Comparative Studies in Amerindian Languages 9783110815009, 9789027921109

Citation preview

JANUA LINGUARUM S T U D I A MEMORIAE NICOLAI VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda curat C. H. VAN SCHOONEVELD Indiana University Series Practica,

127

COMPARATIVE STUDIES IN AMERINDIAN LANGUAGES by

ESTHER MATTESON ALVA W H E E L E R · FRANCES L. JACKSON NATHAN E. WALTZ · D I A N A R. CHRISTIAN

1972

MOUTON THE HAGUE · P A R I S

© Copyright 1972 in The Netherlands Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague No part of this book may be translated, or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

L I B R A R Y OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER 71-165147

Printed in Hungary

DEDICATION

Fifty years ago an Indian asked a question of a twenty-one year old Senior from Occidental College, on a Bible selling and distribution trip in Central America, "Why doesn't God speak MY language ?" The fact that the Scriptures were not available to the 250,000 Cakchiquel Indians of Guatemala served to stimulate a program of pioneer linguistic work in that language. Through his diligent efforts in, less than a decade God COULD speak to the Cakchiquel through His Scriptures. This concern for his fellow men wedded to solid scientific endeavor has been effectively shared and passed on to the members of the now worldwide organization called the Summer Institute of Linguistics with linguistically trained personnel presently at work in 520 languages in twenty-three countries. It is to this man,

WILLIAM CAMERON TOWNSEND Co-founder and General Director that this work is dedicated on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the beginnings of his work among the Indians of this hemisphere.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors are happy to acknowledge their indebtedness to the following for their long hours of patient and careful work in compiling data, and in typing and proofreading the manuscripts : Doris D. Svedberg, Neomi H. Johnson, Martha K. Anderson, Linda R. Howard, Albert House, Nela Cochran, Marion Kirk, and Florence Vance. We appreciate also the computation of relationships by Karen Z. Mcintosh. Special thanks are due to Professor Mary R. Haas of the University of California, not only for supplying data (See section 1.1), but also for examining the manuscripts in their early stages and offering valuable suggestions and information, particularly with regard to the Algonquian materials. We are grateful too for the field notes made available to us by many of our colleagues of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Their names will be found in the Bibliography. Other colleagues, Doris Bartholomew, Timothy M. Sudo, and Carolyn E. Waltz read the manuscripts and made helpful suggestions. Finally we wish to acknowledge with sincere gratitude the active participation of Clarence E. Church, Director of the Colombia Branch of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, who procured for us the necessary office, equipment, and staff, and who encouraged and counselled us throughout the entire period of research and preparation of the various manuscripts.

PREFACE

The additional steps on the road toward Proto-Amerindian presented in this volume should come as no surprise to those whose speculations on the subject based on scattered observations have been presented from time to time. That the authors of this work should be members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics likewise should not be surprising. With linguistic teams working in over 285 languages in North and South America, a growing corps of consultants in linguistics and anthropology, and a workshop program for pooling information and writing up results, members of this organization have contributed and will continue to contribute substantially to American Indian linguistics. As Dr. Esther Matteson indicates, this work was inspired by the observed similarities between two language families of Colombia and two in Bolivia where she has had considerable experience as a consultant. Her broad acquaintance with Indian languages in these two countries and in Peru plus an eager young SIL team currently at work in Colombia proved a stimulating combination. Enthusiasm, inquisitiveness, determination and confidence in the handling of their materials made for a happy fellowship of teammates-indiscovery. It is hoped that something of this enthusiasm will show through the material here presented and that others will have the privilege of helping to push back the linguistic horizons still more in the near future. Clarence E. Church Director Summer Institute of Linguistics Colombia

CONTENTS

Dedication

5

Acknowledgments

7

Preface, by Clarence E. Church

9

Abbreviations

13

Part One: Toward Proto Amerindian 1. Toward Proto Amerindian, by Esther Matteson

21

Part Two: Comparative Studies in South American Indian Languages 2. Proto Chibchan, by Alva Wheeler

93

3. Proto Mayan, by Frances L. Jackson

109

4. Proto Tucanoan, by Nathan E. Waltz and Alva Wheeler

119

5. Proto Guahiban, by Diana R. Christian and Esther Matteson

150

6. Proto Arawakan, by Esther Matteson

160

Bibliography

243

ABBREVIATIONS

Families, stocke, and other linguistic, groups A AT Chib CM, OM Cur-Man, Ar ENew G Η Har, Ar IZ M, G Mn, OM My My-Cp New, Ar NM, G OM OP, OM Pan Pn, OM Q S Tac T-G Tue U-A WNew, Ar

Algonkian Arawakan Chibchan Chiapanec-Mangue, Otomanguean Curipaoo-Maniba, Arawakan Eastern Newiki, Arawakan Gulf Hokan Harakbut, Arawakan Isthmus Zapotec, Otomanguean Muskogean, Gulf Mixtecan, Otomanguean Mayan Mayan-Chipayan Newiki, Arawakan Natchez-Muskogean, Gulf Otomanguean Otopamean, Otomanguean Panoan Popolocan, Otomanguean Queohuan Siouan Taoanan Tupi-Guaranian Tucanoan Uto-Aztecan Western Newiki

Languages A, A A, OM Amar, AR

Arapaho Amuzgo Amaracaeri

14 Api, Ge At, G At, Pan Ay, Q B, A B, Ar BC, A r Bo C, A C, OM Cam Cas, P a n Cav, T a c Ch, A Ch, OM Chac, P a n Chan, P a n Chib Chi, My Chon, Η Chon, My Chr, My Cp, My Cr, G Cub, T u e Cul, A r D, A Des, T u e Ese, Tac Ess, Η F, A Gb Gmb Gn, T u e Gr, A r Guar G y b , Gb H , My I , My J , My J a m , Ar Jic, Η Κ , My Kar, Pan Kin, Ar K o g , Chib Krk, Η Μ, A Man, A r Mar, Chib

ABBREVIATIONS Apinaye Atakapa Atsahuaca Aymara Blackfoot Baure Black Carib Bora Cree Cuioateo Camsd Cashinahua Cavinefla Cheyenne Chatino Chacobo Chaninahua Chibchan Choi Chontal of Oaxaoa Chontal of T a b a s c o Chorti Chipaya Creek Cubeo Culina Delaware Desano Ese'eja Esselen Fox Guahibo Guambiano Guanano Guajiro Guarani Guayabero Huasteco Ixil Jacaltec Jamamadi Jicaque Kekchi Kaxipuna Kinikinao Kogui Karok Menoneme Maniba Maracasero

ABBREVIATIONS Mg, A r M-SM, OM Mot, Chib Mr, P a n Ms, G M u n d , T-G Na/Nt, A Nt, G Ot, OM P, Ar P a p , U-A Pia, Ar P m , My Pn, A Pw, A Q R e y , Tao Sal, Η Sh, A Sir, T-G Tac Ter, A r Τη, G Toj, My Ton/Tonk, Η Tso, My T u n , Chib Tz, My Wal, Η Was, Η Wit Wit-T Yuc, Ar

Matsiguenga Mixtec of San Miguel Motilon Marinawa Muskogee Mundurucii Natiek Natchez Otomi Piro Papago Piapoco Pokomchi Penobscot Powhatan Quechua Reyesano Salinana Shawnee Siriono Tacana Tereno Tunica Tojolabal Tonkawa Tsotsil Tunebo Tzeltal Walapai Washo W i t o t o / H u i t o t o (Muinane dialect) W i t o t o of T a n e m u c a (by Minor) Yucuna

Abbreviations

and Affiliations

of Arawakan

Languages

Abbreviation

Language

Subgroup

Amar Am Ap Β BC C Cab Cul Cur G Jam Jar

Amarakaeri Amuesha Apurind Baure Black Carib Campa Cabiyari Culina Curipaco Guajiro Jamamadi JaruarA

PHar Isolate PP-Ap PShani Isolate PAsh PWNew PMadi PCur-Man Isolate PJam-Jar PJam-Jar

16

ABBREVIATIONS

Kin Man Mg Nom Ρ Pal Par Pau Pia Sap Tar Ter Wach Yuc

Kinikinao Maniba Machiguenga Nomatsiguenga Piro Palicur Pareci Paumari Piapoco Sapateri Tariano Tereno Wachipayri Yuouna

Abbreviation

Subgroup

PAsh PCur-Man PENew PHar PJam-Jar

Proto Proto Proto Proto Proto Proto Proto Proto Proto Proto

PNew PP-Ap PWNew

Ashaninka Curipaco-Maniba (See PNew) Eastern Newiki (See PNew) Harakbut J a m a m a d i - J a r u a r ä (See PMadi) Madi Newiki Piro-Apurinä Shani Western Newiki (See PNew)

Authors and sources (See also Ha: Β F GE II Ha J Μ (Ha: M) Ο R R de Montaya S (Ha: S) Sh V

BIBLIOGRAPHY)

Bloomfield Farfän Gramäticas Estructuralea de Lenguas Bolivianas, Lingüistico de Verano. Hale Haas Jackson Michelson Olson Ross Ruiz de Montaya, P. Antonio Siebert Shoemaker Voegelin

General terms C Cf Ρ

PShani PCur-Man PAsh PAsh PP-Ap PENew Isolate PMadi PWFew PHar PENew PShani PHar PWNew

Consonant Compare Proto

I — I I I . See Instituto

ABBREVIATIONS -Bol -Br - Kq sp V V

17

of Bolivia of Brasil of Equador species vowel nasal vowel. Transcriptions of various authors have been modified to V for the sake of uniformity. Symbols

I ;

/ . . . —> c | i-i (PShani) ; t is to be read as follows : *t is reflected by c in PShani when both preceded and followed by i ; elsewhere (i.e. all other distributions in PShani, and all distributions in all other languages), t. When in cognate sets part of a word is italicized and the remainder of the word is in roman print, only that part of the word in roman print is relevant to the set. An exception is stated in Section 2.5, p. 104.

PART ONE

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

1. TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

ESTHER MATTESON

1.1 INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate by rigorous application of standard techniques of the comparative method, THE GENETIC RELATIONSHIP OF A WIDE SAMPLING OP GROUPS OF AMERICAN I N D I A N LANGTJAGES. Proto phonemes are postulated and their reflexes traced through a corpus large enough to reasonably confirm sets of phonological correspondences. Similarities in grammatical structure are implied in morpheme divisions of many of the proto words. Although discussed only briefly in this paper, these grammatical resemblances provide considerable material for a comparative study of morphologies. The present comparison includes the following linguistic groups : Algonkian, Gulf (represented largely by Tunica), Hokan (represented by citations from particular languages), Uto-Aztecan, Arawakan, Mayan, Chibchan, Quechuan (represented by citations from particular dialects and/or languages), Guahiban, Tucanoan, Witotan (represented mainly by citations from Muinane Witoto), Boran (represented by citations from Muinane Bora), Tupi-Guaranian, Tacanan, Panoan, Siouan, and Ge (represented by citations from Apinaye) ; as well as three languages which are isolates or of uncertain classifications : Paez, Camsa, and Guambiano. The particular list of language groups treated in this study was determined on the basis of competently recorded data and reliable reconstructions accessible to me on the field where the study was made. The scope of the paper was further limited by the time allotted for it. No aboriginal American language or family was consciously excluded because of apparent lack of genetic relationship. I t may be that unrelated American languages will show up in the future, but none became evident during the investigation. In fact, similarities appeared upon brief inspection to be plentiful in several important groups such as the Carib languages and Eskimo-Aleut, which were not included for lack of data.

22

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

Access to libraries was so limited that secondary sources of information (i.e. materials cited by authors other than the linguists who did the field work) had to be utilized extensively, especially in the case of North American aboriginal languages. On the other hand, an unusually fine corpus of data from field notes of the Summer Institute of Linguistics staff was available, enhanced by the generous provision by Mary R. Haas, University of California, Berkeley, of a copy of her personal collection of Algonkian data and her reconstructions. The recent provision of Proto Tacanan reconstructions by Mary Ritchie Key, and of Panoan reconstructions by Olive Shell helped to complete the chain of evidence required to postulate a Proto Amerindian language. The extent of the material available from each of the language groups is shown in Chart 1, Percentages of Shared Vocabulary. The number of vocabulary items shown to be available for comparison between a proto language and some other language represents its total number of reconstructions plus additional words from its daughter languages. Citations from the descendent languages or subgroups were included in the cognate sets of Section 1.6 when they provided regular correspondences other than those offered by reconstructions of the families or stocks they represented. After the Proto Amerindian reconstructions of Section 1.6 had been completed, Otomanguean reconstructions by Calvin Rensch were made available in microfilm. Items which appeared to be similar were added to the cognate sets, and phoneme reflexes were postulated (1.4, 1.5), but the Proto Amerindian reconstructions were not revised to take into account evidences supplied by Otomanguean. Entries from a few languages not included in the phonological comparison have been added irregularly : Sierra Popoluca, Taino, Pampa, Catio, Aguaruna, Itonama. The sources of such entries have been given in parentheses. The initial stimulus for the comparative study was my discovery of structural similarities, both phonological and grammatical, between Guahiban languages of Colombia and Tacanan languages of Bolivia, and similarly between Tucanoan languages of Colombia and Guaranian languages of Bolivia. The discovery was due to the accident of working successively on a number of languages of Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia. At the same time Marianna Slocum and Florence Gerdel, analyzing Paez (Chibchan according to Mason, McQuown, et al., but see Wheeler's discussion, section 2.1) were commenting on resemblants between Paez and the Tzeltal (Mayan) language they had previously studied. Subsequently most of the Paez-Mayan cognates were established and correspondences suggested by Frances Jackson (section 3), who also previously studied the Tojolobal and Tzeltal (Mayan) languages. The evidence of these various affinities, together with a scattering of inter-

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

23

family resemblants collected in field notes over a period of years, eventually led to the postulation of widespread Amerindian relationships. The relationship between Tacanan and Panoan had been recognized by Mary Key in her "Comparative Phonology of the Tacanan Languages". She did not, however, include the Panoan in her reconstructions : "This form (reconstruction for cognate set) is Proto Tacanan, not Proto Pano-Tacanan, even though the sets contain Panoan cognates or presumed cognates." She did include as Tacanan the Huarayo or Guarayo language assumed (in conversation) by William Jackson, who is analyzing the language, to be Guaranian on the basis of both structural and lexical similarity to the Bolivian Guarani. Thus Mary Key provided some evidence for a Tacanan-PanoanGuaranian relationship. Lists of inter-family cognate sets were contributed by the other authors of Part 2 : Alva Wheeler (sections 2, 4), Frances Jackson (section 3), and Nathan Waltz (section 4). The discoveries of sets of resemblants by other colleagues of the Summer Institute of Linguistics have been far too frequent for itemized acknowledgment. Among those whose suggestions were most numerous are Marianna Slocum, John Waller, Betty Welch, Birdie West, and Linda Howard. As implied by the restricted statement of purpose, this paper has certain limitations. They are both serious and obvious : (1) The selection of linguistic groups treated, in comparison to the total assumed to be potentially related, is too small and too scattered to represent any particular stage or subgroup of Proto Amerindian, or to help in the further classification of subgroups. (2) The postulated proto phonological structure is complicated in more or less the same way as the first rough phonemic analysis of a particular language is complicated when based on too small a corpus. The protophonemes postulated here will necessarily be modified in years to come as additional families are considered and all of the data phonemicized. For the present they account for the data included in this paper. Any recognized deviations (i.e. all deviations barring error) are labeled. (3) The total proto structure depends upon certain assumptions concerning the grammar which are warranted by experience with a number of individual languages, but are not specifically demonstrated for the proto language. (4) There is a possibility of copyists' errors, from the initial transcription by the field worker through the entire process, in spite of the authors' concern for the accuracy of the work. These errors will be eliminated only in the course of many years of detailed study. On the other hand, with all its limitations the paper still includes a sufficient number of languages and is based on vocabularies extensive enough to reasonably confirm the published hypothesis of Swadesh (1959) and the

24

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

vague impression of many other scholars that there exists a Proto Amerindian from which major established linguistic groups throughout the Americas have descended. Proto Amerindian reconstructions are based on materials from the following sources (see also Bibliography) : (1) Algonkian (PA) reconstructions are by Mary R. Haas, supplemented by vocabulary items from various Algonkian languages taken from her personal files. Her indications of source have been copied with the entries, as indicated in the list of Abbreviations. A few Algonkian entries are taken from the following, the identification of sources being copied from the authors : "What Algonquian is Really Like" by Charles Hockett, and "The Eastern Algonquian Intrusive Nasal" by Ives Goddard. (2) Gulf entries are copied with identification from Table 4 of "Some Genetic Affiliations of Algonquian" by Mary R. Haas, and from the "Tunica Dictionary" by the same author. Abbreviations are as follows : At Atakapa, Cht Chitimacha, Cr Creek, N't Natchez, Tn Tunica. (3) Hokan materials are from the following sources : William H. Jacobsen, J r . "Washo & Karok : An Approach to Comparative Hokan" (IJAL). Joseph H. Greenberg and Morris Swadesh, "Jicaque as a Hokan Language" (IJAL). James E. Redden, "Walapai I : Phonology" (IJAL). James E. Redden, "Walapai I I : Morphology" (IJAL). Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, "Yana Dictionary". (4) Uto-Aztecan reconstructions are from Kenneth L. Hale (H), "Internal Diversity in Uto-Aztecan" (IJAL) and from C. F. and F. M. Voegelin and Kenneth L. Hale (V-H), "Typological and Comparative Grammar of UtoAztecan : I (Phonology)". (5) Siouan reconstructions by Hans Wolff are taken from "Comparative Siouan I I I " (IJAL). (6) Mayan reconstructions are either those by Ronald Olson (0) in "Mayan Affinities with Chipaya of Bolivia I : Correspondences" and "Mayan Affinities with Chipaya of Bolivia I I : Cognates" (IJAL) or of Frances Jackson (J), section 3 of this volume. (7) Quechua entries are taken from four sources (R), (F), (Wheeler), and (Orr), as follows : Ellen M. Ross, Quechua-English Dictionary. J . Μ. B. Farfan, "Estudio de un Vocabulario de las Lenguas Quechua, Aymara y Haqe-Aru". Alva Wheeler, field notes on the Inga language. Carolyn Orr, "Ecuador Quichua Phonology", Studies in Ecuadorian Indian Languages I (Summer Institute of Linguistics).

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

25

(8) The Muinane Witoto vocabulary is taken from field notes of Eugene and Dorothy Minor. (9) Muinane Bora items are from the field notes of James and Janice Walton. (10) With few exceptions, Tacanan materials are taken from the "Comparative Phonology of the Tacanan Languages" by Mary Ritchie Key. Those few exceptions are from a volume of grammars (GE) which includes Ese'eja materials of Jack and Nola Shoemaker, and the Tacana materials of John and Ida Ottaviano, or from field notes of those authors (Sh), (Ot). (11) The Panoan reconstructions are by Olive Shell : "Pano Reconstruction" (Unpublished manuscript). Vocabulary items from particular Panoan languages when marked with (Key) are from the Tacanan volume by Mary Key. (12) Huarayo, Tupi-Guaranian, items are likewise from the Tacanan volume by Key. Otherwise Tupi-Guaranian materials, reconstructions and citations from particular languages, are from an unpublished manuscript by Alva Wheeler. He acknowledges the sources of his data as follows : Guarani of Bolivia by Harry Rossbottom, and Siriono by Perry and Anne Priest, in field notes, and in Gramdticas Estructurales de Lenguas Bolivianas I (1965) ; Emerillon, Oyampi, and Juruna from word-lists by I. Vaughn Collins of Gospel Recordings, Inc., Glendale, California ; Asurini from a word-list by Carl Harrison ; Cocama from the Vocabulario breve del idioma Cocama (1959) by Norma Faust (See also Faust and Pike, 1959); Diarroi from a word-list by Ivan Lowe ; Guajajara from a word-list by Margaret Bendor-Samuel ; Guarani of Brazil from a word-list copied by Loraine I. Bridgeman from Curt Nimuendajii's field notes ; Kaiwa from field notes of Loraine I. Bridgeman (See also Bridgeman, 1961) ; Mundurucü from field notes of Ilsa Braun and Marjorie Crofts ; Parintintin from field notes of Helen Pease and LaVera D. Betts ; Satare is from field notes of Albert and Susan Graham ; Tapirape from a word-list taken by Sarah C. Gudschinsky ; Tenharim from a wordlist taken by Arlo Heinrichs ; Xeta from a word-list taken by Sarah C. Gudschinsky and Loraine I. Bridgeman ; Yeral from a word-list taken by Alva Wheeler. (13) The Apinaye (Ge) vocabulary is from The Apinaye Language Phonology and Grammar by John Campbell Callow. (14) Vocabularies of the three isolates were provided by field notes of Marianna C. Slocum and Florence Gerdel for Paez, of Thomas and Judith Branks for Guambiano, and of Alice L. Clough and Linda R. Howard for Camsa. 1.2 GRAMMATICAL CORRESPONDENCES

A tentative reconstruction of the grammatical structure of Proto Amerindian may be possible now or in the near future. I am not attempting it here partly because of the limitation of time, but also in the hope that it may be under-

26

TOWARD l'ROTO

AMERINDIAN

CHART

Percentages PA PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G PGb Api, Ge Gmb

of

PAr

Bo

Cam

PChib

«

PGb

Api, Ge

Gmb

;

H

215 34.9

154 3.9

158 7.6

222 13.1

237 11.4

144 13.9

119 2.5

140 7.1

-

272 9.9

237 0.3

231 12.1

405 18.3

360 14.4

224 33.5

182 11.0

209 11.9

416 16.1

184 0

311 4.8

262 1.9

202 3.9

134 2.2

236 1.7

252 3.6

232 9.9

317 2.5

166 4.8

166 1.2

202 4.0

337 3.9

416 6.0

272 15.8

194 5.2

264 6.8

593 6.6

219 6.8

239 2.9

238 7.1

627 6.7

114 8.8

186 5.4

228 9.2

128 3.9

278 5.4 242 7.4

Η PMy Paez PPan Q In each cell of the chart, the upper figure gives the number of vocabulary iloms available for comparison; the lower figure gives the percentage of cognates in the vocabulary compared. These figures are intended to show only the scope of the present study. Percentages do not represent degree of relationship, and would not be valid for glottochronological calculations; t h e y are heavily skewed b y the authors' and their colleagues' familiarity with certain languages, and ignorance of others. This skewing is especially marked in the Paez-PMy and the various P A r percentages. The percentages are further skewed b y the use of reconstructions in some cases versus vocabularies of particular languages in other cases.

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

Shared

Vocabulary

PMy

Paez

PPan

Q

165 20.0

160 10.0

190 10.5

258 40.3

249 16.9

180 3.3

PS

PTac

PTG

249 8.4

48 8.3

209 16.7

148 10.8

288 26.0

373 11.2

54 20.4

355 32.3

264 2.3

214 2.8

248 3.2

54 1.9

196 10.7

216 7.4

225 7.1

334 5.4

291 18.9

324 14.5

316 12.0

287 15.0

279 7.5

157 21.3

27

PUA

Wit

153 15.0

119 9.2

160 3.8

227 27.3

252 37.7

141 27.6

252 13.1

231 3.9

202 3.0

243 5.3

112 5.4

302 1.0

60 3.3

270 6.7

166 4.2

197 4.6

123 5.7

329 1.7

500 6.4

55 10.9

421 11.6

276 13.0

326 6.4

145 17.9

342 5.0

356 7.6

560 4.3

73 6.8

483 5.0

221 5.4

266 7.9

167 10.8

275 3.6

201 9.9

192 12.0

223 9.9

46 6.5

223 19.3

179 13.4

211 14.7

94 9.6

220 6.4

120 10.9

35 7.4

182 5.5

243 7.0

45 8.9

204 9.3

127 10.2

149 10.1

93 7.5

134 6.0

158 12.0

252 5.2

180 5.4

230 7.4

48 6.2

193 6.7

176 6.2

205 6.8

112 8.9

246 3.3

313 17.9

303 8.6

332 6.6

681 4.1

76 19.7

516 5.4

243 8.6

263 9.1

178 8.4

263 4.9

178 25.3

223 12.1

297 12.1

50 16.0

264 13.6

176 19.3

192 24.5

124 19.4

177 5.1

219 7.3

271 11.8

53 5.7

237 11.8

194 11.9

243 16.6

121 11.6

284 2.1

330 4.8

51 13.7

345 14.8

191 8.9

225 15.5

144 11.8

224 3.6

73 11.1

476 5.9

231 10.0

260 8.8

163 8.0

260 3.1

58 13.8

49 6.1

49 8.2

44 13.6

55 3.6

197 18.3

253 15.8

145 16.5

238 5.9

195 16.4

108 7.4

196 4.6

PTuc

28

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

taken as a major project of a scope at least comparable with that of the phonological study in this volume. It would be of great advantage to have a comparativist specializing in North American languages work in cooperation with one specializing in South American languages. Several fairly comprehensive grammars of South American Indian languages are now available ; for example, see the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Ecuadorian Indian Languages I, and Peruvian Indian Languages I ; and Instituto Linguistico de Verano, Gramäticas Εstrukturales de Lenguas Bolivianas I—III, listed in the Bibliography. The Bolivian studies, now in process of publication in English, may prove to be especially helpful to comparativists. The ten grammars contained in these volumes are presented in similar form with fairly uniform terminology and symbolization, utilizing the matrix charts suggested by Pike as units for comparison (Pike, 1962). There are some implications of the proto grammatical structure even in this phonological study, for example, the feature of long words constructed by the compounding and affixation of numerous short morphemes. An illustration is found in 678 *ko-si-yu-hi-ma-ti\si 'rainbow'. The reconstruction of such a string of morphemes with posited variations in order and selection of morphemes is described by Wheeler for Chibchan in section 2, and by Waltz for Tucanoan in section 4. I have discussed it in considerable detail with reference to the Proto Arawakan grammar in section 6.2. The practice of uniting long strings of morphemes in this fashion has been used somewhat sparingly in Proto Amerindian due to my lack of familiarity with patterns of morpheme combinations in the North American Indian languages. Notice, however, the metathesis or varying morpheme orders in the Proto Hokan reconstructions by Haas (Language, 39 : 1). The practice has been used freely in Tucanoan and Arawakan, and to some extent in Chibchan, where the authors could justify the underlying hypotheses of morpheme combinations within languages with which they are quite familiar. Closely related is a problem which has harried the analysts of Arawakan, Tacanan, Guaranian, Tucanoan, Guahiban, and Chibchan languages, as well as Paez — the problem of the determination of various morphemes which follow a head word as suffixes, or as enclitics which optionally carry some of the suffixes. Cognate sets of such suffixes and/or enclitics are to be found in section 1.6, numbers 52—55, 400, 453, 4 5 6 - 4 6 4 , 531, 5 8 0 - 5 8 6 , 595, 777, 802, 804, 840, 9 5 5 - 9 5 8 . Another important shared grammatical feature is that of similar noun classes postulated for all or most of the languages included in this study, by the establishing of the protomorphophoneme *P, which is limited in occurrence to a noun class which includes body parts, kin, and shapes. * P = *b or *w in possessed forms ; *p in nonpossessed. In order to avoid overuse of the protomorphophoneme, it has been limited to nouns known to belong to the

TOWARD PROTO

29

AMERINDIAN

corresponding class in Piro, Arawakan, the one language in which I am able to formally identify members of the class. See cognate sets 91, 296, 341, 439, 564, et al. For evidence within Arawakan, see sections 6.2 and 6.10.4. For a trace of the morphophoneme in Proto Tucanoan, see the comment by Waltz in section 4.1 : "There appears to be a morphophonemic alternation between *p and *b or *m under certain conditions not yet determined . . .". Wheeler, in his unpublished manuscript on Proto Tupi-Guaranian, suggests morphophonemic alternation between PT-G *p and *w. Less common protomorphophonemes are discussed under cognate set 387 'hair' in section 1.6. A sampling of affixal pronominal paradigms which are available in the d a t a of the various languages or language groups is given in the table oil p. 30. The sources are the same as those for the cognate sets.

].:i THE PHONEMES OF PKOTO AMERINDIAN

*p *p:> H)

η *P *d

*f

*f.a *ts!> *s •*z *n *r

*m

*l *w

*l>. *k,:>

*f> *d ''c

*k *!c;>

*y * *a

*x *n

*h

*1J

*iv *y *i

*i

*u

*0

*e *a

Modification of the hypothetical list of protophonemes is expected to result from further comparative work on the families and stocks on which this paper is based, and from the inclusion of additional language groups. The back alveolar and back velar series of consonants (C) were added primarily to accomodate the Proto Mayan reconstructions of Olson, and Jackson following Olsoii. If the additional Proto Mayan phonemes suggested by McQuown (1955) are eventually added, the number of Proto Amerindian phonemes m a y be increased. On the other hand it might be possible even now to unite some sets of the protophonemes with statements of allophonic conditioning, b u t I have intentionally left the system somewhat loose for ease of comparison

-a

•«Ö r *

ι>

β" 81

Η is

1 excl.

CO •eö 1 *1 1

β

*

i

>

% *1 1 incl.

Γ *

¥ * 1 *s ? *

• *

1 •ca * Hi

EC Ο

< PM P-i

Ο cT Η

•«s> •e» 8 s1 8ι C CO O 'S" Ο scö pj, Η s > : > P-i Ο 's ο a a d Ν- rCl β Ο Η Η Ο Χι

i 1

I Η Η Ο r— ΟI Μ G?

ν 3 -sa

£

'S Η οCS Ζ® EH >, _ ® Φ Sil Η Η

s» a ς» 8 I 's

Μ φ eä ΡΗ

TOWARD PHOTO

31

AMERINDIAN

with additional language groups, expecting that new patterns of combinations will emerge as data are added. An important unsolved problem in the phonology is revealed by occasional correspondences or apparent correspondences which are irregular between m and b, and between η and I, as in sets 564 and 565, 580 and 585 ; 369 ; 837. Allophonic relationship of nasals with homorganic stops (or flaps or laterals) will be found in the daughter languages of the Tupi-Guaranian and Tucanoan groups, and in Proto Harakbut (Arawakan). In the reconstructions (Section 1.6) nasalization appears where indicated in any daughter language. It is not to be read as a protophoneme *Ϋ, but is to be taken to symbolize the occurrence of a nasal element in some daughter language(s). No explanation has been attempted for particular cases of interchange of consonantal and vocalic reflexes of the high vocoids i and u. In general the interpretation depends upon the continually shifting CV and stress-pitch pattern of each individual language, or is due to unphonemicized data. Conditioning, especially of vowel changes, necessarily appears inconsistent. The contributing factors are too numerous and complicated for a complete picture to be given. We (conlparativists in general) usually mention one or two primary factors, such as proximate phones. Actually reinforcement by secondary factors may be required for assimilation. I have noticed occasionally in Proto Amerindian and frequently in Piro (Arawakan), that assimilation of -e- to a neighboring -i- is especially common in words with a couple of palatal or alveopalatal consonants. Frequency of occurrence of a morpheme in a particular environment in relation to its total frequency of occurrence is extremely important. The symbol V in reconstructions often represents either a choice of inflectional affixes or morphophonemic change following such inflection. Vowel loss in practically all languages is common. It is most frequent in the following environments : (1) word initially or finally ; (2) when -i- follows a sibilant or occurs between two voiceless consonants ; (3) when identical vowels occur noncontiguously in sequence. Within W , assimilation of vowels does not always occur when the vowels of the cluster are separated by a morpheme division, as in 876 'tooth'. In Section 1.4 the lists show reflexes of PMy as given by Jackson in Section 3, except for PMy-Cp **v which is listed as a reflex of PAm *b. 1.4 PHONEME REFLEXES

PAm PA PAr

*P *p *p, *b

*t η *t

*t π

*6k *Jc

*k *k *k, *g

32 Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan

Q

PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan

Q

PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

TOWARD PEOTO AMERINDIAN

/

t

b

t

*b

*t

Ρ

t

*p

η t

Ρ

t t

Ρ

η

Ρ

t

tu

t

t

*t

*p

*t

*p *p

*f,

Ρ

d

k

k k

*k

*k

k *k

c

k

*k

*k

k *k

k *k, χ

*c

*k

Η

*t

*k

*t

*t, d

*k

*P?

*k

*p ^jj/l

*k

*k

c

4

t

Ρ *p

k *k

d, t

π

*·ρ

*k

t

*i π

π

k k, g

*d Π

Ρ

*p *p (POP)

k

*k d

k *k?

*th

Ic k

Ρ *b

*9 k, xw, *x

g

*k t

Ρ *ph

t? *x

k

k k

h k

pP, b

t?

*lc

*k?

