Between Geography and History: Hellenistic Constructions of the Roman World 0199248265, 9780199248261, 0199240035, 9780199240036

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OXFORD

CLASSICAL

MONOGRAPHS

Published under the supervision of a Committee of the Faculty of Literae Humaniores in the University of Oxford

T h e aim of the O x f o r d Classical M o n o g r a p h s series (which replaces the O x f o r d Classical and Philosophical Monographs) is to publish books based on the best theses on Greek and Latin literature, ancient history, and ancient philosophy examined by the Faculty Board of Literae Humaniores.

Between Geography and History Hellenistic Constructions of the Roman World

KATHERINE

C L A R E N D O N

CLARKE

PRESS

O X F O R D

This book has been printed digitally and produced in a standard spedfication in order to ensure its continuing availability

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Sao Paulo Shanghai Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto with an associated company in Berlin Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Katherine Clarke 1999 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) Reprinted 2002 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer ISBN 0-19-924003-5 Cover illustration: Silver coin of c.30 BC depicting Octavian with his foot on the globe; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

For Chris

Preface

T h i s book started its official life as an O x f o r d D . P h i l , thesis, written at St. John's College and Christ C h u r c h . A s a student at St. John's I benefited enormously from the expert guidance and inspirational teaching of Michael C o m b e r and Nicholas Purcell. Both have continued to provide support in all kinds of ways; and it was while I was an undergraduate at St. John's that the seeds of the idea to research ancient geography and conceptions of the wider world were sown in m y mind. I was enabled to undertake research in the first place by postgraduate funding from the British A c a d e m y . T h e award of a Senior Scholarship at Christ C h u r c h in Michaelmas 1995, followed by a Junior Research Fellowship in 1997, provided the ideal, even idyllic, conditions for the final stages and completion of both thesis and b o o k — a friendly and comfortable environment, and freedom from financial worries. For this, and above all for the w a r m welcome which I received, in particular from A l a n B o w m a n , Richard Rutherford, Peter Parsons, and Dirk O b b i n k , I am extremely grateful. M y three years at Christ C h u r c h have been a source of great pleasure. Naturally the project has changed since the initial stages, often in unexpected directions. Having set out to study spatial conceptions in antiquity, I encountered Strabo's Geography, and decided that its startling historical content would make a more interesting topic. However, I have returned to incorporate many of the spatial notions which I thought I had left behind. In order to understand what kind of work Strabo was writing, I was drawn back to tackle the question of spatial models and their transformation. So, I have had the good fortune to pursue simultaneously the project that I first proposed, as well as the one on w h i c h I finally settled. In the course of the book's development, I have been greatly

helped by the comments and suggestions of many scholars, whose generous assistance has greatly enhanced my work at all stages. T h e list is too long for all to be mentioned by name, but I would like to thank in particular: Peter D e r o w , for his help with my work on Polybius; Donald Russell, for reading, commenting on, and greatly improving my chapter on Posidonius; Jack Langton, for introducing me to the modern geographical bibliography, which transformed my approach; D o n Fowler, for his help with the first chapter; the participants in the Ancient History Work-in-Progress Seminar, where the combination of energy and tolerance provides a perfect forum in which to try out unformed ideas. Judith Pallot, James Ryan, and Eric S w y n g e d o u helped with discussion of modern geographical approaches. I have been delighted to unearth and benefit from the comments of Strabonian enthusiasts overseas, in particular Daniela Dueck and Y u v a l Shahar. Peter Wiseman and Chris Pelling examined the work as a D . Phil, thesis and their many suggestions for its future life were a great help. Simon Hornblower and O s w y n M u r r a y were extremely generous with their help as my 'Graduate Advisers'; the latter also oversaw the transformation from thesis into book, and contributed greatly with bibliography, ideas, and an excellent eye for the broader picture. However, I save my greatest debts until last. M y supervisor, Fergus Millar, contributed expertise, encouragement, generosity, and enthusiasm for the project, and has been a constant source of support. Ï should also like to thank my mother for painstakingly proof-reading the work, and for much else besides. Finally Chris, for innumerable discussions, for the time-consuming, but invaluable, task of reading the entire manuscript in minute detail and making many illuminating observations and criticisms, for providing moral support at every stage, and for everything else that he has been to me throughout the whole period of my research.

Contents

List of abbreviations I. Geographical and Historiographical Traditions II. Polybius and the 'Geographical' History

χ ι 77

III. Posidonius: G e o g r a p h y , History, and Stoicism

129

I V . Strabo and Space

193

V . Strabo and T i m e

245

V I . Strabo's Universalism: G e o g r a p h y , History, Rewriting the Roman W o r l d Epilogue

294 337

APPENDIX A:

T h e Arrangement of Posidonius' Histories

346

APPENDIX B:

T h e Fragments of Posidonius' Histories

347

APPENDIX

c: Strabo's A c k n o w l e d g e d Sources Arranged Region by Region

374

Bibliography

379

Index of passages

395

Index of subjects

400

List of Abbreviations

T h e following abbreviations have been used throughout. AJA AJP ANRW AR CISA Class. CQ

Phil.

E-K

FGrH

GGM

I

GRBS Italia

Antica

JHS JRS LSJ

American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Philology Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities Contributi dell'Istituto di Storia Antica Classical Philology Classical Quarterly L . Edelstein and I. G . K i d d (eds.), Posidonius, 3 vols.: I. The Fragments ; II (i). Testimonia and Fragments 114g; II(ii). Fragments 150-293 ( C a m bridge Classical T e x t s and C o m m e n t aries, 13 and 14; Cambridge, C a m b r i d g e University Press, 1972 and 1988) F. Jacoby (ed.), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (15 vols.; Berlin, 1923-30; Leipzig, 1940-58) C . M ü l l e r (ed.), Geographici Graeci Minores, i (Paris, F i r m i n - D i d o t , 1855) Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies G . Maddoli (ed.), Strabone e l'Italia Antica (Perugia, Università degli Studi, 1988) Journal of Hellenic Studies Journal of Roman Studies H. G . Liddell and R. Scott, with H. S. Jones and R. M c K e n z i e , A Greek-

Making Sense of Time

PCPS Purposes of History

R-E

Strabone I

Strabone

TAPA

TIBG

II

English Lexicon, rev. 9th edn. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996) T . Carlstein, D . Parkes, and N . T h r i f t (eds.), Making Sense of Time ( T i m i n g Space and Spacing T i m e I; L o n d o n , Arnold, 1978) Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society H. Verdin, G . Schepens, and E. de K e y s e r (eds.), Purposes of History: Studies in Greek Historiography from the 4th to the 2nd Centuries B.C. (Studia Hellenistica 30; Leuven, Dack and Dessel, 1990) A . Pauly and G . Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft F. Prontera (ed.), Strabone. Contributi alio studio délia personalità e dell'Oper a I (Perugia, Università degli Studi, 1984) G . Maddoli (ed.), Strabone. Contributi alio studio délia personalità e dell'Opera II (Perugia, Università degli Studi, 1986) Transactions and Papers of the American Philological Association Transactions and Papers of the Institute of British Geographers

Geographical and Historiographical Traditions

'Where are you going from here?' Gilles asked. 'South, to Sartène and Bonifacio.' 'Bonifacio is a very pretty place. You know Homer's Odyssey? Bonifacio is where the Laestrygonians live.' That was beautiful, that he referred to the distant little port, not for a good restaurant or a luxury hotel or its fortress or a trivial event, but as the place where a group of savage giants had interfered with Ulysses. When it comes to literary allusions you can't do much better than use the authority of the Odyssey to prove that your home town was once important. In Gibraltar Sir Joshua Hassan had jerked his thumb sideways towards the Rock and said to me 'That's one of the Pillars of Hercules'. 1

IDENTIFYING

THE

ISSUE

T h e r o u x ' s modern account of a journey around the M e d i terranean perfectly illustrates the interaction between geography and history, in which the world of the present day is best described by reference to its remote past, and in w h i c h the temporal aspect of a place forms an integral part of the spatial description. T h e example is an extreme o n e — c o v e r i n g a span of several millennia—but particularly apposite, given the predominance of the Homeric epics in the formation of views about the world in antiquity. It is my aim to explore the relationship between two fields of study which we have come to regard as the separate disciplines of geography and history. A l t h o u g h I have started with a self-conscious modern example of the inextricable link between the two, the tendency both in the modern academic subjects and in our dealings with ancient P. Theroux, The Pillars of Hercules: A Grand Tour of the Mediterranean (London, 1995), 136-7. 1

writers is to classify works and their authors as belonging to one or other category. It seems quite acceptable to state that Strabo was a geographer and Polybius a historian, and it is likely that those titles will remain. However, I should like to raise the issue that in practical, literary, and philosophical terms, geography and history overlap considerably, making it necessary for us to question the ease with which we classify ancient works and authors according to genre. I shall discuss throughout this book various ways in which ambiguity in definitions of geography and history is apparent in texts from the late Hellenistic period, and I shall be advocating m u c h broader, inclusive, and overlapping historiographical and geographical traditions. M y main author, Strabo, produced two works which highlight the nature of the issue. T h e Geography of Strabo contains a vast proportion of material which w e would term historical, and which I shall analyse in chapter V . H o w e v e r , Strabo also wrote a History, which he clearly considered worth distinguishing from the Geography. T h e History is now lost except for nineteen fragments, and its survival would have provided at least a partial answer to my question. 2 If we were to know how a single author chose to write both a historical and a geographical work, we should make some progress along the road towards understanding how at least one ancient mind perceived these fields. Baldly stated, the problem arising from ancient texts is as follows. W e have evidence for separate geographical and historical works, for which we must account. But the contents, organizing principles, and character of these works are often very similar. O n the one hand, I shall ask what makes Strabo's account of the whole known world, including the past of almost every place described, 'geographical', as opposed to either Diodorus' contemporary 'historical' account of the known world from the earliest times to the present day, or Strabo's For the extant fragments of Strabo's History see FGrH 91. A t 11. 9. 3 of the Geography Strabo explains that 'having said many things about the Parthian customs in the sixth book of the Histories . . . I shall pass them by here, so as not to appear to repeat myself' (etprjKores Sè πολλά περί τών Παρθικών νομίμων îv rfj ΐκττ) τών ιστορικών υπομνημάτων βίβλψ . . . παραλΐίφομΐν ίνταύθα, μη ταύτολογΐίν δόξωμ(ν). T h e problem could not be more plainly visible. T h e same kind of material seems to have been applicable to both works, but they were at the same time kept distinct. 2

own historical project. O n the other, I shall argue that generic fluidity was built into the historiographical tradition from the start, and that the late Hellenistic period, a time of new horizons and re-evaluation of the world, was naturally characterized by works of a broad and comprehensive scope. I hope that asking such questions may yield rewards in several ways. Firstly, it may enhance our appreciation of the 'geographical' aspects of 'historical' works, such as that of Polybius. Secondly, I argue in chapter I I I that a broader conception of the nature of geography and history in antiquity also encourages a reappraisal of our approach towards fragmentary works, such as those of Posidonius, and challenges some of the assumptions which have underpinned their reconstruction. T h i r d l y , an exploration of these issues may lead to new ways of understanding the enormous geographical project undertaken by Strabo, rather than continuing the traditional approaches of searching for his sources, or testing the accuracy of his description alongside modern maps. M u c h of the existing literature on ancient works has tended not to explore in depth the complexities of the relationship between geography and history. T h e topic has sometimes been thought satisfactorily treated merely by noting the contribution made to our understanding of specific historical events by a knowledge of topography. A l t h o u g h this is one important aspect of the relationship, it by no means exhausts the possibilities. By contrast, the ambiguous position of geography as a modern academic discipline has resulted in serious attempts by modern geographers to define their subject both in terms of its own tradition and against other fields of study, in particular history. It seems justified to apply to the ancient material some of the issues and arguments raised in these debates, partly because the beginnings of the modern geographical tradition developed against an awareness of the ancient predecessors, and partly because the explicit and implicit issues which emerge from the ancient texts coincide with many of the modern debates, and can thus be helpfully elucidated by them. W h i l e the initial impetus to look at the modern disciplines has sprung, in my case, f r o m reading ancient authors such as Strabo, those modern debates in turn attune us to further complexities in the ancient material. H o w e v e r , this

should not be a one-way flow of ideas, and a study of the ancient sources in the light of the arguments of modern geographers can contribute to refining some of their assertions, with the result that both the ancient and modern studies are enriched. For these reasons I intend to consider some of the modern discussions about geography and history, before turning to the ancient sources. I certainly do not aim to provide a complete synthesis of modern geographical thought and its development through time, a feat w h i c h would far exceed the limitations of this project. Instead, I have selected certain themes which seem to be of relevance to an understanding of ancient intellectual history, and to some of the literary texts which were the products of that thought. T h e nature of my project means that it is impossible to adopt a purely linear approach. T h e ancient material has affected my interest in the modern debates, and the questions raised in those debates have in turn affected my reading of the ancient sources. Everything is interconnected and difficult to order. I leave it to Polybius to provide the formulation of the way in which this introductory chapter both foreshadows and is informed by the ideas discussed throughout the whole book: H o w can one b e g i n a t h i n g w e l l w i t h o u t h a v i n g g r a s p e d b e f o r e h a n d in o n e ' s m i n d the c o m p l e t i o n of the p r o j e c t , and w i t h o u t k n o w i n g h o w and in relation to w h a t and w h y one strives to d o it? A n d again h o w is it possible to s u m m a r i z e e v e n t s p r o p e r l y w i t h o u t r e f e r e n c e to the b e g i n n i n g , and u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h e n c e , h o w , and w h y the final situation w a s reached? S o w e s h o u l d c o n s i d e r that b e g i n n i n g s stretch not o n l y to the m i d d l e , b u t to the e n d , and b o t h w r i t e r s and readers of universal history s h o u l d p a y the greatest attention to t h e m . A n d this I shall n o w try to do. (5. 32. 3 - 4 )

GEOGRAPHY DEVELOPMENT

AND OF

HISTORY: TWO

THE

DISCIPLINES

H i s t o r i e w i t h o u t g e o g r a p h i e like a d e a d carkasse hath neither life nor m o t i o n at all . . . g e o g r a p h i e w i t h o u t historié hath life and m o t i o n , b u t at r a n d o m e , and u n s t a b l e / 3 From P. Heylyn, Microcosmus·, see R. A. Butlin, Historical Geography: Through the Gates of Space and Time (London, 1993), 2. Heylyn (1599-1662) was an ecclesiastical writer and Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford.

T h a t geography and history together encompass our entire experience of the world was asserted by Defoe in On Learning.4 O n e modern historian, Meinig, has formulated the relationship more fully. ' G e o g r a p h y and history are rooted in the basic stuff of human existence. A s fields of study they are analogous, complementary, and interdependent. T h e i r relationship is implied by such common terms as space and time, places and events—pairs that are fundamentally inseparable. W h a t differentiates geography and history is the proportionate emphasis each gives to these terms.' 5 T h i s is the reality in both practical and literary terms, and yet, both in antiquity and now, geography and history have existed distinctly, but rather uncomfortably, side by side. It is interesting, given this interdependence, that historians have, in general, felt less bound to justify and define their subject than have geographers. Meinig's contribution to recent attempts to relate geography and history to each other is significant, but limited. H e states that they 'are not the study of any particular set of things, but are a particular way of studying anything'. 6 T h i s accounts for some of the difficulties encountered over some fragmentary Hellenistic texts, where subject matter does not seem to indicate any clear division between geographical and historical works. Although some might argue that geography and history stress different themes, this view has not been prominent in recent discussions. In other words, Meinig's concern with the manner of relating material, rather than with the subject matter itself, leads us in a direction which is commonly acceptable. Meinig's limitation, however, is that he does not express a view as to what are the particularly 'historical' and 'geographical' ways of studying. Various suggestions have been put forward for what distinguishes geography from history. T h e development of the modern subject-distinction is interesting in its own right, See J. N. L. Baker, The History of Geography (Oxford, 1963), I 5 8 . Defoe claimed that 'in Geography and History he had all the world at his fingers' ends'. 5 D . W . Meinig, ' T h e Continuous Shaping of America: A Prospectus for Geographers and Historians', American Historical Re?jiew, 83 (1978), 1186. 6 Ibid. 1187. 4

although many of the intricate arguments about the nature of time and space in their various forms and configurations may seem either irrelevant, or so far removed from the ancient texts as to be worthless, or simply misconceived and wrong. H o w ever, since we inevitably come to the ancient texts with generic preconceptions which are influenced, if only indirectly, by these arguments, it is important to examine them in some detail. In any case, many of the ideas and definitions involved can offer interesting and unexpected insights on the ancient sources. T w o major models emerge, and I treat these in turn: firstly, a four-part analogy 'geography : space : : history : time', and secondly the model 'geography : present : : history : past'. I turn first to the model associating geography with space and history with time. T h e dominant account of the evolution of geography and history as disciplines characterized in this way may be summarized as follows. In the opinion of many modern geographers, K a n t was the first to devote significant thought to the philosophical notions of time and space, and his work was dependent on the Newtonian advance of conceptualizing time and space as absolute and abstract qualities, which existed independently of the world and its events. 7 From this time on, geography and history evolved as distinct fields of study, and K a n t was himself the first to lecture on geography as a university subject. 8 T h e introduction to K a n t ' s Physische Geographie is regularly cited for the formulation of his ideas on geography, history, time, and space. L i k e D e f o e he asserted that 'geography and history fill up the total span of our knowledge; geography that of space, and history that of time' ('Geographie und Geschichte füllen den gesammten U m f a n g unserer Erkenntnisse aus; die S. Kern, The Culture of Time and Space: I88O-IÇIO (London, 1983), however, qualifies the connection, contrasting Newtonian absolute and objective time and space with Kant's subjective abstractions. B It is noteworthy that the argument starts so late. Although the beginnings of the modern geographical tradition were characterized by a consciousness of the classical past, as in the works of Samuel Johnson, later attempts to trace the development of two separate subjects often reach back only as far as the Enlightenment period. Kant's geographical papers are found in F. W . Schubert (ed.), Immanuel Kants Schriften zur physischen Geographie (Leipzig, 1839). Chapter X I I I of this volume contains the Vorlesungen über Physische Geographie (1802), to which I shall refer simply as the Physische Geographie. 7

Geographie nämlich den des Raumes, die Geschichte aber den der Zeit') (§4). H e had earlier in the same chapter defined geography as description according to space, and history according to time: ' S o , history is differentiated from geography only in respect of space and time. T h e first is, as stated, an account of events w h i c h follow one after the other, and is related to time. But the other is an account of occurrences which take place alongside each other in space.' 9 I argue later that K a n t ' s role as pioneer of certain concepts has been overestimated, to the detriment of thinkers from antiquity; but his influence on the debates concerning the two subjects is undeniable. T h e notion of geography as spatial and history as temporal has been taken up and discussed by modern geographers. 1 0 T h e s e definitions have also been upheld with regard to ancient authors, for instance b y the Strabonian scholar, Prontera, w h o argues that geography differs from history 'because here the dimension of space is predominant over that of time' ('perché in essa la dimensione dello spazio domina . . . su quella del tempo'). 1 1 Prontera insists on a continuum of time-space dominance along w h i c h history and geography may be placed, w h i c h seems m u c h more satisfactory than a straight dichotomy. But, the broad identifications of geography with space and of history with time are relatively satisfactory in abstract terms, and they are characterizations 'Die Historie ist also von der Geographie nur in Ansehung des Raumes und der Zeit verschieden. Die erste ist, wie gesagt, eine Nachricht von Begebenheiten, die auf einander folgen, und hat Beziehung auf die Zeit. Die andere aber ist eine Nachricht von Begebenheiten, die neben einander im Räume vor sich gehen.' For Kant's schematization of geography and history in this way see Physische Geographie, §4; also J. A. May, Kant's Concept of Geography and its Relation to Recent Geographical Thought (Toronto, 1970), 124. 9

10 Notably by R. Hartshorne in his influential book, The Nature of Geography: A Critical Survey of Current Thought in the Light of the Past (Lancaster PA, 1939). Hartshorne has been seen as heavily influenced by Kant, in so far as he upheld Kant's distinction between time and space. See N. Smith, 'Geography as Museum: Private History and Conservative Idealism in The Nature of Geography', in J. N . Entrikin and S. D . Brunn (eds.), Reflections on Richard Hartshorne's T h e Nature of Geography (Washington, 1989), 91-120. 11 F. Prontera, 'Prima di Strabone: Materiali per uno studio della geografia antica come genere letterario', in Strabone I, 252.

which I shall follow implicitly from time to time in my discussion of various authors. T h e model is, however, beset with problems related to the fact that the world is experienced against both space and time simultaneously. T h i s entails the most obvious objection, namely that history must take place in a spatial context and geography must be temporally located in so far as it changes through time. G e o g r a p h y and history both require a spatial and a temporal context. Furthermore, the introduction of the notion of experience, as opposed to abstractions, means that care is required with each side of the analogy in indicating precisely what kind of time and space is being referred to. Within the space-time model there are problems with both the identification of 'geography' with 'space' and that of 'history' with 'time'. I treat these now in turn. T h e belief in abstract and absolute space was held, as I have mentioned, by such influential geographers as Hartshorne, whose view has been summarized as being that 'events, objects and processes do not constitute space, but happen "in s p a c e " ' . 1 2 S o m e modern geographers have strongly asserted the existence of abstract space in the form of geometry: ' G e o m e t r y is explicitly an abstraction from real physical bodies at the same time as it describes the structure of space.' 1 3 It has often been suggested that abstract space, like abstract time, was a product of Enlightenment thought, and alien to antiquity. Gurevich, in his important work on medieval culture, draws what I feel is too sharp a distinction between the ancient and modern mind-set in this regard, viewing abstract concepts as the preserve of the modern world. 1 4 Support for his view can be found not only among modern geographers, such as Harvey, w h o has suggested that maps and calendars were almost an innovation of the Enlightenment, but also, more surprisingly, among some ancient historians. Brodersen, in a seminar on the map of Agrippa, posited the view that this map came in the form of a list of places, rather than a Smith, 'Geography as Museum', 109. See N . Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford, 1984), 7°· 14 A. J. Gurevich (trans. G. L. Campbell), Categories of Medieval Culture (London, 1985), 26 and 29. 12 13

graphic representation of the w o r l d , starting f r o m the debatable premise that abstract space did not exist for the R o m a n s . 1 5 O n e w o n d e r s , if this view w e r e correct, w h a t w e should make of explicit references to d r a w n maps in ancient sources. H e r o d o t u s , as so often, provides an e x a m p l e in the bronze plaque (χάλκβον πίνακα) displayed in 499 BC to the Spartans, and on w h i c h 'a depiction of the entire w o r l d {γης άπάσης περίοδος) had been engraved, w i t h the w h o l e sea and all the rivers' (5. 49). A n o t h e r f a m o u s fifth-century e x a m p l e is the m a p of the w o r l d referred to b y Strepsiades in Aristophanes' Clouds, and on w h i c h A t h e n s , the area of Attica, Euboea, and Sparta could be picked out. 1 6 A g a i n the w o r d used is περίοδος ('geographical representation'), nicely illustrating the fact that these graphic depictions were parallel to verbal descriptions of the earth f r o m Hecataeus onwards. 1 7 G e o m e t r i c a l abstract space is attested not only in literary references to d r a w n maps, but also in the Hellenistic theoretical writings of H i p p a r c h u s and P o l y b i u s . H o w e v e r , alongside the abstract space of geometry and d r a w n maps, it is clear that w e must take into account the experienced space of the w o r l d . I shall discuss this in more detail below (pp. 25-8), b u t note simply at the m o m e n t that arguments over abstract and experienced time and space are also relevant to the various systems devised for their formal representations. W e can hardly contemplate enterprises in w h i c h the w o r l d was depicted in geographical and historical works, without also considering the different organizational strategies w h i c h they used. F o r m a l i z i n g a scheme for terrestrial space in abstract terms perhaps reached its peak with the 15 Contra, R. Moynihan, 'Geographical Mythology and Roman Imperial Ideology', in R. Winkes (ed.), The Age of Augustus (Providence, 1985), 14952, discusses the shape of Agrippa's map, without questioning that it was a graphical representation. On the nature of Greek cartography, see C. Jacob, 'Carte Greche', in F. Prontera (ed.), Geografia e geografi nel mondo antico: Guida storica e critica (Rome, 1983), 49-67. 16 Aristophanes Clouds 206: αϋτη δε σοι γης περίοδος πάσης, èpâs; ('Here you have a depiction of the whole world. Do you see?') T h e last word makes perfectly clear the visual nature of the depiction. 17 But caution should be exercised. T h e use of the same terminology for written and visual depictions (γράφειν, περίοδoy) can lead to confusion. Herodotus 4. 36, on those who draw depictions of the earth (γης περιόδους γράφαντας), could just as readily refer to written accounts as to visual maps, the usual assumption.

Geography of Ptolemaeus, in which places were described, not in terms of their relationship to the places immediately surrounding them, but with reference to a grid which covered the whole world. 1 8 But alongside that, we should recall the periplus tradition in which places were sited largely in relation to each other rather than to an externally imposed grid, and where the experienced nature of space was paramount. I shall have more to say about both of these traditions in chapter I V . So, the interchangeability of 'geography' with 'space' requires further consideration as to whether abstract space, or experienced space, or both are intended. Similarly, the association of 'history' with 'time' is problematic. S o m e historians have written about history and historiography as temporally determined, with no explicit discussion of the nature of the time to which they refer. Breisach, for example, notes that history springs from the fact that 'human life is subject to the dictates of time' and that 'history deals with human life as it " f l o w s " through time'. 1 9 H e then goes on to treat individual historians and the various chronological systems they used to demarcate the course of history. But can the experienced time of 'human life' be equated with the measured time of chronological systems? A n d are different kinds of time mutually exclusive? O n e problem is that no single method of conceptualizing and measuring time has been found commonly acceptable to all peoples. T h e r e is no overall consensus on the nature of time and the best method for its calibration. T h e introduction of G M T by act of Parliament in 1880 entailed a radical move T h e objectivity often attributed to Ptolemaeus' project should, however, be qualified. He derived much of his information from travel reports, which he called Ιστορία περιοδική ('knowledge acquired through travel', 1. 2). Note also that Ptolemaeus' account of Taprobane and eastern India is rich in ethnographic material, making false any assertion that he was not interested in 'lived-in' space. Given this strand in Ptolemaeus' thought, the implicit contrast that is drawn by G . Η. T . Kimble, Geography in the Middle Ages (London, 1938), 182, between his approach and that of geographers in the Middle Ages, when the map was 'a somewhat elastic framework within which subjects of popular, rather than scientific, interest could be delineated', should be questioned. 19 E. Breisach, Historiography: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern (Chicago, 1983), 2. 18

away from the previously more local nature of time in Britain, in a way which was necessitated by the development of a national communications system. N o countrywide system could function while villages only a few miles apart were still not in synchronism. It is noteworthy that Christ C h u r c h in O x f o r d still operates five minutes behind G M T , in order to reflect its precise location to the west of G r e e n w i c h . T h e parallel with the difficulties of co-ordination facing ancient authors w h o attempted to write universal accounts involving lands which used different time-systems is clear. T h e most radical attempt to impose a universal time-system in Greek historiography was the development of the O l y m p i a d s system, attributed by Bickermann to T i m a e u s or Eratosthenes. 2 0 Both wrote treatises on O l y m p i c victors, and T i m a e u s had gone on from his calculations to innovate in using the O l y m p i a d as 'the basic unit of chronological punctuation in a complex historical work'. 2 1 T h e n c e f o r t h it became the basis of all Greek chronology and its acceptance is not hard to understand. T h e r e was simply no other system available to those w h o wished to write an account of more than a confined region, for w h i c h a local dating-system would suffice. D i o n y sius of Halicarnassus' use of Olympiadic time was specifically designed as a bridge across different time-systems. H e wrote a work on chronology showing 'how one may make the Roman times conform with the G r e e k ' (AR χ. 74. 2). 22 T h u c y d i d e s ' attempt to link his o w n narrative into as many external timesystems as possible at the start of Book 2 illustrates the difficulty of having no universally applicable chronology:

E. J. Bickermann, Chronology of the Ancient World (London, 1968), 7 5 6. There seems to be some debate over which of the two should be ascribed the honour of having first developed the use of Olympiads as a system of reckoning. Timaeus was clearly chronologically prior, but it seems that Eratosthenes did much to take the system forward. O n Timaeus' chronological research see T . S. Brown, Timaeus of Tauromenium (Berkeley, 1958), 10-14. 21 See S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography (Oxford, 1994), 46. 22 See C. E. Schultze, 'Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Roman Chronology', PCPS 41 (1995), 192-214. One of the purposes of his chronological work was to prove that the principles of Eratosthenes were sound. 20

The thirty years' truce which was entered into after the reconquest of Euboea lasted for fourteen years. In the fifteenth year, the fortyeighth year of Chrysis being priestess at Argos, when Aenesias was ephor at Sparta, and two months before the end of the archonship of Pythodorus at Athens, six months after the battle at Potidaea, at the very beginning of the spring, [a Theban force attacked Plataea]. (2. 2. 1) Polybius, like Dionysius, clearly reaped the benefits of the chronological work of T i m a e u s and Eratosthenes in the third century, in spite of his repeated criticisms of the former. Dating by eponymous magistrates was far too localized to be useful in a work of his scope, but the system of Olympiads and the various synchronisms computed by the chronologists were ideally suited to his project. A s Pédech states, the first had the advantage of providing an absolute chronology; the second was valuable in the composition of a universal history which had to relate to each other the events of different countries. 2 3 It is arguable that not even the system of Olympiads was 'absolute', being anchored to a set of events imbued with human significance. However, in so far as it was largely unconnected with the narrative which it was being used to date, and involved straightforward numerical counting both of and within an invariable unit, the Olympiad, it was undeniably representative of a new way of conceiving time, as it might be applied to historical narrative. Diodorus too made clear his preference for the Olympiadic system in a programmatic statement at the start of his universal history. For the p r e - T r o j a n period, he says that he can find no reliable chronological record; from the T r o j a n war he follows Artemidorus of Athens in calculating eighty years to the return of the Heracleidae; from then to the first Olympiad, he reckons 328 years according to the Spartan king-lists; and from then on he can use the Olympiadic system up to the end of his work (1. 5. 1). T h e r e is, in fact, far greater variety in Diodorus' methods for expressing time than simply employing the Olympiadic system. Sometimes he uses vague relative indicators, such as 'now', 'later', 'more recently' (18. 1; 32. 4); sometimes the generation is given as a unit of time23

P. Pédech, La Méthode historique de Polybe (Paris, 1964), 448.

difference (4. 83); 24 sometimes, time is marked out in terms of the successive reigns of various rulers. T h e death of G e l o n in 478 BC gives Diodorus the opportunity to comment that he had ruled for seven years, and that his heir, Hieron, ruled for eleven years and eight months ( 1 1 . 3 8 ) . " But the overriding temporal framework is provided by the system of Olympiads, in combination with the archon at A t h e n s and the consul at R o m e for each year. So, Xerxes' invasion of Europe took place 'when Calliadas was archon at Athens, and the Romans made Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius T r i c o s t u s consuls, and the Eleians celebrated the 75th O l y m p i a d , in which Astylus of Syracuse w o n the stadion' ( i x . 1). T h i s build-up of dating systems might, at first sight, appear to be an advance on the sole use of Olympiads; but this is, of course, not the case, since the magistracies did not change in different places at the same time in the year, thus requiring Diodorus to impose a seriously false synchronism every year. In spite of the inadequacies of the Olympiadic system, its use in universal accounts was almost inevitable. W h i l e it is extremely difficult to conceive of a wholly abstract temporal or spatial system, this does not refute the existence of a wide variety in the degree of reference to human experience in the formulation of times and spaces, and we may place Olympiadic time towards the more abstract end of the spectrum, in so far as its continued counting was not dependent on the historical events to which it was applied. By contrast, Strabo used temporal indicators which were formulated through distance from named chronological markers and, very often, through reference to his own lifetime. W e might say that he reveals a conception and system of time which was more clearly 'experienced'. So, just as with space, it is impossible simply to interchange 'history' and 'time', without being more careful to define what is meant by 'time'. In any case, we cannot define history solely in terms of time and geography solely in terms of space, for two further reasons. Firstly, post-modernist social geographers have taken up the notion of history as 'the production of space'. Secondly, geoMinos was honoured ini yeftàî nXeiovs ('for several generations', 4. 79). For more examples of this phenomenon, see 12. 71; 13. 108; 14. 37; 14. 83; 14· 93· 24

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graphy itself has often been defined temporally, and this brings us to the second major model; namely, geography : present : : history : past. T h e conceptual dominance of time may be partly attributed to the modern compression of space and time. A c c o r d i n g to Harvey, one of the most influential post-modern geographers, capitalism is primarily concerned with covering space as quickly as possible, a concern encapsulated in the expression 'time is money'. 2 6 Space must be compressed because time is precious, and we sacrifice the experience of space in a bid to get from 'a' to 'b' in as little time as possible. H o w e v e r , the use of time as a means of defining space was clearly to be found also in antiquity, where the privileging of time did not necessarily result from the need to speed it up. A s I discuss later, time is frequently used in the ancient periplus texts as the unit of spatial measure, and often to a refined degree. Later in antiquity, instead of arranging his climatic zones by degrees like Hipparchus, Ptolemaeus defined them by differences in the length of the longest day. 2 7 However, time has sometimes been used to define not only space, but also the academic subject of geography. T h e concern of geographers to appear useful and forward-looking has led easily to the association of history with the past, as opposed to geography's present and future. M a n y geographers applaud the qualification of a purely spatial definition of their subject. 2 8 However, both the association of history with the past, and that of geography with the present and future are open to attack. T h e geographer D a r b y formulated the analogy as follows: 'the D. Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford, 1989), 265. 27 Claudius Ptolemaeus Geography 1. 23 explains how the lines of longitude in his delineation are 20 minutes apart, and the lines of latitude 15 minutes apart. For example, the fourteenth parallel was 3 hours 30 minutes from the equator, as well as being 45 0 north. We may compare the use of light-years to measure distance in space. 28 C. Harris, ' T h e Historical Mind and the Practice of Geography', in D. Ley and M. S. Samuels (eds.), Humanistic Geography. Prospects and Problems (London, 1978), 123-37, criticizes the dominance of what he calls the North American view of geography, exemplified by the work of Hartshorne, in which geography is chorological and history chronological (pp. 123-4). 26

geography of the present day is but a thin layer that even at this moment is becoming history'. 2 9 However, it is clear from his formulation that the margin is narrow, and prone to transgression in both directions. Firstly, I deal with the association of history with the past. Opposition to the 'past : present' model has been formulated using the argument that 'the historian does not become a geographer when he studies the present', and clear counterexamples to the model exist in, for instance, T h u c y d i d e s ' contemporary history of the fifth century BC. 3 0 W e would surely not choose to relabel the contemporary historian a geographer simply because of the temporal focus of his work. T h e identification of history with past time may be attacked also on the grounds that there is a distinction to be made between 'past events', which may simply be chronicled, and 'historical events', which can be drawn together to have greater significance. A further blow to the notion that history belongs solely to the past can be adduced from certain ancient models for historical patterning. A s Momigliano has pointed out, several alternative models were available, including Hesiod's succession of ages associated with different metals, and the 'biological' scheme which Seneca is said by Lactantius (Inst. 7. 15. 14) to have used in describing the whole of Roman history f r o m R o m u l u s to Augustus, following metaphorically the different stages of life. 31 However, the predominant pattern was the theory of the succession of empires. T h e associated and underlying view of history is revealed in Herodotus' promise to cover both great and small cities, 'since I know that man's good fortune never stays in the same place'. 3 2 T h i s provided the basis for the H. C . Darby, O n the Relations of Geography and History', TIBG 19 (1953), 6. 30 J. B. Mitchell, Historical Geography (London, 1954), 12. 31 A. Momigliano, On Pagans, Jews, and Christians (Connecticut, 1987), 31-5732 Hdt. ι. 5. 4; also ι. 95 and 1. 130. On this see J. M. Alonso-Nunez, for whom the topic has become a specialism: 'Die Abfolge der Weltreiche bei Polybios und Dionysios von Halikarnassos', Historia, 32 (1983), 411-26; id., 'Die Weltreichsukzession bei Strabo', Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, 36 (1984), 53-4; id., 'Appian and the World Empires', Athenaeum, 62 (1984), 640-4; id., 'Die Weltgeschichte des Nikolaos von Damaskos', Storia delta Storiografia, 27 (1995), 3-15. 29

structuring of his work. Because history brings to the fore one region after another, Herodotus' readers move around accordingly, as the L y d i a n and Persian histories appear in turn, and the Egyptians and Scythians are encountered en route. T h e theory that successive empires patterned history was, as Momigliano says, the scheme adopted by Jewish and later Christian apocalyptic writers, for the obvious reason that it was easily manipulated by groups opposed to Roman rule so as to forecast the imminent demise of that power. 3 3 O n e of its most prominent features is a sense of continuum through past, present, and even future, refuting the idea that we can dismiss history, and historical patterning, as exclusively consigned to the past. Secondly, just as history is not entirely concerned with the past, so it is hard to envisage a geography that deals exclusively with the present. A clear historical dimension is brought to geography by the need to understand the causes for the earth's present state. T h e question 'what has given this landscape its present character?' means that geography must inevitably be in part backward-looking unless it is to ignore causation entirely. 3 4 It was this need to turn to the past to understand change in the physical world that underlay the historical interests of certain figures in the Annales school. 3 5 However, the question of geography as a study of the present 33 J. W . Swain, ' T h e Theory of the Four Monarchies: Opposition History under the Roman Empire', Class. Phil. 35 (1940), 1 - 2 1 , shows how opponents of Rome subverted the theme to four transitory empires followed by one eternal empire. As B. Smailey, Historians in the Middle Ages (London, 1974) points out, the theory of the succession of empires was to prove problematic in the Middle Ages, when time was limited by Creation and Doomsday, since the end of the last (Roman) empire should signal the end of the world. Since the world was still in existence, the Roman empire had to be kept alive imaginatively in the form of the Byzantine and ecclesiastical empires (pp. 53-5)· 34 See Darby, 'On the Relations of Geography and History', 6. 35 T h e concern of, for example, Vidal de la Blache with historical geography, in the sense of 'the history of travel and exploration', was overtaken by his wish to look at the forces of change and processes altering the organization of space. P. Claval, ' T h e Historical Dimension of French Geography', Journal of Historical Geography, 10 (1984), 229-45· T h e idea of the longue durée was particularly apt when geographical change was concerned.

not only springs from modern discussion, but was raised in antiquity. Strabo repeatedly asserts his interest, as author of a Geography, in the present over the past, and states Ί must speak of things as they are now' (12. 8. 7). A n interesting parallel for this professed concentration of the geographer on the present, rather than the past, is seen in D e f o e ' s Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain. In the preface he states that 'the situation of things is given not as they have been, but as they are; . . .all respects the present time, not the time past.' 1 6 Like Strabo, D e f o e seems to have abandoned this aim almost immediately. H e colours his description of eighteenth-century Britain with pieces of historical information dating from the Roman period onwards. S o the once overgrown countryside of Surrey is seen as a haven for native Britons, hiding from the Romans, and for Saxons, harassed by the Danes, although now, says D e f o e , the place is mainly cultivated, and the detail he has just given 'is a piece of history, which I leave as I find it'. 37 W h e n he reaches the prehistoric site of Stonehenge, D e f o e again weakens in his resolution to steer away from the past. " T i s indeed a reverend piece of antiquity, and 'tis a great loss that the true history of it is not known.' 3 8 I discuss and exemplify Strabo's use of the past in his Geography in chapter V , but here offer a more theoretical response to w h y the association of geography with present and future, but not the past, must be seen as inadequate. T h e answer lies in the observation that, as I have discussed above (pp. 9-10), the space and time of geography and history exist not just as abstractions, but also as features of the world as it is experienced. T h e conceptual geographer, T u a n , has suggested that 'place' may be seen as 'lived-in space', space structured by human experience, as opposed to abstract, geometrical space. 3 9 T u a n has also asserted that a sense of 3ή D. Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (London, 1724-6; republished by Penguin 1971—all references are to the Penguin reprint of 1986), 45. 37 Ibid. 164. 38 Ibid. 201. 39 See Y . - F . Tuan, 'Space, T i m e , Place: A Humanistic Frame', in Making Sense of Time, 7. See also A . Merrifield, 'Place and Space: A Lefebvrian Reconciliation', TIBG NS 18 (1993), 516-31; especially 522: 'place can be

place only develops over time, making passage of time essential for the transformation of abstract space into significant place. T h e same idea has been formulated as being that 'the realization of place lies in the temporal structuring of space'. 4 0 T h e point is that a place, as experienced by people, has a significant past, the stories which are told about the place and its inhabitants. T h i s is what gives it a distinctive identity. So, the past of a place forms part of the description of its present state, and geography, in so far as it is concerned with places of human habitation, must necessarily concern itself with past time. Just as geography is about both past and present, in so far as the present identity of a place is determined b y the experiences of the past, so too can history be seen as concerned with the present, in so far as the past is viewed in the light of the author's own times, which provide the interpretative framework for any attempt to structure the past. It has been argued that the historian writes 'to help society understand better its collective story'. 4 1 Indeed we may see the process of structuring space into place through m e m o r y paralleled in the patterning of time through the memories evoked by particular days in the calendar. Collective stories, or social memory, are precisely what concern the geographer in his attempt to understand the present identity of a community, drawing the geographical and the historical projects close together. T h e point is nicely illustrated by a conversation between the children in C . S. L e w i s ' s The Magician's Nephew, on their discovering the land of Narnia: Ί wish we had someone to tell us what all those places are,' said Digory. taken as practised space'; also, D . E. Cosgrove, 'Power and Place in the Venetian Territories', in J. A. Agnew and J. S. Duncan (eds.), The Power of Place: Bringing together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations (Boston, 1989), 104: 'places are physical locations imbued with human meaning'. Cosgrove argues that the North Pole is a place in a way that 76 °W, 43 °N is not. D. Parkes and N. Thrift, 'Putting T i m e in its Place', in Making Sense of Time, 119. 41 G. Allan, reviewing Ε. E. Harris, The Reality of Time (Albany, 1988), in History and Theory, 28 (1989), 353. 40

Ί don't suppose they're anywhere yet,' said Polly. Ί mean, there's no one there, and nothing happening. The world only began today.' 'No, but people will get there,' said Digory. 'And then they'll have histories, you know.' 42 T h e arrival of the children at a new world requires the reevaluation of the world they know, and the incorporation of what they have discovered. But the places cannot be defined or described, and remain without significance all the time that they are apparently uninhabited. Places are best described in terms of the activity that has occurred there, as w e saw was the case with the Laestrygonians at Bonifacio. In the next section I discuss further the professed concern of both geographers and historians with the inhabited world, rather than with empty space. W i t h no people, the places of Narnia are not 'anywhere yet'. However, the arrival of people in this landscape will immediately lead to the creation of history; and the people together with their history will, in turn, provide a way of defining the land. T h e s e two major models for distinguishing between geography and history open up various ways of approaching ancient works in terms of time, space, and place; but caution is required. A s I argued above (pp. 9-10), it is important not to confuse discussions of abstract time and space with those about the world as it is experienced. Attempts to derive arguments about the nature of historical time from the theories of N e w t o n , for example, may be criticized on several grounds. N o t only is there an objection to using notions of time as an abstract and separable entity in arguments about the experienced world, but N e w t o n ' s interests in abstract time and in chronology were entirely different projects. 4 3 It is clear that no chronological system and no means of organizing historical time can be anything C. S. Lewis, The Magician's Nephew (London, 1955). C. G . Starr, 'Historical and Philosophical T i m e ' , History and Theory. Beiheft, 6 (1966), 24-35, also argues that historical time is different from that which is the subject of chronology. For him, however, the problem lies not in the distinction between absolute and relative time, but between time which can be marked off by mechanical celestial phenomena, and history, which is not just a relentless march through time, but forms an intelligible sequence (p. 24). See also S. Kracauer, 'Time and History', History and Theory. Beiheft, 6 (1966), 65-78, who argues that we cannot view 'history as a process in homogeneous chronological time' (p. 68). 42

43

other than relative. Absolute time may be useful as a concept in pure science, but it does not help directly in our understanding of history, although the associated ideas are at least thoughtprovoking, and may actually provide new insights into the conceptual framework of texts which deal most explicitly with time and space, namely historical and geographical works. 4 4 Analysis of the 'space : time' model reveals that abstract and separable qualities of time and space provide useful ways of measuring and calibrating aspects of the world in the form of maps and time-systems, such as the one based on Olympiads. It has been argued in connection with the medieval world that our view that 'time and space are taken as objective, in the sense that their properties are not affected by the matter occupying them', is not universally shared, and was not a feature of the preEnlightenment world-view. 4 5 But this clearly overstates both the ancient and the modern viewpoint. M u c h greater complexity and variation needs to be built into the model, given the clear existence of time and space as abstract qualities in antiquity. However, the 'space : time' model also reveals the importance of experienced time and space. T h i s is confirmed by analysis of the 'present : past' model. It emerges that both the concern of geography with the past and that of history with the present may be partially understood in terms of the fact that geography and history describe the world as it is actually experienced. H u m a n life takes place in or against the matrices of time and space simultaneously, making discussion of them as distinct entities strained. Anthropologists have pointed out that the separable concepts of time and space are not universally accepted. In particular, Skar has studied the inhabitants of Matapuquio in the Peruvian Andes, among w h o m the same word 'pacha' is used to refer to both time and space. T h e two are inseparable precisely because they have not been conceptualized as abstractions, but are entirely bound up with the world as a 'lived-in' entity, to which 'pacha' refers. 46 See P. Munz (review of D. J. Wilcox, The Measure of Times Past: PreNewtonian Chronologies and the Rhetoric of Relative Time (Chicago, 1987)), History and Theory, 28 (1989), 236-51. 45 Gurevich, Categories of Medieval Culture, 26. 46 S. L. Skar, 'Andean Women and the Concept of Space/Time', in S. Ardener (ed.), Women and Space: Ground Rules and Social Maps 44

T h e formulation that place, as experienced in the world and made distinctive by its collective memory, is 'space structured by time* shows how closely interrelated, even inseparable, are these matrices. It is interesting that the observations of anthropologists are here paralleled by scientific theory. A s with Newtonian abstractions, the dangers in moving too far from the actual writing of history and geography are apparent. However, both Einstein's specific theory of relativity of 1905 and his general theory of 1915 may offer interesting insights into ways of conceptualizing the world. 4 7 It was the general theory which put forward the single notion of space-time, and made the radical proposition that space and time were not just the arena for the universe's events, but were affected by everything that happened within it. Einstein's earlier specific theory had importantly challenged the Newtonian idea of absolute time, and allowed time to vary according to the location of the observer. So time and space were not only inextricably linked, but also heterogeneous and subjective, rather than homogeneous and objective. T h e s e theories at the time provided a stimulus for new ways of viewing the world. T h e development of G M T , the homogeneous time-system that replaced local time and so denied the importance of place, was challenged by the movement at the turn of the twentieth century 'to affirm the reality of private time against that of a single public time and to define its nature as heterogeneous, fluid, and reversible'. 4 8 Furthermore, the move in visual art away from the idea of perspective and a fixed viewpoint, to the multiple viewpoint of Cubist art, challenged the temporal limitation of perspective painting. (Oxford, 1993), 31-45. Skar explains how, on the steep mountain slopes, time and space are inextricably bound through the difference between the quickripening of crops on the lower slopes and the longer time taken for crops to ripen higher up. T h e passage of time in so far as it affects the crops is linked to geographical location. 47 See S. Hawking, A Brief History of Time: From the Big Bang to Black Holes (London, 1988), 38. For the importance of the Industrial Revolution and nationally coordinated transport systems in the move towards the imposition of G M T , see G. J. Whitrow, Time in History: Views of Time from Prehistory to the Present Day (Oxford, 1988), 158-65. For the affirmation of private heterogeneous time, see Kern, The Culture of Time and Space, 34.

