaning and translation in lexicography. In South African Journal of Linguistics 7 (3), 112-115. Louw, Johannes P. and Eugene A. Nida (1988) Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament based on Semantic Domains. New York: United Bible Societies. The Oxford English Dictionary (1989) Oxford: Clarendon Press. The Oxford Minidictionary (1991) Oxford: Clarendon Press. The Random House Dictionary of the English Language (1988) New York: Random House. Unabridged. Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary (1960) London: G. Bell and Sons. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language (1961) London: G. Bell and Sons.

PART IX ETHICAL ISSUES AND LEXICOLOGISTS' BIASES

When Religion Intrudes into Etymology (On The Word: The Dictionary That Reveals The Hebrew Source of English) David L. Gold Archicli Apolochmio, viro optimae humanitatis, in omnibus tam diversis negotiis, contentionibus, molestiis vitae semper moderato atque temperato, in utriusque linguae elegantiis urbano et ad unguem perfecto, in quaestionibus arcanis docto et perspicaci, hoc munusculum a me oblatum velim placea!.

0. Introduction The aim of this essay is to illustrate religious bias in the compilation of a dictionary by examining The Word: The Dictionary That Reveals The Hebrew Source of English (Mozeson, 1989). Before we turn to it, a few words on the disjunction of linguistics from religion and theology are in order. In a nutshell, the history of science, hence of the study of language, is its increasing separation from religion and theology. In linguistics, that dissociation has for several decades been complete. Whereas parting ways with religion and theology has been beneficial to linguistics, most professional students of languages have, for some reason, also cut themselves off the general public, on whom, consequently, they have unfortunately had little or no influence.' Thus, in its 1964 report to the Commission on the Humanities, the Linguistic Society of America lamented that the effect of recent advances in linguistics on the public had been "essentially zero" (Language 49, 4, December 1973, p. 939; see also Sledd, 1978). No improvement can be seen in the thirty years since. Professional students of language are themselves to blame for their lack of authority among the laity. Unlike physicians, attorneys, pilots, and a host of other professionals, who, through mandatory formal training, examinations, licenses, guilds, unions, professional societies, credentials committees, review boards, ethics committees, and laws, have regulated their pursuits and in so doing have established their expertise in the eyes of the public, linguists have usually taken no stronger action against intruders than penning reviews in academic journals (which, as will be the fate of the present essay, few if any laypeople read), and they have not been as concerned as they should be with educating the public about language.

1 Linguist is used here in the sense of 'professional student of language' and not in its lay senses of 'polyglot' or 'dabbler in language'. A measure of the degree to which the public knows absolutely nothing about linguistics is the fact that the first question which the laity invariably asks when a linguist says "I'm a linguist" is "How many languages do you know?" If linguists try to explain that their professionalism is not measured by the number of languages "known," the reaction is just as invariably one of skepticism.

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Anyone wishing to pontificate about language, no matter how incompetent, is thus free to hang out his shingle and operate without the restraints usual in other professions and occupations. Bolinger (1980:1) puts it succinctly:

"In language there are no licensed practitioners, but the

woods are full of midwives, herbalists, colonic irrigationists, bonesetters and general-purpose witch doctors [...]" (see also Gold, in press). T h e inevitable result is that amateurs step in to provide the public with the books and articles which linguists have failed to give it (Gold, in prep.).

1. Fundamentalism and Chauvinism For someone unacquainted with Jewish fundamentalism it may be hard to believe that in 1989 a book could appear in New York City which claimed the existence of some (undefined) entity called "the Creator of Hebrew" (p. 25); that Hebrew is "the PREMIER and F O R E M O S T language" (p. 119, emphasis, but no explanation, in original); that Hebrew was the language spoken by all human beings before (some unverified event called) the destruction of the Tower of Babel; that Hebrew is the ancestor of all other human languages; that "there is a vast science in numerological interpretation of decoded words in the Hebrew Bible" (p. 62); that the author "traces the majority of English words" to Biblical Hebrew (back cover); etc.; that is, as if none of the many erroneous claims which Borst (1957-1963) examined in close detail had ever been made, as if it were still unclear what the position of Hebrew among the world's languages was, and as if modern linguistics had accomplished nothing. 2

2. Lucus a Non Lucendo The author of the book, Isaac E. Mozeson, played with etymology the way children play with building blocks (add a letter or block here, take away a letter or block there, reverse a letter or block anywhere), with no firmer a rule than: if word χ in this or that language other than Hebrew sounds or looks like word y in Hebrew, χ must be derived from y (naturally, he rarely considered the possibility that y was, Heaven forfend, derived f r o m χ ). 3 Following that weakest of criteria 2 Even if all of the world's languages were shown to go back to a single language, in which case the Babel myth would be valid metaphorically, however wrong it may be in its details (the building of a tower, etc.), Hebrew could still not be a candidate for "Proto-Human" since, like all other languages of which we have knowledge (even reconstructed ones), it would be far too young to fit the bill: Hebrew, which is nothing more than the Jewish variety of Canaanite, is a mere 3500 hundred years or so old, hence a latecomer on the human scene. 3 The rule is never stated but it is easily inferred from the examples in the book and it is implied by the words "modular" and "reversible" in Mozeson's letter to Roy S. Rosenstein of March 4, 1990, a copy of which is in my possession: The leading etymologists [...] feel that I have broken open comparative linguistics, and proved that words of the world are universal, modular, reversible, and based on primeval Proto-Semitic roots" (Mozeson does not

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(which Mozeson made easier to satisfy by misromanizing just about every Hebrew word he cited and by considering only parts of words if that suited his purpose), we could probably derive Bantu from Basque, Catalan from Cantonese, or ANY language from ANY other. Letting his imagination run amok, he offered us, for example, these supposed reflexes (in all-capitals) of Hebrew yaakov 'Jacob': Jake's career begins as a younger twin baby who grabs Esau by the heel and who, using deceit, supplants his undeserving brother as the privileged firstborn. To JOCKEY means to cheat, swindle, and maneuver for position or advantage. An unrefined Bible reader would consider Jacob a JACK (knave) who cheated his brother Esau out of his inheritance or JACKPOT with his JOCULAR brand of JUGGLING. And why might this maligned patriarch be the inspiration for JACKDAWS, JACKRABBITS and a dozen other male birds, beasts and fish? It might be because, after much jockeying and financial juggling with Laban, he hits the jackpot with some magical tricks of animal breeding. In addition, after some juggling and jockeying of wives, Jacob ended up with four wives and at least thirteen children (p. 95).

Or, to take another specimen, Mozeson's etymology of three letters of English English (romanizations in angle brackets are mine, DLG): E(N)GL(ISH) Roots: The IE root of ANGLE and ENGLAND is ank (to bend). Latin Angli (the Angles) retains the L. The language of the Angles (and Saxons) is linked to / ekal (to bend, twist, pervert ~ Habakk.uk 14). BRANCHES: Cognates and evidence of the nasalization (added N) of the Hebrew etymon may be seen at "ANKLE"

Among the approximately 22,000 English words which Mozeson traced to Hebrew were catch (supposedly from kots 'thorn' and kash 'lay snares'), samurai (supposedly from shomer 'guard'), and yen 'strong desire' (supposedly from anan 'cloud'). We were asked to believe that English appendix, finch, penguin, pontiff, porcupine, puncture, and spine were all cognates (going back to Hebrew pina 'corner'), and that among the words "possibly" from Hebrew were English bolshevik (from bashel ripe'?), cossack (from esek 'quarrel, dispute'?), and mulligan (from marak 'soup'?). Parts of words which he traced to Hebrew were, among many others, the last three letters of crucifix (from safach 'attach, join'), the last four letters of soviet (from vaad 'committee'), and the first four of television (from hitil 'impose; set, place'). Not unexpectedly, theologically incorrect or embarrassing "etymologies" such as Islam < Hebrew shalom 'peace'; yeshiva < Hebrew yashvan 'buttocks'; and Jesus < Hebrew yeshua 'redemption' were absent from this dictionary.

name those "leading etymologists"). The jacket flap states that "all languages are a scrambled form of mankind's original tongue."

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3. War on Linguistics Mozeson warned us that his book was only the first shot in the war he intended to wage on "the root doctors," "the new linguists," "German scientists," and "the linguistic establishment." He promised a much larger version of The Word (later announced for the spring of 1993) and a dictionary of place names, a foretaste of which he gave us with "Hebrew" etymologies for America, Bahamas ("perhaps"), Caribbean, the Mass- and -i of Massachusetts, and Miami. His mention of "German scientists" was part of another war he was waging, against linguists' classification of Hebrew as Hamito-Semitic. Mozeson seemed to think that this classification was akin to the Jewish Holocaust: "It was only a century and a half ago when a few German scientists brutalized Mother Hebrew and ripped her children from her arms. Languages without blond hair and blue eyes were systematically banished from the Germanic realm, packed into carefully numbered boxcars and shipped east to overcrowded and undernourished departments like Near Eastern Studies" (p. 1). Any such innuendo that judeophobia motivated linguists' classification of Hebrew is silly: Mozeson seemed to be unaware of the countless Jewish linguists who have agreed with those "German scientists" (or perhaps he dismissed them as self-hating Jews), and he seemed to overlook the several Jewish languages which are universally recognized as belonging to the Indo-European family. In general, the intemperance of his remarks here and elsewhere in the book put him beyond the pale of civilized discourse. Possibly every error imaginable in the study of language was committed in this dictionary, which should be read, if at all, as an antitextbook of linguistics, to be studied not for emulation but for avoidance. Committing blunder after blunder about English, Hebrew, Yiddish, Arabic, and probably every other language cited, Mozeson was swept away by apparently boundless linguistic, religious, and ethnic chauvinism (though he dealt kindly with certain other peoples: "Hebrew happiness is shared because Polish usmiech [sic, DLG] is a smile and Cantonese some is happy" [s.v. English smug, which, of course, is from Hebrew]). Confusing sounds and symbols (as well as misunderstanding much else), he claimed that "Biblical Hebrew has no vowels and that "the English vowel letters E, I, 0, and U are chaotic contrivances that help to make English a nightmare to spell," from which we were to infer that "vowels" and "vowel letters" might at will be transposed, substituted, replaced or simply ignored in etymological research. What Householder said of a different book applies to Mozeson's with equal force: "If you have read it, you need no comment from me; if you haven't read it, you wouldn't believe me" (Householder, 1963:82). Even 122 years before The Word was published, it would have been dismissed as oldfashioned: "The difference between the old haphazard style of etymologizing and the modern scientific method lies in this: that the latter, while allowing everything to be theoretically possible, accepts nothing as actual which is not proved by sufficient evidence; it brings to bear upon each individual case a wide circle of related facts; it imposes upon the student the necessity of extended

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comparison and cautious deduction; it makes him careful to inform himself as thoroughly as circumstances allow respecting the history of every word he deals with" (Whitney, 1868:386).

4. Seria Non Leguntur Mozeson seemed to ignore no writers, however much discredited today, if they brought grist to his mill. At English lad, for example, he approvingly quoted Noah Webster's "Hebrew" etymology of the word and remarked that his "18th century dictionary [is? was?] scorned by the O.E.D. and the linguistic establishment." Someone who gave new life to Webster's misetymology of lad should have known that he published no dictionaries in the eighteenth century. In contrast to the great faith which he placed in the linguistically unreliable, Mozeson ignored serious literature. Indeed, it is hard to keep a straight face when reading his "Select Bibliography." Most of the mere thirty-three "select" items were just dictionaries from which he copied words. Of those items dealing specifically with etymology, virtually none was of any scholarly value. Just the titles of two were proof enough: The Japanese and the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel and Hebrew as the Source of Languages (the back cover offered a different, more revealing, title for the latter work: The Holy Language: Source of All Languages). He relied on a linguistic know-nothing like Ernest Klein, who, for his A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the Hebrew Language, as for his English etymological dictionary, had merely copied whatever etymologies he happened to find elsewhere, whether right or wrong (examples in Gold, 1983:136; 1987b:320), and Joseph T. Shipley, who, whatever his accomplishments may have been as a student of English literature, was unreliable in etymological matters (Salus 1987:182 called his The Origins of English Words: A Discursive Dictionary of Indo-European Roots "overblown," though stronger words would be needed to characterize it and Shipley's Dictionary of Word Origins adequately).

5. Madison-Avenue Hyperbole The publisher's blurb sheet ("Early Comments on The Word") included glowing testimonials from non-linguists like the "Executive Director of the Jewish Heritage Writing Project," the "Director of the Memra Inst, for Biblical Research," and people who wrote about the book in The Kansas City Jewish Chronicle, the Young Israel of 5th Ave. Bulletin, Yom Hashishi, and The New York Jewish Review, publications not exactly known as diseeminators of linguistic information. The back cover of Mozeson's book cited "praise" for it from the Chairman of the Department of Classical Languages and Literature at Yeshiva University; from the author of two elementary Hebrew texts who was also the director of the Jerusalem School of Study [sic, DLG]

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the Synoptic Gospels and an elder of the Baptist Church; from the executive vice-president of the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregation [sic, DLG] of America; and from the author of The Holy Language: Source of All Languages. Likewise without credentials in linguistics were those whom Mozeson mentioned in the Acknowledgements and the "reviewers" of the book in the general Jewish press. 4

6. Loreolam

in mustaceo

quaesivit

and der rebe iz groys ven r'hot

kleyne

talmidimlekh Mozeson appeared to knock on the doors of linguists (at least Noam Chomsky, Robert A. Fowkes, and Joseph Malone) in a sedulous quest for recognition. If so, he indeed realized that their opinions were the only ones which counted (despite a later protestation to Roy S. Rosenstein [see ft. 3] that he did not "bother" much with "academics"). Seeing that he was being laughed out of court and derided as a paleoteric, mumpsimus, and lirripoop, he may have rationalized away his hurt by claiming the grapes were sour, thus finally tiring of trying to gain entry into the linguistic establishment. Turning to the linguistically naive and unsuspecting laity for approval, he was welcomed enthusiastically, becoming a popular lecturer at synagogs, churches, and Jewish community centers, where his ideas were swallowed hook, line and sinker. He touted his dictionary at conventions and book fairs and he could be seen on a Jerusalem street corner trying to sell it to passers-by. It was offered by a Jewish book club and part of it was serialized for four months in The National Jewish Post and Opinion, where it had gotten a rave and uninformed "review" from a rabbi (Polirer 1990)—as if the subject of the book were not linguistic but religious, and thus the "review" had to be assigned to a rabbi for proper appraisal.5

4 The "reviews" which have come to my attention describe their authors thus: "staff writer" (Canaan), "rabbi" (Polirer), "rabbi [who] has authored books on Jewish death and mourning and on ethical wills. He is the spiritual leader of Beth David Congregation in Miami, Florida, and is a member of Jewish Spectator's Advisory Board" (Riemer), and "an editor and writing living in Jerusalem. He is the former director of the Martin Steinberg Center of the American Jewish Congress" (HaKohen). 5 After I alerted the editor of the newspaper to the value of the book, he sought the opinion of Noam Chomsky, who wrote him on 16 April 1990: "[Mozeson had] actually contacted me earlier on. I am afraid I must agree with Dr. Gold. He's a quack. Not malicious, I'm sure. But this kind of thing makes no sense at all. You can take any two languages and find accidental similarities of this sort. To establish relations between languages is a tricky matter, requiring regular sound laws, not similarities among randomly chosen words. Sorry. I wish I could be more positive." The editor terminated serialization, which had run from 8 November 1989 to 7 March 1990. Other linguists who dismissed Mozeson out of hand are David B. Guralnik. Herbert H. Paper, and Roy S. Rosenstein, all of whom expressed their opinions in letters to me.

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7. The Net Result Where Things Count It is true that linguistics, as the Linguistic Society of America noted in its 1964 report, has not had the slightest influence on the laity, but by the same token Mozeson did not have the slightest influence on the linguistic establishment, where he was studiously ignored. No serious dictionary of any language included his outlandish etymologies. No handbook of linguistics, history of language, history of any particular language or group of languages, or relevant encyclopedia article incorporated even one of his "discoveries." In the end, Mozeson got his fifteen brief minutes of fame on the stage of linguistics and then joined the countless others who have become mere footnotes of history in Borst 1957-1963. He could have shaken hands with oddballs like Nors S. Josephson, who thought he saw Greek in the Polynesian languages (Besnier, 1988); David Birkan, who in a column in the Canadian Jewish News regularly dished up outlandish Hebrew etymologies for English words; Dov Ashbel, a meteorologist who, without claiming that any language was derived from Hebrew, thought he found numerous reflexes of Hebrew words in other languages, for example, Latin ratio < Hebrew rosh 'head' and English acre < Hebrew ikar 'farmer' (Ashbel, 1985); and countless other performers in the three-ring circus of the linguistically absurd. Alluding to the furor etymologicus of the many Jews who have dabbled in language, Uriel Weinreich once sneeringly referred to etymology as "the Jewish national sport" (see also Posner, 1969:368). In that sense, Mozeson was a major-league player. His crude and warped ideas did not reflect half-baked scholarship — they were not scholarship at all. Parading linguistic ignorance and Jewish ethnocentrism on a grand scale, he dished up a morass of free-floating impressions, mindboggling assertions and mistaken complaints, which no amount of editing could have made worthy of serious attention.6 He tried to burst onto the scene with a magnum opus, but it was neither that nor an opus idoneum or opus laudabile. Imagining himself to be a pathfinder, he tried to spring what he thought was a Kuhnian revolution on an unsuspecting lay audience, but he was actually quite ordinary, both in the sense that countless others have claimed that this or that language was "the original language" of the human race and in that many others have claimed Hebrew to be that language. What he thought was a new paradigm was, however, actually old hat. The reader's reaction might be "why pay any attention to this poppycock at all?," which was indeed the response of the editor of American

Speech when I proposed a brief review of

6 To be sure, no one in the business, the present writer included, has not made his share of mistakes, but rarely on such a scale as this in recent years. Bernard Bloch used to rate "everything in language... [as]: (1) genuine primary data, (2) responsible description, (3) statement to be kept on probation, (4) statement serving to illustrate how far wrong dilettantism or pseudo-scholarship can go, [or] (5) superstition" (Joos 1967:16). Mozeson rated (4) and (5). Not everything, however, in Mozeson's book was dead wrong: a tiny number of his etymologies were correct (like English Jacob « Hebrew yaakov), but they have been known for years, they were not original with him, and, since they prove nothing more earthshaking than that certain Hebrew words have reflexes in other languages, they were obvious, trivial, and irrelevant to the claims he made.

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Mozeson's book. That, in fact, seemed to be the implicit response of almost the entire linguistic world, for, aside from Jewish Linguistic Studies, no journal in our field devoted space to the book (Gold, 1990). Although the silence of most linguists was eloquent testimony to the fact that no one in the linguistic establishment would give Mozeson so much as the time of day, that is precisely the misguided ivory-tower attitude whose consequence has been that linguistics has had no influence on the laity. We should have had a more explicit response than studied silence. As Ladislav Zgusta once remarked to me, "Dilettantes are a pain in the neck. Like weeds, they will never disappear completely, but, still, we must try to root them out."

8. How This Dictionary Became a Best-Seller Eight general and three Jewish factors explain how this dictionary slipped into print, became a best seller, and went into a second edition. First, in fields where the phenomena are not so accessible as language is (for example, in nuclear physics and molecular biology), lay intrusion is absent entirely because the untrained have no data to work with. In contrast, almost all human beings can speak and hear; hence the data are (superficially) accessible to almost anyone. By its very nature, language thus attracts a large number of dilettantes. Second, as noted above, linguists have failed to regulate their profession; hence intruders have not been kept out. Had Mozeson written on medicine with the same unprofessionalism as he wrote on language, every medical society and department of health from here to Timbuktu would have been in an uproar. Third, in the eyes of the unsuspecting laity, Mozeson's perpetual-motion machine had the illusion of working. The laity did not realize that countless people before him had tried to prove what he did and had all failed (Borst, 1957-1963). Fourth, with few exceptions, the laity hasn't the foggiest notion whatsoever of what makes a dictionary good or bad. How to use a dictionary is rarely taught and how to evaluate one almost never taught. 7 Fifth, according to a misguided notion now prevalent in the United States, "every story has two sides"; hence even the wackiest of opinions deserves "equal time." Sixth, "reviews" of dictionaries in the popular press, usually written by the laity, are almost always superficial, and with few exceptions they show no understanding of what makes a 7 Read 1963 is unique because of the publication in which it appeared and Stewart 1993 is another rare discussion of the subject in the non-linguistic periodical press. The latter article mentions Dictionaries for Adults and Children (published by the American Library Association) and Kister's Best Dictionaries for Adults and Young People (published by Oryx Press). Note too Wilson, Hendrickson, and Taylor 1963. All of those guides, however, deal only with general English dictionaries and none would have been enough to steer the linguistically naive away from Mozeson's book.

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dictionary good or bad. Generally, those briefest of "reviews" are nothing more than puff pieces, patched together from passages lifted from publishers' "news releases" (i.e. exaggerated claims about their dictionaries) with a few superficial comments of the reviewers' own (Gold, 1985). Once again, Cicero was prescient: "Peccatonim vitiorumque laudatrix, fama popularis." Seventh, many reviews of dictionaries in academic publications are not much more penetrating than the puff pieces. Yet even if some reviews in linguistics periodicals are good, and even if they are critical, the laity almost never sees them. 8 In this case, only one academic review appeared. Eighth, most publishers do not have any notion of what features make a dictionary (or any book on language) good or bad. Most of them have no idea what credentials to require of a wouldbe dictionary-maker or any writer on language. Most of them do not take the trouble to seek expert opinions on manuscripts of linguistic interest. All that most publishers see is the superficial "reviews" in the popular press. Certain publishers mistake mass appeal for mass edification and to many of them, if a book sells, that's all that matters. Even after linguists call them to account for having wholesaled error, few are responsible enough to withdraw the offending book from the market. Ninth, in accordance with the Jewish dictum that maalin bakodesh velo moridin 'holiness may be increased but not decreased' and the belief that Hebrew-Aramaic is leshon-hakodesh

'the

Language of Holiness', Jewish armchair etymologists, in an attempt to increase the "holiness" of certain non-Hebrew-Aramaic-origin words, have for centuries been folk-etymologizing them as if they were (for example, Eastern Yiddish yarmlke

'skullcap', which is of Slavic origin and has

nothing to do with Hebrew-Aramaic [Gold, 1987a; Struminsky ,1987]).9 Mozeson, therefore, did not strike Jews as weird. Quite the contrary, he appeared to be piously and dutifully continuing down the path beaten by innumerable ancestors and contemporaries. He was part of Jewish folk tradition—a tradition no more scientifically grounded than that of "exorcising the Evil Eye" and other Jewish pieties. Tenth, many of the world's Jews are by now so Jewishly empty and ignorant that few of them can distinguish the highest wisdom about Hebrew from the senile, toothless wreck of a notion 8 Of those writing in the popular press who have come to my attention (Ben Dov, 1990; Canaan, 1989; HaKohen, 1990; Gal, 1989; Landers, 1990; Polirer, 1990; Riemer ,1990; and Santacruz 1993), only Landers did his homework by soliciting the reaction of linguists. As therefore expected, his review was negative. To my knowledge, the laity had an opportunity to hear the voice of linguists only in Landers, 1990; Paper, 1990; and Gold, 1993 (true to their lowbrow character, The American Israelite and Hadassah Magazine did not publish letters protesting their puff pieces on the book). HaKohen 1990 called Mozeson's book "fantastic," an apt characterization in the sense of 'outlandish' (as Haim Blanc said of N. Ja. Marr, his "formulations [...] have the eerie quality of science fiction, but with the science left out. What he had to say could barely be stated, let alone demonstrated, in terms of conventional linguistics or history. Accordingly, demonstration is never seriously attempted" [Blanc, 1958:90]). 9 Countless other such folk etymologies have been reported in Hebrew and Yiddish linguistic literature, they in fact being so numerous that they have a generic name: rabbinic folk etymologies. That tradition is not isolated: in several speech communities around the world, a prestigious language is often mistaken as the source of many more items than it has actually supplied (see, for instance, pseudo-Latin etymologies in Rumanian and pseudo-Latin spellings in English).

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such as the one which Mozeson tried to revive and recirculate.") It is a shame that when the public is so crassly uninformed or misinformed about language in general or about this or that language in particular that an opportunity was missed to put a reliable book on English or Hebrew into its hands. Eleventh, although a dictionary is concerned with language (the truism bears repeating in this case), the laity seemed to perceive Mozeson's book as bearing on a Jewish theological issue; hence the puff pieces ("reviews") and blurbs ("praise") by rabbis (Glazerson, Polirer, Riemer, Stolper, Wohlgelemter, and possibly others). In other quarters, it would have appeared odd to choose a Roman Catholic priest to review a book on Latin or an Anglican priest to review one on English solely by virtue of their being priests, but in the Jewish world rabbis are supposed to be "expert Hebraists" and the highest authorities on everything. If only the know-it-alls knew the dictums cognosce te ipsum and alts gevust,

gomitfarshtanen.