*k k

f P:>

0 *k

*b

*k

*gW

*k

*b

*k

*w

9

k

6 *;>t

*h k

*k

Π

*x

η π

*k *k

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan Q PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan Q PS PTac

*h *kh

*k k *k k k k *kP *k Ρ

*gW

*gW

*k *k k

*k *k

*9 *k *9 9 *g

(h)k *k k k 9, k *kx *k

*b *w *b b b *b

*kΡ *k *k

*k k *k k k k?, k *kP *k k *k kP, qP *x *k

Ρ *b Ρ Ρ w, ρ?, b *b, **v *w rrib *b pp

k *k

*d *t U

*d θ d

*d t *t t

d t

t *t *t

d *t nay

*t t

*b *b *b *kw b

*d *d *d *t d

*d *d

*ρ *0

*ts

*c

*c, *$

*c *c, *t

*0 0

*ts

*c

Π

ts *ts, *c c *ts 6 c c *ts *(Y)t c

6 *c

*0 Ρ

*0

P,

Ρ

0

*k 9 *k

33

*c

c

Η

*θ

ts

*c c

*s, *ts c

*ts

c c, c *c, *c1

c

η

c *c c *t *c

*

c *? η

ts *e s *c

34

TOWARD PROTO

PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

*g *g *k g

PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan Q PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

*ts? *s *s, *ts

PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy

*8

AMERINDIAN

*? *? *?

ts *t, *s s, 8 *ts V c, c /

*(H)t t *s

*c *t

*c *t, *c

Π

*c>* *s *s

*/ *w *p b b * f , *b w *b

8 c, s *C? *(Y)t V c *s c

d *c/) *(Y)t t *t c?

b, p? *w b, w *b w, b *b *p *b

*6 *s *c

*j

*p

c

*s *0, *s, *s

*8

*s s 9 *s

*8

? *s

8

w, u

*x *k *k

*k, *g k *k k

t 8

*ts

*S S

8 *8

*c *c

*s s *s

*c dz

8,

*c *c *c

s

S, 8, *8

*h *h *h h h *h, *d h *h

X

*h

*s *s 8 S *S 8, c

*s s s, 8 *s, *$ *s s *s s *s *8 *s *s *s s

*z *s *d

*c

ζ 0

3

*c *z

h *h, *x

s ζ

*s

TOWARD PROTO

POM Paez PPan Q PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib G (PM, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan Q

PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

PAm PA PAr Bo Cam PChib

*s S

35

AMERINDIAN

*k

*s nz

*h h

*(n)s nz

*$ s, £

*S

χ *x *x *k *lc *]c 1c

s, $

*c *s

*s

*j *y *j

j *d y *y

3 *y δ *y y *y *d *3 *y *y dz

*m *m *m m m *m m *m m m m *m *nw m *m m *m *m *m *m

*n *n *n η η, V *n η *n η, η η η *η *η η *η η *η *η *η *η, *9 *η η

*m m

*r

*l

*lv

*r *r

Η *l

*l *ly, *lv

I I *d

11 Η

0, h

ζ

*s *h, *x *h *h, *s h

*s *z d

*η

*η *η *y

η *y y *y η, η η η, y *η *(n)y

*9

V V *7]

y

Vg

η, y *y *y, *N

*n *n

*y

*y η

*w *w *w, *u w w, u *w, *u

*y *y *y y *y

36

TOWARD PHOTO

G (Pm, Nt, Tn) PGb Api, Ge Gmb PH, Yana, etc. PMy POM Paez PPan Q

PS PTac PT-G PTuc PU-A Wit

PAm Η PA *i, *i PAr Bo e Cam i, PChib *i, G (PM, Nt, Tn) i, *i PGb Api, Ge i, Gmb i PH, Yana, etc. i, PMy η POM *i, Paez i, PPan *i, i Q *i PS PTac PT-G *e, PTuc *i PU-A Wit i.

r *r, *l, Ν r r, I r

I

I r I l,r Π Π ι

*r τ,I

I *r, *Lv *r

*r r

i *u

r I 3 *l I 11 *LV

*r *r

*r

*r

*y *l

y

*y, * Υ y y *y

*y, *i y. ϊ *y,

r

η

*u *o *o, *i, *e *u, *o u u, o, a a u, 0 *u, *a *e, *a

*y, *0 *y dz

*o *o *o, *u, *a

0 *0, *u, *a

a, *a, a, a,

a, e, w *e, *o, *i *i ο i i, u i i 0

e, i *e, *i, *a *i *e e e, i *i *u i, a *e, *i *e *e, *a Η *e, *i *e, i *e, *i *i e. i e. i. u

a, *a, *a, a, *a, a, *a

11 *0, *u *u, u, a *o, *i *0, *a u, a *0 *e, *o *e, *o, *u *o, *w, *a *0, *a *0, *i *e, *i *u *u, *i *a,*i,*u *i *e, *o, *i *u, *o, *0, *o, *a, *i *0 *e, *o, *u *i *u, *i 0 e. i e. ο i. 0

*a,

*a, *a, *a, 0.

e, u *e, *u *e e, u *o, *i u

,

u, a *o *u, *e 11,e *o u, a *u

u, a *u, *o, u i

*y *j

e, i *a d, e a i, i

e

e, u, ο

*i,

y

*w, *m, *0 *w *w, *i, *o *w w

*a, *e, *o *e, *i *e, *i, *a *a, *e, *o, *i *i, e, i, i i, e, i, a i a, e, i i, *e, *i, *a *a, *e, *o, *u *i,

e

w *w V w w *w *w w, u *w w, u

I, y

*r

*a

*e

AMERINDIAN

u, *u, *u, u *u, u

a *o *w

*%

0, u *0 0, u, a 0

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

37

1.5 CONDITIONING AND EXAMPLES OF PHONEME REFLEXES

CC *ph *phy *th *Jch *kn *kr *kw *kh *Pt *Pt *Pd *Pd *?ts *Pc *Ps *Ps *Pn *Ρη *Pw *tsh *ck *ch *Sh *st *sk *scP *sh *§P *xp *hp *hb *ht *hk

pV 1 I -VI (PA, Wit) ; ph (PGb, H, PMy, Paez, Q) ; ph, ph (PAr) ; ρ 103, 483, 625, 786 phy (P, Ar) ; ph (PGb) 233 — th (Cam, PGb, PMy, Paez) ; t (PAr, Tac, PU-A) 554, 566, 638, 819 -> kh (PGb, PMy, Paez, Kog-Chib) ; k (PAr, Bo, Mot-Chib, PTac, Des-Tuc) 28, 67, 76, 281, 500, 569 hn (Pre Cp-My) ; qn (Ay-Q) 382 -π- kr (Ge, H) 759 kw (PPan, POM) ; kw (PT-G) 76, 949 h (PAr) ; k (PGb, PT-G) ; kh (PMy) ; kw (POM) ; g (Tue) ; kh (Paez) 44, 88, 356, 881, 952 — d (PChib) ; t (PGb, Q, PT-G) ; Pt (PA, PTuc) ; ht (Tn-G) 78, 196, 501 d (PChib) ; PtV (Paez) ; c (PTac) 67, 500 — d (PChib) ; t (Ge, PTuc) ; Pnd (Paez) ; ?t (PPan) 63, 717 ht (G) ; PndV (Paez) 202 c (H) ; Pe (PPan) 915 - he (Cp-My) ; Pc (Paez) 223 -- s (PChib, PTac, PTuc) ; Ps (Paez) 927 ΡΘ (PA) ; c (PAr) ; ts (Gb) 869 Pn (Tun-Chib, Paez) ; η (PAr, PTuc, PU-A) 262, 925 — Pij (PMy-Cp) ; η (PT-G) 45 Pw (POM, Paez) 918 s (Gr-Ar) ; tsh (Cp-My) 170 — ck (PAr) ; ch (PMy-Cp) 900 - 6 (Tn-G) ; 6 (Yana-H) ; ch (PMy-Cp) ; ts (PAr) 241, 474 -η- ts (PAr, Yana-H) ; c (Gmb) ; Sh (PMy-Cp) 273, 303, 899, 933 — t (Wal-H) ; st (P-Ar, Chib, Tz-My, Chan-Pan) 149, 499, 784 sk (Cam, Gmb, Q) 594, 621 sc (PAr) ; cP (PMy-Cp) 892 sh (Kog-Chib) ; s (Wit) 137 . c (PTac) ; St (Tn-G) 9 — s (Gmb) ; SP (Tn-G) 264 hk (Tn-G) ; xp (Yana, H) 116 ρ (Tac) ; hp (Tn-G) 885 b (PAr) ; hp (Tn-G) ; p? (Yana-H) ; hp Ρ (PMy-Cp) 303, 474 (PAr) ; r (Wal-H) ; ht (Tn-G) ; th (POM) 206, 467 - k (PAr, Kog-Chib, PGb, Gmb, PPan):; k(h) (Paez) ; hk (PA,

58

TOWARD PEOTO AMERINDIAN

*hk

Tn-G) ; hx (Yana-H) ; g (Was-H) 2, 98, 203, 264, 372, 475, 762, 789, 891 k, kh (PAr) ; k (Tn-G, Ge, Chac-Pan, PTac) ; hk (PMy-Cp) 362, 667, 900

*hkΡ — k (PTac, PU-A) ; hkΡ (PMy) 379 *hkP

*AΡ *hc *hs *hy *mp *mk *mb *nk *nd *ns *r? V

-v k

(PAr, Kog-Chib, PTac) ; g (Yana-H) ; kh (Paez) ; AP (PMyCp) ; hk (PA, POM) 358, 436, 674 - hk (Cp-My) ; Ph (Paez) 909 — he (PMy-Cp) ; c (Y-Ch-Om) ; th (Paez) ; 6 (PTac) 861 — hs (PA) ; a (PAr, J-H, K-My, Paez, POM) ; S (Tz-My) 757, 812 — hy (Paez) ; y (PAr, PTuc) ; h (Chib, PGb, Wit) ; 3 (Yana-H) 284 mp (Gmb) ; bv \-i (Paez) ; mb (Paez) 161, 780 -+ mk (Gyb-Gb) ; nk (POM) 898 mb (Rey-Tac) ; bjm (PTuc) 145 — k (PChib) ; nk (Tn-G) 345 — nd (PChib) ; nd (Paez) 827 -- j (PAr) ; Nc (PChib) ; (n)s (POM) ; c (Paez) ; s (PTuc) 194 -* Ρ (Yana-H) ; r 713 r (PAr) ; IP (Tn-G) 562 — yc (Gyb-Gb) ; (Y)(h)t (POM) 889

*C

*p — b\b . .. (PAr) ; b (Cam, PChib) ; ρ 14, 47, 88, 90, 92, 146, 212, 242, 343, 620,· 709 *t d (Wit) ; t 14, 103, 290, 438, 570, 575, 669, 763, 887 Π d I # - (PTuc) ; t (PAr, G, PGb, Api-Ge, Jic-H, POM, Q, PT-G, PTuc) ; d (PChib, H, Wit) ; j5 (PMy) ; tV (Paez) ; 6 (PTac) 12, 45, 67, 179, 277, 572, 578, 670, 885, 892 *k c (Gmb) ; & (PMy) ; χ (PGb) ; 6k (PA) ; k (PAr, Bo, Ge, POM, PPan, Q, PS) 109, 115, 213, 725 *k - g\n (V — 0)- (PAr, Cam) ; g | -(V — 0)w (PTuc) ; x\kß. . . (PS) ; k 7, 34, 133, 198, 257, 512, 662, 678, 712, 858 *k — k (PMy) ; k | h- (G) ; xw (PM, G) ; χ (PGb) ; g (PChib, Tn-G, PS, Wit) ; k 35, 68, 235, 289, 510, 532, 550, 575, 763, 764, 788 Some Quechuan languages and/or dialects distinguish k from k. I have not attempted to separate the two in handling the various dialects here because (1) I hope that a complete comparative study of Quechuan will soon be available ; (2) the distinction does not occur in the Ecuadorian Quechua which is the dialect principally used in this comparison ; and (3) the symbols used in the various transcriptions are not explained.

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

39

— ph (PAr) ; ρ (Cam, Paez) ; ph (PGb) ; w (PU-A) ; ρ (PA, G) ; b (PChib, Yana-H, PTac, PTuc) ; p? (Jic-H, PMy, Q) ; gw (PT-G) 93, 166, 196, 266, 270, 325, 480, 482 — ?t (PPan) ; c (Paez) ; ft (PAr) ; t (G, POM, PTac) ; Ρ (Η, PMy) 162, 199, 488, 708 ψ — t? (G) ; t (PT-G) 818 — χ (PGb, PTac) ; Jc? (PMy) ; k (PChib, Ge, Gmb, POM, Paez, PT-G, PTuc) 238, 509, 636, 743, 859 -> kh (PAr) ; k'> (Yana-H and Was-H, PMy) ; χ (PS) ; P , q? (Q) ; gw (PT-G) ; k 23, 96, 112, 234, 581, 712, 812, 912, 968 *Jc? - ? (Paez, PPan) ; gw (PT-G) ; k? (PMy) ; k 218, 227, 434, 436 495, 576, 801 *b -- kw (PU-A) ; w (PA, Wal-Η, and Jic-H, POM) ; mb (Paez) ; pP (PMy-Cp, Yana-H, Q) ; b,v (PMy-Cp) ; ρ (G, Ge, Gmb) ; b 135, 147, 163, 305, 350, 365, 375, 383, 696, 829 *d — nd (Paez) ; d (PAr, PChib, PTac, PT-G, PTuc, Wit) ; t 16, 29, 171, 214, 261, 267, 416, 488, 523 *d — θ (PA) ; t (G, PMy) ; »dv (Paez) ; d 34, 645, 711 *g -> k (PA, PGb, Ge, Gmb, Krk-H, POM, PPan, PTac, PU-A) ; (h)k (G) ; kx (Cp-My) ; g 31, 49, 218, 222, 232, 269, 293, 304, 776, 806 — 0 (PA, PAr, Bo, PChib, Wal-Η, PGb) ; ? 64, 256, 259, 339, 592, 857 Key (1963) states that data for establishing PTac *? are inadequate. *ts S I . . . S (PA) ; 6 \...i (PChib, PPan) ; c (Ge, PT-G, PTuc) ; (Y)< (POM) ; ts 92, 184, 326, 371, 384, 422, 713, 823, 879 *c -v t I -e (PA) ; ts | β . . . (PGb) ; t (PS, POM) ; s (PGb) ; ts (Gmb, Was-H) ; c 121, 160, 208, 353, 475, 538, 597, 843, 889 *ξ - θ (PA) ; t (PAr, POM) ; ts (Cam, PGb, PH, Paez, PPan) ; $ (Q) ; ζ (PTuc) ; ξ (PMy) ; c 27, 120, 521, 617, 690, 729, 731, 799, 837 *ts? ts\s.. ./#- (PAr) ; S | (Tn, G) ; s (PA, PAr, Mot-Chib, G) ; s (PPan) ; t (Chib, Paez, PT-G) ; (H)t (POM) ; c (Wal-Η, Shasta-H) ; ts? (Yana-H, PMy) ; ts (Cam, PGb, PTac, PU-A) ; dz (Wit) 20, 87, 111, 167, 177, 183, 754, 793, 811, 966 c I s . . . t (PAr) ; ts (PA) ; t (PAr, PChib, PPan, Paez) ; d (Η) ; Ρ (PMy, Q) ; (Y)t (POM) ; j (PT-G) 159, 229, 372, 382, 663, 732, 790 * P - s (PA, PAr, PChib, G, PGb, Yana-H, PT-G) ; ? (Cam) ; c (Gmb) ; (PTac) ; $ (PPan) ; (Y)t (POM) ; 6 175, 239, 330, 736 v

40

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

*f

*s

*g

*g

*h

*z

*j

*m *n *n

*ij *r

b\ -i (Paez) ; / (Chib) ; b\m... (Q) ; ρ (PAr, PT-G, PU-A) ; b (Bo, Cam, PChib, PGb, Yana-H, PTac, PTuc) ; p"> (Jic, H) ; b (PPan) ; w, u 15, 34, 114, 134, 162, 203, 259, 278, 340, 422, 681, 710, 748, 766, 804, 950 Wheeler (2.1) calls attention to transcriptions of / in Chibcha where a sibilant is expected. I t appears also as a reflex of PAm */ in 15 and 950. — g I -i (PA, H, PMy) ; θ | e, a- e, a (PA) ; c (PM-G) ; s 29, 70, 434, 785, 812, 817, 824, 832 See also protomorphophoneme S in 1.2. - s I # - (PU-A) ; h, χ (PMy) ; 0 | # - (PChib) ; χ | k . . . (PT-G) ; έ (PTac) ; 0 (Gmb, Ay-Q) ; h 26, 55, 74, 97, 148, 198, 228, 237 Regarding PMy reflexes, see 3.1. d (PAr, Wit) ; s (PA, PMy, PTac) ; c (PChib) ; ζ (Ge) ; S (Gmb) ; ζ (Η, Q, PTuc) ; (n)s (POM) ; nz (Paez) 15, 102, 195, 265, 568, 743, 792, 830 j (PAr, Cam, T-G) ; d (PChib, PTac) ; 3 (Η) ; Ρ (PMy) ; g (Paez) ; dz (Wit) ; y 9, 29, 89, 317, 395, 468, 541, 624, 733, 846, 849 nw (POM) ; m 150, 250, 504, 551, 580, 810, 886, 922, 972 η I . . . kj. . . g (Cam) ; n \ i . . . i (Ge) ; g \-Vg (PTuc) ; n 173, 212, 450, 549, 577, 689, 723, 796 —> n \ -il-u (Ge) ; n, y (Q — varies according to language or dialect) ; n (PA, Cam, Ge, Wal-Η, PMy) ; n | . . . n (PGb) ; n (Gmb) ; (n)y (POM) ; (N)y (PT-G) ; y 169, 278, 472, 600, 644, 866 — g (PChib) ; Vg (Paez) ; η (Ge, PMy, PU-A) ; n (PT-G, PTuc, Wit) 33, 45, 660, 720 LV I -i (PS) ; / I # - (Gmb) ; d (PChib) ; r, I ~ r, Ν (PGb) ; r (H-A-Q, Q of Cuzco) ; I (Bo, Cam, Paez, Q) ; r 32, 36, 40, 90, 93, 242, 341, 669, 679, 682 PGb has morphophonemic alternation of *l with *r. See sets 7, 628, and 635, in which the phonemes vary in the PAm morpheme *-rV. The PGb *N, which represents n:l in Gb, occurs

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

41

in one set (101) in which Ρ Am *r has been reconstructed with the hypothesis that PAm Π ->• Ν \ -V (PGb). *l - d (PChib) ; r (PH) ; r \ -i (Yana-H) ; I (PA, G, Gmb, Ay-Q, PMy, POM, Paez) ; r 31, 59, 77, 112, 246, 258, 369 HV ly I (PAr) ; I (Nt, G) ; y | (G) ; r (PAr, Ge, PTac) ; 3 (H) ; II ( = IV) (Q) ; LV (PS) ; IV (Cp, My) ; y (PTuc) ; I 83, 139, 209, 231, 252, 370, 780, 871 Ho — i I kP- (PTuc) ; ο \ a . . . a (PTuc) ; 0 | P - (PTac) ; m\...m (Tac) ; w, w, u 11, 126, 143, 158, 493, 566, 758, 791, 949 *y 3 I h- (Yana, H) ; y,x(=hy) (Paez) ; j (PT-G) ; 0 | i-a (PPan, PTuc) ; dz (Wit) ; y, i 18, 30, 39, 64, 96, 189, 338, 856, 920 *VV — Hi ee | a . . . (PAr, Paez) ; ν (PA, Cp-My) ; i ~ ih (G) ; ii (PNewAr, Yana-H) ; e (Ese-Tac) ; i 159, 437, 475, 545, 556, 694, 949 He -y e• (PA) ; ee (PAr) ; ie (Cam, PChib, Sir-T-G) ; ii (H) ; i (Q) 5, 13, 294, 558 *ia ->· e I s- (PA) ; e | -Si (PGb) ; a \s- (Tac) ; iu | sw- (PS) ; i \ sw(PMy) ; i I -Si (PChib) ; ii \ sw- (Bo) ; ie | (PChib) ; ea\h(PGb) ; ia \ sw- (PTuc) ; ya (PA, PPan) ; ia (PAr, Cam, PChib, PGb, PTac, PTuc) ; i (Ge, PS) ; a (Nt-G, PT-G) ; e (Paez) 3, 29, 65,144, 174, 261, 305, 317, 339, 587, 625, 732, 773, 839, 849 Ho + oo J uß- (PAr) ; io (Gn-Tuc) 622 Hu i• (PA) ; uu (Paez) 792 *ei -»- ee | - t o (PA, PTac) ; i \ -w (PTuc) ; e* (PA) ; ei (PAr, PT-G) ; ai (H) ; i (Q) 94, 312, 548, 880 *ee i I ij- (PAr) ; ii \ IV- (G, H) ; e* (PA, Pia-Ar) ; ee (Bo, Cp-My, Paez) ; i (Q) ; e 205, 228, 353, 354, 370, 869 *ea ia (PAr) ; e (Chib) ; ä (Gmb) ; ea (PTuc) 281, 798 *ei — ei (Sir-T-G) 917 *eu eu (PAr, PChib) ; ee (Bo) ; e (POM) 60 *ai —• a I -yai (PGb) ; a \ . . . a (Des-Tuc) ; a | -ns (Paez) ; i | i . . . i (PPan) ; i | -si (PPan, PTac) ; ai \ -j/-c/Äi-/-# (PTac) ; ai \ y(PTuc) ; e | -yjy- (PTac) ; e\...i (PAr) ; e | i . . . (PAr, Cam, PTac, Wit) ; e | . . . e (PGb) ; e\w- (PTuc) ; ae | -ha (PGb, PTac) ; ae | a . . . a (PT-G) ; ο \ w . . . u (PGb) ; a (Cul-Ar, Mot-Chib, Cp-My, PU-A) ; i (Tn-G, PM-G) ; ee (Bo) ; ay (PA) ; e (Ge, Paez) ; ei (PTac, PT-G) ; ai (PAr, Cam, PChib, PGb, Gmb, H, PMy, PPan, Q, PT-G, PTuc, Wit) 12, 65, 88, 108, 132, 139, 148, 194, 211, 217, 226, 244, 290, 298, 328, 347, 359, 487, 519, 526, 551, 682, 720, 846, 858, 876, 886, 908, 936, 948, 953

42

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

*ae -*• e (PA, Jic-H, Cubeo-Tuc) ; ae (PAr) ; ai (Bo) ; a (Ese, Tac) 43, 302 *aa e I -y (Cam) ; ee\y- (Wit-P) ; ο \ P- (PPan) ; ee\n- (Guar-BolT-G) ; a· (PA) ; 0 | Probably morphologically determined (PAr) ; aa (PAr, PChib, Yana-H, Paez, PPan) ; a 16, 58, 59, 80, 162, 176, 278, 436, 437, 542, 550, 597, 644, 712, 966 *ao -> ao (Gmb, PPan, PTac) 111, 626 *au — i\y- (PAr) ; ο \ . . . u (PChib) ; a (Cam, Haqe-Aru-Q) ; i (GrAr, PPan, PTuc, PU-A) ; a\ (Ge) ; ο (Gmb, PTac) ; ai (Wit) ; aw (PAr, PChib, PGb, Yana-H, PMy-Cp) 41, 68, 147, 236, 268. 314, 608, 877, 946 *oi -* ii (Gmb) ; ejoi (POP-OM) ; oi (At-Pan) ; u (Q-Bol) 466 *oe ae (PAr) ; ο (PTuc) ; o· (PA) ; oo (Mot-Chib) 80, 883 *oo -- o- (PA) ; oo (H) ; a (Q) ; ο 18, 49, 115, 411, 565, 764 *oi -- oi (Bo) ; a (Gb) ; ua (Guar-Br-T-G) 36 Hi — oo I u . . . (Wit) ; e (PA) ; ii (PAr, Gn-Tuc, Wit) ; i (Bo) ; u (PGb, POM, Q) ; ui (H) ; i (PT-G) 24, 120, 200, 524, 961 He -> i (PAr) ; ie (PTuc) ; ie (Wit) 102 Ha — ia (PAr) ; a (Mar-Chib) ; ua (Ge) ; ο (Rey-Tac) ; u (PU-A) 227 Ho — ο (PChib, Wal-H) ; io (PTuc) 307, 430 *ui i\g- (PAr) ; i\i . . . (Bo) ; i | -h+ (Bo) ; i | k- (PTac) ; wi (PA) ; oi (PAr, PTac) ; e\e . . . (Bo) ; ui (Bo, PChib, G, PGb, H) ; i (Cam) ; u(u) (Paez) ; we (POM) ; ™i (PPan) ; u (Q) 15, 38, 43, 91, 204, 225, 326, 560, 638, 752 *ue u%\. . .i (PTuc) ; we (PA) ; ue (PAr, PTac) ; ui (Bo, PTuc) ; u (PGb, Jic-H) ; ii (Ge) ; ™e (POM) ; «» (PPan) ; ae (Sir-T-G) 14, 293 *ua ^ ινα I k'l^ll· ( P A . PAr, Cp-My, Cav-Tac, Rey-Tac) ; wa \ k-jk(PChib, Nt-G, POM, Ese-Tac) ; o\k- (Pm-My) ; a \ ua . . . (PGb, Rey-Tac) ; a | W- (Mot-Chib) ; «· (PM-G) ; u | - # (Paez) ; u \ . . . ua (PTuc) ; wi | -wi (PT-G) ; ia \ a . . . a (PTG) ; o· (PA) ; oa (PAr) ; uu (Gr-Ar, Wit) ; ua (Cam, PChib, PGb, PT-G, Jic-H, PTuc) ; va (Ge) ; a (Chib, Cp-My, PTac) ; we (Paez) ; u (PU-A) 98, 103, 145, 208, 218, 326, 338, 385, 397, 407, 615, 630, 636, 647, 654, 775, 841, 859, 866, 872, 952 w *ui -* i\k- (PChib) ; i \ k- (Wit) ; u (Pia-Ar, Yana-H) ; ua (Cam) ; i (PChib, Q) ; i (PGb, PTuc) ; wa (Gmb) ; wi (Wit) 34 *V ->Η -> e I . . . a (PA, G, PAr, Bo, Paez, PTac, PTuc) ; e | a. . . (PAr, Bo, G, Paez, PTac, PT-G, PTuc, Wit) ; e | . . . e (PTac) ; i, e (POM) ; a I (Ge) ; e \s- (Was-H, PTac) ; i \ . . . i (PAr,

TOWARD PEOTO AMERINDIAN

43

Cam, PTuc) ; i | i. . . (Cam, Gmb, PTuc, Wit) ; i \ P- (PAr, PPan) ; i | w-ha (PAr) ; i \ £-/u>- . . . y (PPan) ; u\-Po (PTuc) ; u I g- (PChib) ; i \k- (PAr, PTuc) ; i | P - (PTuc) ; u | u . . . (PGb) ; i 14, 20, 122, 141, 221, 239, 281, 380, 487, 532, 597, 648, 659, 723, 817, 877, 954 No explanation has been found for variations between i and e, and between e and a in POM, nor between i and e in Ge. i\i... (PA, PAr, Bo, Cam, PChib, G, Gmb, H, PMy, Paez, PTuc, PU-A) ; i\...t (PAr, Bo, Cam, Gmb, H, PMy, Paez, PS, PT-G, PTuc, Wit) ; i \ y- (G) ; i | uw- (H) ; i | i- (PChib); i, e ( P O M ) ; a ~

a \ a .../...

a (Ge) ; a \ . . . a ( P A r , B o ,

PGb,

Ge, PMy, Q, PTac) ; a | a . . . (PAr, PGb, PMy) ; u \ Ww . . . (Wit) ; u\u . . . (Cash-Pan) ; i \ z- (Gmb) ; e 12, 27, 32, 50, 175, 242, 340, 529, 632, 646, 666, 684, 786, 834, 879 e I . . . e (PA, PTac) ; e\...i (PA, PAr, Bo, PChib, G, PGb, H, PMy, PTac, PT-G, PTuc) ; e | . . . i/i- (PAr) ; e\i... (Bo, G, PGb, PMy, PTac, PTuc) ; e\y- (Cam, G, PMy, PTac, PTuc, PU-A, Wit) ; e I -y (Cam, PTac, PU-A) ; e | V/-& (Paez) ; e I n- (PT-G) ; a, e (POM) ; ο \ w- (PA, PPan, PU-A) ; o\...w (PA, PAr, PTuc) ; ο \ ο . . . (PA, PAr, PGb, PPan, PTac) ; ο I . . . ο (PAr, PGb, PPan, PTac, PU-A, Wit) ; ο \ i . . . (PChib, PTuc) ; o\u... (PGb, PTuc) ; ο | h-h (G) ; ο | (Ge) ; i\...i (Bo, Cam, PGb, PPan) ; i | ί - ί (Cam) , i | i . . . (Ge, Gmb) ; i | u . . . (PT-G) ; i | ik- (PTuc) ; u\u... (G, H, PTuc) ; u I . . . u (G, Paez, Q) ; u | . . . w (PChib, Paez) ; u . . . i (PU-A) ; ο (Wit) ; a 4, 61, 406, 418, 433, 437, 482, 485, 491, 492, 494, 534, 536, 537, 551, 568, 605, 628, 674, 680, 693, 695, 718, 733, 758, 767, 772, 797, 886, 887, 920 The reflexes of both *o and *a are generally ο in Wit. ο is written once in the data, a occurs regularly in vowel clusters or preceding or following noncontiguous vowel clusters. There are three instances in which a irregularly occurs (263, 280, 379). One of these instances is in the same word with the only ο recorded. This may be due to an unintentional phonemicization of the data to correspond to a dialect with which the linguist was already familiar. ο I . . . ο (G) ; α I . . . α (PAr, PChib, G, Ge, H, Paez, Q, PTuc); a I a . . . (PAr, PPan, PU-A) ; i \ . . . i (PTuc) ; i \ (PT-G); i I - i (Was-H) ; u \ . . . u (PAr, PChib, Ge, PMy) ; u \ u . . . (PChib, PGb, PMy) ; u | k-xj-w (Ge) ; u\p-h (My, T-G) ; u | p-p

44

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

(PTuc) ; o (Wit) ; u (Tun-Chib, G, H, Paez, Q) ; u, w (POM); ο 1, 4, 21, 117, 229, 257, 361, 405, 495, 501, 517, 528, 624, 662, 691, 763, 787, 795, 806, 807, 826 Η — e I - y (PA) ; e | . . . i (PChib, G, Paez) ; e | e . . . (PAr) ; e | w(POM) ; e I . . . α (PTac, Wit) ; a | . . . aja . . . (Bo, Cam, H, PTac, PTuc) ; ο | -w (PAr, Gmb, PPan) ; ο | . . . ο (Bo, PMy, PTac) ; o\o . . . (PMy, PTac, PTuc) ; i \ . . . i (PAr, PTuc) ; i \ i . . .IS-l-y (PChib) ; w \k- (PM-G) ; u\. . .u (Bo) ; u | -ro (PT-G) ; u I s- (PTac) ; u\1c- (Ge) ; u (H, PMy, Q, PS) ; a (PChib, G) ; i (PM-G, Jic-H, PTac, PU-A) ; ο (C-My, Cp-My) ; i 11, 87, 120, 123, 206, 212, 447, 455, 512, 531, 570, 577, 613, 661, 726, 738, 774, 882, 903, 912, 935 *u — a I . . . a (PAr, G, PGb, H, PPan) ; a \ a . . . (PChib, PPan, PTac, PTuc) ; ο | . . . a (PTuc) ; ο | a . . . (PAr, PTac, PTuc); ο I -hk (PAr) ; o\o. . . (Cam, PGb, PMy, PPan, PTac, PTuc) ; ο I . . . ts (PMy) ; o\w . . . (PGb) ; i \ i . . .jk-jk(PTuc) ; i I . . . i (PGb, PPan, PT-G, PTuc) ; i | hy- (PGb) ; i | . . . i (PT-G) ; u I . . . i (PU-A) ; o\...a (Wit) ; i (Gmb, PU-A, Wit) ; ο (PA, PTac) ; » | k?-lk-lk?-[kh- ; u 22, 46, 132, 238, 416, 569, 578, 638, 657, 665, 803, 853, 887, 889, 920, 923, 928, 929

1.6 PROTO AMERINDIAN COGNATE SETS

Following each citation the language is identified in parentheses, either by the abbreviation for the protolanguage, or by the abbreviation of the particular language or subgroup, a comma, and then the abbreviation of the family or stock. Family names are omitted when similar to the language name as in Chibcha and Chibchan. Where necessary a parenthesis containing identification of source precedes the language or language group identification. Reflexes are presented by alphabetical order of the language family or stock. When, in lieu of a reconstruction from a family or stock, a word is cited from a descendent language or from an included subgroup (e.g. Piapoco, Proto Western Newiki, or Proto Newiki within Arawakan) if the word includes a phoneme reflex which differs from t h a t of a reconstruction of greater time depth, whenever recognizable the Pre form of the greatest possible time depth is given. Some Camsa cognates with Quechua and Guambiano, although entirely regular, are too close to be convincing. The Camsa are noted travellers. They may have a propensity for not only receiving, but also thoroughly assimilating loan words. See sets 594, 614, 621.

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

45

1. 'abdomen' *poga: *poko (PPan) ; *pd-gajru (PTuc) ; *poka (Y-Η) (PUA) ; puPu (Elson) (Sierra Popoluca). 2. 'abdomen' *-cihkY : -cihki (Tn, G) ; ciguguS (Was, H) ; cis 'flatus' (Elson) (Sierra Popoluca). 3. 'abdomen' H-atV : sati (P, Ar) ; ieta (Chib) ; tu (Api, Ge) ; ato (Chan, Pan) ; eto (Tac). 4. 'abdomen' *soJcota: skota (P, Ar) ; -koto-to (Gb) ; so3ko2 (M-J, Μη, OM). 5. 'abdomen' *arie: arePe (Gr) - - e'li (Pre Pia, Ar) ; arahpaca 'sky' (Cp, My) ; alagpacha 'sky' (F) (Ay, Q). 166. 'cloud' *p?o: p?u-yu (R) (Q) ; *bo (PTac). 167. 'cloud (at rest)' *sutsi>a: sutafaoa (Chib) ; *su(u)ts'>> (J) (PMy). 168. 'cloud' *aparu: badü- (Mot, Chib) ; ?dparu (Tn, G). furudi (Perea) (Taino) may be related. 169. 'cloud' *waani: *awa'n- 'fog' (Ha) (PA) ; seicani (Gmb) ; *iwa-N-gatasi-na (PT-G).