Instead it represented a view across time rather than a m o m e n tary snapshot, and thus opened up new possibilities for the ordering of time and space. 4 9 It is not necessary to frame the discussion in scientific terms in order to apply the idea that a single event in time may occur differently for viewers at different places, and to see its implications for notions of fixed and multiple perspectives in textual deconstruction. T h e inextricable connection of time and space meant not only that time was linked to the event, but also that the time of an event was subject to its spatial relationship to the perceiver. T h i s leads us to notions of perspective, focus, and the relationship of the author to text and reader, concerns of narratologists, which may enhance a discussion of historical and geographical writings about the world, and to which I now turn.

ALL

THE

WORLD'S

HISTORY,

A STAGE:

AND

GEOGRAPHY,

FOCALIZATION

T h e ideas of time and space as 'experienced' rather than abstract entities, and as subject to 'perception' from one or more viewpoints, immediately give importance to human actors, viewers, and narrators. In some senses the argument has gone full-circle. T h e replacement of individual mental maps with a single map viewed from a single standpoint, entailing the standardization of time across space, subsumed spatial difference and privileged one authorized 'focalizer'.' 0 T h e move back towards the acknowledgement of many viewpoints can be seen in an extreme form in the work of Cubist painters, but has been formally brought to the attention of literary scholars more recently in the writings of narratologists, and I think it has something to offer to a study of how the world is, and was, perceived and constructed. 4 9 See K e r n , The Culture of Time and Space, 22. A s Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, 244, points out, the fixed viewpoint of perspective painting in the Renaissance was important in giving a systematic view of space. It is linked by D . E. Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (London and Sydney, 1984), 21, to a claim to truth and objectivity. 50 T h e attempt to depict a world with a single focalizer is in complete antithesis to the multi-faceted nature of experienced space. For the view that 'the mental map of each person is unique', see P. G o u l d and R. White, Mental Maps (Harmondsworth, 1974), 5 1 ·

T h e application of narratological techniques to non-fictional works has been slow to develop, and is problematic for those who stress the differences between fiction and non-fiction, on the grounds that 'time and space in a novel are not those of real life'. 5 1 However, the clear-cut distinction between history and the novel has been challenged from at least two angles: firstly by those w h o argue that the novel can refer indirectly to people in a particular real place and time, the space and time of history. 5 2 But a second and more controversial challenge was initiated by White, w h o exhorted historians to read their texts as 'narrative prose discourses' in w h i c h the form, rather than the content, was all-important. 5 3 T h e predictable objection was raised: namely that if the focus were to be solely on the literary form of the historical text, w e should lose sight of the relationship between such texts and reality, which they purport to represent. 5 4 H o w e v e r , the literary analysis of such texts may help us better to decode the text and thus come closer to the reality being represented. 5 5 O r if we were to follow F o x ' s view, expressed with regard to the literary analysis of historical texts, such as L i v y ' s History, we might argue that 'decoding' is not at issue. W e must think F o x right if we agree with W h i t e ' s view of historical texts as 'opaque artefacts, rather than veils through w h i c h other veils, and ultimately history can be 51 See R. Wellek and A. Warren, Theory of Literature, 3rd edn. (London, 1966), 25. 52 See C. Strout, 'Border Crossings: History, Fiction and Dead Certainties', History and Theory, 31 (1992), 153-62. 53 H. White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in NineteenthCentury Europe (Baltimore, 1973)· M . G . Morgan, 'Tacitus on Germany: Roman History or Latin Literature', in L . Schulze and W. Wetzels (eds.), Literature and History (Boston, 1983), 87-118, argues that the distinction between history and literature was blurred in antiquity partly because of the importance of rhetoric and rhetorical strategies in political life, the occupation of the expected readership. T h e acceptance of rhetoric disallowed a strict boundary between fact and fiction. 54 A. Momigliano, ' T h e Rhetoric of History and the History of Rhetoric: On Hayden White's Tropes', in E. S. Shaffer (ed.), Comparative Criticism. A Year Book, iii (Cambridge, 1981), 259-68. 55 I. N. Bulhof, 'Imagination and Interpretation in History', in L . Schulze and W . Wetzels (eds.), Literature and History (Boston, 1983), 17, complains that White never explains how the literary form of a historical narrative is relevant to revealing the past.

observed', and conclude rather that the literary analysis gives access to a different kind of reality, that of the representation. 5 6 W h a t may usefully be gleaned from W h i t e ' s approach may have less to do with fact and fiction, and more with being aware of the literary style and rhetorical structure of nonfictional texts. Hornblower has shown how issues such as focalization, narrative displacement, and concealed authorial personae are of help in our appreciation of the subtleties of all texts. 57 But, even if we do not dismiss the separable notions of fact and fiction, we cannot rule fiction out of apparently factual texts, and so justify the exclusion of a certain kind of literary analysis from historical and geographical works. It has, for example, been suggested that our text of the periplus of Hanno does not refer to a real journey, but is a Greek construction of different degrees of 'otherness'. 5 8 Further complicating the question of reality is the use of 'stock literary places' in geographical works. T h e islands of Cerne and T h ü l e , for example, have been the subject of much debate over their precise identifications. It has been interestingly suggested, from the fact that the name 'Cerne' was applied to several different places, that the term 'represents not a geographical limit, but a fantastical boundary' ('non rappresenta una frondera geografica, ma un confine fantastico'). 5 9 T h e island of T h ü l e has been found similarly elusive because in ancient literature the name T h ü l e 'indicates the northern limit of the inhabited world' ('indica l'estremità settentrionale dell'ecu56 M. Fox, Roman Historical Myths: The Regal Period in Augustan Literature (Oxford, 1996). Ch. 2 on theoretical considerations is particularly helpful. Fox sees the stress on rhetoric in history as a move away from the danger of claiming objectivity when talking about the past. See esp. p. 40. " S. Hornblower, 'Narratology and Narrative Techniques in Thucydides', in S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography (Oxford, 1994), 131-66. A. Cameron (ed.), History as Text. The Writing of Ancient History (London, 1989), 1-10, adds weight to this view, arguing for the reading of 'historical' texts as literature. 58 C. Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1991)1 84· 59 G. Amiotti, 'Cerne: "ultima terra"', CISA 13 (1987), 43-9· Other locations of Cerne were opposite the Persian Gulf according to Ephorus (Pliny N H 4. 35) and beyond the Pillars of Hercules, according to Eratosthenes (Strabo I. 3. 2).

mene'). 6 0 A t the same time, we may choose to use these texts for insights into the conceptual world of their authors and of the time of writing in general. S o the division between fictional and non-fictional writing is unclear. Historians writing about the European discovery of the N e w W o r l d in the sixteenth century have commented on a similar blurring between fact and fiction which characterizes accounts of those explorations. According to Greenblatt, the European encounter with the N e w W o r l d 'brought close to the surface of non-literary texts imaginative operations that are normally buried deep below their surface'. T h i s entitles the scholar to use 'the concerns of literary criticism to illuminate texts . . . and actions that register not the pleasures of the fictive but the compelling powers of the real'. 61 T h e literary nature of geographical texts, in particular the relationship between academic geography and the geography evoked in fictional literary works, has already been the subject of some scholarly discussion. 62 Later I shall employ these narratological tools to reveal different focalizations in Polybius' History, and especially in Strabo's geographical view of the world. T h e opposition to regarding literary forms such as history and geography as suited to the critical theories applied to fiction stems partly from a belief that history and geography provide objective views of the world, as opposed to the authorially determined subjectivity of fiction. T h i s is concordant with the comments of the conceptual geographer, C o s grove, who suggests a difference between landscape, which 'denotes the external world mediated through subjective human experience', and the geographer's map, in w h i c h foreground is not distinguished from background by the author, giving no privileged view and forcing the process of interpretation on to the reader. 63 It has been argued that in this process of interpretation we, as land creatures, tend to 'see' land as r'"

F. Cordario, La geografia degli antichi (Rome, 1992), 107. S. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Oxford, 1991), 23. 02 See Y . - F . Tuan, 'Literature and Geography: Implications for Geographical Research', in D. Ley and M. Samuels (eds.), Humanistic Geography: Prospects and Problems (London, 1978), 194-206. r'3 Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape, 13 and 31. fil

foreground on a map, and sea as background. 6 4 T h i s , however, does not alter the fact that the cartographer or literary geographer makes decisions of selection and presentation, which render objectivity an impossibility. So, both map-maker and map-reader must interpret, and the map itself is both subjective in this respect and objective in so far as it purports to represent reality. 65 A n important feature of medieval maps is that they did not attempt to present a view of space from one fixed, external position, but rather gave a sense of space as it was experienced by someone travelling around. 6 6 I have already mentioned the issue of experienced as opposed to abstract time and space, but these concepts can now be extended to incorporate notions of narration, and of single or multiple focus. 'Narrative time' has been seen as 'lived time' in so far as the authenticity of the story validates the temporal experience of the characters. 6 7 But the reverse is not necessarily true, making a precise equation of 'narrative time' and 'lived time' questionable. T h e premise of Carr's treatment of time and narrative reverses the argument in a way which reveals the problem. 6 8 It is one thing to argue that narrative time is 'temps vécu' rather than 'temps mésuré'; quite another to say, as Carr does, that narrative is a primary feature of lived time, and not an imposed structure. Similar questions have been discussed with regard to space; in particular, whether historians of the American W e s t have forced 'stories on a world that doesn't fit them' by writing narratives of progress and decline concerning the development of that land64 P. Janni, 'L'ltalia di Strabone: descrizione e immagine', in Italia Antica, 147-59. Janni uses ideas formulated by scholars of perception theory to suggest that, in spite of our natural tendency to foreground land masses, this is reversed when a sea forms a simple, geometric figure, which is well defined and easy to recognize and classify. T h e Pontic sea, both in antiquity and now, formed a 'figure' rather than a background, being more distinctive in shape than the surrounding (and mass (p. 153). 65 See J. K . Wright, 'Map Makers are Human. Comments on the Subjective in Maps', in Wright, Human Nature in Geography. Fourteen Papers 1925-1965 (Cambridge, M A , 1966), 33-52. fifi As argued by Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, 241. 67 See the interesting discussion by P. Ricoeur, 'Narrative Time', in W . J. T . Mitchell (ed.), On Narrative (Chicago, 1981), 171-2. 68 See D. Carr, Time, Narrative and History (Bloomington, 1986); rev. N . Carroll in History and Theory, 27 (1988), 297-306.

scape; or whether narrative is so fundamental that it structures the changes in the landscape themselves. 6 9 T w o major and interrelated themes emerge from such debates: firstly, the active or passive nature of time and space in narratives involving them; and secondly, the discrete or continuous, local or universal views of the world associated with different types of focalization. Academic discussion of narratives concerning the past of the American plains has examined the role played in the story by the space whose transformation is the subject of the account. I treat in detail later the way in which Strabo reveals the two-way influence of time and historical powers on the shape of the world, and in turn of space and environment on the progress of history. T h e simple acceptance of environmental determinism, dominant in ancient medical, architectural, and geographical theory, has been left unchallenged in modern geography until recently. 7 0 T h e approach of Huntingdon, w h o introduced his book by stating that it would focus on 'the influence of heredity and geographic environment, especially climate, upon the cultural events which are described in a multitude of other books', is a prime example of the environmental determinism now opposed by many on ideological grounds, since it can be, and has been, used to advocate the innate superiority of certain races. 71 T h e implications of environmental determinism extend to the narrative level. A l t h o u g h it has been said of Strabo that 'the earth he seems to regard somewhat as a stage, its relief being the background and setting in which historical events take place', 7 2 I hope to show that Strabo saw the earth as exerting a far greater influence on human affairs than this, even if geography could never be counted as the only factor in play. W . Cronon, Ά Place for Stories: Nature, History, and Narrative', Journal of American History, 78 (1992), 1368. 70 For medicine, see Airs, Waters, Places and other works in the Hippocratic corpus; for architecture, see Vitruvius, De arckitectura. 71 Ε. T . Huntingdon, Mainsprings of Civilization (New York and London, !94S). 35· T h e publication date of this work makes it remarkable that the explicit and implicit prejudices underlying its arguments were not opposed at the time. 72 C. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore: Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), 103. 69

But the view that ancient authors used geography only as a setting for history is commonly held. Even of Herodotus' Histories, in which geography and history literally progress together, it has been said that 'geography provides the physical background, the stage setting, in relation to which historical events take on meaning'. 7 3 T h i s is precisely symptomatic of the traditionally limited approach to the relationship between geography and history, in which the two are separable entities, one the setting for the other. T h e notion of the earth as the setting for man's activities recalls the importance of experienced, as opposed to abstract, space and time, and is relevant to the scope of 'universal geography', to which I shall return. F o r geographers in the scientific tradition, the whole globe was included. T h e theories of Eudoxus of Cnidus, including the invention of a system of twenty-six concentric spheres around the earth and a calculation for the circumference of the earth, clearly show the interest of geographers in matters not only global, but universal, and I treat Polybius' application of such concepts in chapter II. However, Eratosthenes' division of the world into 'seals' (or vertical bands around the earth) was criticized by Strabo for its lack of relation to human affairs. Strabo likened Eratosthenes' 'unnatural' divisions to a surgeon cutting up a body haphazardly, rather than taking a person apart limb from limb, using an image which reinforces the importance of man in conceptions of the world and the notion of history and geography as biographical studies (2. 1. 30). 74 In particular, the concern with the human may explain Strabo's interest in places, transformed 73 P. E. James and G. J. Martin, All Possible Worlds: A History of Geographical Ideas (New York, 1981), 21. A similar opinion is expressed by R. E. Dickinson and O. J. R. Howarth, The Making of Geography (Oxford, «933). '3 : that Herodotus 'was a historian primarily, but one with a full sense of the value of geographical setting'. 74 P. M. Fraser, 'Eratosthenes of Cyrene', Proceedings of the British Academy, 56 (1970), 200, sees the non-subjective division of the world into 'seals' as precisely parallel to Eratosthenes' development of the Olympiadic system of time-reckoning. See also J.-P. Vernant, The Origins of Greek Thought (London, 1982), 121, who takes the attempt to gain an objective view of the earth back to the Ionian Greeks. Their geometrical model for the earth, unlike a mythical geography, did not privilege any one area. But Vernant seems to underplay the fact that no model can be totally objective.

from abstract space by human settlement over time and by the identities created by that past, an interest which, for Strabo, far outweighs that in the wider landscape. His statement that 'the geographer need not concern himself with what lies outside our inhabited world' can be interpreted at more than one level (2. 5. 34). 75 N o t only was Strabo's interest confined to the portion of the globe inhabited by man, but also, within that portion, Strabo was not concerned with empty landscape. T h e emphasis on human activity in, and relationship with, the world is prominent in many modern geographical works. It has been claimed that K a n t was the first philosopher to see geography's concern as 'the study of man in relation to his physical environment' and that, in this, he was a true successor to Strabo, and possibly also to Ptolemaeus. 7 6 T h e same interest has been attributed to history as 'the study of the world humans have made for themselves'. 7 7 W e could scarcely find a more explicit statement of the importance of human geography in history and, conversely, for a historical perspective in geography. G e o g r a p h y ' s concern with man's relationship with the earth, and not just with the earth itself, has clear points of contact with the Stoic notion that the earth is designed specifically for man, and Stoicism is a theme to which I return on several occasions. 7 8 But it is worth noting that human involvement has not always been considered essential to geography. Agathemerus' Sketch of Geography, probably written in the first or second century AD, attempted to set out the geographical tradition to date. It is interesting that Strabo finds no place in the list of geographers, presumably reflecting the fact that the text of the Geography was not in circulation by 75 This view is further reinforced by the statement that a limit will be piaced on the detail given for Laconia, 'a country which is now mostly deserted' (8. 4. 11). Without the human factor, Strabo was not interested in regions, reflecting the strongly ethnographical strand in ancient geography. 76 May, Kant's Concept of Geography, 42. While this confirms the opinion that Strabo's prime concern is with human geography, it is unclear to me why a link with Ptolemaeus should be drawn in this respect. 77 See L. Guelke, Historical Understanding in Geography: An Idealist Approach (Cambridge, 1982), 1. 78 C. Glacken, 'Changing Ideas of the Habitable World', in W . L. Thomas (ed.), Man's Rôle in Changing the Face of the Earth (Chicago, 1956), 72, sees in Cicero's De natura deorum the idea of the earth as the fit and proper home for man.

this stage, but perhaps also or alternatively because Agathemerus conceived of geography as an entirely physical science. He notes the shape of the world, the winds, the seas, distances by land, and islands with their dimensions, but human habitation and activity go totally unmentioned. 7 9 H o w e v e r , the c o m m o n l y held view that geography should be specifically devoted to understanding man's role in the environment, rather than the environment itself, has implications for the relative importance we assign to man and nature in the playing-out of history. T h e history of geographical ideas has been defined as 'the record of man's effort to gain more and more logical and useful knowledge of the human habitat and of man's spread over the earth'. 8 0 But, taken to extremes by some geographers, w h o argue that our concern should be solely with man's role in the natural world, asserting that 'the physical environment is passive and cannot actively influence human activity', this approach begins to sound entirely incompatible with ancient views on environmental determinism. 8 1 S o m e partial answer may be drawn from discussions of the history of the Plains Indians in America, which have explored two appropriate structures for this kind of account. Either man is pitted against stubborn nature, or man and nature change in parallel and 'story and scene become entangled'. In either case, nature is a protagonist in the story—either as ally of man or as 'worthy antagonist of civilisation'. 8 2 T h e problem is how we can fit the natural world, with its often cyclical patterns, into a humanly imposed narrative structure, with beginning, middle, For a text, translation, and notes, see A. Diller, 'Agathemerus, Sketch of Geography', GRBS 16 (1975), 59-76. 80 James and Martin, All Possible Worlds, 2. 81 T h e view is that of J. A. Jakle, 'Time, Space, and the Geographic Past: A Prospectus for Historical Geography', American Historical Review, 76 (1971). 1086. Given the polarity of his opinion, we may not be surprised by Jakle's conclusion: Ί am hesitant to suggest how interaction between the disciplines of academic history and geography might be cultivated' (p. 1103). 82 Cronon, Ά Place for Stories', 1354 and 1356. T h e destruction of native American peoples and their landscapes forms the subject for much modern writing on the topic of the relationship between history and geography. See also, for example, Meinig, 'The Continuous Shaping of America', 1186-205. Meinig's belief in a close, even indelible, bond between the two disciplines of geography and history means that his history of America would be no less a history of the land than of the people. 79

and end. In the end human experience emerges dominant in our understanding of nature, even where we try to appreciate nature's agency. T h e issue has been to some extent explained, if not resolved, by drawing a distinction between the approaches of cultural geographers and environmental historians. Whilst cultural geographers describe landscapes as texts, with a symbolic language revealing culture, environmental historians see nature as a historical actor, existing outside our understanding of it. 83 So nature can be both a theatrical backdrop, manipulated by man, and an active agent in man's progress. Examples of interest in the relationship between man and nature abound among authors in antiquity. In particular, the theme of the struggle against the natural world, which has been so important in discussions of narratives concerning the A m e r ican West, has direct parallels in ancient texts. Herodotus' account of the Persian W a r s against Greece involves battles and alliances between different peoples and the environment, and the natural world becomes not only a measure against which players in the narrative may be characterized, but also a player itself, strikingly personified as a potential subject for X e r x e s (7· 35)· T h e Persians cannot simply overcome a passive environment by drinking rivers dry, spoiling and diverting streams (7. 21; 9. 49; 7. 128). T h e battle between the Persians and the environment is far more evenly matched than this. Mardonius had previously lost 20,000 men in a storm off A t h o s (6. 44); the Persians retreating after Artimisium were struck by storms (8. 12); those approaching Delphi were hit by rocks falling from Parnassus and thunderbolts at the shrine of Athene Pronaos (8. 37). By contrast, nature could be a good ally to the potential victims of Persian imperialism. T h e Athenians, the 83 D . Demeritt, ' T h e Nature of Metaphors in Cultural Geography and Environmental History', Progress in Human Geography, 18 (1994), 163-85. Environmental historians, says Demeritt, are committed to representing 'the agency of nature as autonomous from cultural ways of understanding it' (p. 164). T h e idea of landscape as text seems heavily influenced by C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (London, 1993), 452, where he asserts that 'the culture of a people is an ensemble of texts, themselves ensembles, which the anthropologist strains to read over the shoulders of those to whom they properly belong'.

people of Delphi, the Scythians were all allies of nature, and were positively assisted by it (7. 189; 7. 178; 4. 47). In the Roman world, Julius Caesar takes on the role of opponent of nature in many accounts of his actions. L u c a n describes how, at Pharsalia, Caesar created his own sombre landscape, looking on 'rivers driven on with gore and heaps of corpses equalling lofty hills' (Bellum Civile 7. 789-91). T h e battle between Caesar and nature mirrors that of the Persians in Herodotus in the meteorological opposition shown to him. A s he made his way to Thessaly with his army, 'the whole sky set itself against their march' with thunderbolts and lightning sent by an environment that was far from being a passive backdrop (7. 154). A n d the act of crossing the Alps, the natural defence of Italy, is linked by Lucan in a single sentence with the aggressive act of instigating a civil war: ' N o w Caesar had hastened across the frozen A l p s and conceived in his heart the great rebellion and the coming war' (1. 183-5). 8 4 T h e question of whether geographical features are active or passive in the literature that describes them may alter the way in which we view the literature itself. T h a t is, we may choose to adopt the distinction between accounts which describe the natural world from a detached viewpoint as a static phenomenon and those w h i c h allow it a role in a historical narrative. C o u l d this be a way of separating geography's treatment of the world from that of historical works? T h e model does not work well, as it requires history to give more active prominence to environment than does geography, which somehow goes against the sense in which geography, as reflected in its very name, should be primarily interested in the natural world. But the question of the viewpoint of geographical and historical accounts usefully brings us back to the issue of focalization and narratology. I have already hinted at some of the problems associated with applying narratological techniques to non-fictional works, particularly those techniques concerning the relationship between text and reality. But the notion of narrativity can 84 Note the language of victory: iam gelidas Caesar cursu superaverat Alpes ingentesque atiimo motus bellumque futurum ceperat.

helpfully be used to describe some of the features of geographical and historical texts: firstly, the location of the author and his relationship to both text and reader; secondly, the functions of space, place, and time in the creation of narrative, perhaps giving us some new ways of distinguishing the 'geographical' from the 'historical'. Firstly, the issue of single or multiple viewpoint, exemplified by the difference between perspective painting and C u b i s m as discussed above (pp. 21-2), and linked to the perception of time according to location in space, has clear implications for the well-worn narratological notion of focalization and the location of the author in relation to events. I have already mentioned the search for uniformity of time and space through the introduction of, for example, fixed time zones and measures of distance, and the development of standard maps and calendars which are almost universally accepted. T h i s does not mean that we should see any of these as representing absolute, abstract, objective time and space; they have still all been constructed in relation to a viewpoint. But the point is that they are attempts to conceptualize time and space from just one uniform viewpoint. I have also mentioned the challenges to these constructions of the world and the reinstatement of the multi-focused approach, accepting that time, space, and the world are experienced differently by each participant, viewer, and narrator. In the case of both geographical and historical writings, some attention has recently been paid to the fact that apparently objective accounts, in which the author may hide his existence, do not have only one viewpoint which we need to take into account, namely the author's explicit persona, but are more complicated in their focalization. It has often been asserted that historical narrative is made credible by the absence of the author from the text, in much the same way as an implicit claim to truth could be made by painters using perspective from a single external point articulated to the viewer. T h e claim to realism in history allows the author no place in the text, as the historian must be seen to relate the past rather than comment on it. Such a view of history has been radically challenged by W h i t e ' s call for fictionalizing history and the realization that the author simply cannot be excluded from the

text. 85 Similar work has been done for geography by those who advocate the use of the imagination in geographical accounts. 8 6 T h e description of the resultant method of geographical enquiry is startlingly reminiscent of the way in which we may describe Herodotus' historical method, with the proposition that it is valid to borrow the imaginative response of others to a place, just as in history we would expect to use eyewitness accounts. Geographical study should include the stories of the people w h o live in each place, local newspapers, and folk-tales. In narratological terms, this proposition argues for geographical texts to encompass a multiplicity of spatially differentiated focalizations, all of which combine to make up the account. T h e idea of the author as invisible and objective collator of information is unpopular in current scholarship. W o r k on Herodotus, in particular, has focused on the presence of the author, stressing the fractured nature of the Herodotean narrative, in which we need to be constantly redirected by the author, our guide. 8 7 Herodotus' view of the historian is, according to this reading, not as onlooker with no responsibility for the narrative, but as active participator in the recovery and ordering of information. A similar approach is adopted by those who emphasize Herodotus as a character in his own narrative, distinguishing, however, between the very strong authorial presence in the ethnographical/geographical first part of the work, and the relative absence of the author in the historical narrative in the last three books. 8 8 A r e we to conclude that geographical description involves more of an authorial presence than does historical narrative? 89 85 See Bulhof, 'Imagination and Interpretation in History', 3-25. T h e issue of authorial self-presentation in ancient historiography has been excellently treated by J. Marincola, Authority and Tradition in Ancient Historiography (Cambridge, 1997). 86 See, in particular, J. K . Wright, 'Terrae Incognitae: T h e Place of the Imagination in G e o g r a p h y ' , Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 37 (1947), ι—«587 C . Dewald, 'Narrative Surface and Authorial Voice in Herodotus' Histories', Arethusa, 20 (1987), 147-70· 88 J. Marincola, 'Herodotean Narrative and the Narrator's Presence', Arethusa, 20 (1987), 121-38. 89 T h e opposite view of self-representation in historical texts is taken by J. J. Winkler, ' T h e Mendacity of Kalasiris and the Narrative Strategy of

M o d e r n geographers have recently set out formally the problem of authorial presence or absence. It was long traditional for geographers to absent themselves from their texts in an attempt to appear to give the definitive account of a region, partly in reaction to preceding value-laden colonial accounts, in which the invariably superior cultural viewpoint of the conquerors was firmly written into the text. 9 0 T h e new, 'unbiased' geographical style has, however, been challenged in turn by those who have demanded an open acknowledgement of the author's standpoint. W e have been reminded that, although it was traditional for the ethnographer 'to erase himself or herself from the text to report with omniscient authority—there, of course, could be no ethnography without the ethnographer'. 9 1 T h e same could be said of the human geographer. In particular, modern feminist geographers have complained that the pretence of an objective, anonymous geography implicitly and without justification makes a claim to omniscience and the incorporation of all viewpoints. 9 2 T h e i r demand for authors of geographical texts to state their social and intellectual background, in other words to give a thorough representation of themselves in the text, is seen as the only honest way for the Heliodoros' Aithiopika', Yale Classical Studies, 27 (1982), 93-158. He stresses the absence of the author in this work as setting it apart from the 'historiographie verisimilitude' created by the use of the first person by historians such as Polybius and Herodotus. 90 For nineteenth-century depictions of subject peoples in artistic representations designed to make them conform to the ideals of their conquerors, see L. Bell, 'Artists and Empire: Victorian Representations of Subject People', Art History, 5 (1982), 73-86. A. Godlewska, 'Map, T e x t and Image. T h e Mentality of Enlightened Conquerors: A New Look at the Description de l'Egypte', TJBG NS 20 (1995), 5-28, has studied the way in which written text and cartographic representations, collated in the course of Napoleon's conquest of Egypt, were designed to justify the conquest and confirm France's cultural superiority.

See C. Katz, 'All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Projects of Ethnography', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 10 (1992), 496. Geertz is clearly influential in the formation of such views, leading to a greater focus on the autobiography of the author. 92 S. Christopherson, 'On Being Outside "the P r o j e c t ' " , Antipode, 21 (1989), 83-9, argues for the acceptance of different authorial perspectives in geography; see also A . Merrifield, 'Situated Knowledge through Exploration: Reflections on Bunge's "Geographical Expeditions'", Antipode, 27 (1995), 49-70. 91

subject to proceed. It should, they argue, be to the benefit of the subject to embrace the variety of these 'situated knowledges'. 9 3 So, at least one present trend would support the view that geography has the author and the author's focalization very much in the foreground. I argue in chapter I V that Strabo himself is relatively absent from his Geography, by contrast with the normal practice of Greek historians to present themselves to the reader at the start of the work. 9 4 But, as we shall see, Strabo asserts his presence in the Geography indirectly, through implicitly self-referential phrases, and it is possible to identify not just one, but several, authorial focalizations within the work. A s with other approaches, the straight opposition between authorial presence or absence from the text is unsatisfactory as a means of defining history and geography. Secondly, space, place, and time can be usefully linked to notions of narrativity. A s I discussed in the previous section, T u a n has made some suggestive assertions about the relationship between these. H e contends that 'place is pause in movement. T h a t is one relation between time and place.' 9 5 I have already noted his view that a sense of place is developed only over time, making time necessary for the transformation of space into place. Another relationship between space, place, and time, which he identifies, is reminiscent of specific relativity theory, namely that other places appear in our minds associated with the past because we always hear of events in them after a time gap. In other words, contemporaneous events are perceived as happening at different times by people in different places. 96 In narratological terms, these refer to differ93 D. Haraway, 'Situated Knowledges: T h e Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective', in D. Haraway (ed.), Simians, Cyborgs and Women (London, 1991), 183-201, coined the phrase for geographers. 94 I have set out this argument more fully in, 'In Search of the Author of Strabo's Geography', JRS 87 (1997), 9 2 - 1 I O · 95 Tuan, 'Space, Time, Place', 14. I shall discuss this statement in chapter IV in relation to ancient geographical texts. 96 Ibid. 12. This relationship between space and time has not been universally held. Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages, 63, points out that in the Middle Ages past and present were not fully distinct; without an interest in the progress of time, contemporaneous events, and even those

ent focalizations of the same moment in time. But we can go further. Place and space have been seen as linked by 'emplotment' or narrative. 97 T h u s narratives encompass different viewpoints with their varying levels of involvement and their different types of location—'place', experienced internally, and 'space', viewed from an external point. Since narrative inevitably takes place through time, this formulation neatly relates time, space, and place. T h e role of narrative has also been, slightly differently, defined as a link between events which occur in time and space: 'Spacing and timing define the positions and occasions of singular occurrences, and narration connects them together.' 9 8 I shall come back to the questions of space and place, of their relationship to discrete and continuous notions of space and time, and of the implications for universal accounts. For the moment, however, I wish to explore yet another formulation of the relationship between narrative, time, and space. In exact parallel to T u a n ' s 'place is pause in movement', Fowler defines ekphrasis as the suspension of a story, a narrative pause. 9 9 T h e parallel fits the periplus model, in w h i c h the narrative is the link between places on the journey, and the description occurs when a 'lived-in' space or a 'place' is reached. T h e notion of narrative pause suggests that description is not part of the story and is thus not totally necessary, but as Fowler himself goes on to explain, the divide between narrative and description is far from clear-cut. Being a verbal series, the description cannot itself avoid having a chronological order, but does this mean that it also has a narrative? W e might say that description through time is precisely what constitutes narrative, but many narratologists also see as being necessary a 'plot' or 'story-line', which leads us to expect a belonging to different times, could be conceived of and represented artistically as belonging to the same moment in time. 97 Merrifield, 'Place and Space', 518. All of Merrifield's types of space are to be found in the periplus texts: (a) representations of space (conceived as an abstraction); (b) representational space (directly lived in and experienced); (c) spatial practices (routes through space) (p. 524). 08 H. Prince, 'Time and Historical Geography', in Making Sense of Time, 18. 99 D. P. Fowler, 'Narrate and Describe: T h e Problem of Ekphrasis', JRS 81 (1991), 25.

certain structure with beginning, middle, and satisfactory end. 1 0 0 T o take a simple example, a description of the rooms in a house could be written in such a way that we would know when to expect the end, but would it not also be possible to write such a description so as to give no clue as to the logical conclusion (other than that the house must end at some point)? T h u s it seems fair to make some distinction between 'description through time' and 'narrative'. Is this, then, one of the factors which separate geography from history, making history a narrative, with a plot, and geography a description which could end at any point? 101 If we test this against even the simplest form of geographical work, the linear progression along a journey, the model loses credibility. T h e apparently shapeless list of places that c o m prises some periplus literature may seem to fulfil the criterion for a non-narrative text, namely that it would be comprehensible if we stopped at any point. But the very name periplus should perhaps warn against this conclusion. A voyage round in a circle must expect an end, w h e n the voyager reaches the starting-point again. Indeed the fact that the earth is finite and spherical, and not simply a line of places stretching out into eternity, should make it an impossibility for geographical accounts not to expect an end, although it could be argued that the expectation of some end, as opposed to a restricted range of endings, does not constitute narrative. A n example of how the model of geography as a pure description, with no narrative expectations, may be challenged is the mid-fourth-century BC periplus attributed to Scylax of Caryanda. T h e structure is simple to the point of monotony, but right from the start we have an idea of where the account is going and where it will end. 1 0 2 T h e author announces that he will start at the Pillar of Hercules on the European side and 100 T h e idea of narratives being 'emplotted' so as to lead to certain expectations and 'the sense of an ending' is discussed in detail by Ricoeur, 'Narrative Time'. Plot, according to Ricoeur, imposes on mere succession an episodic dimension and pattern, which lead to the sense of ending. I recall Starr, 'Historical and Philosophical T i m e ' , on the patterned nature of history, as opposed to a strict chronological succession (See above, p. 19 n. 43). 101 Kant explicitly associated geography with description and history with narrative in Physische Geographie, §3. 102 For the text, see GGM I.

work round to the Pillar on the L i b y a n side. Having been given this explicit statement of what to expect, the reader w o u l d feel dissatisfied if the account were cut short. W h a t is particularly interesting about this text from the narratological point of view is the hint that the author may take us even further than the Pillars of Hercules. H e enigmatically promises at the start to go not only back to the Pillars, but 'as far the great Aethiopians', although it is not made clear what kind of a journey this will involve. O n reaching the L i b y a n side of the Pillars of Hercules, the account indeed continues out into the Ocean, towards the landmarks of T h y m a t e r i o n , C a p e Soleis, and the island of Cerne. W e could hardly argue that this geographical writer had no sense of narrative ending. But it is more complex than a simple itinerary-plan. Before going beyond the Pillars, the author stresses their linking role between Europe and L i b y a . T h e Mediterranean narrative is over; he has reached the start again. T h e world beyond the Pillars is quite literally a different story from what lies within the Mediterranean basin, and the whole structure shows a quite self-conscious manipulation of narrative expectations. If geography has its own narrative, then the dichotomy between history as narrative and geography as description will not stand. In particular, as I discuss in chapter V , Strabo's Geography confirms the weakness of this model. It is precisely at the places in between the geographical description, or the 'narrative covering space', where narrative as 'description through time' takes over, in his relation of the history of cities and peoples encountered along the way. UNITY,

DISJUNCTION,

AND

MODELS

OF

UNIVERSALISM

So, narratological approaches alert us to different types of focalization, and to new ways of formulating the relationship between space, place, and time. O n e aspect of this approach is the distinction between discrete and local, or continuous and universal views of the world. T h e multi-focused nature of the world as it is actually experienced has been associated with disjointed notions of space and time; the single, external viewpoint has been linked with homogeneous time and space. Furthermore, the distinction between the discrete and the

continuous may be linked, although not straightforwardly, to notions of abstract and experienced time and space. One feature of abstract time is that it can be calibrated into discrete, consistent, and countable units. But the development of calibrated time, in the form of the calendar, has equally been seen as representative of non-discrete temporal concepts: 'Just as the map replaces the discontinuous patchy space of practical paths by the homogeneous, continuous space of geometry, so the calendar substitutes a linear, homogeneous, continuous time for practical time, which is made up of incommensurable islands of duration each with its own rhythm.' 1 0 3 So, it is the 'lived-in' experienced space of individual places which is more easily described in terms of discrete units. T h e issue of continuity and fragmentation will be important when considering the nature of different attempts to describe and configurate the world. T h e periplus texts would clearly give a quite different analysis in these terms from, say, a universal history. A s Greenblatt has noted in his discussion of sixteenth-century voyages of discovery, by comparison with universal histories, 'the chronicles of exploration seem uncertain of their bearings, disorganised, fragmentary'. 1 0 4 In this section I examine first of all the consequences of the idea that man is a microcosm of the world, before moving on to the conflict between discrete and continuous space and time in relation to the question of universalism. I have mentioned several times G u r e v i c h ' s study of medieval culture. Gurevich identifies in medieval literature the notion that man, the world, and all things in the world are made up of the same elements, and so are analogous creations. T h i s led to the idea that the whole of the universe could be viewed through examination of a single part of it. T h e implication for accounts of the world was that a local history was an adequate substitute for a universal history. 1 0 5 T h u s 'they set out to write universal Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, 253. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, 2. 105 Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages, discusses the same period of history in terms of the dominance of Christianity, coming to similar conclusions to those of Gurevich. T h e universal empire of the Church meant that all history was, in effect, universal. 'What was history (in the twelfth century) if not universal? T o deny its universality would have amounted to denying the 103

104

histories, but, paradoxically, produced provincial chronicles with very limited horizons.' 1 0 6 Glaber promised to write the events that had taken place in the four corners of the earth, but ended up writing the history of C l u n y in Burgundy. T h e concept of man and the world being complete telescopic versions of each other brings us back to the point that geography and history may both be seen as forms of biography, a notion which allows us to dispense with the matrices of time and space in defining the subjects. In the wake of T h e o p o m pus' Philippica and accounts of Alexander the Great, biographical histories became a common form of writing in the Hellenistic period. 1 0 7 T h e parallel use of the form -ικα/ιακα to refer to Hellenistic regional histories emphasizes the way in which these could be seen as accounts of the whole life of a place. T h e same notion of biographical history was taken up by the Christians, as can be seen in Augustine's scheme, by which the history of the world was to be divided into six ages, representing the six stages of a human life. 108 It is interesting that when the ancient rhetoricians set out the criteria by which to construct a speech in praise of a city, they used the same categories as those which were applied to the lives of individuals. Menander says that the basis for an encomium of a city should be not only its position {θέσις), but also the ancestry (το γένος),

the

deeds

(cu

πράξεις),

and

habits

(at

επιτηδεύσεις)

associated with the place. So, writing the life of a city was parallel to writing a human biography. 1 0 9 In the Hellenistic truth of Christianity' (p. 95). For a different view of medieval notions of space, see Kimble, Geography in the Middle Ages, 3-4, on the preponderance of itinerary descriptions, such as the Bordeaux Itinerary, the first extant pilgrim record, providing an account of the journey from Bordeaux to Jerusalem, and in which linear space was dominant. 106 See Gurevich, Categories of Medieval Culture, 68, for local 'universal' histories. D. S. Levene, 'Sallust's Jugurtha: An "Historical Fragment" ', JRS 82 (1992), 53-70, explores the similar notion that a monograph of apparently restricted chronological scope could be written as a conscious part of a larger whole. 107 See C. W. Fornara, The Nature of History in Ancient Greece and Rome (Berkeley, 1983), 351(18 Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages, 30. 109 See D. A. Russell and N. G . Wilson (eds.), Menander Rhetor (Oxford, 1981), 346.

world, the idea of the life or βίος of a whole nation was exemplified by Dicaearchus' Life of Greece (Βίος Ελλάδος), but was symptomatic of a wider sense in the Greek world that man and the universe were inseparable. 1 1 0 Philosophical theories to back up the parallel are easily identifiable. E m p e docles' four elements making up the world were parallel to the four humours of man; and Stoicism, as I shall discuss later, was based largely on the idea that man and the universe were linked. 1 1 1 I shall return to the notions of biographical history and geography, and the underlying premise that man is a microcosm of the world, in relation to Polybius, Posidonius, and Strabo. T h i s provides a way of conceptualizing the whole world through one of its parts. O n e could argue for an association of this kind of universalism with notions of time and space which are continuous and abstract—the geometrical model. T o use a term from mathematics, the world and all its parts are, in the strictest sense, 'similar shapes'. But it is important to note also the very earliest philosophical moves to understand the world as a coherent whole, especially since these offer ways of combining the universal with the fragmentary. Later in this chapter Ϊ discuss the influence of Hecataeus of Miletus on the development of G r e e k prose writing. But his sixth-century compatriots had already overthrown previous world-views, going far beyond Hesiod's attempt to create in the Theogony a 'unified and reasonable picture of the workings and history of the universe'. 1 1 2 Hussey has pointed out the difficulty in identifying precise trains of thought among the M i l e s i a n s — T h a ï e s , w h o left no writings at all, Anaximander, and A n a x i m e n e s — b u t he discerns a common belief in a 'single boundless all-powerful and immortal divinity which encompassed and controlled the universe', replacing the disparate polytheism of Hesiod. 1 1 3 T h e cosmos (κόσμος) or possibly cosmoi (κόσμοι) in the plural, limited in On this see A. Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley, 1990), 65-6. 1 1 1 See Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, 6, 10, 51. 112 See E. Hussey, The Presocratics (London, 1972), 1 1 - 1 3 . M y view of the Presocratics is largely indebted to Hussey's work. 1 , 3 Ibid. 16. 110

space and time, were bounded and controlled by the limitless d i v i n i t y (το

άπειρον).