11. Conclusions If linguistics had had no influence on the general public by 1964, it has had no influence since then either. The recent closing of the departments of linguistics at Columbia and Yale Universities and the downgrading of the department to a program at the University of Michigan show that today's society is not interested in the scientific study of language. In the eyes of the laity, it is the indoctorum arrogantissimi who reign supreme. People fired only by religious or chauvinistic zeal are not out to learn the truth but to try to find support for their preconceived notions, confirm the myths in which they believe, and convert the incredulous to the One True Faith. Because they create their own "truths" and will not desist from them even when confronted with the facts, it is fruitless to put before them something as flimsy as the findings of modern linguistics. Religious fundamentalism has in recent years been much in the news in the United States (see, for example, Steinfels, 1993), and the successful invasion of Israeli politics by Jewish religious fundamentalists is by now an old story; but here we had something new: an attempt by a Jewish religious fundamentalist to invade contemporary linguistics, overthrow it, and establish a "linguistics" of his own. Mozeson offered the laity excitement at the expense of fact and he gave linguists an idea of the mumbo jumbo which passes for "Hebrew philology" in religious circles. Rather than starting with an open mind and letting the data carry him where they might, Mozeson began with a foregone conclusion, tailored the data to suit it, and put an interpretation on the material which it will not bear. He was the latest in a long line of Jews (and non-Jews) who put the cart before the horse by 10 Non-Jews are also miserably ignorant about Hebrew, but they are not obliged to know anything about it.

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taking an impossible scenario as real and then trying to patch together "evidence" by adducing even the slightest o f formal or semantic similarities between words (or parts of words) in Hebrew and other languages. W h e n confronted with what has for decades been settled truths of linguistics, he did not s e e m willing to listen. T o a "faithful believer," evaluations by Chomsky, Fowkes, Gold, Malone, Paper, Wescott, and other linguists did not count, but those in the general press did. Like other people with a fecund imagination w h o find Hebrew (and Yiddish) a field for untrammeled speculation, he w a s s o far beyond the pale and s o unwilling to hear the unanimous opinion of linguists that it would have been foolishly optimistic to suppose that any review, however detailed or well argued, could have shaken the faith of this linguistic pariah. In sum, M o z e s o n had an agenda, but he had no facts. Linguists and other scientists do not have a hidden agenda but they do have the facts. W e always keep an open mind, and w e cherish high-level debate, but epistemological humility has its limits. A time thus c o m e s when w e have to declare that the Earth is not flat.i 1

References Ashbel, Dov (1985) European Languages Got the Names for Parts of the Human Body and Their Movements from Hebrew. In B.-Ts. Luna (compiler): Sefer Avraham Even-Shoshan. Jerusalem: Kiryat-Sefer. 77-86 (in Hebrew). Ben Dov, Reuven (1990) 'Everyone thinks in Hebrew.'Weekend [= The Jerusalem Post Magazine]. 22 June. 25. Besnier, Niko (1988) Review of Josephson 1987. Language, 64, 817. Blanc, Haim (1958) Review of Thomas 1957. Language, 34, 89-91. Bolinger, Dwight (1980) Language: The Loaded Weapon: The Use and Abuse of Language Today. London and New York: Longmans. Borst, Arno (1957-1963) Der Turmbau von Babel: Geschichte der Meinungen über Ursprung und Vielfalt der Sprachen und Völker. 4 vols. Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann. Canaan, Don (1989) Author Claims Hebrew is World's Mother Tongue. The American Israelite. 10 August. 7. Even-Shoshan, Avraham (1977) Hamilon Hechadash. Jerusalem: Kiryat-Sefer. Gal, Y. (1989) Sefer Shanuy Bemachaloket: Ivrit Bechol Lashon. Hadoar. 17 November. 17 [title translated: A Controversial Book: Hebrew in Every Language], Gold, David L. (1983) From Latinic *purgare to British Jewish English porge: A Study in Jewish Intralinguistics. Jewish Language Review 3, 117-155. (1985) The Debate Over Webster's Third Twenty-Five Years Later: Winnowing the Chaff from the Grain. Dictionaries 7, 225-235. (1987a) The Etymology of the English Noun yarmlke 'Jewish skullcap' and the Obsolescent Hebrew Noun yarmulka 'idem' (With an Addendum on Judezmo Words for 'Jewish skullcap'). Jewish Language Review 7, 180-199. (1987b) Review of Even-Shoshan 1977. Jewish Language Review!, 304-322. (1990) Fiction or Medieval Philology. Jewish Linguistic Studies 2, 105-133 [rev. of Mozeson 1989]. (1993) [letter to the editor on Santacruz 1993]. The Jewish Standard. 12 February 1993. 16.

11 I thank Robert L. Chapman for comments on an earlier version of this essay. He characterized The Word as "a fringe atrocity on our discipline."

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(in press) On the Study of Jewish Family Names. In Namenforschung: Ein internationales Handbuch zur allgemeinen und europäischen Onomastik (Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft). Edited by Emst Eichler, Gerold Hilty, Heinrich Löffler, Hugo Steger, and Ladislav Zgusta. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, (in prep.) On Professional vs. Lay Reception of Dictionaries, the Oeuvre of Eric Partridge (with Examples from A Concise Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English), and a Matter of Ethics. HaKohen, Yosef Ben Shlomo (1990) Review of Mozeson 1989. Hadassah Magazine. May. 45-46. Householder Jr., Fred W. (1963) Review of Mohrmann et al. 1961. Language 39, 78-87. Joos, Martin (1967) Bernard Bloch. Language 43, 3-19. Josephson, Nors S. (1987) Greek Linguistic Elements in the Polynesian Languages (Hellenicum Pacificum). Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag (= Bibliothek der allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft, Reihe 2, Einzeluntersuchungen und Darstellungen) [rev. Besnier 1980]. Landers, Yisrael (1990) Samuray—Hu Shem Ivri? Devar-Hashavua. 2 March. 16-17 [title translated: Is Samurai a Hebrew Word?]. Malkiel, Yakov (1968) Essays on Linguistic Themes. Oxford: Basil Blackwell [rev. Posner 1968]. Mohrmann, Christine, Alf Sommerfeit, and Joshua Whatmough (eds.) (1961) Trends in European and American Linguistics ¡930-1960. Utrecht and Antwerp: Spectrum Publishers [rev. Householder 1963]. Mozeson, Isaac E. (1989) The Word: The Dictionary That Reveals The Hebrew Source of English. New York: Shapolsky Publishers [rev. Gold 1990], Paper, Herbert H. (1990) Mozeson's "Drivel." Jewish Spectator. 55, 3. Winter. 60 [on Riemer 1990]. Poiirer, Richard (1990) Review of Mozeson 1989. The National Jewish Post and Opinion. 17 January. 18. Posner, Rebecca (1969) Review of Malkiel 1968. Language, 45, 364-369. Read, Allen Walker (1963) That Dictionary or The Dictionary? Consumer Reports, 28, 488-492 (see also 29, 9697). Riemer, Jack (1990) Review of Mozeson 1989. Jewish Spectator. 55, 1. Summer. 59. Salus, Peter H. (1987) Review of The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots (revised and edited by Calvert Watkins). Language, 63, 182-183. Santacniz, Daniel M. (1993) Scholar digs deep to find Hebrew roots of English. The Jewish Standard. 8 January. 12, 25. Sledd, James (1978) What Are We Going to Do about It Now That We're Number One? American Speech 53, 171198. Steinfels, Peter (1993) Fundamentalism: the 20th Century's Last Ideology. The New York Times. 6 April. A21. Stewart, Joyce M. (1993) Shopping for a Dictionary. The New York Times. 11 March. C2. Struminsky, Bohdan A. (1987) On The Etymology of Polish jarmutka. Jewish Language Review 7, 200-203. Thomas, Lawrence L. (1957) The Linguistic Theories of N.Ja. Marr. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press [rev. Blanc 1958]. Whitney, William Dwight (1868) Language and the Study of Language. London. Wilson, Kenneth G., R.H. Hendrickson, and Peter Alan Taylor (1963) Harbrace Guide to Dictionaries. New York and Burlingame: Harcourt, Brace and World.

Culture-Bound and Trapped by Technology: Centuries of Bias in the Making of Wordbooks Tom McArthur

0. Introduction When biologists look at cells under a microscope they do not usually think about cell, a word that serves them as impartially as it serves monks, convicts and electricians. Most of the time, for most people, a cell is a cell is a cell, whether on a slide, or in a cloister, penitentiary or battery. The three nouns in the title of this book are similarly obvious in meaning yet variable in application. The phrase Culture, ideology and the dictionary clearly indicates that some scholars have written about the relationships between a particular kind of reference book and behaviour, politics, beliefs, bias, propaganda and so forth, but it achieves this brief clarity at a price: polysemy affects (or infects?) these words as much as it affects cell, but is not so easily resolved. Whereas the contexts of biology, religion, penal establishments and electricity only occasionally overlap, the multivalences in culture, ideology and dictionary occur within the very bounds of lexicographical scholarship itself. For that reason I will look at these terms one by one before using them to make some points about historical biases that have influenced several genres of lexical reference.

1. Culture The word culture originates in Latin cultura, whose core sense is "tilling the soil." Most current uses have kept something of that ancient sense: in agriculture and bee culture the link is clear, in tissue culture it is still detectable, and in physical

culture and a cultured way of speaking the

metaphorical tie between kinds of training and preparing the ground for seed can still be found. To this last sense, however, a second metaphor has been added, in terms of which people assess such matters as training, activity and status as "higher" or "lower" on various social and aesthetic scales. Finally, close to this "social-judgement" use but far from tilling the soil is the "anthropological" sense in such phrases as classical Greek culture and twentieth-century

Western culture. This last

appears to be the sense intended in the title. It is not easy, however, to separate this "anthropological" sense, which addresses in a highly abstract way a major aspect of the human condition, from the "social-judgement" sense, which (often emotively) identifies something one has or lacks, as one has or lacks charm, good looks or

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money. Typically of polysémie relations, the two senses are not walled off from each other, but are rather fuzzy points on the same continuum. Tension between them is commonplace, including in the making, selling and use of dictionaries. Although, in recent years at least, dictionary compilers have tried to be neutral and objective when preparing entries, their publishers often exploit social insecurity to promote sales, using subtexts like "Cultured people own dictionaries—the rest don't." Lexicographers commonly agree that one should describe words and usages, not prescribe some and proscribe others, but many users of dictionaries see things differently: they want help and reassurance on the "proper" uses of words. The tension between what lexicographers do and what many people think they do (or ought to do) can be considerable, as witness the furor over the philosophy, style and content of Webster's Third International Dictionary in the early 1960s (cf. Sledd/Ebbitt, 1962). In the remoter past, before the anthropological approach to culture and society emerged, there were few such problems. In Johnson's and Webster's day, for example, the degree of psychological fit between makers and users of dictionaries was close: they all knew they were concerned with maintaining the lexical proprieties of "high" national cultures: one in the Old World, one in the New. The anthropological sense covers ways of living, behaving and thinking that communities build up and pass on, including art, artifacts, rituals, customs, ideas, beliefs, and values. To study such matters calls for a certain "distance" from what is studied (another spatial metaphor), but the concept of such a distance is itself culture-bound, and nurtured among people who, by virtue of their training, activity and status, are already high on the social list (whether they like such an idea or not). The social-judgement sense relates to artistic, intellectual, and linguistic activity, aesthetic refinement, educational attainment, and attitudes about good and bad and right and wrong in such matters. Anthropological culture is supposed to describe and explain the workings of socialjudgement culture, but not (nowadays at least) to aid and abet them. Academics are not supposed to be socially and culturally biased in their work, although we know that they have been and sometimes still are biased (often despite their best intentions). We may suspect that things will never be otherwise; experience—both commonsensical and scholarly—suggests that no one has ever existed outside a sociocultural matrix that shapes behaviour and thought, or ever could. The shift that has taken most scholars away from the social-judgement approach towards the anthropological approach (in their professional lives at least) belongs to the 19th and particularly the 20th centuries. It was slow and patchy in developing, has occurred at different speeds for different people and disciplines, has not occurred at all, or to any great extent, for many people (including some scholars), and has no guarantee of permanency. It is, by and large, an aspect of the powerful social bias inherent in the "scientific method" itself, and could in due course give way to something else.

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2. Ideology The term ideology is an infant compared with culture, dating back no further than the French Revolution. In 1796, the philosopher-count A.-L.-C. Destutt de Tracy coined idéologie to name a "science of ideas" in which knowledge is seen as deriving from the senses alone (making this study very different from metaphysics). In his view, the application of ideology to society at large could strengthen reason, education, democracy and the egalitarian aims of the Revolution. Napoleon at first approved of the policies of the idéologistes, but later blamed them for the Republic's defeats in battle. He applied the term contemptuously to the confused and confusing politics of the late 1890s, scorning de Tracy and his colleagues as impractical idéologues. The term has often been used pejoratively since then. A split has also subsequently developed in the way the term is used, leading to what may be called its modernist and universalist senses. The modernist sense retains de Tracy's revolutionary credo, and refers to any "system of ideas that aspires both to explain the world and to change it" (Cranston 1986). Such an ideology, as the OED puts it, is "regarded as justifying actions," is "held implicitly or adopted as a whole," and is "maintained regardless of the course of events" (1989). Such ideology dates from the Enlightenment, and cannot include any sociopolitical system from before that time (whether defunct or on-going) or any that comes from beyond Europe and its diaspora. The evolution of the modernist sense has been complex (as in the writings of Hegel, Marx, Weber, Camus, Popper, and Sartre), and it usually refers to consciously-contrived totalitarian secular systems such as Fascism and Communism. During this century, however, a universalist sense has emerged that covers any sociopolitical system whatever, modern or ancient, defunct or on-going, European or other. Islam and Hinduism may therefore have ideological aspects insofar as Muslims or Hindus engage in sociopolitical theory-building and in kinds of mental and social control. Their ideologies may derive as freely from and interact as freely with their worldviews, hierarchies and canons as any in Europe and its diasporas. In this sense, ideology need not be consciously contrived, totalitarian, secular, or even coherent. This may be the sense intended in the title of this book, but is not the only sense that could emerge in it. A writer might, for example, in a "classically" modernist sense, discuss only the nature and use of dictionaries in, for example, Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, or the Soviet Union. My own preference is for the broader terms belief system and idea system. Although they overlap (both relating to worldviews, hierarchies, canons, doctrines, laws, propaganda, publications, media, and the like), they usefully cover conditions that develop organically in whole communities rather than as the intellectual exercises of a self-selected élite (who may well develop specific ideologies within them). Partly ordered and variably coherent, such systems are not by nature "well-edited." To say that someone is Christian is not usually enough; the complexity of

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Christian culture demands that we find out more, even if it is never quite enough. To talk about an archetype needs more than a knowledge of C. G. Jung; the term has resonances beyond analytical psychology. Because many people feel the need to understand belief and idea systems more fully, describing them attracts the de Tracys of this world—ideologists who, for their own reasons or as servants of particular masters, seek to impose greater rigour and direction on them than they traditionally possess or even need. The Japanese generally practice Shinto but are not usually comfortable describing it. The compiler of a dictionary of Shinto terms or an encyclopedia of Shintoism might therefore need to define the word or edit the subject into a sharper focus than it has usually needed. Achieving new clarity of this kind may well be a prime function of works of reference; if so, such an aim and undertaking are ideological in the sense that they are intended to influence how people perceive certain things (and perhaps also how they then behave in relation to them). Traditional belief and idea systems are closer to Shinto than to Communism; they are likely to influence reference materials only in implicit and indirect ways, and are probably too large and diffuse to be significantly shaped by them in return. In this, they are not like the regimes that Orwell had in mind when he described the Newspeak Dictionary. In Nineteen Eighty-four (1949), both the modernist view of ideology and the craft of lexicography are at their most bleak.

3. The Dictionary Although the term dictionary almost archetypally refers to books about words, books about words such as Roget's Thesaurus differ greatly from the dictionary "properly so called." In addition, some works of reference not concerned with words are called dictionaries, as for example The Oxford Dictionary of Natural History, which is an encyclopedia, and The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations, which is an anthology. There are also works that have all or many of the features of dictionaries, yet lack the name: for example, the Longman Guide to English Usage, which competes with Fowler's Dictionary of Modern English Usage (Oxford). However, the feature usually regarded as crucial to the term dictionary is A-to-Z ordering, and as a result the phrases alphabetical order and dictionary order are synonymous. The source of the above disparities lies in the Middle Ages, when the Latin terms dictionarium and dictionarius came into vogue. There were, however, no firm conventions about how books about dictiones ("words," "phrases," "sayings") should be shaped and named. Indeed, a variety of names arose, in Latin and in its vernacular adaptations. They include: abecedarium

(English

abecedary, absee) "ABC book"; alvearium (English alveary) "beehive"; glossarium

(English

glossary) "collection of glosses"; hortus "garden"; lexicon "wordbook" in Greek; liber floridus "flowery book"; manipulus

(English maniple)

"handful"; medulla

"kernel," "marrow";

Culture-Bound and Trapped by Technology: Centuries of Bias in the Making of Wordbooks

promptuarium,

promptorium

(English promptuary)

"storehouse"; thesaurus

385

"treasury",

"storehouse"; vocabularium (English vocabulary) "wordbook" in Latin; vulgaria (English vulgary) "book of common things." Neither compilers nor publishers have ever systematized the use of these terms, and the terms that survive mark the age-old veneration of a "golden age" of Latinate culture in terms of which later Europeans have tended to see themselves as dependent and derivative. In English, the slowly decaying preference for high and ancient names survives in attitudes to wordbook,

a humble Anglo-Saxon term that, some years ago, I pressed into service as a

superordinate for dictionary and thesaurus. I have from time to time been asked—especially by German-speakers (thinking of Wörterbuch, which translates dictionary)—whether this is in fact a "proper" word of English. It seems proper enough to me, and is indeed defined in "the dictionary," but I recognize that for many people, including some lexicographers, it is problematical. In the 18th century, Lord Chesterfield disdained it, and he was widely held in high esteem—though not by Johnson. Chesterfield wrote in a letter to The World (1754), the year before Johnson's Dictionary appeared: "I cannot but think it a sort of disgrace to our nation, that hitherto we have had no such standard of our language (as the French); our dictionaries at present being more properly what our neighbours the Dutch and Germans call theirs, WORD-BOOKS, than dictionaries in the superior sense of that title." That superiority has been considerable.

4. Alphabetic Bias I am assuming here that all alphabetically-ordered wordbooks, whether called dictionaries or not, are covered by the title of this book. I am not so sure about alphabetically-ordered books that, though called dictionaries, function as encyclopedias, anthologies, and the like. And I am even less sure about wordbooks that are not organized alphabetically and not normally called dictionaries: especially those with thematic formats, such as Roget's Thesaurus (1852), The Longman Lexicon of Contemporary English (1981), What's What: A Visual Glossary of the Physical World (1981) and the Random House Word Menu (1992). Such works inhabit a lexicographical closet, from which they are only occasionally let into the front room. Clearly not dictionaries "as such," they get some recognition because they are more like dictionaries than they are like anything else. Jackson (1988:216) refers to the traditional Roget and similar works as "non-alphabetical dictionaries," a usage that (though its intent is clear in his context) only points up the confusion: Roget is widely cited as the polar opposite of a dictionary. One can only conclude from this that dictionary has two virtually antithetical senses: a narrow, "proper" sense ("book that defines words in alphabetically-ordered entries") and a broad, very

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"loose" sense ("book that may or may not define words, may or may not be called a dictionary, or may or may not have alphabetically-ordered entries containing definitions"). Such an odd state of affairs is unlikely to be accidental. For most of recorded history and in most literate cultures thematic order (also called topical and classified order) has been the norm. It was dominant throughout the Middle Ages in Europe, when the term dictionary did not imply any specific genre or format. Alphabetic order at that time was largely confined to glossaries of hard words culled from Latin manuscripts, used in training young readers of Latin (Matoré, 1968; Mathews, 1933; McArthur, 1986; Read, 1986; Whitehall 1971). Otherwise the format was little used and had no prestige. During this period, the compiler's aim was to fit the omne scibile ("everything that can be known") into one circle of topics; as a result, most literate medieval Christians appear to have considered the scattering of nuggets of knowledge from A to Ζ as irrelevant and perhaps even perverse (McArthur, 1986: 50-80). After the development of movable type in 15th-century Europe, however, printers and writers grew used to lifting metal letters out of trays organized alphabetically, putting them in lines of type, then putting them back in the trays till needed again. This novel manipulation of metal, which soon became routine, appears to have made it easier for producers of printed books to think about using the ABC ordering developed centuries earlier for tutorial purposes. The alphabetic arrangement of concordances, indexes and dictionaries, now technically easy, became socially valuable as Latin grew less and less of a lingua franca for Europe and people began to need ever more help with it and other languages, such as Italian, French and English, whose social status was steadily rising. As more and more dictionaries were prepared for such new vehicles of knowledge, their prestige rose too. During the 16th and 17th centuries thematic and alphabetic formats were common in works of reference, but in the 17th century the alphabetic began to outnumber the thematic (despite even the great success of John Amos Comenius with the Ianua linguarum reserata in 1631 and the Orbis sensualium pictus in 1657). In the 18th century, A-to-Z dictionaries (now very much "properly so called") served as models for novel non-lexical works to which the name "encyclopaedia" was given (making them for the first time also "properly so called"). Although thematic lexical and encyclopedic reference books have continued to be produced into this century, alphabetic order had by 1750 become the format of preference with publishers, printers, compilers and the public alike. What had been a minor feature of scribal culture became a major feature of print culture. A further social factor seems likely to have helped in this development, beginning in the puritanical individualism of the Reformation and strengthened by the rationalism of the 16th century and the distrust of social and religious élites that emerged in the 18th century. The French exile Pierre Bayle, for example, compiled in the Netherlands a Dictionnaire historique et critique (1696), in which he avoided the use of any hierarchical structures, describing the result with satisfaction as "a shapeless compilation of passages all stitched to each others' tails" (my

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387

translation: cf. Matoré, 1968: 97). In England, Ephraim Chambers set the standard for vast and "shapeless" alphabetic egalitarianism in his Cyclopaedia (1728), Denis Diderot followed with his Encyclopédie (35 volumes: 1751-80), and a "Society of Gentlemen" in Scotland reinforced it with the Encyclopaedia Britannica (3 volumes: 1768-71). With their stitched-up head-to-tail entries, all three celebrated the liberation of thought, setting the style for dozens of scholarly and popular works that would be published in the 19th century for the newly literate masses.

5. Thematic Bias In 19721 undertook a year of lexicographical research for Longman, to see whether a new kind of reference book for foreign learners of English could be developed from recent descriptions of structural semantics (Lyons, 1968; Tyler, 1969). When I began this work, neither the Longman executives and their advisers nor I had any idea what would emerge from it. However, Longman had published the most famous thematic wordbook in English, Roget's Thesaurus, and made a great deal of money from it, and so the company may have been more open to unconventional lexical adventures than most other publishers at the time. After two years of research I was asked to produce something often called for convenience "a semantic dictionary." The result, the Longman Lexicon of Contemporary English (1981), was far more like Roget than like the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (1978), an A-to-Z work compiled at much the same time. The Lexicon has been a success (going through thirty impressions to 1993), but not on the scale of LDOCE, the flagship of Longman's EFL reference program. Many EFL/ESL teachers, reviewers, students and others have had difficulty assessing the Lexicon,

whose words are defined and exemplified in hundreds of sets within fourteen

semantic fields, with an additional network of cross-references. For them, a single A-to-Z list has had the advantages of both familiarity and a one-step process of consultation (factors that, for most purposes, are hard to beat). In addition, the idea of learning several words at a time in associated groups, especially if this means two or more steps to get started, was rather novel and not universally attractive. It presupposes a concentrated effort rather than a quick in-and-out service. The Lexicon received few detailed early reviews, taking seven years or so to attract the serious attention of scholars (cf. Jackson, 1988: 219-23; Lipka, 1989/92: 38-9, 157-9, 175-81), whereas learners' dictionaries have for several decades been subject to intense study by applied linguists and others. There may be two further reasons for this: first, that the Lexicon is an event and not a genre, and needed time to gain institutional status; second, that it was out of cultural phase. That it is now much more in phase is due to a development that could hardly have been predicted: the worldwide technological and social change that took place after 1977, when Apple introduced the desktop computer. By the time the Lexicon was six years old personal computers were ten years

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old and used by millions, in the process changing the habits and assumptions of those millions. Among other things, such people have learned that desktop computers do not need alphabetic order to access information quickly, and that the software offers quite different techniques for searching out and displaying information. There is an unintentionally ironic reference to the topicality of the Lexicon in Landau's Dictionaries: The Art and Craft of Lexicography (1984). In the section "Current Computer Uses in Lexicography," he describes the Lexicon as a "work produced automatically from a database ... important evidence that computers can be used to produce substantially new language reference books if the database has been carefully prepared" (273-4). No computers or database, however, carefully prepared or otherwise, were used in compiling the Lexicon, which was produced with paper, pencil, pen and typewriter, although electronic equipment was used in-house at about the same time for LDOCE. To this day I do not have a copy of the Lexicon on disk, a situation that indefinitely delays a second edition and prevents fuller experimentation with the format. Many computer techniques, highly innovative in the ways in which they are used, may yet be as old as the pyramids: PCs benefit from a layered inheritance of communicative styles. For example, while the keyboard is relatively recent and derives from the typewriter (a 19th-century minaturization and personalization of printing), scrolling goes back through the medieval parchment to rolls of ancient Egyptian papyrus wrapped round spindles. The icon is linked less to the paintings of Orthodox Christianity than to the ideograms of Chinese and, more fundamentally to, the cuneiform of ancient Mesopotamia and the hieroglyphs of Egypt. Menu-driven procedures for specifying and locating services and data, though they sound new and suggest restaurants rather than libraries, are grand-children of the hierarchies that Bayle and Diderot avoided but Francis Bacon and John Comenius greatly favoured. Hypertext in its tum is a maze-like cousin of all the devices deriving from hands and signposts that cross-refer from one text to another in one or many documents. In the electronic culture of the late 20th century people are acclimatizing quickly to thematic order and complex cross-referencing. In the process, these devices are losing their low peripheral status and in tandem with the PC are gaining high cultural value. In effect, the pendulum is swinging back again from an era in which alphabetic order, losing it low peripheral status in scribal culture, attained high status in print culture. The changes are already considerable, even though electronic culture is only beginning. It is already common for publishers to spin off works in diverse formats (printed or otherwise) from one database, to blend elements from two or more databases to produce a single hybrid product of whatever format makes more sense, to convert an existing work in one format into a companion work in the other, or even so to design a database that works of various kinds in various formats can be efficiently projected from it. Consider, for example, the Bloomsbury Dictionary of Quotations (1987), a work modelled on long-established "proper" dictionaries of quotations, which was followed a year later by the

Culture-Bound and Trapped by Technology: Centuries of Bias in the Making of Wordbooks Bloomsbury

Thematic

Dictionary

also The Collins Dictionary Collins

Dictionary

of Quotations

and Thesaurus

of the English

Language

389

( 1 9 8 8 ) , w h o s e n a m e s p e a k s for itself. Consider

in One Volume (1987), w h i c h c o m b i n e s elements of the (2nd edition, 1986) and the New

Collins

Thesaurus

( 1 9 8 4 ) . In such d e v e l o p m e n t s , a balance appears to have been s t r u c k — f o r the first time e v e r — between the t w o great moulds for reference materials, initiating a considerable change in the culture and ideology o f dictionaries, whether they are properly or improperly s o called.