52

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

170. 'cloud' *tsherY- : sifüma (Gr, Ar) ; tshiri (Cp, My). 171.'club' *-kadilika: kadika (Kog, Chib) ; yukudika (Des) probably *yukadika (Pre Des, Tue). 172. 'coca' (narcotic herb) *-asV : Asa (Tun, Chib) ; saPasi (Cav, Tac). 173. 'cold' *-si-ni-na: sisna (Cam) ; tisini-na (Mot) -'1 'to go defecate' (A, OM). 270: 'extinguish' *tup?: Hup? (J) (PMy) ; *tus- (V-H) (PU-A). 271. 'extinguish' *hilk-wina~: hi-wna (P, Ar) ; **we 'extinguish, clean' (POM), kuwi 'to clean' (Ch, OM) ; kwina-na (Cav, Tac). 272. 'eye' *yi-ha-lVe: *yi-ha-ki-re (PAr), yhale (PAr) ; ihallii (Bo). 273. 'eye' *(ch)uhki: *ogi (PAr) ; Puk-tuL (Nt, G) ; chuhki (Cp, My). 274. 'eye' *kape: kap (Gmb) ; *kape-a (PTuc). 275. 'eye' *a-yäko-xa: kuk (Api, Ge) ; aya (Cp, My) ; e-ko-xa (Ese, Tac) ; *yäko (PTuc) ; ako (Perea) (Taino). 276. 'eye, face' *-si-: ooSi- (Mot) - *oosi (Pre Mot, Chib) ; *sit (PMy) ; *punsi (V-H) (PU-A). 277. 'eye, face' *wutß: etfut (Gyb, Gb) ; wul (At, G) ; wut (Jic, H) ; *wut (J) (PMy) ; wal (H, My). The / in Gyb is due to the contiguous voiceless consonant in Gyb, following vowel loss. 278. 'eye, face' *no-f(aa)y: *-anowa~y- (Ha) (PA) ; psnobe (Cam) ; no (Api, Ge) ; nahui jnawij (R) (Q) ; uiAi (Wit). 279. 'fall' *pulo: -polo 'fall in quantity' (P, Ar) ; pul (J, My). 280. 'fall' *i-pa-hajki: hi-pha- (P) < - *i-pVha (Pre P, Ar) ; ipax- (Tz, My) ; *pakt (PPan) ; pakaka (Cav, Tac). 281.'fall' *(e)akhi-: -xi-roja (Ρ) ^ *-ki-roja (Pre P, Ar); dkitehi (Bo); akhidini (Kog, Chib) ; ea-ke (Des, Tue). 282. 'fan' vb. *paya-: *paya- (PPan) ; pei (Cav, Tac). 283. 'far' *yapa: yapa 'much' (Cam) ; yap (Gmb) ; yapa- (R) (Q) 'to add a bit additional in selling'. 284.'far' *ähyu-V : *(w)ä-yu (PAr); ahuen (Chib); *tahi (PGb) ; xu? probably \hyu?\ (Paez) ; *Yoa (PTuc) ; hika (Wit). 286. 'fat' *poniko: poniko 'rich' (P, Ar) ; ponik (Jic, H). 287.'fat' *wi-la-: *wilenwi (Ha : M) (PA); huira jwiraj (R) (Q) ; *wi(V-H) (PU-A). 288. 'father' *apa-: *ajp-apa-ti (PAr) ; *papa (PPan) ; *a-pai-N (PT-G) ; *pa(P)-ki (PTuc).

TOWARD PROTO

AMERINDIAN

57

The possibility that this is a loan is strengthened by the reflex *papa (PPan) corresponding to papa (Spanish) in Spanish speaking countries, and *a-pai-N (PT-G) corresponding to pai (Portuguese) in Brazil and adjacent countries. Nevertheless I have included the set, taking the existence of forms like *pati (PAr) and *pa(Ρ)-ki (PTuc) as evidence of an Amerindian form that was affected but not replaced by the Indo-European. 289. 'father' *-aka-: *(ρ)άχα (PGb) ; Pdkah (Krk, H). 290. 'father' *ta(i)ta: taitä (Cam) ; *(ha-)tai-(kY-)ta (PChib) ; tata 'chief' (Gmb) ; täl (Wal, Η) ; tat (J) (PMy) ; **(Y)ta(h) (POM); tata (Paez) ; taita (R) (Q) ; Hata (PTac). 291. 'father' *asi-: aSii (Gr) · (PMy) ; cic (Paez). 331. 'flower' *-Sa-: -sa (Cam) ; sisa (R) (Q) ; *Sa$a (PTac). 332. 'flower' *-iwa-: *ka-howäi- (PAr) ; ο (Gmb) ; oa (PPan) ; *iwa-pu-ti-ra (PT-G). 333. 'flower' Ho-tu: *totu- (PChib) ; *-ma-to-N0-to (PGb). 334. 'fly' n. HpHSa: ibsa (Chib) ; fiS (Paez).

TOWARD PEOTO

AMERINDIAN

59

335. 'fly' n. *?ay-erY- : *-erY-to (PAr) ; ?eya (Tn, G) ; ayer (Yana, H). 336. 'fly' n. *-beru: *mapi-ri (PAr) ; bere-bere (Tac) ; *N-beru (PT-G). 337. 'fly' vb. *-ala-ya-: *ala-ka-na\wa (PAr) ; ^alayar (Gmb) ; lay (Cp). The Tn (G) word is nara, which is not included as a cognate because the Gmb and Tn do not correspond. See *tolu 'round'. 338. 'fly' vb. *p?Y(y)ua: ho-ngephua (Cam) ; pxu probably jpyuj (Paez). 339. 'fly' vb. *nuHa-: *no[yaJ- (PPan) ; *nitt (PU-A). 340. 'fly' vb. *fe-M-l-: bahbil (Yana, H) ; *wihl-el (J) (PMy). 341. 'foot' *-u-Pa-r-: *hi-i-pa (PAr) ; *Pori-ke 'thigh' (PAr), tpali 'thigh' (P) *tpari (Pre P, Ar) ; Πορα-thäi 'thigh' (PGb) ; par (Api, Ge) ; -pdr 'leg' (Wal, Η) ; *-pi- (PT-G) ; *gio-bo, HiPpo (PTuc) ; eüba (Wit). The PAr *o probably resulted from the morphophonemic w *P in C and Ap (Ar). 342. 'forehead' *-mata-: motokä'ni (Β, A) (Ha) ; -mata-boko-to 'head' (Gb) ; maHVi2 (Cn, OM) ; e-mata (Tac). 343. 'forehead' *-pali-: *ta-pa-tha (PGb) ; kappali (Gmb) ; pa 'head' (Chon, Η), αρά (Waik, H), pola (Ton, Η) ; ραΐαη (J) (PMy) ; *ρά 'head' (PS). 344. 'four' *pu§i: pusaj jptisahj 'eight' (R) (Q), puSi (F) (Haqe-Aru, Q) ; poSi (Tac). 345. 'four' *ma(n)ku: *ma-ka-ya (PChib) ; manku (Tn, G). pakpik (Cp, My) may also be cognate, in which case the vowel of the initial syllable is probably nasal. See Section 2.5 'four'. See also conditioning of PTuc and P H a r reflexes of *m and *b, Section 4.4 and 6.8.4. 346. 'four' *bYtiti-: batitiko (Mot, Chib) ; bitithia-ro (Gn, Tue). 347. 'four' *painY- : bainöa-ka (Pia) •«— painoa-ka (Pre Pia, Ar) ; peneydnci (Gb). 348. 'fox' *wa-kewe-: *wa-kwehsa (Ha) (PA) ; kew-ne-iro, kewe 'dog' (P, Ar). 349. 'freeze' *-o?airo?i: oPairoH (Guar-Bol, T-G) ; woe? (Tac). 350. 'fruit' *-o-ba-: oba (Chib) ; *bobo-kui (PGb) ; Hob- (J) (PMy) ; **(P)wa(H)2 'plum, peach, potato, orange . . .' (POM). 351. 'fruit' *saani-yü-: *sani-yu-da 'seed' (PChib) ; yun (Paez) ; muyu (R) (Q) ; *h\sa?i-N-ija (PT-G) ; Yuki-dika (PTuc). The final morpheme of PT-G may not be cognate with the protomorpheme *-yu. PT-G *j is the regular reflex for PAm *y, but no explanation of the vowel change is apparent. 352. 'full' *pira-: pirate (Gr, Ar) ; pir (Wal, Η). 353. 'full' *-ceepo: *te'p 'enough' (Ha) (PA) ; ka-tsepo (P) *ka-cepo (Pre P, Ar). 354. 'fur' *ije-ena: icina (Pia) *ijina (Pre Pia, Ar) ; iheene (Bo) ; *-na-i (PGb) ; na (Ese) — *na (Pre Ese, Tac). 356. 'fur' *khasi-: khas (Paez) ; gasi-ri (Des, Tue).

60

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

357. 'give' *ki-: dcihi jdkihil (Bo) ; k u ψ (Api, Ge) ; ököa-ue impv. (Kar, Pan) ; ku (GE) (Q) ; *k-gu (PS) ; -ki- (Itonama). 358. 'give' *ahki)a-ma-: alcau-wi (Kog, Chib) ; gamaa (Yana, H) ; *ahkP'give, put, leave' (J) (PMy) ; akh 'put' (Paez) ; *maska (PU-A). 359. 'give' HPdai-: Piday-na (Mot, Chib) ; iPde (Wit). 360. 'go' *hajiyaa-wa-pajnojna: *pye'wa 'he comes', *pyaa-ta 'come' (Ha) (PA) ; *y\ha-wa-no (PAr) ; hana (Cam) ; yaka 'come back' (Tn, G) ; yam (Wal, Η), να 'come' (Wal, Η) ; **nya (PCM, OM), *pa,\*ma\*wa (POP, OM) ; *waPa (PTuc) ; *yahis(pa) (V-H) (PU-A). 361. 'go' *po-nalCi: ye-poni-kawa (Pia, Ar) ; *pona, (P, Gb) ; poi 'come back' (Api, Ge) ; wawpana 'go ahead', purina 'go about' (R) (Q) ; *po-ti (PTac). 362. 'go' *-ohJca: *kha-ha-rN 'come' (PAr) ; Paka 'go in' (Tn, G) ; kato (Api, Ge) ; **ohk (0) (PMy-Cp) ; ka- (Cliac, Pan) ; kwa (Cav) *ka (Pre Cav, Tac). 363. 'go' He-na: rina (R) (Q) ; *re- (PS). 364. 'go' *yuh: yuh 'come' (Paez) ; -nu (Guar-Bol) -)i: putsi jpiltij (Kog, Chib) ; pace (H)-)a: yo-Smaka (P, Ar) ; **mahk^ (0) (PMy-Cp). 675. 'rabbit' *(k)wa-lo: walo (P, Ar) ; **kwa (POM), lo31kwa3 (0, Cn, OM). 676. 'rain' *ni-ka: *neka (PAr) ; nika-da (Kog, Chib) ; ne(?)i (Cav, Tac). 677. 'rain' *o\haba: ooba (Chon, H) ; *hab-al\r (J) (PMy). 678. 'rainbow' *ko-si-yu-hi-ma-til$i: *kisi (PP-Ap, Ar) ; *tu-kwa-mai(PChib), kumdisa (Kog, Chib) ; kosuyuwiSi, kosuwiihi (Tn, G) ; kiSimpiti (Gmb) ; **Sehk (0) (PMy-Cp), kumdri (Cp, My) ; kxtüs (Paez) — *ko-hi-yuti(-ma)-si (Pre Paez). No attempt is made to account for vowel alternations in this word because of the extreme variation in order. 679. 'red' *se-ri\ru-ni: -sero- (Ρ) *-seru- (Pre P, Ar) ; **(n)sii\a (POM), 3 *si -lsa-ne (PP, OM) ; *si-ri 'yellow' (PS) ; -suru 'ripe' (Tac). 680. 'red' *si-ta: iL· (Gr) ι - *iso (Pre Gr, Ar) ; atsuSi (Kog) *atasiisi (Pre Kog, Chib) ; *tsobia — Hasobia (PGb) ; *sü?-äjyö (PTuc) ; *sita (V-H) (PU-A). 681. 'red' *fa-wa-nV-ka: buaygana (Cam) -(Yana, H) ; **(n)kwa(i>) (POM), mbaha (Mazahua, OM). 682. 'red' *irä-i-nY : *hajki-ira-a-rVni (PAr) ; atiran 'yellow' (Chib) *atidon (Pre Chib) ; dherena (Tac) ; *pi-tajra-ni-ga (PT-G), eirei (Sir, T-G) ; Mairede (Wit). 684. 'right (side)' HSe-: tiriSi (Τη, G) ; isii- (Yana, H) ; Sew (Cp, My). 685.'right (side)' *boti-: poti-ko (Ρ) ^ *boti-ko (Pre Ρ, Ar); boto-bise (Gn, Tue). 686. 'right' *p\bats?u: *bats^P- (J) (PMy) ; pdeu (Paez). The bilabial stops pose a problem for which a solution has not yet been found. Cf. 140 'call', 521 'maguey', and 937 > h e n ' . 687. 'ripe' *-si\i: sini (Gmb) ; sii (Yana, H) ; *kwausi — i (V-H) (PU-A). 688. 'ripe' *tuli-: U-tli-ta 'be ripe' (P) *hi-tVli-ta (Pre P, Ar) ; tul-an (Tz, My). 689.'river' *(w)VriV : *hu-we-niji-Jia (PAr), hina 'rain' (P, Ar); nina (Kog, Chib) ; p-ena-ha-to (Gb) ; ?ani (Chac, Pan) ; ena-baki (Tac). Notice that the morpheme(s) of set 689 occur in the following sets of 'river' cognates. 690. 'river' *tiya: *Siya (J) (PMy) ; *zia-wa (PTuc). 691. 'river' *a-po-ha: *svpo'w-i (Ha) (PA), *a~po 'water' (Ha) (PA) ; hap(o)-ha (P, Ar) ; *pa(h)ni (PM, G) ; pe-ipo-mene (Gb) ; puhu (Cp, My) ; puhu (Guar-Bol, T-G) ; abo (Perea) (Taino).

77

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

692. 'river' *-ma-: *mene- ->-- *mani (PGb) ; pimdy (Grab) ; mayu (F) (Q of Cuzco). 693. 'river' *parY- ; *para-rajwa 'sea' (PAr) ; porampik (Gmb) ^ *parompik (Pre Gmb) ; paro (PPan) ; *parana-hua (PT-G) ; biki-pari-ro (Gn, Tue) ; parau (Vivanco) (Pemon). 694. 'rock, stone' *iiixa-w-: *$vkwan(Ha) (PA) ; Mko) -al (0) (PMy-Cp).

78

TOWARD PROTO AMERINDIAN

708. 'rotten' *yVt?a-: yota (Tn, G) ; yuPgala (Yana, H) ; **ya (POM). 709. 'rotten' *pu-sa-rV : po-si-ri (P) *pu-sa-ri (Pre P, Ar) ; buxsun (Mot) -e- *pus-sa-da (Pre Mot, Chib) ; sa (Wal, Η) ; *mpo-s 'dirty, bad' (POP, OM). 710. 'rotten' *fawa: ibadai-kawa (Pia) - 0) ; Arhuaco (11), Motilon (11). Nasalization (of consonants or vowels) shows up in the same way in Chibcha (41) ; Tunebo (63, 68) ; Kogi (33, 38, 39, 40, 73, 80, 81a) ; Arhuaco (20, 46, 50, 64, 69) ; Marocacero (9, 20, 29, 53) ; Motilon (22, 25, 80, 83). Conditioning of either of the above types often appears in particular examples of an attested language, but with no evidence as to what morpheme should be reconstructed. In these cases I reconstruct *-CV (designating a particular vowel) to suggest the influence for vowel harmony, and *N to represent a morpheme with some element

97

PKOTO CHIBCHAN

of nasalization, probably a consonant m or n, as the conditioning factor most particularly in cases where *b m and *d -»- n, but also where *V ->• V. Evidence for such conditioning is present in 22 and 25 (see Motilon) ; 33 (see Kogi); 38 (compare Chibcha and Kogi). Evidence for determining the grammatical position of the pro to morpheme designated *N is lacking. Where there is no doubt I have reconstructed a particular nasal consonant plus vowel as a morpheme in its proper grammatical sequence. Grammatical order of morphemes is inverse of that of the other examples of a set in a number of cases, particularly in Motilon (5, 13, 16, 32, 35b, 53, 57, 68, 69a, 70, 80, 82, 87), but noted also in Chibcha (29), Kogi (13, 34), Arhuaco (16), and Marocacero (16, 40, 53). Occurrence of this pattern is indicated in the particular set in Section 5. Since a great deal of material on Chibchan morphology is yet to be gathered, a detailed analysis of the system will be left for a later time. However, variations in morpheme combination in the daughter languages bear an important influence on the phonological shape of lexical items shown here as members of cognate sets. 2.2 THE PHONEMES OF PROTO CHIBCHAN (p) b

t d

s w m

k g

e

kw gw

c

h y

η i

u e

ο a

Stress occurs as phonemic in all the daughter languages, but its origin is yet to be determined. 2.3 PHONEME R E F L E X E S IN THE DAUGHTER LANGUAGES

Proto Chibchan Chibcha Tunebo Kogi Arhuaco Marocacero Motilön

*(p) — — — — —

*t t t t t t t, d

*k k k k, g k, g k, g

k

*kw ku kw ku ku kw ko

*b b b b b m b, m

Η η r d r I, η d, r

*g g

0

g, k g

—

b gu — —

0

—

98

Proto Chibchan Chibcha Tunebo Kogi Arhuaco Marocacero Motilon

Proto Chibchan Chibcha Tunebo Kogi Arhuaco Marocacero Motilon Proto Chibchan Chibcha Tunebo Kogi Arhuaco Marocacero Motilon

PROTO CHI ECHAN

s, h

*s

*c V c

s s, c, h s, Ich s, ts S,

X,

*s(V)n

*c

*h h

w, 0

s

s(z) V c

h, 0

w

s V c

s

h, 0

w

s

0

w, wu

—

—

—

w

—

0

b

—

*»(V)e

*s(V)d

sV

VsV, r

-

hVn

n, riV,

—

*m

*y 0 y,0 y,0 y,0 —

y

n, 0

b

n, r, 0

m

n, 0

m

η

—

η

b

η

*s(V)y

*n(Y)y

—

s,sV

—

r

—

sV, ζ

z, zVz

riVs

*n

m

*d(V)s

nh

—

sYn

*w

*d(\)y —

r

rV -

dV

dz,

—

—

—

—

z\y

- -

rV

—

—

—

—

—

IV

—

du

—

Vs

dz —

—

*i

*e

*u

*o

i

e

*•a a

u

0

%

a

a

u

i

a

a

u

i

a

a

u

i

a

a

•u

i

a

a

u

—

*ai

*au

*ue

ai, i, a

u, e

—

—

—

ai, a, e

u

—

—

—

ai, a

an

—

a

—

—

—

a

—

—

—

a

a

a

0 —

0

2.4 C O N D I T I O N I N G O F P H O N E M E

ai, a

*ua

ua

REFLEXES

In statements on conditioning (V) indicates that the proto vowel is lost in the daughter language(s) under consideration. Environments are those of the proto language except in the case of stress, which is peculiar to each of the given languages and has not been reconstructed. 2.4.1

Consonants

Certain sequences of consonants have varying reflexes in the daughter languages under conditions of stress and vowel loss. The sequences under cons i d e r a t i o n a r e *s(V)n,

*n(V)s,

*eZ(V)a, *s(V)y,

*n(V)y,

a n d *d(V)y.

The quantity

PROTO CHIBCHAN

99

of data is insufficient to show a strong pattern in any one of the languages, but examples are presented here to demonstrate special cases of development apart from those of the individual phonemes per se. *s(V)n

*s{Y)d *n(Y)s

*d(Y)s

*s(Y)y

*n(Y)y *d(Y)y *C

•->• hVjsV (Chib) 6, 33 (See treatment under *s). sYn (Tun) 33 hYn (Kog) 53 d1J (Mot) 56 nh (Chib) 13 -->· V.s stress on initial vowel (Tun) 37 ; rY ; stress on second vowel 5 , 7 . ··+ nYs (Kog) 37 ; nY 5 ; η 7. Conditioning undetermined. ^ 2 (Arh) 63 r (Tun) 87 ->· zYz (Kog) 1, 26 ; — ζ 87. Conditioning undetermined. -> Ys (Mot) 1 -->• sY (Chib) 39, 81a ; — s 72. Conditioning undetermined. -> sY (Kog) 72 ; ζ 64. Conditioning undetermined. >- zYy (Arh) 64 ; —> dz 72. Conditioning undetermined. — dz (Mar) 72. r (Tun) 64 rY (Tun, Arh) 81b ; - dY (Kog) 81b ; IV (Mar) 81b.

*(p) is absent in all languages except Chibcha and Kogi, for which no correspondences are available. Chibcha ρ before voiceless consonant usually corresponds to b in other languages and is reconstructed *b. The remaining occurrences in both Chibcha and Kogi are very few in number. The evidence for including *p as a proto phoneme is structural patterning plus the occurrence of the phoneme in two corresponding forms of Cayapa and Colorado (8, 21b). Π - > d I C - (Mot) 21a, 57, 63 - t 11, 15, 31, 67, 70 *k • g J - C (Mot) 54, 68 • k 6, 10, 16, 17, 24, 25, 31, 40, 47, 48, 53, 55. kjg problem in Kogi, Arhuaco, and Marocacero is mentioned in the introduction under the particular languages. *kw —>- g (Arh) 65 with no evidence for conditioning. • ko j φΐ= — G (Arh, Mar) 77, in this example only. - ku (Chib, Kog, Arh) 16, 41, 57, 66, 69, 76.

100

PROTO CHIBCHAN ku under special cases of stress development herein undefined (Tun) 41, 77. -v kw (Tun, Mar) 57, 65. ->• ku (Mot) 26, 41, conditioning uncertain ; — k I Ctf - (V)C 5, 69a ; )fco 16, 57, 76, 77. *b -»-TO I — (*d ->• η) (Chib) 41. This example only. ·—TOI — Ν (Tun) 62, 68, only. (Kog) 4, 80, 83, only. (Arh) 20, 38, 68, only. (Mot) 80, 83, only. TO (Mar) 9, 20, 38, 68. -»· 2> I — (V)kw (Chib) 3, 5, 20, 66, 77. b 4, 9, 15, 28, 41, 45, 51, 82. *d — t I s(V) — (Tun) 60. — η I - Ν (Kog) 38, 39, 56, 73, 81a only. (Arh) 38, 40, 50, 69b, 79 only. (Mar) 40, 79 only. — η (Chib) 10, 13, 41 I (Mar) 10, 50, 61, 81b. r (Tun) 10, 41, 78, 81b — *g — ->· *gw -»·

d 43, 54, 78 (Mot [ d / r j ) .

0 (Tun, Mot) 22, 24, 62. g 17, 22, 24, 50. gu (Kog) 45 b (Tun) 45 *s — s | - (V)C (Chib) 14, 27, 69a. — h I - (V)C (Tun) 47. ->• cjS\ — i (Kog) 14, 27, 82, but not in cases of Η 0 30b, nor Ha — ai 33 ; ->- h \ # — (Kog) 36, 53, 72, 74. In 30, 68 initial morphemes were added at a later stage. — kh I — (V)k (Arh) 47, 61 (same morpheme) ; — t \ — (Y)t (Arh) 31. ts/S I — i (Mar) 30b, 40, but not in cases of *i ->• a 31. 6ji I — i (Mot) 6, 22, 59, 82, 86, but not in cases of Η ->- a 42. *s ^ 6 after vowel metathesis in 51 ; ->- $ \ *k ->- gf(V) — (Mot) 68 (*g 0, so I ßuggest *k here as the source rather than *g); x\ i — (Y)t (Mot) 31. s ~ h (Chib). The environment V—V shows h in all cases except 'there' (74) : 6, 13, 31, 41, 47, 59, 61. The environment shows a predominance of s : 39, 53, 54, 68. See variant forms for 'bird' (7). -* s 6, 8, 27, 36, 37, 51, 69a.

PROTO CHIBCHAN

*c

*c

*h

*io

*y

*m *n

101

s (Tun, Kog) 11, 44. — c (Chib, Arh) 11, 31, 44, 59. Not attested in Mar and Mot. — s(z) (Chib) 2, 52. ->- 6 (Tun) 2, 23b, 52. ->- s (Kog, Arh) 2, 23b, 52. Arhuaco has 0 (Υ = interdental) varying with s and ss in 'ant' (2). I assume this variation to be subphonemic. h (Chib) 27, 46, 71. — h I C(V) —/- (V)C (Tun) 41, 48 ; -> 0 27, 46, 71. — 0| # - V C ^ (Kog) 27, 82, only ; — h 21a, 46, 55, 71. •->- 0 (Arh) 46. — A I — (V)e (Mot) 82 ; ->· 0 46, 71. 0 I u - (Chib) 7, 13. — wu I — V (Arh) 39, 56. -»· b (Mot) 26, 84. w, u 12, 18, 62, 78. — 0 (Chib) 39, 72, 81. ->- 0 (Tun) 75, 81b, only. — i I C(V) - (Kog) 72 ; _ 0 I y _ y s, 64, 81b. -- 0 I» - V (Arh) 59, 81b. ijy (Mot) 56, 59. i I - (V)C 32, 59, 76 ; -- y 8, 64, 72, 81a. — b (Tun, Mot) 32, 49, 75, 76. m 29, 69b -> η I a — e (Tun) 6, 22, 33 (same morpheme) ; r 14, 39, 56, 62, 73. V I— (Mot) 63, a speculation to account for the velar feature of the nasal consonant, -ν η 37, 53 Loss of *n occurs only in special consonant sequences. See above.

2.4.2 Vowels The proto vowel system with five emic tongue positions is reflected in the daughter languages along two different lines, from single vowels or from clusters of two vowels. Clusters originate most commonly from *VCV plus loss of consonant *gr, *w, *y or *h, and within special environments *s and *n. A few cases are results of *Yy Yi \ — (V)C. The true proto vowel cluster * W is affected heavily by loss of one member under conditions of

102

['KOTO CHI ECHAN

stress on adjacent syllable and by merger to a single vowel. Only a small amount of evidence remains for reconstructing the original cluster. Chibcha is the only language pointing to a five vowel system. Its e corresponds to a in all other languages. Tunebo has (e) as phonemic but its source is *ai. Kogi has an emic three vowel system, with allophones of f e j and [ai] for (ai) and [ i ] and [uaJ for (ua). Marocacero, although not phonemicized, suggests a system somewhat parallel to that of Kogi. The Arhuaco transcription has a larger inventory of vowels, but these are non-phonemic. Vinalesa's undefined e (a sound between i and e), possibly of the value i, together with e seem to result from vowel harmony. Motilon a is a descendant from *ai and also a result of vowel harmony. Vowel harmony accounts for Motilon i as well. Vowel harmony operates historically under definable patterns of direction : Chibcha and Tunebo vowel changes are conditioned generally by the following vowel. Vowel changes in the other languages are generally conditioned by the preceding vowel. These patterns do not operate throughout any of the languages, however, and circumstances under which they do operate have not been determined. Therefore, the environments stated apply only to the citations following the statement. Extensive vowel harmony is characteristic of many South American Indian language groups. See Proto Tucanoan, Proto Tupian and Proto Arawakan. Heavy patterns of vowel loss operate in all the languages under conditioning by stress on adjacent syllables. The vowel Η is most commonly affected, but, as in the case of vowel harmony, the patterns do not operate in every situation in each language and are restricted to the examples cited for each rule. A few examples show metathesis of vowels in adjacent syllables, but factors conditioning this change are not apparent. Motilon dominates the pattern (26, 35b, 41, 73, 82). Kogi attests one example (33). Vowel nasalization in Kogi (33), Marocacero (53), and Motilon (22, 25) is a result of conditioning by a nasal element in a neighboring morpheme, which may or may not be present in the actual language. See treatment under *N near the end of the introduction. Stress stated in the environments below is that of the particular language. Chibcha stress is hypothesized and not attested in Ortegon's data. Where neither vowel is marked, both are considered unstressed. Rules for reflex of clusters hold only for the examples cited. Environments are statable for Chibcha and Tunebo, but not for the other languages. *ai — i I V ^ / V i V j j (Chib) 6, 10, 13, 27, 31, 40, 61, 62, 71. Example 21b shows a or i in alternate forms. e I y i y 2 I V i y 2 (Tun) 15, 21a, 31, 44, 52, 59, 67, 74, 85, 86. - ai (Kog) 15, 21a, 30b, 36, 52, 60, 67, 74, 83, 86.

103

FROTO CHIBCHAN

*ay(a) *au

Ha *ua

-- i (Mar) 10, 31, 40, 47, 61. ·>- ai\ay | VjV2 (Mot) 21a, 40, 43, 59, 71, 83 ; 3V ^ a in all other cases, accounted for by the loss of *i. •->• a (Mot) 32, 76 (Same morpheme). u (Chib) 80 (u ο | — Ca); — e 66. — u (Tun) 80 au (Kog) 80 — a (Mot) 80 (a -- i | iC —). — e (Arh) 38. a in all other cases, accounted for by the loss of *i — a (Chib, Mot) 80. -> ua (Kog) 80.

38 ;

All other reconstructions of vowel clusters are reflected as either one or both vowels in the various languages, vowel loss being the major change taken place. Η — e I - Ce (Chib) 10 ; a | - (C)a 3, 9, 66, 86 ; • u j - Gu 31 ; - - 0 I C^(C) - 14, 15, 27, 31, 38, 42, 51, 58, 65, 67, 74 ; • 0 I — (C)V 3, 5, 41, 66 ; — 0 | - a 65, 72. -•> a I — Ca (Tun) 35a ; a \ — G(e ••->• a) 2 ; a \ (*e a) C - 9 ; - 0 I CV(C) - 6, 10, 36, 40, 47, 48, 51, 60, 62, 63, 71, 74 ; - - 0 I — (C)V 5, 8, 30b, 41, 60, 79 ; -> 0 | - ä 33, 46. — u | tiC - (Kog) 53 ; — 0 1 CV(C) - 3, 8, 10, 13, 30b, 31, 35b, 40, 43, 47, 61, 62, 69b, 71 ; — 0 | — (C)V 7, 26, 30b, 59, 79 ; — 0 I — a 46, 65. — 0 I ΟΫ(Ο) - (Arh) 3, 25, 31, 40, 44, 47, 61, 62, 69b ; — 0 | — (C)V 33, 79. — 0 Ctf(C) - (Mar) 30b ; — 0 | - (C)V 33, 64, 79. — a I oC - (Mot) 42 ; — i | (*wa — o)C - 77 ; — 0 | C^(C) 6, 10, 13, 25, 31, 36, 60, 63, 74, 85, 86 ; — 0 | — (C)V 46, 60, 79 — i (e.g.) 2, 9, 17, 39, 45, 51, 59, 81, 83, 84 *e — 0 I C^(C) - (Chib) 13, 79; e (e.g.) 2, 6, 7, 9, 10, 75, 81a. —>- i (Tun) conditioning undetermined 4 1 ; 0\u — C 11, 41 'head louse'. — i I u - (Kog) 41 ; — 0 | u - C 11. — e I iC - (Arh) 2 ; > e \ aC — 33, 40, 49 (a — *e), 50 ; — i | i C — 39 ; — 0 I u — 41. — u 1 uC - (Mot) 35b, 78 ; — 0 | u - C 41 ; — 0 | 0Ϋ(0) — 56. — a (e.g.) 2, 6, 7, 9, 75. i I __ Ci (Chib) 29 ; 0 | CV(C) - 20, 56 ; — 0 | - Ϋ 10, 13, 27, 40, 47, 59, 61, 62, 71, 72, 74, 85 (See also *ai). 0 I C^(C) - (Tun) 35a, 63.

104

PROTO CHIBCHAN

-

*u — * -

*o —•

i\iC(Kog) 45, 71 ; — 0 | i - C 19 ; — 0 | Ctf(C) - 24, 29, 32, 38, 55, 72, 76 ; 0 | - V / - (*y — i) 44, 72. e I - » (Arh) 44, 57, 72 ; — e \ wC - 16, 68 (*u — o); e\w - 39, 56 ; — u | uC - 63 ; — 0 | C^(C) - 29, 76 ; — 0 | Ϋ 72. u I itC — (Mar) 53 ; — i | Ci (Mar) 61 (Compare 47) ; •->· 0 | — Ϋ 72. i\iC~ (Mot) 1, 80 ; -> a I tC - 15 ; 0 | - Cu 70 ; 0 | Ctf(C) - 16, 37, 53, 63, 75, 76 ; 0 | - V 31, 83. a (e.g.) 3, 8, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 24, 48, 51, 54, 83. ο I aC — (Chib) 58 ; - ο ~ u | # - 20 ; — a | - Ca 53 ; — 0 I - a 80 ; 0 | - V 75. ο I - Ca (Tun) 12, 34 ; 0 | - Ϋ 75. 0 I — V (Kog) 29, 49, 75. ο I - Ca (Arh) 68 ; - e | aC - 31 ; - 0 | - Ϋ 29, 49, 75. ο I — Ca (Mar) 30b ; 0 | — Ϋ 29. ο I — Co (Mot) 58 ; - t | iC - 53 ; , ο | (* w a - oJC(V)C 58 ; -> ο I aCC — 54 ; — ο | - Ca 16, 34 ; 0 | CVC - 16, 35b, 80, 82 ; — 0 | — Ϋ 75. it (e.g.) 4, 5, 7, 35b, 63, 64, 70, 73. « I - C» (Chib) 30a ; 0 | C^C - 69a. ο (e.g.) 23a, 42, 84.