Further coherence was given to this world-view by T h a ï e s with his suggestion that the κόσμος was made up entirely of one element, water. Anaximander posited instead forces of opposites at work in the world (hot, cold, wet, and dry), w h i c h were constantly jostling for dominance, but which were balanced overall by the guiding principle of το άπειρον. W i t h i n this framework, the fragments of Anaximander's work reveal an interest in the earth's shape, the causes of natural phenomena, and the mapping of the earth's surface. H o w e v e r , the problem of precisely how the opposite forces in the world related to το άπειρον seems to have waited for treatment by Anaximenes. H e argued that the constituent parts of the κόσμοι actually came from το άπειρον itself, that they were interconvertible with it and with each other. Everything could be made up of fire, air, wind, cloud, earth, and rock in various states of compression and rarefaction. T h i s theory gave great coherence both to the world itself and to its relationship with the single controlling divine force. T h e possibilities for man as a microcosm of the world and of the whole universe, made up of the same elements, are obvious. It is no surprise to find further foreshadowing of Stoic thought in the explicit analogy drawn by the Milesians between the role of the soul (ψυχή) in the body and of the divine air in the cosmos. In the terminology of modern geographical thought, continuous time and space, inextricably bound with each other and the world, are not the only models available. Alongside these, we have the notion of discrete units of time and space, which raises other possibilities for the construction of universal accounts. But we may add to this expression of duality the work of the early philosophers in the Greek cities of Asia M i n o r , w h o were already in the sixth century BC wrestling with the p r o b l e m of creating an understanding of the world w h i c h would take into account both the coherence of the universe and the diverse phenomena found within it. It has often been said that geography is concerned with uniqueness, that is, with understanding areas in terms of

their difference from others. 1 1 4 T h e view has been summed up: 'Geography is about describing how and accounting for why the world, as the home of humankind, differs from place to place.' 1 1 1 So, a major concern of geography is with discrete place as opposed to geometrical, or abstract, space. I have already discussed the parallel notions of discrete and continuous time, and the tension in historiography between, on the one hand, the use of standard, discrete units of temporal calibration, sometimes considered the result of the imposition of a single, almost external, viewpoint on the world, and on the other hand the fact that our temporal experience of the world is continuous, heterogeneous, and relative to our position in space, that is, it varies depending on the focalizer. 1 5 6 T h e fact that our predominant spatial conception is of discrete places, but our temporal experience is of continuity, suggests that accounts of the world could not be constructed from either exclusively discrete or exclusively continuous notions of time and space. Langton has formulated for the geographers what I think is a satisfactory response to such divisions, calling for a coexistence of two types of geography, both still concerned to study and explain the uniqueness of a place: the first explains the nature of an aspect of life in a particular place by reason of its location in a pattern produced by large-scale organization of that aspect of life across space; the other explains that feature in terms of other aspects of life in that one place. T h u s , one is primarily concerned with space and the other with place. 1 1 7 So, besides 1 , 4 See Guelke, Historical Understanding in Geography, ι ο ί : 'Uniqueness is at the heart of geography.' 115 J. Langton, 'The T w o Traditions of Geography. Historical Geography and the Study of Landscapes', Geografiska Annaler, 70B (1988), 21. 1 , 6 On discrete and continuous time and space, see Kern, The Culture of Time and Space. T h e coexistence of continuous and discrete time led to confusion for Whitrow, Time in History, over the ancient world. He both asserts that in antiquity there was an 'absence of a continuous sense of time' (p. 25) and points out that the clepsydra provided a measure of continuous time, as opposed to the discrete units measured by the mechanical clock

(P- 99)· 117 Langton, ' T h e T w o Traditions of Geography', 21. Mitchell, Historical Geography, 6, too argues for both patterns and individuality as concerns of historical geography.

the idea of place as experienced space, w e may also define it as discrete, as opposed to continuous, space. A s has been pointed out in many books on the geographical tradition, these two types of geography had a long history. Varenius in the seventeenth century formally set out this relationship between place and space, stressing in his Geographia Generalis (1650) the importance of relating the specific (proved by experience) to general laws (explained in terms of mathematical and astronomical laws). But we can trace the distinction between geographia generalis and geographia specialis further back to Keckermann (1572-1609), and set this in the context of sixteenth-century interest in far-away places and a broader picture of the world, resulting in topographical compendia such as H e y l y n ' s Microcosmus (1621) and A b b o t ' s A Briefe Description of the Whole World (1599). 1 1 8 T h e parallels between sixteenth-century responses to the newly expanded world and the reactions to similar phases of conquest in antiquity are strong, and as I shall show in the following chapters, both geographia specialis and geographia generalis can be seen in ancient accounts of the world, the former predominant in Strabo's Geography, the latter in Polybius' History.119 But I shall also argue that Strabo's concentration on discrete units of place, and his lesser interest in the continuous space between, does not make his account any less universal. Rather, his universalism lay in a spatial conception of the world in w h i c h all individual places were united through their relationships to Rome.

GEOGRAPHICAL

TO

HISTORIANS:

THE

FROM

GRUNDY

ANNALES

Practitioners of academic geography now seem to be leading the field in constructing theories concerning the relationship of For Varenius, see James and Martin, All Possible Worlds, 96-8; on Keckermann, see D. N. Livingstone, The Geographical Tradition: Episodes in the History of a Contested Enterprise (Oxford, 1992), 85; 94. 119 It is interesting that, according to May, Kant himself defined two strands of geography—the single, universal conception of Eratosthenes and Ptolemaeus, in which geometrical, continuous space was prime, and the heterogeneous description of Strabo's Geography. See May, Kant's Concept of Geography, 53. 118

their subject with history. Geographers seem to have far surpassed historians in developing sophisticated arguments about time, space, history, and geography, and I would claim that many of their arguments can be successfully applied to the texts in which ancient historians are primarily interested. I shall demonstrate throughout this book that an approach influenced by the ideas discussed by modern geographers can suggest new questions to ask of our ancient texts, and thus greatly enhance our understanding of the conceptual world of the society which produced them. It is, however, important to acknowledge that within the discipline of history itself geography has not been ignored. Indeed the School of Geography in O x f o r d was originally an adjunct of the Faculty of M o d e r n History. In 1887, H . J. Mackinder was appointed the first Reader in G e o g r a p h y at O x f o r d since Hakluyt in the sixteenth century, but his lecture audiences were made up of historians and he was himself an ex officio member of the Board of the Faculty of M o d e r n History. 1 2 0 Indeed the prospect of a separate geography school seemed so remote that Mackinder himself conceded that if he was to succeed at all in the scheme for the introduction of geography, it was absolutely essential that he should subordinate it to the history faculty, a comment which makes the eventual establishment of a School of G e o g r a p h y in 1899 all the greater an achievement. 1 2 1 T h e nature of the relationship between the concerns and approaches of historians and geographers has rarely been discussed explicitly and at a theoretical level by ancient historians, but I propose in this section to trace just some of the trends in the discipline of ancient history w h i c h have, in different ways, worked towards the creation of a 'geographical history' either consciously or subconsciously. 120 For the development of the School of Geography under Mackinder, see W . H. Parker, Mackinder: Geography as an Aid to Statescraft (Oxford, 1982), 1-27. Richard Hakluyt (1552-1616) was a Student of Christ Church, Oxford. It is interesting that a post in geography was considered worth filling at this period of discovery and expansion (one of Hakluyt's works was Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America (1582)), only to fall vacant after Hakluyt's tenure. I shall discuss further the link between conquest and geographical writings in the final section of this chapter. t21 Parker, Mackinder, 17.

G . B. G r u n d y , Fellow and T u t o r in Ancient History at C o r p u s Christi College (1903-31) and T u t o r in Ancient History at Brasenose College (1904-17), provides a perfect example of the interest taken in geography by O x f o r d ancient historians during the early part of the twentieth century. A career as an academic could hardly have seemed likely for one w h o left school at the age of fourteen, but, after teaching in various schools, G r u n d y joined Brasenose as an undergraduate in 1887 in his mid-twenties. His autobiography paints a fascinating picture of life in O x f o r d during the following five decades, an association with the University which would span two world wars. 1 2 2 It is very clear from his views on various ancient historical debates that the history through which he lived had exerted a strong influence over him. 1 2 3 O f particular relevance to this chapter is the further biographical fact revealed by G r u n d y ' s memoirs, that he was one of a number of historians around this time to be quite at home in the field of geography. In 1892 he was awarded the University Geography Scholarship, w h i c h Mackinder had persuaded the University and the Royal Geographical Society to join in establishing the previous year. T h i s enabled G r u n d y to finance surveys of the battle-sites at Plataea and Leuctra (winter 1892-3) and T r e b b i a and Lake T r a s i m e n e (1893-4). 1 2 4 It was G r u n d y ' s topographical work in Greece in particular, including a survey of Pylos and Sphacteria in 1895, which impressed Pelham, then Professor of Ancient History in O x f o r d , and led to G r u n d y ' s appointment as lecturer for the professor, G r u n d y ' s first official post after years as a private tutor. His particular expertise was to lead to a further G. B. Grundy, Fifty-five Years at Oxford: An Unconventional Autobiography (London, 1945). 123 See, for example, his comments on the dangers of uncritically appropriating the superiority of a civilization. He put firmly in its place the possibility of reading Pericles' funeral oration as the representation of a perfect culture. 'Thucydides wrote the speech as either his own or Pericles' conception of the highest form of democracy. He could not have supposed that any reader of his history who read the Mytilenian Debate or the Melian Dialogue would regard the Funeral Oration as being a picture of a political and social life which was ever realised at Athens', Grundy, Fifty-five Years at Oxford, 221. ,24 Ibid. 73 and 81. 122

lecturing appointment in 1899, this time in the newly established School of G e o g r a p h y , a potent reminder of the link between the now separate subjects. G r u n d y was to follow up this geographical interest throughout his career, with work in Greece, Macedonia, and Romania financed by the Craven Fund and grants from his two colleges, C o r p u s Christi and Brasenose. His accounts of extensive travel in the remote areas of north-east Greece during the period 1880-1913 paint a hair-raising though sympathetic picture of the continuing brigandage, and testify to the considerable hazards which faced the geographical historian. But at the same time as pursuing his interest in travel and in gaining an understanding of the physical environment within which episodes of ancient history had taken place, G r u n d y was working on a project which would secure the benefits of his approach for later students of ancient history. In 1900, he was asked by the publisher M u r r a y to produce a new edition of the classical atlas. G r u n d y agreed on condition that he be allowed to use the coloured contour system to represent the lie of the land. Although this request was at first turned down on grounds of expense, M u r r a y finally conceded, and the atlas was published in 1904. 125 In his preface, G r u n d y remarked that 'the configuration of a country must necessarily be the most important factor in its history, since it exercises an influence not only on events but also on the character of its population'. 1 2 6 T h e result stands as a testimony to G r u n d y ' s conviction that ancient history could not be understood independently of its geographical aspect. T h e influence of G r u n d y ' s stress on geographical factors in history continued through the Second W o r l d War. Chilver's study of Cisalpine G a u l , which had been the subject of his doctoral thesis, was prefaced with the acknowledgement that the reasons for the late development of the region may 'lie as m u c h in geography which gives the Po valley a close connexion with the transalpine lands, as in the purely historical fact, which in itself needs further explanation, that the Romans T h e atlas incidentally incorporated topographical plans of the various battle-sites which Grundy had visited using his Geographical Scholarship, in addition to maps of larger areas. I2ft G. B. Grundy (ed.), Murray's Classical Atlas (London, 1904). 125

were so late in penetrating to this fertile plain'. 1 2 7 His book started with a section on the physical geography of the area, and chapters throughout the work revealed an interest in communications and various aspects of agriculture and natural resources. A similar emphasis on physical geography underlay C a r y ' s work on The Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History, published a few years after Chilver's study of Gaul. Cary set out his aim in the preface: 'In this book I have endeavoured to make a fresh contribution to a subject whose importance is now generally recognized, the influence of geographic environment on human history, in a study of this influence on the world of ancient Greece and Rome.' 1 2 8 T h e r e then followed a detailed description of the physical conditions of the G r a e c o - R o m a n world, in which climatechange, geology, flora, fauna, and communications led on to a discussion of the implications for social and political life. T h e link between geography and history was clearly stated as being one of environmental determinism. ' A b o v e all, the clear, crisp, and luminous air of the Mediterranean region provides a stimulus such as few other parts of the world can offer.' 1 2 9 So Cary's 'geographic background' turns out to have been more integral to Greek and Roman history than the title suggests. However, like Chilver, Cary ran the risk of compartmentalizing the geographical side of history, not in an introductory chapter in this case, but in a separate book. He did not write geographical history in the integrated manner of, for example, the writers of the Annales school, discussed below (pp. 52-4). T h u s he covered only one of the ways in which geography and history are connected; namely, the impact of the physical environment on historical events and processes. For historians such as G r u n d y , Chilver, and Cary, the question of how the academic subjects might be defined, and the philosophical and literary issues of conceptualizing and describing the world according to time and space, were not the prime concerns. G . E. F. Chilver, Cisalpine Gaul: Social and Economic History from 49 B. C. to the Death of Trajan (Oxford, 1941), Preface, p. v. 128 M . Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History (Oxford, 1949), Preface, p. v. 129 Ibid. 6. 127

T h e place of geography in the study of ancient history in O x f o r d , as witnessed in the work of G r u n d y , had meanwhile been confirmed and developed in a new direction with the appointment of J. L . M y r e s as the first W y k e h a m Professor of Greek History in 1910. In his inaugural address on ' T h e value of ancient history' he called for breadth of approach, and stressed not only the role of geography in the subject, but the near inseparability of the two fields. All history, therefore, has a geographical aspect. It asks, of course, primarily, 'What was it that happened, and how?' But just as it necessarily asks 'when?', so also must it ask 'where?' The converse is, of course, true also. All geographical facts occur 'somewhen' as well as 'somewhere'; all geography takes account of processes in time as well as distributions in space, and consequently needs must have an historical aspect. At first sight, therefore, there is complete overlap between the history and geography of Man. 130 In various addresses, many of them to geographical societies and collected in his essays on geographical history, M y r e s went on to modify and refine this striking claim. T h e resistance to any notion of geography as being subordinate to history took M y r e s further than G r u n d y , whose interests lay in topography, the location of episodes in history, and the backdrop of events. M y r e s saw geography not as a secondary ornament to a historical account, nor only as the explanation for particular events, but as integral to the whole historical enterprise. 'In this general sense, geography is the coequal sister-science of history, w h i c h studies and interprets the relations of events in time' (my italics). In the same address M y r e s linked the philosophical relationship between time and space to the parallel relationship between history and geography. 'Every relation between objects in space is bound up with a relation between events in time. Consequently every geographical fact has its historical aspect, and every historical fact its geographical aspect.' 1 3 1 T h e s e reflections clearly foreshadowed many of the theoretical discussions which would be put forward later by J. L. Myres, ' T h e Value of Ancient History', delivered 13 May 1910, in Geographical History in Greek Lands (Oxford, 1953), 59· 131 J. L . Myres, 'Ancient Geography in Modern Education' = Presidential Address to the Geography Section of the British Association, Glasgow, 1928, in Myres, Geographical History, 74, 75. 130

geographers, and w h i c h I have mentioned earlier in this chapter. M y r e s was careful to make plain in his inaugural address as Professor of Ancient History his conviction that 'geography is not history, and cannot be confused with it', but his concern with geography as an academic subject intimately related to his own is apparent from his various papers. H e was unusual among ancient historians in that he, like many modern geographers, was interested in formulating some notion of exactly how the fields could and should be related, philosophically, in practice, and particularly in education. H e regularly rounded off an address with the exhortation that in both schools and universities geography and history should be taught alongside each other; a process which he called 'teamwork in the pursuit of knowledge'. 1 3 2 O n e of the recurrent themes in M y r e s ' s essays on geographical history is the importance of regional history. It was the need for historians to understand the events, culture, and interactions within a given area that, for M y r e s , brought them closest to the concerns of geographers. ' A l l human history, then, is regional history, and loses its value and meaning when its geographical aspect is overlooked.' 1 3 3 M y r e s argued that his discussions of geography and history were concerned with setting up a method and an approach rather than providing any particular set of answers, but he then went on to put his methodology into practice, with essays on ' T h e geographical aspect of G r e e k colonization', ' T h e geographical distribution of the Greek city-states', and regional studies on, 132 J. L . Myres, 'Geography in Relation to History and Literature' = Address to the British Association, Johannesburg, 1929, in Myres, Geographical History, 107. 133 J. L . Myres, 'Ancient Geography in Modern Education', in Myres, Geographical History, 75. T h e regional nature of many works of the Hellenistic period is apparent, and is reinforced by the fact that many were accounts of the author's native land. Paion of Amathus wrote a work called iJepi Άμαθονντος ( F G r H 757), Asclepiades of Cyprus wrote Περί Κύπρου ( F G r H 752), and Athenodorus of Tarsus wrote Περί της πατρίδος ( F G r H 746). Note also Dionysius of Halicarnassus' reference (7. 70-3) to 'the early histories of particular lands'; at 2. 49. 1-5 to local historical traditions in his account of the ethnography of the Sabines and their possible Spartan origins: έ'στι Se τις .. . ίν ίστορίαις επιχωρίοις . . . Aoyoj ('there is a story . . . among the local accounts'); and Diodorus Siculus' use of the local accounts of the burial of Dionysus (3· 67. s ) .

for example, the D o d e c a n e s e and the M a r m a r a region. T h e region w h i c h f o r m e d a coherent area of study m i g h t , h o w e v e r , be more extensive than these; as broad as the Mediterranean world itself. M y r e s , along with m a n y other historians, saw the e n v i r o n m e n t of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin overall as having strongly influenced the history of its inhabitants. Indeed, he saw the G r e e k and R o m a n civilizations as marked by the 'supreme effort to live well under M e d i t e r r a n e a n c o n d i tions'. 1 3 4 B u t for M y r e s , the notion of environmental determinism was only part of a m u c h broader understanding of the relationship b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h y and history. S o m e aspects of this approach w e r e m e a n w h i l e being mirrored in continental E u r o p e with the d e v e l o p m e n t of the Annales school. T h e m o v e away f r o m history in the f o r m of political or military narrative towards a study of h u m a n society in its entirety was bringing academic history into closer contact w i t h the social sciences. It is, h o w e v e r , all too easy to generalize about the motives and m e t h o d s of the Annales historians, and it is important to recognize the differences that existed a m o n g its founders, and the d e v e l o p m e n t s that took place over time. T h e stress placed by H e n r i Pirenne, B l o c h ' s mentor and the inspiration for the Annales, on comparative history, and his readiness to place past and present alongside each other w o u l d be reflected both in the conviction of the Annales editors that the interdependence of past and present f o r m e d the main justification for the existence of history as a field of study, and in the p r e d o m i n a n c e of c o n t e m p o r a r y issues in the articles published. 1 3 5 B l o c h , h o w e v e r , w h o together with F e b v r e actually set up the Annales d'histoire économique et sociale, although being heavily influenced by sociological approaches, continued to insist on the dimension of change t h r o u g h time, and feared 134 J. L. Myres, ' T h e Geographical Study of Greek and Roman Culture' = Address to the Scottish Geographical Society, 1910, in Myres, Geographical History, 130. 135 T h e idea that history concerned the past and geography the present (see Darby, 'On the Relations of Geography and History', 6) might appear at first to be in strict opposition to the concept of comparative history. If, however, the division between geography and history is ignored and the two are seen as part of a comprehensive account of society, then a comparative 'history' concerning both past and present becomes perfectly possible.

that comparative history, if applied indiscriminately, m i g h t obscure the ' u n i q u e characteristics of time and place'. 1 3 6 But this reservation strengthened rather than weakened his aim to study society in a comprehensive manner. B l o c h ' s Les Caractères originaux de l'histoire rurale française ( 1 9 3 1 ) , d r a w i n g on regional and local histories, g e o g r a p h y , law, linguistics, archaeology, and e c o n o m y , exemplified the interdisciplinary approach necessary for the new histoire humaine, and incidentally recalled M y r e s ' claim of only three years earlier that 'all h u m a n history is regional history'. T h i s strongly geographical approach was reflected in the Annales themselves, established in 1929. T h e journal was published b y C o l i n , w h o also p r o d u c e d the Annales de géographie; B l o c h ' s co-editor, F e b v r e , had passed the agrégation in g e o g r a p h y as well as in history in 1902. F e b v r e ' s doctoral thesis w a s a study in the history, g e o g r a p h y , e c o n o m y , and society of F r a n c h e - C o m t é in the age of Philip I I , a field w h i c h foreshadowed the work of his pupil, Braudel. S o m e tensions and disagreements clearly existed. Bloch remained firmly tied to the evidence; F e b v r e was more c o m m i t t e d to a j o u r n a i of ideas. But neither was interested in narrative history, and both agreed in focusing the Annales instead on economic and social issues. T h e mission to heal the rift between history and the social sciences developed a school of thought w h i c h was only rarely glimpsed in ancient history as it was studied in Britain. T h e Annales w e r e to take a slightly new direction after the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . Bloch had been shot dead in a field near S t . - D i d i e r - d e - F o r m a n s in 1944, and F e b v r e refounded the journal, this time with the adjusted title Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, and with the addition of F r i e d m a n n , M o r a z é , and his o w n student, Braudel, on the board of directors. W h e n F e b v r e died in 1956, Braudel took over the journal. H i s doctoral thesis on La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II was heavily influenced by F e b v r e , and was written largely w i t h o u t notes during his five years in a prisoner-of-war camp. W i t h Braudel the emphasis of the journal shifted not only f r o m chronological and fact-based history, but also f r o m the problem-orientated 136

C. Fink, Marc Bloch: A Life in History (Cambridge, 1989), 110.

history of Bloch and F e b v r e , towards the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the longue durée, a c o m p r e h e n s i v e history of vast scope. In spite of variations in approach a m o n g those involved in the d e v e l o p m e n t of the Annales, all agreed on the interdisciplinary nature of the subject. T h i s was true for these historians not only in so far as history itself was seen as being influenced by factors s u c h as e n v i r o n m e n t , but also because s t u d y i n g and w r i t i n g history as a chronological narrative in isolation f r o m s y n c h r o n i c considerations was d e e m e d impossible. M e a n w h i l e , British scholars w e r e advocating the interdisciplinary approach for history and the social sciences f r o m the other side of the subject divide. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d , Professor of Social A n t h r o p o logy at O x f o r d f r o m 1946, repeatedly addressed the issue of the relationship b e t w e e n anthropology and history. 1 3 7 In opposition to the functionalist approach to a n t h r o p o l o g y , w h i c h allied the subject to the h u m a n sciences, and reduced society to a series of natural laws, w h i c h w e r e constant t h r o u g h time, E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d argued that society could only be fully u n d e r stood t h r o u g h a s t u d y of its diachronic d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e fact that the anthropologist studied societies directly through c o n tact with them, and the historian indirectly t h r o u g h d o c u ments, was for E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d an evidential rather than a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l difference. H i s assertion that 'the f u n d a m e n t a l characteristic of historical m e t h o d is not the chronological relation of events but the descriptive integration of them; and this characteristic historiography shares w i t h social anthropol o g y ' , made clear that it w o u l d be difficult to define precise theoretical boundaries for history and the social sciences, including g e o g r a p h y . 1 3 8 E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d highlighted the w o r k of sociological historians, such as Bloch and F e b v r e , w h o w e r e interested not in political or military narratives, but in social institutions and cultural change, as being virtually indistinguishable f r o m that of anthropologists. In terms of subject matter, he posited a slightly different emphasis for historians, w h o m i g h t focus more on politics, while the anthropologists concentrated on 137

See Ε. E. Evans-Pritchard, Essays in Social Anthropology

(London,

1962). 138 Ε. E. Evans-Pritchard, 'Social Anthropology: Past and Present' = T h e Marett Lecture, 1930, in Evans-Pritchard, Essays in Social Anthropology, 24.

domestic or c o m m u n i t y relations. 'Is there any history of marriage and the family, or of kinship in E n g l a n d ? ' 1 3 9 B u t it is easy to think of recent studies by ancient historians in all of E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s s u b j e c t s — m a r r i a g e , f a m i l y , and k i n s h i p — m a k i n g even this reservation obsolete. 1 4 0 H e saw anthropology and history as differing only slightly in approach: ' T h e fact that the anthropologist's p r o b l e m s are generally s y n c h r o n i c w h i l e the historian's p r o b l e m s are generally diachronic is a difference of emphasis in the rather peculiar conditions prevailing and not a real divergence of interest.' 1 4 1 So, even the most c o m m o n l y acceptable distinction b e t w e e n history and social sciences, such as g e o g r a p h y or a n t h r o p o l o g y , n a m e l y , that the f o r m e r more than the latter is organized t h r o u g h time, seemed contentious to E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d . Indeed he revealed the u n t h i n k i n g e m b e d d e d n e s s of the distinctions and the arbitrariness of our appellations by o b s e r v i n g that if a historian fixes on one culture for a restricted temporal period, w e relabel the w o r k as an ethnographic m o n o g r a p h (one m i g h t cite as an ancient e x a m p l e T a c i t u s ' Germania), whereas the w o r k of a social anthropologist, if he writes about the d e v e l o p m e n t of a society t h r o u g h time, is termed a social history. M u c h of w h a t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d has argued for anthropology is, of course, applicable also to g e o g r a p h y . In m a n y w a y s , like the m o d e r n geographers, he surpassed historians themselves in w o r k i n g out a methodological, theoretical a p p r o a c h to history and its relationship to other subjects, although in b o t h cases 139 Ε. E. Evans-Pritchard, 'Anthropology and History' = Manchester, 1961, in Evans-Pritchard, Essays in Social Anthropology, 59. 140 See, for example, on marriage: S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford, 1991); on family: T . Wiedemann and J. F. Gardner, The Roman Household: A Sourcebook (London, 1991) and T . Wiedemann, Adults and Children in the Roman Empire (London, 1989); on kinship and friendship: L . G . Mitchell, Greeks Bearing Gifts: The Public Use of Private Relationships in the Greek World, 435323 B. C. (Cambridge, 1997). T h e essays in B. Rawson and P. Weaver (eds.), The Roman Family in Italy. Status, Sentiment, Space (Oxford, 1997), cover all of these themes: family, childhood, social structure, and kinship. 141 Ε. E. Evans-Pritchard, 'Social Anthropology: Past and Present', in Evans-Pritchard, Essays in Social Anthropology, 24. Note the strong echo of Meinig, ' T h e Continuous Shaping of America', 1187, on geography and history which are 'not the study of any particular set of things, but are a particular way of studying anything'.

this may have been due to their emergence as new academic subjects, forced to define themselves against the older university discipline of history. L i k e the historians of the Annales school, or M y r e s himself, E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d saw a m u c h more p r o f o u n d relationship between history and the social sciences, w h i c h not only involved questions of environmental influence on the course of history, but also raised philosophical issues about time and space, and literary issues about h o w historical, anthropological, ethnographical, or geographical accounts might be written. B u t we need to go right back to the start of the twentieth century, even before the appointment of M y r e s to the W y k e h a m chair, to find the most thorough and significant treatment of the nature of history and historiography in relation to what have been seen as other types of academic prose. Jacoby's explanation for the organization of his collection of historical fragments set out at length w h y history, geography, and ethnography, for example, must be v i e w e d as virtually inseparable. H i s article was not concerned with the relationship between specific historical and geographical issues such as those w h i c h G r u n d y had treated, and C h i l v e r and C a r y w o u l d go on to develop, to wit the influence of e n v i r o n m e n t on history, or the importance of battle topography. Instead, Jacoby's was, and still is, the most c o m p r e h e n s i v e discussion of w h y we should not draw sharp distinctions b e t w e e n the writing of history and g e o g r a p h y in antiquity, his reason being that these, along with all prose genres, derived f r o m a c o m m o n source, and were indeed never fully distinguished in the ancient world. Before setting out Jacoby's important ideas, it seems worth taking a brief glance at w h a t his collection of Fragmente der griechischen Historiker was intended to supersede. 1 4 2 C . M ü l l e r , with the help of his brother, had compiled two collections in the mid-nineteenth century, one of geographical and one of historical fragments. T h e principles underlying these works were not set out explicitly at any great length. M ü l l e r provided A. Grafton, 'Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum: Fragments of Some Lost Enterprises', in G . W. Most (ed.), Collecting Fragments (Göttingen, 1997), 124-43, conveniently sets out the history of the attempt to make such collections. 142

in his prefaces some discussion of the ordering of fragments, but not a justification for the selection of passages included in each work. H e never really explained w h a t was geographical about his Geographici Graeci Minores, nor historical about the Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum. H o w e v e r , a s u m m a r y of his L a t i n prefaces gives some idea of his approach and purposes. T h e first v o l u m e of Geographici Graeci Minores was p u b lished in 1855. M ü l l e r started by privileging the G r e e k over the Latin geographical tradition for its greater breadth, and by a c k n o w l e d g i n g the influence of Hecataeus. Hecataeus' exposition of the w o r l d at the start of the prose tradition incorporated philosophy, history, natural science, and astronomy in its enormous scope, a description w h i c h w o u l d be repeated by Jacoby. T h e foundations of the geographical tradition had been laid, and w o u l d develop until Ptolemaeus, at w h i c h point originality ceased, and only collations of old geographies were produced. M ü l l e r lamented the fact that so little had survived intact f r o m so long a tradition. For this reason, it was i m p o r t ant to glean as m u c h as possible f r o m fragmentary geographical texts. H e then surveyed the history of attempts to p r o d u c e collections of geographical fragments, most of w h i c h were thwarted either by lack of time, loss of interest, or, in the case of H u d s o n ' s four v o l u m e s of 1 6 9 8 - 1 7 1 2 , scarcity, since m a n y copies were lost in a fire at the Sheldonian T h e a t r e . T h i s was the b a c k g r o u n d against w h i c h M ü l l e r and L e t r o n n e were asked by D i d o t to produce a new collection. L e t r o n n e died shortly after the work had been defined, so M ü l l e r carried out the project alone. H e set out in the preface to the first v o l u m e of Geographici Graeci Minores his plan for the extant geographical texts. Strabo, Ptolemaeus, and S t e p h a nus w o u l d each require separate treatment, with the a n o n y m o u s geographical fragments f r o m the grammarians, scholia, and inscriptions included in the v o l u m e devoted to Stephanus. T h e collection of minor geographers was to be organized as follows: periplus texts, periegeses, systematic accounts of the w o r l d , and various geographical excerpts w o u l d be followed by the geography of the Byzantine empire, including sacred and ecclesiastical geography, and also by the L a t i n geographers, itineraries, and the Peutinger table. A l l of this w o u l d fill three

volumes. A fourth v o l u m e of m i n o r A r a b g e o g r a p h e r s was also to be c o m p i l e d . T h i s plan appears to have been only partially fulfilled. A single v o l u m e on P t o l e m a e u s was p u b l i s h e d and one on Strabo, although nothing on S t e p h a n u s . T h r e e v o l u m e s of Geographici Graeci Minores also appeared, t w o of texts and one of maps, although neither the Byzantine and ecclesiastical g e o g r a p h y , nor the L a t i n texts w e r e incorporated. M ü l l e r ' s organization of f r a g m e n t s within each v o l u m e was to be chronological. A n y f r a g m e n t of uncertain date w o u l d be j u x t a p o s e d with a f r a g m e n t of similar nature. So, for example, the a n o n y m o u s periplus of the E u x i n e w a s placed after A r r i a n ' s periplus of the same sea. M ü l l e r ' s collection was useful as a reference w o r k , but crudely conceived. H i s v i e w of g e o g r a p h ical texts was clearly limited to a v e r y particular t y p e of w o r k w h i c h m a p p e d out space, and theoretically allowed no r o o m for the type of h u m a n g e o g r a p h y w h i c h overlaps w i t h the ethnographic, and edges towards the historical. M ü l l e r ' s Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum w e r e similarly arranged a c c o r d i n g to a principle, b u t one of questionable value. 1 4 3 T h e first v o l u m e contained an apparently random selection of f r a g m e n t a r y authors. T h e idea was that the v o l u m e should be so shaped as to rise and fall with the quality of the tradition. 1 4 4 H o w e v e r , the second v o l u m e of M ü l l e r ' s Fragmenta was prefaced with a p r o g r a m m e setting out a n e w , and m u c h more c o m p r e h e n s i v e , collection of historical fragments. M ü l l e r w o u l d arrange the authors into eight saecula in c h r o n o logical order, f r o m the b e g i n n i n g to the age of Constantine; these w o u l d be followed b y a book of f r a g m e n t s f r o m authors w h o s e dates were uncertain. T h e outline of the books was as follows: Book 1 f r o m the start of historiography to the end of the Peloponnesian war (520 BC-404 BC); Book 2 f r o m the end of the Peloponnesian war to the time of A l e x a n d e r the G r e a t ; Book 3 Aristotle and his successors; Book 4 f r o m A l e x a n d e r to the death of P t o l e m y Philadelphus (336 BC-247 BC); Book 5 f r o m P t o l e m y I I I E u e r g e t e s to the death of P t o l e m y P h i l o C. Müller (ed.), Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum (Paris, 1853). T h e authors included were Hecataeus, Charon, Xanthus, Hellanicus, Pherecydes, Acusilaos, Antiochus, Philistus, Timaeus, Ephorus, Theopompus, Phylarchus, Clitodemus, Phanodemus, Androtion, Demon, Philochorus, and Istrus. 143

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metor or the sack of C o r i n t h (247 BC-146 BC); Book 6 f r o m the sack of C o r i n t h to the time of A u g u s t u s (146 BC-27 BC); Book 7 f r o m A u g u s t u s to T r a j a n (27 B C - A D 98); B o o k 8 f r o m T r a j a n to Constantine (AD 98-306). T h e e x p e c t e d end was passed, h o w e v e r , w i t h a B o o k 9 dealing w i t h the period f r o m C o n stantine to Phocas, and it was actually Book 10 w h i c h c o n tained the undated authors in alphabetical order. In spite of w h a t Jacoby w o u l d see as the sketchy coverage and the apparently arbitrary arrangement, in addition to the absence f r o m the main c o r p u s of those authors w h o had been arbitrarily selected for v o l u m e I, there w e r e clearly merits in h a v i n g a collection w h i c h p r o v i d e d a v i e w of the historical literature of a particular period. T h e s e collections of geographers and historians were, h o w ever, to be superseded by the w o r k of Jacoby. H i s replacement project has never yet been c o m p l e t e d , b u t his explicit justification for its scope and organization was set out in 1909, and revealed a quite revolutionary notion of the nature of G r e e k historiography. 1 4 5 Jacoby e x a m i n e d various possible m e t h o d s for arranging a collection of historical fragments: alphabetical ordering was rejected as coarse, and unrevealing a b o u t the relationship between authors or traditions; chronological order was rejected since it too ignored the question of genre and contents, and w o u l d be useless for the m a n y undatable w o r k s (as M ü l l e r had found); spatial organization seemed to Jacoby more p r o m i s i n g . H e postulated a collection w h i c h b e g a n w i t h works dealing w i t h the w h o l e w o r l d , f o l l o w e d by Hellenica, histories of individual n o n - G r e e k peoples, and specialized c i t y histories, but f o u n d it unacceptable that the Descriptions of the Earth (Περίοδοι γης) w o u l d be f o l l o w e d b y late excerptive histories, such as that of D i o d o r u s . W i t h all of these alternatives rejected, an arrangement according to the d e v e l o p m e n t of historiography in terms of literary genres w a s the m e t h o d f a v o u r e d by Jacoby. H e then justified this scheme. Jacoby argued that all prose genres were originally indistinguishable, and only gradually 145 F. Jacoby, 'Über die Entwicklung der griechischen Historiographie und den Plan einer neuen Sammlung der griechischen Historikerfragmente', Klio, 9 (1909), 80-123.

evolved into different styles. 1 4 6 F o r Jacoby, Hecataeus and H e r o d o t u s together laid the foundations for G r e e k prose writing. I return to H e r o d o t u s in the next section, but first discuss Hecataeus of M i l e t u s . Hecataeus gave the earliest glimpse of the G r e e k prose tradition, and Jacoby argued that in his Genealogies (Γενεαλογίαι) and Description of the Earth (Περίοδος γης) could be traced the origins of the m a j o r prose genres: genealogy, ethnography, and the history of G r e e k peoples. 1 4 7 T h e r e are certainly indications in the extant fragments to support this picture of diversity of interests in these works. M y t h o l o g i c a l accounts of the three children of D e u c a lion ( F 1 3 - 1 6 ) , of H e r c u l e s and the Heracleidae ( F 23-30); ethnographical details, such as the eating habits of the Paeonians ( F 154); attempts to m a p out the peoples of A s i a (in F 204 the M o s s y n o e c i are said to share a border with the Tibareni); the detail that the G u l f of Psyllus in L i b y a was three days' voyage around ( F 332)—all foreshadow the interests of later prose authors. 1 4 8 B u t Hecataeus must be treated with care. It seems at first clear-cut that the existence of two separate works, the Περίοδος γης and Ίστορίαι or Γενεαλογίαι, indicates a p r e - H e r o d o t e a n distinction between the geographical and historical traditions 146 O. Murray, 'History', in J. Brunschwig and G . Lloyd (eds.), Le Savoir grec (Paris, 1996), clearly sets out Jacoby's argument, and summarizes the heart of the matter as being that 'the origins of Greek history lie in the undifferentiated sphere of early Greek prose writing which was as much about myth, about the geography of the world and the customs of other peoples, as about the unfolding of events' (this and subsequent quotations from Murray, 'History' are taken from a print-out of the version of his chapter which is to appear in the English edn. of Brunschwig and Lloyd). 147 T h e question of whether the field of ethnography can be traced further back to the Homeric epics, and even beyond them to early periegetic accounts, is a vexed one. E. Norden, Germanische Urgeschichte in Tacitus Germania (Leipzig, 1922), argues for a strong correlation between Homer and the later tradition; O. Murray, 'Omero e I'etnografia', Κωλακος: Studi pubblicati dall'Istituto di Storia Antica dell'Università di Palermo (1988-9), 1 - 1 3 , argues for greater differentiation between the ethnography of the Odyssey, for example, in which any people who cannot be framed in Greek terms are consigned to the realm of the fabulous, and the much more sophisticated view of 'the other' found in Herodotus. 148 All fragment numbers given for Hecataeus are those used by Jacoby in FGrH.

w h i c h w o u l d be fused by H e r o d o t u s himself, q u a l i f y i n g the idea of an undifferentiated early prose style. H o w e v e r , it is not always clear f r o m the sources w h i c h w o r k of Hecataeus a particular fragment may have c o m e f r o m , and it appears that m a n y of the fragments could b e l o n g equally well to either work. It is not obvious that the f r a g m e n t ( F 18) on the v o y a g e of the A r g o n a u t s should belong to the Γενεαλογίαι rather than to the Περίοδος-, by contrast, the passage on the ousting of the Pelasgians f r o m Attica by the A t h e n i a n s ( F 127) c o u l d have c o m e f r o m the Γενεαλογίαι just as well as f r o m the Περίοδος; in yet another fragment ( F 119), it is only the detail that G r e e c e was seen as a settlement of barbarians that is attributed b y Strabo to Hecataeus, but the f o l l o w i n g discussion concerning the various migrations of the Pelopides and D a n a i d s suggests that the initial c o m m e n t could well have been stimulated not b y the Περίοδος, to w h i c h the fragment is c o m m o n l y assigned, but by a passage f r o m the Γενεαλογίαι, w h i c h seems to have dealt w i t h exactly such ethnic histories; 1 4 9 and it is hard to u n d e r stand w h y Hecataeus' attempt ( F 300) to trace his o w n genealogy with the help of the priests at T h e b e s in E g y p t should have been attached to the Περίοδος rather than to the w o r k specifically devoted to genealogy. T h e fragments assigned b y the sources to either of these w o r k s are extremely similar in nature, often a mere note to the effect that Hecataeus mentioned a particular place, city, or people. T h e fact that this interest in place is true of f r a g m e n t s said to be f r o m the Γενεαλογίαι as well as those f r o m the Περίοδος indicates that it is a f u n c t i o n of the m a j o r source for Hecataeus, namely S t e p h a n u s of B y z a n t i u m , rather than any accurate guide as to the nature of either work. S t e p h a n u s ' compilatory style confuses the issue both w a y s round. W h i l e fragments said by h i m to c o m e f r o m the Γενεαλογίαι seem remarkably geographical, m a n y of those apparently taken f r o m the Περίοδος m i g h t seem more at h o m e in the other w o r k . A note on M y t i l e n e ( F 140), for example, indicates that Hecataeus mentioned the place in his account o f E u r o p e , that is, in the Περίοδος, but the f o l l o w i n g details on the e t y m o l o g y of the place-name, in w h i c h it is derived f r o m H ' ; Τ 3 = Strabo 14. 1. 7 indicates that Strabo was certainly aware of Hecataeus' Ίστορίαι in addition to the more obviously geographical work.