References Cranston, Maurice (1986) Ideology. In: The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th Edition (Macropaedia Vol. 20). Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc. Jackson, Howard (1988) Words and Their Meaning. Harlow: Longman. Landau, Sidney (1984) Dictionaries: The Art and Craft of Lexicography. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. Lipka, Leonhard ('1989; 2 1992) An Outline of English Lexicology. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Lyons, John (1968) Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. Mathews, M. M. (1933) A Survey of English Dictionaries. New York: Russell & Russell. Matoré, Georges (1968) Histoire des dictionnaires français. Paris: Larousse. McArthur, Tom (1992) Worlds of Reference: Language, Learning and Lexicography from the Clay Tablet to the Computer. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. Orwell, George (1949) Nineteen eighty-four. London: Seeker & Warburg. Read, Allen W. (1976) Dictionary. In: The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th Edition (Macropaedia Vol. 5). Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc. Sledd, James and Ebbitt, Wilma R. (1962) Dictionaries and THAT Dictionary: A Casebook of the Aims of Lexicographers and the Targets of Reviewers. US: Scott Foresman. Tyler, Stephen A. (ed.) (1969) Cognitive Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Whitehall, Harold. (1971) The Development of the English Dictionary. In: The Play of Language, Edited by Leonard F. Dean, Walker Gibson, & Kenneth G. Wilson. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press.

PART Χ TERMINOLOGY ACROSS CULTURES

Amharic Lexicography and the Dynamics of Sociopolitical Terminology Zdenëk

PoláSek

0. Introduction Lexicographical work is an extraordinarily difficult sphere of linguistic activity (Zgusta, 1971 : 15). A lexicographer's work may be connected with additional problems during times when the vocabulary of the studied language is undergoing radical changes. Since the Ethiopian revolution of 1974-1975, Amharic sociopolitical terminology has become the most dynamic part of the whole Amharic vocabulary. The development of this terminology is very rapid and it may be stimulated by specific political events; for example, with the preparation and proclamation of the new Ethiopian constitution such terms as wdssane hdzb 'referendum', ahadawi mängdst 'unitary state', and ras gäzz akkababi 'autonomous region' were created. The recent war in the Gulf necessitated such new Amharic expressions as hdbrä bdher hayl 'allied forces', çdnbdl 'gas mask'. The latter is, in fact an old word to which the new meaning 'gas-mask' was added on the basis of its similarity to the original meaning 'kerchief; veil' (Kane, 1990: 2231).

1. The Lexicographer and Sociopolitical Teminology A lexicographer who tries to record the ever-changing Amharic sociopolitical terminology must take into consideration three factors. First, that the terminology is far from being stabilized; second, that at present term-formative processes in Amharic are accompanied by intensive borrowing from Gd'dz (Gd'dz or Ethiopie, a Semitic language spoken in Ethiopia up to about the 10th century, afterwards a literary and liturgical language); and third, that Amharic has enhanced its system of word- and term-formative elements and procedures. The first part of this paper is concerned with some general questions of Amharic sociopolitical terminology as they are seen by a lexicographer. It is natural that a lexicographer who compiles a special dictionary endeavours to collect as many relevant terms and expressions as possible. A lexicographer's approach, however, must be selective. First of all, it is necessary to consider whether the given term has actually become an integral part of the terminological system to which it relates. Many Amharic sociopolitical terms created during the first years after the revolution were later replaced by new ones that better fit the

394

ZdenZk Pola Sek

rules and patteras for generating new lexical units and/or better expressed the nature of the denotatum. The following examples are illustrative:

The former term:

English equivalent

The present term:

mdhurawinnät mdilXotawi sdmetawi mälk rasdn mäwdqäs wahdddnm gdUawinnät yatamOn manor a'dmdroawi mäwa'dlä hdsanat märho yäsdnä Idbbuna wäzäna

'scholasticism'

tämhdronnät tämnetawi hdllinawi dyydta gdllahis ma'dkälawinnät gdllafiiidnnät yäwaga ndrät mdknuyawi mu'alä hdsanat märh sdnä Idbbunawi zäydbe

'Utopian' 'subjective' 'appearance' philos. 'self-criticism' 'centralism' 'individualism' 'inflation' 'rational' •kindergarten' 'principle' 'psychological makeup'

The aforementioned former Amharic terms, which are no longer in use, will not be entered in the dictionary. For some terms that are consistent with the word-formative rules and patterns of Amharic and have been in common use for many years, however, synonymous expressions were created. For example, qalä mätäyydq and qalä mdldllds 'interview', drdata säe hagär and drdatu läggas hagär 'aid-giving country', yäzena massâraÎawofiÎ and mäggänanna bdzuhan 'mass media', yämängdst gdlbäta

and mäfänqdlä

mängdst 'coup d'état', zdnndq ikonomi and qdyydt ikonomi 'mixed

economy1. In such cases all coexisting terms will be included in the dictionary.

2. Native vs. Borrowed Terms There is a tendency in Amharic to replace terms borrowed from European languages with newly coined words. These efforts do not always lead to desirable results, as inefficient terms may sometimes be generated. For example, the loan word giografi 'geography' was substituted by an Amharic neologism mälka' mdddr, literally 'form, face of the earth'. This newly coined term does not express the essence of the concept 'geography' but rather that of 'geomorphology'. Therefore the Academy of Ethiopian Languages suggested that the term mälka' mdddr be used for 'geomorphology' whereas the term mdddrä sdf be used for 'geography' which is essentially a direct translation of the English term "geo + graphy". Consequently, the entry mälka ' mdddr will be provided with the following short note:

Amharic Lexicography and the Dynamics of Sociopolitical Terminology mälka' mdddr

395

'geomorphology', often used incorrectly for 'geography' (instead of mdddrä sâf, q.v.)

Amharic terminology can be observed as having a tendency to create new technical terms for s o m e concepts that are presently expressed by non-technical terms. 'experiment' (Yälma, Käbbädä, et al., 1986: 72) instead of mukkära, (Marksawi..., 1986: 168) instead of T h e word mängdst

For example, and rdmdät

mukrät

'progress'

drmdgga.

is currently used to express four distinct meanings: 'kingdom, state,

government, regime' (Leslau, 1976: 31) which limits its communicative abilities. Therefore, the term mästädaddr

was coined to signify the concept of 'government' and the term sdita aggäzaz for

the concept of 'regime', allowing the word mängdst

to retain its primary senses 'kingdom' and

'state'. Consequently the lexeme mängdst will be entered in the dictionary accordingly: mängdst pl. mängdstat

1. 'kingdom; 2. 'state'; 3. 'government' (more exactly expressed by mästädaddr, q.v.); 4. 'regime' (more exactly expressed by sdltä aggäzaz, q.v.)

3. Terminology and Authority An important feature of terminology as compared to the rest of the vocabulary is that it is subject to purposeful control exercised by some authorized body. In Ethiopia, the functions of such an institution are petformed by the Academy of Ethiopian Languages. The Academy is in charge of the Science and Technology Terms Translation Project (S i l TP) which has been in progress since 1981 (Erm3yas Danne, et al., 1987). The Project is concerned only with natural and technological sciences. Sociopolitical terminology is thus currently not subject to any artificial intervention. Work on the standardization of sociopolitical terminology is, however, planned for the near future. For the time being, lexicographers must rely on their knowledge of the wordformative rules and mechanisms as well as on their feeling for language.

4. The Post-Revolutionary Period and Amharic The second part of this paper is concerned with some aspects of the penertration of Gd'dz into Amharic, which is very typical of the post-revolutionary period. Gd'dz serves as a rich source for borrowing ready-made words as well as some morphological patterns. This tendency is so strong that in Amharic newspapers there sometimes appear words taken f r o m Gd'dz, though it would be possible to use in their place the existing Amharic words (for example, ammasi pi. ammasdyan instead of the Amharic amäsänna pl. amäsännocc

'rebel').

396

Zdenëk Pola Sek Many words borrowed from G3'3z are used in Amharic with the same meaning:

astämhdro

'teaching', mdthat 'illusion', säb'dnna 'humanity', rd'dsa mängdst 'head of state'. Some words borrowed from G3'3z retained in Amharic their original meaning, and were in addition given some more specific sense: The meaning common for G3'3z and Amharic:

An additional meaning in Amharic:

qännon

'dogma (a religious doctrine)'

'dogma (a tenet that is taken for irrefutable truth without accounting for changing life conditions)'

tähadddso

'renewal'

'the Renaissance; perestroika (in the USSR)'

his

'censure, reproof

'criticism (the discussion and evaluation of literary and artistic work)'

amldko[t]

'cult, worship'

'fetishism'

Idsan

'tongue, language'

'organ (a periodical representing a special group)'

'brilliance'

'reflection'

Some words borrowed from Gd'dz did not in Amharic retain their original meaning and were given a new and more or less related meaning:

märh kdstät gdbtawi ma'dqäb lu'alawi Id'dldnna

Gd'dz

Amharic

'leader, guide' 'revelation, disclosure' 'sudden, unexpected' 'sentinel, watchman' 'high, upper, superior' 'height, exaltation, high rank'

'principle 'phenomenon' 'spontaneous' 'sanction[s]' 'soveriegn' adj. 'sovereignty; supremacy'

Gd'dz morphological patterns are often used for the formation of new words, the most productive being the verbal noun (infinitive) in -o[t]:

amakndyo amäkndyot tägäbro

(amäknäyä) (amäknäyä) (itägübrä)

tagabrot anbdro täqarno astäsamro abdyot amahbdrot tanas 'ot adhdrot

(rngabrä) (anbärd) (täqartlnä) (astäsamärd) (abäyä) (amahbärä) (tünasc/a) {adhartt)

'reason (the faculty to reason correctly)' 'reasoning (the drawing of conclusions through the use of reason)' 'object (a thing upon which people act in the production process)' pol. econ. 'effect' philos. 'thesis (the first stage in the Hegelian dialectics)' philos. 'antithesis' philos. 'synthesis' philos. 'revolution' 'socialization (enculturation)' 'uprising, revolt' 'reaction' pol.

397

Amharic Lexicography and the Dynamics of Sociopolitical Terminology abrdhot aqdrbot bahrdyot ahdzJbot rd'dyot in rctdyota alitm täzabot

(abrdha) {aqräbtt) (denominative from bahrdy) (denominative from hdzb) (rtfdyü)

'the Enlightenment' hist. 'supply' 'substance' philos.

(tOzabba)

'unbalance, imbalance'

'popularization' 'ideology'

5. The Construct State and Amharic In the Amharic Grammar by J. Hartmann (1980: 312), the construct state was described as not belonging to the productive forms of Amharic. Eleven years have elapsed since the publication of his Grammar and there is no doubt that the degree of productivity of the construct state in presentday Amharic is very high. The ongoing appearance of new lexical items reproducing this ancient construction is indicative of the validity of this assertion:

mäfänqdlä mängdst hidätä abdyot wdssane hdzb sdltä mdrt ndqatä hdllina mahbäräsäb amldkotä gänzäb mu'ala ndway gäfsä bahrdy mdttane habt

'coup d'état' 'revolutionary process' 'referendum' 'mode of production' pol. econ. 'consciousness' philos, 'community' 'fetishism of money' pol. econ. 'investment' 'character (person represented in a play, story, film, etc.)' 'economy'

The words and expressions borrowed from G3'3z have readily been integrated into Amharic vocabulary. Their inclusion into Amharic word-formative processes testifies to their lexical assimilation. (For example, from the Gd'dz verbal noun abdyot 'revolution' new Amharic words are derived by the addition of Amharic suffixes: abdyotänna

'revolutionary

[person]',

abdyotänndnnät 'revolutionism', etc.). The best method of incoiporating these lexemes of Gd'dz origin in the dictionary seems to be that of entering them in their alphabetical place. It would be useful, however, to give in parentheses etymologically and/or semantically related Amharic words, if any, to make the acquisition of the Gd'dz words easier.

398

Zdenëk Pola Sek

6. Word- and Term-Formative Means The third part of this paper is concerned with the word- and term-formative means and procedures of present-day Amharic. In view of the ever-growing need for new words and technical terms, the word-and term-formative potential of Amharic is being enhanced by expanding the inventory of formative elements. The following chart shows how English formatives (affixes and combining forms) are readily expressed in Amharic: 'post-' 'pre-' 'proto-' 'fore-' 'anti-' 'counter-' 'super-' 'meta-' 'epi-' 'hypo-' sub-' 'inter-' 'ante-' '-[o]logy' '-ics' 'in-', 'ir-' 'non-' 'a-' 'un-' 'meso-' 'thenno-' 'semi-' re-'

'-graphy'

ddhräqddmäqddmäqodmäsäräsMdibäla'dtädibäla'dldlahMtahtabäynädmqddmäsdnäsdnäiiiisdrwasgäa- • käfildagdm-sdf

ddhrämdrräqa qddmähuneta qddmä semawi qddmäayat säräanddrwät säräabdyot dibä mdknuyawi la'dlä qdbbäla dibäakal la'dlä ma'dkäl tahtäma'dkäl tahtä wässan bäynä ahdgurawi dmqddmä Iddät sdnä mäläkot sdnäwdbät imdknuyawi mädäbäfma ipolätikawi iwdssun sdrwas hàva gdlänukliyür käfil annababi dagdm Iddät mdddrä sdf

'postgraduate' 'precondition' 'Protosemi tic' 'forefather' 'anti-unity' 'counter-revolution' 'superrational' 'supercharging' 'metaphysics' 'epicentre' 'hypocentre' 'subcritical' 'intercontinental' 'antenatal' 'theology' 'aesthetics' 'irrational' 'nonstandard' 'apolitical' 'unrestricted' 'mesosphere' 'thermonuclear' 'semi-vowel' 'rebirth' 'geography'

7. Conclusion On the basis of the above comparative chart, which, of course, is far from being exhaustive, it is possible to make the following observation about the difference between English and Amharic formatives. In English the role of formatives is played by the so-called bound forms, that is, by morphemes which are always occurring in combination with another linguistic form. In Amharic, however, the same role may be assumed by various Amharic and Gd'dz elements, some of which can stand alone and, consequently, are to be considered free forms. For example, käfil can function as a formative (with the meaning 'semi-'), but primarily it is an adjective (with the meaning 'partial'); dagdm can function as a formative (with the meaning 're-'), but primarily it is an adjective (with the meaning 'second'). This circumstance makes it difficult to identify these

Amharic Lexicography and the Dynamics of Sociopolitical Terminology

399

elements as pure formatives, although there is no doubt about their ability to create words and terms in series. Many of the Amharic formative elements are new. The most productive of them merit individual entries in the dictionary.

References Danne, Ermôyas and Gämäda Dämdssu (1987).The Amharic Science and Technology Terminology Project: an overview. In Proceedings of the International Seminar on Terminology, 1986. Erm3yas Danne and Gämäda Dämdssu (Eds.) Addis Ababa: The Academy of Ethiopian Languages, 7-13. Hartmann, Josef (1980) Amharische Grammatik. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. Käbbädä, Yâlma, Tewodros Salomon, and Bdrhanu Abägaz (1986) Amharic Dictionary of Chemistry Terms. Addis Ababa: The Academy of Ethiopian Languages. Kane, Themas L. (1990) Amharic-English Dictionary. Wiesbaden: Otto Hanassowitz. Leslau, Wolf (1976) Concise Amharic Dictionary. Wiesbaden: Otto Hanassowitz. Marksawi leninawi müzgäba qalat (1986) Addis Ababa: Kurraz. Wärqu, Dannaccäw, Fdssdha Sisay, Dandel Gämäccu, Bäkurä Wäldä Säma'dt, and Mäkkätä Bälaccäw (1986) Amharic Dictionary of Geography Terms. Addis Ababa: The Academy of Ethiopian Languages. Zgusta, Ladislav (1971) Manual of Lexicography. Prague: Academia.

Grammatical Indications in Chinese Monolingual Dictionaries Gunnar O. Richter

0. Introduction When using Chinese dictionaries, actively for translating purposes or passively for recognizing grammatical relations, you will meet a shortcomming existing to a more or less great extent: the lack of information on the grammatical characteristics of the lexical items. Grammatically less trained dictionary users may not regard this situation as troublesome, especially, when the items are illustrated by examples showing the grammatical use. Unfortunately, in many cases the examples are chosen from a semantic point of view, not from a grammatical one. Beyond that, the native speaker is generally not interested in grammatical indications because they belong to his fundamental linguistic competence. In this paper I will take the view of a foreign speaker who is interested in as mach as possible grammatical information. In this paper I try to give a review on the situation of grammatical indications in Chinese monolingual dictionaries. Before doing so I take a look at the situation in general lexicography demonstrated by the situation in German lexicography mainly. For the investigation I could take into consideration only those dictionaries that were at my disposal and which I am well acquainted with. At the same time I will express some ideas on desirable grammatical indications in Chinese dictionaries. Of course, it would have been interesting and useful to investigate also phonological, semantical, lexical, and pragmatical indications, but within the scope of this paper I should restrict to grammatical (morphological and syntactical) indications. The following investigations that imply the comparison between existing dictionaries are completely in accordance with a general trend Zgusta (1991: 38) has mentioned recently: "One of the good results of the recent greatly increased interest in the theory of lexicography is the concomitant increase in the study, frequently a comparative one, of existing dictionaries themselves."

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1. The Situation in General Lexicography The review of the situation in general lexikography regarding grammatical indication has been undertaken in order to get a better understanding of the situation in Chinese lexicography by comparison and to give an impetus for possible developments in this field. It is commonly accepted that in general dictionaries semantic information is in the centre of interest and therefore the main subject of compiling a dictionary. In his Manual of Lexicography L. Zgusta (1971:329) writes in the chapter on bilingual dictionaries: "The equivalents themselves are the most important part of the entry". This corresponds to the predominant need of a dictionary user for information on the meaning of a lexical item. Béjoint (1981: 215) and Hartmann (1982: 82) stated this fact by interviewing students. These interviews also showed that the second position among the various kinds of information in a dictionary was occupied by grammatical information. When the students were asked about the kind of words they seek most often in the dictionary, Hartmann stated even the first position for grammatical words like conjunctions or prepositions, whereas in Béjoint's interviews the first position was occupied by idioms. In order to give a correct judgement of these observations you have to take into consideration that direct asking cannot yield the same reliable results as unconcious eliciting does and that differences between coding and encoding play also a role . Nevertheless, these observations indicate the important part grammatical indications play in a dictionary. Most of the dictionaries account for this need in grammatical information, at least in languages like English, French, Spanish, or German, where there exists a well elaborated lexicography. Zgusta (1971:326) writes: "The absolute majority of dictionaries add grammatical indications to show the entry-word's paradigm and its specifities. Even dictionaries planned for native speakers of the source language should give these indications in order to help the speaker of the target language if he seeks information in the dictionary. When preparing these grammatical indications, the lexicographer should take into consideration that they are written for foreigners, not for the native speaker. They should, therefore, be more explicit and rather more detailed". It has been pointed out once and again that in general dictionaries there is not given the necessary scope in the necessary quality to grammatical indications. Already Raumer (1863: 349) demanded in his critique of Grimm's Dictionary a stricter inclusion of grammatical aspects into the dictionary. Behagel (1923: IX) deplored that grammatical indications do not belong to the strong points of the dictionaries. Even after the symposium held in Belgrad in 1983 especially on problems of grammar in dictionaries there was pointed out only recently at the colloquium in Essen in 1984 that the request for more grammar in the dictionary is still a matter of actual interest. The reason for this situation lies in the insufficiant application of linguistic theories to the lexicographical work by the mainly practically working lexicographical personnel. In the last years there have been published more and more contributions to linguistic analyses of dictionaries that

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give suggestions for the lexicographical work on the base of theoretical considerations (cf. for instance Lang, already 1982). In the preface to the papers of the Essen colloquium Lexicography

and

Grammar

Bergenholtz/Mugdan (1985: 13) pointed out that in order to promote an integration of grammar into the dictionary they regard four working areas as important and promising for the future: systematic investigations of the practice of existing dictionaries; concepts for dictionaries with grammatical indications as focus of the interest; concepts for the integration of dictionary and grammar in monolingual and bilingual learner's dictionaries; considerations on the data base in lexicography. The discussions in Essen show that the problem of grammar in dictionaries deserve much.more attention than it has been given to until now. In this connection Bergenholtz/Mugdan (1985) list a number of unsolved problems, for instance the requirements to a dictionary in accordance with the dictionary user and the intended purpose of the dictionary, the wishes and needs of potential users, the grammatical system responsible for the grammatical indications, grammatical aspects for the construction of lexical entries, the empirical data base, the way of describing grammatical information or the role of lexicographical examples and of collocations. An important role in the discussions on the integration of grammar into the dictionary plays grammar as a separate part with cross references to the main text of the dictionary. There do exist such grammars in several dictionaries already, for instance in The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English or in the Deutsches

Wörterbuch

by Wahrig. They are first steps into this

direction, but are regarded by Bergenholtz/Mugdan as still insufficient fragments (op. cit.:l 1)

2. The Situation in Chinese Lexicography 2.1. The beginnings and the position of grammatical indications Systematic investigations of Chinese grammar began, as is well known, only under Western influence at the turn of the century. This beginning was marked by the publication of the grammar Ma shi wen tong by Ma in 1898 (cf. Ma shi wen tong duben 'Text book to Ma shi wen tong', by Lü/Wang). In this book and in the grammatical works of the following forty years we can note an adoption of Western grammatical terminology and its mechanical application to the Chinese language. Earlier investigations are mainly devoted to grammatical function words, the so-called xuzi ('empty words'). Therefore one can expect the appearence of grammatical categories, especially of word categories (parts of speech), in Chinese dictionaries only in the 20th century (empty words play a special role).