Some miscellaneous vowel changes involve the labial element *kw plus V(V). *wa *wia

e I aC — (Arh) 26. ο 0 I CV(C) (Mot) 5, 69a. — ο I — Va (Arh) 65.

2.5 INDEX OF COGNATE SETS

Those parte of forms in roman type do not figure in the reconstruction. 1. 'abdomen' *disa: ziza (Kog), Pi&i (Mot). 2. 'ant' *ice: ize (Chib), άία (Tun), isa (Kog), ise-, isse, iQe (Arh). 3. 'arm' *bi-kwij(-de)-(N)-ka: pkuaka (Chib), kwlka (Tun), gü-da (Kog), guneg&ka (Arh), ia'sa (Mot). See also 'shoulder'. 4. 'ash' *bu-N-: bti-ra (Tun), rawdi (Kog), 6wnzaga (Arh). 5. 'bat' *ni-su-bi-kwa: supkua (Chib), räku-ra (Tun), niuizi (Kog), darokbi 'bird' (Mot), supa (Cay, Col).

PROTO CHIBCHAN

105

6. 'beard' *kai-j(wa-)-(ga)-si-ne: kihie (Chib), kdna-ra (Tun), wasd (Kog), kagaci- (Mot).-«, 7. 'bird' *ni-su-we: sue, hue (Chib), rikmsira (Tun), nuwä (Kog), suii (Mar). 8. 'black' *(p)aba-ki-su-ye: baksöya (Tun), abäksua (Kog), baa (Mot), paba (Cay, Col). 9. 'blood' *ebi: eba (Chib) *ebi-Ca (Pre Chib), aba (Tun), dbi (Kog), aamdrft (Mar), paabi- (Mot). 10.'bone' *kai-de: kine, ken(e) (Chib), kdra-ra (Tun), zada kada (Kog), kikila (Mar), kara-ra (Mot). 11. 'breast' *6ue-ta: 6ue 'breast', cu6i 'suck' (Chib), sutd (Tun), sitmi (Kog), tu (Arh), tu- (Mot). 12. 'brush, woods' *(bu)-wa: wa (Chib), bowa-ra (Tun). 13. 'chin' *kai-de-su-wa: kinhua (Chib), teha-ra (Tun), wäzu-kada (Kog), daka (Mot). 14. 'come' *na-ki-si-: zexifekua (Chib), rawi- (Tun), naSi (Kog), ndkan (Arh), ki- (Mot). 15. 'corn' *a-(ta)-i-ba: atiba, aba (Chib), eba (Tun), dibi (Kog), ?irok6a (Mot). 16. 'ear' *ku-(su)-kaj-kwa: kuhuka (Chib), kukah& (Tun), kuka (Kog), Mkue (Arh), kikwd (Mar), koMi (Mot). 17. 'earth' *ka-gi: gi (Chib), Mk& (Tun), kagi (Kog), kda (Arh). 18. 'edge (noun inflection)' *-wa: xiewa 'lake', niwa 'salt' (assumed because salt deposits are found along the edge of a swamp), kinhwa 'chin' (Chib) ; niwa 'swamp', wa-zu 'chin' (Kog) ; r iwa 'lake', rauwa 'salt' (Tun). 19. 'eight' *abia: dbia (Tun), dbigua (Kog). 20. 'eye' *uba-N-(kwa): opkua, upkua (Chib) ; uba (Tun) ; uba (Kog) ; time (Arh) ; ttma (Mar). 21. 'father' (a) *(ha-)tai-(kV-)ta: teta (Tun), hdtai (Kog), taygda (Mot) ; (b) *pa(-bai): paba, pabi (Chib), ?dpa (Cay, Col). See also 'mother'. 22. 'feather' *ga-ne-jka-\da-(si): gaka (Chib), ana-rd (Tun), gada (Kog),Pä6i (Mot) *ga-(ne)-si (Pre Mot). 23.'fingernail' (a) *ko-: £oha (Chib), kome (Arh) ; (b) *cu-: Uka (Tun), kaisMma (Kog) *ka-t(a)-su-ma (Pre Kog). 24. 'fire' *guka: oka (Tun), guk-sSi (Kog). 25. 'firewood' *kie-di-N: kan (Arh), kää- (Mot). See also 'tree'. 26. 'fish' *wa-di-su-kwa: wa (Chib), zizu (Kog), wdka (Mar), wdM (Arh), baSiku (Mot) -· i \iC —, *i-sa-mi.

81. 'water, liquid' (a) *si-di-(N)-ye: sie (Chib), riPya (Tun), ni (Kog), ye (Arh), Simo (Mot) ; (b) *di-ye: suta-riPa 'milk' (Tun) ; kaka-dia 'saliva', aibidia 'corn drink' (Kog) ; kakhkana 'saliva' (Arh), kikiΙ-'ά 'saliva' (Mar). The two forms are in contrast but undoubtedly have the same origin in Pre Chibchan. I consider the (b) set of the earliest origin with loss of *y in each language. Tunebo with intercalated Ρ loses the final a before another consonant as shown in bdPa 'thou' (75) versus baPtota 'thy bow'. In order to make a distinction between liquid in general and water, a later -ya *- *ye suffix on riPa resulted in riPya of set (a). Also a more recent development is the addition of a morpheme containing a nasal element, reconstructed *N, as attested in Kogi, and possibly Motilön. 82. 'white' *ha-bu-(nY)-si: abüci (Kog), bunsi (Arh), bahci- (Mot) si: *a - u; *u 0 | C^C — ; — 6 | — i (Pre Mot). 83. 'who' *(a)-ύαϊ-Ή : πιάί (Kog) ; Pamay, Pami (Mot).

*bu-ha-

84. 'wife' *m-: wisa, wi (Chib), wiya (Tun), bio- (Mot). 85. 'wind' *sai-: fiwa (Chib), seroa (Tun), saba (Mot). 86. 'wing' *ai-si-gi-ka-(ta):

gaka (Chib), ikta-ra (Tun), *ai-ka-ta (Pre Tun),

aigi Mda (Kog) See 'bone', aci (Mot). 87. 'worm' *dV-si-ma: rimja, (Tun), zi (Kog), si (Arh), Pai&raba (Mot).

3. PROTO MAYAN

FRANCES L. JACKSON

3.1 INTRODUCTION

The Proto Mayan reconstructions presented here are based on linguistic evidence from twenty-one languages. The data on Guatemalan languages are taken from Languages of Guatemala, Marvin K . Mayers (ed.), (1966) ; those on Mexican languages as follows : Marianna C. Slocum and Florence Gerdel, Vocabulario Tzeltal de Bachajon (1965) ; Marianna C. Slocum, Vocabulario Tzeltal-Espanol (Oxchuc dialect) (1953) ; Colin Delgaty, Vocabulario Tzotzil de San Andres (1964) ; Ray Larson, Vocabulario Huasteco (1955). Choi and Chontal represent more fragmentary information gleaned from various sources; the Chontal, primarily from Kathryn C. Keller, The Phonemes of Chontal (Mayan) (1959), and Kathryn C. Keller, The Chontal (Mayan) Numeral System (1955) ; the Choi and Lacandon, from field notes offered informally by various colleagues ; Tojolabal data are from field notes taken by Julia Supple and myself in Jotana (Comitan), Chiapas, Mexico, during the period 1950—57. The material I have at hand is limited. The remainder of the material is that which Ronald Olson has collected in his article, "Mayan Affinities with Chipaya of Bolivia", I, II, IJAL (1964, 1965). The purpose of this paper is to provide Proto Mayan reconstructions for comparison with other Amerindian languages in this volume, expanding the list begun by Olson. I t has not been my purpose to establish another set of proto phonemes. Rather I have followed Olson, modifying his set to some degree by stating conditioning required by further data not utilized by him. The Proto Mayan phonemes and their reflexes as set up by Olson1 are as follows : 1

I have used the abbreviations as used by Olson as follows: A — Achi, Ag — Aguacateco, C — Cakehiquel, Ch — Chuj, Chi — Chol, Chr — Chorti, Cp — Chipaya, Π — Haustec, I — Ixil, J — Jaoalteo, Κ — Kekchi, Μ — Maya of Yucatan, Mm — Mam, Mop — Mopan-Maya, Ρ — Pocomchi, P m — Pocomam, PMy — Proto Mayan, PMyCp — Proto Mayan Chipaya, Tz — Tzeltal, Tzo — Tzotsil.

110

PROTO MAYAN

PMy A Ag C Ch Chi Chr Η I J Κ Μ Mm Mop Ρ Pm Tz Q PMy A Ag C Ch Chi Chr Η I J Κ Μ Mm Mop Ρ Pm Tz Q PMy A Ag C

•fp

c V c, c c c c c θ c, ξ c, ξ c V c c, c c c c c *8 s, g s S, g

*p

'δ

Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ

b b b b b b b b b b b b b b b b b

*Ρ

*c c

*t C,g c V c t t t t

c t V c V c

c, t V c

c

w

t

c

w

*P Ρ Ρ V Ρ, Ρ c c, Ρ Ρ c Ρ V V cΡ c c V Ρ Ρ c V Ρ c t? C, tP, Ρ C, ξ P, Ρ SP, Ρ c Ρ V Ρ, ξΡ c C, Ρ V Ρ Ρ c V cP, Ρ c Ρ V Ρ Ρ, Ρ C, c Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ *g g g S

c V c V c V c

g f, g l s

cP Ρ Ρ Ρ *h h h h

t? tP tP Ρ tP Ρ Ρ, t? Ρ

t, c t V c t, c t V c t, c

rJ> Ρ Ρ Ρ *k k k k c V c V c c k, c k k k k k k V c k *hw w h w

η? t? Ρ

*t t c t t, c

Ψ Ρ Ρ Ρ tP

Ρ Ρ Ρ ρ Ρ

ρ tρ ρ ρ

l t l t *k? h k?,g k:> c, Ρ δ, Ρ V V A c, Ρ Ρ k? k?,g W,g

k? kΡ c, Ρ k? *x

h h h

*k k k k c k V c k k c, k k k c, k k k k k

*k?

*P Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ

Θ, t c c c, s V , c, c, t c c c, s c c, s c

c, Ρ Ρ, 6 Ρ Ρ Ρ, Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ

*k

Μ k:> k9 Ρ kΡ Ρ kP kP kP kP kP kP

i k, lc

kP kP kP kP

k k k

*xw ιυ h w

*c c c c c c c

Ρ Ρ Ρ

k k k k k k,h k, χ k, k k k, k

¥

*m m m m, b

ψ> kP, kP kP, Ρ, ki kP kP kP lcP kP, kP,' JcP, k3 kP, Ρ lcP kP kP kP kP *n η η η

111

PROTO MAYAN

Ch Chi Chr Η I J Κ Μ Mm Mop Ρ Pm Tz Q PMy A Ag C Ch Chi Chr Η I J Κ Μ Mm Mop Ρ Pm Tz Q

s s s θ s s s s s, 8 s s, 8 s s s, 8

*V h h V

8 8 8 θ/ί 8 8, s 8 8

η ι ι l l,r

η

r

h h

I I I I I I I

V

h n, h X X

η h

8

h

8 h V 8 h h 8, 8, & 8 h 8 h y h 8, ?, s s h 8 s 8 h h 8 8 8, s h 8 8 h 8

I

X

h

l,r

I I, r I

*r r r, r

y y y yV c

y r

w

y

r r

y r

w w

h w

h h h h h X X

h h h w

y y w y w y w y W, TO y w y w, b y w y

h h h w

Ρ Ρ Ρ

w X

Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ

TO TO TO

,.9

TO TO

3

w

h h h, hw h

*w •y w y IV y w, m y w y w y IV y w, 0 y w y w

c

h h h

h h

Hfl

m

TO,

X

X

X

X

h h

h IV

*α α

*0

e, i

0 0 0

i, u i, u i

e

α

e, i

α

i, e

e

e

a, α

i

e

α

i, e i

e

α α

i, e

e

e

i

e

i, u i i

e

i> e

e,

e

e,

i,

α α α α α

e e

i i

α α

i i

e,

*t

HP

*c

tP

c

e

α i

α

w

TO,

Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ

*i i

η η η

TO

TO, TO,

,b

, n, ρ ,η

TO TO

0

0 0 0, u

0 0 0 0, u 0

0 0 0 0 0

η, y η, ι η η η η,

ι

η

η, ι η η

η, ι

*« u u U U U U U U U U U U

U U U

U U

I add the following reflexes :2 PMy Chon Lac

*p

*pP

*b

*jE

*tp

ρ

b

6

t

ρ

b

t

c

*cΡ

*c

cP

c c

2 I n addition I have used the following abbreviations for the languages in which ] have added reflexes: Chon — Chontal of Tabasco (Mayan), Lac — Lacandon, Toj — Tojolabal.

112

PROTO MAYAN

Toj Tzo Tz Chi

Ρ V

P pp pp b

b b

t t

tP tP

t t

*cP cP

*c c

*cP V c kP cP SP

*k c, k k V c V c

*kP V c kP kP cP

*k k k k k

*kP kP kP kP kP

*k k k k k

*h h h h h

*x h h h h

*m m m m m

*n η η η η

*l I I I I

*e e e e e, i

*a a, 3 α, Λ a a, ο

*o 0 0 0 0

*u u u u u

PMy Chon Lac Toj Tzo

V c cV

cP c

PMy Chon Lac Toj Tzo

*p ρ ρ Ρ Ρ

*s s V c s s

g $ 8 $

PMy Chon Lac Toj Tzo

*r

*w

*y

y y y y

w w w

y y

c V c

$ § S Η i i i i

tP tP

c c

cP cP

V

c c

*kP kP kP kP\P kP

The problem of long vowels (see Olson) has not been solved. My reconstructions show ^iCVj) where an unexplained long vowel occurs in any of the languages. The following is a tentative solution to some of the other problems with regard to vowel reflexes : *θν!

9G (monomorphemic) - GV1 PVfi (Toj, Chr, Lac, Mop) ; CV, PC (Mm, Ag, Ch, I) ; CVfi 51

*a a I r- (Chon) ; a (Chon) 51 Η -->• u I w- (Ag) ; i (Ag) 56 Certain variations of vowel reflexes in the data included in this paper have not been covered by Olson's study. The determination of rules of conditioning would require more information regarding the particular languages involved than is presently available, and would also result in a study of much greater scope than is warranted by the purpose of this paper. I have therefore allowed without further comment variations between i and e, a and e, a and ο, ο and u. See Olson regarding reconstruction of a sixth vowel. Vowel loss is frequent. The conditions under which it occurs have not been explained.

113

PHOTO M A Y A N

Olson shows t as the source of Chol t which is probably phonetically tu but written phonemically t in most of the material to which I have access. There is evidence of attrition of initial and final consonants, particularly h. I t may be necessary to add other protophonemes when further data are considered. The following covers some of the problems not treated by Olson with regard to consonant reflexes. *r in m y data has the reflex y root final in I as contrasted to the c cited by Olson. I find c only in root initial position, but due to lack of data have no conclusive proof. I also find y as the reflex root final for A g in contrast to c root initial. See sets 42 'fish' and 51 'green'. Discrepancies between h and χ •«— P M y *x in Q, Ag, and A are probably due to differences in transcription. I n some cases the interpretation of orthographic symbols h and j has been uncertain. *x has the reflex χ root medial or final as attested in sets 21, 33, 34, 85 in Q, A , Ch, C, Mm, A g . This is in contrast to the reflex h as listed by Olson in these languages. The P M y *c1 is postulated to cover the morpheme P M y *chiP which is found in sets 15 'breast' and 80 'nurse'. The reflexes differ from Olson's P M y c, which is likewise attested by only one morpheme. I n J , I f i n d the reflex h root final for k?; note that Olson gives reflex § in this position. I find c as a reflex for k in J (see set 34 'deer'). This is in contrast to k as stated by Olson. For *k'} Olson gives c'J, probably a typographical error, as a reflex in Tzeltal where I find cP. See Olson, set 100. Other reflexes are as follows : *b

- -*•

*tsΡ

(Pm, J ) ; 0 I -h (Chr) ; b 74, 83, 88, 87

ts | V-V (Tzo, Chr) ; ts? 47 - >

*k?

w I

-

*k *k? *p

ξ 1 . . . y ( I ) ; k? \ . . . k? (A, Q, C) ; c | χ . . . (J) ; k (J) 34, 42, 79 kP/P I u- ( T o j ) ; c? ( T o j ) 35 ; W | A - . . . ( T z o ) ; k 82 !> | Ä- (Toj, C, Q) ; k \h- (J) 46 h | -k ( T o j ) ; 0 | -b (Toj, Tzo, Mm, Ag, J, I ) ;

0 i-ja|

( A ) ; Ρ 53,

90, 111 *n

—*·

m | b- (Chi) ; η 106

*h

-

0 | -C/-# (A, T z o ) ; 0\-kP

(Toj, Tz, Tzo, Chi, J,Κ , A , I, Ch) 14,

46, 90, 103 *y *x

->-

0 | -el (Tzo) ; y T z o 54

V - V (Chr) 85 —+· 0 *w — b | i- (Tzo, C) ; w (Tzo, C) 40 *£ c?\...k? (Tz, Tzo, Chi, Chr) ; k | . . . & (Q. A , P , C) ; kP I . . . kP (Lac, Mop) 118 h | -y (Choi) 51 ->-

114

PEOTO MAYAN 3.2 COGNATE SETS

1. 'abdomen' PMy *c?uht: -c?uht (Tz), -c?ut (Tzo). 2. 'above' PMy Hjy-eba-: ebäl (H), yib?arj (J), yibarj (Ch). 3. 'achiote' PMy *ho?oS: ho?oS (Toj), ho?oS (Tz), ho?oS (Tzo). 4. 'armadillo' PMy *h-ib-oylac: iboy (Toj), h?ib (Tz), ib (Tzo), ib?oy (K), ib?oy (Q), ib?oy (Ag), ib?oy (A), ib?ac (Chr), ib?oy (Pm), ib?oy (P), ib? (J), ib?oy (I), ib?ac (Ch). 5. 'at' PMy *(V : te (Toj), ta (Tz), ti (H), ce (Q), ci (A). 6. 'back' PMy *-pcU: -pat (Toj), -pat (Tz), -patil (Tzo). 7. 'banana' PMy *ha?as: ha?as 'mamey, zapote' (Toj), ha?as 'mamey' (Tz), ha?as 'banana' (Chi), ha? as 'banana' (Chon), Tiaras 'mamey' (Tzo). 8. 'basket' PMy *mo?S: mo?oc (Toj), moc (Tz), moc (Tzo). 9. 'bat' PMy *so-wa-ts?: sots? (Toj), sots? (Tz), sots? (Tzo), But? (H), sots? (K), so-ts? (Mm), sots? (Q), sots? (Ag), sots? (A), suts (Chr), smvats?(Vm), sots? (J), sots? (Ch), sots? (C). Note t? in H. Olson does not mention the variant reflexes of PMy *ts? for H. 10. 'be' PMy *ay: ay (Toj), ay (Tz). 11. 'bee' PMy *sunul: sunul (Tz), sunul (Tzo) 'beehive'. 12. 'big' PMy *muk?: muh? (Tz), muk? (Tzo). 13. 'bite' PMy Hi?-: ti?el (Tz), ti?el (Tzo), ti? (K), ti? (Q) 14. 'blow' PMy-Cp **phuh-, PMy *phu-: huh (Toj), phuhs (Cp), hubel (Tzo), hucayal (H). 15. 'breast' (woman's) PMy *clu?-: -cu? (Toj), -cu? (Tz), cu?ul (Tzo), cucul 'to nurse' (H), tu? (Κ), tu? (Q), ts?um (A), ucu (Chr), cwc (P), c?u (I), ts?um (C). 16. 'brother-in-law' PMy *bal-uc(ol: baluc (Toj), bal (Tz), bolol (Tzo). 17. 'burn' PMy *ciW-Yl: cik?el (Tz), cik?el (Tzo), cikäl (Η). Notice that Η has reflex k which does not correspond to the reflex listed by Olson, but does correspond to the example recorded in his set 97 : "PMy *sik?l$ik?l$ik? . . . Η M(lek) 'leaf"'. 18. 'butterfly' PMy *pehpemjn: pehpen (Toj), pehpen (Tz), pepen (Tzo), pe-pem (K), pehpem (Chr), pehpem (P). 19. 'buzzard' PMy *aha?us-Yh: useh (Toj), aha?us (Tz), usih (Chr), useh (Ch). 20. 'call' PMy *pa (a)y: pa?y (Toj), ρ Ay (Chi). 21. 'chief, lord, owner' PMy *axa-wa-ljw: ahwal, waw (Toj), -ahwal- (Tz), ahral- (Tzo), axaw (Q), waw (Ag), waxaw (A), waxal (Ch), waxaw (C). The change from w to r -— *l in Tzo is analogous to the optional substitution of I for the final w. 22. 'child' (of man) PMy *nic?an: nic?an (Tz), nic?an-(unin) (J). 23. 'child' (of man) PMy *ni?-(al): ni? 'child' (Ag),ni?al 'grandchild' (Toj).

ΡΒ,ΟΤΟ MAYAN

115

24. 'child' (woman's) PMy *ak:>-(w)al-\rljuc: alal (Toj), aluc (Tz), olol (Tzo), aUl (Chi), al (K), WwaH 'boy' (Mm), ak?al (Q), akM (A), ak?wal (C). 25. 'clouds' PMy *su(u)tssuts? (Q), suts? (A) (ko'>) suts? (Pm), su-ts'> (P), sutsΡ (I), suts? (C). 26. 'cold' PMy *sik: sik (Tz), sik (Tzo), sik (Ch). 27. 'come' PMy *ta(a)l-d\k: tal (Tz), tal-el (Tzo), ca-lk (K), cole (Pm). 28. 'corn' PMy *i$v>im: iSirn (Toj), iSim (Tz), iSim (Tzo), iSim (Chi), ϊθίθ (Η), iSim (Q), iSim (A), iSim (J), iSi?m (I), iSim (Chon), iSim, (C), iSiHm (Mop). 29. 'correct' PMy *lek: lek (Toj), lek (Tz), lek (Tzo). 30. 'cough' PMy *ohob-al: ohob (Toj), ohbal (Tz), obal (Tzo). 31. 'cut, split' PMy *-t?oS-(el): t?os 'cut' (Toj), t?osel 'split' (Tz), t?oM{Tzo). 32. 'cut' PMy *tsuk'>: tso? (J), tsok? (I), tsuk?w (Ch). 33. 'day' PMy *kH-xjc(a): kHca (H), Jc?i-x (Mm), Hx (A), kHx (Q), kHx (P), kHx (Pm), kH (I), kHh (C), k?ex (Ag). 34.'deer' PMy *kix: ceh (Toj), cih (Tz), kex (K), Hex (Q), kex (A), kiex (Pm), keh (P), (sax)ce (J), ce (I), (kultkil)6ex (Ch). 35. 'drink' PMy *uk?: uk^u? (Toj), uP- (Tz), uc?- (Tzo), uts? (H), uk? (K), uk° (Pm), uk:> (P), uk (J), uk?a (I). Ch has ulcx 'drink' which does not correspond to reflex established for k? by Olson. 37. 'extinguish' PMy Hup'': tup (Toj), tup? (B-TZ), tup? (Tzo). 38. 'face' PMy *wut: wut (Chi), wuts (Ag). 39. 'father' PMy *tat: tat (Toj), tat (Tz), totil (Tzo), tata (H), tat (Q). 40. 'fear' PMy ; Siw (Toj), Siw (Tz), sibtes (Tzo), ciSiw (nax) (J), Siwi (Ch), SibHh (ri?) (C). 42. 'fish' PMy *!car: cay (Toj), cay (Tz), coy (Tzo), kar (K), kär (Q), käy (Ag), kar (A), cay (Chr), kar (Pm), kar (P), kay (J), cay (I), kär (C), kiy (Mop). See note. 43. 'fly' (vb) PMy *wihl-el: wihlel (Tz), wild (Tzo). 44. 'forehead' PMy *paΙαη: pläx (Ag), palay(nax) (J), pala (I). 45. 'fruit' PMy *lo?b-: lobal (Toj), 'banana', lo?bal 'banana' (Tz), lobol 'banana' (Tzo), lob?x 'fruit' (Mm), lob?ax 'fruit' (Ag), lob?al (J), lob?ets (I). 46. 'give, put, leave' PMy *-ahk?-: a?- (Toj), ok?- (Tz), ak?- (Tzo), Ak?(Chl), ya?ik (Q), ahk? (Chr), ak (J), ak? (I), ak? (Ch), ya? (C). 47. 'good' PMy *uts\ts?-: uts3 (Tz), utsilal (Tzo), uts?at (Chi), uts (Q), ?ut,s (A), imb?utsop (Chr), uts? (C). 48. 'gourd (small)' PMy *tsu: tsu (Toj), tsu (Tz), tsu (J). 49. 'gourd' PMy *tsima: tsima (Toj), tsima (Tz), tima? (H). 50. 'grasp' PMy *-£uk: cuk 'to tie up' (Toj), cuk 'to jail, to tie up' (Tz), cuk 'to grasp' (Chi). 51. 'green' PMy *ra?f: ya?aS (Toj), yaS (Tz), yoS (Tzo), yAhyAS (Chi), yaSu (H), raSi (K), räS (Q), raS (A), yaSuS (Chr), ras (Pm), raS (P), yaS (J), ya?aS (Lac), ya?aS (Mop), yaS (Ch), yaS (Chon), rät (C), ca?S (Mm), 6a?S (I), ξα?$ (Ag).

116

PROTO MAYAN

52. 'hair' PMy *tsots-: -tsots- (Toj), tsotsel (Tz), tsots (Tzo), tsuts (Chr), tso?otsel (Mop). The glottal stop in Mop is probably a feature of Mop reduplication. 53. 'hair, head' PMy *wP: wP (Q), wi (A), wP 'head' (Ag), wP 'head' (J), wP 'head' (I), wP 'head' (C). 54. 'hear' PMy *-aH(y)-: (la) yaHy 'he heard' (Tz), a'Hel (Tzo). 55. 'here' PMy *waral: waral (Q), waral (A). 56. 'hill, mountain' PMy *wits: wits (Toj), wits (Tz), wits (Tzo), wits (Mm), wuts (Ag), witsir (Chr), wits (J), wits (I), wits (Ch). 57. 'his' PMy *y- ~ s-: y- preceding vowel initial, s- preceding consonant initial (Tz, Tzo, Toj). 58. 'hit' PMy *mahlk?lkP: makΡ (Toj), mah (Tz), mah (Tzo), mak?a (Ch). 59. 'hot' PMy *kHSin: kHSin (Toj), kHSin (Tz), kHSin (Tzo). 60. 'house' PMy *na-: -nahjna^its (Toj), na (Tz), na (Tzo), na (Q), nä (J). 61. 'house' PMy *α/οί-: otot (Chi), ata (H), otot (Chon). 62. 'hurt' PMy *k?uS: kHS (Tz), k'hiS (Tzo), k?uS (Chon). 63. Ί ' PMy *h(o?)jy-in-an: ho?on (Tz), ho?on (Tzo), nanaΡ (Η), in (Κ), (Q), (Ag), (I), (Ch), en (Chr), a-yine (M), yin (A), (C), haninan (J). 64. 'inside' PMy *yohjt-: yoh (Toj), yut (Tz), yutil (Tzo). 65. 'kiss' PMy *(ts?)uhts?-ubjan: -uhts3- (Toj), -uhts 3 (Tz), ts'>uts'>un (Tzo), tsPutsPub (H), ts°uman (Q), ts?ub(ux) (P). 66. 'learn' PMy *-nelop: neb (Toj), -nop (Tz), -nop 'to think' (Tzo), -nop (Chi). 67. 'lie down' PMy *yok-: yokyo (K), yok (Pm). 68. 'lungs' PMy *so(h)-P-: sotfot (Tzo), sohsoh (Chi). 69. 'lungs' PMy *pos-poC-: pospo'Joy (K), po'ly (Ag), pospon (A), pospoy (Ch). 70. 'molar tooth' PMy *ka?m-: -ca'Jam (Toj), -ca?am (Tz), ha? (K), ka? (Q), aka? (Ag), ka? (A), ca?m (Chr). 71. 'mother' PMy *nan-: nan (Toj), nana (H), nan (Q). 72. 'mother' PMy *me?: me? (Tz), me? (Tzo). 73. 'mouse' PMy *c?o-: cWo (Toj), Po (Tz), c?o (Tzo). 74. 'name' PMy *-bi-Hllhil: bPil (Toj), bihilil (Tz), bi (Tzo), bih (H), wih (Pm), tbH (Mm), b?P (Q), bH? (Ag), bH (A), bHh (P), bH (J), bH (I), bH (Ch), b?P (C). 75. 'name' PMy *-k?aba-: Ma? (Chi), k?ab?a? (K), uk?ab?a (Chr), Wabar (Lac), k?ab?a (Mop). 77. 'neck' PMy *-nuk?\k: -nuk'> (Toj), te?nuk? (Tz), nuk?ulal (Tzo), (in kuS) in nuk? (H), nuk (Chr), nuk (J). 78. 'negative' PMy *(ma)-n . . .ta(x): man . . .tax (Q), η . . .tax (A), ma . . .ta (P), man . . .ta (C). 79. 'new' PMy *y-ak-a^-: yakacHl (Toj), yacHl (Tz), ac? (Tzo), ak? (K),

PROTO MAYAN

117

aWax (Mm), WaW (Q), aWax (Ag), WaW (A), aW (Pm), aW (P), ak? (J), aW (I), aW (Ch), WaWa (C). Notice that the PMy *k'' is reflected in Chr and Ch with W whereas Olson states that the reflex should be c 3 . Neither in Olson nor my own am I able to find ci> in Chr or Ch reflecting PMy *W 80. 'nurse (vb)' PMy ^-c^uP-VnjVl: cu?an (Toj), tu?un (Tz), 6u?un (Tzo), cu?un (Chi), cucul (H). 81. 'old man (chief) PMy *mam-al: mamal, mam 'direct address' (Tz), mamal 'old man' (Toj). 82. 'pain' (complain of) PMy *a(h)kan-: ahkan (Tz), aWanahel (Tzo). 83. 'path, trail' PMy *be-: beh (Toj), be (Tz), be (Tzo), bih (Chi), be-l (H), (cHna) We (K), (tWaW) We (Mm), (alah) We/bey (Q), (Put) We (A), WPr (Chr), (k?ab?) We (Ag), wieh (Pm), Weh (P), We (J), ber (Lac), Wey (I), We (Ch), bih (Chon), Wey (C), Weh (Mop). 84. 'pierce' PMy SeWäl (H), inSekh (Chr). 85. 'pus' PMy *pox-ow-: -pohwil (Toj), pohow (Tz), pohow (Tzo), pox (K), pox (Mm), pux (Q), pox (Ag), pux (A), pouw (Chr), pox (P), pohow (J), po (I), poxow (Ch), puh (C). 86. 'put, leave, give'. See 'give'. 87. 'rain' PMy *hab-al\?r: hob (K), xWa-l (Mm), hob (Q), aWal (Ag), haW (A), hahah (Chr), haW (Pm), haW (P), haWal (I), hoW (C). This may be related to 'year' 116. 88. 'right' PMy *bats?\tP-: batsHl (Tz), bcttsH (Tzo), watP (J). 89. 'river' PMy *ciya: ciya (Q), ciya (A). 90. 'sand' PMy *hP-: hihkab (Toj), hp (Tz), hp (Tzo), hp (Chi), hp (Chr), hP (Chon). 91. 'say' PMy *Wi(x): Wi (Q), Wix (A), Wih (C). 92. 'say, quote' PMy -ci (Toj), -ci (Tz), ki (P), ci (Ch). . Chipaya has ci· which corresponds to PMy *c more closely than to PMy *k. 93. 'shoulder' PMy *te(h)leb: tehleb (Toj), teleW (Q), teleW (A), tileb (P), (wP)celeb (I), teleW (C). 94. 'sour' PMy *Way: Way (I), Way 'bitter' (C). 95. 'spill' PMy *p?ek: pek (Toj), belc (Chi). 96. 'squeeze' PMy *pits?: pits? (Toj), pitsΡ (Tz), pits? (Tzo). 97. 'star' PMy *Wan-al: Wanal (Toj), Wanal (Tzo), ιWaned (Ch). 98. 'tail' PMy *-heheß (Q), he? (Ag), he (A), hia (Pm), rihe-P (P), he (I), hey (C). 99. 'this' PMy *haHni: haHni (Tz), aHn (K). 100. 'this' PMy *wili: ivili (Pm), wili (P). 101. ' tie' PMy *cuk: cuk (Tz), cuk (Tzo), kAc (Chi). Choi consonants are apparently metathesized. 102. 'tooth' PMy *-eC-cd: -ehal (Toj), e 'mouth', ehal 'tooth' (Tz),e- 'mouth'

118

PROTO MAYAN

(Tzo), eh 'mouth' (Chi), e? 'tooth' (Ag), wa-e (A), eh (Chr), wiah (Pm), eh (P), e (J), e (I), e (Ch), wey (C). 103. 'tortilla' PMy *wah: wah (Toj, Tz, Ag), wa (K, A), wa?il (Ch). I n Ch the ? 4- *h probably developed through analogy to wa? 'eat'. 104. 'urine' PMy *£ul-n: -cul-n- 'to urinate' (Toj), 6u? (K), cul (Q), 6ulux (A), cul (Ch), cul (C).' 106. 'walk' PMy *San-: Sanbal (Tzo), L·mbal (Chi), son (Ag), aSanop (Chr), San (I). 107. 'want, ask for' PMy *k?an-: Man- (Toj), k?anel (Tz), k?anel (Tzo). 108. 'wash (clothes)' PMy *cuk?-: cuk?ele (Toj), cuk?el (Tzo). 109. 'wash face/self' PMy *pok: pol (Tz), pok (Tzo), pok (Chr). 110. 'water' PMy *ha?: ha? (Toj), ha? (Tz), hoΡ (Tzo), haP (Chi), ha? (H), haP (K), PaP (Mm), haP (Q), aP (Ag), haP (Chr), ha? (Pm), haP (P), ha? (J), ha? (Lac), a? (I), a? (Ch), ha? (Chon), ha? (Mop). 111. 'water' PMy *ya?: ya (A), ya? (C). 112. 'where' PMy *ba-: baya (Toj), ban (Tz), b?ar (K). 113. 'wing' PMy *§ik?: Sik? (Tz), Sik? (Tzo). 114. 'woman' PMy *an-ts: ants (Tz), ants (Tzo). 115. 'yellow' PMy *k?an: k?an (Toj), k?an (Tz), k?on (Tzo), k?Ank?&n (Chi), k?an (K), sk?an (Mm), k?an (Q), k?an (Ag), ?an (A), k?an (Chr), lc?an (Pm), k?an (P), k?an (J), k?an (I), k?an (Ch), k?dn (Chon), lc?an (C), k?An (Mop). 116. 'year' PMy *hawjb-il: hawil (Toj), habil (Tz), (Si-)hab? (K), ab?(k?i) (Mm), hobΡ (Pm), ha-b (P), hab?il (J), ab?il (Ch), hob (Chon). This may be an indication t h a t PMy *b •*- **w should be separated from *b PMy -Cp**p?. If we posited PMy *v, then *v -v w | i- (Toj) ; ν (Toj). 117. 'cornfield' PMy *aw-: aweS (A), awiS (Pm), awal (J), awal (Ch), awen (C), awen 'second planting' (Toj). 118. 'blood' PMy *-cik?: cik? (Toj), c?ic? (Tz), c?i6? (Tzo), c?ic?el (Chi), kik?el (Q), kikPel (A), c?i6? (Chr), kik? (P), cikel (J), k?ik? (Lac), 6ik?il (Ch), cic (Chon), kik?el (C), k?ik? (Mop).