M y t i l e n e , the daughter of M a k a r or Pelops, take us back to matters genealogical. T h e picture gained f r o m the f r a g m e n t s is thus one in w h i c h those securely assigned to one work or another do not allow us to characterize either accurately, and those not assigned in the sources often seem to have been rather r a n d o m l y allocated in m o d e r n collections. It seems likely that Hecataeus w a s in both w o r k s engaged in ιστορία in its broad sense, and w e should not be surprised to find accounts of H e r o d o t u s ' debt to H e c a t a e u s — o n e of the testimonia ( T 18) refers to Hecataeus 'by w h o m H e r o d o t u s was greatly helped' (-rrap'ov δη μάλιστα ώφέληται ό Ηρόδοτος). W e have too little on w h i c h to base any j u d g e m e n t of the quality and sophistication of Hecataeus' works, and it is likely in any case that H e r o d o t u s developed the prose tradition, but that the g r o u n d seems to have been cleared for h i m by his predecessor. In Jacoby's view, the scope of Hecataeus' t w o w o r k s covered genealogy, e t h n o g r a p h y , and the history of G r e e k peoples, j u s t as H e r o d o t u s ' all-encompassing History w o u l d do. T h e fact that Hecataeus' material was divided b e t w e e n t w o separate w o r k s perhaps f o r e s h a d o w s the later evolution of interrelated genres, but, as I have argued, the division was certainly not clear-cut. M ü l l e r had a c k n o w l e d g e d the difficulty involved in distinguishing ' w h e t h e r authors have dealt with the affairs of citystates in the manner of historians or that of periegetes, or w h e t h e r they have carried out the task j o i n t l y ' . 1 5 0 H i s stated solution w a s to err o n the side of inclusivity. H o w e v e r , his separation of geographers and historians revealed a deep-seated belief that the t w o g r o u p s could and should be v i e w e d as distinct fields of study. B y contrast, J a c o b y ' s integrated view of historiography as being inseparably b o u n d u p w i t h g e o graphical, ethnographical, and m y t h o l o g i c a l accounts of the w o r l d meant that his Fragmente der griechischen Historiker w o u l d naturally incorporate material deemed by other editors to b e l o n g to 'non-historical' genres. T h e s e c o n d - c e n t u r y BC works of A g a t h a r c h i d e s of C n i d u s neatly illustrate the difference in approach. On the Erythraean Sea was part of M ü l l e r ' s 150 Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum II, ii: num historicorum an periegetarum more auctores res civitatum tractaverint, an utrumque munus coniunctim praestiterint.

geographical collection; Affairs in Europe and Affairs in Asia, being 'historical', fell within the collection of historical fragments. 1 5 1 H o w e v e r , all three w o r k s w o u l d fall within the scope of J a c o b y ' s collection of G r e e k historians. J a c o b y ' s approach was certainly not undiscerning. T h e w o r k on the A r a b i a n G u l f w o u l d appear in a different v o l u m e f r o m the other two; b u t the principle was that all were interrelated and fell u n d e r the umbrella of G r e e k historiography. A n o t h e r s e c o n d - c e n t u r y author, p s e u d o - S c y m n u s of C h i o s , w h o wrote a periplus in iambic verses for N i c o m e d e s II of Bithynia, lends further support to the a b a n d o n m e n t of M ü l ler's segregation of geographical f r o m historical fragments. M ü l l e r had predictably included this periplus in his Geographici Graeci Minores. Indeed, most of w h a t survives w o u l d support this characterization. B u t m u c h is missing, and the author himself complicates the generic classification of his work at the end of the introduction: Now I progress to the start of my work, setting out the writers on whom I have drawn so as to imbue my historical work (6 Ιστορικός . . . Aoyos) with authority. For I have put most trust in the one who wrote geography (ή γεωγραφία) with the greatest care, with climatic zones and geometrical figures, Eratosthenes; and I have also used Ephorus, who has spoken in five books about foundations; and Dionysius of Chalcis; and the historian (συγγραφεύς) Demetrius of Callatis; and Cleon of Sicily; and Timosthenes . . . and Timaeus of Tauromenium in Sicily. 152 W h a t e v e r the o u t w a r d appearance of the text, the narrow confines of M ü l l e r ' s divisions hardly seem appropriate for an account that claims such a broad scope. H e r e g e o g r a p h y , the m y t h o l o g y of foundations, the history of G r e e k peoples, and the ethnography of others will be c o m b i n e d . A l t h o u g h this text is in verse, it c o n f o r m s beautifully to J a c o b y ' s model of G r e e k prose writing. T h e only point on w h i c h this author and Jacoby m i g h t disagree is the process w h i c h led to this interdisciplinary m e d l e y . F o r Jacoby, the different genres were always interrelated; for S c y m n u s , part of the author's Both works came within the scope of Book 6 in vol. I l l of the collection. GGM I, Scymnus H. 109-26. It is of course possible that Scymnus' reference to his use of a whole panoply of sources is intended to be humorous. 151

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task lay in gathering the threads together and w e a v i n g them into a coherent and unified account: ' F r o m several scattered histories, I have written in s u m m a r y for y o u of the colonies and c i t y - f o u n d a t i o n s . ' 1 5 3 Jacoby's thesis of the gradual evolution of different genres, w h i c h w o u l d never be truly distinct, has, of course, not gone unchallenged. T h e r e are, for example, clear p r o b l e m s with Hecataeus' t w o works, rather than one all-encompassing account, m a k i n g it hard to argue for the d e v e l o p m e n t of genres f r o m one single undifferentiated origin. F u r t h e r m o r e , F o w l e r has opposed Jacoby's stress on H e r o d o t u s at the expense of other writers of the period. D e t e r m i n i n g a history of historiography in terms of individual influential authors runs the risk of overlooking the intellectual context within w h i c h H e r o d o t u s , for example, operated. 1 5 4 In addition, the writing of ' c o n t e m p o r a r y ' history, w h i c h Jacoby saw as a f o u r t h - c e n tury d e v e l o p m e n t f r o m the work of T h u c y d i d e s , had no m a j o r precedent in Hecataeus or H e r o d o t u s ; nor did ' h o r o g r a p h y ' , the study of individual G r e e k cities. Fornara argued against the idea of interconnected genres, and identified five historical genres of genealogy, e t h n o g r a p h y , history or accounts of man's deeds, h o r o g r a p h y , and c h r o n o g r a p h y w h i c h had ' c o m e into existence by the end of the fifth century BC and generally retained their formal integrity thereafter'. 1 5 5 Fornara further contested J a c o b y ' s historical categories. H e objected to J a c o b y ' s replacement of 'history' with ' c o n t e m p o r a r y history', on the g r o u n d s that all the genres mentioned could be termed 'history'. S o Fornara argued for a category of historical writing in antiquity w h i c h m i g h t correspond to a modern definition of history, n a m e l y 'the description of res gestae, m a n ' s place in politics, d i p l o m a c y and war, in the near and far past'. 1 5 6 F u r t h e r m o r e , he stressed the digressive rather than integral nature of ethnography in historical works, such as the Histories of Herodotus. Fornara's assessment of 'historical' works w h i c h GGM /, Scymnus 11. 65-7: εκ τών σποράδην γαρ ΐστορουμενων τισίν | εν επιτομή σοι γεγραφα τάς αποικίας | κτίσεις τε πόλεων . . . 154 See R. L. Fowler, 'Herodotus and his Contemporaries', JHS 116 (1996), 62-87. 155 Fornara, The Nature of History in Ancient Greece and Rome, 2. 156 Ibid. 3. 153

contain ethnographic digressions, namely that 'the writer was guided by the conventions of ethnography (as if he were, in fact, an ethnographer); once finished with the ethnographical digression, he resumes his allegiance to the rules of history', seems to require an excessively disjointed reading of the texts. 1 5 7 But the question of ethnography as digressive is important, since the answer will have a bearing on our view of the limits of historiography. Fornara's attempt to differentiate more clearly between his five historical genres does offer a useful corrective to the undifferentiated view of G r e e k prose writing, which had been put forward by Jacoby and which did not fully account for w h y an author such as Strabo might have chosen to write both a 'historical' and a 'geographical' work. Besides these objections to Jacoby's main thesis, more specific attacks have been made on his methods. Schepens has noted some of the practical difficulties facing those who attempt to complete Jacoby's project; in particular, the issue of how to define a fragment. 1 5 8 Bowersock has identified the further problem that Jacoby's fragments are read in isolation from the context in which they were preserved. 1 5 9 However, in spite of such criticisms, Jacoby's view has been highly influential, accounts for many features of the Greek historiography which is extant, and provides a justification for w h y it makes sense to re-examine the way in which we read, for instance, historical and geographical texts from antiquity. It is not only that modern theories of the relation between the academic subjects and the inseparability of time and space suggest interesting questions that may be applied to ancient texts; it is not even that certain ancient historians have seen the importance of the physical world in the understanding of past events; but Jacoby set out a third reason w h y ancient historiography should be studied in conjunction with ancient geography, and other genres, namely that they were originally conceived of as indistinct, or at least problematic to distinguish, in literary terms. Ibid. 15. See G . Schepens, 'Jacoby's FGrHist: Problems, Methods, Prospects', in Most (ed.), Collecting Fragments, 144-73. 159 See G . W . Bowersock, 'Jacoby's Fragments and T w o Greek Historians of Pre-Islamic Arabia', in Most (ed.), Collecting Fragments, 173-85. 157

1SS

THE

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CONSEQUENCES

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THE

CONQUEST

In J a c o b y ' s view, the first true historian was H e r o d o t u s , w h o had c o m b i n e d the ethnographic interests of Hecataeus w i t h the narrative of a war between East and W e s t , although, as I have argued, this picture m a y depend on an oversimplified vision of Hecataeus. H e r o d o t u s ' f o r m of history was, as M u r r a y has argued, 'not b o u n d b y concepts of political narrative, but attempted to view societies as a w h o l e , t h r o u g h the interrelationship of religious, social and geographical factors', a description w h i c h w o u l d closely fit the ideal of interdisciplinary, c o m p r e h e n s i v e histoire humaine aspired to b y the Annales historians. 1 6 0 It is, h o w e v e r , T h u c y d i d e s w h o has traditionally been seen as the f o u n d e r of the d o m i n a n t strand of ancient historiography. Because this view has been extremely influential in d e t e r m i n i n g the interpretation of Hellenistic historiography, I shall set out briefly some of the discussions w h i c h have focused on the nature of H e r o d o t e a n and T h u c y d i d e a n history, w i t h the initial caveat that no polarity b e t w e e n the t w o authors as representatives of o p p o s i n g styles will a c c o m m o d a t e the evidence. W h e t h e r a work is ' H e r o d o t e a n ' or ' T h u c y d i dean' m u s t be a matter more of emphasis than of m u t u a l exclusivity. Jacoby saw T h u c y d i d e s , not H e r o d o t u s , as the predecessor of the m a n y Hellenica w h i c h p r o v i d e d a view of G r e e k history, either c o n t e m p o r a r y or w i t h an earlier start-point, w h i c h was Panhellenic rather than local, and always c o n c e i v e d f r o m a G r e e k perspective, possibly u n d e r the influence of the Persian Wars. But the important point for Jacoby was that the develo p m e n t of T h u c y d i d e a n c o n t e m p o r a r y G r e e k history was not Murray, 'History'. On the nature and generic affiliations of Herodotus' Histories, see E. Lanzillotta, 'Geografia e storia da Ecateo a Tucidide', CISA 14 (1988), 19-31, who views Herodotus' work as a balance between geography, ethnography, and history, with no single approach dominant (p. 25). For a different idea of how geography and history fit together in Herodotus' account, see Prontera, 'Prima di Strabone', who argues that the two do not run parallel to each other, but that geographical information dominates the descriptions of the non-Greek world, and history the treatment of the Greek world. Thus, for Prontera 'Greek geography is primarily a geography of the other' ('la geografia greca è anzitutto una geografia degli altri') (p. 194). 160

s i m p l y to p r o v i d e a successor to Hecataeus' Γενεαλογίαι, b u t to c o m p l e m e n t the e t h n o g r a p h i c history that u n d e r p i n n e d H e r odotus' w o r k . T h u c y d i d e s w o u l d provide the m o d e l for w o r k s of unified scope and limited theme, such as the accounts of A l e x a n d e r , those of his successors, and the m o n o g r a p h s o n the rise of R o m e . B u t the fact that his history was to turn into an ' o n g o i n g history' or historia perpetua, m a d e it in a sense universal. In the Hellenistic period it seems that the universality of Herodotean history and that of T h u c y d i d e a n historia perpetua m i g h t on occasion be blurred, b r i n g i n g us back r o u n d to the earliest undifferentiated historiographical model. Strasburger has examined h o w the t w o traditions of H e r odotean and T h u c y d i d e a n historiography w e r e at the same time distinct and yet often c o m b i n e d in the Hellenistic period. H e traced the simultaneous d e v e l o p m e n t of 'the restrictive impulse of the T h u c y d i d e a n m o d e l alongside the integrating impulse of the H e r o d o t e a n m o d e l ' , and specifically characterized the c o m p r e h e n s i v e and synthetic H e r o d o t e a n model as static, and the T h u c y d i d e a n model as kinetic or d y n a m i c . 1 6 1 S t r a s b u r g e r ' s analysis supported the generally held v i e w that Hellenistic historiography tended to follow T h u c y d i d e s ' model for d y n a m i c history. H e was, h o w e v e r , also keen to stress the continued importance of H e r o d o t u s in historiography. H e argued firstly for a broad conception of Hellenistic historio g r a p h y w h i c h w o u l d encompass, for example, A g a t h a r c h i d e s ' On the Erythraean Sea. In accord w i t h J a c o b y ' s principles and in contradiction to the practice of M ü l l e r , S t r a s b u r g e r saw the w o r k as h a v i n g been misplaced a m o n g the Geographici Graeci Minores because of its title and outward appearance. In A g a t h a r c h i d e s , Strasburger saw the combination of static H e r o d o t e a n e t h n o g r a p h y , a T h u c y d i d e a n interest in historical d y n a m i c s , and a Hellenistic concern for social issues. If H e r o d o t u s was so important in influencing the t y p e of late IM H. Strasburger, Die Wesensbestimmung der Geschichte durch die antike Geschichtsschreibung 2 (Wiesbaden, 1966), 57-8. Strasburger pointed to Thucydides' claim that 'this [sc. the Peloponnesian war] was the greatest upheaval' (17 κίνησις γαρ αΰτη μεγίστη) ( ι . ι), and cited the description of the plague, stasis in Corcyra, the Sicilian expedition, the events concerning Mytilene, Plataea, and Melos as further confirmation of this characterization, and evidence that Thucydides was primarily interested in social change.

Hellenistic historiography w h i c h I shall examine, it may seem paradoxical not to include a chapter on H e r o d o t u s himself. M u c h Hellenistic historiography was d e e p l y indebted to the H e r o d o t e a n m o d e l , in so far as it was an histoire humaine, in w h i c h m y t h o l o g y , ethnography, g e o g r a p h y , and economics w o u l d be j u s t as important as history in the sense of political narrative. M u r r a y has s u m m e d up the situation very effectively in his explanation of w h y he believes J a c o b y ' s view of history to be right: 'it is impossible to consider G r e e k historiography as an entity, unless e t h n o g r a p h y , m y t h o g r a p h y , local history, g e o g r a p h y , etc., are included; and the reason is that the tradition of Ionian historiography w h i c h was taken over by the Hellenistic world did not recognize such distinctions as absolute.' 1 6 2 W h a t I shall be arguing t h r o u g h o u t is that a renewed awareness of this element in Hellenistic historio g r a p h y casts new light on w e l l - k n o w n authors, and helps us to contextualize and evaluate more accurately those authors w h o s e work has survived only in fragments. Jacoby's project at the start of this c e n t u r y was extremely important in so far as he tackled at a literary level the issues that were being addressed more concretely b y scholars such as G r u n d y . I shall explore the relationship b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h y and history in the writings f r o m the late Hellenistic period f r o m the philosophical perspective adopted by m o d e r n geographers w h o discuss the issues in terms of time and space, in terms of the more tangible influences of g e o g r a p h y and history on each other, discussed b y scholars such as G r u n d y and C h i l v e r , and f r o m the point of view taken by Jacoby, namely an interest in the literary questions of genre and tradition. Jacoby's treatment of the H e r o d o t e a n influence m a y be c o n v i n c i n g in literary terms, but we need to return to the real w o r l d for the full implications to be understood. T h e link b e t w e e n the conceptual w o r l d and historical reality is not only crucial in explaining w h y the expansive H e r o d o t e a n model for historiography w o u l d continue to be relevant and influential t h r o u g h the Hellenistic period, but it also paradoxically j u s tifies the omission of H e r o d o t u s f r o m the main b o d y of this book. 162 O. Murray reviewing Strasburger, Die Wesensbestimmung der Geschichte, in Classical Review, NS 18 (1968), 218-21, at 220-1.

T h e point was made succinctly by M u r r a y in his review of S t r a s b u r g e r ' s book. H e states, in complaint at w h a t he sees as the overestimation of T h u c y d i d e s ' influence even b y S t r a s b u r ger, that 'the most important single influence on Hellenistic historiography was not T h u c y d i d e s , but H e r o d o t u s ; it was he w h o enabled the prose writers of the Hellenistic period to face and o v e r c o m e the p r o b l e m s created by A l e x a n d e r ' s c o n q u e s t s . ' , 6 3 T h e vital factor is that of conquest, to w h i c h both real and conceptual g e o g r a p h y and history are intimately b o u n d . C o n q u e s t leads not only to the physical alteration of the political w o r l d and to the real historical changes entailed, but also to new ways of looking at the world, and consequently to new w a y s of writing about it. H e r o d o t u s ' Histories were so important because they p r o v i d e d not only a model for an allencompassing histoire humaine, b u t specifically one for h o w to rewrite the w o r l d once horizons had changed. A s M u r r a y has argued, periods of conquest result in 'a reevaluation of the external w o r l d , both that w h i c h was already k n o w n and that w h i c h was previously u n k n o w n ' . 1 6 4 T h e p h e n o m e n o n can be illustrated f r o m various historical periods: the works of g e o g r a p h y , e t h n o g r a p h y , and history w h i c h followed the great A r a b expansion in the ninth to eleventh centuries; the accounts b y E u r o p e a n discoverers of the N e w W o r l d in the sixteenth century; the writings f o l l o w i n g in the wake of A l e x a n d e r ' s conquests; the responses to R o m e ' s expansion in the late Hellenistic period; and H e r o d o t u s h i m self. M u r r a y argued that H e r o d o t u s was w i d e l y read in the Hellenistic period, and was certainly no less well k n o w n than T h u c y d i d e s . H e examined the writings of prose authors in the early Hellenistic period, ' w h o interpreted for the n e w rulers of the w o r l d the alien cultures w h i c h n o w belonged to t h e m ' , 1 6 5 and showed that writers such as N e a r c h u s , Hecataeus of A b d e r a , M e g a s t h e n e s , Berosus, and M a n e t h o w e r e w o r k i n g in the Herodotean tradition, even w h e n trying to correct or improve it. Scholars s t u d y i n g the conquests of the sixteenth

century

Ibid. 220. O. Murray, 'Herodotus and Hellenistic Culture', CQ NS 22 (1972), 20013, at 200. 165 Ibid. 204. 163 164

have similarly remarked u p o n the c o n s e q u e n t b r o a d e n i n g of horizons and the rewriting of the w o r l d . Elliott has e x a m i n e d the impact of the d i s c o v e r y of A m e r i c a not j u s t on the inhabitants, but on the E u r o p e a n s w h o s e w o r l d w o u l d need to be reconceptualized. I can find n o m o r e striking expression of the w a y in w h i c h the entire w o r l d - v i e w of the E u r o p e a n s was forced to change than the passage f r o m P e d r o N u n e s ' Treatise of the Sphere ( 1 5 3 7 ) cited in translation by Elliott: ' N e w islands, n e w lands, new seas, n e w peoples; and, w h a t is more, a new sky and n e w stars'. 1 6 6 It is interesting that periods f o l l o w i n g conquest and disc o v e r y seem to have been particularly rich in w o r k s of history in the a l l - e n c o m p a s s i n g style of histoire humaine. L a s Casas' Apologética Historia of the 1550s has b e e n described by Elliott as 'a great essay in cultural a n t h r o p o l o g y in w h i c h the social and religious habits of the G r e e k s , R o m a n s , and E g y p t i a n s , ancient G a u l s and ancient Britons, are e x a m i n e d alongside those of the A z t e c s and the Incas'. 1 6 7 T h i s w o u l d hardly be out of place a m o n g the works of the Annales school. M u r r a y points to the w o r k of the A r a b writer a l - M a s ' u d i , 'traveller, geographer, historian, w h o believed that g e o g r a p h y was a part of history, and wrote his geographical a c c o u n t as an introduction to and integral part of his history'. 1 6 8 O n e could hardly argue that these periods w e r e not ones of great change, times of upheaval perhaps m o r e suited to the T h u c y d i d e a n model of kinetic history. But the writings u n d e r discussion w e r e c o n cerned not so m u c h with d e s c r i b i n g the upheaval as setting u p a new w o r l d order in its wake, and so w e r e perfectly fitted to the synthetic history of cultures and civilizations. T h i s was clearly true not only of the A r a b and Renaissance writers, but also of authors describing the new w o r l d after A l e x a n d e r and those, w h o will be the f o c u s of this book, w h o rewrote the w o r l d of the R o m a n s . A perfect e x a m p l e e m e r g e s f r o m the w o r l d of fiction: the children's conversation on arriving at the new w o r l d of Narnia (see pp. 1 8 - 1 9 above) illustrates the re-evaluation necessitated by the expansion of one's horizons. T h e y must b o t h reassess 166 167 168

See J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New (Cambridge, 1970), 39-40. Ibid. 48. Murray, 'Herodotus and Hellenistic Culture', 201.

the world they knew and incorporate the one w h i c h they have discovered. W e can foresee that the appropriate account to give of the new world of Narnia will be one that combines the inhabitants, their histories, their habits, and habitat, in other words a Herodotean synthesis, neither historical, geographical, nor ethnographical, but all of these things at once. T h e Herodotean influence on accounts of the N e w W o r l d of America has been openly acknowledged as having instituted certain key discursive principles, such as the importance of travel for an understanding of the world. 1 6 9 But Greenblatt's comment that 'Herodotus is at once a decisive shaping force and a very marginal figure in our inquiry' concisely expresses the ambiguity of his importance for the sixteenth-century attempt to represent new horizons. 1 7 0 A similar point could be argued for the reconfigurations of the world w h i c h took place in both the early and the late Hellenistic periods, although seeing Herodotus as being 'very marginal' here would be a little strong. T h e Herodotean style of historiography was the natural response to conquest, and Herodotus provided an example of how to see a world that had been recently expanded; so Herodotus would continue to be a crucial model. But each phase of conquest and each subsequent reevaluation of the world would be different. T h e expansionist ambitions of Persia, Alexander, Rome, Islam, and sixteenthcentury Europe would all yield a distinctively different rewriting of the world. W i t h i n each phase, there would of course be variation. Greenblatt has argued: Ί am not identifying an overarching Renaissance ideology, a single way of making and remaking the world . . . But the variety is not infinite, and in the face of the N e w W o r l d . . . the differing responses disclose shared assumptions and techniques'. 1 7 1 W e shall see 169 T h e importance of conceptual frameworks within which to set discoveries has been discussed by A. Pagden, European Encounters with the New World: From Renaissance to Romanticism (New Haven, 1993). He argues that the Europeans who discovered America needed a pre-existing model into which to fit their new discoveries (p. 10). Anything which could not be accommodated by the conceptual grid was relegated to the realm of the marvellous. 170 171

Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, 122-3. Ibid. 23.

that the rise of R o m e in the iate Hellenistic period evoked v a r y i n g responses a m o n g different authors. But, just as it made sense for M u r r a y to consider as a whole the writings produced in the wake o f A l e x a n d e r , and just as the accounts of the N e w W o r l d of A m e r i c a have been treated together, so too does it make sense to look at late Hellenistic responses to R o m e as a coherent, though of course not u n i f o r m , g r o u p . I finished m y survey of some approaches w h i c h may usefully be taken f r o m the discussions of m o d e r n geographers with the issue of fragmentation and universalism. It is clear that the notion of universal historiography may be considered not only in terms of discrete and continuous time and space, but also in the context of all-encompassing, comprehensive histoire humaine, as developed by the Annales school, but already evidenced in H e r o d o t u s ' Histories. T h e phase of rewriting on w h i c h this book will focus is particularly suited to the question of universalism in its many senses, since it concerned the period w h e n , for the first time, almost the entire k n o w n world was b r o u g h t by conquest under the rule of a single p o w e r — t h a t of R o m e . I have argued that the tradition w h i c h has neatly defined geography and history in terms of time and space does not take full account of our experience of the w o r l d in w h i c h time and space are inseparable, and also sweeps aside the variety of different types of time and space. M o d e r n geographical debates on the unsatisfactory nature of subject distinctions in terms of time and space, on the g r o u n d s of past or present focus, and in terms of the difference in the relationship of the author to the text, can suggest helpful questions, and can in turn be enriched by answers given by the ancient evidence. A n o t h e r , and c o m p l e m e n t a r y , w a y forward is to take up the interests of certain historians f r o m the start of the twentieth century, set out in terms of ancient literary genre by Jacoby, and developed b y the Annales historians as histoire humaine, a comprehensive history in the Herodotean manner, w h i c h is constantly in danger of being overlooked in favour of the T h u c y d i d e a n type. It will not be possible to say that g e o g r a p h y and historywere inseparable in the late Hellenistic period, s u b s u m e d in a single undifferentiated prose genre, the perfect and all-encom-

passing response to the new world of Roman power. Strabo's two works, one geographical and one historical, cannot be accommodated by such a picture. However, I propose at least to explore some of the parameters within which late Hellenistic prose accounts were written, and to show that narrow definitions of history and geography are unsuited to these writings. One reason for choosing to investigate these issues through a study of Polybius, Posidonius, and primarily Strabo is that they were all engaged in writing about the world in ways which highlight the problems of time and space, having taken on projects that covered a large scope both temporally and spatially. In addition, they all wrote during the protracted period through which a single power, Rome, was gradually transforming the w o r l d — c h a n g i n g space through time, and necessitating a re-evaluation of the world, in a way which lent itself to comprehensive historiography. Adapting Greenblatt's words, I am not identifying an overarching late Hellenistic ideology, a single way of making and remaking the world. A s will become apparent, it is not possible to apply exactly the same approaches and questions to all three authors. In particular, the fragmentary nature of Posidonius' texts imposes severe restrictions on the possibility of making positive assertions about the works, rather than simply challenging previous approaches. A n d , of course, the three authors whose works I shall study wrote over the span of nearly two centuries. T h e world of Polybius was not identical to that of Strabo. M y main task in dealing with each author will be different. Polybius has most often been seen as the true successor to T h u c y d i d e s , even by those w h o are strong proponents of the influence of Herodotus in this period. Murray stated that ' T h u c y d i d e s certainly provided the model for the main tradition of western historiography, with its interests in political and military history, factual accuracy and causation. Polybius is his worthy successor in these respects.' 1 7 2 M u r ray's picture of Polybius, in w h o m , as he notes, there is no reference at all to Herodotus, sets this author outside the dominant model of Hellenistic historiography, namely the Herodotean one. 'For Polybius was a political historian, in 172

Murray, 'History'

the tradition of T h u c y d i d e s : he is not particularly interested in other types of history, t h o u g h he could of course achieve remarkable standards of cultural history w i t h his description of the R o m a n constitution or his geographical sections.' 1 7 3 T h i s view was f o r m u l a t e d in opposition to those w h o w o u l d characterize Hellenistic historiography as p r e d o m i n a n t l y p o litical and military, in the T h u c y d i d e a n m o u l d . T h e point was that, even t h o u g h P o l y b i u s m a y have been T h u c y d i d e a n , he was not necessarily representative of the m a j o r i t y of H e l l e nistic historians, and that other authors were at this time w r i t i n g broad cultural histories. It is clear that P o l y b i u s fits well into a d y n a m i c model of historiography, as I shall argue in chapter II, and that in this sense, as well as many others, he could be seen as a w o r t h y successor to T h u c y d i d e s . H o w e v e r , m y discussion of P o l y b i u s will have a different emphasis. I shall argue not that P o l y b i u s was T h u c y d i d e a n and so outside the mainstream of Hellenistic historiography; but rather that the geographical, e t h n o g r a p h i cal, cultural, H e r o d o t e a n aspects of P o l y b i u s ' Histories have been u n d e r p l a y e d , that m o d e r n geographical debates on the c o m p l e x relationship between time and space and the location of the author are highly relevant to his w o r k , that sophisticated geographical concepts were central to his theme of R o m a n expansionism, and that therefore P o l y b i u s could and should be given his proper place in the history of mainstream Hellenistic cultural historiography. Posidonius clearly poses quite different p r o b l e m s . But here again, the m a j o r difficulties arise f r o m an assumption that 'historical' works must necessarily be in the T h u c y d i d e a n narrative m o u l d , and that discursive prose, in w h i c h g e o g r a p h y , history, e t h n o g r a p h y , m y t h o l o g y all contribute towards the creation of an histoire humaine, is s o m e h o w alien to the Hellenistic historiographical tradition. S t r a s b u r g e r saw the Histories of Posidonius as consciously d r a w i n g together the broad scope of H e r o d o t u s with the sharpness of the T h u c y didean treatment of causal relations. 1 7 4 W h i l e taking a m u c h more cautious line than s o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s on w h a t w e can 173 174

Murray, 'Herodotus and Hellenistic Culture', 211. Strasburger, Die Wesensbestimmung der Geschichte, 93·

say positively about the nature of w o r k s of w h i c h so little has survived, I too shall argue for a m o r e broadly based characterization of P o s i d o n i u s ' Histories, and suggest that the generic differences b e t w e e n t h e m and the 'geographical' w o r k , On Ocean, m a y be slighter than has often been assumed. S t r a b o ' s Geography is one of several extensive texts w h i c h have survived f r o m antiquity largely intact, b u t w h i c h have since received minimal attention, particularly in English. H o w ever, it provides an excellent exemplum for m a n y of the points w h i c h I have discussed in this introductory chapter. A s a w o r k of g e o g r a p h y written by the author of a separate history, it leads to the expectation that it will c o n f o r m to the c r u d e notion of g e o g r a p h y as the static spatial description of a physical landscape, while the history fulfilled the T h u c y d i d e a n m o d e l of kinetic, chronologically ordered, political narrative. It is impossible to say w h a t S t r a b o ' s History w a s like, but I shall be exploring his Geography in some detail in order to formulate a more sophisticated view of that particular project. T h i s broad w o r k of e t h n o g r a p h y , m y t h o l o g y , religion, e c o n o m y , past events, and the evolution of settlements perfectly illustrates the importance of the synthetic cultural history in the late Hellenistic period. T h e debt to H e r o d o t u s is m a d e explicit on only a f e w occasions in S t r a b o ' s w o r k ; b u t the suitability of this style of historiography in the re-evaluation of the w o r l d u n d e r R o m a n rule is clear. It is revealing to consider a 'historian', an author w h o s e geographical and historical w o r k s s u r v i v e in part, and a 'geographer' in the light of these debates, precisely because they all so o b v i o u s l y d e f y neat definitions. T h e rewriting of the w o r l d in the face of R o m a n imperialism led to the creation of w o r k s w h i c h w o u l d cover a vast temporal and spatial scope in an integrated w a y , m a k i n g generic distinctions inappropriate. A further complication is that, although the H e r o d o t e a n m o d e l clearly has m u c h to offer in illuminating these works, and although the e t h n o g r a p h y of H e r o d o t u s had advanced and evolved greatly f r o m that of H o m e r , nevertheless S t r a b o , repeatedly and explicitly, and P o l y b i u s , less insistently but still clearly, set H o m e r at the head of the tradition, as the key

precedent for what they were doing. 1 7 5 N o t only the political situation of the time of writing, but also the complexities of the literary tradition are relevant to our understanding of late Hellenistic historiography. In a recent book on the culture, geography, history, mythology, and people of Y e m e n , Mackintosh-Smith set out a figurative methodology which strongly evokes the intricately intertwined prose styles of genealogy, ethnography, and the history of Greek peoples, seen by Jacoby as the foundations of Greek historiography. Early Yemeni historians, though, produced their own interpretation using genealogy . . . In the process, the names of people and places have become inextricably intertwined: the family tree has grown luxuriantly, fed by the genealogists on a rich mulch of eponyms and toponyms. T o get to know Yemen as the Yemenis see it means clambering around this tree, one which spreads vertically through time and horizontally through space. History and geography, people and land, are inseparable.176 It is the tree of the late Hellenistic world, created in response to Rome, around which I now propose to clamber. It must surely be significant that Hecataeus himself was described in Agathemerus' Sketch of Geography as an Odyssean 'man of many wanderings' {άνηρ πολυπλανής) ( Τ 12a). 176 T Mackintosh-Smith, Yemen: Travels in Dictionary Land (London, 175

1997). 8 - 9 ·

Poiybius and the 'Geographical' History

INTRODUCTION

P o l y b i u s ' History, c o m p o s e d explicitly in order to explain the rise of R o m e over almost the entire k n o w n w o r l d , is an o b v i o u s example of a work written in response to conquest. It also provides a g o o d starting-point for the discussions of Posidonius and Strabo w h i c h will follow. N o t only does Strabo list P o l y b i u s as one of the m a j o r influences at the start of his Geography and devote a section of his treatment of the g e o graphical tradition to P o l y b i u s ' contribution ( ι . ι . i); 1 not only did both Strabo and Posidonius write historical w o r k s w h i c h were described as continuations of P o l y b i u s ' History, and 2 but, most called Events after Polybius (τα μετά Πολύβιον); importantly, w e can see in P o l y b i u s a crucial predecessor in the attempt to encompass the new w o r l d of R o m e in a unified and coherent account. In this chapter I argue in particular against the view that P o l y b i u s relegated all geographical information to a digressive t h i r t y - f o u r t h book in his attempt to write a political narrative. I shall show that g e o g r a p h y of different types was integral to the w o r k , in terms both of its conception, and of its execution, in P o l y b i u s ' construction of the new w o r l d - v i e w . P o l y b i u s ' History is relatively well k n o w n , but since m y approach is historiographical rather than purely historical, as I attempt to set P o l y b i u s against some of the important intellectuals of the Hellenistic period, it is w o r t h g i v i n g the briefest outline of the scope of P o l y b i u s ' w o r k and of his o w n b a c k g r o u n d . P o l y b i u s was born around the end of the third century BC in M e g a l o p o l i s into a family deeply involved in politics. H i s father, L y c o r t a s , was a follower of P h i l o p o i m e n ; 1 2

See also 8. i. j. At 2. 4. 1-8 Strabo discusses Polybius' geography. FGrH 91 τ 2 for Strabo; FGrH 87 τ ι for Posidonius.

and, f o l l o w i n g the death of Perseus, P o l y b i u s himself was s u m m o n e d along with other p r o m i n e n t A c h a e a n s to R o m e . T h e ensuing period of internment led to P o l y b i u s ' close friendship w i t h S c i p i o A e m i l i a n u s , and i n v o l v e m e n t in S c i p i o n i c circles. T h e connection was crucial in the c o m p l e x i t y it gave to P o l y b i u s ' w o r l d - v i e w . N o t only was his G r e e k perspective given a new angle through R o m a n affiliations, but it seems likely that it was with Scipio that P o l y b i u s visited, for example, Spain, A f r i c a , G a u l , and the A l p s . P o l y b i u s is, of course, k n o w n to us as a historian, but it is w o r t h recalling the fact that G e m i n u s attributed to h i m a further w o r k entitled ' O n the inhabiting of the equatorial region' (Περί της nepl τον Ϊσημερινον οίκήσεως) (Polybius 34. ι . 7)· Just a s w e tend to think that S t r a b o could write only ' g e o g r a p h y ' and look for that alone in his Geography, partly because w e forget that he was also a historian, so too with P o l y b i u s is it too easy to ignore all b u t his w r i t i n g of 'history', and so to overlook the possibility that his other interests, such as g e o g r a p h y , are unlikely to have been entirely confined to separate works. I shall be a r g u i n g in this chapter for a reading of the History w h i c h is alert to 'geographical' aspects. It remains to outline the scope of the work. T h e main narrative runs f r o m the 140th O l y m p i a d ( 2 2 0 - 2 1 6 BC) to the fall of C a r t h a g e and C o r i n t h in 146 BC, although the original plan had been to end the work w i t h the year 168 BC. It was thus a c o n t e m p o r a r y history, and was devoted to describing to the G r e e k s not only the rise of R o m a n domination over most of the k n o w n w o r l d , b u t also, w i t h the scope of the w o r k extended, the w a y in w h i c h this R o m a n p o w e r was subsequently exercised. T h e h u g e spatial scope immediately indicates that g e o g r a p h y must be an important factor in this w o r k , and it is, as I shall argue, significant that this was a period of R o m a n expansion, resulting in a very different kind of spatial conception f r o m that of S t r a b o ' s Geography, w h i c h describes a relatively stable world. F r o m the start the aim was to analyse the gradual and d y n a m i c interweaving of different areas. In the w o r d s of D u b o i s : Ί 1 [sc. P o l y b i u s ] est le fondateur d ' u n genre historique fort voisin de la géographie.' 3 3

M . Dubois, 'Strabon et Polybe', Revue des Études Grecques, 4 (i8gr), 343:

It is P o l y b i u s ' o w n brand of 'geographical' history to w h i c h I n o w turn.

GEOGRAPHY

AS

A

COMPONENT

(ΜΈΡΟς)

OF

HISTORY

In the t w e l f t h book of his w o r k P o l y b i u s defined serious political history (πραγματική ιστορία) as being tripartite (τριμερής). T h e three c o m p o n e n t s or μέρη w e r e the study of m e m o i r s and d o c u m e n t s , a consideration of political events, and the 'survey of cities, places, rivers, harbours and, in general, all peculiar features of land and sea and distances of one place f r o m another'. 4 S o , the study of the physical landscape, w h i c h f o r m s a major part of the m o d e r n discipline of g e o g r a p h y , was given a place in the composition of πραγματική ιστορία, but it could be argued that this refers sirriply to the existence of a 'geographical' book in P o l y b i u s ' w o r k , and has no implications for the w a y in w h i c h the w h o l e project was conceived or executed. M o d e r n scholars have often, either implicitly or explicitly, indicated the digressive nature of geographical m a terial in P o l y b i u s . In a section on digressions, W a l b a n k notes the 'frequent geographical excursuses, with a didactic purpose, w h i c h do not always seem particularly at h o m e at the points where they n o w stand'. 5 W a l b a n k has a great deal to contribute more positively to the debate over the place of geography in P o l y b i u s ' w o r k , to w h i c h I shall return, b u t it is w o r t h noting his reservations over w h e t h e r geographical considerations 'He [sc. Polybius] is the founder of a historical genre which is a close neighbour of geography.' 4 Polybius 12. 25 e : την θ ε αν τών πόλεων και τών τόπων περί τε ποταμών και λιμένων και καθόλου τών κατά γήν και κατά θάλατταν ιδιωμάτων και διαστημάτων. Cf. 3. 58. ι, where geography is described again as a μέρος of history. T h e translation of πραγματική Ιστορία is highly problematic. F. W . Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius (Oxford, 1957-69), i. 8 n. 6, discusses the options. 5 F. W . Walbank, Polybius (Berkeley, 1972), 47. By contrast, M. Vercruysse, Ά la recherche du mensonge et de la vérité. La fonction des passages méthodologiques chez Polybe', in Purposes of History, 17-38, distinguishes between programmatic statements, which disrupt the narrative, and descriptive passages, geographical or biographical, which are integral to it (p. 18).

played a fundamental part in the conception of the History. H e is more inclined to see g e o g r a p h y as creeping into the account in the form of later additions. It is m y purpose in this chapter to explore the w a y s in w h i c h g e o g r a p h y and spatial considerations came into P o l y b i u s ' History, and to assess in w h a t sense they f o r m e d a c o m p o n e n t (μέρος) of that undertaking. T h e formulation used by P o l y b i u s suggests that he conceived of space as a category distinct f r o m that of time, w h i c h is in itself striking in the light of the belief of some m o d e r n geographers that such a conceptual separation was the result of Kantian p h i l o s o p h y , reinforced by the preoccupations of the E n l i g h t e n m e n t project. If there were no sign of such a conceptualization in the ancient world, there w o u l d be no point in taking the discussion any further. W e could simply c o n c l u d e that it w o u l d be anachronistic to apply the m o d e r n notions of separate disciplines of g e o g r a p h y and history, related to the discrete categories of time and space, to ancient texts. But, as I shall argue, there is evidence that the discrete categories of time and space, with w h i c h the t w o subjects of history and g e o g r a p h y w e r e associated, were part of the ancient mind-set. A u g u s t i n e discussed the nature of time at length in his Confessions. H e makes clear the extreme difficulty encountered w h e n w e try to formulate w h a t w e mean by time, and provides evidence that time as an abstraction was not alien to thinkers in antiquity: ' F o r w h a t is time? . . . If no one asks m e , I know; but if I should wish to explain it to an enquirer, I don't know the answer.' 6 F o r D i o d o r u s , the task of the universal historian was 'to draw all men, joined to each other b y kinship, but separated by space and time (τόποις 8è καΐ χρόνους διεστηκότας) into one single order' ( ι . i . 3). P o l y b i u s ' apparent subordination of geography to history, of w h i c h it f o r m s a c o m p o n e n t , provides some evidence of his separation of the temporal and the spatial. In his striking formulation of h o w the affairs of G r e e c e , Italy, and A f r i c a w e r e first b r o u g h t together in 2x8 BC, a m o m e n t in time and a spatial union are not only separately denoted, b u t also turned into the joint subject of an active verb: ràç μεν ovu 6 Augustine Confessions 11. 14: quid enim est tempus? . . . si nemo ex me quaerat, scio; si quaerenti explicate velim, nescio.

Έλλψικάς και τάς Ίταλικάς, έτι δε ràs Λιβυκας πράξεις ούτος 6 καιρός και τούτο το διαβούλιον συνέπλεξε πρώτον.7 T h e temporal and spatial elements act in conjunction, b r i n g i n g about in turn a union of history (reinforced by the συν-prefix), b u t they can be conceptualized individually. So, g e o g r a p h y (in the sense of space) and history (in the sense of time) m a y be separated, as long as they are reunited, each being unable to operate w i t h o u t the other. I shall argue that P o l y b i u s s h o w s the interdependence of the temporal and the spatial on all levels. H e expresses the fact that h u m a n experience o c c u r s in an inextricable m e s h of time and space, w h e n he laments that no one can experience e v e r y t h i n g at once (12. 4c. 4). E v e n t s take place against a particular and unique temporal and spatial b a c k g r o u n d . If one or other of these matrices could be suspended, P o l y b i u s ' complaint w o u l d be redundant. H o w e v e r , in the final section of this chapter I argue that, while P o l y b i u s in some w a y s tries to fuse geography and history intellectually in his w o r k to reflect their inseparability in reality, there are also features of his universal approach w h i c h allow for the w o r l d to be conceived independently of these categories, so answering the p r o b l e m faced by modern geographers of h o w to engage in a discourse about the w o r l d w h i c h is not formulated in terms of time and space. But firstly I discuss the various w a y s in w h i c h P o l y b i u s ' text shows the mutual d e p e n d e n c e of g e o g r a p h y , history, and historiography. S e c o n d l y , I consider P o l y b i u s ' conceptions of space, his m e t h o d s for b r i n g i n g his o w n geographical visions to his readers, his various geographical foci, and his grasp of spatial networks and relative position. Finally, I look at the scope of the w o r k and its spatial implications, ideas of u n i versalism, and the general p r o b l e m of h o w to write about a w o r l d that was taking on immense proportions.

GEOGRAPHY

IN

THE

HISTORY

W h y should P o l y b i u s need to include g e o g r a p h y in his History at all? A c c o r d i n g to the 'digressive' view, only variatio m i g h t Pol. 5. 105. 4: 'This moment and this conference for the first time wove together the affairs of Greece, Italy, and Libya.' Note the first of many examples of weaving imagery. 7

encourage its inclusion. 8 It is, h o w e v e r , clear f r o m the text that P o l y b i u s ' belief in the interdependence of g e o g r a p h y and history, both in reality, and in a literary and philosophical sense, dictated that g e o g r a p h y be integral to the w o r k . In this section I shall discuss f o u r w a y s in w h i c h this m a y be seen in P o l y b i u s ' History. Firstly, the ideas of process, causation, and explanation created a parallelism b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h y and history; secondly, g e o g r a p h y affected 'real' history, influencing the course of events; thirdly, g e o g r a p h y was a necessary c o m p o n e n t of historiography; and finally, the writing of P o l y bius' g e o g r a p h y was d e p e n d e n t on a k n o w l e d g e of historical narratives, w h i c h his readership p r e s u m a b l y shared. Firstly, I turn to causation and process. In the key passage dealing w i t h physical change P o l y b i u s investigates the reasons for the constant flow of water f r o m the Palus M a e o t i s and the P o n t u s (4. 39. 7 - 4 2 . 8). 9 T h e reasons given, n a m e l y that the influx of water into the basins f r o m rivers m u s t have s o m e outlet, and that silting b y alluvial deposits f u r t h e r displaces the water, are s u m m e d up as 'the true causes' (at αληθείς atrial) (4. 39. 11). B u t αιτία is also the term used to denote the cause of 'historical' processes, and P o l y b i u s devotes a great deal of attention to defining the term. A t 3. 6. 1 - 9. 5, on the causes of the war between Hannibal and R o m e , he contends that previous authors have c o n f u s e d b e g i n n i n g s (άρχαί) with causes (αίτίαι). T h e cause of an event, he claims, predates the b e g i n ning, w h i c h is the point at w h i c h the notion is first realized. It Polybius himself hints at the idea of shifting location for the purpose of variety (ποικιλία) and change of scene (μεταβολή τών όρωμένων) (38. 5. 8-6. ι). His parallel with the inability of the eyes to focus on one object for long suggests the strongly visual effect Polybius wants his narrative to evoke in the reader. Lucian urges historians to be as brief as possible in their descriptions of mountains, fortifications, and rivers, reinforcing their digressive nature (On How to Write History 57). 9 Theories on the current through the Dardanelles were the main contribution of Strato of Lampsacus to ancient geography. Head of the Peripatetic school from 287 BC, he formulated the theory that the Pontus had once been a lake, unconnected to the Mediterranean until silting raised its level so that it broke through the Hellespont. T h e same process made the Mediterranean break through the Pillars of Hercules. It is interesting that, although Polybius and Strato envisaged the opposite process, respectively the isolation or connection of these waters with each other, both expected the same endresult: that the Pontus would one day dry up. 8

is the cause, rather than the beginning, for w h i c h the historian should search, 'since matters of the greatest significance often arise f r o m mere trifles, and the initial impulses and notions of all things are most easily remedied' (3. 7. 7). In the case of the Palus Maeotis and Pontus, it is clear that no human remedy can be easily applied to the problems of overflow. W h y , then, do we need to understand the process at all? O n e reason is that Polybius uses the passage to reinforce his credibility as an investigative historian. Elsewhere, his choice of sources is determined by their reliability and clarity; the memoirs of Aratus of Sicyon are used because they are 'true and clear' (αληθινοί και σαφείς) (ζ. 40. 4)·'° He set his true causes (αληθείς αίτίαι) for the flow of water through the Dardanelles against the reports of traders, preferring reasoning from the facts of nature, 'a more accurate method than w h i c h it is not e a s y t o find' (ης άκριβεστεραν

εύρεîv οΰ ράδιον,

4 · 39· n ) · 1 1

The

aim is to present the reader with a proof which rests securely on its o w n n a r r a t i v e (δι'αυτής

της ιστορίας

ίκανήν.,.πίστιν)

(4. 4 ° · 3)·

T h e use of the term Ιστορία does not provide grounds to argue that this piece of geographical explanation is to be seen as a 'history'. T h e term does, however, indicate the intention to set out a coherent account of causation and process, of the kind which Polybius undertook for historical events. T h e 'historical' aspect of the geographical process, in the sense of its being considered over time, is brought out strongly by Polybius. He says that the silting has occurred 'both in the past and now' («rat πάλαι και νυν), and that if the same conditions remain in place and the same causes (αίτίαι) continue to function, both the Palus Maeotis and the Pontus will one day be entirely silted up (4. 40. 4)· Polybius' conceptions of time as expressed in this passage are worthy of mention. T h e silting of these basins is a process which, given the continued presence of certain conditions, will one day be completed, since 'it is in accord with nature (κατά 10 As is noted by Vercruysse, 'À la recherche du mensonge et de la vérité', 37, such passages are designed to build up a picture of Polybius and his historical method, rather than as serious source-criticism. " I shall return to the question of Polybius' view of phenomena which are 'in accord with nature' (κατά φύαιν). For the moment, note the possible Thucydidean echo of the call for accuracy (άκρίβεta) (Thuc. 1. 22. 2).