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Even in his paper Lixiang de cidian ('The ideal dictionary') published in 1945 Wang did not mention word categories at all. In traditional Chinese lexicography that goes back at least till the Han dynasty (2. cent. B.C. until 2. cent. A.D.) with the appearance of the first character dictionary Shuo wen jie zi by Xu and the first explanatory dictionary Erya there were three points of interest in a dictionary: the form, the meaning and the prononciation of a Chinese character. There was no place for grammar in the narrow sense of the word. The first time grammatical indications occur in connecion with a Chinese monolingual dictionary was in 1946 when Wang published his lexical test entries to his "Ideal dictionary". Here the lexical items and even the single meanings of a polysemous lexical item are accompanied by explicit remarks on the part of speech, for instance the four meanings of the lexical item ren ('man'): 1. noun ("the highest stage in the development of animal") 2. indefinite pronoun ("somebody") 3. indefinite pronoun ("the others") 4. classificatory noun for persons (classical Chinese )

The consistent indication of parts of speech in a general dictionary regarding a comprehensive, allembracing vocabulary and relating to lexicography in China has remained a postulation up to the present day (as far as empty words are concerned, see below). The reason for that is the not fully developed stage of research of Chinese grammar. Broad discussions on a system of Chinese grammar in the 50th and 60th have resulted in two systems for a Chinese pedagogical grammar: Zanni Hanyu jiaoxue yufa xitong ( Ά provisional system of a pedagogical grammar for the Chinese language') introduced in 1956 and Zhongxue jaoxue yufa xitong tiyao ('Outlines of a system of a pedagogical grammar for the middle school') based on the former and published in 1984. Besides, there exist several scientific grammars the systems of which differ more or less from the systems of the pedagogical grammars. Obviously, the applicaton of one of the existing grammatical systems to the practice of dictionary making raises so many difficulties that it could not have been carried out until now. In any case, neither in mainland China nor in Taiwan there has been published a comprehensive general monolingual Chinese dictionary with consistent indication of all parts of speech, not to mention other grammatical categories. 2.2. Monolingual lexicography in China The dictionaries investigated here for their grammatical indications are equipped with an abbreviation in brackets that enables the reader to find the respective dictionary in the table in section 2.3.2. and in the bibliography. 2.2.1. General monolingual dictionaries with head words not restricted to certain word categories 2.2.1.1. Dictionaries with comprehensive vocabulary

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405

Let us have a look at general dictionaries with head words not restricted to certain word categories. Here one can note in a first stage the explicit indication of word categories for empty words (xuzi, functional words). This first stage in marking grammatical dictionaries was represented for the first time in Xiandai Hanyu cidian ('Dictionary of modern Chinese'; XDHY) published in 1978 and containing 56 000 entry words. Besides pronouns that are now generally regarded as not belonging to the empty words the dictionary marks the following empty word categories: zhuci ('particle'), tanci ('interjection'), lianci ('conjunction'), jieci ('preposition') and fuci ('adverb'). But neither in the preface nor in the guide to the use of the dictionary there is a single word about this fact. Perhaps this may show subliminally the small weight that the Chinese lend to grammatical indications; on the other side the indication itself shows the position of empty words within Chinese grammar and its description. Not all empty words occurring in the dictionary are marked: For those with a reference you must have a look at the lexical item which the reference refers to (cf. the lexical entry of ruoshi 'if: You must have a look at the lexical entry of the synonymous conjunction ruguo). For the first time in a monolingual Chinese dictionary there is an indication of the separability of verb-object constructions and verb-complement constructions; it is represented by putting a double diagonal stroke between the respective syllables in the transcription. The ten volume dictionary Hanyu dacidian ('The great dictionary of the Chinese language'; HYDCD) containing 22 000 head characters and 370 000 combinations with nine volumes published already also marks only the empty words. It stays even behind the "Dictionary of modern Chinese" in so far as the separability of verb-object constructions or verb-complement constructions is not indicated.

2.2.1.2. Dictionaries with restricted vocabulary In the following section I will treat those general monolingual dictionaries that contain a vocabulary restricted in scope but that use all word categories for characterizing lexical items. This can be said to be the second stage of marking grammatical indications in Chinese monolingual dictionaries. As far as I know, this stage was first of all represented by Lu's Beijinghua

danyinci

cihui

('The monosyllabic vocabulary of the Beijing dialect'; BDC) published in 1951 and containing approximately 3300 entry words (characters). The scope of the vocabulary is restricted by the linguistic aspect of monosyllabicity. All lexical items and - in case of polysemy - all meanings of a lexical item are characterized by the respective part of speech according to a system of six parts of speech explained in full detail in the instructions to the dictionary. But on the base of Lu's then word theory criticized and revised by the author himself in later years the concept word comprises not only words (free morphemes) but also bound morphemes.

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In most of the cases dictionaries of that kind belong to the so-called learner's dictionaries, dictionaries that put certain aspects of language learning into the centre of attention. In the dictionary Xiandai Hanyu xincidian ('New dictionary of the Chinese language'; XX) published in 1991 an estimated number of 15 000 compounds are stricktly marked by the word category (part of speech) whereas the approximately 7000 monosyllabic head words are neither characterized by the word category nor identified as free or bound morpheme; their character can only sometimes be identified indirectly from the accompanying examples. Unlike this, the dictionary Xiandai Hanyu changyongzi lidian ('Frequently used characters in modern Chinese'; XHCZZ) published in 1990 and containing 3500 head characters with an estimated number of more than 9200 combinations marks not only the compounds but also the monosyllabic head words with parts of speech indications. But the indications to the monosyllables are carried out without any differentiation between words and bound morphemes. In the dictionaries described below in this section the monosyllabic bound morphemes are either completely omitted or marked as bound. The dictionary Zuowen cidian ('Dictionary for writing compositions'; ZWCD) published in 1984 states word category indications to 3900 carefully described lexical items, even to monosyllabic ones. Monosyllabic bound root morphemes (for instance shi 'envoy, messenger') are not included in the dictionary. Besides, there are given several remarks on the syntactical use of the lexical item (for instance, the verb shixing 'to carry out' is commented "usually with nominal object"). A strict indication of parts of speech can be noted also for the three numbers of Changyongci yongfa lishi ('Examples and explanations to the use of frequent words'; CYL) by Wang and An from the 80th. Each of the three volumes has approximately 600 lexical entries illustrated by many examples that are explained not only from the view of semantic but also from that of grammatical usage (for instance the syntactical separability of the verb-object construction jugong 'to make a bow' or the possible reduplication forms AABB and ABAB for the verb liuda 'to stroll, to saunter'). The up to now most comprehensive grammatical indications in Chinese dictionaries with headwords not restricted to a certain word category you can find in two learner's dictionaries, published almost simultaneously: Xinbian Hanyu duogongneng cidian ('New polyfunctional dictionary of the Chinese language'; XHDC) by Feng and Zhou published in 1989 and containing 7000 frequent words and Shiyong Hanyu yongfa cidian ('Practical learner's dictionary of Chinese language'; SHYC) by Zhou published in 1990 and containing 6000 frequent words. Zhou's co-operation in both dictionaries is the reason for the large conformity of the grammatical indications: parts of speech; for disyllabic words the manner of structure (singlemorpheme word, compound word, derivative); for compound words the type of structure (i.e. the word syntactic relation between the immediate constituents: coordinative, attributive, verb-object,

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verb-complement, subject-predicate); for derivatives those with prefix and those with suffix; possible parts of sentence (subject, predicate, object, attribute, adverbial) and reduplication forms (AABB and ABAB). Besides these common features, the "Practical learner's dictionary of the Chinese language" gives information on the type of the syntagma in which the word under consideration constitutes the centre (for instance, duanzheng 'proper, correct' as centre can be modified by an adverbial: hen duanzheng 'quite correct'). The "New polyfunctional dictionary of the Chinese language" notes further possibilities and necessities of connection with words of certain parts of speech or with certain grammatical funtion words, for instance the possibility of modification by adverbs of degree or the obligatory use of the attributive particle de when an adjective functions as attribute (for instance in duanzheng de taidu 'proper attitude'). New in both dictionaries is the consistent indication of the parts of sentence which is given in other dictionaries of this type unsystematically and sometimes only occasionally. The information on the type of structure is new for learner's dictionaries, but was first given, as to my knowledge, in Putonghua qingshengci cihui ('Light tone vocabulary of the standard language'; PQC), a small list published in 1984 and containing 1028 disyllabic words chosen because of the second syllable's light tone. 2.2.2. General monolingual dictionaries with head words of certain word categories In this chapter I will treat dictionaries that contain head words of only one part of speech or of only some parts of speech. The latter occured first in time, therefore they will be treated here first. 2.2.2.1. Dictionaries with head words of more than one word category In accordance with the Chinese research work on grammar, at the beginning of which were investigations on functional words (xuzi, empty words), we find dictionaries of empty words. At the start they refer to empty words of the classical Chinese language. An example is Zhu zi bian lue ('Treatise on functional words') by Liu of the Qing dynasty published in 1711. In the preface the author introduces his classification of the functional words into 30 categories. Among them there are such categories as fayuci ('words denoting the beginning of an utterance'), yuyici ('words denoting the end of an utterance') and zhuci ('auxiliaries'). Unfortunately, not all empty words treated in the dictionary are marked with such an empty word category. By the way, the oldest essay on Chinese functional words goes back to the Yuan dynasty: In 1324 the essay Yu zhu ('Functional words') by Lu was published. It contains 135 functional words and fixed constructions (cf. Shiyong Hanyu yufa dacidian 'Great practical dictionary of Chinese grammar', p. 1000).

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The first empty word dictionaries in modern Chinese appeared only in the 80th of this century. The dictionary Xiandai Hanyu xuci lishi ('Examples and explanations of empty words in modem Chinese'; XHXL) published in 1982 contains adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, particles, intonation words, and pronouns, altogether 790 lexical items, the word category being indicated explicitly. Constructions like yize...erze... ('first... second...') are not marked by a grammatical indication. The items are illustrated by examples explaining not only their meaning but also their grammatical usage relating to connectability with certain word categories or certain functional words. The dictionary Xiandai Hanyu changyong xuci cidian ('Dictionary of frequent empty words in modern Chinese'; XHCXC) contains 475 lexical items marked as adverb, preposition, conjunction, or particle, but is constructed more systematically and gives more detailed information than the "Examples and explanations of empty words in modern Chinese" (cf. the lexical entry for nandao 'it could not be...could it?') At this point one should mention the dictionary Xiandai Hanyu babai ci ('800 words of modern Chinese'; XHBC) published in 1981. It is regarded to be the first grammatical dictionary of modern Chinese. LU as chief editor became honory doctor of the Hong Kong Chinese Language University for it. The structure of the dictionary resembles that of the two empty word dictionaries mentioned above. It is arranged very diligently taking into consideration the respective context in terms of parts of speech and other syntactic properties. Besides whole sentences, there are given in most of the cases only the relevant word syntagmas as illustrating examples. Strong emphasis is placed on the role of syllabicity (number of syllables) in the combinations of the word concerned. The dictionary contains as head words not only empty words but also approximately 25% full words the usage of which presents difficulties (cf. Hanyu yufa xiuci cidian 'Dictionary of Chinese grammar and rhetoric' by Zhang, p. 422).

2.2.2.2. Dictionaries with words of one word category These dictionaries are in general characterized by their extensive and detailed information on the lexical items, including information on grammar. Because of the central role verbs play in Chinese sentences it does not surprise that Chinese lexicography has first of all payed attention to the verb among the parts of speech (left aside empty words). The first dictionary of this kind was published in 1984: Hanyu changyong dapei dongci cidian (A Colloquial Dictionary of Common Chinese Verbs; HCDDC) by Wang and Jiao. The 1273 verbs are supplied with information on the directly following or preceding part of sentence (object, complement, adverbial), the object and the complement being subcategorized (object: for instance noun or verb; complement: for instance resultative or directional). Every grammatical form is illustrated by at least one example. Despite of the English equivalents to the Chinese head words and to certain words in the illustrating examples this dictionary belongs to the type of monolingual

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409

dictionaries because of its whole structure. This can also be seen from the subtitle in brackets: (With English Explanations), not (Chinese-English). Unfortunately, the dictionaries of the same kind for adjectives and nouns promised in the preface have not been published until now. Compared with this dictionary the Dongciyongfa cidian ('Learner's dictionary of verbs'; DYC) by Meng a.o. published in 1987 gives information that is more extensive, more systematic and more clearly arranged. It contains 1328 verbs, the 2117 meanings of which are described very carefully. First, the lexical item is marked by one of the 13 general verbal functions, to which combination with nominal, verbal and adjectival object belong just as the particles le, guo, zhe, the adverb hen ('very') or the reduplication. Second, the character of the object as semantic case (such like actor, place, instrument; alltogether 24) is noted. Then there are listed the possible complements of result and direction. The so-called separable verbs (liheci) are marked especially. Every grammatical form is illustrated by at least one example. After the two dictionaries for verbs there were published two dictionaries for adjectives: Shiyong Hanyu xingrongci cidian ('Practical dictionary of Chinese adjectives'; SHXC) by AN RUPAN in 1990 that illustrates 1800 frequent adjectives with many sentence examples giving explicit information on the part of sentence, the collocation and the reduplication of the respective adjective, and Xingrongci

yongfa

cidian ('Learner's dictionary of adjectives'; XYC) by

Zheng/Meng in 1991. The two authors of the latter dictionary had been authors of the "Learner's dictionary of verbs", and the originally planned title Xiandai Hanyu xingrongci yongfa cidian ('Learner's dictionary of adjectives in modern Chinese') was adjusted to the title of the "Learner's dictionary of verbs" (for the earlier title see Zhongguo yuwen 'Chinese language1 3/1991, p. 175182, where you can find lexical test entries). The structure of the lexical entry resembles in length and deepness the verb dictionary: first the function as parts of sentence (the six traditional ones in Chinese grammar); then the syntagmatic combinations with certain parts of sentence and with the particles le, guo, zhe, the adverbials and complements being subcategorized; last the reduplication forms. Further dictionaries the head words of which are restricted to certain word categories are Xiandai Hanyu liangci shouce ('Handbook of classifiers in modern Chinese') by Guo published in 1987 and Xiandai Hanyu mingci liangci dapei cidian ( Ά Collocational dictionary of nouns and classifiers in modern Chinese') by Liu/Zheng published in 1989. Both dictionaries are mentioned here only, but not treated, because they are not at my disposal now.

2.3. Desirable grammatical indications and their representation in dictionaries up to now In this chapter I will list some grammatical characteristics that should be indicated in Chinese dictionaries. They could be marked in full scale in special grammatical monolingual learner's dictionaries that give semantic information only in a brief and concise manner. They could be

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partially adopted in monolingual and bilingual dictionaries depending on the aim and the user of the dictionary. Until now no Chinese dictionary gives information on the immediate constituent structure of a lexical unit, although it would be useful for the student sometimes, especially in difficult cases. Because the immediate constituent analysis is based on the semantics of the lexical unit concerned, an incorrect segmentation can lead to misunderstanding. Xi (1987:289) deplores for instance the incorrect segmentation of zhongxue jiaoxue / yufa xitong / tiyao ('outlines of the grammatical system in middle school education') that was carried out for phonological-syllabic reasons (4-4-2). But a correct segmentation should constitute jiaoxue yufa ('pedagogical grammar') as a unit. May be that the indication of immediate constituent structure can be reserved for difficult cases only (such as ganguang/xue 'sensitometry', fei/zhengfuxing 'non-governmental', beixuanji/quan 'eligibility', bukekuozhan/xing 'inseparability' and so on).

2.3.1. Survey of the grammatical indications 1) Basic unit: word, word group (phrase), bound morpheme, bound morpheme complex (for more information on the word conception and the system of the four basic units see my article Die Wortbildungsbasis von Wortstrukturen im modernen Chinesisch , to be published) 2) manner of structure: single-morpheme word, derivative (with prefix or suffix), compound word (subcategories according to the type of structure: coordinative, attributive, verb-object, verbcomplement, subject-predicate) 3) subcategorization of the four basic units: words and bound morphemes are subcategorized into word categories (parts of speech), word groups and bound morpheme complexes are subcategorized into word group categories determined at least by the five main syntactical relations between the immediate constituents of the respective units. 4) Specific subcategorizations or additional traits of the word categories and word group categories respectively, combination with certain parts of speech or parts of sentence (collocations) the respective lexical unit being the head of the syntagma, for instance for verbs: transitivity/intransitivity; kind of object (semantic case: actor, place, instrument and so on); adverbs of degree; ba-constmction; the particles le, guo, zhe; reduplication forms ABAB and AABB for adjectives: reduplication form AABB and AliAB for verb-object constructions: separability (different degrees) for verb-complement constructions: separability (different degrees)

5) sentence part: subject, predicate, object, attribute, adverbial, complement 6) immediate constituent structure (IC structure) 3.3.2. Realization in Chinese monolingual dictionaries From the following table you can see which grammatical indications are marked in which dictionary treated in this paper. The dictionaries are represented by their abbrevation mentioned at

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Grammatical Indications in Chinese Monolingual Dictionaries

the place they are first treated and added in the bibliography for arranging purposes. Arranged according to their appearence in the paper, the abbreviations are to be read vertically in the table. The following symbols are used: + : present L : present for empty words M : present for monosyllabic morphemes (+) : no strict presence (sometimes present, sometimes not) [+] : indirectly expressed presence X D H Y

word word group bound morpheme bound morpheme complex manner of structure prefix/suffix type of structure word category (single character) word category (combinations) word g r o u p category tr./itr. reduplication separability (VOC) separability (VCC) part of sentence collocation IC structure

H Y 0 C D

Β D C

X X

X H C Ζ Ζ

M

L

L

«

L

+

Ζ w c D

c Y L

X H D C

s H Y C

M M M

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

Ρ 0 H

X H X L

M M

+ +

+ +

+

+

+

+

X H C X C

M H

+

+

H C D D C

D Y C

s H X C

X Y c

W M M [+1

+

(+)

(+)

X H Β C

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

(+)

+ +

(+)

+

+

(+)

+

+

+

+

(+) +

+

+

References A title indicated in brackets in inverted commas is the translation of a Chinese, Japanese or Russian original title. A title in brackets without inverted commas is adopted from the original or is a transcription of the original title. The dictionaries listed below are arranged according to their abbreviation that occurs also within the brackets and is followed by an indication of the place where the dictionary is treated in the text.

Dictionaries treated Beijinghua danyinci cihui ('The monosyllabic vocabulary of the Beijing dialect'). By Lu Zhiwei. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1951 [BDC/2.2.1.2.]. Changyongci yongfa lishi ('Examples and explanations to the use of frequent words'). By Wang Guozhang und An Rupan. Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe 1980/1985/1986 [CYL/2.2.1.2.]. Dongci yongfa cidian ('Learner's dictionary of verbs'). By Meng Zong and others. Shanghai:Shanghai cishu chubanshe 1987 [DYC/2.2.2.2.]. Hanyu changyong dongci dapei cidian (A Collocational Dictionary of Common Chinese Verbs). By Wang Yannong and Jiao Pangyong. Beijing: Waiyu jiaoxue yu yanjiu chubanshe 1984 [HCDDC/2.2.2.2.]. Hanyu dacidian (The great dictionary of the Chinese language'), vol.1, Beijing 1986 [HYDCD/2.2.1.1.]. Putonghua qingshengci huibian ('Light tone vocabulary of the standard language'). Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan ('Commercial Press') 1964 [PQH/2.2.1.2.].

412

Gunnar 0. Richter

Shiyong Hanyu xingrongci cidian ('Practical dictionary of Chinese adjectives'). By An Rupan. Beijing: Zhongguo biaozhun chubanshe 1990 [SHXC/2.2.2.2.]. Shiyong hanyu yongfa cidian ('Practical learner's dictionary of the Chinese language'). By Zhou Xingjian. (Beijing): Guoji wenhua chubanshe 1990 [SHYC/2.2.1.2.]. Xiandai Hanyu cidian ('Dictionary of modern Chinese'). Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan ('Commercial Press1) 1978 [XDHY/2.2.1.1.]. Xiandai Hanyu babai ci ('800 words of modern Chinese'). By Lü Shuxiang (chief editor). Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan ('Commercial Press') 1981 [XHBC/2.2.2.1.]. Xiandai Hanyu changyong xuci cidian ('Dictionary of frequent empty words in modern Chinese'). Hangzhou: Zhejiang jiaoyu chubanshe 1987 [XHCXC/2.2.2.1.]. Xiandai Hanyu changyongzi zidian ('Dictionary of frequently used characters in modem Chinese'). Xi'an: Sanqin chubanshe 1990 [XHCZZ/2.2.1.2.]. Xinbian Hanyu duogongneng cidian ('New polyfunctional dictionary of the Chinese language'). By Feng Zhichun and Zhou Xingjian. Beijing: Guoji wenhua chuban gongsi 1989 [XHDC/2.2.1.2.]. Xingrongci yongfa cidian ('Lerner's dictionary of adjectives'). By Zheng Huaide and Meng Qinghai. Changsha: Hunan chubanshe 1991 [XYC/2.2.2.2.]. Xiandai Hanyu xuci lishi ('Examples and explanations of empty words in modern Chinese'). Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan ('Commercial Press') 1982 [XHXL/2.2.2.1.]. Xiandai Hanyu xincidian ('New dictionary of the Chinese language'). Nanning: Guangxi renmin chubanshe 1991 [XX/2.2.1.2.]. Zuowen cidian ('Dictionary for writing compositions'). Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan ('Commercial Press') 1984 [ZWCD/2.2.1.2],

Books, papers and non-treated dictionaries Agricola, Erhard, Joachim Schildt, Dieter Viehweger (Hg.) (1982) Wortschatzforschung heute. Aktuelle Probleme der Lexikologie und Lexikographie. Leipzig: Enzyklopädie. Behagel, Otto (1923) Deutsche Syntax. Eine geschichtliche Darstellung. Bd. I. Die Wortklassen und Wortformen. A. Nomen. Pronomem. Heidelberg: Winter. Bergenholtz, Henning, Joachim Mugdan (Hg.) (1985): Lexikographie und Grammatik. Akten des Essener Kolloquiums zur Grammatik im Wörterbuch 28.-30.6.1984. Lexicographica, Series Maior 3. Béjoint, Henry (1981) The Foreign Student's Use of Monolingual English Dictionaries. A Study of Language Needs and Reference Skills. Applied Linguistics 2, 207-222. Chen Gaochun (chief editor) (1989) Shiyong Hcmyu yufa dacidian ('Great practical dictionary of Chinese grammar'). Beijing: Zhigong jiaoyu chubanshe . Hartmann, Reinhard R.K. (1982) Das zweisprachige Wörterbuch im Fremdsprachenerwerb. In: Wiegand, 73-86. Jiaoxue yufa xilie jiangzuo ('Lectures on pedagogical grammar'). (1987) Beijing: Zhongguo heping chubanshe . Lang, Ewald (1982) Die Konjunktionen im einsprachigen Wörterbuch. In: Agricola/Schildt/Viehweger, 72-106. Liu Qi (1954): Zhu zi bian lue ('Essay on particles'). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. First published in 1711. Lu Yixu (1324): Yu Zhu ('Particles'). Lü Shuxiang, Haifen Wang (1986) Ma shi wen tong duben ('Text book to Ma shi wen tong'). Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe. Ma Jianzhong (1898/99) Ma shi wen tong ('Grammar by mister Ma') (s.a. Lii/Wang ). Raumer, Rudolf von (1863) Gesammelte sprachwissenschaftliche Schriften. Frankfurt/Erlangen: Heyder & Zimmer. (In it: Das deutsche Wörterbuch der Gebrüder Grimm und die Entwicklung der deutschen Schriftsprache, 331362; first in 1858). Richter, Gunnar (to be published) Die Wortbildungsbasis von Wortstrukturen im modernen Chinesisch. In: Chinesische Wortbildung, Studien zur Theoriebildung und Wortstrukturbeschreibung, Verf.: Ilse Karl, Helga Beutel, Gunnar Richter, Gottfried Spies. In: Sinolinguistica, Anton Lachner und Peter Kupfer (Hg.). Heidelberg: Julius Groos. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English. 1st ed. by H.W. Fowler and F.G. Fowler. 7th ed. by J.B. Sykes. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press 1982 . Wahrig, Gerhard (1980) Deutsches Wörterbuch. Mit einem "Lexikon der deutschen Sprachlehre". Hrsg. in Zusammenarbeit mit zahlreichen Wissenschaftlern und anderen Fachleuten. Völlig Überarb. Neuausg. [Bearb. von Ursula Hermann] o.O.: Mosaik. Wang Li (1945) Lixiang de zidian ('The ideal dictionary'). In: Guowen Yuekan ('The Chinese language quarterly') No.33. Also in: Zhongguo yuwen cankao ziliao xuanji ('Selection of reference material on the Chinese language'). Shanghai 1957 , 236-271.

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(1946) Liaoyi xiaozidian chugao ('First draft of Liaoyi's small dictionary').In: Guowen Yuekan ('The Chinese language quarterly') No.43/44. Also in: Zhongguo yuwen cankao ziliao xuanji ('Selection of reference material on the Chinese language'). Shanghai 1957, 272-296. Wiegand, Herbert Ernst (Hg.) (1982) Studien zur neuhochdeutschen Lexikographie 11. Hildesheim/New York: Olms. (= Germanistische Linguistik 3-6/80). Xi Boxian (1987) Cong "Zanni Hanyu jiaoxue yufa xitong" dao "Zhongxue jiaoxue yufa xitong tiyao (shiyong)" ('From "A provisional system of pedagogical grammar for the Chinese language" to "Outlines of a system of pedagogical grammar for the middle school'"). In: Jiaoxue yufa xilie jiangzuo ('Lectures on pedagogical grammar'). Beijing: Zhongguo heping chubanshe, 289-293. Xiandai Hanyu liangci shouce ('Handbook of classifiers in modem Chinese'). Beijing: Zhongguo heping chubanshe 1987. Xiandai Hanyu mingci liangci dapei cidian ( Ά collocational dictionary of nouns and classifiers in modern Chinese'). Hangzhou: Zhejiang jiaoyu chubanshe 1989. Xu Shen : Shuo wen jie zi ('Explanations of Chinese characters'). Zgusta, Ladislav (1971) Manual of Lexicography. Prag / The Hague / Paris. (1991) Typology of Etymological Dictionaries and V.l. Abaev's Ossetic Dictionary. In: Lexikographica 7/1991, 38-49. Zhang Dihua a.o. (1988) Hanyu yufa xiuci cidian ('Dictionary of Chinese grammar and rhetoric'). Hefei: Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe.

PART XI AFTERWORD

Afterword: Directions and Challenges Braj B. Kachru

0. Introduction An afterword for a smddhéñfaií volume gives the satisfaction of pürnähuti (a concluding offering). But that is only one side of it. There is another side to an afterword: It provides an opportunity to highlight vital desiderata for tracking a direction and possible challenges, in other words, to use the past as a guide-post for the future. The two questions that come to mind, then, are: What is the direction of the field? And, what are the challenges? But before I briefly address these questions, let me begin with a digression.