4. PROTO TUCANOAN

NATHAN E. WALTZ and ALVA WHEELER

4.1 INTRODUCTION

Classifications of South American Indian languages (Mason, 1950) reflect primarily geographical contiguity and display linguistic relationships in most cases only in a broad general way. Although sizable information is available to verify the existence on that continent of nearly one hundred linguistic families, stocks and isolates, investigation toward establishing the exact linguistic positions and inter-relationships of any of these groups has made little progress. The picture is somewhat blurred by the fact that large numbers of tribal names listed in the current classifications are based on obsolete information and represent either extinct groups, early designations no longer known, or political subdivisions and otherwise duplicate names for a single language. There has been some confusion between a group of languages that stems from Chibchan stock (Betoyan) and Tucanoan. Koch-Grunberg (1912—16) and Hernandez (1949) refer to the group as Betoya, as it is known in most of the earlier literature. Tucanoan seems to be a designation initiated by Rivet (1924). The object of this paper is to give a background of the Tucanoan family of languages of the Northwestern Amazon Basin of South America, and to posit phonemic reconstructions for this language family. The reconstructions are based on sound correspondences of Barasano (Bar), Bara (Bara), Carapano (Car), Cubeo (Cub), Desano (Des), Guanano (Gn), Macuna (Mac), Papiwa (Pap), Piratapuyo (Pir), Siriano (Sir), Tatuyo (Tat), Tucano (Tue), Tuyuca (Tuy), Siona (Si), Secoya (Sec), and Orejon (Or), using 278 cognate sets. The sound correspondences were based on reflexes in all sixteen languages ; however, since many of the languages have obvious and simple sound developments varying only slightly from one another, seven languages have been selected as fully supporting the reconstruction of Proto Tucanoan. In the remainder of this paper, the examples and details of development are limited to those seven, six Eastern Tucanoan and one Western Tucanoan : Barasano,

120

PROTO TUCANOAN

Bara, Cubeo, Desano, Guanano, Tucano, Siona. Occasionally we cite examples from the others when cognates are missing from the seven. The generally accepted geographical classification of the Tucanoan languages into Western and Eastern is supported as the first major linguistic subdivision on the basis of preliminary observations of the language data available. The two groups are separated geographically by a wedge of Witotoan and Boran tribes extending over an area of two river systems in Southeastern Colombia and Northeastern Peru. The Northern group listed by Rivet and Loukotka (1952) are not presently found at the location stated in their report. Although Mason (1950) and McQuown (1955) list no such group, verification of a small remnant in the vicinity of the upper Arauca River along the Colombia-Venezuela border may yet be likely. The chart below indicates the percentage of cognates (lower figure of each box) shared on the basis of a given number of lexical items (top figure) taken from the Swadesh-Rowe and . . . Vocabularios . . . para Estudios Comparativos . . . (Bogota, Colombia, Division de Asuntos Indigenas, 1963), word lists. The shortest list, with which Papiwa and Carapano are compiled, is the Swadesh list of one hundred words. A distinctive feature of all Eastern Tucanoan languages which have been completely phonemicized is that all stops and nasals are found to be mutually exclusive. In Western Tucanoan languages voiced stops and nasals reconstruct as contrastive phonemes. All the languages maintain six positions of vowel contrast, all with oral and nasal counterparts. Desano, Guanano, Tucano, Siona as well as Piratapuyo and Secoya reflect a glottal stop ? where the rest of the Tucanoan languages reflect zero. This indicates a loss of the glottal in the remaining languages possibly due to stress change. The morphophoneme *R represents *r *d reflected in nominal singular and plural suffixes as well as in present indicative second and third person verb suffixes of Guanano. *R symbolizes irregularities between *d and *r in Eastern Tucanoan languages. The Barasano are located on or near the Pirä-Parana river in Southern Vaup^s, Colombia. They intermarry mainly with Taiwanos whose language is almost identical with their own. There are approximately 215 speakers of Barasano as a first language. The Barasano word-list, from the field notes of Richard and Connie Smith, taken on the Pira-Parana river between September 1965, and February 1966, is written phonemically. In Barasano *p is reflected as h, corresponding with the reflex h in Siona. This indicates a possible early contact with Western Tucanoan. Barasano, Macuna, Siriano and Desano reflect g for *g and *gw while Siona reflects k' and kw'. This proto-phoneme has merged with *k in the rest of the Tucanoan languages referred to in this paper with the exception of Orejon, which also reflects g for *g. In Barasano *r, *z, *j and *n are reflected as r, contrasting

(140) 85

(58) 89.8 (59) 91.6

—1 0 5 lO 00

(157) 91.5 (51) 90.2

(56) 87.5

00 00

Pco ίο o>

oö"co »O 0 0 00

|

CO I—1 >0_05

^ 0 3

to rH

lO C5

i

1

j

00 CO CO CO 0 0 CO

00 *—t o OS •^,00

00* CO

O f Γ- 00 0 * 0 5 CO 0 0

C0_05

!

I I i

^ X

TUCANOAN

(82) 95.1

(93) 77.5

t -

(106) 79

CO

(99) 98.9

So" io

(51) 88.3

t- t-

(65) 89.2

φ

(60) 83.4

CO

(49) 77.5

oTeo rot-

o"l>

(36) 94.5

CO CO

(59) 76.5

0 0 CO

(58) 98.3

(121) 83

(46) 69.5

(102) 78

STM

(45) 95.5

£ " oo 00

(87) 96.4

(51) 86.4

(128) 85

(46) 67.3 ΙΟ 1 ei to to' : oo r •ψ t -

(91) 80.1

(30) 93.4

00

(87) 90.7

00

WS i"H

(103) 97.2

00

(98) 90.8

(49) 83.7

(25) 90.9

STrt

I

(127) 72.6

(186) 88.2

(105) 87.8

(66) 86.5

!

(126) 71.4

(181) 86.8

(101) 88.2

to

t -

(126) 90.5

(44) 86.4

!

(115) 76.5

(121) 69.5

(181) 82

(103) 85

CO 0 0 Ν (-H

(54) 96.3

to to

(57) 91.2

C O M 00 00

(102) 86.8

(102) 82.8

(107) 80.5

iTt-

00

(146) 91

(146) 83

(63) 87.4 CO r*H CD O i

(152) 86.5

•ψ ο

(235) 91

(228) 91.6

fL (801)

(230) 99.2

PROTO

121

122

PROTO TUCANOAN

with all the other Tucanoan languages except Carapano and Tatuyo. The sibilant *s is reflected as ts in Barasano, and is so written in order to focus on this distinction from the other Tucanoan languages. Lexically, Barasano shows a close relationship to Macuna with 98.3% cognates. The Bara are located on the upper Colorado t r i b u t a r y to the Pira-Parana and the Inambu. tributary to the P a p u r i in Vaupes, Colombia, as well as on the Tiquie River which flows from Vaupes, Colombia into Brazil. The Bara intermarry mainly with the Tuyuca. The language data, from the field notes of Joel and Nancy Stolte, taken at the Colorado tributary between February and J u l y of 1966, is written phonetically. Only a few phonetic refinements have been omitted from this paper. As in Cubeo, also in Bara *s is reflected as h. *h is reflected as zero in Bara corresponding with zero in Siona. The *? is reflected also as zero in Bara, corresponding with zero in Barasano and Cubeo. Lexically, Bara shows a close relationship with Tuyuca, manifesting 97.2% cognates. Barasano shows 95.4% cognates with Bara. However, a dialect survey made by Waltz in J a n u a r y of 1966 indicated a much higher percentage of exactly equivalent cognates between Bara and Tuyuca t h a n between Bara and Barasano. I t seems significant also t h a t Bara and Siona show less lexical similarity (63%) t h a n any other combination of Tucanoan languages. The Cubeo are located on the Querari, Cuduiari and Vaupes Rivers of Vaupes, Colombia. They intermarry mainly with the Cubeo of other fraternities though there is some practice of exogamy noted between the Cubeo, Tucano and Guanano. There are approximately 1500 speakers of Cubeo as a first language. The word-list, from the field notes of J . K . and Neva Salser, SIL, taken at Timbo located on the Vaupes River about four hours by motor below Mitii, Vaupes, intermittently between J u l y 1965 and J u l y 1966, is partially phonemicized. Thus far in their study of Cubeo, Salsers state t h a t the lateral f l a p I is phonetically very similar to the flap r. The latter occurs only in loan words in Cubeo. Also these two phones are allophones in all the Eastern Tucanoan languages which have been phonemicized. Salsers have also found the voiced bilateral fricative b and the continuant w to be mutually exclusive. Therefore, in this paper the lateral f l a p I and the fricative b will be written as r and w respectively. Though the affricate dz and the continuant y are suspected as being allophonic, they will be written phonetically in this paper due to the lack of a definite conclusion a t this time. nV is also possibly an allophone with y b u t will be presently written phonetically. I n Cubeo, *z is reflected as a glottal fricative h, corresponding to the alveolar fricative s' in Siona. I n all other Eastern Tucanoan languages *z is reflected as an alveolar stop or flap. A parallel correspondence between Cubeo and Siona is reflected in * 7 . Cubeo also shares with Siona the reflex y for *S.

PROTO TXTCANOAN

123

In Cubeo *t is reflected as η in two cases (156, 267). This is possibly a previous development of morphophonemic alternation under conditions not yet determined. The vowel clusters of Cubeo and Siona which correspond to single vowels of Eastern Tucanoan indicate further relationship between the two languages. Cubeo is contrastive with all other Tucanoan languages in the occurrence of the reflex r for *t. Lexically Cubeo shows a greater similarity to Siona with 95.1% cognates, than with any Eastern Tucanoan language. Also, the percentages between Cubeo and Eastern Tucanoan languages are unusually similar to those between Siona and Eastern Tucanoan languages, in that they range within the 60 and 70 percentages with only Siriano showing as high as 84% (See Chart I). The Desano are located on the Papuri River and tributaries and also on the Abiyii tributary to the Vaupes River in Southeastern Colombia. They intermarry mainly with the Tucano and the Guanano. There are approximately 800 speakers of Desano as a first language. The wordlist, from the field notes of Marion Swift Miller taken at Teresita on the Papuri river, between July 1963 and August 1964, and of James and Marion (Swift) Miller taken in the Abiyii tributary of the Vaupes between Mitii and Yavarate, between 1965 and 1966, is written phonemically except for d and r for which contrast is not yet clear. Phonologically, Desano shows contrast with other Tucanoan languages in its tendency toward assimilation with high vowels, especially i and u. As in Barasano, in Desano also *g and *gw are reflected as g, thus not merging *g and *k as do the majority of Eastern Tucanoan languages. *S is reflected as y in Desano, corresponding with a y in Siona and Cubeo. As in Cubeo, in Desano Η is reflected as r in several cases (4, 27, 48, 56, 156, 247, 267). This is possibly a previous development of morphophonemic alternation under conditions which will be determined in the course of the grammar. The glottal stop is reflected as in Desano only between geminate vowels. Though almost all of the data available supports this hypothesis, the Miller? state that the glottal stop does occur in certain cases between non-geminate vowels. There is, however, a definite tendency for the occurrence of glottal stop to be conditioned. Lexically, Desano shows a definitely close relationship with Siriano with 98.9% cognates. There are many cognates between Desano and Siriano which are exact equivalents. The Guanano are located on the Vaupes River from Santa Cruz which is four hours below Mitii, Vaupes, to Yavarate on the border of Brazil. About half of the Guanano are Brazilian and the rest live in Colombia. They intermarry mainly with the Desano and some Tucano and Cubeo. The Guanano also intermarry with the Tariano, the majority of whom speak Tucano. The

124

PROTO TUCANOAN

Guanano are forbidden to m a r r y the P i r a t a p u y o "because t h e y are b r o t h e r s " . There are approximately 800 speakers of Guanano as a f i r s t language. The word list, f r o m t h e field notes of N a t h a n and Carolyn Waltz, t a k e n in S a n t a Cruz and Villa F a t i m a between December 1964 and J u n e 1966, is written phonemically. The distinction between Guanano and other Tucanoan languages of t h e phonemic s t a t u s of aspirated stops versus unaspirated stops, is not signif i c a n t in t h e reconstruction of P r o t o Tucanoan. The *k is reflected as c after f r o n t vowels in Guanano. This has no relation to the c of Western Tucanoan. The bilabial and velar voiceless stops in Guanano morphophonemically altern a t e with their voiced counterparts initially before a stressed syllable which has a voiceless consonant onset. I n t h e vowel system of Guanano a high frequency of vowel h a r m o n y is evident. Initial vowels preceding a consonant are consistently dropped. *d is reflected as r in one instance in Guanano (244) indicating morphophonemic alternation intervocalically contiguous to a high f r o n t vowel. There is f l u c t u a t i o n in this p a t t e r n within Guanano. Lexically, Guanano and P i r a t a p u y o show a close relationship with 99.2% cognates. Tucano is second in percentage of cognates t o both Guanano and P i r a t a p u y o with 91% cognates. The Tucano are located along P a p u r i River and its tributaries as well as t h e lower Vaupes and Tiquie Rivers, extending into Brazil. They i n t e r m a r r y mainly with t h e Desano. There are approximately 1500 speakers of Tucano as a first language. The wordlist, f r o m the field notes of B e t t y Welch a n d Birdie West, t a k e n in Acaricuara on t h e P a c a t r i b u t a r y to t h e P a p u r i River, between J u l y 1963 and September 1965, is written phonemically. Tucano, Guanano and P i r a t a p u y o manifest completely identical reflexes. Another feature t h a t groups these three languages together is t h e presence of glottal stop without alternation. This feature establishes a contrast between this group of languages and all other E a s t e r n T u c a n o a n languages. Desano has a glottal stop b u t with a m a j o r i t y of occurrences limited to occurrence between geminate vowels. I n Siona also *? is reflected as Lexically, Tucano is closest t o P a p i w a with 93% cognates. I t is also lexically very similar to Guanano, P i r a t a p u y o , T a t u y o and B a r a with approximately 91% cognates. Desano has 88.2% cognates with Tucano. The Siona tribe is located on the upper P u t u m a y o River a t three points along t h e Colombia-Ecuador border, N u e v a Granada, Buena Vista, a n d Pinuna Bianca, which lies between t h e m o u t h s of t h e Cuhembi and P i n u n a Bianca Rivers. The n u m b e r of speakers is a b o u t 150. The word list, f r o m t h e field notes of Alva and Margaret Wheeler, t a k e n between 1960 and 1965, is written phonemically.

PROTO TUCANOAN

125

The proto-voiced stops are reflected as lenis glottalized stops in Siona. The Siona reflex kw has merged with k in the Eastern Tucanoan languages. Also kw' has merged with k in all Eastern Tucanoan languages, except Barasano, Desano, Siriano and Macuna in which g corresponds with the Siona kw'. *p is reflected as h in Siona. *p in some instances is reflected initially as zero. *h is reflected as zero. The latter feature corresponds with the reflex zero in Bara. As was stated under the discussion of Cubeo, Siona shares with the latter in the s - d as well as the s - y isoglosses. In Siona *r is reflected as r intervocalically and t' initially. As previously stated, unlike Eastern Tucanoan languages, Siona voiced stops and nasals are contrastive. There appears to be a morphophonemic alternation between *p and *h or *m under certain conditions not yet determined (Note ; 71, 73, 162, 164, 220, 270). *d is reflected as t in a few instances (34, 249) indicating a possible morphophonemic alternation under presently undetermined conditions. Lexically, Siona shows similarity to Cubeo with 95.1% cognates. This relationship between Siona and Cubeo is supported by phonological similarities discussed above with reference to Cubeo. The following are the Tucanoan languages considered in the establishment of sound correspondences but not included in the examples : The Carapano are located in the region of the upper Pira-Parana River. The word list, taken by J . K. Salser, April 1966, is written phonetically. In Carapano *z is reflected as the lateral flap I corresponding to the phonetically similar alveolar flap f reflected in Barasano and Tatuyo. Carapano and Papiwa manifest phonological similarity in *s which is reflected as h in both languages initially but is reflected as ts in Carapano and s in Papiwa inter vocalically. In Carapano *g is reflected as 0 initially corresponding to the reflex 0 in Bara, Tatuyo and Tucano. Medially *g is reflected as k, as it is in most of the other Tucanoan languages. Lexically, Carapano shows a very close relationship to Tatuyo with 96.3% cognates. The Piratapuyo are located on the Papuri River, in Vaupes, Colombia, and in Brazil. There are approximately 600 speakers of Piratapuyo as a first language. The word list, taken by Nathan Waltz from a Piratapuyo informant whose mother is Tucano and father Piratapuyo, June 1966, is written phonetically. The proto glottal stop reflected as >' in Piratapuyo, grouping the latter with Desano, Guanano, Tucano and Siona in reference to this feature. The glottal stop is more fully explained under the discussion of Tucano. The phonology of Piratapuyo is basically similar to that of Guanano and Tucano. Lexically, Piratapuyo is very close to Guanano with 99.2% cognates, Tucano being second in the sharing of lexical forms with 91.6%. The Siriano tribe is located on the Paca River, tributary to the Papuri

126

PßOTO

TUCANOAN

River, as well as on the Vina River, tributary to the Paca, in Vaupes, Colombia. There are approximately 200 speakers of Siriano as a first language. The word list, taken by James Miller during July 1966, is written phonetically. Siriano shares all phonological features with Desano. Lexically Siriano also manifests a close relationship to Desano with 98.9% cognates. The Tatuyo tribe is located in the region of the upper Pira-Parana River as well as on the Yapii tributary to the Papuri. The word list, taken by J . K . Salser June 1966 from an informant who lives in the Pira-Parana River region, is written phonetically. *z is reflected as r in Tatuyo corresponding to the r reflex in Barasano. *s is reflected as h in Tatuyo as it is in Bara, and Cubeo. Tatuyo shares with Bara, Carapano and Tucano the reflex 0 initially for *g. Lexically, Tatuyo is closest to Carapano with 96.3% cognates. The Tuyuca tribe is located on the upper Colorado tributary to the PiraParana River, the Inambii and Paca tributaries to the Papuri River in Vaupes, Colombia, as well as on the Tiquie River which flows from Vaupes, Colombia into Brazil. There are approximately 500 speakers of Tuyuca as a first language. The word list, taken by Nathan Waltz on the Colorado tributary, January 1966, is written phonetically. *s is reflected as s fluctuating with ts in Tuyuca corresponding to the ts reflex of Barasano. *h is reflected as 0 in Tuyuca corresponding to the reflex 0 in Bara, Carapano and Papiwa. Lexically, Tuyuca is very similar to Bara with 97.2% cognates. The Papiwa tribe is located on the Vaupes River above Mitü, Vaupes, Colombia. There are approximately 20 speakers of Papiwa as a first language. The word list, taken by J . K . Salser March 1966, is phonetically written. As stated above, Papiwa shares the reflex Ji for *s and its medial variant with Carapano. *h is reflected as 0 in Papiwa as well as in Bara, Carapano and Tuyuca. *y is reflected as y alternating with clz under certain conditions not yet determined. Papiwa shares this feature with Cubeo. Lexically, Papiwa is closest to Tucano with 93% cognates, though Carapano, Bara and Tuyuca each share approximately 91% cognates. The morphological system of Proto Tucanoan is evident in the construction of forms by affixing or compounding morphemes which designate shape, form or function. Terms for body parts present numerous examples of recurring partials of this sort. In all Tucanoan languages pi 'blade' and variants thereof enter into constructions with other morphemes to designate various objects as well as body parts as follows : 'hand' wabö-pi-ka (Gn) 82, 'ear' o^be-pe-ro (Tue) 71, 'tail' pi-ko-ro (Tue) 236, 'tooth' u-pl (Bara) 252, 'knife' dPi-ρϊ-ηα (Pir) 131.

PROTC TUCAKOAN

127

Two forms for 'liquid' in Proto Tucanoan illustrate early and late stages of development. *zi- appears to have had an early development, being reflected as follows : 'river' di-a (Des) 194, 'blood' di (Bara) 26. See 45, numbers 26 and 194. The use of *-ko as 'fluid' seems to be of a later development reflecting related substantives as follows : 'rain' i-ko (Bara) 185, ope-ko 'milk' (Cub) 153. 'Water' is reconstructed as *a-ko 263. 'Medicine' also reflects *-ko to designate 'liquid' as follows : o-ko 'water', i-ko 'medicine' (Si). A further indication of semantic and formal variations in the Proto Tucanoan morphology is illustrated by the morpheme *-se. The semantic content of this form is clarified in Proto Tucanoan, though by observing its recurrence in 'fingernail' (83) and 'bark' (17) in several of the daughter languages, only a limited idea of its meaning is evident. Moreover, vowel harmony tends to alter phonological shape as in Guanano 'bark' khaP-sa,-ro (17) and Desano 'bark' ga-si-ri (17). Body parts again utilize this descriptive morpheme as in 'fingernail' wabo-se-ro (Gn) 83 ; and 'mouth' i-se-ro (Tue) 160. The Tucanoan concept of the universe or of space is mirrored in 'sky' *imi-ga^lka-se-ro (215). The semantic content of this form is 'high covering'. In Tucano it develops as l^bl-se. The Guanano and Piratapuyo forms for 'thick' and 'thin' help substantiate the semantic content of -se as 'covering'. The form for 'thick' reconstructs *i-se-biti 'hard covering' and for 'thin' *i-se-bidi, 'diminished covering'. (These forms are not listed in the Index of Cognate Sets.) An extensive analysis of this system, both semantic and formal, will doubtless prove very fruitful, but will not be treated in this paper. However, observations of morphological patterns have been helpful in accounting for many of the phonological differences in the daughter languages. The following outline of the classification of Tucanoan is based upon phonological and lexical amenities between the Tucanoan languages. The geographical headings are only in a broad sense applicable. Mason (1950), referring to his classification of Tucanoan, states that, " I t is generally assumed that linguistic divisions follow geographical ones, . . . " This is basically true in the classification of Tucanoan languages, though Tucano, Cubeo and Papiwa show more linguistic similarity to languages of tribes not in the close vicinity of their respective centers of population. Mason's classification places most of the Eastern Tucanoan languages in one subdivision under Eastern Tucanoan omitting Cubeo and Macuna from that subdivision. The present data supports this separation of Macuna and

128

PROTO TUCANOAN

Cubeo from the remaining Eastern Tucanoan languages. However, further subdivisions may be made to clarify the situation. The languages here classified under Northern and Central reflect lexical and phonological differences within Eastern Tucanoan languages equally as substantial as those found in Macuna. Mason classifies Cubeo as a major subdivision under Eastern Tucanoan. The data in this paper points to a separation of Cubeo one step further, classifying it as a major subdivision of Tucanoan : Middle Tucanoan. The phonological and lexical similarities between Cubeo and both Eastern Tucanoan and Western Tucanoan support this classification. The data indicates a possible break between Cubeo and Western Tucanoan some time later than that between the Eastern Tucanoan groups and Western Tucanoan. One problem with Mason's classification is that among those groups which are accurately referred to as linguistic subdivisions are mixed social subdivisions in which basically the same dialect is spoken. Mason's coupling of Tuyuca with Bara and Piratapuyo with Guanano is well supported by the present data. Classification

I. Eastern Tucanoan A. Northern 1. Tucano 2. Guanano 3. Piratapuyo B. Central 1. Bara and proximates a. Bara b. Tuyuca c. Päpiwa 2. Desano and proximate a. Desano b. Siriano 3. Tatüyo and proximate a. Tatuyo b. Carapano C. Southern 1. Macuna 2. Barasano

of

Tucanoan

129

PROTO TUCANOAN

II. Middle Tucanoan 1. Cubeo I I I . Western Tucanoan A. Northern 1. Correguaje 2. Siona and proximates a. Siona Macaguaje b. Cuyabeno Secoya — Eno (Siona) c. Yuvineto Secoya d. Angutero 3. Tetete B. Southern 1. Orejon

4.2 PHONEMES OF PROTO TUCANOAN

Consonants : *p *b

*t

*k

*d

*9

*Jelv *gW

*S

*j *m

*7t

*w

*h

Vowels : *i *e

Nasalization is phonemic. Stress appears to be phonemic in all Tucanoan languages, but its proto-phonemic status is yet to be determined.

4.:J PHONEME R E F L E X E S

Consonants: Proto Tucanoan Barasano

*t h

t

*kw

*k k

k

*b b

*d d

*q g

g

*gw r

*r t

*s -

s

*c

130

PROTO TUCANOAN

Bara Cubeo Desano Guanano Tucano Siona

Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ Ρ h

t r t t t t

k k k k k k

k k k k k kw

b b b b b P'

d d d d d d

k k g k k k'

k k 9 k k k'w

r r r r r t'

Proto Tucanoan Barasano Bara Cubeo Desano Guanano Tucano Siona

*ζ r d h d d d s'

*j r d h d d d y

*γ

*S

*n r η η d d d η

*w w w w w w w w

*y y y y, dz y y y y

*h h 0 h Jl h h 0

y y h y y y β'

h y y 8 S y

*m b m m b b b m

*i i i i i i i i

*a a a a a a a a

*o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

—

h h s s s s

h s s s c V

0 0 0 ? ?

Ρ ?

Vowels : Proto Tucanoan *i Barasano i Bara i Cubeo i Desano i Guanano i i Tucano Siona i

*e e e e e e e e

*u u u u u u u u

*y V V V V V V V

4.4 CONDITIONING FACTORS OF PHONEME REFLEXES

4.4.1 Consonants In the pattern of consonant-vowel sequences of Proto Tucanoan consonant clusters are basically absent. A cluster of glottal stop plus a consonant seems to have developed as a result of a shift in stress from the syllable or syllables contiguous with the glottal to the following or preceding syllable with simultaneous loss of the vowel, 'horn' illustrates this phenomenon : $d?d-ri (Gn), kapi sa^ro (Tue). A later possible development is shown in 'you pi.' bt-sä (Tue), miPl-sa-lcoPa (Si), which reconstructs as *mPi-sä. After the development of vowel loss due to stress shift, the glottal also was dropped, as shown in the Tucano form. In the Tucanoan languages assimilation of consonants is not consistent. An

PROTO

TUCANOAN

131

example of this is shown by the Desano form for 'leg' gtgt y [n] --• g [η] | — gY. However, the same morpheme remains without this specific assimilation in 'shin' (210) ylgl-goä. The following formulas of consonant change apply only to the examples listed : *p -y hjf I olu—o/u (Des, Barä) 27, 70, 199 0 I (Si) 85, 201, 236 m I — Vm (Cub) 164 pl·, ρ (Gn) (p/l contrasts with ρ in Guanano but is not significant in the reconstruction of Proto Tucanoan.) 1, 10, 21, 39 ph ^ ρ (Bara) (The aspirated stops are not significant in the reconstruction of Proto Tucanoan.) 6, 27, 46, 70 h (Bar, Si) 27, 78, 84, 134 p. 1, 6, 10, 21, 39, 46, 70 *t — d I VdCV— (Bar) 133, 199 (VdCV = voiced consonant plus vowel) r I (Bar) 163 t 5, 27,36, 56 *k — g I 6V—/—Vgr/V— (Des) 34, 130, 136, 167, 169, 210 g I - V J C t f (Gn) 4, 56, 75, 262 c I ije— (Gn) 7, 9, 59, 84, 85, 95, 136, 153, 177, 210, 236, 237 k 4, 9, 14, 23, 35, 56 * b — Ρ I ~ V p (Cub, Si) 70, 89, 173, 224 s I — Vs (Si) 261 w I -Yp\m (Gn) 224, 233 (See *m) p' (Si) 2, 22, 23 b 2, 5, 22, 23, 27, 42 *d -• r |V—V (Tue) 6, 34, 68, 123, 271, 272 g I -Vg (Des) 127 t' (Si) 114, 270 d 40, 67, 93, 94 *g — 0 I # - (Bara, Tue) g (Bar, Des) 17, 28, 71, 79, 91, 93 k' (Si) 17, 28, 71, 91 k 7, 17, 28, 71, 79, 91, 93 *gw — g (Bar, Des) k'w (Si) This reflex is well supported in Western Tucanoan, though there are no examples listed in the Index of cognates due to lack of cognates in Eastern Tucanoan : kwekwe (Si), kwekwe (Sec), kwekwe (Or) 'to count'. k *r - n I - V (Cub) 2, 31, 44, 77, 114, 123, 142, 156, 165, 182, 191, 267 n I V - V (Si) 44

132

PHOTO

*c

*z -

*Y - •

*S —

*m —

*n

-

*w

>

TUCANOAN

t' (Si) 71, 133, 192 r 71, 76, 133, 192 (Regarding protomorphophoneme, *R see 4.1.) ts (Bar) 17, 120, 132 h (Bara, Cub) 17, 68, 120, 132 s 17, 68, 98, 120, 132 h (Cub) 112, 162 s (Des, Gn, Tue) 112, 162 c (Si) 112, 162 r (Bar) 26, 74, 194 h (Cub) 22, 26, 74, 133, 194 s' (Si) 26, 74, 194 d 22, 26, 74, 194 r (Bar) 213, 254 h (Cub) 213, 254 y (Si) 213, 254 d s' (Si) 140, 251, 256 h (Cub) 142, 251, 256 y (Bar, Barä, Des, Gn, Tue) 95, 140, 142, 251, 256 Compare the s-y isogloss below which probably had an analogous development. y (Cub, Des, Si) 18, 101, 103 h (Bara) 18 s 18, 101, 103 The s-y isogloss possibly reflects an sy cluster resulting from vowel loss due to stress shift. Thus, based on external d a t a (See P a r t 1, Sec. 1.6 : 70 'bat' and 192 'crocodile') this correspondence could be reconstructed as y(V)s. w I —Vp/m, (Gn) 122, 165, 246 TO (Si, Cub) 8, 12, 20, 41, 60 b Ju cognate sets where Siona is missing, the nasal or non-nasal status of the bilabial cannot be determined when Eastern Tucanoan languages phonetically reflect the bilabial nasal m. 14, 20, 35, 41, 60 r I V—V (Tue) 34, 123, 271 η (Si, Cub) 154, 226 d In cognate sets where Siona is missing, the nasal or non-nasal status of the alveolar cannot be determined when Eastern Tucanoan languages phonetically reflect the alveolar nasal n. 15, 34, 68, 123, 168 hw I —ijeC (Si) *wiha hwiha (Si) 212 (This is well supported within Western Tucanoan.)

PROTO TUCANOAN

133

b I -Vbld (Bar, Des) 271 0 I —mjp (Cub) 4, 161, 212

*y

*A *?