φύσιν) that if a finite quantity (the basins) continually g r o w s or decreases in infinite time . . . it is a matter of necessity that the process finally be completed' (4. 40. 6). 1 2 T h e m e t h o d o l o g y of using theories of causation and the identification of physical process in order to predict future events brings P o l y b i u s (and Strato of L a m p s a c u s ) into line w i t h the aims of m o d e r n geographers, in a w a y w h i c h was not extended by S t r a b o b e y o n d the same topic of silting and sea-levels. Strabo a c k n o w ledged his debt to geographical predecessors for his i n f o r m a tion on such theories, and it is clear that his o w n interests lay in the geographic past rather than in the future. P o l y b i u s seems to mean that his investigation will enable us at least to see into the future, even if not to change w h a t w e see there. 1 3 P o l y b i u s ' interests and theories in physical g e o g r a p h y are thus expressed in a similar f o r m a t to his discussion of historical processes, b r i d g i n g an apparent gap b e t w e e n the scientific and the h u m a n spheres. T h e hint at the w i d e r implications of αιτίαι ('matters of great significance often arise f r o m mere trifles') raises the important issue of h o w a chain of natural processes links small-scale p h e n o m e n a , such as the o v e r f l o w f r o m the Palus Maeotis, with m u c h greater ones. T h e water w h i c h is displaced out of the Palus M a e o t i s will one day flow out into the great Ocean. In all of this there are clear echoes of H e r o d o t u s . Both authors use physical explanations, perhaps even more than historical events, as the locus for debate about causation. In particular, P o l y b i u s ' account of the chain of natural processes w h i c h leads the waters of the Palus M a e o t i s out to the O c e a n is strongly reminiscent of H e r o d o t u s ' discussion of the nature of the N i l e and its floods. T h e stress on different causes (αίτίαι) and their relative merits structures H e r o d o t u s ' account. O n e explanation for the Nile floods is that the Etesian winds are At 9. 43. 3 Polybius notes that the Euphrates, which loses, rather than gains, water along its course, has the opposite nature {v-mvavria φύσις) to other rivers. 13 Perhaps again reminiscent of Thucydides. At 2. 48, Thucydides says that, although he must leave discussion of the αίτίαι of the plague to the doctors, he can himself describe the symptoms, so that his readers will recognize the disease in the future, although still unable to alter its course. Polybius goes one stage further by taking on the discussion of αίτίαι himself. 12

responsible (αίτιοι), one that the river causes the floods itself because it is derived from the Ocean; the third explanation is that the floods are brought on by melted snow (Hdt. 2. 20-2). T h e refutation of the third explanation itself falls into three proofs, and Herodotus finally gives his own preferred explanation of the floods, concluding that 'the sun is the cause of these matters'. 1 4 T h e language of aetiology, as in Polybius' discussions of physical geography, is all-pervasive. Secondly, a knowledge of topography as a prerequisite for military success is perhaps the most obvious effect of geography on 'real' history, and, although limited in its scope as an approach, has dominated the way in which ancient historians have thought of the link between the m u c h broader realms of geography and history. Polybius fully acknowledges the need for commanders to be aware of the lie of the land. Hannibal, he says, would not take a large army into regions about which he had not thought in advance (άπρονοήτους . . . τόπους) (3· 48. 4). 15 In his description of the battle between Sparta and Philip in 218 BC at Sparta, Polybius shows how exploitation of the topography was crucial to the Spartans' success. T h e i r greater topographical knowledge enabled them to trap Philip's men between the river and mountains before damming the river and flooding the plain (5. 22. 5-7). It was because the outcome of most battles was due to differences of position (ai τών τόπων διαφοραί) that Polybius included topographical descriptions before battles. A l t h o u g h Polybius does not make an explicit connection here with the desire to uncover the 'true causes' of events, he does state the need to know not so m u c h what happened (το γεγονός), as how it happened (το πώς εγενετο) (5· 2ΐ· 6). One of the limitations, however, of looking at the influence of geography on history simply in terms of battle topography is that this approach tends to make nature appear as little more than a theatre for events; a theatre whose shape may affect the way in which the action is played out and which can itself be manipulated by the actors, but still, nevertheless, a largely " Hdt. 2. 25. 5: ού'τω τον ήλων νενόμικα τούτων αίτιοι' ΐΐναι. 15 Although the ideal is for the general to have had first-hand experience of 'the roads, his destination, and the nature of the place' (9. 14. 2), second-hand reports are preferable to no knowledge at all.

passive b a c k d r o p for man's activities. T h e question of nature as theatre or actor, the subject of m u c h m o d e r n geographical debate w h i c h I discussed in chapter I, is highly pertinent to P o l y b i u s , not least because he himself applied theatrical imagery to the natural world. T h e C a p u a n plain is said to be surrounded b y sea and the mountains so that, by stationing themselves there, the Carthaginians with Hannibal turned it into a kind of theatre' (ώσττερ εις θεατρον) (3. gi. 8-10). T h e landscape f o r m s a b a c k d r o p for events. T h e use of theatrical imagery reinforces the idea of history as a spectacle, viewed b y c o n t e m p o r a r y onlookers, the historian and the reader. 1 6 T h e ories on the silting of the P o n t u s w e r e all the more c o n v i n c i n g because the process was visible. 1 7 P o l y b i u s agrees with H e r aclitus that, of the t w o aids to e n q u i r y given by nature, 'the eyes are more accurate witnesses than the ears' (12. 27. 1). H i s o w n authority is increased b y his claim to autopsy. H e not only witnessed most of the events w h i c h are related in the w o r k , but also participated in and directed some (τών πλείστων μή μόνον αυτόπτης,

α λ λ ' ων μεν συνεργός,

ων δε και χειριστής)

(3. 4·

13)-'8

His authority to describe Hannibal's passage across the A l p s was strengthened by the fact that he himself undertook the j o u r n e y (3. 48. 12); he claims to be able to refute T i m a e u s on L o c r i , having been there himself (12. 5. 1); and he can correct the estimations of authors for the c i r c u m f e r e n c e of N e w Carthage 'not f r o m hearsay (εξ άκοής), but because I have been there (αύτόπται γεγονότες) ( ί ο . 1 1 . 4)'. 1 9 On the whole question of the visual, see J. Davidson, 'The Gaze in Polybius' Histories', JfRS 81 (1991), 10-24. Davidson argues for a layered narrative in which the different perspectives of the participants, spectators within the text, and Polybius himself are all to be found. For Davidson, Polybius' apparent objectivity is enhanced by his use of spectators within the text as filters of information. 17 See 4. 40. 8: 0 δή και φαίνεται γινόμενορ. 18 At 4. 2. 2, Polybius' ability to provide eyewitness accounts of events of the late 3rd and early 2nd cents, BC is seen as a cogent reason for focusing his History on those years. 19 Polybius' most strongly expressed views on the subject come at the end of Book 12, his attack on Timaeus. Here he explicitly contrasts the account founded on participation, active or passive (τήν εξ αυτουργίας και τήν εξ αύτοπαθείας άπόφασιν), and that written from reports and narratives (έξ ακοής καί Snjyij/xaros) (i2. 28a. 6). G . Schepens, 'Polemic and Methodology in Polybius' Book X I I ' , in Purposes of History, 39-61, argues wrongly, I think, 16

T h e ideal must be autopsy and personal involvement, incidentally providing a cogent counter-example to the schema that history deals with the past as opposed to geograp h y ' s present, but the ideal could not always be realized. 2 0 Polybius simply dismisses the claim of Pytheas to have seen the whole northern coast of Europe as far as the ends of the earth, and concedes elsewhere that no one can see everywhere in the world (34. 5. 9; 12. 4c. 4). T h e issues of autopsy and of theatrical imagery are, of course, not straightforward. T o what extent could the autoptic participant in events be considered a spectator at the theatre? I shall return to the question of Polybius' self-representation and his triple role as actor, spectator, and relater of events. For the moment, I wish simply to stress the importance of the visual in Polybius, and the implications of this emphasis for the idea of history as a play acted out against the backdrop of nature. 2 1 G e o g r a p h y affects history in so far as it provides the scenery for history, and this topography may be such as to determine or restrict the possible course of events. H o w e v e r , the more active role played by geography in Polybius' account is manifested in various ways. 2 2 Capua not only had theatre-like scenery, but this landscape joined in determining the history played out there. T h e fertility of the land led to the acquisition of great wealth, which drew the Capuans towards a life of luxury and extravagance (els τρυφψ και πολυτέλειαν) (η. ι . ι). Unable to support their prosperity, they called in Hannibal, and were ruinously punished by the Romans. O r take the example of the flow of water down the Hellespont, which was such as to make that Polybius' attacks were against the personal reputation of Timaeus, rather than methodologically motivated. There was, however, a sense in which seeing the site of an event from the past counted as a substitute for seeing the event itself. 21 J. N. L . Baker, The History of Geography (Oxford, 1963), 98, cites Hakluyt, who in 1587 called geography 'the eye of history', nicely formulating the visual sense that we find in Polybius. 22 On the rehabilitation of nature as actor rather than just theatrical backdrop, see W. Cronon, Ά Place for Stories: Nature, History and Narrative', Journal of American History, 78 (1992), 1347-76, and D. Demeritt, 'The Nature of Metaphors in Cultural Geography and Environmental History', Progress in Human Geography, 18 (1994), 163-85, both discussed in chapter I. See above, p. 27 and 31. 20

Byzantium rich and Chalcedon poor (4. 44. 1-10). Polybius' belief in the potential for environmental determinism is nowhere more clearly stated than with regard to the people of Arcadia. T h e forced improvisation of music and dancing in Arcadia was a direct result of the difficulties of life in a cold and gloomy environment. T h e practices were introduced with the purpose of softening the effects of the harshness of nature. T h e people of Cynaethea, although they inhabited the most inclement part of Arcadia, failed to take these palliatory measures and so, totally conditioned by their environment, theirs became the most savage and violent city in Greece (4. 21. 1-6). In Polybius' view, there was no reason other than the powerful effect of the environment upon man, 'why separate nations and peoples living far apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in most of their pursuits' (4. 21. 2). 23 M a n ' s vulnerability to the influence of nature is brought out in the description of the battle between the invading Carthaginians and the troops of T i b e r i u s Sempronius near Placentia. Tiberius' troops were hindered by the river T r e b i a and by the heaviness of the rain; but the Carthaginians were unable to carry out their pursuit fully, also held back by the storm. Although the Carthaginians saw the battle as a success, the natural world took its toll, killing all but one of the elephants and many men and horses with the cold (3. 74. 5 - 1 1 ) . One reason given by Polybius for commanders to make careful meteorological observations is that since so many of the phenomena which can hinder expeditions, such as rains, floods, frosts, snowfalls, and fog, are unpredictable, it is crucial to avert disasters which can be foreseen (9. 16. 1-4). A quite different way in which geography affects historical events, as told by Polybius, is that the nature of a place makes it 23 For a near-contemporary's similar wonder at cultural diversity, see Agatharchides, On the Erythraean Sea, §66 ( G G M I, 157). Agatharchides comments on the remarkable cultural differences between peoples who lived only small distances apart. A ship, he says, could sail from the Palus Maeotis to Aethiopia in 24 days, but move from the most extreme cold to the most extreme heat in this time and, due to the change in climate, it is not surprising if 'the habit and lifestyles, and even the physiques are very different from ours' (την δίαιταν και τους βίους, en Sè τά σώματα πολύ διαλλάττειν τών 7ταρ'ημίν).

either attractive or repellent as a potential conquest. T h i s m a y seem too o b v i o u s to deserve mention, but it is explicitly b r o u g h t out by P o l y b i u s as a motive for certain historical decisions. In the 310s BC the C a m p a n i a n s under A g a t h o c l e s saw and coveted the beauty and general prosperity of M e s sene. 2 4 Similarly, the C e l t s were led to attack n e i g h b o u r i n g Etruria w h e n they saw the beauty of the land. 2 5 T h e s e passages echo one of the incentives for X e r x e s ' invasion of E u r o p e according to H e r o d o t u s , namely M a r d o n i u s ' goad that E u r o p e was a very beautiful land (ώς ή Ευρώπη περικαλλής [en?] χώρη) ( H d t . η. 5· 3)· T h e fear of invasion for those w h o inhabit or possess prosperous lands was exemplified by the Carthaginians, w h o , according to P o l y b i u s , refused to allow the R o m a n s to sail to the south of the 'Fair P r o m o n t o r y ' on its western side because they did not want the R o m a n s to find out about the areas around Byssatis or the Lesser Syrtis because of the quality of the land (δια την άρετην της χώρας) (3. 23- 2). P o l y b i u s saw the effects of beautiful places on both the inhabitants themselves, w h o , like the C a p u a n s , m i g h t b e c o m e degenerate; and on other peoples, w h o m i g h t launch an invasion, perhaps unaware of their folly, since their conquests might, paradoxically, result in their o w n decline. T h e fact that P o l y b i u s saw the e n v i r o n m e n t as a motivating factor in history may seem to contradict the agenda set out in his preface, namely that history, particularly that of R o m e ' s expansion, could be explained in constitutional terms (through πολιτεία). ' W h o w o u l d not w a n t to find out . . . w h a t sort of πολιτεία had enabled the R o m a n s to achieve domination of almost the w h o l e inhabited world?' (1. 1. s ) . T h i s constitutional approach to explaining the w a y the world had c o m e to look contrasts with the geographical explanations of V i t r u v i u s and Strabo, both of w h o m took R o m e ' s success to be a direct result of the city's location at the privileged centre of the world. 2 6 I. 7· 2: περί το κάλλο? και την λοιπή ν εύδαιμονίαν τής πόλεως όφθαλμ ιώντες. 2. Ι7· 3: vtpi r° κάλλος τής χώρας οφθαλμιάσαντες. The verbal similarities with ι. 7. 2 are striking. Note again the stress on Davidson's visual. 26 Vitruvius, De architectura, 6. 1. 11; Strabo 6. 4. 1: εν μέσω δε...ονσα...τώ μεν κρα τιστεύειν εν αρετή τε και μεγεθει.,.προς ηγεμονία ν εύφυώς εχει ('being in the middle . . . and through its superiority in courage and size . . . it is naturally suited to hegemony'). 24

W a l b a n k ' s observation that Hellenistic historiography tended to accept a range of causative factors in history, including political institutions, fate, and g e o g r a p h y , sets the scene for a variety of academic propositions as to w h i c h factors were important to Polybius. 2 7 M i l l a r argues for a shift in P o l y b i u s ' focus away f r o m the promised s t u d y of the R o m a n constitution to a decidedly G r e e k view of R o m a n history and expansion. 2 8 O n e could argue that an explanation of R o m e ' s expansion in purely constitutional terms is c o m p r o m i s e d also by P o l y b i u s ' interest in the influence of climate. In spite of W a l b a n k ' s acceptance of m a n y explanatory factors, he places them in a hierarchical s y s t e m by privileging P o l y b i u s ' account of the R o m a n constitution over his books d e v o t e d to historiography and g e o g r a p h y (130). H o w e v e r , there is a case for seeing the constitution (πολιτεία) and environmental factors as c o m p l e m e n t a r y , and indeed inextricably linked. 2 9 T a k i n g the e x a m p l e of the Cretans, in connection w i t h w h o m P o l y b i u s says explicitly that c u s t o m s and laws (έθη και νόμοι) make or break the constitution, it is possible to see c u s t o m s as both a geographical c o n s e q u e n c e and a constitutional c o m p o n e n t , t h u s f o r m i n g the link b e t w e e n explanations involving environmental determinism and P o l y b i u s ' overt claim to be s t u d y i n g the R o m a n πολιτεία (6. 4 7 · 1 - 6 ) .

A s so often, H e r o d o t u s m a y p r o v i d e a clue to interpretation. W h i l e the H i p p o c r a t i c author of Airs, Waters, Places concludes with the connection b e t w e e n e n v i r o n m e n t and behaviour: ' F o r the most part y o u will find assimilated to the nature of the land both the p h y s i q u e and the w a y s of the people,' 3 0 H e r o d o t u s ' Histories takes this idea a stage further, f a m o u s l y e n d i n g w i t h the striking c o m m e n t of C y r u s , that soft e n v i r o n m e n t s p r o d u c e soft men, w h o are not fit to be rulers themselves, but only to be ruled b y others. H e r e the political state of the entire people is Walbank, Polybius, 157. F. G . B. Millar, 'Polybius between Greece and Rome', in J. T . A. Koumoulides and J. Brademas (eds.), Greek Connections: Essays on Culture and Diplomacy (Notre Dame, 1987). 1-18. 29 As made by J. R. F. Martinez Lacy, Ίθη και νόμιμα. Polybius and his Concept of Culture', Klio, 73 (199 1 )» 83-92. 30 Airs, Waters, Places 24: εύρήσεις γαρ επί το πλήθος τής χωρης τή φύσει άκολουθεοντα και τα εΐδεα τών ανθρώπων και τούς τρόπους. 27

28

seen as a direct consequence of their customs and behaviour, w h i c h are in turn the result of the physical environment. T h e final sentence of the work comprises the Persians' considered conclusion that they would rather 'rule, living in a harsh land, than sow level ground and be slaves to others'. 3 1 If we return to Polybius, we would no longer need to think in terms of a hierarchy, but of factors that were inseparable and so impossible to rank. G e o g r a p h y and environment had a profound impact on historical processes and events. 3 2 T h e y not only formed a backdrop for history but also took on an active role in its production, suggesting an integrated interpretation of the term μέρος. But, to turn to my third point, geography and conceptions of space were fundamental to history also in its literary form, as Polybius discusses in several programmatic passages. It was not only commanders w h o needed a good geographical knowledge, but also the writers of history. A n example of bad practice in this regard was Zeno of Rhodes, w h o m Polybius reproaches for his errors on the topography of Sparta and Messene (16. 16. 1-9). T h e errors are the cause of a fascinating vignette concerning ancient literary criticism and book production. Polybius wrote to point out the mistakes in Zeno's Laconian topography, but not soon enough for correction before the work was published (16. 20. 5-8). 3 3 Part of the historian's task is to recreate landscapes which the reader has not seen. Here the author acts as intermediary between the experience of the reader and the experience of the narrative, in which he himself may or may not have played a part. Whether or not Polybius had seen the places he describes any more than had his readers, it was his j o b to become sufficiently informed to carry out this role. H e specifically -11 Hdt. 9· 122: αρχειν TC είλοντο λυπρήν οίκεοντες μάλλον rj πεδιάδα σπείροντες αλλοισι δουλενειν. 32 A t the same time, Polybius was fully aware of man's manipulation of the environment. As P. Pédech, La Méthode historique de Polybe (Paris, 1964), 537, notes: 'la terre s'impose à l'homme, mais l'homme l'utilise et la transforme; l'espace participe au déterminisme' ('the earth imposes itself on man, but man uses and transforms it; space has a role in determinism'). 33 Polybius assures the reader that Zeno was grateful to have his now irreparable errors pointed out.

notes the importance of his description of the Pontic region and particularly of B y z a n t i u m as lying in the fact that most people are unacquainted with the peculiar advantages of this site, since it lies somewhat outside the parts of the world which are generally visited. We all wish to know about such things, and especially to see for ourselves places which are so peculiar and interesting, but if this is not possible, to gain impressions and ideas of them as near to the truth as possible. (4. 38. 11-12) 3 4 T h e practical purpose to w h i c h such descriptions w e r e directed m a y be seen in P o l y b i u s ' treatment of the siege of A b y d u s . Before the narrative, he dismisses the need for a detailed topography of A b y d u s and Sestus since all intelligent readers w o u l d already k n o w about the cities because of their unique positions (16. 29. 3-4). Instead, he draws a striking geographical parallel to which I shall return. H o w e v e r , on many occasions P o l y b i u s does need to describe unfamiliar places. In his account of the war over Sicily, P o l y b i u s promises to give an idea of the natural advantages and position of the places referred to, so as to prevent the narrative f r o m b e c o m i n g obscure (ασαφής) to those ignorant of the localities (1. 4 1 . 6). Similarly, the fighting between the Spartans and Philip's troops at Sparta, mentioned above, required a geographical preface, not only because the topography affected the battle, but also because, otherwise, the narrative might b e c o m e vague and meaningless through ignorance of the localities (5. 21. 4). T h e war between the R o m a n s and C e l t s could not be narrated before P o l y b i u s had described the nature of northern Italy, both in detail and as a whole (2. 14. 3). 35 A m o n g the fragments 34 παρά τοις πλείστοις, άγνοείσθαι συνέβαινε την Ιδιότητα και την ΐύφυίαν τοΰ τόπου δια το μικρόν εξω κεϊσθαι τών επισκοπουμένων μερών τής οικουμένης, βουλόμεθα δε πάντες είδέναι τα τοιαύτα, και μάλιστα μεν αύτόπται γίνεσθαι τών εχόντων παρηλλαγμενον τι και διαφέρον τόπων, ει δε μή τούτο δυνατόν, evvoias γε και τύπους έχειν έν αύτοΐς ώς εγγιστα τής αληθείας. Note the stress on the visual in τών επίσκοπουμένων μερών ('the parts which are viewed') and αύτόπται γίνεσθαι ('to be eyewitnesses'). The phenomenon to which Polybius alludes is exemplified in the popularity of modern travel books, which provide the chance vicariously to experience unknown lands. 35 The nature of the account which follows will be discussed later. The parallel with Diodorus is very strong. Diodorus prefaces his account of the struggle between the successors of Alexander in the following way. 'Because of the nature of the events about to be narrated, I think it appropriate to set

assigned to Book 34 is one from Strabo in w h i c h Polybius is cited as having written Ί will describe the present situation concerning locations and distances; for this is most pertinent to c h o r o g r a p h y ' (ήμεΐς τόνων

και διαστημάτων

Be . . . τα νύν οντα Βηλώσομεν τούτο

γάρ Ιστιν

και

οίκειότατον

ττερϊ

θέσεως

χωρογραφία,

34· ι . 3~6)· 36 T h e L o e b inaccurately translates χωρογραφία as 'geography', an important mistake, since one could argue that the L o e b translation thus severely limits Polybius' approach to geography as a whole. A s I shall contend, Polybius' geographical conceptions extended far beyond the confines of chorography. 3 7 T h e idea of topography as a prefatory aid to the reader in picturing a battle-scene or some other part of the narrative is tending back towards the view of geography as a stage for history, rather than as an active player in the narrative. Clearly this 'scene-setting' was an important part of geographical description. But even here, interesting points arise concerning the relationship between landscape, history, and historiography. Polybius suspends Hannibal's progress over the A l p s into Italy in order to give the topography of the journey, its start and finish, 'so that the narrative may not be totally obscure (ασαφής) to those ignorant of the localities', using exactly the same formulation as above (3. 36. 1). Rather than give a description of this region, he sketches a picture of the out beforehand the causes of revolt, and the situation of Asia as a whole (τής ό'λης Ασίας τήν θίσιν), and the size and peculiarities of its satrapies. For thus the narrative will be very easy for the readers to follow, with the overall topography and the distances (ή όλη τοποθεσία and τά διαστήματα) set out in front of their eyes' (18. 5. 1). 36 T h e stress on 'the present situation' (τα νυν όντα) is interesting in relation to Strabo, since it is what he claims as the realm of geography. Here it is contrasted with accounts of foundations, genealogies, and migrations, precisely the kind of material about the past which is actually so prominent in Strabo. 37 Claudius Ptolemaeus interestingly defined the difference between geography and chorography in terms of the image of the body. 'Chorography has as its aim the treatment of the subject piece by piece, as if one were to depict an ear or an eye by itself; but geography aims at the general survey, in the same way as one would depict the entire head' (Geog. 1. 1). Given Polybius' use of precisely the image of the whole body to refer to his work and to world history (i. 3. 3-4; 1. 4. 7), it is clear which of the terms 'geography' and 'chorography' would be better applied to his History.

entire known world, according to a logic which I shall discuss below, and then returns to his explicit methodology. Ί have said this so that m y narrative might be ordered in the minds of those w h o do not know the localities, and that they should have some idea of the main geographical distinctions . . .to which they can refer my statements' (ταύτα μεν οΰν είρήαθω μοι χάριν τ ο υ μη τελεως διήγησιν,

άνυπότακτον

εΐναι τοις άπείροις

άλλα κατά γε τας ολοσχερείς

διαφοράς

τών τόπων

συνεπιβάλλειν

την . . .

το λεγόμενον, 3· 4)· T h i s process suggests a closer, more active, interrelationship between the text, its readers, the narrative, and the location than one in which the geographical description is a discrete unit, simply setting the scene. T h e interlocking elements of history, its narration, the leaders of both sides, and its location, are most clearly bound together at the point when all three are used as joint objects of the same verb and move through the same landscape: και την διήγησιν και τους ηγεμόνας 38 μεν.

αμφοτέρων

και τον πόλεμον

εις Ίτ αλί αν

ήγάγο-

In addition, we should add to the practical purpose of informing the reader about unknown places the element of literary competition. T h e author is not just setting the scene for the next stage of the narrative, but participating in a tradition of geographical ekphrasis. Polybius presumably hopes to enhance his literary credentials by assisting his reader's understanding of the setting, by allowing his reader the pleasure of reading about new places (4. 38. 1 1 - 1 2 ) , and by improving upon the accuracy of his rivals, such as Z e n o on Laconia. T h u s passages of pure description may play an active role in promoting the historian himself. I turn finally in this section to m y proposition that the writing of Polybius' geography depended upon a shared knowledge of the past, both mythical and historical, making history the active foil to geographical exposition. H e states that the Thracian Bosporus at the Pontic end starts at the so-called Holy Place where Jason, on his journey back from Colchis, sacrificed to the twelve gods (4. 39. 6). Half-way along this stretch of water was the Hermaion, defined not only by its 3S 3. 57. 1: Ί have brought the narrative, the leaders of both sides, and the war into Italy'.

equidistance from the ends and by its position at the narrowest part on the strait, but also as the place where Darius built his bridge when he crossed to attack the Scythians (4. 43. 2). 39 Further down still, the current reaches a place called the C o w , where, according to myth, Io first stepped down after crossing the Hellespont (4. 43. 6). Hercules appears in various contexts of geographical definition. T h e D y m a e a n fort called the Wall, taken by Euripidas, w h o had been sent by the Aetolians to command the Eleans, is described as being near the A r a x u s and, according to myth, was built long ago by Hercules when he was making war on the Eleans (4. 59. 4-5). T h e African realm of the Carthaginians was demarcated by the Altars of Philaenus and the Pillars of Hercules, and this formulation is later repeated to describe Scipio's African conquest (3. 39. 2; 10. 40. 7). 40 A l l of this may seem to be at odds with Polybius' assertion that 'in the present day, now that all places have become accessible by land or sea, it is no longer appropriate to use poets and writers of m y t h as witnesses of the unknown' (4. 40. 2). W h e n he mentions the m y t h of Phaëthon associated with the river Po, he says that detailed treatment of such things does not suit the plan of the work, although he will set aside space later for them (2. 16. 1 3 - 1 5 ) . A s we shall see, Polybius employed many methods to express geographical information, and references to well-known narratives of the past form only part of his definitions, as in the case of the Hermaion. Cf. Hdt. 4. 83. ι. For the Aitars of Philaenus in ancient geographical writings, see the periplus attributed to Scylax of Caryanda §109 in GGM /, 85, in which the innermost recess of the Bay of Syrtis is given as the location of the Φιλαίνου βωμοί. Cf. also Sallust, jfugurtha 79 for Sallust's aetiological account of the landmark. T h e Pillars of Hercules need no elaboration as a key marker in the attempt to map out the world. T h e y form the start- and end-points in many ancient periplus texts, such as those attributed to Scylax and Scymnus of Chios. For one narrative surrounding them, see Diodorus 4. 18. 5. His account of how Hercules 'unyoked' the continents of Europe and Libya here (τών ηπείρων αμφοτέρων συνεζευγμένων διασκάψαι ταύτας) links the area conceptually with the Hellespont, 'yoked' by Xerxes' bridge of boats (ζενξας τον Έλλήσποντον) (Hdt. y. 8b. 1) and the Thracian Bosporus, 'yoked' by Darius (Hdt. 4. 83. 1)· These key points in the geography of the Mediterranean world, linked through this image, were in turn linked scientifically by Polybius as we have seen on pp. 82—4; see also pp. no—11. 39

40

B u t the practice of using the geographical associations of historical narrative to define place and space m a y be paralleled elsewhere in ancient literature. T h u c y d i d e s , to name one example, recalls that the strait b e t w e e n R h e g i u m and Messina was the C h a r y b d i s of the O d y s s e u s legend ( T h u c . 4. 24. 5). O n e of the most striking examples of the interaction of g e o g r a p h y and history comes f r o m Justin's epitome of P o m peius T r o g u s ' Historiae Philippicae. T r o g u s ' description of A r m e n i a prefaces the account of the war between M i t h r i d a t e s and Artoadistes, the A r m e n i a n king. ' W e should not pass over in silence a great k i n g d o m , w h i c h is b i g g e r than all except Parthia.' 4 1 T h e f o l l o w i n g description includes the dimensions of the area and geographical details of the u n d e r g r o u n d route taken by the T i g r i s to emerge after 25 miles, near S o p h e n e : ' F r o m the mountains of A r m e n i a the river T i g r i s takes its beginning, at first g r o w i n g only gradually. T h e n after some distance, it goes underground and then emerges 25 miles later in the area of S o p h e n e , now a large river, and so is incorporated into the marshes of the Euphrates' (Justin 42. 3. 9). H o w e v e r , the mythological early history of the area is also of great importance. T h e f o u n d e r of the nation is n a m e d as A r m e n u s , and clearly fits into the tradition of foundation stories f o u n d in works like that of Herodotus. 4 2 T h e identification of A r m e n u s as a c o m p a n i o n of Jason (which leads to a digression on the story of Jason and M e d e a ) links the foundation of A r m e n i a with one of the most prominent G r e e k m y t h s in literature s u r r o u n d i n g the Pontic region. T h e city of M e d i a was, by the same account, f o u n d e d by M e d u s , after the death of his father, Jason, in honour of his mother. 41 FGrH 679 F 2b = Justin 42. 2. 6 - 3. 9. For the dimensions of the region, given in miles (42. 2. 9): siquidem Armenia a Cappadocia usque mare Caspium undecies centum milia patet, sed in latitudinem milia passuum septingenta porrigitur ('Indeed, Armenia extends 1,100 miles from Cappadocia all the way to the Caspian sea, and in breadth it stretches 700 miles'). T h e combination of the concrete (from * to y) with the more abstract conception of magnitude (in latitudinem) is indicative of the complex way in which space was envisaged in the ancient world. 42 For example, the story of the foundation of Cyrene by Battus (Hdt. 4. 153-9). These foundation stories seem to be more common for some regions than others. One area to abound in them is Etruria, presumably because of the wish to discover the origins of the Romans.

It is worth noting that, although this description of Armenia contains some strictly geographical information, most of it is concerned with early history and mythology. It is perhaps still more striking that the predominant result of the introduction of this historical/mythological material in the digression is paradoxically a spatial, rather than a temporal, definition. It is with reference to the earliest period in Armenian history that the region is defined geographically in the mind of the reader through the Greek mythological figures and their o w n geographical associations. T h u s we find a very complicated interaction of 'history' and 'geography', or rather of time and space. T h e main narrative is historically motivated, and requires a geographical setting at this point. H o w e v e r , the author achieves this, not through a spatial description, but through another almost historical narrative, greatly distanced in time from the main narrative. It is the associations of this inserted narrative which result in the location of the main account, illustrating on a larger scale the technique used by Polybius himself. A s I discussed in chapter I, memories and traditions of all kinds are what give a place its present identity.

POLYBIUS'

CONCEPTIONS

OF

SPACE

In the last section I considered various ways in w h i c h geography, history, and historiography were bound together by Polybius. I now turn more specifically to Polybius' conceptions of space, and to his methods for expressing the spatial or geographical aspects of the work. Since geography was integral to the writing of a historical work, and locations must be brought to the reader's mind, how successful was Polybius in dealing with this, and what kind of geography emerged? In this section, I move in general from the small- to the large-scale. Firstly, I consider to what extent we may detect one or more geographical focal points for the work. Secondly, I look at the use of geographical similes and parallels in the creation of spatial images. T h i r d l y , I consider Polybius' use of geometrical figures to indicate two-dimensional space, and finally the creation of large-scale geographical images and spatial networks at both a local and a global level. T h e question of geographical focus is related to the wider

debate over P o l y b i u s ' attitudes to R o m e and to the s u b j u g a t i o n of G r e e c e . 4 3 A discussion of P o l y b i u s ' role in the A c h a e a n league and his eventual c o m p l i c i t y with R o m e and friendship w i t h leading R o m a n s of the time, such as S c i p i o A e m i l i a n u s , does not fall within the scope of this chapter, but the g e o graphical implications should be noted; n a m e l y , that w e have at least two possible candidates as foci for the authorial v i e w p o i n t . P r o p o n e n t s of the view that P o l y b i u s wrote f r o m a R o m a n perspective, or at least in a manner that was s y m p a t h e t i c to R o m e , include W a l b a n k and D u b u i s s o n . F o r W a l b a n k , the degree of R o m a n n e s s increases towards the end of the w o r k and is manifested particularly in the scene at the fall of C a r t h a g e , although the w h o l e project is introduced in a R o m a n o c e n t r i c w a y as a study of the rise of that state. 4 4 F o r D u b u i s s o n also, P o l y b i u s ' spatial standpoint changed as he w o r k e d on the project. A n outsider at the start, P o l y b i u s , in D u b u i s s o n ' s view, came to admire R o m e and its achievements: ' P o l y b e est l u i - m ê m e sorti du cadre de la question précise qu'il s'était posée (les causes de la rapide c o n q u ê t e du m o n d e grec) p o u r s u c c o m b e r à une certaine fascination pour le vainqueur.' 4 5 A d m i r a t i o n for the c o n q u e r o r is not in itself evidence for adoption of a R o m a n v i e w p o i n t . In fact, it shows precisely the opposite, that P o l y b i u s was located at a point f r o m w h i c h he could look u p o n R o m e as le vainqueur. D u b u i s s o n ' s suggestion that P o l y b i u s u n d e r w e n t Latinization in terms of language and mentalité—a subconscious R o m a n i z a t i o n , w h i c h rendered h i m unable to pass j u d g e m e n t on R o m a n rule as he had promised, because he was no longer an external o b s e r v e r — i s

43 Although some caution shouid be observed in blurring too casually the distinction between geographical and ideological/political focus, the connection seems to me undeniable. T h e adoption of a Greek persona, or alternatively the appropriation of a Roman perspective, or even a combination of both, inevitably carries with it a spatial counterpart in our placing, or placings, of Polybius on the mental map of the Mediterranean world. T h e same issue will arise, with even more complexity, when dealing with Strabo's location of himself, and with his adoption of multiple viewpoints. 44 Walbank, Polybius, 30. 45 M. Dubuisson, 'La Vision polybienne de Rome', in Purposes of History, 241: 'Polybius himself left the framework of the exact question which he had set himself (the causes of the rapid conquest of the Greek world) to succumb to a certain fascination with the conqueror'.

interesting for its spatial consequences, but is a rather strained interpretation of the text as it stands. Against the picture of a 'Romanized' Polybius we have Millar's strong assertion that the historian remained utterly Greek in his outlook and historiographical approach, and 'though he expresses himself obliquely, took an increasingly distant and hostile view of Roman domination'. 4 6 So, D u b u i s son's intellectual move for Polybius towards R o m e would be reversed. 4 7 T h e non-Roman nature of Polybius' viewpoint is manifested in both his historical and geographical conceptions. 48 Historically, the account is bound to Greek chronological markers such as the crossing of Xerxes to Europe. It was twenty-eight years before this event that the first treaty between R o m e and Carthage was forged; and in the year of the crossing itself that R o m e ' s constitution became worthy of study (3. 22. 2). 49 T h e X e r x e s episode in G r e e k history is a recurrent theme through Polybius' work, and as various characters play out or threaten similar invasions, Herodotus' work is repeatedly evoked. T h e motif has clear geographical associations in addition to its use as a temporal marker. T h e crossing of natural boundaries, such as rivers, is often accompanied by attempts to subject peoples and rewrite the map of world powers. By crossing the river Iberos, the Carthaginians broke the treaty of 226 BC, thus precipitating war with R o m e (3. 6. 2). T h e theme of man pitted against an active natural world, which I discussed in chapter I with regard to the history of the American West as well as to some ancient texts, is highly relevant here. Polybius relates how Hannibal's crossing of the Rhône was accompanied by conquest over his enemies; his two victims are linked as the joint object of one verb. s o Hannibal's Millar, 'Polybius between Greece and Rome', 4. In support of this reading, Lacy, Ίθη και νόμιμα , 83, argues that the purpose of Polybius' work was to explain to his compatriots the causes and mechanisms of Roman rule so that they could react politically to the new power. Also in the purpose of the work, for one of Polybius' express aims was to make known to the Greeks the parts of the inhabited world as yet unknown to them (3. 59. 8). +g See Millar, 'Polybius between Greece and Rome', 12, on this point. 3. 44. 1: τής τΐ διαβάσεως και τών ΰπεραντίων κΐκρατηκώς. Cf. Hdt. y. 8c. 3, 46 47

crossing of the Po using a bridge of boats further reinforces the parallel with Xerxes. 5 1 It is easy to see w h y R o m e should be worried b y Hannibal's Xerxes-like actions, and w h y G r e e c e in turn should fear similar moves from the West. A t the Spartan conference in the spring of 210 BC the Acarnanian, L y c i s c u s , b e g g e d the Spartans to see the parallels between the storm approaching from R o m e and X e r x e s ' demands for submission (9. 38. 1 - 2 ) . T h e struggle for G r e e k liberty is seen to have been helped by writers recording the Persian and G a l l i c invasions; perhaps Polybius saw himself as continuing this tradition (2. 35· 7). A l l this supports Millar's assertion that the real issue was 'the preservation of the f r e e d o m of the G r e e k cities in the face of the threats posed by successive kings and dynasties'. 5 2 F r o m a geographical point of view, in opposition to the idea of a R o m a n focus, Millar stresses the vast spatial scope of the w o r k . 5 1 Whereas, in historical conception and ideological outlook, there are two plausible focal points for the author, R o m e or G r e e c e , this restricted choice is not reflected geographically. T h e ideal of autopsy and the reality of P o l y b i u s ' o w n travels make the spatial focus indefinable. P o l y b i u s appears as an Odyssean figure in the work. A s W a l b a n k points out, P o l y b i u s ' pride in his travels evokes quotations from the Odyssey,54 T h e wandering O d y s s e u s found a second-century counterpart in Polybius, as celebrated in an inscription set up by the G r e e k s of Polybius' native city of Megalopolis, and recorded b y Pausawhere Xerxes is described as yoking both the Hellespont and the people of Europe. 3. 66. 6: γεφνρώσας τοις ποταμίοις πλοί'ois. Millar, 'Polybius between Greece and Rome', 16. See also Walbank, Polybius, 2, on Polybius' interest in the mutual impact of Greek and nonGreek peoples on each other. This formulation of Greek or non-Greek decisively locates the focus away from Rome. Ephorus' treatment of world history in terms of the Greek and non-Greek worlds has been traced by Alonso-Nunez, ' T h e Emergence of Universal Historiography from the 4th to the 2nd Centuries B. C.', in Purposes of History, 173-92. to the 4th-cent. Panhellenic ideals of his tutor, Isocrates (p. 177)· From Ephorus onwards, the notion that universal history should include both Greeks and barbarians was fixed, but only with Polybius did 'universal' take on the sense of 'global'. 53 Millar, 'Polybius between Greece and Rome', 6. 54 Walbank, Polybius, 51. Cf. Pol. 12. 27. 10-11. 51

52

nias. T h e inscription noted that Polybius 'wandered over land and

all

the

sea'

(ώς

eVt γήν

και

θάλασσαν

πάσαν

πλανηθείη)

8). 55

(Paus. 8. 30. H a v i n g considered briefly various focalizations of Polybius' own viewpoint, and also his resistance to being fixed to a single point in space, I turn now to the use of geographical similes in creating the pictures of space that he considered integral to the work. By far the most common similes are those likening parts of the broader landscape to parts of the city. T h e layout of the military camp as described in Book 6 made it resemble a city. 5 6 I have already mentioned the way in which the Capuan landscape took on the appearance of a theatre. But the image which recurs with greatest frequency is that of the acropolis. Hannibal encouraged his troops with a view of their goal, Italy, from their position in the Alps. T o enhance the reader's imagined view of the scene, Polybius elaborates the idea that Italy lies so close under the A l p s that 'when both are viewed together, the A l p s appear to take on the position of an acropolis to the whole of Italy' (3. 54. 2 ) . " Philip's troops looted the stores of T h e r m u s in Aetolia, which had been the treasury of Aetolia's most precious goods, since it had never been invaded and 'naturally held the position of being the acropolis of all Aetolia' (5. 8. 6). Antiochus I I I was anxious to gain control of Ephesus for its location, since it 'held the position of an acropolis both by land and sea for anyone with designs on Ionia and the Hellespontine cities' (18. 40a). Polybius uses a telescoping effect, comparing the larger landscape with the individual features of the well-known city layout. He explicitly states his practice as being that 'throughout the whole undertaking, I attempt to link together and harmonize those places which are unknown with things that are familiar from personal experience or hearsay' ( 5 . 2 1 . 5). It is 55 Cf. Hecataeus as άνήρ πολυπλανής (p. 76). J. L. Moles, 'Truth and Untruth in Herodotus and Thucydides', in C. Gill and T . P. Wiseman (eds.), Lies and Fiction in the Ancient World (Exeter, 1993), 88-121, at 96 makes the same point about the Odyssean nature of Herodotus, advancing together with his text through the 'cities of men' (1. 5. 3). T h e claim to experience of travel may be yet another competitive element. 56 6. 31. 10: πόλΐΐ παραπληοίαν (χει την διάθΐσιν. 57 Note yet again how Polybius' geographical information seems to be directed towards creating a visual image in words.

n o t e w o r t h y that features such as the acropolis reflecting P o l y bius' roots in the culture of the G r e e k city are e v o k e d as the ' k n o w n ' part of the comparison; the R o m a n c a m p is not used to illuminate a n y t h i n g , but is itself b r o u g h t into focus b y c o m parison w i t h the shape of the city (ττόλίς). P o l y b i u s writes so as to help a Greek reader to picture the scene. . Rather than liken a geographical site to a piece of architecture or part of a city's t o p o g r a p h y , P o l y b i u s s o m e t i m e s relies on d r a w i n g parallels b e t w e e n t w o similar geographical features. Sicily, he says, lies in a position relative to Italy as the P e l o p o n n e s e does to G r e e c e , with the difference that Sicily is an island rather than a peninsula ( i . 42. 1 - 2 ) . T h e implication must be that k n o w i n g one of these areas immediately gives one a picture of the other. Similarly, the c o n f l u e n c e of the R h ô n e and the Isaras has a size and shape like those of the N i l e D e l t a , except that, in the latter case, the base line (presumably P o l y b i u s wants the reader to imagine a triangular effect) is made up of the coast, whereas in the f o r m e r it is f o r m e d by a mountain range (3. 49. 6 - 7 ) . T h e p r i m e e x a m p l e of this comparative technique is the description of A b y d u s and Sestus on the Hellespont. P o l y b i u s remarkably says that the best w a y to gain an impression of these cities is not b y a study of their actual t o p o g r a p h y , b u t by a c o m p a r i s o n (16. 29. 5). Just as it is impossible to sail f r o m the O c e a n into the M e d i t e r r a nean w i t h o u t passing t h r o u g h the Pillars of H e r c u l e s , so it is impossible to sail f r o m the M e d i t e r r a n e a n to the Propontis or Pontic sea e x c e p t by passing t h r o u g h the passage b e t w e e n Sestus and A b y d u s . A g a i n , there is a clear echo of H e r o d o t e a n t e c h n i q u e s here, in particular of his c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n the N i l e and the Istros w h i c h f o r m s part of his discussion of S c y t h i a n rivers, itself set in the context of a w i d e r global description. 5 8 T h e s y m m e t r y of the great northern and southern rivers of the w o r l d p e r f o r m s a similar f u n c t i o n in H e r o d o t u s ' account to that of the eastern and western straits in that of P o l y b i u s , Hdt. 4. 50 on the Nile and Istros. T h e global description is at 4. 3 6- 45> and is elicited by the Scythian claim that there are Hyperboreans living further north even than Scythia, a claim which forces Herodotus to set his reader straight on the confused issue of world geography; 4. 47-58 deals with Scythian rivers. s8

namely to add coherence, t h r o u g h natural logic, to the attempt to e n c o m p a s s the w o r l d in the m i n d ' s eye. O n e w o n d e r s here, as elsewhere, w h e t h e r P o l y b i u s is m e r e l y e m p l o y i n g similar techniques to those of a generic predecessor because they represent an approach w h i c h is appropriate to the task, or w h e t h e r a m o r e self-conscious intertextuality is in play, and P o l y b i u s is critically e n g a g i n g w i t h particular passages of H e r o d o t u s ' Histories. T h i r d l y , P o l y b i u s evokes larger areas t h r o u g h their similarity to geometrical figures, g i v i n g a sense of space rather than of place. 5 9 T h i s practice is mirrored in Eratosthenes and H i p p a r c h u s . 6 0 F o r P o l y b i u s , Sicily was triangular in shape, with the corners being f o r m e d b y capes, w h i c h P o l y b i u s then w e n t on to orientate (1. 42. 3). Italy too was triangular, and located w i t h reference to the seas w h i c h surround it on t w o sides, the A l p s on the other and the southern apex ( C a p e C o c y n t h u s ) . P o l y b i u s describes the entire geographical layout of the country using the triangle for points of reference. T h e A l p s , stretching f r o m Massilia almost to the head of the A d r i a t i c , are said to f o r m the base of the triangle (βάσις τον τριγώνου). T h e use of g e o m e t r y to c o n v e y geographical images does not stop here. T h e m o s t northerly plain in Italy, lying immediately to the south of the base of the 'Italian' triangle, is also triangular in shape. T h i s geographical area too is defined with reference to its sides and corners. O n e side is f o r m e d b y the A l p s , one by the A p e n n i n e s , the third b y the A d r i a t i c coast, and the apex is the m e e t i n g point for the A p e n n i n e s and A l p s , near Massilia. T h e scientific aspect of the description is reinforced b y the inclusion of distances for all the sides of the triangle (2. 14. 4 - 1 2 ) . O t h e r geometrical images are m o r e

fleeting.