1. Lexicography as a 'sentence' or an 'idyllic' experience It is reassuring to remind ourselves that the enterprise of lexicography does not evoke the same reactions now as it did among the practitioners of the craft sometime between the 16th and 17th centuries. It was then that J.J. Scaliger expressed in elegant Latin verse, as Zgusta reminds us in his translation (1971: 15), that the worst criminals should neither be executed nor sentenced to forced labour, but should be condemned to compile dictionaries, because all the tortures are included in this work.

And, fortunately, this is not the only view about the task of a lexicographer. There is also another view that represents "idyllic" praise of lexicography - the view of J.R. Hulbert. It is reassuring to mention here that Ladislav Zgusta, the honoree of this volume, concurs with Hulbert's view and considers it "basically true praise of lexicography" (1971: 357). And he should know. Hulbert observes that, "I know of no more enjoyable intellectual activity than working on a dictionary." And elaborating on the reasons of his satisfaction, Hulbert continues: Unlike most research, lexicography rarely sends one in fruitless quests; one does not devote days, months, or even years to testing an hypothesis only to decide that it is not tenable, or to attempting to collect evidence to prove a theory only to have to conclude that sufficient facts aie no longer in existence to clinch it. It does not make one's life anxious, nor build up hopes only to have them collapse. Every day one is confronted by new problems, usually small but absorbingly interesting; at the end of the day one feels healthily tired, but content in the thought that one has accomplished something and advanced the whole work towards its completion1. 1 Cited in Zgusta (1971:357) who concludes his book with the remark, "[a]nd with this idyllic, optimistic note we shall bring the book to its overdue end."

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2. Lexicography today What we see today is that the lexicographer's enterprise is gradually ceasing to be essentially an individual's task-one of just dedication and toil. It has now turned into a large-scale undertaking both in labor and in the use of technology. One thinks of several factors which might make Hulbert reconsider the delights of the lexicographer's task. However, even now, one must agree, following Lévi-Strauss, that: 2 Compiling a dictionary is like training to an athlete or scales to a musician. The dictionary is probably just as necessary for the people who work on it as for those who consult the end product.

Lévi-Strauss may be right that there is a compulsion to rejoice in the world of words-to be a lexicographer. In that sense, then, perhaps the lexicographer's task will continue to be individualistic. But the "task" also must keep abreast of the paradigms of the time-in tune with the shifts in paradigms. And that takes me to the "critical paradigm" and lexicographical research.

3. Lexicography and the "critical" paradigm A majority of the chapters in the ten parts of Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary attempt to relate concepts of 'culture' and 'ideology' to dictionary making. These two concepts are used in a broad sense not restricted to their political connotations only. That is appropriate since "culture" and "ideology" have become lightning rods in the passionate intellectual discourse of our times. However, that does not mean that earlier concern for such issues was absent-far from it. Zgusta (1988) includes several references to studies discussing "cultural information" (314) and "ideology" (325). Tom McArthur (in this volume) makes an important point when, referring to the terms "culture" and "ideology", he says: Whereas the contexts of biology, religion, penal establishments and electricity only occasionally overlap, the multivalences in culture, ideology and dictionary occur within the very bounds of lexicographical scholarship itself. For that reason I will look at these terms one by one before using them to make some points about historical biases that have influenced several genres of lexical reference. (381)

McArthur does not just discuss the terms, but also explains the complexities in using these terms in lexicographical research. The issue is not simply to provide such "information" but also to determine what information is vital-what is "etic" and what is "emic." One has to know how such information has been "slanted" and viewed through the "grid" of ones own culture and is a "mirror of its time" (Kahane and Kahane 1992: 20). There is no paucity of such culturally slanted lexicography. And Kahane and Kahane (1992: 20) emphasize this point when they say that: 2

Cited in Eribon (1991 [1988]:86).

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even the small sample of the léxica outlines . . . reflects the attitudes of a society, as expressed in the word, toward the dominant problems of the ever-changing here and now. His [lexicographer's] milieu provides the specific motivations which guide the lexicographer.

We see examples of this, as the Kahanes have noted (1992: 21): In the hands of Andriotis it represents heritage; to Isidore the etymologist, it marks man's grasp of the world; to Du Cange, the medieval historian, it turns into history; to the authors of the Crusca Vocabolario, its use is sanctioned by the Tuscan masters of the belles-letters; to the French Academy, it represents the language of the honnête homme, the gentleman; to the French Encyclopedist, it opens the eyes to things to come; to Mistral, it proves the regional survival.

In her comparative study, Haas (1962) raises the perennial question of translation equivalence, specifically, in French and Thai dictionaries. It is, of course, a different type of cultural issue which a bilingual lexicographer invariably faces. This problem comes up all the time in compiling bilingual dictionaries of Asian and African languages. Its complexity is not restricted to culturally and linguistically unrelated languages but is also present in languages which have cultural and linguistic proximity. Consider, for example, the case of French and English as discussed by Roger J. Steiner (in this volume). On the other hand, in monolingual dictionaries, reflection of ideology takes a different form; Malakhovskij (1972), for example, provides a survey of the treatment of political and social terminology in large monolingual dictionaries of English, whose compilers are said to show their class adherence: e.g., Webster's Second explains 'unemployment' by the synonyms 'idleness, inactivity'. (Zgusta 1988:162)

In a recent critique of Hobson-Jobson, compiled by the Raj lexicographers3 Yule and Burnell (1886 [revised ed. 1985], Lewis 1991:4) observes: Hobson-Jobson, otherwise a master-work of mellow, witty and leisurely scholarship, is sadly lacking, for example, in references to the words arising from interests in the main religions of India: Hinduism, Jainism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Islam and Zoroastrianism, which have provided English with a useful wordbank of widely accepted conceptual and descriptive terms in the linguistic confluence or dado of AngloIndia.

And Lewis then provides examples of words "... which Yule and Burnell could with advantage have included" (4). The list includes atman (1785), karma (1828), kismet (1849), mahatma (1855), rishi (1766), and Vedanta (1788). However, in a note (p.41), I might add, Lewis provides a clarification: However, a large number of learned words appeared on the Anglo-Indian scene later than the publication of Hobson-Jobson in 1886, though the second and third editions of 1902 and 1986 also failed to mention them. All of those quoted appear in OED.

One would be unfair to Yule and Burnell if it were not mentioned here that the following words, "arising from interests in main religions of India," for example, do appear in HobsonFor a detailed discussion see Kachru (in press).

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Jobson (1985 edition; I have not checked the earlier editions): Avatar "an incarnation on earth of a divine Being" ; Brahmo Somaj "assembly of Brahmists"; Nirvana "technical term in the philosophy of the Buddhists for the condition of which they aspire as the crown and god of virtue, viz. the cessation of sentient existence"; Sunyasee "a Hindu religious mendicant"; Yaishnava "relating to Vishnu; applied to sectaries who especially worship him"; Veda "the Sacred Books of Brahmins." In Lewis we have an interesting scrutiny of cultural and ideological "bias" in this major "Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases." A number of chapters in this volume look at the core and periphery of such issues in cross-cultural and cross-linguistic contexts. I hope that these attempts will initiate further in-depth analyses of major Asian and African monolingual and bilingual dictionaries from these perspectives.

4. Lexicography and accountability This brings us to the lexicographer's accountability. The chapters, for example, by John Algeo, Chin W. Kim, Janet Whitcut, David Gold, and Tom McArthur take us much closer to various types of conceptualizations within the framework of "critical linguistics." (Fowler and Kress 1979). These contributions, of course, do not overtly articulate the "critical" framework presented in such paradigms, but broadly the important concerns are shared, and the search is toward structuring such underlying assumptions. This volume thus heralds a move in that direction and brings together a variety of such concerns. In other words, Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary highlights issues which call for social accountability of the lexicographer's enterprise, particularly in the areas of gender, race, religion, and ideology. There are no professional ethical guidelines for the practitioners of lexicography-except, of course, the post-publication reactions of concerned users. It is this fact, though not necessarily addressed to the lexicographers, that Bolinger ( 1980:1) laments when he says: In language there are no licensed practitioners, but the woods are full of midwives, herbalists, colonic inigatiomsts, bone setters and general-purpose witch-doctors—some abysmally ignorant, others with a rich fund of practical knowledge-whom one shall lump together and call SHAMANS.

The Shamans reveal themselves in many forms. One such example is discussed by David L. Gold in his very provocative contribution to this volume. Gold's case study is recent, but such Shamanism has a long history. I am reminded here of Stocqueler's (1848) expression of one type of Shamanism in his "definition," for example, of aya(h) (1848; 19): a lady's maid in India. The Ayah has no innate taste for dressing, but can plait her hair well, and contrives to fasten a hook, and stick a pin so that it shall soon come out again. She is often the wife of one of Khedmutgars (q.v ), and then the double wages make the service valuable to the couple. Frequently she is an Indo-Portuguese woman, and though a sad and ugly drab, is in most respects superior to the Musalman woman.

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This definition of aya(h) actually tells us very little about aya(h)'s functions, but instead provides an attitudinally loaded, amateurish outburst revealing a string of biases. One might say that Stocqueler wrote it back in 1848--the peak of the colonial period-but that only partly explains it since this attitude continues, to various degrees, even in our times. The manifestation of this attitude is perhaps different, for example, in the case of Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language, Unabridged, or in Mëndk AngrezTHindTKos for Hindi. 4 The Shamanism, to use Bolinger's word in this context, shows up in some bilingual dictionaries too, in their definitions, in translation equivalents, and in citations. In the case of South Asian languages we see this, for example, in Mahendra Chaturvedi and Bhola Nath Tewari (1975; 2nd revised edition), and in Pathak (1963). In lexicography, ethical concerns are being articulated generally about the motivations for prescriptivism, usage, and the validity of various types of standards. There has been considerable discussion of these topics (see relevant references in Zgusta 1988). However, as several chapters in this volume show, the discussion has to go beyond these issues.

5. "Renewal of connection" of theory and data The possible links between linguistic theories and applied lexicography continue to be debated. And lexicography is not the only language-related field in which this debate is present. A theory of lexicography must provide, in Firth's terms, "renewal of connection" with the data (Firth 1957: xii). Firth, in this case, does not necessarily talk of a theory of lexicography, but various studies following the Firthian approach provide useful insights which may be exploited in establishing a link between linguistic theory and the task of a lexicographer (see, e.g., Mitchell 1978 and Monaghan 1979). We see the same concern about theory and its relevance articulated by Labov (1988: 181-182). I believe that Labov's concerns are as applicable to applied lexicography as they are to other applications of the linguistic sciences. (a) We are, of course, interested in theories of greatest generality. But are these theories the end-product of linguistic activity? Do we gather facts to serve the theory, or do we create theories to resolve questions about the real world? I would challenge the common understanding of our academic linguistics that we are in the business of producing theories: that linguistic theories are our major product. I find such a notion utteily wrong. (b) General theory is useful, and the more general the theory the more useful it is, just as any tool is more useful if it can be used for more jobs. But it is still the application of the theory that determines its value....

There is, of course, a long tradition of discussion of issues related to, for example, methodology, synonymy, and polysemy in the theory of lexicography. It is only recently that 4

This bilingual dictionary was published with a subsidy from the Government of India by Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad, in 1971. It is edited by Satyaprakash and Balbhadra Prasad Mishra.

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broader theoretical issues with reference to contemporary paradigms of linguistics are being discussed (see, e.g., Zgusta, ed. 1980; see also Hartmann 1986, Landau 1989, and McArthur 1986). It is in this context that we see how vibrant the field of lexicography has become. It seems that Hulbert's "idyllic" approach to the lexicographer's enterprise is no longer true: And now one does have to "devote days, months, or even years to testing an hypothesis," or to "collect evidence to prove a theory." It is in this sense that the field of lexicography has become more challenging and provocative.

6. Conclusion In nirvahana (conclusion) of Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary, a number of points need to be emphasized and revisited, particularly about the lexicographer's immense power. The following dimensions of this power come to mind: that of codification of "linguistic etiquette";5 that of promotion and suppression of ideologies;6 that of defining and categorizing;7 and that of initiating and sustaining linguistic attitudes.8 It is these powers of the lexicographer that this volume brings to our attention in various cross-cultural and cross-linguistic case studies. The present direction of lexicography as an industry also presents a variety of challenges. The major challenge is the slow death of lexicography as a "cottage industry" and as a leisurely pastime. That is how lexicography was generally practiced in most of Asia and Africa and even in the Western countries. This age-old pastime is gradually becoming essentially an enterprise of the multinational publishing industry, with immense technological power to support it. One wonders, what are the implications of this overwhelming technological resource, particularly when controlled by multinational publishing houses? One might ask: In what ways will this increasing concentration of resources further widen the North vs. South divide? What will be its ideological and cultural implications? And, what is the future of a traditional lexicologist pandit whose only resource is a number of shoeboxes filled with hundreds of lexical entries written on small pieces of paper turned yellow and fragile? Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary indeed is not designed to answer such questions. However, the type of questions this volume raises—and in some cases answers-will, hopefully, contribute to such a debate.

5

For references and discussion see Kachru (1982 [ 1992]). ® In Chin W. Kim's study (in this volume) we see manifestation of this power in the two dictionaries of the Korean language. 7 This power is evident in abundance, for example, in many dictionaries of Bengali, Tamil and Telugu—to provide just three examples from South Asian languages. These languages are diglossie, and the variety chosen for a dictionary is the "prestige" variety-always a minority variety: Ää^i/Variety for Bengali, literary variety for Tamil,

and gnanthfkaiai Telugu. 8

See, e.g., Mmusi (1993).

Afterword: Directions and Challenges

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References Bolinger, Dwight (1980). Language—The Loaded Weapon: The Use and Abuse of Language Today. London: Longman. Chaturvedi, Mahendra and Bhola Nath Tewari (1975). Practical Hindi-English Dictionary. 2nd ed. Delhi: National Publishing House. Eribon, Didier (1991[1988]). Conversations with Lévi-Strauss. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Firth, John Rupert (1957). Papers in Linguistics 1934-51. London: Oxford University Press. Fowler, Roger and Gunther Kress (1979). "Critical linguistics. " In Language and Control. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Gold, David L. (in this volume). "When religion intrudes into etymology (On The Word : The dictionary that reveals the Hebrew sources of English). " Haas, Mary R. (1962). "What belongs in a bilingual dictionary?" In Problems in Lexicography. Special issue of International Journal of American Linguistics 2 8 . 4 (2nd and 3rd eds. 1967 and 1975). The Hague: Mouton, 4550. Hartmann, R.R.K. (ed.) (1986). The History of Lexicography. Amesterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Kachru, Braj B. (ed.) (1982[1992]). The Other Tongue: English Across Cultures. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. (1992). "Models for non-native Englishes" In The Other Tongue: English Acrosss Cultures. Edited by Braj B. Kachru. 2nd ed. Urbana, IL.: University of Illinois Press. (in press). "South Asian English: Toward an identity in diaspora. In South Asian English: Structure, Use and Users. Edited by Robert J. Baumgardner. Urbana, IL.: University of Illinois Press. Kahane, Henry and Renée Kahane (1992). T h e dictionary as ideology: sixteen case studies." In History, Languages, andLexicographers (Lexicographica Series Maior 41). Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. 19-76. Kim, Chin W. (in this volume). "One language, two ideologies and two dictionaries: The case of Korean." Labov, William (1988). "Judicial testing of linguistic theory." In Deborah Tannen (ed.). Linguistics in Context: Connecting Observation and Understanding. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Landau, Sidney I. (1989). Dictionaries: The Art and Craft of Lexicography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lewis, Ivor (1991). Sahibs, Nabobs and Boxwallahs: A Dictionary of the Words of Anglo-India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Malakhovskij, L.V. (1972). "Priemy tolkovanija slov obschestvenno-politicheskoj terminologii ν bol'shikh tolkovykh slovaijakh anglijskogo jazyka." In M.A. Genkel1, ed. Aktvual'nye Problemy Leksikologii i Leksikografii: Materialy IX Zonal'noj Konferencii Kafedr Russkogo Jazyka Vuzov Urala. Penn1 : Permskij ordena trudovogo krasnogo znameni gosudarstvennyj Universitet. pp. 318-322. McArthur.Tom (1986). Worlds of Reference: Lexicography, Learning and Language from the Clay Table to the Computer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (in this volume). "Culture-bound and trapped by technology: Centuries of bias in the making of wordbooks. " Mitchell, T.F. (1978). "Meaning is what you do-and how he and I interpret it: A Firthian view of pragmatics." Die Neueren Sprachen 3:4. Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Moritz Diesterweg. Mmusi, Sheila Onkaetse (1993). "Ethnic labels in South African English." World Englishes 12.1: 47-58. Monaghan, James (1979). The Neo-Firthian Tradition and Its contribution to General linguistics. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Pathak, R.C. (1963). Bhargava's Standard Illustrated Dictionary of the Hindi language. Varanasi: Bhargava Book Depot. SatyaprakashandBalbhadraMishra(ed.)(1971). Manak Hindi-Angrezi Kosh. Allahabad: Hindi Sahitya Sammelan. Steiner, Roger J. (in this volume) T h e bilingual dictionary in cross-cultural contexts." Stocqueler, J.H. (1848). The Oriental Interpreter and Treasury of East India Knowledge: A Companion to 'The Handbook of British India'. London: C. Cox. Yule, Hemy and A. C. Bumell (1886). Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. 2nd ed. by William Crooke. London: John Murray, 1903. Zgusta, Ladislav (1971). Manual of Lexicography. The Hague: Mouton. (ed.) (1980). Theory and Method in Lexicography: Western and non-Western perspectives. Chapel Hill,NC: Hornbeam Press. (1988). Lexicography Today: An Annotated Bibliography of the Theory of Lexicography (Lexicographica: Series Maior 18). Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag.

Notes on Contributors

John ALGEO is Alumni Foundation Distinguished Professor in the Department of English, University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602, USA. His recent publications include Fifty Years Among the New Words and the fourth edition of Origins and Development

of the English

Language. Manuel ALVAR EZQUERRA is Professor of Spanish Philology in the Department of Spanish Philology and Romance Philology, Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, University of Malaga, Campus Universitario de Teatinos s/n, E-29071 Málaga, Spain. Among his latest publications are Lexicografía descriptiva and the Diccionario Actual de la Lengua Española (VOX). Doris BARTHOLOMEW is Linguistic Consultant for the Mexico Branch of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Box 8987 CRB, Tucson, AZ 85738, USA. Her publications include Bilingual Dictionaries for Indigenous Languages (with L. Schoenhals) and Diccionario Mixe de Coatlán (Editor of the Series; co-author of the grammatical sketch). Pierre CORBIN is Maître de Conférences of French Linguistics in the Université Charles de Gaulle-Lille III, B.P. 149, 59653 Villeneuve d'Ascq Cédex, France. His recent publications include Dictionnaires et Littérature (co-editor).

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Anthony P. COWIE is Reader in Lexicography in the School of English, University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK. His recent publications include the Oxford Advanced Learner's

Dictionary,

4th edition (chief editor) and the Oxford Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs (editor). Thomas Β. I. CREAMER is a professional lexicographer. 6619 Westmoreland Ave. Takoma Park, MD 20912, USA. His recent publications include A Chinese-English Dictionary of the Wu Dialect and A Dictionary of the New Chinese Words (Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged). Gerard M. DALGISH is Professor of English as a Second Language Supervisor, Department of English, Baruch College, City University of New York, Box 506, New York, NY 10010, USA. His publications include A Dictionary of Africanisms and a forthcoming Learners' Dictionary from Random House. Fredric F. M. DOLEZAL is Associate Professor of English and Linguistics in the Department of English, University of Georgia, 254 Park Hall, Athens, GA 30602, USA. His recent publications include The Meaning of Definition (editor) in Lexicographica 8. Donna M. T. Cr. FARINA is Assistant Professor of Russian and French in the Department of Foreign Languages, U.S. Air Force Academy, 2354 Fairchild Drive, Suite 6H63, CO 80840, USA. Her recent publications include "The Meaning of Definition in Soviet Lexicography: The Leningrad Academic Dictionaries" (in press). Joshua A. FISHMAN is Distinguished University Research Professor, Social Sciences, Emeritus, Ferkauf Graduate School of Psychology, Yeshiva University (Mazer Bldg., 1300 Morris Park Avenue, Bronx, NY. 10461, USA) and Visiting Professor of Linguistics, Department of Linguistics, Stanford University (Stanford CA 94306). His recent publications include Reversing Language Shift (1991) and The Earliest Stage of Language Planning (1993). David L. GOLD is editor of Jewish Linguistic Studies (continuing the Jewish Language Review) and founder of the Association for the Study of Jewish Languages, the Jewish Family Name File, and the Jewish English Archives. He may be reached c/o The National Jewish Post and Opinion, 2120 North Meridian St., Indianapolis, IN 46202-1373, USA. Roy S. Rosenstein's "Broadening the Perspectives of South African English and Afrikaans Research (an Interview with David L. Gold on His Work in These Fields)" appeared in Lexikos 3, 1993, pp. 227-258.

Notes on Contributors

427

Rufus H. GOUWS is Associate Professor of Afrikaans Linguistics in the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch, University of Stellenbosch, Stellenbosch 7599, South Africa. His recent publications include Leksikografie and Basiswoordeboek van Afrikaans (co-editor). Franz Josef HAUSMANN is Professor of Applied Linguistics (French) at the University of Erlangen-Nüremberg, Gliickstr. 5, D-91054 Erlangen, Germany. His recent publications include Wörterbücher, Dictionaries, Dictionnaires: International Encyclopedia of Lexicography (19891991) (co-editor). Braj B. KACHRU is Center for Advanced Study Professor of Linguistics and Jubilee Professor of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Illinois, Department of Linguistics, 4088 Foreign Languages Building, 707 South Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801, USA. He is founder and co-editor of World Englishes, series editor of English in the Global Context (University of Illinois Press) and associate editor of The Oxford Companion to the English Language. His publications include The Other Tongue: English Across Cultures (ed., 1981 [1991]); The Alchemy of English: The Spread,

Functions

and Models

of Non-native

Englishes

(1986); Dimensions

of

Sociolinguistics in South Asia: Papers in Memory of Gerard Kelley (co-editor, 1991).

Yamuna KACHRU is Professor of Linguistics and of English at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Department of Linguistics, 4088 Foreign Languages Building, 707 South Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801, USA. Her recent publications include Pragmatics

and

Language Learning Monograph 5,1994 (edited with Lawrence F. Bouton) and "Self, identity and creativity: Women writers in India" in Self as Person in Asian Theory and Practice, Eds. Roger T. Ames, Wimal Dissanayake and Thomas P. Kasulis (1994). Frances KARTTUNEN is Senior University Research Scientist at the Linguistics Research Center of the University of Texas, Box 7247, Austin, TX, 78713-7247, USA. Her publications include An Analytical Dictionary ofNahuatl and Between Worlds: Interpreters, Guides and Survivors. Mary Ritchie KEY is Professor of Linguistics Emerita, Department of Linguistics, University of California, Irvine, School of Social Sciences, Irvine, CA 92717, USA. Her recent publications include Language Change in South American Indian Languages and South American Languages, Vol. I, Intercontinental Dictionary Series.

Indian

428

Douglas KIBBEE is Associate Professor of French and Linguistics in the Department of French, University of Illinois, 2090 Foreign Languages Building, 707 S. Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801, USA. His recent publications include For to Speke French Trewely: The French Language in England, 1000-1600: Its Status, Description and Instruction. Chin W. KIM is Professor of Linguistics, East Asian Languages and Cultures, English as an International Language, and Speech & Hearing Sciences in the Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois, 4088 Foreign Languages Building, 707 S. Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801, USA. His recent publications include Korean Phonology (co-author), Language:

Its

Theory and Application, and Sojourns in Language. Francis E. KNOWLES is Professor of Language in the Institute for the Study of Language and Society, University of Aston, Birmingham B4 7ET, Great Britain. His scholarly interests embrace lexicography/terminography, corpus linguistics, and language and ethnicity with particular respect to the ex-USSR, Poland and Germany. He is currently Vice-President of the European Association for Lexicography (EURALEX). His recent publications include: "Dictionaries for the advanced learners and users of foreign languages," Verbatim Vol. XIX/iii (1993) and "From USSR to CIS and beyond: Visceral politics vis-à-vis ethnolinguistic realities." In D. Ager et al., Language education for intercultural communication. (1993). Luis Fernando LARA is Professor of Linguistics at El Colegio de México, Camino al Ajusco 20, México 01000, D.F. He is director of the Diccionario del español de México. His most most recent book is Dimensiones de la lexicografía; he is preparing a Teoría del diccionario monolingue de lengua. Winfred P. LEHMANN is Louanna and Larry Temple Centennial Professor Emeritus in the Humanities and Director, Linguistics Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin, TX 78713-7247, USA. His recent publications include Historical

Linguistics,

3rd ed., Die

gegenwärtige Richtung der indogermanistischen Forschung, Theoretical Bases of Indo-European Linguistics. Barbara LEWANDOWSKA-TOMASZCZYK is Professor of English Linguistics in the Department of English Language, University of t o d i , KoSciuszki 65, 90-514, -Lodi, Poland. Her recent publications include Conceptual Analysis, Linguistic Meaning, and Verbal Interaction and Topics in English Lexicology (editor).