0

0 I «—V (Des) 3 m I - V m (Si) 161 w 41, 87, 121, 129 -> d I —i (Bar) 136 dz ~ y (fluctuation is possibly due to stress changes) (Cub) 52, 101, 264 d I Vi—V-! (Cub) 18, 223 g 1 V—V (Gn) 223 (Regular pattern in Gn) 9 I -VfifV (Des) 130, 136 0 I e—α (Des, Gn) 265 0 I i— (Des, Tue) 206 0 I (Bara) 33 y J - V (All Tucanoan) 24, 60, 99, 166 y 33, 38, 72, 104, 124, 128 • 0 (Bara, Si) h 15, 88, 182, 196 0 | V 1 - V 2 (Des) 28, 58, 63, 69, 87, 176, 206 0 (Bar, Bara, Cub) 17, 23, 28, 58, 143, 159 0 : Pyä — iyä (Si) 206 Ρ I (Des, Gn, Tue, Si) 17, 23, 28, 58, 143, 159 > w\o-\ (Bara) 28 w I ilu—l—i d I o—aja—o h I (Si) Ρ : *yci(Ρ)sa *se(P)ro *pa(?)Jci *(p)a(?)si

(Bar, Cub) 26, 65, 128, 191 (Cub) 28, 106

120 ya?sado (Des) 189 -> seho (Tue) 190 ha'}-ki (Secoya) 157 — hahi (Si) 120

*ma^me —>- mame (Si) 165 These are a few examples of irregular occurrences of the glottal stop. It is not exhaustive. 4.4.2 Vowels

A tendency to vowel harmony is evident in Proto Tucanoan. The vowel change under certain conditions is only applicable to the examples cited; All languages listed do not necessarily assimilate the same in all examples. The causes of this irregularity in assimilation are : l . T h e multilingual situation in which the Tucanoan live. The word for 'head' in Guanano is an example of the influence of a multilingual situation

134

PROTO TUCANOAN

on vowel harmony. In Villa Fatima the word for 'head' is άαρύ. The nearby Desano say dipu for 'head'. Whereas up river in Santa Cruz, the Guanano say dapo for 'head'. These Guanano have contact with the Cubeo whose word for 'head' is hipoöi. 2. The sporadic dropping of protomorphemes. In some languages a protomorpheme may be dropped before vowel harmony has actually taken effect. Thus, there is variation in the stages of change in each individual language. The following vowel changes in the Tucanoan languages are evident : e aC- (Bar, Bara, Cub, Tue, Si) 126, 161, 244, 254 e e C - (Tue) 113 e o C - (Cub, Des, Gn, Tue) 64, 267 e -Ca (Cub, Tue, Si) 72, 202, 210 e a— (Bar, Bara) 92 e e - (Des) 65, 128 e - ^Ce (Tue) 167 e -ο (Des) 273 e —ϊ/Ci dissimilation (Cub) 24, 159 i - C a (Cub, Des, Gn, Tue) 9, 64, 95, 130, 143, 206, 210 i - C o (Bara, Cub, Tue, Pir) 111, 197, 236 i u>- (Gn, Si) 121 i i— (Tue) 92 % PC— (Gn) 94 i - C i (Gn) 136 a aC- (Bar, Bara, Cub, Des, Gn, Tue) 21, 46, 48, 161, 180, 254 a - C a (Gn) 9 a - C o (Gn) 112 u uC- (Tue) 12 u —Ott (Gn) 46 u w- (Cub) 212 0 aC— (Bara) 180 0 i - (Gn) 92, 147 0 a— (Tue) 21, 65 % i

i— (Des) 26 i —Ci (Gn, Des, Si) 5, 11, 15, 17, 37, 160, 186 i iC— (Des, Tue) 19, 121, 167, 200 i i C - (Cub, Des, Si) 19, 103, 200, 220, 247 i —Cm (Des) 30, 153 i e— (Cub) dissimilation 98, 154 i —c (Gn) 84, 85 i iC— (Gn, Si) 57, 121

PROTO

TüCANOAN

135

o C - (Cub, Gn) 135 uC— (Des) 135 a C - (Bar, Bara, Cub, Des, Gn, Tue) 17, 75, 115, 129, 165, 171 - C a (Gn, Tue) 7, 38, 63, 66, 140, 154, 174, 175, 251 o C - (Bara, Cub, Gn, Si) 14, 66, 211, 245, 262 o - (Gn) 187 - C o (Gn) 59, 154, 177, 251 w - (Bara, Gn, Si) 89, 129, 175, 237 - a (Gn) 174, 265 - C i (Gn) 149 o C - (Gn) 207 —a (Bara, Gn) 14, 156 - C e (Cub) 167 ^ C e - (Des) 65 ο - (Gn) 262 -Ce (Bar, Bara, Cub, Des, Gn) 19, 160, 200, 220, 244 - C i (Des) 15, 19, 200, 247 e I - C o (Bard, Des) 163, 185 β j e C - (Pir) 149 e I a C - (Cub) 123 a I aC- (Bar, Des, Gn, Tue) 56, 123, 270 a j —Co (Gn, Tue) 40, 93, 185, 250 a I - C a (Si) 195 u I - C u (Bara, Cub, Des, Gn, Tue, Si) 8, 40, 59, 93, 173, 237, 238, 249 u I —ο (Tue) 184 ο I - C o (Gn, Si) 127, 170, 185 ο I a C - (Bar) 123 ο j - C a (Gn) 78 ο j —PojPCe (Tue) 97, 220 0 I —» (Bar, Bara, Des, Tue) 147 0 I - α (Des) 47 0 I -ow (Si) 84 1 i I iC- (Bar, Bara, Cub, Des, Gn, Tue) 22 y- (Tue) 65 e I i/eC- (Gn, Tue) 63, 65, 74, 172, 175, 272 e I y- (Des) 16, 65, 128 • |»C- (Bar, Cub, Gn) 74, 136, 206 t I PC— (Bar, Gn) 206 i I tC— (Des, Gn, Tue, Si) 76, 117, 126, 130, 143, 158, 210

PROTO TUCANOAN

136

- C i (Si) 9, 210, 231 uC- (Bar, Bara, Gn) 164, 226 uC— (Bar, Bara, Gn) 164, 226 i - (Des) 74 — Cm (Gn) 38, 46 —Co (Bar, Bara, Cub, Gn, Tue, Si) 172, 185, 217, 263 oC— (Des) 163 u a C - (Si) 191 — PCu (Tue) 71 —i (Gn) 21 e - (Cub, Des, Tue, Si) 14, 156 i ~ (Cub, Si) 47 —u (Des, Tue) 107 — i (Bara, Gn) 107 o— (Bara) 266 i j -yV (Des) 210 u I uh— (Bara) 199 *V V Irregularly in certain cognates as follows : (Bar) 111 ; (Bara) 2 5 3 ; (Cub) 2 3 4 ; (Des) 1 3 5 ; (Gn) 2 5 3 ; (All E T ) 1 4 3 ; (Si) 61, 77, 129, 240 This is a sample list and is not exhaustive. Nasalization is reconstructed whenever reflected in any language. Metathesis (Bara) 206 * V i V 2 ->- v i ( B a r - B a r a , Des, Gn, Tue) 7, 26, 27, 62, 107, 129, 147, 149, 180, 181, 216, 262, 264

4.5 INDEX OF COGNATE SETS

1. 'abdomen, stomach' *pd-gajru: [ρά-ga] (Bara), ρά-ru (Des), p^ä-Ro (Gn), pä--ga (Tue). 2. 'achiote' *büsä: [muhäniyokaj (Cub), büsä (Tue), p'ösa (Si). 3. 'agouti' *bu-wi: [bu] (Bara), bui (Des), bu (Gn), bu (Tue), wi (Si). 4. 'alive 1 ' *kati: Mri- (Des), gati- (Gn), kati-mi (Tue). 'alive 2 ' *wahi: [apiki] (Cub), wahi (Si). 5. 'all' *Mjdijni-pe'Hijf>de-rolse: [nt-peti-ro] (Bara), ddi-pe^de-ro (Des), Mh p Pti-Ro (Gn), di-peHi-se (Tue). (dt- 'to be, continnative' ; hi- 'to be'.) See also 'first'.

138

PHOTO

TUCANOAN

6. 'anaconda' *pidö-röj*pinö-rö: [pinö] (Bara), pido-Rö (Gn), pidö (Tue). 7. 'ant' *meä-gä: [mekJhl] (Bara), fbm-ki] (Cub), bfgä (Des), bäct (Gn), bekn (Tue), meä (Si). 8. 'anteater 1 ' *mtc: [mie] (Cub), ble (Gn), mie (Si). 'anteater2' *bigo: bugu (Des), bikö (Tue). 9. 'arm' *dika-ki: [dikhä] (Bara), dikd (Des), daci-ki (Gn). See also 'leg'. 10. 'armadillo' *pämü: [pamü-ri-] (Cub), päbü (t)es), ph5bö (Gn), pdbö (Tue), hamü (Si). 11. 'arrow, bow1' *bue-: [bue-di-krape] 'bow', (Bara), bui-ri-bero 'bow', (Des), bie-di 'arrow', bie-Ri-dete 'bow' (Gn), bi-se 'arrow', bie-ri-tehe (Tue). 'arrow, bow2' *temü-: temo-medo 'arrow' (Bar) ; [temü-yo] 'arrow', [temü-tenabi] 'bow' (Cub). 12. 'assai palm' *yümi-yo: yübü-yo (Tue), yümi-yi (Si). 13. 'at' *-pi: pi (Gn), pi (Tue). 14. 'axe' *kobe-äj*köme-ä: kobe-ä (Bar), [kome-ä] (Bara), köbe (Des), köbä (Gn), köbe (Tue). See also 'pot'. 15. 'baby' *de-MI*ne-M-nalgajrö: [imi-hinä] (Cub), dihi-gä (Des), diM-Rö-ka (Gn), [nehino] (Pir). 16. 'bad' *yäPä: ye- (Des), yä-Rö (Gn), yä^ä-se (Tue). 17. 'bark, skin' *ga'Jjka-.sej-ni: gatsi-ro (Bar), [kahe-ro] (Bara), [kahe] 'skin' (Cub), gasi-ri (Des), kha?sä-Ro (Gn), kasi-ro (Tue), k'ä'Jni-wi (Si). See also 'fingernail', 'sky'. 18. 'bat' *oSo: oho (Bara), [odo-ri] (Cub), oyo (Des), so (Gn), osö (Tue), } ' oyo (Si). 19. 'beard, chin' *zi-ß-sei: [dihe-poa] 'beard', [ihe-wi] 'chin' (Bara) ; he-wi 'beard', [ye-diM-diJ 'chin' (Cub) ; disi-ka poa-ri 'beard', disi-ka ρύη-ru 'chin' (Des) ; dise poa-Ri 'beard' (Gn) ; ise-ka poa-ri 'beard', ise-ka 'chin' (Tue) ; sei-wi 'beard' (Si). 20. 'bee (honey)' *mörm\*böb%: mümt-di (Cub), bi-kina-iro (Gn), [möme] (Sir). 21. 'big' *pai-gi: Mi-ro (Bar), [pai-ro] (Bara), paga-ri (Des), phl-Ro (Gn), paka-sl (Tue), hai (Si). 22. 'bird' *bi-zi^a: bidi (Bar), [mini] (Bara), [mihi-ki] (Cub), bidibäyi (Des), bidieaka (Gn), bin (Tue), p'i?ä (Si). 23. 'bite 1 ' *köH-ri: kori-ebe (Bar), [küi-mi] (Cub), küri (Des), kü-'ri-bl (Tue), küH (Si). 'bite2' *ba^ka: bakä-ya (Bara), ba^kä-Ra (Gn). 24. 'black' *yi-: yi-ri (Bara), nVemi-no (Cub), yi-ri (Des), yt-Rö (Gn), yi-se (Tue). 25. 'blade' *-pi: [diH-pi-qä] 'knife' (Pir), wabö-pika 'finger' (Gn), pi-kö-Rö 'tail' (Tue), [ko-pi-yo] 'tooth' (Cub). 26. 'blood' *zie-(we): ή (Bar), [di] (Bara), [hiwe] (Cub), dii (Des), di (Gn), di (Tue), s'ie (Si). See also 'sap'.

PROTO TITCANOAN

139

27. 'blow, blowgun1' *pu-ti: hutί-gi-ya 'blow' (Bar) ; Λαρύ 'blow', purisu-ke 'blow' (Des) ; buti-Ra 'blow', phu-ka 'blowgun' (Gn) ; puti-bi 'blow' (Tue). 'blow, blowgun2' *bupuo-rikelwaalyijrulwi: [buhu-rikej 'blow', [bupuwda] 'blowgun' (Barä) ; [pionVi] 'blowgun' (Cub) ; buhu-ru 'blowgun' (Des) ; bupu-wi 'blowgun' (Tue) ; hio-wi 'blowgun' (Si). 28. 'bone' *gö>)ä: god (Bar), [δινά] (Barä), küa-do (Cub), god (Des), kö^ä (Gn), m (Tue), jfe'3% (Si). 29. 'bow' See 'arrow'. 30. 'breast' *ope-7]ajbojrujri: [ορέ-ηΰ] (Bara), [ope-bo] (Cub), αρί-rü (Des), pe-Rl (Gn), ορέ (Tue), ?ohe 'milk' (Si). See also 'milk'. 31. 'brush, woods' *mäkä-rokaldtgtjntgi: mäkä-roka (Bar), [mäkd-mkH] (Bara), [mälcd-nö] (Cub), digi (Des), dtkt (Gn), dtki (Tue), mäka (Si). 32. 'burn' *tht: U (Gn), ihi-bi (Tue). 33.'buzzard' *yu-ga-(wa): [ukhd] (Barä), [kawd] (Cub), ga (Des), yukä (Gn), yukä (Tue). 34. 'eane' *gädtl*gäm: gädt (Des), kädt-ki (Gn), ärt (Tue), k'äti (Si). 35. 'canoe 1 ' *kübüäj*kümüä: kubüä (Bar), [kümuä] (Bara). 'canoe2' See 'tree'. 36. 'charcoal' *ditil*niti: nlhitH (Bara), diti (Des), dlt% (Gn), dltl (Tue). 37. 'ehest' *ko-re-ti-rolbilalba: [khotHa] (Bara), koretibi (Des), kutlro (Tue), p'a (Si). 38. 'chicha' *pe-ya-ru: peru (Des), p^ayuru (Gn), /peyäru] (Sir), phu (Tue). 39. 'chief *opii)-to-ro: [opi] (Barä), opi (Des), phiH6-Ro (Gn). 40. 'chigger' *di>)-po-sn-a: [dipH-MJ (Barä), gubu-&\\ (Des), daPpu-su-a (Gn), di'Ppo-su-a (Tue). 41. 'child' *wii)a-mä-giakajriro-kajgi: wibä-gi-a-ka (Bar), wPd-Riro-ka (Gn), wi^bä-gi (Tue), mami (Si). 42. 'chili pepper' *bia: [biaa] (Barä), [bid] (Cub), bia (Des), bid (Gn), bid (Tue), p'ia (Si). 43. 'chin' See 'beard'. 44. 'chonta palm' *tre: [IM-nVi] (Cub), tre-ρδ (Gn), ire-yö (Tue), "'ine (Si). 45. 'claw' See 'fingernail'. 46. 'coca' *patu: [pdthu] (Barä), [pdtu] (Cub), pütu-pü (Gn), pdtu (Tue). 47. 'cold' *Yisia: [yihia] (Barä), [hihi-rö] (Cub), yisa (Des), yisia-Ro (Gn), yisia-se (Tue), sisi (Si). 48. 'come1' *aHi: arike (Des), ta-ga (Gn), aHi-d (Tue). 'come2' *da: fd&-hakij (Cub), t'a-i (Si). 49. 'cook' Ho?a: do?d (Gn), do'Ja (Tue). 50. 'corn' *oho-dika: oho-rika (Bar), o-dika (Barä), oho-dika (Des), ohö-ka (Tue). See also 'plantain'. 51. 'cornfield' See 'cultivated clearing'.

140

PROTO

TUOANOAN

52. 'cotton 1 ' ''"bu^sa: [buhäa] (Bara), bu^sd (Gn), bu^sd (Tue). 'cotton 2 ' *yui: [dzui] (Cub), yii (Si). 53. 'covering' *-se: ka-se-ro 'bark' (Tue), wabö-se-ro 'fingernail' (Gn), di-seRo 'mouth' (Gn), tbi-se 'sky' (Tue), se -buti 'thick' (Gn). 54. 'crocodile1' *isoji8o: [pekd-iho] 'fire lizard' (Bara), so (Gn), pekd-iso 'fire lizard' (Tue). See also 'iguana'. 'crocodile2' *zia-bi^i: [hiabi] (Cub), bi'H-a 'piranha' (Gn), bi^i 'piranha' (Tue), p'iH (Si). 55. 'cultivated clearing' *wese: ivese (Gn), wese (Tue). 56. 'curassow' *kata-bäKI*kata-mähi: [til(ita] (Bara), kdra-bahi (Des), gatdbähä (Gn), Icatä- (Tue). See also 'hen and macaw'. 57. 'cut' *yijdi-te: dite (Gn), di-te-M (Tue), yiti (Si). 58. 'dark' *näi)i-tiälsibi: clältia (Des), däHtia-R5 (Gn), dä-Hti-se (Tue), ηΰ?ϊsip'i (Si). 59. 'day' *imi-de-ko: ibi (Des), daco (Gn), [delcö] (Pir), [tbt-reko] (Tat), lbl-lco (Tue) ibl-deko (Pre-Tucano). See also 'man, sky, water'. 60. 'deer' *yämä: [yämää] (Bara), [nVama-ko] (Cub), yäbä (Des), yäbä (Gn), yäbä (Tue), yämä (Si). 61. 'demon' *wätl: wätt (Gn), wäti (Tue), wati (Si). 62. 'die' *'yai-ria: [yai] (Cub), yaria (Gn). 63. 'dig' *se:)a: sea-ke (Des), saPa-ra (Gn), se'^e-bi (Tue). 64. 'dirty 1 ' *goi)i-ra-ri: gPira-ri (Des), üHrl (Tue). 'dirty 2 ' *wete: wete (Gn), [wete] (Pir). 65.'dog' *dia-yai: yai (Bar), [yai] (Bara), [yawimi] (Cub), did-ye (Des), die-Ro (Gn), did-yi (Tue). 66. 'doorway' *sope: sopd-p^a^bä (Gn), sope (Tue). 67. 'down' *doka: dokd (Des), dokd-pi (Gn). 68. 'drink 1 ' *si?dH*sPni: hini-ya (Bara), sV'di-Rä (Gn), sV'ri-bt (Tue). 'drink2' *ükü: [ükü-haki] (Cub), ''üku (Si). 'drink3' *idi: idi (Bar), iri (Des). 69.'drum' Ho?atu: [toatore] (Bara), toatii-ri (Des), tho3ati-ri (Gn), tö?dti (Tue). 70. 'dry' *bopo-a\-i: [bopoa] (Bara), [popöi-no] (Cub), boho (Des), bopo-se (Tue). 71. 'ear' *ga?-bu-pe-ro: gäbö-rö (Bar), /AmÖpero] (Bara), kümüka (Cub), gäbiro (Des), khä?bö-Rö (Gn), oM-pero (Tue), k'ähö-t'o (Si). 72. 'earth 1 ' *si\dP-ta: tsitd (Bar), [Uta] (Bara), di'Hd (Gn), diHd (Tue). 'earth 2 ' *yipa: [yepa] (Car), yiha (Si). See also 'sand'. 73. 'eat 1 ' *ba?i: ba-ya (Bar), [ba-ya] (Bara), [&-haki] (Cub), ba (Des), ba^abl (Tue), V i (Si). 74. 'egg' *zia: Ha (Bar), [dia] (Bara), [hidi] (Cub), diu (Des), die-ka (Gn), die (Tue), s'ia (Si).

FROTO TUCANOAN

141

75. 'eye 1 ' *kape-a: kahe-a (Bar), fkapeaj (Barä), gapd (Gn), kape-a (Tue). 'eye 2 ' *yäko: [yako-ri] (Cub), yäko-ka (Si). 76. 'fall 1 ' *bira: bora-Ra (Gn), biri-bi (Tue). 'fall 2 ' *to-H: [ti] (Cub), toH (Si). 77. 'far 1 ' *Yoa: yoa-ha (Bar), [yoa] (Bara), [hoa-no] (Cub), yod-ri (Des), yod-Ro (Gn), yoa-ro (Tue), s'oa 'long' (Si). 'far 2 ' *söi)ö: sö^ö 'there' (Des), sö^o-pi 'there' (Gn), scPo-pi 'there' (Tue), so Po (Si). 78. 'father' *pa(P)-ki: yi-ha-ki (Bar), [yi-pha-khi] (Bara), [pa-ki] (Cub), pa-gi (Des), pa-ki (Tue), haP-ki (See). See also 'mother, old man'. 79. 'fear' *gui: gui-ka (Des), kui (Gn), ui-bi (Tue). 80. 'feather' See 'hair'. 81. 'feminine' *-ko: [-pa-ko/ 'mother' (Cub), bädä-ki-ko 'wife' (Bar). 82. 'finger' *ivälä-bül*ivälä-wtü -pi-ka ('hand' wcllü-bü) wäbö-pi-ku (Gn), / iimä-pi-kaj (Pir), übö-pi-ka (Tiic). See also 'knife, neek, tooth'. 83. 'fingernail, claw 1 ' *wälä-bäl*wälä-mCt-se(P)ro ('hand' iva/u-bti) [ämökahero] (Bara), böhä:)sc-ri (Des), wäbö-sc-Ro (Gn), abö-seP-ro (Tue). 'fingernail, claw 2 ' *kio: [kio-we] (Cub), lco-wi (Si). 84. 'fire 1 ' *pe-kaja-b('lmclka: heabe (Bar), [p^ck^ame] (Barä), peubf'e (Des), bied-ka (Gn), pekäbe (Tue). 'fire 2 ' *toa: [toa-bo] (Cub), toa (Si). See also 'blade, small object, smoke' 85. 'firewood' *peka: [fekd-buweri] (Barä), / p e k d ] (Cub), ped (Des), bicd (Gn), pekd (Tue), Peka (Si). 86. 'first' *Μ-Ιάϊ-Ιηϊ-ΚΗαΙηιϊ:Ηα: hi-bPtä-Riro (Gn), dl-hVHa-ka (Tue). See also 'all'. 87. 'fish' *wa?i: wdi (Bar), [wai] (Bara), wai (Des), ινα'Η (Gn), waPi (Tue), waH (Si). See also 'kill'. 88. 'fish hook' *wehe-nl-se: wehe-n (Des), waH wehe-se (Tue). See also 'fish net, kill'. 89. 'fish net 1 ' *wehe-te-dilgijrö: wehedigi (Des), wä-yt-Rö 'to kill, to look thing' (Gn), wehe-ki (Tue), wdte-t'i (Si). 'fish net 2 ' *bapi-ki: [bapi-ki] (Bara), / p a p i - k i / (Cub). 90. 'flesh' See 'meat'. 91.'flower' *go!>o-rol ινί/η: go (Bar), j'o] (Bara), fkvwij (Cub), go (Des), koPo-Ro (Gn), oH-rl (Tue). 92. 'fly (v) 1 ' *wii: fwi-J (Cub), wiH- (Des), wi-Ra (Gn), wii-bi (Tue), ivi-i 'rise' (Si). 'fly (v)2' -'Icaido-pi: kaeriliire (Bar), [kaedipi] (Bara), [Icairo] (Mac). 93. 'foot, thigh 1 ' *gio-bo\so: gibo (Bar) ; fkibobaj (Cub) ; gitbu-ri (Des) ; k'io 'foot', k'i-so 'thigh' (Si). 'foot, thigh 2 ' *diPpolso: dipö (Barä) ; da:>po-Ro 'foot', diso 'thigh' (Gn) ; dPpo-ka 'foot', 'thigh' (Tue). See also 'chigger'.

142

PROTO

TUCANOAN

94. 'forehead' *wü)dia-poa: [dia-makha] (Bara), dia-pu^sero (Des), wiMia-pa (Gn), did-poa (Tue). See also 'hair'. 95. 'fruit' *Yulci-dika 'tree fruit' : yukidika (Des), died-ha (Gn), yuki-dika (Tue). See also 'tree, fruit'. 96. 'full' *bui: fbüi-ηο] (Cub), p'ui (Si). 97. 'give1' *o-?o: o- (Des), o V (Tue). 'give2' *isi: [hi-bi] (Cub), Hsi (Si). 98. 'go1' *wa?a: ινά-hi (Bar), [wd-hi] (Bara), wd-ke '(Des), wd?d-ga (Gn), wa^a-ya (Tue). 'go2' *sai: sa 'let's go' (Gn), sa-i (Si). 99. 'good1' *äyü: [änü] (Bara), äyü-se (Tue). 2 'good ' *d(V)-öäl*n(Y)-öä: öä (Des), döä- (Gn). 100. 'gourd' *waku-hu-: wahd-ka (Gn), wahd-ro (Tue), [wakuhu] (Tat). 101. 'grape' *iSei: [idzei] (Cub), se (Gn), iye (Si). 102. 'grass' *ta-ya: ta (Des), tha (Gn), ta (Tue), taya (Si). 103. 'grease' *i?Se: iyi (Des), se (Gn), Pse (Tue). 104. 'green' *yai)-yajsa: [ydyd-ri] (Bara), yasa-ή (Des), ya^sd-Ro (Gn), ya^sa-se (Tue). 105. 'ground' See earth'. 106. 'hair' *poa: höa (Bar), [ρόα] (Bara), [podd] (Cub), pod-ri (Des), phodRi (Gn), poa-ri (Tue). See also 'foot, head, beard'. 107. 'hammock' *päü-gilröjdi: [pl-ηαJ (Bara), fpäü-kij (Cub), pü-gl (Des), h p l-Rö (Gn), pü-gt (Tue), häö-t'i (Si). 108. 'hand1' *wälä-bül*wälä-mü -hotoldzo/ka: übö (Bar), [amö] (Bara), [amüdzoj 'finger' (Cub), bohoto (Des), wäbo-ka (Gn), abö-ka (Tue), wabu (Car). 'hand2' *pi-rijti: [pi-HJ (Cub), ti-sat'a (Si). 109. 'hard' *buti: buti (Gn), biti (Tue). 110. 'he1' *ati-ro: i (Bar), [atl] (Bara), ti-ro (Gn). 'he2' *-g%: [t] (Cub), i-gi (Des), kl (Tue), p'a-k'i (Si). 111. 'head' *zi-po-ajgajrulbi: ri-hod (Bar), [di-pi-ga] (Bara), [hi-pobi] (Cub), dipu-ru (Des), dapü (Gn), dipöa (Tue), s'i-hö (Si). See also 'meat, hair'. 112. 'hear1' *tPo: thPo (Gn), tPo-bi (Tue). 'hear2' *a£a: / h a - p i a - i b i ] (Cub), ala (Si). 113. 'heart' *yi?i-sijhi-ri-pöHälpohiä'my heing offspring' : [yerika] (Bar&), slpödä (Des), ya-MRi-pö^dä (Gn), eheripohci (Tue). 114. 'heavy' *dlkt-röjse: [mki] (Bara), [nikino] (Cub), dtM (Des), dikt-Rö (Gn), dtM-se (Tue), t'iki (Si). 115. 'hen' *a-ka-re-(f>)-kajraya\yuko: [akha] (Bara), [kadzüko] (Cub), karayd (Des), k h araM (Gn), kare^ke (Tue), >'aka 'guinea hen' (Si). 116. 'here1' *ädö: ado (Bar), [anö] (Bara), [αηδ] (Tuy). 'here2' *aHo: [dtoj (Tat), αΗό (Tue). 117. 'hill, mountain' *itä-gt: [itd-ηα] (Bara), ti-kt (Gn).

PEOTO TUCANOAN

143

118. 'hold' *kio: kia (Gn), kio-U (Tue). 119. 'horn' *sa?a: /"tsabu] (Bar), fha,waro] (Cub), sa^a-Ri (Gn), kape-s^vo (Tue). 120. 'hot' *a(?)si: atsi-goda (Bar), [ahi] (Bara), [toa-hi-no] (Cub). See also 'fire' (Cubeo), asi (Des), si-Ro (Gn), asi-se (Tue), ha^si (Si). See also 'burn'. 121. 'house' *wi>)e: wi (Bar), [wiJ (Bara), wiPi (Des), wiH (Gn), wii>i (Tue), wi>>e (Si). 122. 'hummingbird' *mimi: bibi (Des), wlbl (Gn), blbl (Tue), mm» (Si). Note : wPbi 'suck' (Gn). 123. 'husband' *bäd*\*mäm: bädökiki (Bar), bädä-pi (Des), bädi (Gn), bäräpi (Tue). See also 'wife'. 124. Ί ' *yiH: yi (Bar), [yi] (Bara), [dzi] (Cub), yiH (Des), yiH (Gn), yiH (Tue), yiH (Si). 125. 'iguana' *yoa-iso 'long lizard' : yoa-sί-peruriki (Des), yoäso (Gn), yodso paki 'long lizard's father' (Tue). See also 'crocodile'. 126. 'intestines' *gi( ? )tä-mi-si: [kira-me] (Cub), tl-bisl (Gn), Ptd-blsi (Tue), Vitaline (Si). 127. 'island' *c%i-ciö/?iö/ro .· gigl-do (Des), dikö (Gn), dlM-Ro (Tue). 128. 'jaguar' *yai: yäi (Bar), [yäi] (Bara), [yawl] (Cub), yee (Des), yai-Ro (Gn), yai (Tue), yai (Si). 129. 'kill' *wei-he: wehe (Des), wähä-da (Gn), wehe-bi (Tue), wax (Si). See also 'fish, fishhook, fishnet'. 130.'knee' *yikä-si\ku>)u-ria: gigi-ku^u (Des), [yikä-hi-ria] (Tat), [yikä-siria] (Tuy). 131.'knife' *ziH-pi: [ηϊ-ρί] (Bara), [diH-pi-tjä] (Pir), diH-pihi-ükä (Tue). See also 'blade, head, meat, tooth'. 132. 'know' *mäst: bätsi-ya (Bar), [mähi-ya] (Bara), mähi-bi (Cub), bäsi (Des), bäsi-Rä (Gn), bäsi-bl (Tue), mäsi (Si). 133.'lake 1 ' *zi(Ρ)ta-rajrujbi: [maka-hitabij (Cub), dita'^ru (Des), diHa-ra (Tue), s'ita-t'a (Si). 'lake2' *gita-biki-ra: gidä-biki-ra (Bar), [itä-biki-ra] (Bara), [ita-biki-ra] (Tat). 134. 'leaf' *pü: hü (Bar), [phu] (Bara), pü (Des), pü (Gn), pu-ri (Tue). See also 'roof. 135. 'left' *kö-pel-pi-raivilbißse: [kakö pirawi] (Cub), kupi (Des), k6-bi^ae (Gn), k6-pe (Tue). 136. 'leg' *yikä: diki (Bar), ylka (Bar&), gtgä-gt (Des), yict-ki (Gn). 137. 'lick' *ne?ne: dPre (Tue), ne'>ne (Si). 138. 'lightning' *mtpö-pa: [ipo-pa-ro] (Pir), bipo-pa-se (Tue), miho (Si). See also 'thunder'. 139. 'liquid 1 ' *zi: di-a 'river' (Des), [di] 'blood' (Bari). 'liquid2' *ko: [i-ko] 'rain' (Bara), [ope-ko] 'milk' (Cub).

144

PßOTO TUCANOAN

140. 'liver' *Yef>me-tujsa^wa\bi: yä^ba-sa^wa-ri (Gn), yPbe-tu-ri p'i (Si). See also 'tongue'. 141. 'lizard' See 'crocodile, iguana'. 142. 'long' *Yoa-nolrojrilse: fhoa-no] se (Tue), s'oa (Si). See also 'far'. 143.'louse' *gp-ä-bi: gia-bi (Gn), Pia (Tue), ιk'Pt (Si).

(Tue), s'eme-

(Cub), yoa-ri (Des), yoa-Ro (Gn), yoa-

(Bar), [id-mi J (Bara), [M-ki]

144. 'lower leg' See 'leg'. 145.'macaw' *mähä: bähä (Bar), [mä] bähd (Gn), bähä (Tue), mä (Si).

(Bara), [ma]

(Cub),

ki?a-iro

(Cub), bähä (Des),

146. 'man' *ka-tmi-rölgi: tbt (Bar), fimtj (Bara), [tmi] (Cub), Iblgl (Des), bi-Rö (Gn), tbi (Tue), i'imi-k'.i (Si), [ktnii] (Tat) • *(ka)-hnt; ka-tmi (Car). See also 'sky'. 147. 'manioc' *ku: ki (Tue), kii (Si).

Id (Bar), [k!llj

(Bara), /kiika] (Cub), ki (Des),

(Gn),

148. 'manioc flour' *po:>)me: bäbä-dö (Bar), [wämä-diku] (Bara), [mä-nä-no] (Cub), bäbä (Des), wä^bä (Gn), bä^bä-se (Tue), mä-me (Si). 166. 'night' *yämi: yäbt (Bar), [yäml] (Bara), [nVämi] (Cub), yäbt (Des), yäbi (Gn), yäbl (Tue), yäml (Si). 167. 'nose' ^i^ge-röjä: [ike] (Bara), igt-ru (Des), ke-Rö (Gn), e:)keä (Tue). 168. 'old' *büdäl'*münä: büdä-ye (Des), bidä-Rö (Gn). 169. 'old man' *bi-ki-kijro: biki-ro (Bar), [bikhi-ro] (Bara), biki-ki (Cub), bigi (Des), biki-Ro (Gn), biki (Tue). See also 'father, mother, old woman'. 170. 'old woman' *bi-ki-Jcojrolo: biki-ko (Cub), bi-lco-Ro (Gn), biki-o (Tue). See also 'father, mother, old man'. 171. 'other, another' *a-pe-irolrolojki: ha-iro (Bar), [p^a-iro] (Bara), [a-peki] (Cub), pa-iro (Gn), a-pe-ro (Tue). 172. 'otter' *zia-ya>)o: diayawa (Des), dieyo (Gn), diayoPo (Pir), didyo (Tue), ya^o 'collared peccary' (Si). 173.'owl' *bipu pako: [buphu-phakho] (Bara), [pupu-ri] (Cub), bipi-pako (Tue). See also 'mother, lightning'. 174. 'paca' *seme: [heme] (Bara), [hemi-bo] (Cub), sebS (Des), säbä (Gn), sebi (Tue), seme (Si). 175.'paddle (n)' *we-ha-pihilrojbu: [wa-dikd-pi] (Bara), weha-bu (Des), wehe-Ro (Gn), waha-plhl (Tue). See also 'tooth'. Note : pi — 'blade'. 176. 'parakeet 1 ' *gä°i: gäi-putaro (Des), käH (Gn), käH (Tue). 'parakeet 2 ' *kiyi-ri: [kidzi-ri] (Cub), kiyi (Si). 177. 'parrot' *weko: [wekho] (Bara), [weko] (Cub), weko (Des), wa66 (Gn), weko (Tue), weko (Si). 178. 'path, road' See 'trail'. 179. 'peccary' *Yese: yese (Gn), yese (Tue), [yehe] (Tat), sese (Si). 180. 'people' *bäi-sä: bätsd (Bar), [mahokhd] (Bara), bäsä (Des), bäsä (Gn), bäsä (Tue), p'ai (Si). See also 'you (pl.)'. 181. 'pierce' *pui-riye: püriye (Des), hui (Si). 182. 'plantain' *o-ho: [ohu-warihe] (Bara), [emewe] (Cub), ho 'banana' (Gn), oho (Tue), Po (Si). See also 'corn'. 183. 'pot (cooking)' *köbej*köme-sorojti: köbi-soro (Des), köbe-ti (Tue). 184. 'push' *tio: tuviye (Des), [tiö?ya] (Pir), tukeo-bi (Tue). 185. 'rain' *(d)i-ko: i-kö (Bar), [i-ko] (Bara), de-ko-bede-ri (Des), ko-Ro (Gn), a-koro-peha-se (Tue), ?o-ko (Si). See also 'water'. 186. 'rainbow' *bu>>e-rilri-dalsoro: bu^i-Ri-soro (Gn), [bu^e-ri-da] (Pir), bu'^eda (Tue).