The

overall

S'J On the modern debate over the question of place and space, see above, pp. 17-18. Polybius totally confounds generalizations about ancient concepts of space, exemplified by E. Rawson, Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic (London, 1985), 259. where she asserts that people in antiquity thought in predominantly linear terms, through itineraries and periplus journeys. 60 For an excellent edition of the fragments of Hipparchus, see D. R. Dicks, The Geographical Fragments of Hipparchus (London, i960). Hipparchus is reported as saying that Eratosthenes stated the shape of India to be a rhombus (Strabo 2. ι. 34). Hipparchus himself seems to have used triangles almost exclusively, particularly for measuring distances, as at Str. 2. 1. 29.

shape of Sparta was a circle (5. 22. 1); the R o m a n c a m p was square (6. 31. 10). P o l y b i u s stresses the importance of a good k n o w l e d g e of g e o m e t r y for those involved in military affairs, at least to the extent of understanding proportion. H e laments the w a y in w h i c h people have forgotten the basic g e o m e t r y w h i c h they had learned at school, with the result that they m i s u n d e r stand the relationship between the perimeter of a place and its area (9. 20. 1; 9. 26a. 1 - 4 ) . T h e fragments w h i c h have been assigned to the 'geographical' book are p r e d o m i n a n t l y c o n cerned with g e o m e t r y and measurements, comprising w h a t w e m i g h t call 'mathematical g e o g r a p h y ' of the kind that Strabo deals with in the first two books, before largely abandoning the approach. T h e r e is nothing to indicate that these fragments were part of a separate geographical book in P o l y b i u s , and I feel sure that their having been g r o u p e d in this w a y is largely a reflection of modern ideas on w h a t comprises g e o g r a p h y , rather than an accurate representation of h o w they fitted into the original text. T h e fragments in w h i c h the actual book n u m b e r is given as 34 are rather orientated towards questions of produce, flora, and fauna. 6 1 It is on the basis of a book created according to m o d e r n assumptions that P o l y b i u s ' 'geographical' approach is characterized as scientific, and distinct f r o m the rest of the work. It is certainly reasonable to argue that P o l y b i u s ' geography was scientific in some of its methods of conceiving space, but, as I have already mentioned, this w a y of bringing the picture to the reader was used t h r o u g h o u t the work and gives no reason for assigning such passages to a separate book. It is interesting that P o l y b i u s calculated the length of the river T a g u s without taking into account the windings, but in a straight line: 'this is not geographical' (ού γεωγραφικον τούτο) according to Strabo (Pol. 34. 7. 5). S t r a b o ' s assertion of the incompatibility of mathematical approaches with geography is raised also in connection with H i p p a r c h u s ' criticisms of Eratosthenes on the western Mediterranean, in w h i c h Strabo says that H i p parchus tests each statement 'geometrically rather than geographically' (γεωμετρικώς μάλλον ή γεωγραφικώς), i m p l y i n g that 6 ' 34. 8. 1-2 on oak-trees planted in the sea off Lusitania; 34. 8. 4-10 on the extreme fertility of Lusitania.

the two approaches are in some way contradictory (Str. 2. ι . 40). 62 But by contrast with Polybius' approach to the T a g u s , we have the intriguing note that his figure for the distance from Cape Malea to the Istros was at odds with that given by Artemidorus because Polybius did not reckon the distance in a straight line, but according to the route taken by some general (34. 12. 12). 63 Here, he chose the eyewitness approach to geography, rather than the theoretical one. Presumably Polybius had the chance in Rome to consult either the general or his notes. It is a side issue, but I can see no reason why Polybius might not have given this distance as part of his main narrative, rather than in Book 34, maybe in one of the descriptive passages like that preceding Hannibal's descent into Italy. However, the main point is that, alongside his stress on autopsy, Polybius also used geometrical figures and distances as a method of helping his reader to visualize the world. T h e combination of geometrical abstraction and eyewitness accounts adds a further twist to the focalization of the work. N o t only is it unclear precisely where we should locate Polybius with regard to his possible ideological perspecti v e s — G r e e c e and R o m e — b u t there is an additional tension between the external perspective which enables him to describe the world in terms of geometrical shapes, and the internal viewpoint of the Odyssean eyewitness guide, familiar from the Histories of Herodotus. T h e use of shapes to convey a spatial, rather than a placeorientated, picture brings us fourthly to the question of Polybius' wider geographical conceptions. T h e writing of political history may lead us to expect that Polybius would have concentrated on significant places, such as the cities, and to some extent he did. But we have already seen his concern to give a sense of wider space and also his interest in the customs This problem of the distinction between geography and geometry applies also to Eratosthenes himself, who was caught between the two disciplines and criticized by both parties. 'Being a mathematician among geographers, but a geographer among mathematicians, on both sides he gives his opponents occasions for contradiction' (Str. 2. 1. 41). 63 This raises the problem of which general was meant. Walbank confesses ignorance on this point. 62

and lifestyle of non-city dwellers, such as the Arcadians. 6 4 T h i s persistent sense of space is unlike anything w h i c h appears consistently in Strabo's Geography beyond the first two books, and is developed far beyond the use of two-dimensional geometrical images. O n all scales, Polybius builds up a complex picture of the relationship between places and the space surrounding them, enabling us to imagine a fairly coherent mental map for m u c h of the Mediterranean world. T h i s is, of course, fully in accord with his professed aim to write a unified world history, but it is nonetheless striking that this aim so greatly affected his geographical conceptions and the view of the world which he created for the reader, showing once again how closely integrated geography and history were in his account. It is possible to identify various ways in which Polybius creates a broader spatial picture than that of individual sites. Often he includes as part of the description information on how the site relates to its immediate surroundings. Carthage, for example, lay in a gulf, on a promontory surrounded mostly by sea, and partly by a lake. It was joined to L i b y a by an isthmus, which was around 21 stades wide. O n the sea side of the isthmus was Utica; on the land side, T u n i s (1. 73. 4~5)· 65 So, we are told the nature of the position of Carthage, as well as how it fits into the wider landscape on all sides. T h e district of A r i m i n u m , under the command of the consul, C n . Servilius, is described as being on the coast of the Adriatic, where the plain of Cisalpine G a u l joins the rest of Italy, not far from the mouth of the Po (3. 86. 2). Here the site is linked in to a geographical network of mountains, rivers, and seas, which Polybius has already elaborated on at length in his description of Italy. T h e See Lacy, 'εβη και νόμιμα', who argues that Polybius was interested in both -πόλεις ('cities') and έθνη ('peoples'). There is, however, a tendency in Lacy's argument to confuse an interest in εθνη ('peoples') with one in εθη ('customs'). Polybius' concern with peoples such as the Arcadians was not necessarily linked with his interest in the relationship between constitution and customs. fiS M . Sordi, 'Gli interessi geografici e topografici nella "Elleniche" di Senofonte', CIS A 14 (1988), 32-40, argues that Xenophon too displays this kind of broad spatial awareness, but it seems to me that there is nothing on the scale of what we find in Polybius. Most of Xenophon's descriptions are of individual cities, rather than whole landscapes or regions. 64

account of Sparta, mentioned above, is introduced by the c o m m e n t that one of Polybius' aims in site descriptions is to give the relative positions or arrangement (τάξις) of places (5. 21. 4). T h i s is made explicit when Polybius comes to talk about Seleuceia, and prefaces a long account by promising to give the position of Seleuceia and to tell of the peculiarity of the s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a (τήν 8è τής Σελευκείας

θέαιν και την τών

πέριξ

τόπων ιδιότητα) (5· 59· 3)· 66 T h e siege of N e w Carthage is introduced in exactly the same way, with a promise to give the reader a description of the surroundings and the site of the c i t y i t s e l f (τους παρακειμένους

τόπους

και τήν θέσιν αυτής) ( ί Ο. Q. 8).

W h a t follows is an account relating the position of the city both to the whole of Spain (it lay half-way down the coast), and to the immediate area, in a gulf whose orientation and dimensions are given, and surrounded on the land side by mountains and lagoons. T h i s method of relating places to surrounding regions is used not only of cities. T h e struggle between the Celts and Romans required an account not only of the region concerned, but also of its relationship to the rest of Italy. 67 O n the basis of the geometrical analysis of the land, and the information on the various sides of the triangle of Italy, Polybius fills out this picture with mountain ranges and rivers. T h e Apennines join the A l p s at Massilia, that is, at the apex of the 'inner' triangle of Polybius' earlier description. T h e river P o rises in the A l p s near the apex of the triangle before descending southwards to the plain and turning to the east and the Adriatic (2. 16. 1 - 7 ) . T h e tracing of river courses, mountain ranges, and roads is one of the ways in which Polybius reveals his sense of wider geographical space. I have already mentioned his orientation and location of the A l p s and Apennines, but sometimes the river network too is incorporated into his description of mountains. T h e course of the Rhône runs from beyond the 66 An interesting example of the same phenomenon is the city of Hecatompylus, which Polybius (10. 28. 7) says took its name from the fact that it lay at the nexus of all the roads leading to the surrounding districts (ini navras τους πέριξ τόπου s). Here the significant naming of the place reflects its relationship to the surrounding area. Tarentum (10. 1. 5) also lay at the centre of a network, not of monumentalized roads, but of trade routes. 2. 14. 3: πώς κείται προς τήν αλλην Ίταλίαν.

north-west recess of the Adriatic, along the northern slope of the A l p s , to the Sardinian sea in a south-westerly direction. For its whole length it is bounded to the south by the northern Alps, which separate the valley of the Rhône from that of the Po (3. 47. 2-4). 6 8 T h e river Aufidus is described as the only one to traverse the Apennines, the chain of mountains which separates all the Italian streams into those which flow into the Adriatic and those flowing into the T y r r h e n i a n sea (3. n o . 9). In this passage not only mountains and seas, but the whole Italian river network is called into play to define the character of the Aufidus. A s far as land routes are concerned, Polybius displays the kind of knowledge that might have come from generals' reports or itinerary maps. In relating Hannibal's invasion of Europe, Polybius maps out the route from the Pillars of Hercules to the Po valley, giving the distance along each section of the journey. T h e road from N a r b o to the crossing of the Rhône had been 'measured out and marked with milestones at every eighth stade by the Romans with care' (3. 39. 8). 69 A n interesting example of how the itinerary might be deliberately concealed for strategic purposes occurs in Philopoimen's mustering at T e g e a of an army against Nabis, and reveals precisely the kind of disjointed geographical picture that Polybius himself needed to avoid (16. 36. 1-9). Philopoimen sent out letters to each town with instructions to march to one named city. T h e idea was that the troops would advance to T e g e a , gathering 68 Polybius' schematic geographical picture is somewhat misleading. T h e confusion over the source of the Rhône stems from his belief that the Alps ran directly from west to east. 69 See also 34. 11. 8 for the use of milestones. T h e whole question of measurement is complicated by the observation of R. A. Bauslaugh, ' T h e Text of Thucydides IV 8. 6 and the South Channel at Pylos', JHS 99 (1979). 1-6, that the stade, as used by Thucydides, was a variable measure (for Thucydides, 140-260 metres). It is unclear what stade Polybius, or those who dispute his measurements, was using. T h e text suggests that this may be an early instance of the equation 8 stadia = 1 Roman tnilia passuum, which was later to become normal. D. Engels, ' T h e Length of Eratosthenes' Stade', AJP 106 (1985), 298-311, redirects the focus away from the exact distance denoted by a stade and towards the significance of attempts to measure and calculate large distances, such as the earth's circumference, at all. For a more recent treatment, see S. Pothecary, 'Strabo, Polybius and the Stade', Phoenix 49 (1995). 49-67·

numbers along the way, as the letters were timed to arrive at different dates according to the distance from T e g e a . 'It resulted that no one knew to where he was marching, but knew simply the name of the next city on the list' (16. 36. 6). T h e whole district of Media is treated in a broad geographical context (5. 44. 3 - 1 1 ) . It is said to lie in central Asia, immediately evoking an image of the whole continent, and this image is continued in the comparison by which M e d i a surpasses in size and the height of its mountains all other places in Asia. Polybius then locates the region more specifically with regard to the lands on all sides. T o the east is a desert plain separating Persia from Parthia, reaching to the mountains of the T a p y r i , not far from the Hyrcanian sea; to the south are Mesopotamia and the border with Persia, which is protected by M o u n t Zagrus; to the west are the satrapies, not far from the tribes whose territories go down to the Pontus; and to the north are various tribes and that part of the Pontus which joins the Palus Maeotis. T h e geographical context within which Polybius can place Media stretches literally hundreds of miles in all directions. A s I shall discuss later, Polybius' holistic approach to universalism is reflected in his 'geographical layering'. T h e simile linking, for example, the A l p s with an acropolis depends on a conception of the part as microcosm of the whole. 7 0 T h e transitions between small- and large-scale geography span the entire distance from the written text itself to the whole world which it describes. T h e geography of the text is to be seen in references to its boundary (ή περιγραφή), to places in it w h i c h are suitable for the treatment of certain topics (αρμόζοντες τόποι),

a n d t o its

finishing

l i n e (το τέρμα

τής ολης

πραγματείας)

(3· ι . 8; 5· 3°· 8; 39· 8. 3)· T h e text, as microcosm of the world, reflects the changing location of important events. A f t e r describing the actions of R o m e and Carthage in Spain, Africa, and Sicily, Polybius promises to shift the story to Greece, as the scene of the action changed. 7 1 T h e link between textual and large-scale geography is the On microcosm and macrocosm, see above, pp. 40-3. 3. 3. ί: μεταβιβάσομεν τήν διήγησιν ολοσχερώς eis τους κατά τήν Ελλάδα τόπου? αμα τ atς τών πραγμάτων μεταβολαίς. 3. 57· 1 takes this relationship between textual and real geography to extremes, as discussed above, p. 94. 70 71

imagery of the city and of its various features, which, as I have discussed, Polybius uses to elicit a picture of wider areas. T h e s e examples of telescoping should be set alongside a further network of similes and parallels, w h i c h reveal Polybius' affinities with Hellenistic scientific geographers like his contemporary, Hipparchus. Hipparchus is said to have believed that the parallel through the Borysthenes was the same as that through Britain, because the parallel of latitude through Byzantium was that through Massilia, revealing a concern with relative space similar to that of Polybius. T h e comparison seems crude, since Britain covers several lines of latitude. However, we must remember that Hipparchus' 'parallels' (κλίματα) referred to zones rather than to lines, and also appreciate that this kind of large-scale conception was quite different from what could be discerned by the explorer geographers. Hipparchus' analogical parallels, linking areas far apart and evoking a broad geographical picture, are strongly reminiscent of Polybius' comparison of the straits between the Pillars of Hercules and between A b y d u s and Sestus, which I discussed on p. 102. However, Polybius' geographical sophistication is reflected in the fact that he brings to this analogy the factor of scale. S o a straight comparison in the style of Hipparchus is combined with Polybius' own 'telescoping' technique. A f t e r drawing the parallel between the two straits, he refines the picture by stating that the width of the former channel is proportionately greater than that of the latter, just as the Ocean is larger than the Mediterranean: 'It is as though fate built the two straits according to a kind of logic (προς τινα λόγον)' ( ι ό . 29. 8-9). T h i s natural logic is foreshadowed in Polybius' description of the silting of the Palus Maeotis and the Pontus. H e states that the distance for w h i c h alluvial deposits are carried beyond the mouth of a river is directly proportional to the force of the river's current. 7 2 In addition to this, the time required for the Pontus to become a shallow, fresh-water lake can be predicted, since it will be longer than that taken for the Palus Maeotis in proportion to its greater capacity; and the 72 4. 41. 7: προς λόγον ίκάστον γίν(σθαι την απόστασα» τι) βία τών ΐμπίπτόντων ρίυμάτων.

greater size and number of its tributary rivers, with proportionately greater silting potential, must also be taken into account (4. 42. 4~5). 73 T h e logical world of the Pontic region is conceptually linked to that of the well-proportioned straits at each end of the Mediterranean, as the mouth of the Palus Maeotis is appropriately smaller than that of the Pontus, creating a chain of straits stretching from the Palus Maeotis to the Outer Ocean, and reflecting Polybius' broad geographical horizons (4. 39. 3-4). 7 4 T h e natural world may indeed display a certain logic here, but it is still for the author to point this out in his quest to bring the world to his readers' eyes. Polybius' geographical interests range from the text, to the topography of regions, to their relative locations, and finally to the world itself. I shall discuss in the next section w h y the whole project demanded that Polybius take on the challenge of depicting for his readers not only individual sites, but also the world. But it is interesting first to examine the strategies he employed. It is worth noting that Polybius himself acknowledged the difficulties involved in really large-scale geography. He says that, although most Greek authors had tried to describe the most inaccessible parts of the known world, most were mistaken (3. 58. 2). 75 T h i s was not grounds for criticism of earlier authors, but rather a result of the difficulties of travel and of communication, even if the journey could be made. 'For it was difficult to see many things at all closely with one's own eyes (αύτόπτην γενέσθαι), owing to some of the countries being utterly barbarous and others deserted; and it was even harder to find out information about what one did see, owing to the difference of language' (3. 58. 8). In Polybius' day the situation had been radically altered by the conquests of The word Aoyos is used also in this context. That Polybius had such a broad geographical perspective is reinforced by the fact that Pliny ( N H 6. 206) cited his figure for the distance from the strait at the Pillars to the mouth of the Palus Maeotis (3,437 stades) (Pol. 34. 15. 2). 75 The use of the phrase περί τα? εσχατιάς τόπων τής καθ' ημάς οικουμένης (3· 5^· 2) is interesting, ft most naturally means the most distant parts from the centre of the world in this context, but also carried other connotations. D. M. Lewis, 'The Athenian Rationes Centesimarum' in M. I. Finley (ed.), Problèmes de la terre en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1973), 210-12, suggests that the εσχατιαί referred to any land that was inaccessible or difficult to cultivate, and so not necessarily always on the perimeter of our mental map of the world. 73

74

Alexander in Asia and of the Romans in all other parts of the world, making almost all regions accessible. But this did not answer the question of exactly how this newly expanded world could be brought to the mind of the reader. A s Polybius himself says, 'it is not right simply to give the names of places, rivers, and cities', which meant nothing when referring to unknown lands, since the mind could not connect the words with anything already known to it (3. 36. 2). 76 I have discussed the use of references to the past, as a means of eliciting information from the reader's mythological and historical mental geographies, as well as the use of similes, likening the topography of an unknown place to a feature familiar from city-life, and of geometrical figures. T h e last main geographical notion that I shall consider is the one which Polybius claims was the most commonly known, and it brings a third dimension to Polybius' geographical conceptions to add to those of place and two-dimensional space. T h i s was the division and ordering of the heavens which yielded the celestial quadrants (3. 36. 6). T h e regions of the earth must then be classified according to their relationship to the sky. Fragments assigned to Book 34 testify to Polybius' interest in astrology and cosmology. H e is said to have written a work entitled 'On the parts of the globe under the celestial quarter', and participated in the intellectual debate involving Eratosthenes and Posidonius concerning the climatic zones (34. 1. 7; 34. 1. 16— 17). T h e s e preoccupations partly explain the importance of geometry in Polybius' geography and its expression, since the transition from sky to earth was carried out through geometrical shapes. T h e idea of measuring out the world in a geometrical way was not unique to the ancient world, but was taken up, for example, by the sixteenth-century Venetians. Cosgrove states that 'in late Renaissance Italy not only was geometry fundamental to practical activities like cartography, land survey, civil engineering and architecture, but it lay at the heart of a widely-accepted neo-platonic cosmology'. 7 7 Study of See also 5. 21. 4. D. E. Cosgrove, ' T h e Geometry of Landscape: Practical and Speculative Arts in Sixteenth-Century Venetian Land Territories', in D. E. Cosgrove and S. Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape (Cambridge, 1988), 254-76, at 256. 76 77

the heavens and parcelling up the landscape were thus closely linked, and expressed both the intellectual and political power of the ruling class. 78 For Polybius, the next stage after dividing up the sky was to divide the known world in a similar way. It is interesting that, whereas Ephorus had matched the four quadrants of the sky with four divisions on earth, each dominated by an ethnic group, Polybius chose to set the three continents against the celestial pattern, a harder task. 79 He named the three continents and defined them in terms of natural features—the Tanais, the Nile, and the straits at the Pillars of Hercules. Each continent lay between two of these markers, could be described in terms of the celestial coordinates, and was further defined as lying, broadly viewed (καθολικώταρον θεωρουμ^ναι), to the north or south of the Mediterranean, the sea which, as we have seen, Polybius elsewhere set in the context of a series of linked waterexpanses. It was not possible for Polybius to give a complete picture of the world, since there was still uncertainty about the north of Europe and the south of L i b y a . For these gaps he refers the reader to the possibility of future discoveries (3. 38. 2). However, the system of mapping the earth on to the heavens at least provided an additional means of locating unknown places in a fixed framework. 8 0 For instance, the triangle of Sicily was twisted into the correct orientation by reference to the coordinates of north, south, east, and west (1. 42. 1-7). 8 1 T h e arguments of post-modern geographers about the production of space are clearly of relevance here. See, for example, N. Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford, 1984). 79 For Ephorus see Str. 1. 2. 28. His pattern was followed precisely in the periplus attributed to Scymnus of Chios, a contemporary of Polybius ( G G M I, 201-2); see 11. 170-4· For Polybius' division into continents, see 3. 37. 2-8, reflecting Eratosthenes' main terrestrial divisions. 80 The method of describing location and relative position by reference to the sky is familiar from the fragments of Hipparchus. For him it was a question of which constellations were visible. 81 Α. V. Podossinov, 'Die Orientierung der Alten Karten von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum frühen Mittelalter', Cartographica Helvetica, 7 (1993), 33-43; and 'Die Sakrale Orientierung nach Himmelsrichtungen im alten Griechenland', Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 33 (1990-2), 323-30, however, points out the variety of orientations given to maps in antiquity. Once the heavens had been divided, it was not automatically fixed how this would relate to orientation on the ground. 78

Since geographical considerations were important in Polybius' conception of history, he needed to develop methods of denoting place and space. Unlike time, w h i c h formed the underlying organizing principle, and for which Polybius adopted a single coherent system of reference, namely the Olympiadic structure of T i m a e u s , space was depicted in various different ways. It is striking how sophisticated Polybius' methods for conceiving and dealing with space were, in some ways surpassing those of the 'geographer', Strabo, and certainly refuting the view that no notion of abstract space existed in antiquity. T h e search for Polybius' geographical conceptions has led us to his vision that brings the world into a spatial relationship with the whole cosmos. I now turn finally to consider the nature of Polybius' universalism, problems of structure and conception, and some of Polybius' solutions.

'PIECEMEAL' ( καθόλου)

(κατά μέρος) : POLYBIUS'

AND

'AS-A-WHOLE'

UNIVERSALISM

Universal historians strictly speaking are only those who deal with the history of mankind from the earliest times, and in all parts of the world known to them.82 T h i s strong definition of universalism, involving the full temporal and spatial scope known to the author, was one to which few extant writers aspired. Diodorus Siculus perhaps came closest with his assertion that 'if someone were to start with the most ancient times and record as far as possible the affairs of the whole world, which have been handed down to memory, up to his own times . . . he would have to undertake a great task, yet he would have composed a work of the utmost value to those who are inclined to study' ( i . 3. 6). Diodorus criticized the efforts of previous universal historians for not being sufficiently comprehensive. Alonso-Nûnez, 'The Emergence of Universal Historiography', 173. I have discussed in 'Universal Perspectives in Historiography', in C. Kraus (ed.), The Limits of Historiography: Genre and Narrative in Ancient Historical Texts (Leiden, forthcoming), the nature of universal writing in the first century BC, as reflected in the works of Diodorus Siculus, Pompeius Trogus, Strabo, and Polybius. B2

Although the benefit which history offers its readers lies in its encompassing a vast number and variety of circumstances, yet most writers have recorded isolated wars waged by a single nation or a single state, and only a few, starting with the earliest times and coming down to their own day, have tried to record the events connected with all peoples; and of the latter, some have not attached to the various events the appropriate dates, and others have passed over the deeds of barbarians; and some have rejected the ancient legends because of the difficulty of the undertaking, while others have failed to complete the project, their lives cut short by fate. Of those who have made an attempt at this task, not one has continued his history beyond the Macedonian period. For some have finished their accounts with the deeds of Philip, others with those of Alexander, and some with the Diadochi or the Epigoni, yet despite the number and significance of the events subsequent to these and stretching to my own lifetime which have been left neglected, no historian has tried to treat all of them within the compass of a single narrative, because of the enormity of the undertaking. ( 1 . 3 . 2-3) Polybius, by contrast, wrote an account that had a definite starting-point in the third century, and which was exclusive of certain regions. 83 His failure to start his full account until 220 BC would thus earn the censure of both Diodorus and A l o n s o N u n e z . However, Polybius, given the chance, might have objected to the assertion that no universal historian before Diodorus had treated the post-Macedonian period. Polybius himself took a fairly strict view of what counted as universal history, and he criticized those who claimed to have written universal history by giving simply an account of the war between R o m e and Carthage in three or four pages (5. 33. 3). O n l y Ephorus counted for Polybius as one w h o had previously written a properly universal history (τα καθόλου γράφειν). But Polybius speaks of his own project in these terms, and Strabo makes clear that he agreed with Polybius' assessment of himself as a universal historian, listing him alone with Ephorus at the start of Book 8. In this final section I assess in what senses Polybius can justly be termed a universal historian, and how S3 Lacy, 'ίθη και νόμιμα', 84, asserts that 'the whole of book xxxiv was devoted to the geographical description of the world then known'. I am not convinced that the securely placed fragments allow us to make any such assumption.

this may contribute to a study of the relationship between time and space, or history and geography, in his work. It is important not to confound the differences in the logic and manifestation of universalism at its various levels. T i m e and space, history and geography as disciplines, 'real' history and geography, and historiography all reveal and require new nuances in our understanding of Polybius' universalism. S o m e interpretations offer attempts to fuse together time and space, others reveal conceptions of the world which are not dependent on these categories. T h e philosophical categories of time and space have parallels in the concrete world in that historical events and processes take place in space, transform it, and are affected by it. Just as time and space cannot exist independently, although they may be formulated as separate notions, so in reality there is a close interplay between environment and historical process, and I have already discussed Polybius' concern with these mutual influences. One manifestation of universalism, in so far as it may be taken to refer to a holistic view of the world, must lie in this lack of independence of time and space, and of geography and history, w h i c h between them provide a location for all human experience, as I have discussed in chapter I. However, a different kind of universalism is suggested both by the fact that Polybius was motivated to start his account in the 140th Olympiad (220-216 BC) by the particular phenomenon of the union of world history, and by the fact that the main object of his enquiry was the extension of one historical power over almost the whole known world. W h e t h e r or not R o m e had set out with the intention of taking over the world has been vigorously contested. 8 4 But it is undeniable that Polybius says that R o m e had designs over the whole world (τα ολα), and thought that it could gain rule {αρχή) over it (1. 3. 6; 1 . 3 . io). 8 5 T h e whole narrative was explicitly intended to show 84 P. S. Derow, 'Polybius, Rome, and the East', JRS (>9 (1979), i-«5> sets out and attempts to reconcile the various views, stressing the need for distinction between purpose and result. 85 Rome's τών όλων επιβολή ('aim of universal hegemony') is evoked again at 3. 2. 6, as a potential next move after subduing Italy, Sicily, Spain, the Celts, and Carthage. Contra, see 6. 50. 6, where Rome is said to have intended to rule only Italy, but ended up with the world.

h o w R o m e 'made the inhabited w o r l d (οικουμένη) subject to it' (3· 3· 9)· P o l y b i u s indicates that at the battle of Z a m a the Carthaginians were fighting for their safety and dominion of L i b y a ; the R o m a n s for rule and dominion over the w h o l e world. T h e conquerors, w h o e v e r they were, w o u l d rule all that fell within the realm of history (Ιστορία), but only to R o m e was this aim attributed (15. 9. 2; 15. 9. 5). R o m e was not the only p o w e r to w h o m the idea of w o r l d rule had occurred. O n a smaller, b u t still threatening, scale, the embassy f r o m M e g a l o p o l i s to A n t i g o n u s in 225 BC complained that the greed (πλεονεξία) of the Aetolians w o u l d not stop at the boundaries of the Peloponnese, nor even at those of G r e e c e (2. 49. 3). D e m e t r i u s of Pharus advised Philip V to concentrate on Illyria and Italy, since 'Italy . . . was the b e g i n n i n g of conquest over the world (της ύπερ των ολων επιβολής), w h i c h belonged to no one more than h i m ' (5. 101. 10). 86 It is interesting, although not surprising, that other rulers urged R o m e not to exceed the natural limits of empire. A n t i o c h u s reminded the R o m a n s of their h u m a n status and b e g g e d them not to test fate (τύχη) too m u c h , p r o v i d i n g an alternative view to the idea that the rise of R o m e was s o m e h o w naturally ordained (21. 14. 4). 87 But the R o m a n s certainly exceeded all others in their dominion and thus provided a stimulus for P o l y b i u s ' work. H e expressly sets out the huge spatial scope encompassed b y his w o r k in a w a y w h i c h must complicate the question of perspective and focus discussed above (pp. 9 8 - 1 0 1 ) . H e states that he will not be like other historians, w h o deal with the events of one nation, b u t will write u p events in all k n o w n parts of the w o r l d (2. 37. 4). 88 H e contrasts the magnitude and significance of his o w n project with that of T i m a e u s , w h o s e work was not comparable with those w h i c h dealt w i t h the w h o l e inhabited 86 Philip is said to have been encouraged in the venture because he came from a house which more than any other aspired to world dominion (5. 102. 1) 87 I shall return to the question of how natural law and fate appear in the History (pp. 125-6). 88 Also 5. 31. 6: 'My plan is to write history not of particular matters, but what happened all over the world.' Authors such as Livy (cf. Pref. 4) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus {AR 1. 3. 6), with their explicit concentration on the history of just one city, provide an Augustan formulation of the kind of work to which Polybius objects.

w o r l d and universal history (ή οικουμένη και ai καθόλου πράξεις) ( ΐ 2 . 23. 7)· F o r P o l y b i u s there was a crucial difference b e t w e e n his w o r k , w h i c h was c o m p r e h e n s i b l e both in its entirety and in part, and a selection of individual accounts written 'bit by bit' (κατά μέρος). T h e essential process of finding an overall structure and sense in history could not be omitted (8. 2. 2). 89 In order to c o n v e y the unparalleled w o r k of fate, w h i c h consisted in b r i n g i n g the w o r l d u n d e r one p o w e r , only a unified history of events (καθόλου τών πραξέων ιστορία) w o u l d suffice (8. 2. 2-6). B u t R o m e had not c o n q u e r e d the entire w o r l d , and P o l y b i u s ' narrative does not cover all parts of it. E v e n if he did deal with global matters at length in the t h i r t y - f o u r t h book, his narrative through the w o r k is concentrated on certain areas, exactly as in D i o d o r u s , in spite of the claims of that author. Y e t the recurrence of references to 'the inhabited w o r l d ' (ή οικουμένη) suggests that at some level P o l y b i u s saw R o m e , in particular, as v e r g i n g on truly global domination. T h e totality of that vision is b r o u g h t out by comparison w i t h p r e v i o u s less c o m p r e h e n sive 'universal empires', s u c h as that of the M a c e d o n i a n s (1. 2. s). M o r e o v e r , P o l y b i u s ' geographical conceptions extended far b e y o n d the k n o w n w o r l d , even into the heavens. A t this point conceptual g e o g r a p h y exceeded the b o u n d s of w h a t had been achieved in history, and gave the w o r k a 'universal' aspect in the true sense of the w o r d . I m e n t i o n e d above that in order to b r i n g to the reader's m i n d u n k n o w n and large-scale geographical features P o l y b i u s c o m pared t h e m to parts of the city, and that this m e t h o d relied on the assumption that the individual architectural feature could be seen as a m i c r o c o s m of the w i d e r w o r l d . P o l y b i u s conceived of the w o r l d u n d e r R o m a n rule as a corporate w h o l e , a single unit, rather than b e i n g f o r m e d f r o m independently acting parts. T h e A l p s could be envisaged as an acropolis to Italy because the overall shape and relationship b e t w e e n the A l p s and Italy was similar to the overall shape and relationship of an This, of course, perfectly supports the arguments of those who would distinguish history from mere temporal succession. See P. Ricoeur, 'Narrative Time', in W. J. T . Mitchell (ed.), On Narrative (Chicago, 1981), 165-86, as discussed above, p. 26. The sense of the overall shape of events transformed chronicle into history. 89

acropolis to a city. F o r the image to w o r k , the scene had to be v i e w e d as a w h o l e , as is clearly indicated b y the use of both the prefix συν- and the dual form: συνθεωρουμενων άμφοίν ακροπόλεως φαίνεσθαι

Βιάθεσιν

εχειν τάς "Αλπεις

της ολης Ιταλίας

( ' W h e n the

two are v i e w e d together, the A l p s appear to stand to the w h o l e of Italy in the relation of an acropolis to a city', 3. 54. 2). T h e importance of the w h o l e as opposed to its constituent parts is relevant not only to f o r m i n g mental pictures of the wider landscape, but also to P o l y b i u s ' entire project. T h e fact that P o l y b i u s f o r m u l a t e d space in a holistic w a y is crucial to our understanding of the relationship b e t w e e n time and space in his w o r k . T h e i r c o n v e r g e n c e in R o m e ' s aim of universal empire meant that the w o r l d n o w progressed as one unit. F r o m 220 BC spatial separation no longer gave rise to different histories, so space c o u l d not be the primary matrix against w h i c h P o l y b i u s ' account was written; rather it was s u b o r d i nated to time. T h e progressive expansion of R o m a n rule further contributed to the domination of time over space, f o c u s i n g on the idea of process, and d r a w i n g together the w o r l d into one unit. 9 0 T i m e n o w p r o v i d e d the spine of the corporate w o r l d , the axis along w h i c h it progressed, m a k i n g geography a true subordinate to history. I shall return to this conceit, and to its implications for the subordination of space to time in P o l y b i u s . H o w e v e r united the w o r l d m i g h t have been portrayed, the process of writing about it still required the author to draw together a w o r k f r o m disparate elements. P o l y b i u s argues for the union of history in a striking metaphor, contrasting his period w i t h the ill-co-ordinated one of the past. ' P r e v i o u s l y w o r l d events were, in a w a y , dispersed (σποράδας) . . . but since this date [sc. 2x8 BC], history has been a corporate w h o l e (σωματοεώή), and the affairs of Italy and L i b y a have b e e n i n t e r w o v e n (συμπλεκεσθαί) w i t h those of Asia and G r e e c e , 90 Both Derow, 'Polybius, Rome, and the East', 4-6, and Millar, 'Polybius between Greece and Rome', 1, stress the non-spatial nature of Imperium, and it is certainly the case that to press for a spatial definition of provincia would be to misunderstand the term. But I would argue that, in addition to the notions of command and obedience, Polybius was interested in the geographical aspect of Roman rule, in the looser sense of the zones in which domination was exercised. His strongly spatial, as opposed to place-orientated, view of the world is natural in a study of expansion and changing boundaries.

leading to one end' (1. 3. 3-4). 9 1 B u t I recall f r o m chapter I the fact that P o l y b i u s ' near-contemporary, the author of the periplus attributed to S c y m n u s of C h i o s , b r o u g h t out the difference between real history and historiography by his application of precisely the same formulation to the disparate nature of the information he must use now as relater of the unified world. ' F r o m several scattered histories, I have written in s u m m a r y for y o u of the colonies and city-foundations, covering all the places that are accessible by sea and land across almost the whole earth.' 9 2 T h e w o r l d might n o w be united, but its narration must still be brought together f r o m different elements, in a w a y w h i c h belies the idea of the microcosm/macrocosm, or 'part for the w h o l e ' , conception as seen in P o l y b i u s ' g e o g r a p h y . Just as there was in fact a disparity between the real extent of the u n i f y i n g p o w e r of R o m e ' s empire and the global extent of P o l y b i u s ' geographical conceptions; so too was the nature of universalism in reality different f r o m its intellectual and literary manifestations. Universalism in the real world meant that world history m o v e d as one wave; universalism in historio g r a p h y meant constructing a literary system that could reflect this new reality, albeit imperfectly and f r o m disparate elements, as P s e u d o - S c y m n u s shows. T h e p r o b l e m was later to be formulated by D i o d o r u s : One might criticize historical narrative when one sees that in life many different actions happen at the same time (κατά τον α ντον καιρόν), but that those who record them must interrupt the narrative and distribute Note the return of the weaving imagery. GGM I, 197, Scymnus 11. 65-8: eV τών αποράδψ γαρ ίστορουμένων τιοίν | εν επιτομή σοι γεγραφα τα ς αποικίας | κτίσεις τε πόλεων, τής ολης τε γής σχεδόν | οσ' έστι πλωτά και πορευτά τών τόπων. (Cf. Polybius 3· 59· 3 : σχεδόν απάντων πλωτών και πορευτών γεγονότων, using precisely the same formula to express the breadth of horizons brought by the combined conquests of Alexander and the Romans.) T h e idea that Polybius himself amalgamated local histories is suggested by G . A . Lehmann, ' T h e " A n c i e n t " Greek History in Polybios' Historiae: Tendencies and Political Objectives', Scripta Classica Jsraelica, 10 (1989/ 90), 75: 'It becomes quite obvious here that Polybius did often grasp at local or regional histories to have concise information close at hand for a necessary digression'. P. J. Rhodes, ' T h e Atthidographers', in Purposes of History, 7 3 81, argues that local histories, such as those of Attica, were surprisingly varied in nature, ranging from the historical to the antiquarian. 91

92

different times to simultaneous events, contrary to nature (roîs άμα συντελουμένου

μερίζειν τους χρόνους παρά φύσιν), w i t h t h e result that the

written account mimics the events, but falls far short of the true a r r a n g e m e n t (πολύ öe λείπεσθαι της αληθούς διαθέσεως).

(2θ. 43· 7) '

It is a real historiographical problem that a chronologically ordered narrative cannot truly represent contemporaneous events. T h e r e is an additional problem. If Polybius' assertion that history was now 'a corporate whole' were correct, then there would be just one story to tell, and the historiographical problem would be lessened, although not eradicated. But, as is clear, events in different parts of the world were not entirely intertwined so as to form a single coherent narrative, and Polybius' account naturally reflects this. T h e conceit by which the diversity of the world was encompassed in a single history lay in the fact that the process of Roman expansion was still taking place and the world was not yet united. T h i s was surely in part responsible for Polybius' striking concern with the dynamic concept of space rather than with established and static place. For the period with which Polybius dealt, history was precisely concerned with the production of, and changes in, space. Both T i m a e u s and Diodorus (possibly following Ephorus) were concerned with moments when the histories of different places seem to be co-ordinated. D i o dorus noted that the battle of Plataea occurred on the same day as the battle between the Greeks and Persians at Mycale (11. 34. 1); the Peloponnesian war in Greece and the first war between Dionysius and Carthage in Sicily ended roughly together (13. 114. 3); on the very same day, and even at the same time on that day, the battles of Chaeronea and that between the Tarentines and the Lucanians in Italy took place (16. 88. 3). Momigliano saw this preoccupation also in the fragments of T i m a e u s ' work, for which Polybius provided the 93 T h e use of the compound of Θ4σις is interesting, and recalls the stress on accurate location in Polybius' geographical descriptions. See E. Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature, trans. W . Trask (Princeton, 1953), ch. 1, on the process of representation in Homer. He sees Homer's mimesis as being totally foregrounded and lacking 'perspective in time and place', but argues that Greek culture and literature soon took on the problem of historical change and the 'multilayeredness' of existence.

continuation. 9 4 H o w e v e r , this concern w i t h e x a m p l e s of s y n c h r o n i s m precisely reveals the disparate nature of most of the w o r l d ' s history. H e n c e P o l y b i u s ' concern with the ordering of the text. T h e g e o g r a p h y of the text itself, to w h i c h I have already alluded, meant that there were appropriate places to w h i c h he could assign material. H e declined to discuss Britain and the O u t e r O c e a n partly because he w a n t e d to assign 'the proper place and time' to their treatment. 9 5 A f t e r telling of R o m e and C a r t h a g e in S p a i n , he promises to 'turn the scene of the story totally, as the action shifted to G r e e c e ' , m a k i n g the g e o g r a p h y of the narrative m a t c h the c h a n g i n g location of the main action (3· 3· i)· T h e t u r n i n g - p o i n t for the organization of the narrative according to time and space was the 140th O l y m p i a d . U p until the third year of this O l y m p i a d (218 BC) P o l y b i u s argues that the events in different parts of the world should be related separately. T h e events in Italy, G r e e c e , and A s i a were still best explained individually, until the point at w h i c h they b e c a m e i n t e r w o v e n and began to tend towards one end (προς ev τέλος). B y k e e p i n g the narratives distinct until the great interweaving of events (?? συμπλοκή των πράξεων) in 218, and then g i v i n g a united a c c o u n t (κοινή) in chronological order, P o l y b i u s argues that he will g i v e m o r e p r o m i n e n c e to the transformation of w o r l d history (4. 28. 2-6). In fact, w h e n he reaches this year in his account of E u r o p e , he says that he has c o m e to a suitable place at w h i c h to turn the narrative to A s i a and confine himself to that area for the same O l y m p i a d (5- 30. 8).

A. Momigliano, Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography (Oxford, 1977), 5 ' · In F 60, he notes the contemporaneous foundations of Rome and Carthage; in F 150, the birth of Alexander on the same day as the temple of Artemis at Ephesus was burned. 95 3· 57· 5 : και τόπον και καιρόν άπονείμαντΐς. Note the conceptual separation of space and time, although the proper place in the text will inevitably occur at the proper time, making the two indistinguishable. At 3. 59. 6 he again promises to find a suitable place (αρμόζοντα τόπον) for discussion of littleknown lands, appropriately using a geographical metaphor. Cf. also 5. 98. 11 on finding a 'suitable time and place' (αρμόζοντα καιρόν και τόπον) for an exposition of siege-tactics. 94

In order that my narrative may be easy to follow and clear, I think that nothing is more essential for this Olympiad [sc. 140th] than not to interweave events together, but to keep them distinct and separate as much as possible, until, on reaching the next and subsequent Olympiads, I can begin to write of events alongside each other year by year. (5. 31. 4-5) Polybius here strikingly fails to live up to his programme. T h e year 218 did not affect the writing of history in the way he had envisaged; for that we must wait until the start of the next Olympiad. However, even then, although events might have undergone an interweaving that united them in reality, Polybius' attempt to mirror this in the text does not result in the single account that spans vast areas. Indeed, he states his practice later as being to relate 'separately the events in each country for each year' (28. 16. xi). T o w a r d s the end of the work, this is r e p e a t e d — ' K e e p i n g distinct all the most important places in the

world

(πάντας

Βιηρημένοι

τους

επιφανεστάτονς

τόπους

τής

οικουμένης) and the events that took place in each . . . I leave it open to the students to cast their minds back to the continuous narrative (τον συνεχή λόγον)' (38. 6. 5). T h e image of weaving is used of events in Polybius' narrative, concerning both reality and the process of historiography. H e considered that the great length of his work was no hindrance to the reader since the books were 'as though connected by a single thread' (καθάπερ

άν ει κατά μίτον

εξυφασμένας)

(3. 3 2 · 2).96 T h e

inter-

weaving of real events differed from their interweaving in historiography, reflecting the different manifestations of universalism as discussed above. T h e historian's creation of his text as a woven fabric involves drawing together the narrative of separate places, but, as Diodorus explained, this can only mimic reality and lacks its true arrangement. 9 7 96 Pédech, La Méthode historique, 507, notes that the term συμπλοκή ('weaving') was used by the atomists, Leucippus and Democritus, to denote the combination of elements, illustrating the real interweaving of the world into an organic whole at the most basic level, and again illustrating the importance of Ionian cosmology through Herodotus and on to the Hellenistic historians.

Diodorus 4. 60. 1 and 4. 63. ι use the same image of weaving a narrative (αναγκαίου ...τα συμπεπλεγμένα τούτοις Βιελθείν: 'it is necessary . . . to go through the events which are interwoven with these').

I w o n d e r whether it is possible to look b e y o n d this to less polarized notions of unity and universalism. A t least t w o alternatives are suggested within P o l y b i u s ' text. T h e relation of a holistic view of the world to biography is the first of these. P o l y b i u s likens the effect of trying to gain an overall view of history f r o m s t u d y i n g isolated accounts to imagining the w h o l e living animal f r o m having seen only its dissected c o m p o n e n t parts ( i . 4. 7). T h e image is particularly interesting w h e n set against Strabo's c o m m e n t directed against Eratosthenes that the w o r l d must not be divided up into random piecemeal sections (άλλως κατά μέρος), but limb by limb (κατά μέλος) (Str. 2. ι . 30). H e r e w e may recall the use of biological metaphor, explicitly applied to history itself in the justification for the start-date of P o l y b i u s ' work. F r o m the 140th O l y m p i a d , world history was 'like a corporate w h o l e ' (σωματοεώής). So, g e o g r a p h y , history, and historiography adhered to this principle of holism. T h e idea that writing history (or g e o g r a p h y ) may have affinities with biography is supported by the notion of the life-cycle of historical institutions, of customs, and of places. I shall discuss the life-cycle of places later, in relation to Strabo's Geography, but W a l b a n k has pointed out the importance of biological patterns for P o l y b i u s ' historical conceptions also. 9 8 N o w h e r e is this clearer than at the fall of Carthage, where the idea of the succession of empires is strongly evoked, and R o m e ' s success is set in the context of the rise and fall of states (38. 22. 2 ) . " P o l y b i u s ' interest in the w a y that historical processes yield constitutions following a natural biological pattern of birth, development, and decline is interestingly paralleled by his concern with the lives of individual actors in history. 'All that befell R o m e and Carthage could be ascribed to one man and one life, I mean that of Hannibal (εις ψ άνήρ αίτιος και μία ψυχή, λέγω 8è τήν Άννίβου)' (g. 22. ι). 1 0 0 C o n c e r n i n g PhilopoiWalbank, Polybius, 142-4. See also 29. 21. 4. j. Hornblower, Hieronymus of Cardia (Oxford, 1981), 104-6, traces the common Hellenistic motif of pondering the mutability of fortune. The case discussed by Hornblower (Antigonus Gonatas and Pyrrhus) is significant because it came in the final cadence of Hieronymus' work, as in Polybius, suggesting a conscious imitation by Polybius. 100 A crucial stage in the development of biography as universal history was the work of Theopompus, whose Philippica, ostensibly focused on one person, 98 99

men, Polybius places accounts of people above those of cityfoundations on the grounds that it is men w h o actively play out events (10. 21. 3-4). 1 0 1 T h i s appears to diminish the importance of place as an active player in history, but W i e d e m a n n does something to reinstate places alongside human characters, nicely illustrating the overriding nature of the biographical form. Wiedemann ascribes the full incorporation of biographical sketches into historiography to Polybius, writing that 'the idea of including descriptions of an individual's character—in addition to those of the character of a city or area—in a historical narrative seems to have been Polybius' own contribution'. 1 0 2 Biographies and life-cycles also introduce into the discussion the laws of nature. I mentioned above (p. 110) the way in which geographical phenomena obeyed a certain natural logic, w h i c h coherently linked the processes taking place across the world. T h e notion of the natural order, sometimes referred to as φύσις, and worked out by fate, offers another way of conceptualizing the unity of the world without explicit recourse to the categories of time and space. 1 0 3 Polybius states that what was particular to his period was that fate 'had guided almost all the affairs of the world in one direction and forced them to incline to one single end' (1. 4. 1). T h e unification of the world led Polybius to investigate 'when and from where the general and comprehensive scheme of things originated and how it led up to the end' ( 1 . 4 . 3). Elsewhere he states that the most important part of history is the investigation of the remote or immediate consequences of events and especially that of causes (τα περί τα? αιτίας) (3. 3 2 · 6). told the history of a whole age. It is telling that Pompeius Trogus adopted the title Historiae Philippicae for his Augustan universal history. 101 Scipio Africanus' exploits are explicitly recounted against the background of his character (10. 2. 1). 11)2 T . Wiedemann, 'Rhetoric in Polybius', in Purposes of History, 294. But cf. Thucydides' portrait of, for example, Pericles at 2. 65. That fate (τύχη) was the architect of the world's fortunes is brought out in 4. 2. 4, where the reason for the start-date of the work is that 'fate had, as it were, made new the whole inhabited world' (το και τψ τύχην ùaavel κΐκαινοποιηκίναι πάντα τα «ατά την ο'ικουμίνην). A particular example of this is the attribution of the natural logic of well-proportioned straits to the agency of fate (16. 29. 8).