429

Notes on Contributors

Johannes P. LOUW is Professor of Greek Emeritus, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa. His recent publications include Greek-English Dictionary (with E. Nida). Yakov MALKIEL is Emeritus Professor of Linguistics and Romance Philology, and founding editor of the quarterly Romance Philology

in the Department of Linguistics, University of

California at Berkeley, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA. Carla MARELLO is Professor of Applied Linguistics in the Dipartimento di Scienze letterarie, filologiche e linguistiche, of the Università di Torino, Corso Unione Sovietica (Non Compianta) 115, 10134 Torino, Italia. Her recent publications include Dizionari bilingui and Semiotics and Linguistics in Alice's Worlds (co-editor). Tom McARTHUR is editor of English Today, published by Cambridge University Press, The Edinburgh Building, Shaftesbury Road, Cambridge, England. His publications include the Longman Lexicon of Contemporary

English, Worlds of References, and he is editor of The

Oxford Companion to the English Language. χ Dình-Hoà NGUYEN is Professor Emeritus of Linguistics and Foreign Languages and Literatures in the Department of Linguistics, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale [720 Teresita Boulevard, San Francisco, CA 94127, USA], His most recent publications include Graphemic Borrowings from Chinese: The Case of Chu Nom—Vietnam's Demotic Script and Vietnamese Literature: A Brief Survey. Eugene NIDA is a Consultant to the American Bible Society, with the mailing address of P.O. Box 61026, Savannah, GA 31420, USA. His recent publications include Language, Culture and Translating. Claude POIRIER is Professor of Linguistics and French lexicology in the Department of Linguistics, Laval University, Cité Universitaire, Sainte-Foy (Québec), Canada, G1K 7P4. His recent publications include Langue, espace, société: Les variétés du français en Amérique du Nord (editor) and Dictionnaire du français québécois (editor). ZdenSk POLÁÍEK is Senior Researcher at the Oriental Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Pod vodárenskou vë2i 4, 182 08 Praha 8, Czech Republic. His recent publications include Sociopolitical Dictionary: English-Amharic (co-author and general editor).

430

Gunnar O. RICHTER is a Sinologue at the Humboldt Universität, Unter den Linden, Berlin, Germany. His recent publications include Chinesisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch (co-editor). Gabriele STEIN is Professor of Linguistics in the English Department, University of Heidelberg, Kettengasse 12, 69117 Heidelberg, Germany. Her recent publications include The English Dictionary before Cawdrey and English in Use (with Randolph Quirk). Roger J. STEINER is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics, University of Delaware, Newark, DE 19716-2551, USA. His recent publications include The New College French and English Dictionary, 2nd ed., and article 308 "Bilingual Lexicography: EnglishSpanish, Spanish-English" in Dictionaries: International Encyclopedia of Lexicography. Janet WHITCUT is a freelance lexicographer, Holehouse, Ulpha, Broughton-in-Fumess, Cumbria LA20 6EY, UK. Her recent publications include the Longman Guide to English Usage (with Professor Sidney Greenbaum) and Mastering English Usage (with Dr. Robert Ilson). Anna WIERZBICKA is Professor of Linguistics at the Australian National University, GPO Box 4 Canberra, ACT 2601, Australia. Her recent books include Semantics of Grammar (1988), CrossCultural Pragmatics (1991), Semantics, Culture and Cognition (1992), and Semantic and Lexical Universals (1994, co-editor with Cliff Goddard). R. David ZORC is Senior Linguist with the MRM Language Research Center, Suite 550 Presidential Building, 6525 Belcrest Road, Hyattsville, MD 20782, USA. His recent publications include Tagalog Slang Dictionary and Somali-English Dictionary (3rd edition).

ABSTRACTS

Pierre Corbin Movies can sometimes have linguists as characters and can present dictionaries. This is for instance the case in the film Simple mortel (1991) by the French director Pierre Jolivet, which is the subject of the present paper. Two questions are raised: -

What is the sociological and professional image of linguists suggested in this movie, and more

generally what are the conditions and possibility for representing professional activity in movies? -

What use is made of dictionaries in Simple mortel and various other contemporary French

movies, and what changes do they suggest in the prototypical image of the dictionary in French imagination? Franz Josef Hausmann Familiar quotations are part of the langue and should be in the dictionary. The Trésor de la langue française, A-teindre, 15 vol., Paris 1971-1992, gives them insufficient treatment. Indeed, the lexicographic problems are many. The label applies either to the often-alluded-to familiar quotation, or to the allusive text. How to proceed when the famous quotation is initially coined before the synchrony covered by the dictionary (TLF describes the vocabulary from 1789 on)? In this case, the TLF quotes the texts alluded to in the context of the allusive texts, i.e., inside the synchrony. In the other case, no allusive texts are given, but the quotations are directly quoted. Lemmatization of quotations is another problem. The Grand Robert seems to be superior to TLF in the field of 'allusography'. Specialized dictionaries are capable of improvement as well.

432

Claude Poirier To prepare a monolingual French dictionary is a difficult task for any lexicographer in Quebec, because one faces the problem how to reconcile the requirement of an exact description of the usage with the uncertainties concerning the norm of usage. Should one continue to seek answers to the linguistics problems of Quebec in France, or should one rather define a norm that would be based on the history of the area and on the identity of its population? The article tries to show that it is only the second answer to this question that will allow a cultural development of Quebec, because it takes into consideration both the components of Quebec's identity: its French origin and its being embedded in North America. Quebec has already asserted its identity in various cultural areas (literature, songs, cinematography, etc.), so it is ripe time to prepare a dictionary that will deal with its own variety of French.

RESUMES

John Aigeo Bien que les dictionnaires britanniques et américains se soient fortement influencés dans un sens comme dans l'autre, ils expriment toutefois, à plusieurs niveaux, des présupposés nationaux qui peuvent rendre leur usage inapproprié dans un pays comme dans l'autre. Ces différences sont de plusieurs ordres; on notera ainsi: (1) la désignation d'entrées ou sens comme étant spécifiques à un contexte national; (2) le choix d'entrées ou de sens; (3) la manière dont les sens sont définis; (4) les prononciations; (5) les orthographes; (6) l'information de type grammaticale; et (7) les restrictions sur les collocations. Même les meilleurs dictionnaires sur le marché à l'heure actuelle varient très fort dans la façon de signaler les différences entre l'anglais britannique et l'anglais américain et sont, en général, non fiables. Au moment où l'anglais devient de plus en plus une langue internationale et s'emploie comme langue seconde ou étrangère, les présupposés nationaux posent problème. Il est urgent que les dictionnaires destinés à l'usage international s'adressent aux problèmes de variation nationale de façon plus adéquate.

Manuel Alvar Ezquerra L'auteur examine plusieurs décisions que l'on peut considérer comme étant de nature politique (ou en être la conséquence) et qui ont eu un effet sur la production de dictionnaires de langue espagnole. Tout d'abord il considère les plus anciens dictionnaires, ceux de Fernández de Palencia (1490) et Nebrija (1492), produits grâce à l'aide financière de la couronne. Il fait remarquer ensuite que Richard Percy vali (1591) s'était servi de deux prisonniers de l'Armada espagnole. Il poursuit son aperçu lexicographique jusqu'aux changements survenus en Espagne au 19 eme siècle,

434

ainsi que les interventions gouvernementales pour l'acquisition et la production de certains dictionnaires. Il tient également compte du sens politique en référence à la politesse, à la correction et aux bonnes manières. Doris Bartholomew Des phrases écrites par des natifs pour illustrer des entrées lexicales dans le dictionnaire otomiespagnol nous aide à découvrir la culture des indiens otomis de la vallée du Mezquita! au Mexique (C. Sinclair, T. Victoriano, et P. Hernandez en préparation). Plus particulièrement, la plante centenaire (l'agave) et le rôle crucial qu'elle a joué dans l'écologie semi-désertique apparaît dans le grand nombre de phrases qui y fait référence ainsi qu'à ses produits. En effet, ces phrases constituent en quelque sorte une ethnographie que l'on peut comparer favorablement avec des ethnographies publiées. Bien que moins complète que l'Ethnographie native, de Jesùs Salinas, un locuteur de la langue otomi, elle ne la contredit en aucun point et y ajoute même des détails intéressants. Anthony P. Cowie Cet article a pour but de démontrer à quel point le Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary peut être considéré comme un dictionannaire "culturel", et en paiticuluer dans quelle mesure la première édition mondiale (1948) et la plus récente (1989) reflètent les comportements et les valeurs culturelles des époques auxquelles elles furent composeés. Examinant les deux éditions l'une après l'autre, l'article (a) attribue les exemples à des catégories structurelles dans le but d'établir si elles ont une fonction soit pédagogique soit culturelle; (b) se concentre sur des questions de genre, pour démontrer si, ou à quel point, les exemples expriment la notion du masculin comme tenant un rôle dominant; (c) montre comment la microstructure du dictionnaire, lorsque celui-ci est composé ou mis à jour à des époques différentes, reflète les circonstances culturelles, politiques et économiques du moment. Thomas B. /. Creamer Ladislav Zgusta a parlé du présent comme étant "l'âge d'or de la lexicographie." Cette façon de voir les choses s'avère particulièrement appropriée pour la langue chinoise, aussi bien en Chine qu'à l'étranger. Le présent article commence par une discussion de développements linguistiques récents en Chine tels que les encouragements à apprendre le putonghua (langue parlée la plus répandue). L'article examine ensuite l'étude de la lexicographie en Chine à travers les principales revues de lexicographie, monographies, et maisons d'édition ainsi que les associations nationales et régionales de lexicographie et les conférences récentes. L'auteur fait également mention de divers programmes pour l'enseignement de la lexicographie en Chine. Pour conclure, il examine la

Resumes

435

pratique de la lexicographie à travers une discussion de dictionnaires monolingues et bilingues (nouveaux et à paraître) en Chine, au Taiwan, au Japon, en France, et aux États-Unis. Gerard M. Dalgish Dans cet article l'auteur examine un certain nombre de considérations portant sur le développement des dictionnaires d'anglais pour apprenants, à savoir le cadre théorique d'un projet, l'élaboration et la méthodologie de recherche. La plus grande partie de l'article est consacrée à la discussion et la critique de quelques-unes des approches employées dans plusieurs dictionnaires pour apprenants actuellement sur le marché; cette discussion nous permettra de passer en revue des dictionnaires les plus populaires que les enseignants d'anglais langue seconde ou étrangère pourraient trouver utile, tout en essayant d'intéresser les lexicographes. Les sujets principaux dont traite l'auteur comprennent une discussion des buts et objectifs des dictionnaires pour apprenants, des procédures pour la sélection des entrées principales, les systèmes de prononciation, les représentations des formes désinentielles, le codage des parties du discours et l'incorporation d'informations grammaticales, définitions, citations illustratives, renvois et notes sur l'usage.

Fredric F. M. Dolezal Un dictionnaire organisé selon des principes d'analyse scientifique permet de mettre au premier plan une méthode pour définir les items lexicaux et d'autres unités discrètes et\ou unités de signification des langues naturelles. Les définitions servent à exprimer les universaux du langage, particulièrement quand il s'agit d'unités ou concepts sémantiques élémentaires isolés. Que l'on définisse des concepts universaux ou des mots ordinaires, il doit y avoir un acte interprétatif qui nous permette d'appliquer un concept ou un mot donné dans un contexte particulier. La définition "en tant que texte" interagit, par l'action humaine, avec l'acte de parole "en tant que texte": dans cet article, une définition philosophique et universelle du père rencontre le Notre Père dans l'acte de parole de la prière. L'analyse linguistique et textuelle, la traduction et l'interprétation d'un artefact littéraire ainsi qu'une comparaison de définitions nous mène à une lecture du Notre Père qui conduit le lexicographe John Wilkins (1614-1672) au delà de Dieu le Père.

Donna M. T. Cr. Farina Vers la fin des années vingt, alors que la période de liberté relative marquant la Nouvelle Politique Economique (N.E.P.) de Lénine touchait à sa fin et que les répressions des années trente approchaient, un mouvement s'organisa pour rétablir toutes les branches de sciences soviétiques sur une base nouvelle, marxiste. C'est dans cette ambiance que les théories pseudo-linguistiques de Nikolai Iakovlevitch Marr (1865-1934) purent s'épanouir, culminant en l'exclusion de tout autre point de vue en linguistique soviétique. Le "marrisme" survécut à son auteur et ne fut abadonné qu'après publication des discussions linguistiques de Staline dans Pravda en 1950.

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Cet exposé traite de la vie de Marr, de son impact sur la linguistique soviétique en général, et sur la lexicographie soviétique en particulier.

Joshua A. Fishman Les dictionnaires ne "reflètent" pas seulement les cultures de leurs compilateurs et leurs utilisateurs, mais ils sont également, en soi, des instruments qui construisent ces cultures et leur permettent de fonctionner. Les plus anciens dictionnaires yiddishs ont servi à la création d'une culture où l'idéal masculin était d'être à même de lire et de comprendre les textes bibliques hébreux dans toute leur profondeur spirituelle. Afin d'aider les apprenants à atteindre progressivement cet idéal, les plus anciens "dictionnaires" yiddishs étaient des concordances bilingues ou des gloses interlinéaires de la Bible. Un autre type ancien de dictionnaire yiddish présentait des équivalents de la réalité de tous les jours et de la vie commerciale dans plusieurs langues. Ces dictionnaires étaient créés pour répondre au besoin des marchands itinérants qui étaient en contact avec des clientèles de langue française, italienne ou allemande ainsi qu'avec des clients qui écrivaient en latin. Les dictionnaires modernes sont également des instruments de création de valeurs et d'objectifs culturels.

David L. Gold Cet article présente un dictionnaire récent qui a pour but de persuader les laïcs que l'hébreu était "la langue originale" de la race humaine et que dans des langues du monde entier se trouvent "des milliers" de mots d'origine hébraïque. Le compilateur de ce dictionnaire, qui reçut l'attention du public pendant plusieurs mois, ne fait preuve d'aucune compétence linguistique au sens où nous l'entendons maintenant. En effet, il rejette ouvertement la linguistique moderne et cherche à la remplacer par une approche étymologique primitive, dont les seules règles semblent être de: "appliquer une fausse transcription si cela amène la forme à sa prétendue base étymologique"; de "considérer seulement des parties des mots si ceci peut servir à montrer qu'elles sont dérivées de l'hébreu"; et de "montrer qu'une simple similarité visuelle entre une forme en hébreu et dans une autre langue suffirait à prouver l'origine hébraïque." Cet article montre comment un agenda religieux caché a amené un dilettante à commettre erreur après erreur et invite les linguistes à instaurer un certain nombre de règles qui leur permettra d'écarter les non-initiés.

Rufus H. Gouws Cet article présente quelques aspects de l'interaction entre la situation culturelle, politique et linguistique en Afrique du sud et la compilation des dictionnaires. A l'intérieur d'un contexte multilingue et multiculturel les dictionnaires doivent refléter l'influence constante du contact entre les langues ainsi que les changements linguistiques. L'auteur examine deux tentatives sud-

Résumés

437

africaines qui vont dans ce sens. Dans le premier cas, il s'agit d'étudier la manière dont un dictionnaire d'anglais sud-africain tient compte de l'influence multidirectionnelle de la situation de contact; dans le second cas, on considère un dictionnaire prescriptif spécialisé d'afrikaans et la façon dont il montre bien les frontières réelles de cette langue. A travers ces dictionnaires on peut voir la réalité sociolinguistique de l'Afrique du sud ainsi que les conséquences de cette réalité pour le lexique et de l'anglais et de l'afrikaans. En tenant compte de l'influence de la variété linguistique et culturelle, on en arrive à développer une nouvelle approche à la fonction descriptive et prescriptive des dictionnaires. Braj B. Kachru Le dernier chapitre fournit, comme le dit l'auteur, "une offrande finale" au volume intitulé Cultures, Ideologies and the Dictionary. L'auteur aborde brièvement deux questions, à savoir: quelle est la direction actuelle de l'entreprise que représente la lexicographie? et quels sont les défis? Le chapitre comprend six courtes sous-sections: La lexicographie en tant que "phrase" ou expérience "idyllique"; la lexicographie aujourd'hui la lexicographie et le "paradime critique"; lexicographie et responsabilité; "Renouvellement du lien" entre théorie et données; et conclusion. La conclusion dresse la liste des types de pouvoir détenus par les lexicographes et les dictionnaires, et celle des défis que la technologie de plus en plus étendue et le monopole toujours grandissant des maisons d'édition multinationales, présentent pour la lexicographie en tant "qu' industrie artisanale" dans le monde en voie de développement. Yamuna Kachru Cette étude examine les implications de la variété anglicisée de l'hindi pour la production de dictionnaires hindis monolingues et dictionnaires bilingues hindi-anglais, avec une attention particulière aux verbes en tant qu'actes de parole. Le hindi standard contemporain nous fournit une excellente base de donnés pour l'étude des effets de convergence linguistique et culturelle telles qu'ils se manifestent à travers les actes de parole produits et réalisés dans sa variété anglicisée. Pour montrer comment l'interaction entre langues et cultures produit des effets d'influence culturelle et linguistique, même dans des domaines intimes de l'interaction verbale, l'auteur présente des exemples d'actes de parole exprimant la gratitude et les excuses en hindi "neutre" et en hindi "anglicisé". Ensuite, elle examine des listes d'entrées pour les verbes exprimant la gratitude et les excuses dans les dictionnaires bilingues hindi-anglais et montre que celles-ci ne reflètent pas de manière adéquate l'usage courant. En se basant sur les résultats de l'étude, l'auteur propose des orientations qui ont pour but d'arriver à une liste plus représentative de ces entrées dans les dictionnaires monolingues hindis et dictionnaires bilingues hindi-anglais.

438

Frances Karttunen Il existe une grande famille de dictionnaires de langues indigènes datant du seizième et de la première partie du dix-septième siècles compilés par des frères-grammairiens engagés dans l'évangélisation de la méso-amérique. Dans cet article l'auteur remonte au dictionnaire espagnollatin d'Antonio de Nebrija (quinzième siècle) afin de retrouver l'origine de leurs modèles et examine les diverses approches qu'ils ont suivir pour faire face aux réalités de la méso-amérique et de ses langues. Mary Ritchie Key La création de dictionnaires exige une sensibilité à l'analyse lexicale, et une attention toute particulière à l'identification des morphèmes s'avère crucial dans la découverte du sens. Les exemples de cette étude sont tirés de trois langues guaycuruanes d'Argentine. Dans cette famille de langues, des groupements sémantiques montrent deux types de "couverture": l'une est lisse, et l'autre est touffue avec une apparence plus floue. D'autres exemples indiquent un sens très prononcé dans la forme et la configuration. En plus de la reconnaissance des groupements sémantiques, on utilise les dictionnaires dans des études comparatives, qui servent de base aux classifications linguistiques. Les types d'informations déjà mentionnés ici sont nécessaires aux choix corrects des mots apparentés possibles.

Douglas A. Kibbee Le dictionnaire de Jean Nicot (Thresorde la language françoyse, tant ancienne que moderne, publication posthume en 1606) révèle l'intersection de la lexicographie et de l'histoire culturelle. Les principles de l'historiographie qu'il emploie dans l'élaboration de ses étymologies, et l'utilisation de l'étymologie dans les débats concernant l'usage relèvent de la nouvelle école historiographique qui émerge en France à partir de 1550, el des luttes politiques et religieuses de l'époque des Guerres de Religion. La façon dont Nicot s'inscrit dans cette tradition le marque comme figure de transition entre ceux qui prônent l'innovation, au XVI e siècle, et ceux qui la condamnent au XVII e . Chin W. Kim La présente étude passe en revue les influences que deux idéologies opposées (le communisme en Corée du nord et le capitalisme en Corée du sud) ont eur sur la conceptualisation et le contenu de dictionnaires dans les deux Corées. En ce qui concerne les entrées lexicales, on peut qualifier les dictionnaires de la Corée du sud de plus "encyclopédiques", avec un mélange d'emprunts, noms propres et nom de lieux, vocabulaire technique, etc. En revanche, les dictionnaires de la Corée du nord sont plus "linguistiques" et ont une apparence plus "nettoyée," ceci étant dû au mouvement prônant un "raffinement" de la langue qui a amené à remplacer de nombreux emprunts par un

Resumes

439

vocabulaire natif, et qui a élevé au même rang de langue standard certaines formes régionales et a ressuscité des mots disparus et archaïques. C'est au niveau des définitions lexicales que les différences idéologiques se manifestent le plus. Bien des mots nord-coréens ont subi un rétrécissement sémantique dans la direction du didactisme, si bien qu'ils sont très souvent imbus de connotations politiques. Dans le présent article l'auteur examine la lexicographie nord-coréenne qui sous-tend la création des dictionnaires et la compare à son analogue sud-coréen; enfin, il présente certaines implications pour la création future d'un dictionnaire unifié. Francis E. Knowles Cet article aborde la polarité linguistique du "desciptivism" face au "prescriptivism" en la plaçant et en la réexperimant à l'intérieur du contexte de la société en tant qu'opposition entre conformisme et latitude, qu'ils soient individuels ou collectifs. Ceci nécessite une tentative de description de certaines facettes de la ainsi que de simples forces socio-économiques et politiques—tant à l'intérieur qu'en direction des deux pôles qui constituent les limites du cline. Il demeurent les questions suivantes: étant donnée une langue: à qui celle-ci appartient-elle? qui possède un intérêt déterminant ou direct pour la langue? comment le contrôle est-il opéré et perpetué? de quelle manière émergent le conflit ou le consensus? et quels instruments particuliers (notamment les distionnaires et les ouvrages scolaires) sont utilisés afin d'exercer une pression sociale et contraindre/forcer la conduite individuelle? Luis Fernando Lara Cette communication examine la proposition d'Alain Rey selon laquelle des dictionnaires monolingues comme 1 Oxford English Dictionary, le Trésor de la langue française, et d'autres soient considérés comme des dictionnaires 'culturels'. L'auteur propose que ces dictionnaires soient considérés comme culturels seulement dans une certaine limite et qu'à l'opposé, le concept de dictionnaire véritablement culturel conduise à un nouveau type de dictionnaire. Pour ce faire, il est nécessaire de pouvoir proposer une meilleure et plus adéquate définition de la culture. Après une analyse critique et un perfectionnement des définitions de Rey de la culture, l'auteur suggère que la culture devrait être une importante partie de la théorie de la langue, afin de tirer une véritable théorie d'un dictionnaire culturel. Quelques exemples espagnols montreront la portée d'un tel dictionnaire. Winfred P. Lehmann Comme l'indique le titre de ce Festschrift, on peut faire appel à divers types de traces pour montrer les effets de la tradition lexicographique. "Le fuseau ou la quenouille" fait référence à la traduction du terme grec ëlakâtë, rendu, à tort, par 'quenouille' dans les dictionnaires anglais et

440

homériques, alors qu'il est rendu, à raison, par le terme 'fuseau,' dans leurs analogues allemands. Bien d'autres influences sont à noter dues, cette fois, non pas à un manque de compréhension, mais à l'idéologie, comme on peut le voir dans les dictionnaires étymologiques récemment publiés dans ce que fut les deux Allemagnes. Tandis que les effets déjà notés découlent des perspectives des lexicographes eux-mêmes, les ouvrages lexicographiques américains reflètent celles des utilisateurs, surtout des non-linguistes. L'opposition extraordinaire aux innovations portées dans le Webster's Third New International de 1961 a mené à la production d'un dictionnaire "alternatif' et au conservatisme dans la production d'autres dictionnaires, ainsi qu'à une baisse des ventes de Webster's

Third. L'auteur montre ainsi que le public aussi bien que les lexicographes peut

influencer les dictionnaires à cause de traditions lexicographiques bien déterminées.

Barbara

Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

Cette contribution pose avant tout le problème du rôle de la sélection langagière dans l'élaboration du système conceptuel humain, ainsi que la mesure dans laquelle la forme lexicale des concepts verbaux peut influencer la vision du monde du locuteur. La thèse de l'auteur est que le système lexical et la structure syntaxique d'un code linguistique rendent certaines significations directement accessibles alors que d'autres systèmes linguistiques qui n'ont pas de correspondants lexicaux ou grammaticaux, doivent signifier les sens de façon indirecte, en utilisant l'explication périphrastique ou des structures plus analytiques.

L'auteur examine un corpus de données en

anglais et en polonais dans le cadre d'une grammaire cognitive, en donnant une attention toute particulière aux formes verbales décomposées en anglais, et aux verbes dérivés (à préfixe) en polonais. Johannes P. Louw Le postulat selon lequel le sens d'un mot est la somme de ses emplois, a conduit la plupart des dictionanaires à ne faire aucune distinction entre le sens lexical (c'est à dire la façon dont le mot fonctionne tant qu'élément du contexte). Ceci nécessite la compréhension de contextes concrets et aboutit à la pratique de bien des dictionnaires monolingues qui admettent plusieurs acceptions pout un lemme, acceptions qui sont considérées comme des sens indépendants. Les dictionnaires bilingues parviennent au même résultat en indiquant plusieurs équivalents dans la langue cible, ceux-ci ne représentent toutefois pas le sens du mot dans la langue source, parce que ce sont des équivalents du point de vue de la traduction. Il serait utile, pour la lexicographie et pour la manière dont le sens lexical. Cet avis est illustré par le mot anglais new; seuls trois sens lexicaux sont retenus: 1) relatif à passé récent, 2) relatif à une autre sorte ou classe et 3) en bon état.