146

PROTO TUCANOAN

187. 'rapids' *poe-yejro: p^oclye (Gn), ita poero (Tue). 188. 'rat' See 'mouse'. 189. 'rattle' *yä(?)sä: yä^sä-rö (Des), yäsa (Tue). 190.'rattle snake' *sö(P)ko-döäkäjnöäkälse(?)ro: söi'kö-döäka (Gn), sö^köse?ro (Tue). See also 'fingernail, bark'. Note : seJ'ro. 191.'red' *sü')-älyö: [hüä-ri] (Bara), [huwd-ηδ] (Cub), söKi (Gn), scPä-se (Tue), siP-yö-heH 'yellow' (Si). 192. referent *-re: -Re (Gn), t'e (Si). 193. 'ripe' *buti: [buti-ye] (Pir), buti-si (Tue). 194. 'river' *zia-wa: riwa (Bar), [did-mak^i] (Bara), [hiaJ (Cub), did (Des), did (Gn), did (Tue), s'ia-ya (Si). See also 'otter, dog'. 195. 'rock' See 'stone'. 196. 'roof' *bühl: [müi] (Bara), buhl (Des), bühi p^ä^bä (Gn), büht (Tue), p'üi 'leaf' (Si). See also 'leaf'. 197. 'root' *dl(?)kä\nl(?)kö: [nlkö nenetha] (Barä), [ntkö-ήϊ] (Pir), dt^kö-ri (Tue). 198. 'rotten' *boa: boa (Des), bda-Ro (Gn), boa-se (Tue). 199. 'round 1 ' *zu-ju-pabeHo: ruhabedo (Bar), [uhudbeto] (Bara), apa-beHo (Tue). 'round 2 ' *-soro: buH-re-soro (Gn) 'rainbow', kobe-soro 'pot' (Des). 200. 'saliva' *ziji-se-ko: [he-kü] (Cub). Analogous to Desano ku; isl-ku (Des), ii'si-ko (Tue). See also 'mouth, rain, water'. 201. 'salt' *böä: böä (Bar), [möä] (Bara), böä (Des), böä (Gn), böä (Tue), ?owa (Si).

202. 'sand' *lbljlml-pa: [ίρα] (Cub), iöipa (Des), pha-di (Gn), mehä (Si). See also 'earth'. 203. 'sap' See 'tree'. 204. 'say' *ädl: art (Des), dl (Gn), dl-bl (Tue). 205. 'seat' *köbüröj*kömürö: [khobüro] (Bara), kübürö (Gn), kübürö (Tue). 206.'see' *i(P)yä: yt-ye (Bar), [nüld-rike] (Bara), tä (Des), yt-Rä (Gn), l^ä-bl (Tue), Hyä (Si).

207. 'seed' *ote-rijyapajse: οίέ (Bar), [ote] (Bara), oti-ri (Des),tod-yapä (Gn), oie-se (Tue). 208. 'sew' *dero: dere-Ra (Gn), dero-bl (Tue). 209. 'she' Hiji-go-ro: [o] (Cub), i-go (Des), ti-ko-ro (Gn), k)rö-ä-ka: koröaka (Bar), [konöäka] (Bara), kähö (Tue). 218. 'small object' *-ka: Mdi-öa-ka 'bird' (Gn), phiA-kk 'blowgun' (Gn), [wimd-ψά-ka,] 'child' (Bara), bied-ka, 'fire' (Gn), ^e-ka 'firewood' (Tue), dPpöka 'foot' (Tue), dica-ka 'fruit' (Gn), [veri-ka] 'heart' (Bara), [yi-ka] 'leg' (Bara), pi-Eia-ka 'tooth' (Gn). 219. 'small rounded' *-ria: [yilcä-hi-ria,] 'knee' (Tat), [yikä-si-na,] 'knee' (Tuy), pl-Ria-ka 'tooth' (Gn). 220. 'smoke' *l?beko: [biko] (Cub), ibika (Des), be(Gn),o?bi (Tue),piko (Si). 221. 'smoke, vapor' *-be: pe-ka-bS 'fire' (Tue), be-se 'cloud' (Gn). 222. 'smooth' *yai)pi: ya^pi-Ro (Gn), yaPpi (Tue). 223. 'snake' *äyä: Aya (Bar), [dnVä] (Bara), [ädä] (Cub), äyä (Des), ägd (Gn), dyd (Tue), ?äyä (Si). 224. 'spider' *b%pi: [ptpibo] (Cub), bipi (Des), wipi (Gn), bipi (Tue), hihi (Si). 225. 'spider monkey' *wai)u: iva^u (Tue), wa'^o (Si). 226. 'stand' *nükä: [naka-haimij (Cub), duku (Gn) ; nika (Si). 227. 'star' *yöko-(awi); yokö (Bar), [yöko] (Bara), deyoka (Des), yöko-dwi (Tue). 228. 'stomach' See 'abdomen'. 229. 'stone' *gitä-yojka: 'gltd (Bar) ; [itä-yo] (Bara) ; ita-y& (Des). Loss of g due to the proximity of Desano to Piratapuyo and Guanano ; tä-ka (Gn) ; itd (Tue) ; k'ata (Si). See also 'hill'. 230. 'stream' *bäj*mä-ijka: bat (Des), bd-M (Gn), bä (Tue). See also 'trail'. 231. 'sun 1 ' *äst: si (Gn), [cut] (Pir), Isi-k'i (Si). 'sun 2 ' *bühi-pü: bühl-hü (Bar), [müi-pü] (Bara), bühi-pü (Tue). See also 'leaf, roof'. 232. 'swamp' *sa->)abaro: [abaro] (Bara), ydri sd^aba (Gn), sa^bdro (Tue). 233. 'sweet potato' *yäpi: [yäpi] (Bara), [yapiJ (Cub), yäpi (Gn), yäpi (Tue). 234. 'swell' *bipi: wipi-Ra (Gn), bipi-bl (Tue). 235. 'swim' *baa: baa (Des), baa (Gn), baa (Tue). 236. 'tail' *pikö-rölmüjyo: ihikörö (Bar), [pikho] (Bara), [piko-mü] (Cub), bico-Rö (Gn), pikorö (Tue), Hko-yo (Si). See also 'blade'. 237. 'tapir' *weki: weki (Bar), [weki] (Bara), [wekij (Cub), weki (Des), waci (Gn), weki (Tue), weki (Si). 238. 'termite' *bitua: [bithtid] (Bara), butua-iro (Gn), butüa (Tue). See also 'mountain'. 239. 'that' *si: si (Des), si (Gn), si-se (Tue).

148

PKOTO TUCANOAN

240. 'there' *sö?ö-pi: sö?o (Des), sö^ö-pi (Gn), sö^ö-pi (Tue), so'}o 'far' (Si). 241. 'they' Hi-kidä/na: [ina] (Cub), ira (Des), tidä (Gn), [ti-kidä] (Pir), dä (Tue). 242. 'thigh' See 'foot'. 243. 'think' *walcü: wakü-Rä (Gn), wakü-bi (Tue). 244. 'this 1 ' *aHi: adi (Bar), i (Des), a'>Ri (Gn). 'this 2 ' *ahi: [atij (Bara), a'He (Tue). 'this 3 ' *iye: [iyej (Cub), ?i-ye (Si). See also 'here'. 245. 'throw' *doke-o: dokd (Gn), dokeo-bi (Tue). 246. 'thunder' *mlpö: [bupoj (Bara), bupu (Des), wipö (Gn), bipo (Tuo), rnihö (Si). See also 'lightning'. 247. 'tie' HiHe: diri (Des), dPte (Gn), dPte-bl (Tue). 248. 'toad' Ha^aro-biki: Φά^άτο-biki (Gn), tahö-ki (Tue). 249. 'tobacco' *mid5: [mlnö] (Bara), burü (Des), bl?dö (Gn), blhö (Tue), mlto (Si). 250. 'toe' *diPpo-pika: daPpo-pika (Gn), dPpo-pika (Tue). See also 'finger'. 251.'tongue' *Ye?me-röjyö: yebi-rö (Bar), [riUeme-ro] (Bara), [hemi-do] (Cub), yä^bd-Rö (Gn), ye'-be-rö (Tue), seme-yö (Si). See also 'liver'. 252. 'tooth' *gopl: guhi (Bar), [upi] (Bara), [köpt-yo] (Cub), gui-kuri (Des), ρί-Ria-ka (Gn), upi-ka (Tue), k'ühi (Si). See also 'blade, small object, small roundish'. 253. 'tortoise' *gu-i: [?u] (Bara), [kütbo] (Cub), Mri (Gn), [guj (Tat), ύ (Tue), k'oi (Si). 254. 'toucan' *jäsi: [dähe] (Bara), däsi (Des), dasd (Gn), dase (Tue), yäse (Si). 255. 'trail' *mä!>ä: bä (Bar), [mä] (Cub), bä?ä (Des), bä?ä (Gn), bäM (Tue), mä^ä (Si). See also 'stream'. 256. 'tree' *Yu-kilki-gijyi: yuki (Bar), [yuki-gi] (Bara), [hoki-kij (Cub), yuki-gi (Des), yuki-ki (Gn), yuki (Tue), süki-yt (Si). 257. 'tree-like, part of the woods1' *-di: [puti-dij 'blowgun' (Pir), [mumidi] 'bee' (Cub), [we-di] 'fishnet' (Pir). 'tree-like, part of the woods2' *-ki: kadi-ki 'cane' (Gn),yu-ki 'tree' (Tue). 258. 'trumpeter' Hltl: tUt (Tue), üti (Si). 259. 'up' *bu-(H): bu (Gn), bu-H (Tue). 260. 'village' *bäkä\*mäkä: bäkd (Des), bäkd (Gn), bäkä (Tue). 261. 'vomit 1 ' *etoa: etoka (Des), toa-ka (Gn). 'vomit 2 ' *biso: [bihoj (Cub), siso (Si). 262. 'wash' *koe-Yoa\sa: [koa-ya] (Bara), [hoa] (Cub), koe (Des), gosä-Ra (Gn), [koha-ya] (Tat), koe-bi (Tue), s'oa (Si), doa (Or). 263. 'water' *a-ko: oko (Bar), [ökho] (Bara), [oho] (Cub), ko (Gn), akö (Tue), >Joko (Si). See also 'rain, saliva'. 264. 'we (inclusive)' *mäl-n: bäri (Des), bäri (Gn), bäri (Tue), mai (Si).

PROTO TUCANOAN

149

'we (exclusive)' *ylH-sa: [dzlhd] (Cub), ylsd (Gn), sä (Tue). See also 'people, you (pi.)'. 265. 'wet' *weya-koa: weä-dä (Des), wda-ri (Gn), weya-koa (Tue). 266. 'where' *άδ?δ-ρίΙ*ηδ^δ-ρΐ: dö?ö (Des), άδ^δ-pi (Gn), dö^ö-pi (Tue). 267. 'white' *bo-ti-ro: [boti-ro] (Bara), [böfiö] (Cub), bore (Des), buti-se (Tue), p'o (Si). 268. 'who' *doä\*noä: döä (Bar), [no] (Bara), döä (Des), d6ä (Gn), doä (Tue). 269. 'wide' *he?-3a-ro: sa-ro (Gn), [he^sa-ro] (Pir), e3ea-rö (Tue). 270. 'wife' *bädlböj*mädlmö- ki-tigo: bädä-kiJco (Bar), [nlmö-kitigo] (Bara), bädd-po (Des), dabo (Gn), dlbö (Tue), t'lhö (Si). 271. 'wind' *wPdol*wi>)nö-rö: bldö (Bar), [wlno] (Bar&), bVrü (Des), wiWöRö (Gn), mh6 (Tue). 272. 'with' *beHä\*mPnä: bedä (Des), bPdi (Gn), behä (Tue). 273. 'woman' *dömi- ojajröjgo: robtä (Bar), [n&miä] (Bara), [nömid] (Cub), dubio (Des), dübtBö (Gn), dubiö (Tue), t'omi-k'o (Si). 274. 'worm' *wäsi: watsi (Bar), [wähi] (Bara), [wähi] (Tat). 275.'year' *kl?bäl*klPmä: Mbä (Bar), [Umä] (Bara), khi?bü (Gn), kPbd (Tue). 276. 'yellow' *ewi: ewi (Gn), ewi (Tue). 277.'you (pl.)' *ml?l-sä: [mlhä] (Cub), bid (Des), blsd (Gn), blsd (Tue), mlH-sa-ko^a (Si). 278. 'you (sg.)' *mW: bl (Bar), [ml] (Bara), [ml] (Cub), bl?l (Des), bl?l (Gn), bl?l (Tue), mW (Si).

5. PROTO GUAHIBAN

DIANA R. CHRISTIAN and ESTHER MATTESON

6.1 INTRODUCTION

The Guahiban languages included in this study are the Guahibo, Cuiva, and Guayabero of Colombia. The Guahibo data are from field notes of Victor F. and Riena W. Kondo, 1964 ; the Cuiva, from field notes of Isabel Kerr and Marie Berg, 1966 ; the Guayabero, from field notes of John L. and Adreana Waller, 1966.

5.2 THE PHONEMES OF PROTO GUAHIBAN *t *d *s

*p *b

*k *Y *x

*r

*l *n

*m *w

*N

*y η

*h *u *o

*i *a

*e

5.3 PHONEME REFLEXES

Proto Gb Gb Cuiva Gyb

*p Ρ Ρ Ρ

η t t, c

t

*k k k k

*b b, w b, w b, p,p,

w

*d d d d

*γ

y, i, 0 y, i, 0 V c

151

PROTO GTTAHIBAU

Proto Gb Cuiva Gyb

*s s s, £ 8, 6

*x X X h

*r r r r

Proto Gb Cuiva Gyb

*y y y y

*h h h, x, 0 A

Proto Gb Cuiva Gyb

*i i, e i, e, 0 i

*•

i, e, u, ο i, u, o, 0 u

*l I, r r I, r,

*u u, o, a u, ο u, oi

3

*m m m, η m

*e e, i, u e, i e

*n η η η

*N η η ι

*w w w w

*0 *a a, e, u, ο 0 a, e, u, ua., i, ο 0, 0, a a, u, ο 0

5.4 CONDITIONING OF PHONEME REFLEXES

*cc *ph *ts

- '

*th *kh *Yb

/ | o- (Gb, Cuiva) ; ρ (Gyb) ; ρ 41, 104, 129, 183 c | # - (Gyb) ; s | (Cuiva) ; 6 (Cuiva) ; β (Gyb) ; ts (Gb) 34, 138, 143, 182 d (Gyb) ; th Ρ | # - (Gyb) ; χ | # - Ykh (Gb) ; h~x~k~kh (Cuiva) ; h (Gb) ; k (Gyb) 35, 50, 63, 172 ib (Gb) ; 0b (Cuiva) ; cb (Gyb) 2

*VCV W \h ahV2 — v 2 V.hV, Vi Y2ha ahoa 0

0 (Cuiva) :

—>• —V

*C — *p — ρ 13, 19, 74, 80, 101, 105 *b Ρ I - # (Gyb) ; ρ 11 - (Gyb) ; w\i-V (Gyb) ; w (= v) | ί-i (Gb, Cuiva) ; b 29, 72, 76, 83, 86, 90, 193, 209 *w w ( = v) 119, 133, 144 *t — c | -i (Cuiva) ; t 38, 63, 90, 123 *d — d 4, 58, 62, 179 *Jc k 38, 54, 70, 101 *s — 6 | 4 H (Gyb) ; s 13, 86, 119, 193 ->-

152

PROTO GTJAHIBAN

*x h (Gyb) ; χ (Gb, Cuiva) 52, 89, 103, 192 *m η I # » V - V # (Cuiva) ; m 24, 29, 35, 103, 140 *n ->• η 89, 96, 175, 217 *N — I (Gyb) ; η (Gb, Cuiva) 22, 30, 35, 139 *l -ν ι I (Gyb) ; r | -ij-u (Gyb) ; Ρ (Gyb) ; I | -ij-u . . ψ . . (Gb) ; r (Gb, Cuiva) 13, 108, 138, 143, 146, 153 *r r 7, 26, 77, 78, 160 *h — h ~ χ I # (Cuiva) ; 0 ~ h — χ \ V-V (Cuiva) ; h (Gb, Gyb) 10, 34, 112, 117, 153, 178, 208 - y 11, 57 * Y -*• c (Gyb) ; i | hua- (Cuiva) ; i ~ 0 | hua-\kua- (Gb) ; 0 kua- (Cuiva) ; y (Gb, Cuiva) 2, 46, 58, 103 *W

i

e

i

a

ο iu iu j eo

ia ia, ia ia, i I

u

eu evi ei u

ea eya, ae, e ea ai ia ia i

ai at ai ai

ae ae e

ai a, ai a, ai

aa a, aa a

ae

o, i

aa

oi ovi oi oi ui i, ui, i u, ui, i

ao a 0 |

au o, u, au~o a, u, ο u, a, aa

oa 0 0 a ue ue, u ue, u i

ua u, VM, o, ua, ua o, ua, ua, we, ο a

uu u u uu

PROTO GUAHIBAN

*y

153

*ia — i\~y (Cuiva) ; ia 57, 84, 106, 107, 151 *iu eo (Cuiva) ; iu (Gb) 104 *ea — ae | - Ci (Gb) ; eya \ - W (Gb) ; e (Gb) ; ea (Cuiva) ; ai (Gyb) 44, 98, 119, 136 *eu evi (Gb) ; ei (Cuiva) ; u (Gyb) 97 *ia -»- ia (Gb) ; i (Cuiva) 164 *ai i I -- # (Cuiva) ; ai | # ~ (Cuiva) ; ae ~ e ~ ei ~ a (Cuiva) ; ai 62, 81, 96, 170, 188, 190, 205, 215 *ae e (Cuiva) ; ae 21, 132, 175, 187, 198 *ai a \ ~w (Gb, Cuiva) ; a | -- y (Gb) ; o\~y (Gyb) ; i (Gyb) ; ai 16, 38, 179, 188, 189 *aa ->- a | (Gb) ; a (Cuiva) ; aa 103, 150 *ao — a (Gb) ; ο (Cuiva) 33, 71, 99, 107, 133, 206 *au - äu~o I # C - # (Gb) ; ύ | (Gb, Cuiva) ; ο (Gb) ; ο | # C -- # (Cuiva) ; a (Cuiva) ; aa | # C -- # (Gyb) ; a \ (Gyb) ; u (Gyb) 10, 41, 83, 143, 167, 172, 173, 210 *oi ovi (Gb) ; oi 209 *oa ο (Gb, Cuiva) ; a (Gyb) 117, 209 *ui i\w-iC f V (Gb) ; i\w(Cuiva) ; u \ - C W (Cuiva) ; ui 60, 65, 121, 197 *we — ηέ I -- (Gb, Cuiva) ; έ \ - (Gyb) ; u (Gb, Cuiva) ; i (Gyb) 25, 84, 140, 197 *ua -y ua\k -- Jx -- (Cuiva) ; ο (Cuiva) ; ο | — (Gb) ; u | / (Gb) ; ua (Gb) ; a (Gyb) 2, 40, 58, 63, 96, 178, 191, 210 *uu u (Gb, Cuiva) ; uu (Gyb) 72

*V -> V I Ä - # / r - # ; 0 ι

(Gyb)

The few instances of retention are assumed to be due to frequent suffixation. The infrequent instances of medial vowel loss are assumed to be due to early fusion of suffixes or compounded elements taking place after normal vowel loss. The vowel loss in several instances involves methathesis with resultant vowel changes not frequent enough in the present data to be predicted by rules. 34, 47, 63, 89, 97, 112, 117 Η

e I ew-ή^/α . . .aja . . .o (Gb) ; e \ a . . .o (Cuiva) ; 0 | N- (Cuiva) ;

i 8, 13, 77, 90, 144, 157, 178

*e — i I ih- (Gb) ; i | -si (Cuiva) ; e 14, 34, 86, 118, 182 *i e I s- (Gb) ; u | us- (Gb) ; u | u . . .u (Cuiva) ; u (Gyb) ; ο | ua . . .o (Gb) ; ο I a- (Cuiva) ; 0 | N- (Cuiva) ; i (Gb, Cuiva) 3, 10, 18, 31, 37, 39, 66, 119, 172, 193

154

PROTO GUAHIBAN

*a — e I y-Ci

(Gb) ;

e | iC-Ci/y-Ci

(Cuiva) ;

u | uC-Ci

(Gb,

Cuiva);

u I uC-w (Cuiva) ; u \-khu (Gyb) ; ua \ uk- (Cuiva) ; i \ -xi (Cuiva) ; ο I ih-w (Gyb) ; a 9, 10, 11, 22, 23, 52, 53, 63, 101, 103, 123, 174, 208

*u — ο I ο . . .o (Gb, Cuiva) ; oi\-Y (Gyb) ; a \ a . . .a (Gb) ; u 10, 29, 59, 70, 101, 162 *o -* 0 I N- (Cuiva) ; a | -ha (Cuiva) ; ο 30, 61, 74, 117, 139

5.5 INDEX OF COGNATE SETS

In the following cognate sets the Proto Guahiban is first in order after the gloss ; the Guahibo is second ; the Cuiva, third ; the Guayabero, fourth. The absence of a member of the set is indicated by —. 1. ' a b d o m e n ' *-khoto(-wita): -koto-; -xotowita; —. 2 . ' A d a m ' s a p p l e ' *-kuaY(-bo-kaml-bati)-to: -kuai-bo-kam-to, -kobati-to, —. 3. ' a g o u t i ' *bini,l*biNi: bini, bin, —. 4. 'all' *daxi-ta: daxi-ta, daxi-ta, —. 5. ' a n a c o n d a ' *homo-wäbi: homo-vabi, homo-wdbi, —. 6. ' a n t ' *pibi: pibi-, pibi, —. 7. ' a n t ' *kha-kha-ra-wa: xa-xa-ra-va-, kahara-wa, —. 8. ' a n t e a t e r ' *t80Ni, (Pre G y b ) *tsoiN: —, con, coil. 9. ' a r m ' *-ma-xi\xa-si-pa4o: -maxi-si-to, -maxa-si-pa, —. 10. ' a r m a d i l l o ' *tuhati,-bi: tuhii-bi, tuhubu, tuha. 11. ' a r r o w ' *piijku-yani, ( P r e Gb) *pu-yani: ρύ-yene, kuyeni, b4ya. 12. ' a s h ' *ila-pu-ma-nalNa: ipumdna, -αρύηα, —. 13. ' a x e ' *sipa-li-a-: si-pd-li, sipa-ri, cipdera. 14. ' b a d ' *a-behe: a-bdhe, a-bdhe, —. 15. ' b a r k ' *-bauko-: -boko-, -bako-, —. 16. ' b a t ' *hai-wi\si-ri-to, ( P r e Gb) *hai-hai-si-ri: hava-si-ri-, hauci-ri, hiwi-t. 17. ' b e a r d ' *-bixijo-pinalpiNa: -bixi-ρίηα, -opina, —. 18. 'bee (honey)' *habiJbara-moNi: habi-monibara-mon-, —. 19. 'big' *pin%hi-yo\nN : —, pinihi-yo, pinhin. 20. ' b i t e ' *sinel*siNe: sine, sine, —. 21. ' b l a c k ' *-tsaebia-hawa: pe-tsaebia-hava, sibia, —. 22. 'blood' *häNa: -hana, -hdna, hal. 23. ' b o w (n.)' *bitsd-bi: bitsd-bi, bici-bi, —. 24. ' b r e a s t ' *-mi-pajpi-to: -mi-pa-to, -mipi, mi-t.

25. 'brush, woods' *ηέΝη: ύηιι, ύηη, Pil. 26. ' b u z z a r d ' *k4-ke-re: 27. ' c a n e ' *mujba-se-bo:

M-ke-re, ki-ke-re, —. müsuli-bo-, basebo-, —.

PROTO GXJAHIBAN

155

canoe' *Mra: Mra, Mra, —. capybara' *humo-ko-bi-to: h&mo-kobi, homokobi, humb6i-t. chili pepper' *noN-hi: nonohi, ηόηί «— *ηόηοί (Pre Cuiva) ; nol *noNo (Pre Gyb). chin' *bixi- . . .: -bixi-, —, buh-, cold' *a-1ce: a-M, ά-ke, —. come' *patao-ho-pa: pdta, pata-hopa; pato-pa; —. corn' *hetsa: Mtsa, Mca, hes. crocodile' *makhiNe-he: maxi-nehe, maxine, makle. cultivated clearing' *pdbi: pdbi, pdbi, —. curassow' *ithi-biri: i-thi-biri, ithibiri, —. day' *mata-kdi-bi: mdta-kabi, matakdibi, matkoy. die' Hipa: tipa, tipa, —. dig' *Μα: Μα, kud, —. doorway' *bau-pha-ka: bdu-pa, — , bdapakd?. down' *bd-reka: be-reka, bereka, —. drink' *dpa: dpa, dpa, —. dry' *tsiawa: tsiva, seawa, —. dull' *a-w0no-bi: α-νόηο-bi, a-wono-bi, —. ear (inner)' *muxujmi-Y6-lojri-to: -muxu-yöro-, -miyöro-, όόΡο-t. earth' *ira: ira, ira. eat' *xdnej*xdNe: xdne, xdne, —. egg' Hobi: -tobi-, tobi, —. eye' *takhu: -ta-χύ-, -ta-hü, —. far' *tahi: tdhi, taxi, —. father' *p-dxa: p-dxa, dxa, ah. fear' *ku-hiinawalku-hüNawa: ku-hünava, kunuwa, —. finger' *ko-besijtlya: -kobe-si, -kobe-si-, kotiya. fire' *iso, nawa: iso-, ηάνα; iso, nawd; —. firewood' Hso: iso, iso-, —. first' *kopiaya-pita: kopia-ya, kopi-yapita, —. fish' *duhuaY: duhudi, duwei, —. fish hook' *kulupu-bo: kulupu-bo, kurupo-bo, —. flesh' *-wüi: -vi, -wi-, —. flower' *-ma-t0No-to: -matöno-to, -ton-to, —. fly (n.)' *ddina-jddiNa-: ddina-, deina-, —. foot' Hdkhua: -tdxu, -tdxo, tuk. forehead' *-ta-pa-thdi-: -ta-pa-thdi-, -ta-pa, —. fruit' *bobo-kui: -kui-, bobokui, —. full' *wiNika: vi-nika, winka, —. fur' *-nd-i: -nd, -nde-, —. gourd' *dire-bi: dire-bi, d4re-bi, —.

156

PROTO GTJAHIBAN

69. 'grease' *-nasi-tsi-l-wal*-Nasi-tsijwa: -nasitsi-, -nasi-wa, —. 70. 'guan' *kuYu-m: kuyuvi, Jcuyuwi, koicu. 71.'hair' *ma-ta-nao: -mata-na, -ta-no, —. 72. 'hammock' *buu: bu, bu, bi'xu. 73. 'hand' *-Mbe: -köbe, -kobe, — . 74. 'he' *khum-po-ni: ρό-ηί, ρό-ni, Pumpon. 75. 'hear' *h4me-tanejh4me-taNe: hüme-tane, hume-tdne, — . 76. 'heart' *-humata-bi-ithi-to: -humata-bi-ithi-to, -thi-to, matpi-t. 77. 'heavy' *a-rewi: a-reve, a-rewi, —. 78. 'hen' *wakard: vakard, wakara, 79. 'here' *ho-ta: M-ta, M-ta, —. 80. 'his' *pE-: pe-, pe-, pi-. 81. 'hold' *xdinajxdiNa: xdina, χέΐηα, —. 82. 'hot' *a-tahu-enik: a-tdhu, ά-tu, Hhenik. 83. 'house' *bau: bo, bo, baa. 84. 'how' *pa-kuenial*pa-kueNia, pa-kuenia, pakuenia, —. 85. 'huge rocks' *p-ibo-to: ibo, pinbö-to, —. 86. 'hummingbird' *se-si-bd-ril-ul-Ci-to: si-si-bdri-to, sisibdu-to, sesiwi. 87. 'husband' *-amuNa-to: -amona, —, -dmul-t. 88. 'husband' *-pebi: -pebi, -pibi, —. 89. Ί ' *xd-ni: xd-ni, xd-ni, Tian. 90. 'iguana' *matibi: mativi, maciwi, matif. 91. 'imperative' *-ma: -ma, -ma, —. 92. 'imperative' *-re: -re, -re, —. 93. 'in, at' *-ta: -ta, -ta, —. 95. 'intestines' *-ini: -ini, -ini, —. 96. 'island' Huandi-to: -tu-ndi-to, -tonae-to, tand-t. 97. 'jaguar' *neiUhi: nevithi, rdithi, nud. 98. 'kill' *beaxü-a-ba: beya-xiiaba, beaxuba, —. 99. 'knee' *-ma-ta-baökao: -mdta-baka, -ta-b6ko-, —. 100. 'know' *yapi-tanel*yapi-taNe: yapi-tane, yapi-tdne, —. 101. 'lake' *püka: piika, pukua, puka. 102. 'lie down' *rüka: ruka, rukua, —. 103. 'lightning' *Ydamaxi: yd-maxi, ydmixi, cadmah. 104. 'lip' *Ci-uphi-Yololri: pi-upi-y6ro-, pe-opiri-, —. 105. 'liver' *pa-hapa-: -hapa-, -hapa-, pahap-. 106. 'long' *α-ρία: α-ρία, a-pia, —. 107. 'long hair' *ä-ma-tao-nä-pia\*ä-ma-tao-Nd-pia: a-mata-nd-pia, dn-tonapia, —. 108. 'louse' Hali: tari-, -tan, ti?. 109. 'lower arm' *ma-xi-si-pa-pa: -maxi-si-pa-pa, -ma-si-pa, —. 110. 'lower leg' *si-to: -sl-to, -si-to, —.

PROTO GUAHIBAN lungs' *ko-fo-fobi: -kofoföbi, -Icofobi, — . macaw' *mdha: mdha, mäha, mdha. man' *pebi: pebi, pebin, —. manioc' *bawd: bavd, bdwa, —. manioc flour' *matsüka: matsiika, macukua, —. many' *na-wi-ta: na-vi-ta, na-wi-ta, —. miriti palm' *ino-Ma-bojto: inoho-bo, ind-xo, no-hat. monkey howler' *nihe: nihi, nihen, —. mosquito' *weasi: vde.se-, weaso, ιmis. mother' *p-ena: p-ena, έηα, en. mouth' *kui-bo-to: -kui-bo, -kui-bo-to, —. my' Ha-x: ta-, ta-, tah. my' *taha-: taha-, taha-, taha-. name' *-wi-ni: -νί-ni, -wini, —. near' *imokho-yo: imoxo-yo, imoho-yo, —. neck' *Ce-i-si-to: pe-vi-si-to, pe-osi-to, —. new' *ha-na-ha-wajha-Na-ha-wa: -hana-hava, -na-wa, night' *merdwi: merdvi, merdwi, —. nose' *phiimu: -pumu, —, pumu. old man' *per4-hu-nijwa-yo: perühu-ni, peru-wd-yo, old woman' *perü-hu-wa: peruhu-va, peru-wa, —. one' *kae-haewa: kae-hava, ke-haewa, —. otter' *boMNao-wi: bohona-vi, bonowi, bohlew. 'our' *wa-ha: vaha-, wa-, —. our' *pa-ta: pa-ta, pa-ta, —. paca' *ophed-bi: ofae-bi, ofeabi, —. paddle' *ka-tena-paj*ka-t6Na-pa: tena-pa, katina, —. parakeet' *tse-lejCi-to: tsire-to, sire, sdPit. parrot' *6Nau: όηο, όηα, Pol. path, trail, road' *nä-mue-to: ndmu-, ndn-to, nami-t. pebbles' *siki-ibo-to-xijtiyo: ibo-to-xi, siki ibotiyo, —. white-lipped peccary' *habitsa: habitsa, habica, —. collared peccary' *tsamaii-li: tsamii-li, samtlri, Sama. people' *Mwi: hivi, Mm, hiw. piranha' *kowdra-bo: kovdra-bo, kowara, —. piranha' *fe-le-le-va-:*fe-le-le-va, —, leJK push' Ho-ro-jtd-ba: toroba, totdba, —. rain' *ema: έηια, ema, Pidm. rattle' *tsi-tsi-bu: tsi-tsi-, cicibu, —. rattlesnake' *yaa-si-to: yaa-si-to, yasi-to, —. red' Hsobia: -tsobia-, sobia, —. river, stream' *menel*meNe: mine, mine, —.