T h e principles of causation and c o n s e q u e n c e and of interlocking events span the categories of time and space and apply to both historical and geographical processes. P o l y b i u s ' e x ample that the w a r with A n t i o c h u s resulted f r o m that w i t h Philip, w h i c h was a consequence of the w a r with Hannibal, w h i c h in turn was a result of the w a r over Sicily, mirrors exactly the constant flow of water f r o m the Palus Maeotis, to the Pontus, to the Propontis, to the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , to the O u t e r O c e a n . 1 0 4 Both processes require a vision of some allencompassing universal law. P o l y b i u s ' political theory also involves the natural order; the d o m i n a n c e of the strong o v e r the weak, w h i c h first gave rise to a social order, is seen as 'the truest work of nature' (φύσεως έργον άληθινώτατον) (6. 5· 8). T h e w h o l e cycle of political institutions ran a c c o r d i n g to the organization of nature (φύσεως οικονομία) (6. g. 10). 1 0 5 W e have already seen h o w the organization (οικονομία) of the text was the business of the writer (5. 31. 7); that of the w o r l d belonged to fate. T h e idea of w o r l d unity t h r o u g h divine will, and the centralizing tendency of fate, are strongly associated with Stoic thought, w h i c h m a y p r o v i d e yet another approach to the formulation of P o l y b i u s ' conception of the w h o l e (τα ολα). 106 But it w o u l d be a mistake to attribute these notions to a single school of thought. A s I discussed in chapter I, the Presocratic philosophers had already put f o r w a r d various models of a symmetrical and unified cosmos, and H e r o d o t u s , so m u c h of w h o s e w o r l d - v i e w seems to have been o w e d to his fellow Ionian G r e e k s , echoed the stress on a w o r l d ordered by s y m m e t r y with, for example, his assertion that 'if there are H y p e r b o r e a n s , then there are others, H y p e r n o t i a n s ' ( H d t . 4. 36). Indeed, the importance to P o l y b i u s ' History of the H e r o d o t e a n historio104 3 · 32· 7 f ° r f he string of historical consequences. Pédech, La Méthode historique, 405-31, helpfully points out the way in which Polybius' use of geographical parallels employs precisely the same technique as his system of parallel lives and parallel constitutions. These all add up to what Pédech calls 'la méthode comparative' (p. 415). 105 At 4. 40. 6 the inevitable silting-up of the Pontus is described as 'in accord with nature' (κατά φύαιν); 4. 39. 11 gives preference to reasoning from φύσις. 106 The principle underlying Diodorus' own universal history has been seen by B. Farrington, Diodorus Siculus. Universal Historian = Inaugural Lecture at Swansea (Swansea, 1937) as Stoicism, with its idea of a unified universe.

graphical model, the capacious history later exemplified in the w o r k s of the Annales school and in the v i e w s of Jacoby, seems to be borne out b y m a n y aspects of the text. N o t only, as I have tried to show, was P o l y b i u s far m o r e interested in geographical issues than has sometimes been appreciated, b r i n g i n g his History in that respect close to H e r o d o t u s ' all-embracing model; not only was he w r i t i n g a response to conquest, as H e r o d o t u s had done; but also the conceptual unity of both accounts and the w o r l d they describe is clear. U n i v e r s a l i s m may be e n c o m p a s s e d not only in the fusion of time and space, the co-extension of these across the k n o w n w o r l d , and the author's attempt to reflect this, h o w e v e r imperfectly, in his account, but also in the concepts of biog r a p h y and of the natural order. It is interesting that P o l y b i u s ' project used both the categories of time and space, and u n i f y i n g notions that did not involve this polarized approach. T h i s accords w i t h his repeated stress on the need to view the w o r l d both 'bit by bit' (κατά μέρος) and 'as a w h o l e ' (καθόλου). H i s introduction was designed to c o n v e y a notion of the w o r k to the reader και καθόλου και κατά μέρος ('both as a w h o l e and bit b y bit') (3. 5. 9); the enormity of the project necessitated careful attention to organization, so that the w o r k m i g h t be clear και κατά μέρος και καθόλου (5. 3 1 · 7)i a n d in the epilogue he indicated his wish to s u m m a r i z e the w h o l e s u b j e c t (τψ ολψ), establishing και καθόλου και κατά μέρος the connection b e t w e e n the b e g i n n i n g and the end (39. 8. 3). A l l these passages concern the methodological p r o b l e m of organizing a work of h u g e scope. T h e process of composition must be clear on t w o levels, both in its putting-together of constituent parts and in its overall conception. T h e notion of m i c r o c o s m and m a c r o c o s m , of the 'part for the w h o l e ' , m a y offer one interpretation of what P o l y b i u s meant by this duality. T h e History, like the w o r l d w h i c h it related, could be understood to function logically both as a w h o l e and in part, since each part was an integral c o m p o n e n t of the whole. 1 0 7 B u t There is also a sense in which the microcosm/macrocosm approach to history enabled the work to stand as a fragment of a wider whole, just as D. S. Levene, 'Sallust's jfugurtha: An "Historical Fragment" ', JRS 82 (1992), 5370, argues with regard to that work. So, for example, allusions to Xerxes extend the scope of the History to the fifth century BC. 107

it can be argued that this is also precisely h o w the purely spatial content of the work could be analysed. I have already m e n tioned that C l a u d i u s Ptolemaeus distinguished in the introduction to his Geography between c h o r o g r a p h y and g e o g r a p h y . T h e passage is worth citing again in full, since it recalls m a n y of the themes of this chapter, as well as revealing h o w strikingly comprehensive P o l y b i u s ' notion of g e o g r a p h y in history was: ' C h o r o g r a p h y has as its aim the treatment of the subject piece by piece (επί μέρους), as if one were to depict (μιμοίτο) an ear or an eye by itself; but geography aims at the general survey (τής καθόλου θεωρίας), in the same w a y as one w o u l d depict the entire head' (Geog. ι . ι. i). A s I have argued above, the language of the b o d y recalls P o l y b i u s ' o w n view of his work and the world it describes as an organic whole, with a life to be related. T h e notion of geography as a f o r m of mimesis sets the enterprise neatly alongside D i o d o r u s ' task of historical mimesis (20. 43. 7), h o w e v e r imperfect that m a y be. Both g e o g r a p h y and history are seen as f o r m s of representation of the w o r l d , w h i c h m i g h t naturally fall within the compass of a single integrated work such as that of P o l y b i u s . Ptolemaeus' stress on g e o g r a p h y as representation is accompanied by the importance of the visual. T h e geographer has to engage in θεωρία ('spectating' or 'viewing'), in a way w h i c h we have seen was crucial in P o l y b i u s ' History. But just as P o l y b i u s ' w o r k , representing in a strongly visual w a y the c h a n g i n g w o r l d of R o m a n p o w e r , spans g e o g r a p h y and history, so too P o l y b i u s ' g e o g r a p h y embraces Ptolemaeus' chorographical style (επί μέρους) and his geographical approach (καθόλου). N o t only did geography for P o l y b i u s function on both the small- and the large-scale, but the f o r m u l a can be pushed yet further. Both as a separable c o m p o n e n t (μέρος), w h i c h interacted with history in various ways, and as an undifferentiated ingredient in P o l y b i u s ' truly holistic view of the w o r l d (καθόλου), g e o g r a p h y and space were integral to the History.

Posidonius: Geography, History, and Stoicism

INTRODUCTION

Posidonius of A p a m e a and of R h o d e s earns his place in this study on several counts. In his o w n right, he was one of the most important intellectual figures of the early part of the first century BC. H e was the leading Stoic of his day, and an expert in a vast range of fields—mathematics, physics, p h i l o s o p h y , history, and g e o g r a p h y . In addition to this, he forms a neat chronological and textual link between P o l y b i u s and Strabo. Posidonius, like Strabo, wrote a continuation of P o l y b i u s ' History, and he was a m a j o r source for Strabo in his GeographyPosidonius held a high political profile in R h o d e s , a crucial point in the network of c o m m u n i c a t i o n s across the Mediterranean world. 2 H e had held the prytany in R h o d e s and was sent on an embassy to M a r i u s (Str. 7. 5. 8; Plut. Mar. 45. 7). L i k e P o l y b i u s , and to a lesser extent, Strabo, he had connections with the highest level of the R o m a n élite, w h i c h gave him a c o m p l e x v i e w p o i n t on the d e v e l o p m e n t and c o n solidation of the R o m a n world. 3 H i s travels took him to Spain, Italy, L i g u r i a , and G a u l in the W e s t , to add to his personal experience of the eastern Mediterranean w o r l d . I shall say more in the next sections about Posidonius' works, of w h i c h I have, for o b v i o u s reasons, focused on those traditionally characterized as 'geographical' and 'historical', 1 For Posidonius' 'Events after Polybius' (τα μΐτά Πολύβιον), see FGrH 87 Τ ι; as a source for the Geography, see Str. 1. 1. 1; 8. 1. 1. 2 Str. 14. 2. 13: Ποσΐώώνιοί δ' Ιπηλιτεύοατο μίν èv 'Ρόδω ('Posidonius held public office in Rhodes'). 3 For links with Cicero see Τ 29-34; on links with Pompey see Τ 35-9 in L. Edelstein and I. G. Kidd (eds.), Posidonius I. The Fragments (Cambridge, 1972).

namely On Ocean and the Histories. I also discuss the p r o b l e m s for m y e n q u i r y entailed by the fact that only f r a g m e n t s of these texts remain, m a k i n g it even more difficult than ever to reconstruct the nature of the works, or the m i n d - s e t of their author. If nothing else, I should like to s h o w in this chapter that m y investigations into the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h y and history should stimulate a reconsideration of the w a y in w h i c h this set of fragments has been treated. I argue that Posidonius' reputation as an important S t o i c thinker may have something to add to our reading of his accounts of the w o r l d , in a w a y w h i c h challenges the applicability of traditional generic classifications. In particular I propose that the H e r odotean m o d e l for rewriting a n e w l y e x p a n d e d w o r l d , w i t h its holistic approach and its capacious notions of g e o g r a p h y and history, may have m u c h to offer an interpretation of the extant fragments of Posidonius' work.

THE

PROBLEM

OF

FRAGMENTARY

TEXTS

' i t is hard indeed to recover the true m e a n i n g of the f r a g m e n t even if it is preserved w o r d for w o r d , since it is n o w separated f r o m its original context.' 4 Edelstein could hardly have stated the p r o b l e m more bluntly. T h e p r o b l e m s associated with fragmentary texts are, of course, not confined to Posidonius, but the difficulties are more acute with this author because of the almost reverential aura that has been built up around h i m and his w o r k s . T h e high regard in w h i c h Posidonius was held in antiquity cannot be denied. 5 It is clear that w e are dealing with one of the most influential intellectual figures of the Hellenistic world. But there is a curious disparity between the tiny fraction of his w o r k to survive and the great reputation w h i c h has b e c o m e attached to him. T h e fact that Posidonius was important to so m a n y ancient authors makes it all the more From the papers of L. Edelstein as quoted by Kidd, Posidonius /, p. xvii. Kidd has recently elaborated further on the problems that fragmentation brings to the study of Posidonius in I. G. Kidd, 'What is a Posidonian Fragment?', in G. W. Most (ed.), Collecting Fragments (Göttingen, 1997), 225-36. 5 Strabo (16. 2. 10) says that Posidonius was the most learned philosopher of his time (τών καθ' ημάς φιλοσόφων πολυμαθέστατος). 4

imperative that w e take care w h e n assessing his w o r k , and yet Posidonius provides us w i t h one of the m o r e e x t r e m e manifestations of the f r a g m e n t a r y p r o b l e m . D o b e s c h ' s sentiment a b o u t the loss of the Histories is typical of the reaction of some m o d e r n scholars. H e considers the w o r k to have been one of the greatest achievements of late Hellenistic learning: 'eine der g r ö ß t e n L e i s t u n g e n späthellenistischer W i s s e n s c h a f t ' . 6 H e therefore wishes to draw far-reaching conclusions f r o m the fragments. But the conclusions far o u t strip w h a t can be safely d e d u c e d f r o m the extant text. F o r D o b e s c h the Histories of Posidonius can be used as a litmus test for the preoccupations of the age. So, for example, the lack of an extensive G e r m a n e t h n o g r a p h y in Posidonius to set alongside that of the C e l t s is e n o u g h to suggest that the G r e e k intellectuals of the period w e r e not interested in the G e r m a n s . 7 B u t the extremely scant remains of this w o r k do not j u s t i f y assertions about its omissions, as t h o u g h access has been gained to the mind of the great man himself. 8 A s I have already indicated, there is no question b u t that Posidonius was a m a j o r figure in the intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t of the second and first centuries BC. H o w e v e r , the propagation of this image is partly responsible for the c o m m o n practice of 6 G . Dobesch, Das europäische 'Barbaricum' und. die Zone der Mediterrankultur: Ihre historische Wechselwirkung und das Geschichtsbild des Poseidonios (Vienna, 1995), 60. M y criticisms are directed at Dobesch's use of Posidonius rather than at his book as a whole, which provides a fascinating overview of the development of ideas about northern Europe and its inhabitants, in which Posidonius played only a part. See my review in yRS 86 (1996), 190. 7 Dobesch, Das europäische 'Barbaricum', 61. T h e suggestion that Posidonius was not interested in the Germans is, in any case, belied by their appearance in even our small number of extant fragments. O. Hansen, 'Did Poseidonios give Germania her Name?', Latomus, 48 (1989), 878-9, suggests that the viator in Tacitus, Germania, 2. 3 was Posidonius, actual author of the name 'Germanoi'. 8 Similar assumptions are often made in other fields of historiographie study. See, for example, R. B. Steele, 'Pompeius and Justinus', AJP 38 (1917), 19-41, who states that Pompeius avoided replicating Livy's material, such as the Sertorian war. 'Livy described it in such detail that Trogus did not write anything about it' (p. 23). It seems that we have no way of knowing for certain what Trogus omitted, given the tendency of the epitome to select whole episodes for inclusion rather than to summarize the entire scope of the original.

attributing the majority of u n a c k n o w l e d g e d pieces of highquality t h o u g h t in authors such as D i o d o r u s and Strabo to their superior predecessor, Posidonius. T h i s process tends to take on a m o m e n t u m of its own. A s D i o d o r u s and Strabo are stripped of their 'clever' passages, they b e c o m e increasingly u n w o r t h y of such pieces and all the more likely to lose them. A s Posidonius is accorded more of these intellectual highlights, he b e c o m e s proportionately more intelligent and all the more likely to have been the source of high-level discourse. It is precisely in opposition to such polarization of authors in terms of intellectual achievement into 'thinkers' and 'compilers' that I favour the practice of Jacoby and of Edelstein, followed by K i d d , in rejecting for their collections any passage not directly attributed to Posidonius in the ancient sources. T h e p r o b l e m of f r a g m e n t s is, h o w e v e r , also directly related to the challenge w h i c h I wish to pose to m o d e r n assumptions about the genre of ancient works. It is because so m u c h has been made of so little that all the more care should be taken w h e n assessing the broader nature of Posidonius' works. B r u n t has argued for extreme caution in the degree to w h i c h w e can assert anything about w h o l e w o r k s f r o m their fragments. 9 It is often unclear where citations start and end, h o w m u c h has been paraphrased, and to w h a t extent a passage is characteristic of the work as a w h o l e . A l l of these p r o b l e m s will be exemplified w h e n I consider the fragments individually, but the overall effect m u s t be to enforce great caution in trying to draw any conclusions whatsoever about the nature of the complete w o r k s and about the contents of their separate books. A particular difficulty arises in the case of Posidonius' Histories, since every single one of the fragments f r o m this work w h i c h survive with a book n u m b e r is preserved in j u s t one source, A t h e n a e u s ' Deipnosophistae. G i v e n our complete dependence on this one work for our view of the organization of the Histories, it seems appropriate to discuss briefly at least some of the p r o b l e m s arising. Firstly, the textual tradition is fairly c o m p l e x . A parchment manuscript (A), written p r o b a b l y in the tenth century, was b r o u g h t to V e n i c e f r o m Constantinople in 1423. T h e m i d 9

P. A. Brunt, 'On Historical Fragments and Epitomes', CQ NS 30 (1980),

477-94·

fifteenth-century copy of this manuscript f o r m e d the basis of the A l d i n e edition of 1 5 1 4 , the only edition w h i c h preserves the book n u m b e r s of f r a g m e n t s cited, and the main source for the text. H o w e v e r , the manuscript lacked Books 1 and 2, m u c h of Book 3 and the end of Book 15. F o r these, it was necessary to rely on other manuscripts, w h i c h may or m a y not have been dependent on A . In particular, m u c h of w h a t the m o d e r n textual critic can reconstruct for parts of the w o r k not f o u n d in A is derived f r o m epitomes. S e c o n d l y , it is worth repeating that the book n u m b e r s are given in only one manuscript of A t h e n a e u s (A). T h i s explains to some extent the willingness of editors to e m e n d any n u m b e r that does not c o m p l y with his or her o w n view of Posidonius' work, on the g r o u n d s that n u m b e r s are notoriously corruptible and cannot in this case be verified by reference to any other text. T h i s does not, h o w e v e r , provide a justification for w h e r e and w h y editors have w a n t e d to make emendations in the first place. A s I shall argue, the wish to e m e n d has usually s p r u n g f r o m a desire to create a narrative w h i c h complies perfectly with chronological order. T h i r d l y , the nature of the Deipnosophistae as a source for Posidonius' Histories must be taken into account. T h e relaxed context of learned leisure is hard to assess for accuracy of citation and choice of topic. T h e analogy of high-table dinner talk may have something to offer the answer to both questions; namely that the accuracy may be more apparent than real, and that the turns in the conversation are likely to be erratic, illogical, and certainly not intended primarily to illuminate or to give a full picture of any one source d r a w n into the discussion. Rather the focus of interest will be the occasion in hand, that is, dinner, and the references will be deliberately allusive, and not designed to provoke too t h o r o u g h an investigation into their accuracy. O f course, the Deipnosophistae is far more packed with literary references and allusions than any real conversation w o u l d be, certainly over so long a period. H o w e v e r , the point is that, as our only source for the organization of the Histories, the peculiarities and conventions of A t h e n a e u s ' Deipnosophistae must at least be a c k n o w l e d g e d . T h e two major issues of accuracy and choice of subject both deserve consideration. T h e latter is quite clearly an important

factor w h e n dealing with P o s i d o n i u s ' Histories. Athenaeus' dinner party not surprisingly discusses food, drink, and associated c u s t o m s at length, and it is in this context that m a n y of his references to Posidonius are to be f o u n d . O f f e w e r than thirty citations, eighteen mention food or drink in s o m e f o r m , either still to be eaten, or at the m o m e n t of b e i n g c o n s u m e d , or taking its toll afterwards. A further six concern revelry, extravagance, or some other f o r m of frivolity; leaving only five w h i c h could not be described as immediately congenial to the s y m p o t i c milieu of the Deipnosophistae. T h e s e are F 38 on the enslavement of the C h i a n s by M i t h r i d a t e s , F 61 on rabbits, F 8 on the subordination of the M a r i a n d y n i a n s to the H e r acleots, F 17 on Celtic parasites, and F 23 on the Syrian parasite. O f these, the first t w o are unusual in h a v i n g no book n u m b e r attributed to t h e m b y A t h e n a e u s ; the other three all have in c o m m o n a concern over social organization. B u t the o v e r w h e l m i n g majority of citations m a d e b y A t h e naeus of Posidonius' Histories concern precisely the central theme of the Deipnosophistae—dining, revelry, and extravagance. T h i s c o m e s as no surprise, but it is w o r t h recalling, especially w h e n using collections o f fragments taken out of their A t h e n a e a n context, h o w strongly determined b y A t h e naeus and his gastronomic preoccupations this makes our picture of P o s i d o n i u s ' Histories. O f course, it could be, as H o r n b l o w e r has pointed out, that A t h e n a e u s quarried P o s i d o nius extensively precisely because his Histories were k n o w n to be so rich in details on the subject of f o o d . 1 0 It w o u l d not indeed be unreasonable to expect a work w i t h a strong ethnographic element to contain information on eating habits. T o an extent this picture of A t h e n a e u s ' deliberate selection of Posidonius' Histories, as a text w h i c h he k n e w to be ethnographic and broad in its cultural interests, w o u l d s u p p o r t m y view that w e should be prepared to find a strong H e r o d o t e a n influence on this w o r k . H o w e v e r , it does seem that these A t h e n a e a n passages m u s t still be distorting our v i e w of the scope of the Histories. T h e other point concerns the literal fidelity of the citations. T h e w h o l e question of precisely h o w ancient authors used their 10

S. H o r n b l o w e r , Greek Historiography

( O x f o r d , 1994), 48·

'sources' will be important in assessing S t r a b o ' s use of earlier historiographical texts, as I discuss in chapter V I . B u t it is clearly also relevant to any consideration of Posidonius f r o m the opposite angle, the retrieval of the source. Pelling has argued in connection w i t h Plutarch that the c l u m s y nature of p a p y r u s consultation w o u l d have m a d e the use of more than one source at a time very difficult. 1 1 T h e clustering of P o s i d o nius citations at certain locations in the Deipnosophistae may support the view of A t h e n a e u s also consulting the Posidonius p a p y r u s on a f e w limited occasions. F o r L a f f r a n q u e the notion that A t h e n a e u s referred to w o r k s 'livre en main', secured the accuracy of his citations. T h e 'livre en main' technique, together with the frivolity of the setting, w h i c h gave A t h e n a e u s no reason to distort his sources in order to present his o w n philosophical or intellectual message, supported the notion that A t h e n a e u s was preserving a faithful record of Posidonius' Histories. Pelling too has contended that A t h e n a e u s ' use of his sources was a n y t h i n g but careless. H i s earlier w o r k on Plutarch argued for a c o m p l e x process of composition f r o m sources, elements of w h i c h may be applicable to A t h e n a e u s . T h e d o m i n a n t source open on the desk, and p r o b a b l y cited with relative accuracy, was only one of m a n y types of reference to other texts. Pelling suggests that the main source w o u l d be s u p p l e m e n t e d by m e m o r y both of a general b a c k g r o u n d of other texts, and of preliminary reading done specifically for the w o r k in hand. S o it is plausible that one passage f r o m an author e v o k e d the m e m o r y of several other citations, w i t h no textual consultation involved, and the question of accuracy b e c o m e s a c o m p l e x one. 1 2 Indeed Pelling has suggested that s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y may have been more important for A t h e n a e u s than w o r k i n g face to face with a source, although it is hard to see w h a t 11 C . B . R . P e l l i n g , ' P l u t a r c h ' s M e t h o d of W o r k in the R o m a n L i v e s ' , 99 (1979), 74-96·

12

JHS

See M. Laffranque, Poseidontos d'Apamée: Essai de mise au point (Paris,

1964). C . B . R . P e l l i n g , ' F u n w i t h F r a g m e n t s : A t h e n a e u s and the H i s t o r i a n s ' ,

in D. Braund and J. Wilkins (eds.), Athenaeus and his Philosophers at Supper ( E x e t e r , 1999), d e v e l o p s a s i m p l e r p r o c e s s for A t h e n a e u s , r e p r o d u c i n g passages f r o m s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y . F o r a similarly c o m p l e x p i c t u r e of oral and w r i t t e n m e m o r y in the citation of ' s o u r c e s ' see H o r n b l o w e r , Greek

Historiography, 56-64.

process other than direct consultation could account for A t h e n a e u s ' inclusion of book n u m b e r s in his references. In addition, Pelling went on to use his picture of A t h e n a e u s ' closely interwoven and skilfully connected text to develop the important issue of where a fragment starts and ends. Both L a f f r a n q u e and Pelling reach the conclusion that sources are hard to extrapolate f r o m A t h e n a e u s and that, once retrieved f r o m this most idiosyncratic of settings, they are hard to contextualize and interpret. A glance at Pelling's discussion of h o w A t h e n a e u s uses authors w h o s e w o r k s are k n o w n f r o m elsewhere, and h o w confused and distorted a picture w e should gain f r o m A t h e n a e u s alone, must raise serious questions about w h a t we can possibly attempt with the fragments of Posidonius' Histories. W e can be sure neither of w h a t constitutes the citation, nor of h o w accurately it is cited. G i v e n the many problems associated with texts w h i c h survive only in fragmentary form, extreme caution is required in any attempt to draw broader conclusions about the complete works. I intend to demonstrate that even meticulous editors and commentators can be lured towards generalizations about the lost works of Posidonius that rest on m o d e r n assumptions about the nature of 'geographical' and 'historical' works; assumptions w h i c h , as I hope is b e c o m i n g apparent, have been challenged by historians and geographers in a w a y w h i c h should make us reassess our view of ancient authors. 1 3 T h e result may seem destructive, since m u c h of w h a t follows is an attempt to argue against previous approaches to this author. I have tried to relegate some of the polemic to A p p e n d i x B, but it could be argued that I offer little as an alternative to w h a t I reject. M y approach to Posidonius may appear pedestrian and unadventurous, but it is determined by a desire to respect the fragmentary nature of the works and not to force the evidence into rigid patterns. Even so, I may be convicted myself of falling into a similar trap of o v e r e m p h a s i z i n g certain aspects of the material at the expense of others. H o w e v e r , if all w e T h e r e is, of course, a clanger in using the term 'modern' in the context of this argument. By 'modern assumptions' I mean those which underpin the way in which, for example, geography and history are taught as separate and distinct disciplines in British education. But the most modern approach may be to challenge this division. 13

conclude is that w e cannot allow the accepted characterizations of Posidonius' w o r k s to remain unchallenged, that may at least halt the reconstruction of the works in some ways w h i c h are unwarranted. M o r e optimistically, the re-examination of the fragments, undertaken w i t h greater awareness of the generic assumptions w h i c h have usually been applied and of the p r o b l e m s associated with these assumptions, may enable us to see new possibilities for broader interpretations of the lost works, to w h i c h standard conceptions of w h a t constitutes a geographical or historical work have blinded us. In particular, the extant fragments of Hellenistic histories, while sharing all the problems of fragmentation themselves, m a y offer some insights into the possible range and scope of Posidonius' Histories. T h e s e fragments seem to have been rarely cited in commentaries and works on Posidonius, and yet offer a crucial aid to our understanding of the intellectual w o r l d of the late Hellenistic period, to w h i c h Posidonius belonged. By taking into account both this literary milieu of broad Herodotean historiography, alongside the widely accepted influence of T h u c y d i d e s , and also the cosmological implications of Posidonius' Stoic philosophy, w e may m o v e towards a more satisfactory understanding of the works as fitting products of the a g e — t h a t is, as different responses to the changes in w o r l d - v i e w b r o u g h t by R o m a n imperialism. I shall deal with two lost works, the Histories and On Ocean, w h i c h illustrate the dangers of constructing the nature of w h o l e works around scant evidence on the basis of m o d e r n notions of separate narrow disciplines of geography and history. I shall argue against the attribution of unplaced fragments to the works on these grounds, and show that if w e look at the fragments actually assigned in the ancient sources to the Histories and On Ocean w e gain a very different view of the character of those works, w h i c h may alter the way in w h i c h other fragments should be allocated. It seems that assigning these fragments on the basis of a picture gained f r o m the placed passages themselves, even a c k n o w l e d g i n g the fact both that these offer mere glimpses of the complete original and that no reading is objective, is a more sound approach than allocating them simply according to our ideas of w h a t a 'history' and a ' g e o g r a p h y ' should be.

M a n y of the debates in m o d e r n g e o g r a p h y , w h i c h are causing scholars to re-examine the w a y s in w h i c h they analyse geographical and historical texts, are not readily applicable to Posidonius simply because w e can tell so little about the overall design of fragmentary texts. A s always the cue for questions should c o m e f r o m the evidence itself; it is a b o n u s if the issues raised in relation to m o d e r n material can play a part in g u i d i n g our study of the ancient texts. H o w e v e r , there are several m a j o r questions w h i c h I shall keep in m i n d w h i l e considering the extant fragments. Firstly, do the f r a g m e n t s of each w o r k differ f r o m or c o n f o r m in content to w h a t w e m i g h t e x p e c t f r o m a ' g e o g r a p h y ' and a chronological narrative? H o w different are the issues raised in the two works? W i l l an examination of the contents p r o v e h e l p f u l in allocating unplaced fragments to each of them? 1 4 S e c o n d l y , is there any evidence in the fragments to help reconstruct the arrangement and nature of the works? Shall w e be able to c o n c l u d e that On Ocean was spatially organized, as w e may assume a g e o g r a p h y should be; and that we should see the Histories as a temporally dominated narrative? O r , did the works s i m p l y deal with different parts of the w o r l d , b u t c o n c e r n i n g the same kind of issues and arranged in indistinguishable ways? A l t e r n a t i v e l y , will the H e r o d o t e a n model of cultural historiography and J a c o b y ' s interrelated prose styles p r o v e helpful in u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h a t remains of the lost works of Posidonius? Firstly, I look at w h a t is firmly assigned in the sources to each w o r k . I demonstrate that the one s u r v i v i n g f r a g m e n t of On Ocean c o n f o r m s only to the most far-reaching and capacious definition of g e o g r a p h y . I contend that the extant fragments of the Histories are either e t h n o g r a p h i c in nature, or that, if they contain datable material, this m a y tell us nothing about the contents of the s u r r o u n d i n g b o o k . In particular, I argue that, even if w e conclude that the Histories were broadly arranged according to time, still textual emendations made for the purpose of fitting the extant f r a g m e n t s into a temporally ordered narrative are u n w a r r a n t e d and futile. Having

considered

the

securely

assigned

passages,

and

14 A s I discussed in C h . I, the use of contents as guides to the 'geographical' or 'historical' nature of works is open to challenge.

argued on the basis of t h e m for Posidonian w o r k s w h i c h w e r e broad in scope, I turn to the u n p l a c e d f r a g m e n t s and reexamine the w a y in w h i c h they have been labelled by various c o m m e n t a t o r s as 'historical' or 'geographical'. It is interesting that both Jacoby and K i d d adopted the principle of separating the securely located f r a g m e n t s f r o m those for w h i c h the source indicates no specific original c o n t e x t , but that they did so in rather different ways. Finally, I consider P o s i d o n i u s ' w i d e r v i e w of the w o r l d , w h i c h m a y help us to look b e y o n d matters of generic classification. E x c e p t in the case of passages not included in J a c o b y ' s collection, I use his n u m b e r i n g for the fragments cited. F o r ease of reference and in order to support m y a r g u m e n t s c o n c e r n i n g the nature of the Histories, I have included all the f r a g m e n t s securely assigned to this w o r k with translation and s o m e c o m m e n t s in A p p e n d i x B.

on

ocean15

T h e a m o u n t of secondary literature w h i c h focuses on this w o r k w o u l d never lead one to suppose that there is only one securely attributed extant f r a g m e n t . 1 6 It is o f t e n referred to as P o s i d o nius' 'geographical' w o r k , a denotation w h i c h , in the light of the various challenges to the definition of g e o g r a p h y u n d e r discussion, should immediately raise questions. 1 7 W h a t do F r o m now on I shall use this translation of the title assumed for the work on the basis of Strabo's comments at 2. 2. 1. While accepting that it was very common for ancient works to be denoted by the word περί followed by the subject matter, it is particularly interesting in this case, since the work, as far as I can tell, also literally went 'around' the Ocean, at least on one shore. I shall return to the question of the work as a periplus text. I have chosen to reflect in my translation the lack of a definite article in the Greek. However, one may argue that the great Outer Ocean did not require an article by virtue of its being the only significant ocean (cf. ßaaiXevs used without an article to refer to the Great K i n g of Persia). 15

F 28 (= Str. 2. 2. 1 - 3 . 8). All references to Jacoby's or to K i d d ' s views will be taken from their respective commentaries on the fragment under discussion. 17 Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, deals with On Ocean strictly within the confines of her chapter on 'Poseidonios Géographe', and makes her view of the work clear on p. 156; namely that all the information that we can have today on the geographical work of Posidonius is extracts from On Ocean, and that if he wrote another work in the same discipline, we know nothing of it.

scholars mean by saying that On Ocean was a geographical work? A r e they taking their definition f r o m m o d e r n c o n c e p tions of the subject, and, if so, how modern? In other w o r d s , I suspect that the description of On Ocean as 'geographical' relies on notions of g e o g r a p h y w h i c h do not take fully into account the recent debates over the relationship between g e o g r a p h y and other disciplines, notably history. A s I shall later s h o w , the w a y in w h i c h non-assigned fragments have been discussed and consigned to the realm of g e o g r a p h y , and so allocated a speculative place in On Ocean, strongly suggests a narrow definition of geography as a scientific discipline. I shall d e m o n strate that even in our one surviving fragment of the work, there is evidence that On Ocean had a far broader scope than a purely scientific account. T h e consequence of this is that either w e can maintain the description of the w o r k as geographical, but revise our idea of w h a t 'geographical' means; or w e can keep the notion of geography as a scientific discipline, but assert that On Ocean was not a purely geographical w o r k . 1 8 T h e f r a g m e n t comes f r o m S t r a b o ' s survey of his main predecessors, to w h o m m u c h of the first two books of his work are devoted, and it is important to r e m e m b e r that it is only Strabo's s u m m a r y of some of Posidonius' theories, and not a direct citation f r o m On Ocean. A s I mentioned above in connection w i t h A t h e n a e u s and his use of Posidonius' Histories, it is far f r o m clear w h e r e the Posidonian section starts and ends, h o w accurate a reflection of the original work has been preserved, h o w representative it is of the whole, and h o w far its contents have been determined by S t r a b o ' s p r e o c c u p a tions and interpretations. I give the f o l l o w i n g s u m m a r y of the contents, rather than quote the w h o l e passage. (a) Strabo states that he will next discuss Posidonius' theories f r o m his treatise on the Ocean. (,b) H e discusses the theory of zones, g i v i n g Posidonius' criticisms of Parmenides and Aristotle; then, Posidonius' o w n division of zones in relation to celestial phenomena, and 18 K . Reinhardt, Poseidonios ( M u n i c h , 1921)» w a s already questioning the ease with which Posidonius could be labelled a geographer, with no thought given to the individuality of his approach. Reinhardt pointed out that the geography of Strabo and that of Posidonius were very different things (59).

(c)

(d)

(e) (f)

(g)

secondly, in relation to h u m a n g e o g r a p h y . Strabo next criticizes P o l y b i u s ' division into six zones on the basis of Posidonius' theory, although he notes inconsistencies in Posidonius' views also. T h e question of a c i r c u m a m b i e n t O c e a n is discussed, w i t h Posidonius' arguments for its existence supported b y the story of E u d o x u s of C y z i c u s and the v o y a g e round L i b y a . Strabo criticizes Posidonius' m e t h o d . Strabo mentions Posidonius' arguments about changes in the level of sea and earth, w i t h the Atlantis story and the C i m b r i a n migrations adduced as evidence. Posidonius' figure for the length of the inhabited w o r l d is given. V a r i o u s geographical divisions are discussed: b y zones, by continents, by ethnographic variation. S t r a b o criticizes Posidonius' belief in geographical determinism. Strabo criticizes Posidonius' predilection for investigating causation.

By dealing w i t h Posidonius at this point, S t r a b o sets him in the line of great geographers that included not only Eratosthenes and H i p p a r c h u s , b u t also P o l y b i u s . T h e first t w o are well k n o w n as examples of the mathematical geographical tradition, concerned w i t h distances, lines of latitude, and measurements of the earth's c i r c u m f e r e n c e . 1 9 Reading b e y o n d the Posidonian section of Strabo's discussion c o m p l i cates the picture. T h e e m e r g i n g image of Posidonius' On Ocean as being firmly rooted in a scientific geographical tradition might have allowed us to dismiss ethnographical passages of h u m a n interest as b e l o n g i n g to some other work such as the Histories. S u c h a scientific image m i g h t in turn have been shattered b y the mention of the historian, P o l y b i u s . But b o t h sides of the comparison, as well as their point of contact in Posidonius, resist such straightforward analysis. Firstly, the distinction b e t w e e n scientific and h u m a n g e o graphy was insufficiently clear to allow us to interpret references to Eratosthenes and H i p p a r c h u s as s i g n i f y i n g that Posidonius wrote an account devoid of h u m a n interest. E v e n 19

D . R. Dicks, The Geographical Fragments of Hipparchus (London, 1960),

provides an excellent discussion of these fragments.

the work of the 'scientific* geographer par excellence, C l a u d i u s Ptolemaeus, reveals concern with w h a t m i g h t be termed ' e t h n o g r a p h y ' . H i s latitudinal and longitudinal divisions of the earth were ethnographically characterized. H i s description of T a p r o b a n e and eastern India included ethnographical notes on the size and appearance of the inhabitants, and the treatment of India p r o v i d e d details of the minerals and other natural resources, such as d i a m o n d s and beryls (Geog. 7. 4). T h e Fish-Eaters of A g a t h a r c h i d e s and of N e a r c h u s appear in Ptolemaeus' descriptions of the west coast o f L i b y a and of southern India. 2 0 It is clear both that so-called ' h u m a n g e o g r a p h e r s ' , the authors of periplus texts, w e r e interested in scientific observations, and that 'theoretical' geographers relied on the reports of sailors, as well as taking an interest in e t h n o g r a p h y . Ptolemaeus included travellers' tales in his list of sources of information at the start of the Geography, 'the history of travel, and the great store of k n o w l e d g e obtained f r o m the reports of those w h o have diligently explored certain regions' (1. 2). G i v e n this, it is hard to understand h o w the Geography could have been described in the f o l l o w i n g terms: 'It set the standard for scientific spirit if not for accuracy. N o w h e r e on his maps do w e find w i n d gods, vignettes, and monsters s u c h as decorated m a p s up to the m o d e r n period and n o w h e r e in his text does he give space to the tall tales of travellers such as the prodigies f o u n d in geographies of A f r i c a up to L i v i n g s t o n e ' s day.' 2 1 N e a r c h u s ' description of the periplus f r o m the m o u t h of the Indus to the Persian G u l f f u r t h e r blurs the ' v o y a g e r / theoretician' divide. H e points out that as he sailed s o u t h w a r d s d o w n the coast of India, the s h a d o w s too fell in a southerly direction, but that w h e n the sun was at the m i d d a y point, there were no shadows at all. S o m e of the stars were not visible and others nearer the horizon. H e concludes his observations with the c o m m e n t that similar p h e n o m e n a occur at E g y p t i a n S y e n e and at M e r o ë , as well as in the far south (Arrian, Indica, 25). T h i s is precisely the kind of information used by the mathematicians 20

See Geog. 4. 5 and 7. 3 for Fish-Eaters. A t 7. 2 Ptolemaeus even mentions

man-eating tribes. 21 W . H. Stahl, 'By their Maps you shall K n o w T h e m ' , Archaeology, (1955). >52·

8

and astronomers, in conjunction with their o w n observations, to hypothesize over the placement of lines of latitude and the relative position of places. Nearchus' account of the division of Persia into different climatic z o n e s — s a n d y and sterile by the coast, temperate and fertile to the north, and wintry and snowy yet further from the sea—recalls both the 'ethnographer', Agatharchides, and the zones or κλίματα of Hipparchus (Arr. Ind. 40. 2-4). T h e scientific interests of another traveller, Onesicritus, are reflected in his details on silting, flood-tides, and the effects of the sun on the skin. He asserted that the Aethiopians have a darker skin than the Indians because the sun's rays hit them more directly, not because the sun is nearer to them (Str. 15. 1. 24). 22 Even Eratosthenes seems to have relied on the experiences of voyagers to help in his measurement of the earth's circumference, using the differing angle of incidence for the noonday sun on the day of the summer solstice at Alexandria and Syene. Having calculated that the land distance between these two places would be l/so the circumference of the earth, he may still have been indebted for figures to the traveller, Philo, w h o made a voyage to Aethiopia and told of the relationship of the gnomon to shadows in the solstices and equinoxes (Str. 2. ι. 2). 23 O n the latitude of south India, Strabo says that if, as both Eratosthenes and Philo believed following the account of Nearchus and the other Indian voyagers, both of the 'Bear' constellations set there, it cannot be on the same line of latitude as Meroë (2. 1. 20). 24 F o r the west, Eratosthenes was reliant on tradition. W e are not told from w h o m Eratosthenes took his information on the western Mediterranean, but it seems likely that Pytheas may have been among his sources (Str. 2. 1. 41). It is interesting to see the scientific and ethnographical slants in geographical research so neatly combined here. 23 Many of the distances used by the theoreticians were those given by the explorers. Eratosthenes' figure for the minimum length of India was 16,000 stades, the distance given in the αναγραφή των σταθμών ('record of the stagingposts', Str. 15, ι . 11). 24 It is striking that in Eratosthenes' Geography, one of the most theoretical works known and, it would seem at times, almost independent of physical experience of the earth, we still have references to the information brought by actual travellers. It is impossible to disentangle entirely the worlds of the periplus and of the mathematical approach. 22

But H i p p a r c h u s too c o n f o u n d s any clear distinction between exploratory and theoretical g e o g r a p h y . H e described location and relative position by reference to the visibility of constellations such as the different groupings of Cassiopeia and Perseus. If one sails into the P o n t u s and proceeds around 1,400 stades northwards, a point equidistant f r o m the pole and equator is reached. F r o m here the star on the neck of Cassiopeia lies on the arctic circle, w h i l e that on the right arm of Perseus is further north. T h e scientific investigation necessitated recourse to the tradition of practical exploration, destroying any attempt to distinguish neatly between abstract and 'experienced' space (Str. 2. 5. 41). Just as the names of Eratosthenes and H i p p a r c h u s should not s y m b o l i z e purely mathematical g e o g r a p h y , so too should the mention of P o l y b i u s not dismiss scientific theories f r o m our minds. I have already discussed h o w P o l y b i u s ' spatial conceptions and their expression o w e d a great deal to scientific thought, and also that P o l y b i u s himself is attested as having written a p r e s u m a b l y astronomical w o r k , On the Habitation of the Equatorial Region. It should c o m e as no surprise that Strabo introduced h i m here in the context of a debate on physical g e o g r a p h y , criticizing Eratosthenes, questioning the reliability of Pytheas as a source, and involved in the ongoing debate on distances and measurement. But w h e r e does that leave Posidonius? A l t h o u g h P o l y b i u s is mentioned here by Strabo in a section dealing with On Ocean, w e should recall that Posidonius' Histories were described by the S u d a as f o l l o w i n g on f r o m Polybius. 2 5 A l t h o u g h there is no c o m p e l l i n g reason w h y Posidonius should have followed his chronological forerunner in any stylistic w a y , still the possibility remains that, just as P o l y b i u s ' 'historical' work was engaged in the scientific debates of the day, so too could Posidonius' Histories have dealt w i t h such matters. 2 6 T h i s need not affect FGrH 91 Τ 2: ίστέον οτι διαδέχεται τήν Πολυβίου ίστορίαν Ποσειδώνιος Όλβιοττολίτ-ης σοφιστής ( ' Y o u should know that Posidonius, citizen of Olbia and a sophist, followed on from the History of Polybius'). K i d d argues convincingly for the identification of Posidonius of Apamea with the author mentioned here. 26 Although, as Prof. D . A. Russell has pointed out to me, the scale of scientific discussion in Posidonius' Histories may have been minimal. 25

the w a y in w h i c h w e look at On Ocean, but could open up new possibilities for the nature of the Histories, w h i c h will be important in dealing w i t h unassigned fragments. T h i s fragment yields far m o r e of interest than simply a discussion of its context, and the tentative suggestion that, although this particular reference seems to have b e e n to On Ocean, it might not have been entirely out of place in Posidonius' Histories, and so illustrates the difficulty of placing unassigned fragments. Before setting out some of the main theories in On Ocean, Strabo attempts to characterize the w o r k in a way w h i c h raises yet more p r o b l e m s of interpretation. 'In it he seems to deal mainly w i t h g e o g r a p h y (τα πολλά γεωγραφεΐν), partly in a way properly befitting (τα μεν οίκείως), partly more mathematically (τα δε μαθηματικώτερον). A n d so it will not be out of place for me to j u d g e some of the things he has said, some of them n o w , some of t h e m in the individual descriptions, as occasion offers, always keeping some standard of measure (μέτρου

τίνος εχομένονς)'

( S t r . 2. 2. ι ) .