Résumés

441

Yakov Malkiel Entre l'emprunt d'un mot savant à l'état pur (tel un latinisme ou un hellénisme dans une langue moderne) et la conservation d'un ou deux éléments seulement, au prix d'un changement de sens normal, on découvre bon nombre de traits transitionnels partiels. En revanche, un latinisme ou hellénisme en russe, par exemple, pourrait représenter l'imitation d'une forme savante acceptée par une langue moderne telle que l'allemand ou le français. Carla Morello La comparaison entre Florence et Athènes et surtout entre la langue italienne et la langue grecque s'était affirmée au seizième siècle dans les oeuvres de ceux qui, comme Trissino, n'admettaient pas le rôle fondamental du toscan dans la langue italienne. Ce parallèle est repris par Perticali au debut du dix-neuvième siècle et apparaît dans les préfaces de quelques dictionnaires onomasiologiques qu'il y avait au cours de la Renaissance; elle sert à justifier l'introduction de mots non florentins et non toscans dans les dictionnaires onomasiologiques, mais parfois elle s'enrichit de nuances idéologigues nouvelles, issues des liens très étroits entre l'unité linguistique et l'unité politique italienne. Tom McArthur Cet article traite successivement de trois termes fondamentaux: 'culture', 'idéologie', et 'le dictionaire' avant d'aborder le problème des tendances historiques qui ont influencé plusieurs genres de référence lexicale. L'auteur démontre que des multivalences dans ces trois termes se produisent dans les limites mêmes des connaissances lexicographiques. Cette étude soutient que l'expression culture, idéologie, et le dictionnaire indique clairement que certains chercheurs ont écrit à propos des relations entre un ouvrage de référence bien défini et le comportement humain, la politique, les croyances, les préjugés, la propagande, et ainsi de suite, mais que cette clarté n'est obtenue qu'au prix d'un grand sacrifice.

Nguyên Dùth-Hoà Parmi les "dictionnaires culturels" qui notent les caractères chinois et leurs formes équivalentes en vietnamien vernaculaire écrites en nom (caractères vietnamiens démotiques, dits "du sud"), le plus ancien connu à l'heure actuelle semble être le Chi-nam Ngoc-am Giai-nghia, écrit par un moine bouddhiste du dix-septième siècle. Après avoir examiné la paternité et la date de publication de ce dictionnaire, l'auteur passe à une analyse détaillée de sa microstructure (caractères simples ou complexes, la transcription d'archaïsmes contenant des groupes de consonnes en position initiale, l'évolution d'anciens mots dissyllabiques en monosyllabes en vietnamien moderne). Cet outil pédagogique, qui utilise comme procédé mnémonique le mètre en vers populaire vietnamien lue-

442

bat, est aussi d'un intérêt historique en ce qu'il révèle plusieurs caractéristiques de la culture vietnamienne par opposition aux emprunts culturels au monde chinois. Eugene Nida La cosmétique lexicale, un moyen de se concentrer sur les aspects positifs plutôt que négatifs des concepts représentés par les lexèmes, est plus répandue que certaines personnes n'aient bien voulu l'admettre. Bien qu'il ne soit pas récent, l'usage conscient de la cosmétique lexicale, qui a pour but de donner une "tournure" plus favorable à des textes religieux et politiques, mérite que ses subtilités et ses dangers soient étudiés de plus près. Zdenïk Polâiek Cet article traite de certains processus fondamentaux du système de la terminologie sociopolitique de l'amharique contemporain tels qu'ils sont vus par un lexicographe. L'auteur porte une attention toute particulière au guèze (langue éthiopienne) comme source d'emprunts de mots tout faits ainsi que de quelques structures morphologiques. L'appendice présente une liste partielle de nouveaux éléments amhariques. Gunnar O. Richter Dix-sept dictionnaires qui représentent quatre catégories différentes de dictionnaires chinois sont analysés en fonction des indications grammaticales qui y sont données. Du point de vue diachronique, on peut voir que les indications deviennent plus nombreuses et de qualité constamment meilleure. Selon l'auteur, un tel développement commence (en ce qui concerne toutes les catégories de mots) en 1956 par Beijinghhua

danyinci

cihui ("Le vocabulaire

monosyllabique du dialecte de Pékin") de Lu et (en ce qui concerne les mot fonctionnels) par Zhu zi bian lue ("Le traité des mots auxiliaires") de Lu en 1711. En dehors des dictionnaires qui traitent des catégories spéciales de mots, les dictionnaires Zinbian Hanyu duodengneng ridiati ("Nouveau dictionnaire multifonctionnel chinois") de Zhou et Feng publié en 1989 et Shiyong Hanyu yongfa cidian ("Dictionnaire pratique du chinois") par Zhou publié en 1990 contiennent les indications grammaticales qui restent les plus détaillées jusqu'à présent. Un tableau montre lesquelles des dixsept informations grammaticales considérées se trouvent dans les dix-sept dictionnaires analysés. Gabriele Stein Dans l'histoire de la lexicographie anglaise, le Docteur Johnson est considéré comme le premier auteur d'un dictionnaire décrivant l'usage et le sens des lemmes par le biais de citations littéraires. Cette communication examine le dictionnaire anglais-français produit en 1530 par John Palsgrave comme la partie essentielle de son Esclarcissement de la langue françoyse, et démontre qu'il prend

Résumés

443

note de l'usage de certains mots par Geoffrey Chaucer et John Lydgate. Ces références littéraires sont étudiées soigneusement selon leur forme, leur Habilité et leur fonction. Roger J. Steiner La capacité d'expliquer des contextes culturels manque au dictionnaire bilingue d'aujourd'hui. Par exemple, l'entrée lexicale Twelfth Night Cake se traduit en français par galette des Rois, équivalent parfait envisagé du point de vue de la langue. Cette traduction envisageés du point de la culture n'offre pas d'équivalence puisqu'elle est très rare en Angleterre et en Amérique, même si elle vit toujours en France. Les seules données sémantiques n'expliquent pas la culture. On illustre ce fait par un examen de la nomenclature de la prostitution et celle de l'alcoolisme. Pour montrer les rapports de ces termes avec la société on doit ajouter des informations encyclopédiques aux éléments lexicaux sous peine d'augmenter excessivement le volume de l'ouvrage. Dans l'état présent de la lexicographie, il est impossible de produire un ouvrage d'une grandeur maniable qui puisse englober une encyclopédie et un dictionnaire, tous les deux. Pour résoudre ce problème, toutes les données nécessaires pourraient être accessibles aux usagers par moyen d'une combinaison informatique l'encyclopédie/le dictionnaire. Enfin, l'usager pourra ajouter la connotation à la dénotation grâce à l'intervention de l'ordinateur.

Janet Whitcut Bien qu'ils décrivent une langue mondiale, les dictionnaires d'anglais doivent également privilégier la variété d'anglais de leur lieu d'origine. Ceci se manifeste dans la sélection des entrées, la prononciation, le choix des sens, l'emploi des exemples, que ce soient des citations ou des exemples fabriqués, et dans le choix des images. Dans cet article l'auteur examine les différentes définitions des mots anglais allotment, native, dog, et Boy Scout, la manière dont le lexicographe choisit entre des citations utiles et invente des collocations appropriées, et la façon dont les images, à dessein ou à l'insu du lexicographe, peuvent refléter une culture. Une telle sélection est, certes, parfaitement normale et nécessaire, mais en même temps il est important qu'en tant que lexicographes, nous soyons conscients de la portée de nos décisions.

Anna Wierzbicka Dans cet article, l'auteur étudie trois définitions de trois dictionnaires est-européens, publiés sous le régime communiste. Ces trois mots peuvent être considérés comme des 'mots-clefs', c'est à dire comme des mots particulièrement importants dans la vie sociale et qui rendent compte des expériences et des valeurs de cette société. Dans ces trois cas, le mot a créé des difficultés idéologiques pour les éditeurs, soit parce que le sens était politiquement incorrect et contenait une vision du monde qui était contraire à l'idéologique communiste, soit parce qu'il était politiquement dangereux et aurait pu être utilisé comme un puissant instrument dans des contextes politiques.

444

Les trois mots-clefs discutés sont les suivants: le mot allemand "patrie", le mot russe, "humilité" et le mot polonais "service de sécurité d'Etat."

David Zorc Dans cet article l'auteur fait un bref compte rendu du choix et du développement du tagalog en tant que langue nationale philippine (appelé pilipino en 1937; rebaptisé filipino en 1973), et le ressentiment qui existe de longue date chez d'autres groupes linguistiques du pays. Il explique la popularisation d'une variété de tagalog (le "mix-mix"), qui incorpore des emprunts à l'espagnol et à l'anglais ainsi que des mots d'autres langues philippines. On constate aussi un va-et-vient lexical entre le tagalog et d'autres langues régionales. Malgré la réticence chez les lexicographes travaillant sur le tagalog ou d'autres langues philippines d'accepter ces items lexicaux, (réticence due au purisme ou à des attitudes négatives), le vocabulaire de la langue nationale telle qu'elle est parlée actuellement dans l'archipel (par opposition à une version proposée ou idéalisée de cette langue) ne peut être ignoré.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEN

John Aigeo Obwohl die britischen und die amerikanischen Wörterbücher auf einander einen großen Einfluß ausübten, unterliegen sie doch einer nationalen Einstellung, die verursacht, daß sie nur in dem einem oder dem anderen Land voll zutreffen. Es handelt sich vor allem um folgende Punkte: (1) das Markieren der Lemmata und der Bedeutungen, das nur in einem Land zutrifft; (2) die Wahl der Lemmata oder Bedeutungen; (3) die Bedeutungsbeschreibungen; (4) die Aussprache; (5) die Rechtschreibung; (6) die grammatischen Angaben; und (7) die Kollokationeinschränkungen. Selbst die besten vorhandenen Wörterbücher sind nicht ganz verläßlich, was die Angabe der britischamerikanischen Verschiedenheiten angeht. In einer Zeit, wo das Englische in immer größerem Maßstabe zu einer internationalen Sprache wird und wo es immer mehr als die Zweit- oder als die Fremdsprache benutzt wird, sind nationale Einstellungen zu einer Anomalie geworden. Wörterbücher, die für ein internationales Publikum vorbereitet werden, sollten die nationalen Verschiedenheiten besser behandeln. Manuel Alvar Ezquerra Es werden etliche Entscheidungen erörtert, die als politisch, bzw. als Folgen politischer Entscheidungen bezeichnet werden können und die die Herstellung spanischer Wörterbücher beeinflußten. Zuerst werden die ältesten Werke erörtert, die mit königlicher Unterstützung von Fernández de Palencia (1490) und von Nebrija (1492) unternommen wurden. Es folgt die Erwähnung von Richard Percy val (1591), der für seine Zwecke zwei Gefangene von der spanischen Armada gebraucht hat. Es folgen weitere Untersuchungen bis in das veränderungsvolle

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19. Jahrhundert und bis zu den Interventionen der Administration für die Anschaffung und Herstellung von Wörterbüchern. Es wird auch die Politik im Sinne der Höflichkeit, bzw. Korrektheit und der guten Manieren in Betracht gezogen. Doris Bartholomew Die Beispielsätze, die die Sprecher von Otomi im Mezquito Valley von Mexico zur Dlustration der lexikalischen Wörterbuchangaben in dem Otomi-Spanischen Wörterbuch (C. Sinclair, T. Victoriano, P. Hernández; im Druck) vorbereitet haben, ermöglichen eine Einsicht in die Kultur der Otomi. Im Besonderen handelt es sich um Beispielsätze, die sich auf verschiedene Pflanzen und ihre Rolle in der lokalen Ökologie beziehen. Zusammengenommen kann man diese Sätze als eine Art Ethnographie betrachten, die zwar weniger eingehend als die Native Ethnography von Jesús Salinas, einem Mitglied der Otomi, ist, aber verschiedene sonst unbekannte Details bietet. Pierre Corbin Es kommt gelegentlich vor, daß der Fiktionsfilm Sprachwissenschaftler darstellt und Wörterbücher zeigt. Das ist vorbildlich der Fall im Film Simple mortel

des französischen

Regisseurs Pierre Jolivet; das ist ein Film, der 1991 angelaufen ist und den dieser Aufsatz einer Analyse unterzieht. Es handelt sich urn zwei Fragen: -

Welches

soziologische

und

berufliche

Bild

zeichnet

dieser

Film

von

den

Sprachwissenschaftlern, und zu welchen Überlegungen über die Voraussetzungen einer möglichen Darstellung beruflicher Tätigkeiten im Kino regt er an? -

Welche Art von Verwendung finden Wörterbücher in Simple mortel und einigen anderen

französischen Filmen der Gegenwart, und welche Voraussetzungen des Prototyps 'Wörterbuch' im Empfinden der Franzosen schein dadurch deutlich zu werden? Anthony P. Cowie Der Artikel will untersuchen, inwiefern das Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary als ein "kulturelles" Wörterbuch bezeichnet werden kann, und namentlich inwiefern seine erste weltweite (1948) und die neueste Ausgabe (1989) die kulturell determinierten Werte und Einstellungen der Zeit ihrer Kompilation wiedergeben. Die zwei Ausgaben werden nach einander untersucht; in beiden Fällen werden (a) Beispiele verschiedener struktureller Typen vorgeführt, mit dem Versuch, festzustellen, ob sie eine weitgehend pädagogische oder eine kulturelle Funktion haben sollen, (b) Der Artikel widmet eine besondere Aufmerksamkeit den Fragen des grammatischen Geschlechtes und versucht es festzulegen, inwiefern die Beispiele die Rolle des männlichen Geschlechts als die zentrale und dominierende darstellen, (c) Der Artikel zeigt, wie die Mikrostruktur des Wörterbuches die kulturellen, politischen und ökonomischen Gegebenheiten in den verschiedenen Zeitpunkten der Kompilierung wiedergibt.

Zusammenfassung

447

Thomas Β. I. Creamer Ladislav Zgusta bezeichnete die Gegenwart als 'die goldene Zeit der Lexikographie'. Diese Bezeichnung ist ganz besonders zutreffend für die chinesische Sprache, innerhalb und außerhalb Chinas. Der Artikel fängt mit einer Erörterung der rezenten Sprachentwicklungen in China an, u. a. der Bemühungen, das Erlernen der putonghua (allgemeine gesprochene Sprache) zu verbreiten. Die Lexikographie in China wird dann auf der Grundlage einer Analyse von lexikographischen Zeitschriften, Monographien, und der Produktion der Verlage, sowie auf Grundlage einer Übersicht der allgemeinen und regionalen Gesellschaften und Konferenzen untersucht. Verschiedene Programme des lexikographischen Unterrichtes in China werden erwähnt. Zum Schluß wird die lexikographische Praxis erörtert, auf Grundlage einer Untersuchung verschiedener neu erschienener oder vorbereiteter Wörterbücher aus China, Taiwan, Japan, Frankreich, und den Vereinigten Staaten. Gerard M. Dalgish Der Artikel erörtert die allgemeine, sozusagen philosophische Einstellung zur allgemeinen Auffassung des pädagogischen englischen Wörterbuches (learner's dictionary), sowie die dazu notwendige Erforschung der sprachlichen Sachlage und die Überlegungen über das Format eines solchen Wörterbuches einschließlich der Methodologie seiner Ausarbeitung. Der Artikel basiert auf einer Untersuchung und Kritik einiger vorhandener Wörterbücher, die zu diesem Typ gehören; folgentlich ist der Artikel von zweifachem Interesse, indem er auf der einen Seite eine Analyse von Wörterbüchern bietet, die oft im Fach Teaching English as Second Language (ESL) und im Fach Teaching English as a Foreign Language (EFL) benutzt werden, und auf der anderen Seite auf allgemeinere, eher theoretische Betrachtungen nicht verzichtet. Zu den Hauptgegenständen der Erörterung gehören: der Zweck solcher Wörterbücher, die für die Auswahl der Lemmata notwendigen Verfahren, die Systeme der Angaben der Aussprache, die morphologischen und Wortklassenangaben, sowie die grammatischen Informationen im Allgemeinen, die Wortbedeutungserklärungen, die als Beispiele zitierten Kontexte, die Querverweise und schließlich die Bemerkungen zum Sprachusus. Fredric F. M. Dolezal Ein auf der Grundlage einer wissenschaftlichen Analyse organisiertes Wörterbuch stellt in den Vordergrund die Methode der Definition lexikalischer Einheiten; die Definitionen haben die Intention, die Universalien der Sprache auszudrücken, vor allem insofern sie die elementaren semantischen Einheiten oder Begriffe erfassen wollen. Gleichgültig, ob wir universale Begriffe oder übliche Wörter definieren, es muß einen interpretativen Akt geben, mittels dessen wir einen beliebigen Begriff oder ein beliebiges Wort in einem Kontext anwenden. Es geschieht durch eine menschliche Tätigkeit, daß die Definition als Text mit dem Sprechakt als Text interagiert: in diesem

448

Artikel interagiert eine philosophische und allgemeine Definition von father mit dem Ausdruck Our Father, der im Gebetsprechakt vorkommt. Eine textuelle und linguistische Analyse, Übersetzung und Vergleichung der Definitionen führen uns zu einer Interpretation des Vaterunsers, die den Lexikographen John Wilkins (1614-1672) jenseits des Begriffes von Gott Vater bringt. Donna M. T. Cr. Farina Als in den späten zwanziger Jahren die Periode relativer Freiheit, die von Lenin "neue Wirtschaftspolitik" (N.E.P.) genannt war, zu Ende ging und die Repressionen der dreißiger Jahre anfingen, wurde auch damit angefangen, alle Bereiche der sowjetischen Wissenschaft auf eine neue, marxistische Basis zu stellen. Dieses Umfeld ermöglichte den Erfolg der pseudosprachwissenschaftlichen Theorien von Nikolai Iakovlevich Marr, bis zu der Tatsache, daß keine anderen Auffassungen in der sowjetischen Sprachwissenschaft erlaubt wurden. Der "Manismus" überlebte Marr selber und wurde erst nach dem Erscheinen der von Stalin verfaßten linguistischen Abhandlungen in der Pravda 1950 abgeschafft. Die vorliegende Arbeit behandelt Marrs Leben, seinen Einfluß auf sowjetische Sprachwissenschaft im allgemeinen und auf die sowjetische Lexikographie im besonderen. Joshua A. Fishman Wörterbücher sind nicht nur Abbildungen der Kultur ihrer Autoren und Benutzer, sondern sie selbst sind Instrumente, die jene Kultur konstituieren. Die frühesten Wörterbücher von Jiddisch haben eine Kultur konstituiert, in der das männliche Ideal in der Fähigkeit bestand, die hebräische Bibel mit vollem Verständnis zu lesen. Um den Benutzern eine schrittweise Annäherung an dieses Ideal leichter zu machen, bestanden die frühesten Wörterbücher von Jiddisch aus zweisprachigen Konkordanzen oder aus interlinearen Glossen zur Bibel. Ein anderer Typ der frühen Wörterbücher bestand in der Angabe vielsprachiger Äquivalente für die Realia des täglichen Lebens und des Handels. Diese frühen Wörterbücher waren den Notwendigkeiten der Händler angepaßt, die im Kontakt mit französisch, italienisch und deutsch sprechenden und lateinisch schreibenden Kunden waren. Die modernen Wörterbücher sind auch Instrumente der Konstituierung kultureller Werte und Bestrebungen. David L. Gold Der Artikel behandelt ein rezentes Wörterbuch, das sich die Aufgabe gestellt hat, das Laienpublikum davon zu überzeugen, daß das Hebräische die "Ursprache" der Menschheit ist und daß "tausende" von hebräischen Wörtern in den verschiedensten Sprachen der Welt gefunden werden können. Der Kompilator des Wörterbuches, das während einiger Monate die Aufmerksamkeit des Leserpublikums auf sich gezogen hat, hat keine sprachwissenschaftliche Kompetenz im üblichen Sinne des Wortes gezeigt. Im Gegenteil, er verwarf ganz ausdrücklich die

449

Zusammenfassung

moderne Sprachwissenschaft und versuchte sie mit einer primitiven Anwendung einer Art des Etymologisierens zu ersetzen, deren einzige

Richtlinien die folgenden zu sein scheinen:

transkribiere falsch das (voraussichtlich) verwandte Wort, falls es dadurch ähnlicher dem (vorausgesetzten) hebräischen Etymon wird; nehme in Betracht nur einen Teil des untersuchten Wortes, falls dadurch die Aufgabe, das Wort vom Hebräischen abzuleiten, leichter wird; selbst eine bloß visuelle Ähnlichkeit einer hebräischen Form und einer Form in einer anderen Sprache genügt als Beweis des hebräischen Ursprungs. Der Artikel zeigt, wie getarnte religiöse Motive einen Dilettanten dazu verführten, einen Fehler nach dem anderen zu begehen; es wird auch nahegelegt, daß die Sprachwissenschaftler in ihrem Haus Ordnung schaffen sollten, um Eindringlingen Eintritt zu verwehren. Rufus H. Gouws Der Artikel erörtert, welchen Einfluß die kulturelle, politische und sprachliche Situation in Südafrika auf die Wörterbücher ausübt. In einem vielsprachigen und multikulturellen Milieu müssen die Wörterbücher die Vorgänge des sprachlichen Kontakts und des Sprachwandels erfassen. Zwei südafrikanische Wörterbücher werden auf diese Probleme hin untersucht. Die Hauptaufmerksamkeit wird einem Wörterbuch des südafrikanischen Englisch und seiner Bemühung, die verschiedenartigen Ergebnisse dieser vielfachen Kontakteinflüsse darzustellen, gewidmet und einem normativen Wörterbuch des Afrikaans, das die Grenzen der Lexik von Afrikaans erfassen will. Diese Wörterbücher bieten ein Bild der soziolinguistischen Realität in Südafrika sowie auch ihrer Konsequenzen für das Lexikon des südafrikanischen Englisch und des Afrikaans. Der Einschluß der sprachlichen und kulturellen Vielfalt führt zu einer neuen Handhabung der präskriptiven und der deskriptiven Funktion der Wörterbücher. Franz Josef Hausmann Geflügelte Worte sind Teil der langue und gehören deshalb ins Wöterbuch. Der Trésor de la langue française,

bisher Α-teindre, 15 Bde, Paris 1971-1992, berücksichtigt sie jedoch nur

unzureichend. Darüberhinaus ergeben sich zahlreiche metalexikographische Probleme. Hinter dem Statusanzeiger (Anspielung) verbirgt sich mal der anspielende Text, mal der angespielte Basistext. Wenn das berühmte Zitat außerhalb der Synchronie des TLF liegt, also vor 1789, dann ist es für den TLF nur über den anspielenden Text integrierbar. Liegt es in der Synchronie, wird es direkt zitiert unter Auslassung von anspielenden Texten. Hinzu kommt das Problem der notwendigen Vielfachlemmatisierung. Insgesamt erweist sich der Grand Robert in der Allusographie als reichhaltiger denn der TLF. Auch die allusographischen Spezialwörterbücher bedürfen der Vervolkommung.

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Braj Β. Kachru Das letzte Kapitel (Afterword: Directions and Challenges) stellt, in den Worten des Autors, die 'abschließende Opfergabe' des Bandes Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary dar. Es werden zwei Fragen erörtert: Welche Richtung hat die heutige Lexikographie? Und, welche Anforderungen werden auf sie gestellt? Das Kapitel ist in sechs Abteile gegliedert: Lexikographie als 'Urteil' oder als 'Idylle'; die Lexikographie von heute; die Lexikographie und das 'kritische Paradigma'; die Lexikographie und die Verantwortung; die 'Erneuerung des Zusammenhanges' der Theorie mit den Tatsachen; Abschluß. In dem abschließenden Teil werden die Typen des Einflusses verzeichnet, den die Lexikographen und die Wörterbücher haben, und die von der Technologie und von dem schnell anwachsenden Monopol der großen multinationalen Verlage gestellten Anforderungen an die Lexikographie als eine 'Kleinhüttenindustrie' der Entwicklungsländer.

Yamuna Kachru Der Artikel erörtert die Probleme, die die anglicisierte Variante von Hindi in einsprachigen Hindi und zweisprachigen Hindi-Englischen Wörterbüchern hauptsächlich in Bezug an die performativen Sprechaktverba bietet. Das moderne Standard Hindi ist eine ausgezeichnete Quelle von Daten für das Studium der sprachlichen und kulturellen Konvergenz, die in den in der anglicisierten Variante vollbrachten Sprechakten festgestellt werden kann. Es werden Sprechakte der Dankbarkeit und der Entschuldigung im neutralen und im anglicisierten Hindi vorgeführt, welche zeigen, wie Sprachen und Kulturen auf einander so einwirken, daß sprachliche und kulturelle Gemeinsamkeiten sogar in intimen Bereichen des sprachlichen Kontaktes entstehen. Es werden dann die in Hindi-englischen zweisprachigen Wörterbüchern vorkommenden Sprechaktverba der Dankbarkeit und der Entschuldigung untersucht, mit dem Ergebnis, daß das Gebotene keineswegs den zeitgenössischen Usus genügend darstellt. Dieses Ergebnis führt zu dem Entwurf eines mehr repräsentativen Verzeichnisses solcher Verba, die in einsprachigen Hindi und zweisprachigen Hindi-Englischen Wörterbüchern behandelt werden sollten.