157

PBOTO GTTAHIBAN

158 153. river turtle' *hdla:

hära, hdra, ha?. -tabii-topa, -tabu, —. rope' *-ami-to: -mai-to, -ami-to, —. saliva' *-i-0nej*-i-6Ne: -iöne, -one, —. sand' Hahita-atsa: taheta-atsa, —, tdhi-t. see' *td-Nejnaijne-kota: tdne, naikota; tdne, nekota; —. seed' *-χύ-: -χύ-, -xu-, —. sew' *horduka: horöka, horaka, —. she' *ρό-ιυα: ρό-να, ρό-wa, —. shoulder' *-wi\o-td-kura: -vitdkara, -ο-taküra, —. shoulder' *k6f-iajeri: -kofia, -kofiri, —. siDg' *na-xiana\na-xiaNa: na-xiana, na-xina, —. sit' *4ka: eka, eka, —. skin' *pera-boji: -pera-bo, -pera-i-, —. sky' *itd-bokhau: itd-boxo, ita-boka, —. sleep' *mahi-talteka: mahita, maiteka, —. smell' Ηιιχύ-nelnalNelNa: tuxü-ne, tux-άηα, —. smooth' *köni-hai: koni-hai, konihi, —. snake' *h0mo: homo, homo, horn. spider' *khaumi-bi-to: homo-bi-, hami-, ?umi. split' *waukoba: vokoba, wakaba, —. stand' *NuJca: nuka, unkua, —. stick' *nde-havajwa-ta: nde-hava, ne-iva-ta, nae. stomach' *ko-tolso-toj-ro: -köto-to, -kosoro, —. stone' *ibo-: ibo-, ibö-, —. sun' *hiiami-to: hudme-to, home-to, huimi-t. sweet potato' *ddithi: ddithi, ddithi, did. swell' *ya-hin\Na: ya-hlna, yahina, —. tail' *boso-to: -boso-to, -boso-to, —. tapir' *metsa-ha: mitsaha, meca, misa. termite' *oph6: ofo, ofo, Pop. that' *hahara-xua: bahard-xua, bdhara, —. their' *pe-: pe-, ρέ-, —. their' *pi-hajyenihi-: piha-, piyenihi-, —. they' *po-m6njNae: po-mdnae, po-mone, —. thick' *aitaydi: a-ita-ydi, aitdyai, —. thigh' *-topa-thdi: -topa-thai-, tdi-, —. think' *nahunatabi xdinjNa: na-humatabi-xdina, namatabi χέίηα, this' *xud: xud, xud, —. thou' *xdmi: xd-mi, xa-mi, ham. toad' *busi-to: busu-to, buso-to, bis. tobacco' *tsdma: tsfona, sema, —.

154. root' *-tab4-topa: 155. J56. 157. 158. 159.

160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165.

166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179.

180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185.

186. 187.

188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194.

PROTO GUAHIBAN 195. 'tongue tip' *e-bd-ri-to-kopi-a: *e-bdri-to-kopia, -e-ba-töpi, —. 196. 'tooth' *-a-wduno: -νόηο-, -awdno, —. 197. 'toucan' Huikuekue: tikuikue, tukuikue, —. 198. 'tree, stick' *nde-havajhae-wa: nde-hava, ne-hae-wa, nde. 199. 'upper back' *-Jiu-ma: -huma, -ma, —. 200. 'village' Homara: tomara, tomara, —. 201. 'vomit' *yjn-akaba: yakdba, nakaba, —. 202. 'walk' *ρόηα-ροηα: ρόηα-ροηα, ρόηα, —. 203. 'wash' *ki-d-ta: kidta, kita, —. 204. 'water' *me-ra: me-ra, me-ra, —. 205. 'we' *waxdi-tsi: waxdi-tsi, waxdSi, —. 206. 'when' *detsajeta-pao-kuinjNaehi: detsa pa-kuihinae, 4ta pokuinehi, 207. 'whip' *detsajeta hota: detsa hota, eta hota, — 208. 'wife' *piha-wa: piha-va, pia-wa, piho. 209. 'wind' *hoiboa: hovi-bo, Mibo, Miwa. 210. 'wing' *küarau-fe: -koro-fe-, -kudrafe, —. 211. 'woman' *pe-tiri-wa: pe-iiri-va, pe-tiri-wa, —. 212. 'worm' *oro: oro-, oro, —. 213. 'wrist' *kobe-ya-v6rejh0ri-to: -kobe-ya-vSre-to, -kobe-yahori-to, —. 214. 'ye' *pa-xd-mi: pa-xd-mi, pa-xa-mi, —. 215. 'year' *wdi: vai, wei, —. 216. 'your (pi.)' *pa-n\Ne-: pa-ne-, ρα-ne-, —. 217. 'your (sg.)' *ni-hi: ne-, ne-, nihi.

6. PROTO ARAWAKAN

ESTHER MATTESON

6.1 INTRODUCTION

The Proto Arawakan reconstructions of this study are established on the basis of six Arawakan subgroups and four isolates, twenty-six languages in all. The reconstructions established here obviously represent too small a proportion of the total Arawakan family (a 'hundred-odd' languages according to Mason) to very closely approximate any real stage of the development of the language. The subgroups posited here in Sections 6.7 to 6.12 do not purport to outline a final classification of the Arawakan languages, but a simple organization of the materials on hand according to percentages of shared vocabulary, and apparent structural similarities. The subgroups include protolanguages Proto Shani, Proto Harakbut, Proto Piro-Apurina, Proto Ashaninka, and Proto Madi, all of the first order ; and Proto Newiki of the second order. The isolates are as follows : Pareci (Paressi-Cabishi) of Western Brazil, classified by Mason as South Arawakan, data supplied by a word list taken by Orland Rowan in 1961 ; Amuesha (Amagues, Amaje, Amoexa, Armueshe, Omaje, Lorenzo, etc.) of the montana area of Peru, listed by Mason as 'of probable Arawakan affinity', from a dictionary, Vocabulario Breve del Idioma Amuesha, published in 1958 by Mary Ruth Wise and Martha D u f f ; Guajiro (Goajiro) of the northern coast of Colombia, belonging to Mason's Northwestern Arawakan group, from field notes of Richard Mansen, 1966 ; and Black Carib of Guatemala, from a word-list by Ilah Fleming taken in, or prior to, 1960. Details of the subdivisions of Arawakan are given in the accompanying diagram and the table showing percentages of shared cognates. Amar 2 (Harakbut) has been omitted from the diagram because of uncertainty with regard to the percentages of its relationship.

PROTO ARAWAKAN

161

Percentages of Shared Vocabulary of Arawakan Ρ Har P P - A p Ρ Ash Ρ Madi Ρ New P Shani

Ρ Har

Ρ P-Ap

171 24

Gr

BC

299 21

155 29

187 41

95 26

238 16

264 13

265 14

195 29

185 17

124 35

141 33

68 19

145 17

159 13

161 13

330 31

168 41

216 48

94 31

383 14

275 17

273 17

150 25

191 30

89 16

241 17

270 12

267 11

124 46

66 24

135 15

138 15

138 18

83 35

166 29

175 25

180 21

79 18

88 16

85 14

221 13

220 11

! I

Ρ New

Par

Am

Gr

Am

318 32

Ρ Ash

Ρ Madi

Par

Subgroups

;

249 14

In the chart above, the upper figure gives the number of vocabulary items available for comparison; the lower figure gives the percentage of cognates among those vocabulary items.

Arawakan vowels pose an extremely complicated problem. In the first place several morphemes of high frequency consist in a vowel replacement as in the masculine *-ij*-i and feminine *-u (although Baure reverses the gender markers), and *V -»- *e in forms that enter into certain morphological or syntactic combinations, as in the possessed item with a genitive, or a verb functioning like the English infinitive in a verb phrase. In Culina gender and number are marked by vowel change, particularly the replacement of -a- by -e-, or a front vowel by a back vowel. In Tereno person and number are indicated by modification of the stem, often affecting the vowels. The changes in these last two languages may be, or may have resulted from, morphophonemic alternation. Secondly the picture is complicated by extremely frequent morphophonemic changes. For instance, in Piro text the alternations average about two per word. An illustration of the problem is in the form rimpotita 'he heartily agreed' derived by regular affixation from the stem MM-. Morphophonemic changes appear to be at least as frequent in Baure, Tereno, Guajiro, and

162

PROTO

ARAWAKAN

Amuesha ; perhaps in others. Most commonly, but by no means exclusively, the morphophonemic changes are for vocalic harmony. Vowel clusters result in varied reflexes. Sequences involving semivowels often follow a pattern of change quite distinct from that of vowels contiguous to other consonants. The morphophonemic problem is further obscured by the multiple combinations in which a given morpheme occurs. The morpheme may be conditioned by frequent association with another particular morpheme (for example a stem whose vowel is affected by most commonly occurring with the third masculine singular possessive i- or ri-), and yet the conditioning morpheme may not show up in the word list available for comparison. In the third place, vowel loss due to shifting stress occurs in nearly all of the languages. It is discussed in the phonologies of Machiguenga, Amuesha and Baure, and a morphophonemic vowel loss is described in Piro. The potential confusion of vowels from the three factors mentioned above is demonstrated by the Piro reflexes of the affixes symbolized by *-rV. Both r and I are phonemic in Piro ; there are five vowel phonemes. The third person singular object, stative, nominal suffix occurs in the following forms in Piro : masculine -U ^ -li --- -I- ~ -ri ~ -ri ~ -rfeminine -lo ~ -I--ro ~ -remphatic neuter -la ~ -le ~ -I- ~ -ra ~ -re ~ rendearment -le ~ -Ii ~ -re ^ -ri grammatical marker -le ~ -I- ~ -re ~ -rFinally, all of the frequent vowel modifications must be traced back and forth between drastically different vowel systems, such as Amuesha with three phonemic vowels versus Proto Harakbut with six oral and six nasal vowels. Metathesis is very common in Amuesha. In both Amuesha and Ρ Madi back vowels are frequently substituted for front and -c- for -a- probably representing morphemic differences or morphophonemic alternations. Particularly in treating the Amuesha phonemes, one would be tempted to represent the words by consonants only as in Hebrew were it not for the consonant reflexes conditioned by adjacent vowels. A larger body of data and more complete descriptions of the various languages should eventually simplify and sharpen statements regarding the conditioning of vowel changes. Morphophonemic variations of consonants, though considerable, are less extensive and easier to identify than the vowel changes. See Section 6.2 for a discussion of proto morphophonemes. Stress has not been reconstructed. It probably was phonemic, but in the present corpus no systematic correlation of stresses in the daughter languages can be established.

PROTO ARAWAKAN

163

6.2 NOTES ON THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE OF PROTO ARAWAKAN

Certain structural similarities are widespread throughout the Arawakan grammars. The formation of words from long strings of short, often monosyllabic, morphemes varying in order from language to language is conspicuous throughout the family. The following examples from Piro, typical of word formation, from Proto Shani to Black Carib, illustrate some common processes : 1. n-po-hi-m(-)e-wa-xri-pna-ia Ί snore' : η- Ί ' ; po- Intensive, more com monly a derivative adjective suffix ; hi- derivative verb prefix, often intransitive ; -ma- 'sound, speech' ; V * e Marker of a type of grammatical composition ; -tva- Verb suffix, intransitive ; xr% 'nose' ; pna 'hole' ; -ta verbal, obligatory following incorporated noun(s). 2. ka-Ste-hwi-ri 'cupped petal' : ha- Adjective prefix, 'having an attribute or belonging to a class' ; Ste 'rim of a slight depression' ; hwi 'flower' ; -ri Individual, here serving to nominalize the adjective 'having a rim of a flower'. 3. toSte-xi 'button' : ίο- 'its, fem.' ; Ste 'rim of a slight depression' ; , xi 'small object'. 4. hwi-pahi 'pollen' : hwi 'flower' ; pahi 'powder'. I n the examples above the following are so-called 'form words', analysed as an obligatorily possessed class of nouns in Piro : xri, pna, ste, hwi, xi, pahi. Notice the incorporation of more t h a n one at a time in example 1, and the optional or arbitrary order —- head followed by genitive in example 2, b u t genitive followed by head in example 4. Notice also the interspersion of roots and derivational affixes in example 1. I n the sets of cognates, Section 6, nouns or 'form words' of this type are conspicuous. Reflexes of the form pi 'rod-shaped object, usually flexible' occur in the word for 'vine' in Ρ Madi, Ρ New, Ρ P-Ap, Ρ Ash, Am, and in a vine species, Banisterium, in Ρ Har, Piro, and Ρ Ash ; in the word for 'finger' in Ρ Har, Ρ Madi, Ρ New (But Ρ Ash, Piro, and Apurina substitute Ice ~ ki 'pole, stick') ; in the word for 'neck' in Ρ Har, Ρ New and Apurina (while ke ~ ki 'pole, stick' takes its place in Ρ Shani and Piro). See also 'snake', 'arm', 'tail', 'toe'. A homophonous morpheme -pi, of the same class b u t meaning 'furry, fuzzy object' will be found in 'bat', 'bird', 'body hair', 'feather', 'fly (n.)', and 'hummingbird'. Still another homophone of the same class, -pi 'word' or ' t h a t which concerns' occurs in 'name'. Other common members of this innumerable and ubiquitous noun class are tsa 'cord' in 'rope' and 'vine' and in Ρ P-Ap 'sew' and Piro 'hair' ; sia 'hair*

164

PROTO ARAWAKAN

in 'beard', 'body hair', 'brush', and Piro 'foliage' ; ha 'liquid' in 'dry', perhaps 'eye', 'lake', 'river', 'sap', 'water', and 'wet' ; hi diminutive, 'small object' in annatto, 'baby', 'bird', 'charcoal', 'claw', 'fly (n.)', 'heart', 'seed' ; he ~ hi 'pole, stick' in 'crocodile', 'fish', 'leg', 'neck', 'spine', 'stick'. Apart from their employment in compounds, nouns of this class are extensively used for abstract shapes, body parts, tools, kin, and intimately possessed objects or parts. I n most of the languages they either occur with a stated possessor or else are marked by a special suffix : *-tsi especially in Ρ P-Ap and Ρ Ash, but also sporadically in most languages ; *-SI in Ρ New and occasionally in other groups ; -e in Baure, and apparently the prefix or preclitic wa- in Ρ Har. This feature is not immediately obvious from examination of word-lists because in some of these, the nouns are recorded in the first or second person, some with hyphens signifying obligatory morphological possession, and some with nonpossessed or nonspecifically possessed markers. In the Piro examples 1 — 4 above, a clutter of grammatical markers occurs along with the numerous short roots. This is typical of all languages included in this paper, although of course the details of occurrence vary. The prefix *h- or *hV- 'having an attribute or belonging to a class' is clearly attested in most of the languages, and appears to be present in the remainder. There is little occasion for the occurrence of the antonym *ma- Privative in the isolated words of the vocabularies which provide the only data available on most of the languages, but it appears in the grammars of Baure and Ignaciano (neighbor of Baure, and probably fairly closely related), and Piro. There is some indication of it in semantically privative words such as 'dull', 'bad', 'nothing' in Pro to Madi, Amuesha, Guajiro, and Black Carib. The suffix *-rV, masculine *-ri, feminine *-ru, possessed or combining form *-re, neuter *-ra, appears to be practically universal. I t commonly serves as a nominalizer, and, along with the other persons and numbers, as the object of a verb, or as a sort of stative when affixed to nouns, adjectives, or adverbs. The affix belongs to the object paradigm in the following set :

Subject and possessive prefix 1 2 3 3 1 2 3

eg. eg. m sg. f sg, pi. pi. pi.

*n(V)*p(V). *r(V)-, *(h)i*f(V)-, *u*w(V)-, ha*A(V)*r(V)-l0-l(h)i- . . .-na

Object and stative suffix *-nu

*-PV *-ri *-ru *-wV

*-hV *-na

PROTO ABAWAKAN

165

Guajiro corresponds only in the first and second person subject and possessive prefixes. The BC corresponds, except for the third person plural which has only h-. Amuesha differs from the rest in its first person plural affixes. The Culina has an entirely aberrant set of pronominal affixes. Those of Tereno were discussed in Section 6.1 ; complete paradigms for this language do not appear in the data. It has not been possible to check the first and second object suffixes in any but Ρ Ash, Ρ P-Ap, and Baure and Ignaciano of Bolivia, Shani languages, and Amuesha. Otherwise, as far as it has been possible to ascertain, correspondences within this paradigm are quite regular. Suffixes *-tV, the -V paralleling that of the -rV above, occur as nominal suffixes in all, or practically all, of the languages. In Piro this suffix is primarily associated with privative forms ; it is more common with positive forms in the other languages. A third person singular or plural suffix *-ni,overlapping in function with *-rV, occurs in each of the protolanguages and perhaps in the isolates. Nouns not otherwise obligatorily possessed are marked to be possessed in some languages by a vowel change to -e in the suffixes *-rV, *-tV, *-ni. The plural of human beings is commonly -we with nouns, -na with verbs or as possessor. The affixes mentioned in the preceding paragraphs usually occur in mutually obligatory sets. Specifically, the occurrence of the possessive pronominal prefix in some word classes renders obligatory the suffix sequence *-ni, *-r V, or *-iV followed by *-V > e ; the prefix *ka- in some situations co-occurs with *-rV ; the absence of the possessive prefix and *ka- often requires the suffixation of *-tsi, *-SI, etc. The commonest verbal suffixes are *-lca-wa and *-ta. The -wa alone is often intransitive ; *-ka or *-ka-wa, transitive. The suffix *-ta along with a few less common suffixes, is required to mark the closure of particular strings of morphemes, as described in the grammars of Piro, Campa, Amuesha, Baure, and Ignaciano. The reconstructions represent morpheme sequences which actually occur in daughter languages, but in some cases no one language includes all of the morphemes of the protoword, as for example in 289 *ti-ke-ralte-ni, in which the longest sequence reflected is tu-x-ra (P), whioh, by the way, is optionally followed by -ni in an equative clause. The changing of word classes by suffixation is extensive and widespread. Nouns, adjectives, and even minor word classes are verbalized by the addition of the *-ta mentioned in the preceding paragraph. Verbs, adjectives and other word classes are nominalized by the suffixes *-rV and *-iV. Intransitive verbs are transitivized by the suffixation (prefixation in Ignaciano) of *ka(ka). Equally widespread and even more frequent is the modification or negation of meaning by a great number of affixes, preclitics, and enclitics expressing aspects, attitudes of the speaker, evaluation of result, status, direction of

166

PEOTO a r a w a k a n

action, etc. Among those common in the subgroups for which we have grammars are *hi-ma which disclaims the responsibility of having witnessed a reported action (Baure, Ignaciano, Piro), *yehJH 'in the presence of, for, concerning' (Baure, Ignaciano, Piro), -f-ya 'to, from, by, at, for' (PHar, PMadi, PShani and Piro), *-pa- Motion to perform the action of the verb (Baure, Ignaciano, Piro), *-wa Temporal, *-pa Reference to a particular point of time (Ignaciano, Piro), *-sa 'profuse' (Amuesha, Piro). Two proto morphophonemes are posited. Traces of the morpheme *-SI, described above as a grammatical marker, are found sporadically in various languages. The morpheme appears as -si ·~ hi ~ s ~ h ~ i, or, having caused palatalization of surrounding phones, disappears completely. Homophonous morphemes and in some cases the syllable -si- seem to have analogously developed corresponding allomorphs or allophonic sequences, especially in the word-initial position. I t is quite likely that the homophonous morphemes so affected at some period co-occurred with *-SI, so that the repetition of the syllable was equated with the very popular· reduplications, and so the two varied together. I t is also quite probable t h a t more than one occurrence of the grammatical marker *-ST within a single word was not uncommon. The homophonous morphemes and/or syllables are written as *SI in order to account for the variant reflexes. 47, 52, 78, 84, 128. The proto morphophoneme *P represents ρ ^ *w as in Ρ Ash, 6.10.4. The only evidence for such morphophonemic variation within daughter languages is t h a t described in 6.10.4. Similar variations among the protolanguages are ascribed to the same cause since they occur within the noun class involved in the Ρ Ash protophoneme. The reflexes are as follows : *p ~ *w (P Shani), *w (P Har), *p ~ *w (P P-Ap), *P ~ *w (P Ash), *p ~ (P Madi), *p ~ */ (P New), h ~ w (Par), b ~ w (BC), ρ (Am), w (Gr). 28, 31, 34, 109, 177

6.3 THE PHONEMES OF PROTO ARAWAKAN

*p *ph *b *f *m *w

*t *th *ts *d *s *n *l *r

*k *jIfh *c •J

*9 *K

*IV *y

*i ϊ *e e

*i ? *a ä

*u ü *o δ

PROTO ARAWAKAN

167

6.4 PHONEME R E F L E X E S

PAr PShani PHar PP-Ap PAsh PMadi PNew Par Am Gr BC PAr PShani PHar Ρ P-Ap PAsh PMadi PNew Par Am Gr BC PAr PShani PHar Ρ P-Ap PAsh PMadi PNew Par Am Gr BC PAr PShani PHar Ρ P-Ap

* p

η

* p

%

*p

*t

* p

*p p *p h p,py if

c

*t π π η t

~

&

Ρ

t , c,

b

t , r

*6 *c

tv f

*k *k *k *k *k *k *k k k k

* t

*p *p *p

*t π

*ph

* t

*ts, c

*ts

*6

*p *p *p *p

*ts h

π

V c ts,

*d

*j

Η

*y *j

*y, c *t *d

*p h

*j,C

*d

Ρ

b

g

*g *g *k,0 *k *g *]ch

t,6

d, y 6,6y,

t

y y

g y, s y, ?,0,k g~y

d

*/

*s

* m

* n

*b

*s

* m

* n

*w

* S , h

* m

* n

*p *w *ph

*s *s

* m

* n

* m

* n

*m *m m m m m

*n *n η

*s

*p

*Jc

*s

Ρ

S, s

ρ

S, s

s

*w

*l

*w

Π

*w

*r

*w

*r

ny

*r

6,

ts

Ρ

c

η *c

*t

*b

ts V c

*ts, c

b , f

*b

*k *k *k *k *kh *k

*c

*p h p,py

g

*ts

h

*r *r

η ,

η

η ,

η

η

*y *y *y

* h

* h ,

*h, * h

168

PBOTO ARAWAKAN

PAsh PMadi PNew Par Am Gr BC

*w *w *w w w w b

*r *l *l I r r I

PAr PShani PHar Ρ P-Ap PAsh PMadi PNew Par Am Gr BC

Η *i, H, *i, Η *i, *i

*e *e *e *e, a, i *e, i *e *e e, a e e e

PAr PShani PHar Ρ P-Ap PAsh PMadi PNew Par Am Gr BC

Η

e, u i e, i u, e

i, e e, aa i, ii i, e, u

Η η Η Η

*r Π *l

*l *l I 11

*e *e *e *e, e *e *e *e

*y

r, I rr r r

r *i *e *i 0 *i *u, 0 *u, i 0 U, 0 i *t

*u

*a *a, *a, *a, *a, *a, *a a, a, a, a,

*h, m *h *h h h h, 0 h, y

y y

y.0

0 0 e e i, o, e 0 e o, i, u i, e

*u *u

*o *o *u *0, a *0, a *0 a

*0, e *0 *0, i *a *u 0 o, a u u

e, a o, u a

*&

*0 *ä *a, ä *a *a *a a a u e, e

*0 *0

0

6.5 CONDITIONING AND EXAMPLES OF PHONEME REFLEXES *(V)CV(V)

-

Vowel sequences contiguous to semivowels and in one instanoe to 6, show different sets of correspondences than in other conditions. Since most of the sequences are unique the examples are listed here without further explanation : 11, 17, 73, 81, 88, 94, 178, 181, 227, 240, 262, 310, 311

PHOTO ARAWAKAN

169

*p - h (Par) ; b (BC) ; pV | - » # (Am) ; ρ 19, 126, 148, 191, 194, 196 *t — 6 I i-i (PShani) ; t ~ tV (Par) ; c \ -i/ii (Gr) ; f , t (Gr) ; & (Am) ; t, r (BC) ; t There is morphophonemic alternation f ~ t within Gr, and probably also r ~ ί in BC. 1, 30, 46, 60, 289 *k — g (BC) ; k 12, 21, 65, 74, 138 *ph ph (PMadi) ; h (Par) ; / \h . . . (BC) ; b (BC) ; pV | - e # (Am) ; ρ 44, 127, 190, 334 *th — *th (PMadi) ; t 82, 256, 304 *ts 6\j ..Ji(PP-Ap); s\j... (Am, PShani); ts | -i (Am); 6 (PShani, Par, Am) ; t (PMadi) ; ts 51, 68, 77, 96, 205, 240 See Footnote 1, Section 6.9. *δ -* δ I -i (PShani) ; ts (PP-Ap, PAsh, BC) ; a (PShani, PMadi) ; c 119, 152, 156, 184, 272, 275 See Footnote 1, Section 6.9. *kh — jfcfc (PMadi) ;. ? (Gr) ; g (BC) ; k 18, 79, 104, 265 *b ->• b (PMadi, BC) ; h (Par) ; m | -V oral (PHar) ; ρ 18, 48, 50, 100, 138 *d ->• d (PShani, PMadi, BC) ; c | i-i (Par) ; t 16, 91, 147, 177, 305 *j d I (Par) ; c | -a (Am) ; 0 | i-a (Gr, BC) ; & \ -aa (Am) ; y (PShani, PP-Ap, Am, Gr, BC, Par) ; j 23, 52, 134, 183, 350 *g — 0 I V-V (PHar) ; g (PShani, PAsh, Par) ; g ~ y (BC) ; y\i-a (Am, Gr) ; Ρ I i-ijo-i (Gr) ; 5 (Am) ; kh (PMadi) ; k 70, 96, 116, 122, 123, 166, 225 */ b (PShani) ; w (PHar, PAsh) ; f (BC) ; ρ 66, 136, 252, 303, 325 X j -i (PHar) ; S \ -ile-e/S. . . (Am) ; h (PHar) ; S \ -ai (Gr) ; s, § | -» (Gr) ; s 13, 20, 31, 40, 73, 178, 262 *m -· I I a-a (Par) ; I (PMadi, PNew) ; r 6, 8, 29, 43, 107, 225 See note under *t for r ~ t in Gr and BC. *y — y 31, 87, 94, 149, 259 *h — η I -V — 0 voiced C/h . . . (PShani); h \ (PShani, Gr); 0 (PShani, Gr); m\ ...hl .. .n\h . . . (PAsh); η \ h . . . (PNew) ; χ | -V — 0; w (PHar) ; y \ e-i (BC) 10, 19, 22, 44, 57, 71, 82, 208, 244

170

PROTO

ARAWAKAN

Aspirated stops in the protolanguage can be determined only by PMadi reflexes. For sets for which these are lacking, either the aspirated or unaspirated stop is possible. In these cases, rather than tediously show the possible alternatives in a great many reconstructions, the proto voiceless unaspirated stop is written. A linguist using these reconstructions for further comparative work should keep in mind the need for possible readjustments in this respect. Similarly PAr *r is generally shown rather than the more accurate *rjl when the Arawakan data are insufficient to distinguish the source of an I or r, unless evidence is provided by the PAm materials. Only BC, Am, or PShani, with reconstructions based on Kinikinao or Tereno in the PShani, serve to determine the protophoneme. In most of the Arawakan languages included in this study morphophonemic variation, especially in the suffix -IVJrV Object, Nominal, etc. obscures the distinction between r and I. *VV Hi ->- e (PHar) ; ie | a . . . e (PMadi) ; i (P) 141 • V ^ - V I Y J -Ci-cv (Am) ; V1V1 | Vx . . . / . . ,V1

He Ha

Ho

/Undetermined conditions of stress (PShani, PMadi, Gr) ; V^Vj (PNew, PAsh) ; V! 24, 39, 53, 146, 207 -> ο (PHar) ; ie (PNew) 39 -> ii (PHar) ; a \ -wa (PMadi) ; ia \ s- (PAsh) ; ο (PMadi, PAsh) ; ia I c- (PNew) ; ee (PNew) ; eo (PShani) ; oi\-w (Gr) ; ia (Gr) ; iu (BO) ; i \ -w (PAp) ; ia | 5- (PAp) ; e (PAp) 1, 13, 47 •-»- iu (PShani) ; io 208 --ν i (Pre B) ; i \ . . .i (Gr) ; i (Pre P) ; a (BC) ; ei 133, 209, 235

*ei Hi -->• He I -C io (PHar) ; e | s- (PNew) ; u\u

. . .u (Pre Ter) ; u (PNew) ;

i (PAsh) ; ο (PShani); i (Gr) ; i | .. .iji ... ( P P - A P , P.C); u (BC) ;

ii 7, 165, 297, 337 Ha

> i (PNew) ; ia (PHar) ; awe (PShani) ; ewe (P) 98, 102

*ai -> i\j-ls- (PMadi); o\y- (PShani); oi\w- (PShani); ai (PMadi, PNew, PShani) ; ii (Gr) ; i (PP-Ap) ; e 134, 142, 252 *ae -y oe\o . . .o (PShani) ; ue (PShani, PMadi) ; oe (PHar) ; aa (Pre Pia) ; a 35, 109, 129 *ai *au

ai (PHar) ; aa (Gr) ; ai (BC) 15 -> au (PNew) ; ' (Am) 285 *ao * ο (Pre Sap) ; ao (Pre Cul) 50

*ui

y i (PMadi) ; ee \j- (PNew) ; ui (PNew) ; ο (Am) ; ii j- (Gr) ; i (Gr) ; iu (BC) ; ui | j- (PP-Ap) 51, 306 Hia -->- u (PShani) ; oo (Am) ; α (Gr) ; u j a . . .a (BC) ; ua (PNew, BC) ; *oi *oe

i (PAsh) ; a | -ra (PP-Ap) ; ο 44, 58, 113, 312 -y oi (PHar, PShani) ; ui (PNew) ; ο (PP-Ap) 38 a (PMadi) ; aa (PNew) ; oe (PShani) ; ο (Gr) 23

['ROTO AKAWAKA'N *V

171

*a -y aa I 4i=m-/ φ'fw -- m when not frequently prefixed (PHar) ; *ä * y - ää I ψηι- (PHar) 31, 38, 85, 160, 206 * V I V . . . / . . .V (PHar) 228, 287 * y - V I -mVI-nVI-KV (PP-Ap) ; V (PHar, PP-Ap, Gr, BC) ; V 8, 12, 19, 31, 63, 85 - V ^ i I -Ci * C2/ (Am) ; VjV, | V, . . ./ . . .Vj/Undetermined conditions of stress (PShani, PMadi, Gr) ; V-, The development of V^V] under conditions stated above is not entirely consistent. Morphological factors or morphophonemic alternation may be involved as well as phonological conditioning within those languages which are phonetically written. 123, 176, 185, 207, 225

Vowels in Am are frequently modified by a following glottal stop or aspiration or by length. These features do not show evident correlation with the reconstructed phonemes. *i

*e *i

*a

*u

*o

> u J h- (PMadi) ; y | C-φ)-· (Am) ; oo, aa | r-e (Am) ; i \ i . . .jk-jh- in a certain morphophoneme class (PP-Ap) ; e \ e . . . (PMadi, PShani); η I wu . . . (PShani) ; ii | w- (Gr) ; e | a . . .a; e | ey-/ew- (BC) ; u \ ο . . . (BC) ; i I p-k (PHar) ; i 46, 78, 107, 154, 207, 225, 270 --> i\...i;a\...a;i\ kuk- (PHar) ; e 10, 40, 110, 112, 166, 176, 187 -»• e (PShani) ; ο | ο . . .; ο \ -hu (Gr) ; u | ii . . . (Gr) ; i \ . . .i (PPAp) ; i (PHar, PP-Ap, Gr) ; u (PMadi, BC) ; i \ . . Λ (BC) ; u \ ο . . > . . . (PNew) ; i (PNew, PAsh) ; i 5, 15, 82, 260, 265 -->- e I . . A; a | s-jh-tf-fy- (PShani) ; ο (PShani) ; ο | j- (PHar) ; e \ i . . . (PAsh) ; ο I a . . .wa (Par) ; e \ (Am) ; ο | . . .o (Gr) ; i \ . . . i\-i (Gr) ; i | w-gi (BC) ; u | -w/o . . ,o\ . . .u (Gr) ; a 23, 65, 177, 196, 204, 207, 223 ο \ a . . χ (PShani) ; i\m- (PHar) ; e | . . .e . . .i (PHar) ; i \ i . . .i (PAsh) ; a \ -ri (Am) ; a (PMadi) ; u (PShani, PNew, Gr, BC) ; ο 138, 155, 244, 259, 269 —> it (PHar) ; a \ . . .a (PP-Ap) ; a | a . . .a (PAsh) ; u \ u . . .uj-w (PNew) ; a (PNew, Par) ; e ] . . .ijy-lj- (Am) ; a \ a . . .a (Am) ; u I y-SI/wo . . . (Gr) ; ο 18, 52, 82, 181, 237, 275 6.6 I N D E X OF COGNATE SETS

Irregular vowel reflexes in PMadi, especially the replacement of e for a or a back for a front vowel are assumed to be morphemic differences denoting change in number and/or gender. No further explanation is given.

172

PROTO ARAWAKAN

1. 'abdomen' *tia-ri: *tika-telko (PP-Ap) ; Hso-mon-ti-a (PAsh) ; *ato-li (PMadi) ; *tee-W (PNew). 2. 'Adam's apple' *sa-wayi-bjpora: -sor (B) -