Frances Karttunen Aus dem sechzehnten und frühen siebzehnten Jahrhundert stammt eine Gruppe von Wörterbüchern verschiedener einheimischer Sprachen von Mesoamerika, die von Missionären zusammengestellt worden sind. Der Artikel zeigt, daß als ihr Modell das spanisch-lateinische Wörterbuch von Antonio de Nebrija aus dem fünfzehnten Jahrhundert benutzt wurde. Es werden auch die verschiedenen Methoden untersucht, die die Autoren in der Behandlung der kulturellen Realien von Mesoamerika und der dortigen Sprachen angewandt haben.

Zusammenfassung

451

Mary Ritchie Key Zur Ausarbeitung eines Wörterbuches ist eine Wortanalyse notwendig; die Konzentration auf die Identifikation der Morpheme ist für die Erschließung der Bedeutung die Hauptsache. Die Beispiele für diese Studie sind drei Guaycuru Sprachen in Argentina entnommen. In dieser Sprachfamilie zeigt die semantische Gruppierung der Quasi-Synonyme, daß zwei verschiedene Arten von 'Bedeckung' unterschieden werden; die eine bezieht sich auf eine glatte Bedeckung, die andere auf eine sozusagen 'blätterige' Bedeckung, die einen visuell verschwommenen Eindruck macht. Andere Beispiele bezeugen z.B. Unterschiede, die in der Form oder in der Konfiguration von Gegenständen bestehen. Abgesehen von dem in sich selbst bestehenden Zweck der Erkennung der semantischen Gruppierungen muß auch darauf hingewiesen werden, daß die Wörterbücher für vergleichende Studien benutzt werden, auf denen Sprachfamilienklassifikationen beruhen: die erwähnten Arten von Angaben sind auch für die richtige Auswahl der zusammengehörigen Wörter notwendig. Douglas A. Kibbee Die lexikographische Praxis und die Kulturgeschichte überlappen in der Arbeit von Jean Nicot (1530-1604), dem Autor des ersten französischen einsprachigen Wörterbuches (Thresor de la langue françoyse, tant ancienne que moderne, posthum erschienen in 1606). Die historischen Prinzipe, die er in der Ausarbeitung der Etymologien anwendet, und die Benutzung der Etymologie in der Debatte über den Sprachgebrauch sind mit der neuen Historiographie, die in Frankreich in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jhd. auftritt, und mit den politischen und religiösen Kämpfen der Religionskriege verbunden. Die Art und Weise, wie er diese Prinzipien angewendet hat, machen aus ihm eine Übergangspersönlichkeit zwischen den Epochen der Annahme der lexikalen Innovation im 16. und deren Ablehnung im 17. Jahrhundert.

Chin W. Kim Der Artikel erörtert die von den zwei entgegengesetzten Ideologien verursachten Verschiedenheiten in der Begriffsbildung und in dem Inhalt der in den zwei Teilen Koreas (d.h., Nordkorea - Kommunismus, und Südkorea - Kapitalismus) veröffentlichten Wörterbücher. Was die Auswahl der Lemmata angeht, kann man feststellen, daß die südkoreanischen Wörterbücher mehr 'enzyklopädisch' und eher 'allgemein-informativ' sind, da sie viele Entlehnungen, Personenund Ortsnamen, technische Termini usw. enthalten, wogegen die nordkoreanischen Wörterbücher ein mehr 'rein sprachliches' und 'gesäubertes' Gepräge haben, was auf die Tendenz zur 'Verfeinerung' der Sprache zurückzuführen ist, in deren Rahmen viele Entlehnungen durch einheimische Bildungen ersetzt, regionale Formen zu Bestandteilen der Standardsprache erhoben und archaische und verschollene Wörter wieder ins Leben gebracht worden sind.

452

Die ideologischen Verschiedenheiten sind am meisten in den Bedeutungsbeschreibungen feststellbar. Die Bedeutung vieler nordkoreanischer Wörter ist in einem didaktischen Sinne eingeengt worden, sodaß sie oft mit schwerwiegenden politischen Nebenbedeutungen belastet sind. Der Artikel erörtert die einer solchen Wörterbuchpraxis als Grundlage dienende nordkoreanische Lexikographie, und bespricht auch verschiedene mit einer zukünftigen Wiedervereinigung verbundenen Probleme. Francis E. Knowles Der Artikel erörtert die linguistische Polarität der Begriffe 'descriptivism' amd 'prescriptivism'. Diese Polarität wird in den Bereich des gesellschaftlichen Lebens übertragen und als ein Gegenüber des Konformismus und des freien Spielraums, im individuallen und im kollektiven Sinne, untersucht. Es ist dafür notwending, etliche Verschiedenheiten in der Gesellschaft, die selbst nicht nur von politischen und sozio-ökonomischen Kräften, sondern auch durch den bestehenden Gebrauch und seine Ikonen gebildet werden, auch als entgegengesetzte Endzonen einer Wertskala darzustellen. Es handelt sich um beständige Fragen, wie z.B.: Wessen Eigentum ist eine konkrete Sprache? Wessen Interessen verlangen es, sie zu steuern? Wie übt man aus und wie behält man ener solche Beherrschung? Wie entwickelt sich ein Konsens oder ein Konflikt darüber? Und welche Instrumente (vor allem Schul- und Wörterbücher) können zu einer Beeinflussung des Sprachusus gebraucht werden?

Luis Fernando Lara Der Artikel erörtert den Vorschlag Alain Reys, moderne einsprachige Wörterbücher wie das Oxford English Dictionary und das Trésor de la langue française als 'kulturelle' Wörterbücher zu betrachten. Der Verfasser schlägt vor, diese Wörterbücher nur in einem begrenzten Sinn als kulturell zu betrachten; ganz im Gegenteil, die Idee eines wirklichen kulturellen Wörterbuchs schafft einen neuen Typ von Wörterbüchern. Eine adäquatere Definition der Kultur muß zu diesem Zweck vorgeschlagen werden. Der Verfasser nimmt an, daß die Kultur eine wichtige Rolle in einer Theorie der Sprache haben muß; erst von einer solchen Sprachtheorie her wird es möglich sein, eine Theorie des kulturellen Wörterbuchs zu entwickeln. Einige spanische Beispiele zeigen, wie ein solches Wörterbuch ausschauen könnte. Winfred P. Lehmann Der Titel dieser Festschrift deutet an, daß es möglich ist, den Einfluß verschiedener Traditionen auf lexikographische Werke festzustellen. Der Titel des Artikels 'The Spindel or the Distaff bezieht sich auf die Tatsache, daß der griechische Terminus ëlakâtë in englischen allgemeinen und homerischen Spezialwörterbüchern falsch als 'distaff, in den deutschen Wörterbüchern jedoch

Zusammenfassung

453

richtig als 'Spindel' angegeben wird. Man kann viele solche Beispiele finden, die zu unserer Zeit vielfach nicht einem Irrtum, sondern dem ideologischen Einfluß zuzuschreiben sind, und zwar, u.a., in etymologischen Wörterbüchern, die in den ehemaligen zwei deutschen Staaten, Ost- und Westdeutschland, veröffentlicht worden sind. Diese Einflüsse sind im gegebenen Fall den Lexikographen zuzurechnen; es gibt aber in der rezenten amerikanischen Lexikographie einen Fall, wo es das Laienpublikum war, das einen solchen Einfluß ausübte. Die Einwände gegen das amerikanische einsprachige Wörterbuch Webster's Third New International Dictionary von 1961 waren so stark, daß sie die Schaffung eines konkurrierenden Wörterbuchs, die Stärkung der konservativen Einstellung bei der Kompilation anderer Wörterbücher und eine Verminderung der Anzahl der verkauften Exemplare von Webster's Third herbeigebracht haben. Das Publikum kann also ebenso wie die Lexikographen einen von einer spezifischen Tradition abhängigen Einfluß auf die Wörterbücher ausüben. Barbara

Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

Der Artikel erörtert die Rolle der sprachlichen Auswahl in der Bildung des menschlichen Begriffssystems und die Frage, inwiefern die lexikalische Form der verbalen Begriffe die Weltanschauung des Sprechers beeinflussen kann. Der Artikel argumentiert für die Ansicht, daß das lexikalische System und die syntaktische Struktur eines Sprachkodes gewisse Bedeutungen unmittelbar verfügbar machen kann, wogegen andere Sprachsysteme, die keine entsprechenden lexikalischen oder grammatischen Mittel haben, ähnliche Bedeutungen indirekt, durch Periphrase, Erklärung oder mehr analytische Strukturen ausdrücken müssen. Der Artikel untersucht englische und polnische Sprachgegebenheiten auf der Grundlage der kognitiven Grammatik und erörtert die eher dekomponierten verbalen Formen des Englischen und die präfigierten Verba des Polnischen.

Johannes P. Louw Die Behauptung, die Bedeutung bestehe im Gebrauch, hat versursacht, daß die meisten Wörterbücher zwischen der lexikalischen Bedeutung (d.h. dem Beitrag des Wortes selbst zum Verständnis der Äußerung) und der kontextuellen Bedeutung (d.h. der Art und Weise, wie das Wort als Bestandteil eines Kontextes fungiert) nicht unterscheiden. Die letztere involviert das Verständnis der Kontexte und führt zu dem Ergebnis, daß einsprachige Wörterbücher viele Bedeutungen für die Lemmata annehmen, die als besondere Einzelbedeutungen des Wortes aufgefaßt werden. Zweisprachige Wörterbücher erreichen dasselbe Ergebnis durch die Angabe vieler Wörter der Zielsprache. Diese Wörter repräsentieren allerdings nicht die Bedeutung, sondern es handelt sich um Übersetzungsäquivalente. Für die Lexikographie und ihre Behandlung der Wortbedeutung wäre es gut, wenn man Wörterbücher zusammenstellte, deren Schwerpunkt in der lexikalischen Bedeutung liegen würde. Diese Annahme wird durch engl, new exemplifiziert; es

454

werden dafür nur drei lexikalische Bedeutungen angenommen, nämlich 1. 'of the recent past', 2. 'of another kind or class', 3. 'of good condition'. Yakov Malkiel Im Artikel wird der Versuch gemacht, die Art und Weise, wie die gelehrten Wörter in historischen Handbüchern und Wörterbüchern behandelt werden, zu verbessern. Man findet viele Bildungstypen von solchen gelehrten Wörtern, von einer einfachen Entlehnung eines Latinismus oder Hellenismus in eine moderne Sprache unter Aufbewahrung der fremden Form bis zur vollständigen Anpassung und zur

lautgesetzlichen Entwicklung des entlehnten Wortes -

gelegentlich mit Ausnahme einer oder zwei Lautentwicklungen; dazwischen befindet sich eine reiche Skala von Übergangstypen und -möglichkeiten. Dazu kommt dann noch, daß ein in letzter Analyse lateinisches oder griechisches Wort beispielsweise im Russischen als eine Imitation einer gelehrten Form in einer modernen Sprache, Ζ. B. Französisch oder Englisch, aufgefaßt werden kann bzw. muß. Carla Morello Die Parallele zwischen Florenz und Athen, verstanden als eine solche zwischen der italienischen und der griechischen Sprache, nahm ihre Entwicklung in der Renaissance, als Gelehrte wie Trissino gegen den partikular-toskanischen Ursprung des Italienischen argumentiertien. Der Vergleich ist von Perticali zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts wieder aufgenommen worden und findet sich in einigen Vorworten zu onomasiologischen Wöterbüchern der folgenden Jahrzehnte. Die ideologische Einfärbung des 16. Jahrhunderts beibehaltend, dient er nun überwiegend der Rechtfertigung dafür, daß die linguistische die politische Einheit Italiens präfigurieren soll.

Tom McArthur Im Artikel werden zuerst die drei Termini, 'Kultur', 'Ideologie' und "Wörterbuch' untersucht; es folgt dann eine Erörterung der verschiedenen Einflüsse, die die Einstellung der Lexikographen in verschiedenen Epochen und in verschiedenen Umständen beeinflusst haben. Alle drei Termini kommen in Erscheinung in vielen lexikographischen Arbeiten, sodass sie selbst offenbar Bestandteil des Gedankenapparats der Disziplin sind. In der Tat haben einige Lexikographen allgemeine Erörterungen über diese Thematik veröffentlicht, in den Wörterbüchern selbst ist jedoch die Einstellung des betreffenden Lexikographen nur indirekt fassbar. Dadurch wird Kürze des Wörterbuchtextes erreicht, der dafür zu bezahlende Preis ist jedoch der nicht explizite Charakter der Ausdrucksweise.

455

Zusammenfassung

Nguyén Dình-Hoà Das Chi-nam. Ngoc-am Giai-nghia genannte, von einem buddhistischen Mönch im siebzehnten Jahrhundert in nom_{also in "südlichen", d.h. vietnamesischen demotischen Zeichen) geschriebene Wörterbuch scheint das älteste unter den "kulturellen Wörterbüchern" zu sein, die die chinesischen Zeichen und ihre äquivalenten Formen in einheimischen vietnamesischen Zeichen verzeichnen. Der Artikel untersucht zuerst die Probleme der Identifikation des Autors und der Zeit der Veröffentlichung und erörtert dann die Mikrostruktur des Wörterbuches im Einzelnen; einfache vs. komplexe Zeichen, die Transkription archaischer Wörter mit einer Konsonantengruppe im Anlaut; die Entwicklung der ursprünglichen disyllabischen Wörter in monosyllabische Wörter im modernen Vietnamesischen. Dieses pädagogische Hilfsbuch, das das sog. kuc-bat, das Metrum des vietnamesischen Volksverses, als ein mnemotechnisches Hilfsmittel benutzt, ist auch vom historischen Standpunkt aus betrachtet höchst interessant, da es verschiedene Charakterzüge der vietnamesischen Kultur im Gegensatz zu den kulturellen Entlehnungen aus der sinitischen Welt vorführt.

Eugene Nida Die lexikalische Kosmetik, d.h. die Tendenz, die Aufmerksamkeit eher auf die positiven als auf die negativen Komponenten der durch die Lexeme repräsentierten Begriffe zu konzentrieren, ist viel mehr verbreitet als einige Forscher angenommen haben. Diese Tendenz hat eine lange Geschichte; die bewußte Ausnützung der lexikalischen Kosmetik für Zwecke einer Verbesserung des Tones politischer und religiöser Texte verlangt vom Leser ein sehr gutes Verständnis ihrer Subtilität und der in ihr verborgenen Gefahren. Claude Poirier Die Vorbereitung einsprachiger französischer Wörterbucher bereitet den Lexikographen in Quebec große Schwierigkeiten vor, da sie vor der Frage stehen, wie man eine genaue Beschreibung der Sprache mit der vorhandenen Unsicherheit der Norm versöhnen soll: soll man auch in der Zukunft Antworten auf sprachliche Probleme Quebecs in Frankreich suchen, oder soll man eine Norm definieren, die die geschichtlichen Tatsachen Quebecs und seine Identität zur Grundlage haben würde? Der Artikel will zeigen, daß nur die zweite Möglichkeit eine günstige kulturelle Weiterentwicklung von Quebec erlaubt, weil sie die zwei Komponenten seiner Identität in Betracht zieht: den französischen Ursprung der Bevölkerung und seine Verankerung in NordAmerika. Nachdem sie ihre Identität

in verschiedenen Kulturgebieten (Literatur, Lieder,

Filmproduktion usw.) behauptet haben, sind die Einwohner von Quebec jetzt bereit, ein Wörterbuch vorzubereiten, das sich auf ihre eigene Variante des Französischen beziehen wird.

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Zdenek PoláZek Der Artikel erörtert einige grundlegende Veränderungen, die in der heutigen soziopolitischen Terminologie des Amharischen statt finden, u. zw. von der Sicht des Lexikographen. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit wird dem Ge'ez (Äthiopisch) geschenkt, das als eine Quelle von Entlehnungen fertiger Wörter und auch einiger morphologischer Prozesse betrachtet werden darf. Ein Teilverzeichnis neuer amharischer formativer Elemente ist beigefügt. Gunnar O. Richter Im Rahmen von vier Wörterbuchklassen werden 17 Wörterbücher hinsichtlich ihrer grammatischen Angaben beschrieben. Dabei wird ein diachroner Aspekt erkennbar: die ständige Ausweitung und Verbesserung grammatischer Angaben, eine Entwicklung, die nach Kenntnis des Autors hinsichtlich aller Wortarten mit dem Beijinghua denyinci cihui ("Der einsilbige Wortschatz des Peking-Dialekts") von Lu im Kahre 195 und hinsichtlich der Funktionswörter (Chinesisch: Leerwörter) mit dem Zhu zi bian lüo ("Abhandlung über die Hilfswörter") von Liu im Jahre 1711 beginnt. Abgesehen von den wortartspezifischen Wörterbüchern, enthalten das Zinbian Hanyu duogongneng cidian ("Neues polyfunktionales Wörterbuch des Chinesischen") von Feng und Zhou aus dem Jahre 1989 und das Shiyong Hanyu yongfa cidian ("Praktisches Lernerwörterbuch des Chinesischen") von Zhou aus dem Jahr 1990 die bisher umfangreichsten grammatischen Angaben. Eine Tabelle zeigt, welche der vom Autor genannten 17 wünschenswerten grammatischen Angaben in welchen der 17 behandelten Wörterbüchern auftreten.

Gabriele Stein In der Geschichte der englischen Lexikographie wird Dr. Johnson das Verdienst zugeschrieben, als erster englischer Wörterbuchverfasser den Gebrauch und die Bedeutung der Lemmata mit Zitaten aus der Literatur belegt zu haben. Der vorliegende Beitrag weist nach, daß John Palsgrave bereits 1530 in seinem englisch-französischen Wörterbuch, das Hauptteil seines Esclarcissement de la langue francoyse ist, angibt, daß bestimmte Wörter von Geoffrey Chaucer und John Lydgate verwendet wurden. Diese literarischen Hinweise werden auf ihre Form, ihre Zuverlässigkeit und Funktion hin untersucht. Roger J. Steiner Das zweisprachige Übersetzungswörterbuch ist z. Z. nicht für das Verständnis kultureller Kontexte geeignet. Beispielsweise sind die zwei Ausdrücke the Twelfth Night cake /galette Rois

des

zweifellos volle semantische Äquivalente. Der Englische Ausdruck ist jedoch in

Großbritannien und Amerika praktisch unbekannt, wogegen der französische Ausdruck in Frankreich gang und gäbe ist. Die rein lexikalische Information allein ist nicht fähig, die kulturelle Komponente zu erklären; diese Feststellung wird durch Beispiele aus dem Bereich der Prostitution

Zusammenfassung

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und des Alkoholismus illustriert. Solche transkulturellen Angaben würden viele enzyklopädische Angaben benötigen, die jedoch in den üblichen Wörterbüchern nicht geboten werden können, wenn der Umfang und Preis nicht zu viel steigen sollen. Solche Angaben könnte man jedoch in einem elektronischen Wörterbuch anbieten, das zwar ζ. Z. nicht existiert, dessen Konstruktion aber zweifellos möglich ist. In einer solchen elektronischen Form, die die Eigenschaften der Enzyklopädie und des Wörterbuches besäße, könnten die Angaben über die Konnotation sowie auch über die Denotation geboten werden. Janet Whitcut Obwohl die englischen Wörterbücher eine Weltsprache beschreiben, müssen sie auf das lokale Englisch des Gebietes, wo sie zusammengestellt werden, Bezug nehmen. Diese Notwendigkeit ist feststellbar in der Auswahl der Lemmata; in der Angabe der Aussprache; in der Auswahl der Bedeutungen; in den gewählten Beispielen, gleichgültig, ob sie aus Zitaten oder aus gebildeten Belegen bestehen; und in der Bebilderung. Der Artikel erörtert die verschiedenen Definitionen von allotment^ native* dogx und Boy Scout; die Art und Weise, wie der Lexikograph gute Zitate auswählt oder pasende Kollokationen bildet; und die Tatsache, daß die Bilder eine Kultur repräsentieren, gleichgültig, ob es die Absicht des Lexikographen war oder nicht. Eine Auswahl in allen diesen Möglichkeiten zu treffen ist absolut gerechtfertigt, aber man sollte sich vergegenwärtigen, was man tut.

Anna Wierzbicka In diesem Artikel betrachtet die Verfasserin drei Definitionen aus drei Ost-Europäischen Wörterbüchern die unter der kommunistischen Herrschaft herausgegeben wordem waren. Alle drei Wörter können als "Schlüsselwörter" betrachtet werden, das heisst, als Wörter, die im Leben der Gessellschaft besonders wichtig sind und die die Erfahrungen und die Werte der Gesellschaft zum Ausdruck bringen. In allen drei Fällen hat das Wort ideologische Schwierigkeiten für die Herausgegeber bereitet—entweder weil seine Bedeutung "politisch unrichtig" war und eine Weltanschauung widerspielte, die mit der offiziellen kommunistischen Ideologie unvereinbar war, oder weil es politisch "gefährlich" war und als ein mächtiges Instrument in politischen Kontexten hätte gebraucht werdem können.

David Zorc Der Artikel untersucht den Gegensatz des Nationalismus und des Regionalismus, dem der philippinische Lexikograph sich gegenübergestellt sieht. Es wird beschrieben, wie Tagalog für die Rolle der Nationalsprache der Philippinen (die in 1937 Pilipino und in 1973 Filipino genannt wurde) gewählt und entwickelt wurde, sowie die dadurch verursachte Verärgerung der Sprecher von anderen Sprachen. Es wird kurz die Popularisierung einer Variante von Tagalog beschrieben,

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die 'mix-mix' heißt; diese Variante enthält viele Lehnwörter aus dem Spanischen, Englischen und anderen Sprachen der Philippinen. Man kann beobachten, daß Lehnwörter einerseits aus anderen Sprachen in Tagalog eindringen, andererseits werden aber Wörter aus Tagalog in andere Sprachen entlehnt. Die Lexikographen von Tagalog und der anderen Sprachen der Philippinen haben eine weitgehend negative, puristische Einstellung zu diesen Lehnwörtern und wollen sie nicht in die Wörterbücher aufnehmen; wenn man jedoch den aktuellen Usus betrachtet, wie die Nationalsprache von den breiten Bevölkerungsschichten im ganzen Archipel wirklich gesprochen wird (im Gegensatz zu der geplanten oder idealisierten Form der Nationalsprache), muß man feststellen, daß die Lehnwörter nicht ignoriert werden können.

CORRIGENDA zu Lexicographica Series Maior, Band 64 356

Mary Ritchie Key

The senses are evident in 'touch' (15.710); and the corporeal morpheme for 'hand' is incorporated, in Mocovi: /i-poot-a-w-?a/ '3person actor-touch with

fingers-aspect-in-object'.

Movement is specific in the word for 'grow' (12.530), as though a time-lapse camera were recording the action: Mocovi /n-okiike-ta-Sigim/ '3person actor-move-continuative-up'. Artifacts can combine with corporeal morphemes in word formation, as in Mocovi 'footprint' (04.374) /lapia? l y -ig-ñi/ '3person possessor-foot 3person possessor-trail-down'. Masculine and feminine genders occur in the Guaycuruan languages. It is interesting that the 'sun' is feminine and the 'moon' is masculine, concepts that also appear in their mythology. Emotions are expressed in realistic ways. For example 'brave' (16.520) in Toba illustrates the gutwrenching experience in a couple of words: /k5adam£i-gi la-wel/

'hard-through 3person

possessor-insides'; and also /sak5 l y iw-igi la-wel/ 'not die-through 3person possessor-insides'.

2. Comparative Studies Linguistic classifications of languages depend on comparative studies; and the foregoing kinds of information are necessary in making correct choices of potential cognates. Basic meanings are usually thought of in terms of 'roots' or 'stems'; and grammatical affixes tie the basic roots together to make words. Making these choices is hazardous, if one does not recognize a prefix or suffix, which simply gives grammatical sense to the construction. The word for 'seed' in Pilagá is /hala/ (08.311). In this illustration, Buckwalter's analysis shows that the prefix appears more dominant in the word than the root. It is analyzed: /hai-/ 'prefix' + /-a/ 'seed/fruit', with a single vowel actually carrying the weight of meaning. Linguistic theory will be advanced and our knowledge of the world about us will be enlarged as we study the well-constructed dictionaries of scholars such as Buckwalter. Our perspectives will be balanced as we return to the life-long contributions of scholars such as Professor Ladislav Zgusta.

References Buck, Carl Darling (1949) A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal Indo-European languages: a contribution to the history of ideas. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1515 pages. Buckwalter, Albert S. (1980) Vocabulario Toba. Prólogo by Salvador Bucca. Chaco, Argentina: [private printing]. Talleres Gráficos Grancharoff, Buenos Aires, 533 pages. Key, Mary Ritchie, ed. [1993, Preliminary Version for contributors] South American Indian Languages. Vol. I, Intercontinental Dictionary Series. Part 1,374 pages. Miller, Elmer S. (1980) A critically annotated bibliography of the Gran Chaco Toba, 2 vols. New Haven, Connecticut: Human Relations Area Files (HRAF). Vol. I: pp. 1-132; Vol. II: pp. 133-257.