T h i s enigmatic passage tells us something of Strabo's o w n idea of w h a t geography c o m p r i s e d , and it is true that m a t h ematical geography in the sense of determining the size of the earth, distances on its surface, and the shape and orientation of countries, was not prominent b e y o n d S t r a b o ' s second book. W e may contrast this w i t h P o l y b i u s , whose entire w o r k was i m b u e d with such information, in spite of the apparent relegation of 'geographical' material to a separate book. But, more relevant to this chapter is w h a t w e learn about Posidonius, namely, that On Ocean was not confined to scientific slants, that Posidonius w o u l d continue to be of importance to Strabo b e y o n d the theoretical start of the Geography and on into his descriptions of individual places, and that once again w e have reason to argue against those w h o w o u l d consign all ethnographical passages to the Histories. Strabo's account of On Ocean is the only passage to be directly assigned to the w o r k , b u t at least it gives a reasonable idea of the huge scope encompassed. It b e c o m e s clear f r o m this description w h y Posidonius could appear in a list w h i c h included both Eratosthenes and P o l y b i u s , and w h y his w o r k could be described b y Strabo as dealing with more than 'mathematical' g e o g r a p h y . T h e spherical nature of the earth

and zone theory start Strabo's account, possibly indicating their prominence in Posidonius' work. Strabo signals assent to Posidonius' criticism of Aristotle and Parmenides, before moving on to Posidonius' own theory. Even in this apparently scientific exposition, Strabo reveals the human implications of Posidonius' theory. Five of his zones were useful for celestial purposes (χρήσιμοι προς τα ουράνια); but, in addition, for human purposes (προς τα ανθρώπεια), it was helpful to add two narrow zones lying beneath the tropics. T h e s e zones were parched and sandy, produced only silphium and withered fruits, had no rivers, and were inhabited by creatures with woolly hair, crumpled horns, protruding lips, and flat noses (for their features were withered by the heat); this was where the FishEaters lived (Str. 2. 2. 3). A s K i d d points out, such strong ethnographical interest might not have been expected in this work. T h e Fish-Eaters did not simply represent primitive tribes in hot climes, but the generic ethnic distinction of a particular latitudinal zone. 2 7 T h e attempt to combine the mathematical approach to geography with one that made sense in human terms was continued in Posidonius' criticism of Polybius' zone theory. Polybius' division into six celestial zones was rejected for a fivepart division, founded 'both physically and geographically'. 2 8 Strabo explains that by 'physically' he referred to a division which was in accord with the celestial phenomena and with the temperature of the atmosphere; by 'geographically' he meant that the five-zone theory accorded with the division into habitable and uninhabitable regions. 'For geography seeks to define by boundaries that section of the earth which we inhabit by means of one of the two temperate zones' (2. 3. 1). T h i s separation of το φυσικόν ('the physical') and το γεωγραφικόν ('the geographical') is particularly interesting in the light of reflec27 O n Fish-Eaters and other peoples characterized by their means of subsistence as stock representatives of different levels of civilization, see P. Janni, 'Fernando C o l o m b o e l ' I N D I K É di Arriano', Geographia Antiqua, ι (1992), 161—6, comparing the voyages of Nearchus and Christopher Columbus. T h e name, Ichthyophagi, had a generic value, and 'indicated not so much a particular people, as a level of human culture, the lowest' ('non indicava tanto un determinato popolo quanto un gradino della culture umana, il più basso'). 28 Str. 2. 3. ι: hoKeî μοι και φυσικώς αμα και γεωγραφικώς είρήσθαι.

tions on P o l y b i u s in chapter i l . Posidonius might have b e e n trying to p r o d u c e a system w h i c h linked the t w o concepts, but, if m y interpretation of P o l y b i u s ' geographical and historical conceptions is correct, then το γεωγραφικόν and το ιστορικόν ('the historical') w o u l d both inevitably fall within the realm and laws of το φυσικόν. It could be argued that Posidonius meant by το φυσικόν something different f r o m 'natural law', b u t even if this term referred to celestial ordering and ' g e o g r a p h ical' to terrestrial arrangement, these t w o were also b r o u g h t together in P o l y b i u s ' geographical conceptions. 2 9 T h e distinction recurs in Strabo's s u m m i n g - u p of Posidonius, and it could be that it was not part of Posidonius' formulation at all (Str. 2. 3. 8). H i s theories, in so far as they related to g e o g r a p h y (οσα γεωγραφικά), w o u l d be discussed t h r o u g h o u t S t r a b o ' s regional survey; but, in so far as they related rather to 'physics' (οσα φυσικώτερα), they w o u l d be discussed elsewhere or not at all. T h i s passage clearly reinforces the idea that το φυσικόν was s o m e h o w 'scientific', since that is h o w w e should p r o b a b l y best describe the contents of S t r a b o ' s non-regional books. H o w ever, I am still u n h a p p y about this interpretation. A s with so m u c h of Posidonius, we are left w i t h an unsatisfactory lack of clarity. It is not clear to w h a t extent Strabo's o w n t h o u g h t s have filtered into the account. It w o u l d be of great interest if S t r a b o ' s assertion that g e o g r a p h y ' s concern is with the habitable w o r l d were f o r e s h a d o w e d by Posidonius. 3 0 T h i s w o u l d make Posidonius and On Ocean a true intermediary b e t w e e n the preoccupations of scientific g e o g r a p h y and ethnography, dealing with global issues, but in so far as they affected man, and recalling P o l y b i u s ' use of the celestial coordinates in his description of m a n ' s location on earth. S t r a b o insisted on a sphere for g e o g r a p h y w h i c h was more restricted than that of Posidonius, rejecting the discussion of mountains in the O c e a n as lying outside the p r o v i n c e of g e o g r a p h y . 'Perhaps w e should pass on those matters to someone w h o proposes to write a Although Polybius did not explicitly map out the world in terms of zones (except perhaps in the thirty-fourth book), he did explain in detail his method for locating places unknown to the reader in terms of celestial coordinates. 30 Str. 2. s. 34: 'Geographers need not concern themselves with what lies outside our inhabited world' (rois 8è γΐωγραφοΰσιν ovre των ίξω της καθ' ημάς οικουμένης φροντιστΐον); see also 2. 5· 5· 29

treatise on the Ocean.' 3 1 It w o u l d be difficult not to see in this a reference to Posidonius' On Ocean, although the fact that Posidonius' work of that name is the only one k n o w n to us does not rule out the possibility that S t r a b o m i g h t have k n o w n of other such writings. But the idea that On Ocean s h o w e d even a limited interest in the h u m a n implications of its scientific theories does something to re-characterize it f r o m being a treatise concerned solely with tidal theory and sea-levels to a far more w i d e - r a n g i n g work. T h i s impression is reinforced by the next section of S t r a b o ' s treatment of the w o r k , dealing with the possibility of c i r c u m navigating L i b y a . T h i s had been a preoccupation of geographers before Posidonius, but was clearly relevant to his theme of the c i r c u m a m b i e n t O c e a n . Posidonius' account, as we have it, of the circumnavigability of L i b y a , p r o v i n g the unity of the Ocean, culminates in the story of E u d o x u s of C y z i c u s , in answer to all the unsubstantiated accounts of the c i r c u m n a v i gation given b y earlier authors (Str. 2. 3. 4). 32 F o u r voyages are mentioned, t w o starting f r o m the eastern side of L i b y a , two f r o m G a d e s . It was the second voyage, during w h i c h E u d o x u s found off the east coast of L i b y a figureheads w h i c h had apparently c o m e f r o m G a d e s , that encouraged h i m to believe that the continent was circumnavigable, and inspired him to attempt to sail f r o m G a d e s to India. T h e Posidonian account never actually shows that E u d o x u s succeeded in the circumnavigation, but Strabo draws it to an end b y saying 'so, f r o m all these indications he [sc. Posidonius] says that it is s h o w n that the ocean flows in a circle round the inhabited w o r l d ' (2. 3. 3), an assertion w h i c h Strabo finds 'amazing' (θανμαστόν). S t r a b o ' s objection is to Posidonius' use of evidence, w h i c h was no more reliable than the tales of 31

2. 3. 3: δοτέον δ' ίσως τω ττροθεμενω τήν περί ωκεανού πραγματείαν ταΰτ

εζετάζειν. 32 Previous accounts included Herodotus' story of Neco, and Heracieides Ponticus' story of Magos at the court of Gelon. Early interest in the possibilities of sailing along the outer shore of Libya is attested by the periplus of Hanno, king of Carthage, although this voyage probably reached no further than modern Sierra Leone due to lack of provisions and fear of the rivers of fire flowing into the sea, clearly a reference to volcanic activity. For Hanno's voyage, see the edition by J. Ramin, Le Périple d'Hannon: The Periplus of Hanno (London, 1976).

Pytheas and Euhemerus. 3 3 It is thus strange, as K i d d points out, that Strabo devotes more than 40 per cent of his discussion of Posidonius to this story, only to discredit it. Perhaps K i d d is correct to c o n c l u d e that Strabo is pointing out a lapse in the research methods of an admired predecessor. H o w e v e r , f r o m m y point of view, the interest lies in the fact that Posidonius appealed not only to theories of tides and zones in On Ocean, but also to the evidence of travellers, even in the f o r m of implausible or anecdotal tales. T h e next Posidonian theme to be addressed in Strabo's critique is the issue of changes in earth-levels. Rather than discuss Posidonius' physics and natural philosophy, Strabo illustrates the theory t h r o u g h the disappearance of Atlantis, and the causes of the C i m b r i a n migrations. T h e passage is problematic, not least because it directly contradicts the theory attributed b y Strabo elsewhere to Posidonius, and usually assigned as a fragment to the Histories, that the C i m b r i m o v e d o w i n g to their nomadic and piratical nature, and not because of inundations, either gradual or sudden. 3 4 T h e contradiction has led to suggestions of emendation, but it seems that Strabo must have intended here at least to give the reason for the migrations as being flooding because of the juxtaposition of the Atlantis tale, and the stress on illustrating c h a n g i n g earthlevels. T h e r e is no obvious w a y in w h i c h to solve this p r o b l e m . H o w e v e t , it may be useful to consider the contradiction as an indicator of Strabo's habits in Posidonian quotation. W e m i g h t recall Pelling's arguments concerning A t h e n a e u s ' use of sources, including Posidonius, and his suggestion that referring to sources involved a combination of techniques: consulting a single p a p y r u s at a time while writing, and drawing on m e m o r y both of texts read specifically in preparation for the current project, and of works read for earlier projects, and of general 33 W e may recall Polybius' view on the use of such 'travellers' tales', somewhat at odds with his stress on autopsy (4. 39. 11). It is ironic that Polybius, the historian, rejected such evidence in favour of 'argument from reasoning' while Posidonius, writing a work that has been deemed 'scientific', was happy to support his theories with reported tales. 34 T h e citation is given at Str. 7. 2. 1 - 2 . Strabo nowhere indicates that he took this passage from Posidonius' Histories.

reading and learning that w o u l d f o r m part of one's education. It is striking that S t r a b o ' s references to Posidonius are scattered t h r o u g h almost every book of the Geography, but that there is j u s t one extensive passage of discussion, namely the f r a g m e n t currently under consideration. If Pelling's picture is accurate also for Strabo, then it w o u l d appear that this extensive passage is the one for w h i c h S t r a b o had the P o s i d o nius p a p y r u s o p e n on his desk, and that the notes scattered t h r o u g h o u t the w o r k represent individual items d r a w n u p f r o m S t r a b o ' s m e m o r y of reading undertaken either for the Geography or earlier for his o w n Histories, in w h i c h , like Posidonius, he carried on w h e r e P o l y b i u s had finished. W e need not assume that Posidonius expressed different opinions on the C i m b r i a n migrations in his different works, although this cannot b e ruled out; it m a y instead be a simple case of S t r a b o m i s r e m e m b e r i n g his source on one occasion. F r o m this, S t r a b o m o v e s to a t h e m e more o b v i o u s l y g e r m a n e to g e o g r a p h y , namely the length of the inhabited w o r l d , d r a w i n g Posidonius into the debate i n v o l v i n g Eratosthenes, H i p p a r c h u s , A r t e m i d o r u s , and S t r a b o himself. T h e final section of S t r a b o ' s s u m m a r y of On Ocean takes us back to Posidonius' division of the w o r l d into latitudinal zones, w h i c h he is n o w said to have rejected in favour of a division into three continents. T h e reasons given for this change of m i n d have a strong ethnographical basis. A s before, the apparently scientific nature of zone theory is i m b u e d w i t h an interest in h u m a n g e o g r a p h y , and, here, also flora and fauna. T w o oppositions are set u p — b e t w e e n the influences of latitude and continent on the living things that inhabited a place, and between environmental d e t e r m i n i s m and the influence of custom, habituation, and education. 3 5 T h e w h o l e passage is c o n f u s e d , and it is hard to be sure h o w m u c h of it is really Posidonian. B u t w e can at least c o n c l u d e that On Ocean dealt with various w a y s of parcelling up the earth, and was concerned w i t h the h u m a n aspect of this topic. 3 6 35 Str. 2. 3. 7: τα μεν φύσει εστίν εττιχωριά τισι. τα δ' εθει και ασκήσει ('Some local characteristics are the result of nature, others of custom and training'). A s we shall see, the problem was one which troubled Strabo himself. 36 Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, 160, defines Posidonius' view of geography as having as its goal the understanding of human life in terms of

K i d d says that ' w h a t began as a scientific attempt to define zones or geographical divisions has c u l m i n a t e d in an account of h u m a n g e o g r a p h y in relation to the vegetation, life and climate of a total e n v i r o n m e n t ' (II(ii). 272). T h e tone is misleading. W e do not k n o w a n y t h i n g like e n o u g h about On Ocean to talk about its d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e c h a n g e that K i d d describes is not inherent in the w o r k , but reflects the w a y s in w h i c h a s s u m p tions about its nature are challenged and forced b y the extensive fragment to change. T h e r e is no evidence that the project was a scientific one w h i c h b e c a m e c o m p r o m i s e d ; rather, the c o m p r o m i s e should be applied to the w a y the project is at first c o n c e i v e d in our m i n d s . T h e relationship b e t w e e n the scientific and h u m a n strands is difficult to define. F o r K i d d , it lies in Posidonius' attempt to write explanatory e t h n o g r a p h y , d e p e n d i n g on the relationship b e t w e e n celestial and terrestrial phenomena. 3 7 T h e establishment of astronomical zones leads to discussion of h o w this affected the inhabitants of different regions. 3 8 It is perhaps the idea that P o s i d o n i u s was keen to explain, rather than simply to describe, w h i c h lay b e h i n d S t r a b o ' s observation, often seen as a criticism, that 'there is m u c h enquiry into causes in h i m ' (πολύ . . . Ιστι το αΐτιολογικον παρά αντω) (Str. 2. 3· 8). T h i s has often been taken to refer to an excessive yielding to the influence of Aristotelian m e t h o d s of rigorous observation and quantitative analysis. L a f f r a n q u e , for example, stresses the importance of Aristotle, and asserts that Posidonius treated history as a science, as P o l y b i u s had tried to do, insisting on objectivity in historical explanation, rather than relying on marvels. 3 9 W e may recall the i m p o r t a n c e of differences in location, and of physical and social conditions. T h i s acute awareness of the human side of the work makes it all the more surprising that she characterizes On Ocean elsewhere as a technical, scientific piece (p. 196). 37 H. G . T h ü m m e l , 'Poseidonios und die Geschichte', Klio, 66 (1984) 558-6 I, discusses the ethnographical and philosophical implications of Posidonius' zone theory. He argues that Posidonius, by taking the peculiarities of different peoples back to climatic factors, was stressing the importance of a life in accord with nature (κατά φύαιν). 3ti For a detailed exposition of the effects of both climate (in the sense of zone) and different landscapes within that climate, see K . Schmidt, Kosmo-

logische Aspekte im Geschichtswerk des Poseidonios (Göttingen, 1980). 3'J Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, 141.

causes (αίτίαι:), both historical and geographical, to Polybius. But parallels for the uneasy coexistence of 'scientific' explanation and superstitious belief are attested in other Hellenistic historians. A r t a p a n u s ' account of the Jewish E x o d u s f r o m E g y p t recorded how the people of M e m p h i s said that M o s e s knew the tides of the R e d Sea and so was able to lead the people across as a result of his scientific geographical knowledge; the people of Heliopolis, by contrast, said that the crossing was due to a divine miracle. 4 0 A p a r t f r o m this extensive treatment of On Ocean in Strabo, w e have only one other reference which is usually taken to relate to the work. T h i s is P l i n y ' s list of sources for Book 5 of his Natural History, w h i c h included Posidonius, w h o wrote a περίπλους or a περιήγησις ( Τ 19c = Pliny, NH 1. 5). K i d d objects to this as a description of the work as we know it. But we hardly do know it, and it is just as easy to argue for the work being a periplus of the Ocean as against. T h e section on the C i m b r i and the circumnavigation of L i b y a could obviously c o m e f r o m a periplus text; the digression to Atlantis w o u l d be quite in keeping with the way in w h i c h earlier Hellenistic periplus writers made formulaic digressions f r o m their strict progression around the coast to incorporate islands into the account. 4 1 E v e n the passage on the theory of zones could be w o r k e d into this vision of On Ocean. T h e Fish-Eaters appeared in n u m e r ous periplus texts, notably those of A g a t h a r c h i d e s around the R e d Sea and of N e a r c h u s along the coast f r o m India towards the Red Sea. T h e idea of different inhabitants o c c u p y i n g various zones along the j o u r n e y was an integral part of this type of literature, and again supports the idea that there was a h u m a n aspect to all zone theory. 4 2 In m y opinion, it is not 40 FGrH 726 F 3 §35. T h e element of the divine is, generally, surprisingly absent from works on Judaea, and it is interesting to see it competing here with a scientific explanation. 41 See, for example, the periplus attributed to Scylax of Caryanda, ( G G M I). He treated islands by inserting them into the description of the coast as appropriate, marking the digression with the formula ΐπάνειμι Sè πάλιν inl τήν ήπειρον, SOeν έξετραπόμψ ( Ί shall go back again to the mainland, from which I turned aside'; see also §13, §S3, §58). 42 For Agatharchides, the ethnographical arrangement of space was primary. He moved down the east coast of Africa, describing the different groups of people as he went—the race which lived near rivers and sowed sesame; the

implausible to suggest that On Ocean came in the f o r m of a real or imaginary j o u r n e y around the outer edge of the continents in as far as this was k n o w n , uniting the t w o strands of the Hellenistic geographical t r a d i t i o n — t h e scientific and periegetic. 4 3 I shall consider below h o w this m i g h t have related to the historical w o r k , although the potential for a blurred b o u n d a r y between the contents and nature of the two should already be apparent. A greater awareness of the inadequacy of generic categorization may also offer further nuances to our picture of Strabo's use of Posidonius as a source. I take as an example his short description of the Parthian senate. T h e fragment tells us little about the senate, simply that it consisted of t w o p a r t s — o n e made up of kinsmen, and the other of wise m e n and M a g i — a n d that it appointed kings in accordance with the v i e w s of both groups ( F 72 = Str. 11. 9. 3). Interest has focused on the Strabonian context, rather than on the contents of the fragment itself. Strabo declines to elaborate on the Parthian customs {νομίμα) here in his Geography, saying that he has already dealt with them in his History. T h e fragment attributed to Posidonius therefore comes as an additional note to the information given in Strabo's historical work. T h e i l e r argues that the passage must have c o m e f r o m On Ocean, 'since Strabo w o u l d have read Posidonius' Histories for his o w n historical work, and n o w supplements f r o m Περι Ωκεανού, w h i c h he used for the Geography*,44 A s K i d d c o m m e n t s , 'this is an uncertain argument' (II(ii). 958). N o t only is it uncertain, but it rests on race which lived in the marshes; the nomads w h o ate meat and milk; the coastdwelling Fish-Eaters. See the excellent edition by S. M . Burstein, Agatharch-

ides of Cnidus: On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989). 43

O n the imaginary nature of ancient 'travel' literature, see C . Jacob,

Géographie et ethnographie en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1991), 73-84; contra, F. Cordano, La geografia degli antichi (Rome, 1992), 29. 44 For the problem of Strabo's use of sources, see Latïranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, 113, arguing that Strabo tended to name his sources. It seems that we can have no certain method for testing this, but the fact that Strabo cited only four sources for his account of Babylonia (Eratosthenes, Posidonius, Polyclitus, and unnamed historians), an area which he had not visited himself, suggests that Laffranque may be wrong. O n the illogical nature of T h e i l e r ' s conclusion that the only possible source was one read specifically for the work in hand, I recall Pelling, 'Plutarch's M e t h o d of W o r k ' .

unwarranted assumptions about the possibility of using a historical w o r k as a source for a geographical w o r k , and vice versa. T h e notion of w r i t i n g a w o r k that dealt with ' E v e n t s after P o l y b i u s ' (τα μετά Πολύβιον) m i g h t g i v e us s o m e reason to look for parallelism b e t w e e n the Histories of Posidonius and those of Strabo. But Strabo listed large-scale histories as sources for his Geography, and it is possible that Posidonius' Histories m i g h t have been s o m e w h a t like those of E p h o r u s and P o l y b i u s , in other w o r d s a perfectly good source for the Geography (Str. 8. ι . ι). S o , P o s i d o n i u s ' 'geographical' w o r k was set b y S t r a b o in a discussion culminating w i t h P o l y b i u s ' History, and his 'historical' work cannot be ruled out as a source for the Geography. T h e i l e r ' s a r g u m e n t that the f r a g m e n t on the Parthian senate must be f r o m On Ocean cannot be allowed to stand unchallenged.

THE

h i s t o r i e s

T h e Histories are c o m p a r a t i v e l y better represented in the extant fragments, w i t h almost thirty passages assigned in the sources to this w o r k , but the o d d assortment of f r a g m e n t s makes it difficult to characterize the Histories accurately. A s I m e n t i o n e d above, the p r o b l e m is exacerbated b y the d o m i n a tion of the f r a g m e n t s by one figure, A t h e n a e u s , w h o s e gastron o m i c preoccupations must g i v e a skewed picture of Posidonius' Histories. T h e starting date of the w o r k is g i v e n b y the Suda, inasmuch as it dealt w i t h ' E v e n t s after P o l y b i u s ' (τα μετά Πολύβιον). T h e Suda also tells us w h e r e the Histories ended, but not in a w a y w h i c h can be securely interpreted. It w e n t u p to the C y r e n a i c wars and P t o l e m y in fifty-two books, but it is virtually impossible to determine a date for this war, and P t o l e m y could be any one of four people. T h e latest date definitely included was 86 BC, and it has been argued that the fifty-two books w o u l d have run out by that time, assuming that the n u m b e r of years treated in each book remained fairly constant. T h e r e is, h o w e v e r , no c o m p e l l i n g reason to believe that this was the case. O n e of the most striking features of Hellenistic histories, to w h i c h I shall return in chapter V I , is the w a y in

w h i c h certain points in time w e r e privileged in coverage over others. In spite of this, L a f f r a n q u e believes that the extant fragments of Posidonius' Histories point to an annalistic structure, w h i c h w o u l d explain the absence of dates, since they w o u l d be redundant. 4 5 O n this kind of argumentation, w e could make a case for the vast m a j o r i t y of Hellenistic histories, w h i c h have survived in an e x t r e m e l y fragmentary state, being annalistic in design, since they too show no evidence of dates. T h e suggestion m a y prove to be correct, but the a r g u m e n t itself seems u n c o n v i n c i n g . Strasburger argues for a m u c h later finishing date, so that the w o r k w o u l d include P o m p e y ' s c a m p a i g n s in the East. 4 6 T h e issue arises f r o m Τ π (= Str. I i . ι . 6), in w h i c h S t r a b o says that Posidonius wrote 'an account of him/it' {την ίστορίαν.,.τήν περί αυτόν). K i d d is, it seems, right to reject the possibility that αυτός refers to the O c e a n , rather than to P o m p e y . T h e usual view is that the Histories ran out long before P o m p e y ' s eastern campaigns; and hence the suggestion that Posidonius wrote a P o m p e i a n m o n o g r a p h , although there is no m o r e positive evidence for a separate w o r k devoted to P o m p e y ' s exploits. T h e r e f o r e it is impossible to j u d g e with any certainty the terminal date of the Histories, especially since none of the extant f r a g m e n t s is in any sense p r o g r a m m a t i c or m e t h o d o l o gical. N o r is it possible to date accurately all the fragments, or even to identify the people mentioned in them, so any attempt to fix an end-date cannot rest on the supposed latest date referred to in the fragments. T h e w h o l e question of dating and c h r o n o l o g y is raised by K i d d in his discussion of the f r a g m e n t c o n c e r n i n g the enslavem e n t b y Mithridates of the C h i a n s ( F 38), w h o w e r e handed over in fetters by their o w n personal slaves to be settled in the territory of Colchis. 4 7 K i d d c o m m e n t s that this almost certainly c o m e s f r o m one of the last books of the w o r k , dealing with the M i t h r i d a t i c war. H e is p r o b a b l y correct, and Jacoby 45

Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée,

121.

H . Strasburger, 'Poseidonios on Problems of the R o m a n E m p i r e ' , JRS 55 (1965). 44· 47 For this, and all other fragments included in A p p e n d i x Β, I shall not indicate the source here, but only in the A p p e n d i x . Otherwise, I shall indicate the source when the fragment is cited in the chapter. 46

too places the passage towards the end of his chronologically arranged section of historical fragments w h i c h contain no reference to a book n u m b e r . H o w e v e r , K i d d ' s point illustrates the fact that assumptions about the nature of 'historical' works are deeply e m b e d d e d and may need to be reassessed. H e assumes that the Histories must have followed a strictly c h r o n o logical pattern, so that if a fragment mentions a set of c i r c u m stances approaching the supposed end-date, it must have c o m e f r o m a late book. T h e foundations of this assumed structure can be challenged with reference both to other authors and to the fragments of Posidonius themselves. D i o d o r u s stressed the need for a yearby-year account, but resorted to a r e g i o n - b y - r e g i o n account for the first six books. 4 8 A p p i a n openly adopted a geographical arrangement for his historical work. 4 9 Indeed, Posidonius may have been directly influenced by the model of E p h o r u s , and A p p i a n influenced in turn b y Posidonius. A l o n s o - N u n e z has argued that Posidonius' Histories m o v e d t h r o u g h a largely geographical progression, in w h i c h each area was given a distinct treatment. 5 0 H e has argued similarly for P o m p e i u s T r o g u s ' universal history, that its concern with the succession of different empires led to a strong sense of g e o g r a p h y within the work, although the arrangement was p r e d o m i n a n t l y chronological. 5 1 A s we saw with Polybius, no history that deals with more than one place can adhere constantly to a strictly chronological arrangement. N o r is it easy to imagine any historical work f r o m w h i c h no fragment w o u l d be 'out of 48 Book ι deals with Egypt; 2 with Assyria, India, Scythia, Arabia, and the islands of the Ocean; 3 with Aethiopia and Atlantis; 4 with the Greek gods, the Argonauts, Theseus, and the seven against Thebes; 5 with the islands and peoples of the West, Rhodes, and Crete; 6 is fragmentary. 49 Appian rejected a synchronic treatment of all parts of the Roman world for a nation-by-nation approach: συγγράφω κατ' έθνος ίκαστον ( Ί give my account people by people') (Preface, 13). T h e titles of individual books are revealing—4 is ιστορία Κελτική ('an account of Celtica'); 5 is νησιωτική ('an account of the islands'); 6 is Ίβερική ('an account of Iberia'). For a suggestion of the same kind of regional arrangement in Ephorus' universal history, see R. Drews, 'Ephoros and History Written «ατά γένος', AjfP 84 (1963). 244-55. 50 J. M . Alonso-Nunez, 'Die Weltgeschichte bei Poseidonios', Grazer Beiträge, 20 (1994), 87-108. 51 J. M . Alonso-Nunez, 'An Augustan World History: T h e Historiae Philippicae of Pompeius T r o g u s ' , Greece and Rome, 34 (1987), 56-72.

order'. Besides, there is a f u r t h e r p r o b l e m specific to f r a g m e n t ary texts in that the extremely dislocated nature of w h a t remains means that it is impossible to k n o w w h e t h e r our f r a g m e n t s are part of the 'main chronological narrative', or w e r e actually part of digressions, lists of exempla, corroborative or contrasting cases. G i v e n this practical difficulty, A l o n s o N û n e z may have argued the case for the spatial organization of Posidonius' Histories too far. H o w e v e r , his v i e w does s o m e thing to redress the balance w h i c h has long been in favour of an excessively rigid annalistic w o r k . It is t h r o u g h relying on the assumption that the extant fragments of the Histories m u s t f o r m a strict chronological order that certain textual emendations or suggested e m e n d a tions, particularly concerning book n u m b e r s , have been made, a point w h i c h is illustrated in A p p e n d i x A and discussed more fully in A p p e n d i x B . A s I have already mentioned, the simple fact that w e cannot k n o w w h a t constituted the 'main narrative' w o u l d render hazardous any attempt to alter book n u m b e r s in the extant fragments in order to make their subject matter c o n f o r m to the narrative of the book. 5 2 If w e w e r e to abandon this model for the Histories, w e w o u l d not only avoid the need for otherwise unwarranted emendations, but also allow our conception of the character of the w o r k as a w h o l e to be modified in w a y s w h i c h w o u l d affect the treatment of fragments not assigned in the sources specifically to this work. W h a t m i g h t appear to be a pedantic point of textual criticism has far-reaching implications for our understanding of P o s i d o nius' Histories and the nature of late Hellenistic historiography in general. I first examine those f r a g m e n t s w h i c h can be securely located within the Histories as b e l o n g i n g to particular books, and argue that these have often been forced into a chronological order w h i c h does not accurately reflect the extant material. I start with those fragments w h o s e contents are c o m m o n l y agreed to be timeless in nature. F o r s o m e of these, attempts at chronological contextualization have been made, but, in m y view, u n c o n v i n c i n g l y . I then present the f r a g m e n t s w h o s e contents 52 A l t h o u g h book numbers appear in only one manuscript of Athenaeus, and are notoriously prone to corruption, this seems to me no reason to emend them on the basis of unwarranted assumptions.

do allow chronological contextualization, b u t w h i c h still do not entitle us to reconstruct the entire f r a m e w o r k of their book. H a v i n g s u m m a r i z e d all that I think w e can actually k n o w about the narrative structure of the Histories, I argue that this offers no reason to e m e n d book n u m b e r s w h i c h have been considered d o u b t f u l . T h e s e approaches rest on the u n w a r r a n t e d assumption that w h a t remains of the Histories m u s t c o n f o r m to strict chronological order. A l t h o u g h it w o u l d be inaccurate and oversimplistic to identify such a style precisely w i t h T h u c y dides, I w o u l d argue that the excessive d o m i n a n c e of T h u c y dides in treatments of mainstream Hellenistic historiography, at the expense of the digressive H e r o d o t e a n model, is at least partly responsible for attempts to reconstruct Posidonius' lost Histories as an u n s w e r v i n g l y annalistic narrative. A p p e n d i x A lists the fragments assigned by the sources to each book, together w i t h their supposed dates, geographical scope, and an indication of their contents. A text and translation of all these fragments, together with a m o r e detailed s u r v e y and discussion of interpretations by various scholars, are to be f o u n d in A p p e n d i x B. T h e v e r y first f r a g m e n t w h i c h comes with a securely assigned place in the Histories c o n f o r m s precisely to a digressive H e r odotean reading of Posidonius. T h i s description of the b a n queting c u s t o m s of the R o m a n s and Etruscans ( F i ) is impossible to date, and the indefinite orav should warn us not to try. T h e passage concerns repeated customs, and we do not k n o w w h y they have been e v o k e d at this point in the w o r k , although various attempts at historical contextualization have been made. T h e passage on pistachios g r o w n in Syria and A r a b i a ( F 3), and that c o n c e r n i n g wild turnips and carrots in Dalmatia ( F 19), are also timeless. A l t h o u g h the former has been explained in terms of Posidonius as a 'moral' historian expressing anti-luxury sentiments, and the latter in the context of certain historical events, it seems that b o t h could be better understood as snippets f r o m regional accounts, w h i c h m a y or m a y not be associated with the general m o v e m e n t of the theatre of events to a new part of the world. 5 3 A l l of these fragments 53

O n the question of pistachios as a luxury item, L S J cites only the

simply indicate the inclusion in the Histories of ethnographic and geographical information. T h e difficulties involved in trying to contextualize ethnographical or geographical passages is exemplified in the fragment on the proliferation of rabbits to be f o u n d on an island b e t w e e n Dicaearcheia and N e a p o l i s ( F 61). J a c o b y ' s suggestion that this passage m a y have belonged to Posidonius' S p a n i s h history, since Spanish rabbits were notorious, is important in its rejection of the assumption that the contents of a f r a g m e n t m u s t c o m p l y w i t h the subject matter of the 'main narrative'. O n that 'main narrative' reasoning, the N e a p o l i s localization w o u l d suggest that the fragment came f r o m a part of the Histories dealing with events in southern Italy. A suitable campaign could be f o u n d to act as the stimulus for such a c o m m e n t ; the f r a g m e n t may indeed have c o m e f r o m a section on the origines et situs of an area n e w to the narrative. B u t J a c o b y ' s alternative, that this f r a g m e n t came f r o m a part of the w o r k w h o s e main narrative was located elsewhere, has farreaching implications. Firstly, he takes it for granted that a discussion of rabbits could have f o r m e d part of a S p a n i s h history; that details of g e o g r a p h y , flora, and fauna, or ethnography w o u l d have been integral to Posidonius' Histories, characterizing that w o r k quite differently f r o m a broadly T h u c y d i d e a n narrative w i t h a strong annalistic and political slant. S e c o n d l y , Jacoby a c k n o w l e d g e d the p h e n o m e n o n of exemplification or of stepping outside the narrative progression. T h e direct correlation between f r a g m e n t and context, and the consequent deduction that the date and subject matter of a f r a g m e n t reflects that of the s u r r o u n d i n g book are importantly called into question here. A m o n g the hints of ethnography in the f r a g m e n t s , w e should include those dealing w i t h social structures, such as the voluntary self-subordination of the M a r i a n d y n i a n s to the Heracleots in return for subsistence provision ( F 8), or the p h e n o m e n o n of the ' K i n g ' s friend' ( F 5). F o r the f o r m e r w e have no idea in w h a t historical circumstances the system arose; the latter was p r e s u m a b l y an o n g o i n g state of affairs. Both are Posidonian passage for βιστάκιον, which suggests that we cannot actually tell from Greek literary sources the estimation in which they were held, or how common they were.

clearly impossible to fix to a particular date, although again such attempts have been made. Similarly, descriptions of the luxurious lifestyle in Syria ( F 10 and F 20), dinner customs a m o n g the C e l t s and G e r m a n s ( F 15, F 16 and F 22), details on different types of c u p ( F 25) and on Celtic parasites ( F 17) are both impossible to fix in time and indicative of the nature of the Histories as a work of broad interests and scope. It emerges that of the t w e n t y - s e v e n fragments collated by Jacoby as h a v i n g their provenance in the Histories of Posidonius with their book n u m b e r explicitly stated, almost half give absolutely no indication of their temporal context. W e m a y speculate as to w h y any particular piece of information or anecdote was included in Posidonius' w o r k , and suggest possible narrative contexts by w h i c h its inclusion m a y have been p r o m p t e d ; but w e cannot use such speculation as the basis for reconstructing our vision of the progress and narrative arrangement (οικονομία) of the work. T h e s e fragments tell us nothing about chronological f r a m e w o r k s , b u t a great deal about the varied nature of the work and about its ethnographical slant. It is, of course, possible that such passages about the c u s t o m s of different peoples appealed to later writers, and m a y be overrepresented in A t h e n a e u s , particularly given the limited subject matter of the Deipnosophistae. H o w e v e r this does not alter the fact that Posidonius' work itself m a y have been of great ethnographical scope, a suggestion w h i c h is supported by A t h e n a e u s ' c o m m e n t ( F 15) that Posidonius 'recorded many habits and customs f r o m m a n y peoples' (πολλά παρά πολλοίς έθιμα και νόμιμα

αναγραφών).

I turn now to those fragments w h o s e subject matter can be partially or w h o l l y attached to a chronological setting. A s with the ethnographic passages, more detailed discussion is to be f o u n d in A p p e n d i x B, and I concentrate here simply on the implications for the characterization of the Histories. In particular, I recall the difficulty associated with the fact that w e have no idea of the status of the extant passages vis-à-vis the primary contents of a book, that is, w h e t h e r or not they are digressive. I have therefore adopted a cautious approach to w h a t we can derive f r o m these datable fragments concerning the w i d e r arrangement of the work. It is indicated ( F z ) that Posidonius described in Book 3 a

war b e t w e e n Larissa and A p a m e i a , b u t the precise conflict in question is uncertain, and m u c h of the argumentation in the commentaries seems to have been determined b y the expectation that, at this early stage in the w o r k , w e should be looking for a war soon after 145 BC. It w o u l d be dangerously circular to use this to argue for any particular start-date. A l s o flawed is the assumption derived f r o m the passage ( F 4) on Hierax of A n t i o c h that Book 4, f r o m w h i c h this f r a g m e n t comes, must have dealt w i t h the period between the assumed start-date of the work and the time of the next datable fragment (from Book 7), namely the eastern embassy of S c i p i o between 144 and 139 BC ( F 6). S o m e fragments can be dated t h r o u g h their reference to specific conflicts, such as the first Sicilian slave-war ( F 7), or broadly t h r o u g h their attachment to a particular reign ( F 9 and F i l on A n t i o c h u s V I I Sidetes; F 21 and F 23 on A n t i o c h u s G r y p u s ; F 26 on Ptolemy I Alexander). T h e description of the wealth of L u v e r n i u s ( F 18) is i m p o r t ant because it illustrates further the difficulties involved in using datable fragments of the Histories to construct a c h r o n o logical f r a m e w o r k , w h i c h can be used to explain the introduction of ethnographical passages and to w h i c h all fragments must be fitted. Jacoby separated this f r o m the passage on the customs of the Celts ( F 15). H o w e v e r , K i d d linked the t w o as one continuous passage in Posidonius and claimed that, h a v i n g identified the reference to Bituis (father of L u v e r n i u s ) with events of 121 BC, the defeat and annexation of the A verni and the A l l o b r o g e s , he had p r o v i d e d the 'historical context of Posidonius' ethnography in Bk 23' (II(i). 314). It is easy to leap to such a conclusion, but the G r e e k makes clear that the ethnographical information in F 15 was the point of interest in its o w n right. F u r t h e r m o r e , Bituis is only mentioned at all in his role as L u v e r n i u s ' father. S o historical, datable events do not necessarily p r o v i d e the reason for the inclusion of ethnographical information, nor can they be automatically regarded as f o r m i n g the main narrative. In this case, the datable allusion to events in 121 BC is secondary to a note on L u v e r n i u s ' wealth. T h e date does not provide a chronological context for the fragment, but relates simply to the incidental information on the identity of L u v e r n i u s . It is u n h e l p f u l for reconstructing the individual book, let alone illuminating the f r a m e w o r k of the

entire Histories. E x a m p l e s such as this should warn us once more against assuming that datable fragments can necessarily inform us about the w o r k ' s overall arrangement (οικονομία). It is clear f r o m A p p e n d i x A that the extant fragments appear to lead broadly to the conclusion that the Histories followed a chronological order. It is indeed likely that this was the case. H o w e v e r , many anomalies exist. T h e fact that, for example, Books 28 and 34 both appear to be datable to a particular period of a f e w years tells against a strict progression t h r o u g h time. W e simply do not have e n o u g h fragments to link t h e m into a coherent sequence, and certainly lack g r o u n d s on w h i c h to reconstruct the organization of the S2~book Histories. T h e r e is clearly insufficient evidence for absolute certainty that Posidonius, writing 'Events after P o l y b i u s ' (τα μβτά Πολύβιον), must have followed the same organizational principles as his predecessor. T h e rigidly annalistic approach is further weakened b y its failure to a c c o m m o d a t e fragments w h i c h deviate f r o m the neat order. S u c h an approach has been responsible for suggested textual emendations in F 12, 13, 19, and 24 in order that the datable elements of these f r a g m e n t s m i g h t be allocated a suitable place within the Histories as a w h o l e . T h e arguments are set out in detail in A p p e n d i x B, and here I s i m p l y summarize the conclusions so as to reveal the weakness in this approach. F 12 concerns the royal treatment of S e l e u c u s f o l l o w i n g his capture by K i n g Arsaces. T h i s has been c o n sidered problematic, since the most famous e x a m p l e of a Seleucid king to be treated in this way was D e m e t r i u s II N i c a t o r C.140 BC, and yet this date is d e e m e d too early to appear in Book 16 f r o m w h i c h the fragment is taken. T h e suggested solutions are either to retain the name Seleucus, but to insert an indication that this was the son of A n t i o c h u s V I I Sidetes, w h o invaded M e d i a in 129 BC (a more 'suitable' date for Book 16) and was taken prisoner, or to assume that A t h e n a e u s intended to write about D e m e t r i u s II Nicator, and so to e m e n d the book n u m b e r to 6. A similar p r o b l e m arises in connection w i t h F 24 on Heracleon of Beroia, the c o m m a n d e r of A n t i o c h u s G r y p u s . T h e manuscript declares that the passage c o m e s f r o m Book 4; K i d d announces that this is 'chronologically impossible'. H e accepts Bake's emendation

w h i c h places the fragment in Book 34, p r e s u m a b l y on the g r o u n d s that this w o u l d be a suitable place in the Histories for a passage c o n c e r n i n g the early 90s BC. Both of these fragments have evoked a weak a r g u m e n t w h i c h rests simply on the assumption that the contents of extant fragments should be made to c o n f o r m to chronological order. F 13 on H i m e r u s , left in charge of B a b y l o n in the early 120s BC, has been subjected to similar emendation for chronological reasons. A t h e n a e u s states its provenance as Book 26, but this has been disputed on the g r o u n d s that it should follow close on the heels of F 11 (from Book 16), in w h i c h the death of A n t i o c h u s V I I Sidetes in 129 BC is mentioned. H o w e v e r , as I argue in A p p e n d i x B, a close reading of F 11 does not permit the conclusion that A n t i o c h u s ' death itself actually fell in Book 16. In addition, w e have no reason to assert that any reference to the 120S must necessarily be given a place in the Histories alongside the death of A n t i o c h u s . F u r t h e r m o r e , as is the case also with F 12 and 24, such an a r g u m e n t rests on the belief that a brief fragment automatically i n f o r m s us about the contents of the surrounding book. F 19 provides a final example of the w a y in w h i c h the relentless attempt to force the fragments of the Histories into a neat chronological order has led to unwarranted emendations. T h i s passage (from Book 27) concerns the existence of wild turnips and carrots in Dalmatia, and its treatment has involved at least t w o methodological flaws. T h e first step is to find a historical circumstance w h i c h m i g h t have elicited this piece of information. T h e o b v i o u s answer is to link it to the t r i u m p h of L . Caecilius M e t e l l u s D e l m a t i c u s over the D a l m a t i a n s in 1 1 7 BC. H o w e v e r , that date is seen as chronologically problematic in Book 27, and it has been suggested that the book n u m b e r be e m e n d e d to 24. T h e difficulties are obvious. Firstly, w e have no sound reasons for motivating the mention of regional flora b y means of a military t r i u m p h . S e c o n d l y , our k n o w l e d g e of the w o r k as a w h o l e is so limited as to prevent us f r o m k n o w i n g w h e t h e r or not such a t r i u m p h was discussed, or simply alluded to in passing, in any particular book. It is possible to criticize the argumentation w h i c h underlies such emendations, but the point m a y be m a d e most effectively by reference to F 14 on H a r p a l u s the M a c e d o n i a n . In the cases

mentioned above, the solution to a c c o m m o d a t i n g fragments w h i c h step outside chronological order is to e m e n d the text, usually in the f o r m of the book n u m b e r , w h i c h is admittedly vulnerable. H o w e v e r , F 14 cannot be dealt w i t h in this way. Since the figure of H a r p a l u s f r o m the fourth century BC so obviously falls outside the assumed chronological scope of the entire w o r k , the line of a r g u m e n t automatically adopted in the c o m m e n t a r i e s is that he must have been introduced as an analogy to a c o n t e m p o r a r y . B u t this precisely reveals the dangers of assuming that datable fragments can give us an accurate picture of the temporal scope of their s u r r o u n d i n g books and so of the work as a whole, and supports m y point; namely, that w e cannot safely reconstruct a f r a m e w o r k for the Histories b y stringing together the tiny extant fraction of what was once a 5 2 - b o o k work. It is methodologically inconsistent to allow s o m e fragments to be mainstream, and representative of their book, while others are relocated t h r o u g h emendation of the text and others discarded as analogous simply because they so o b v i o u s l y do not fit a n y w h e r e . T h e existence of such anomalies as the presence of Harpalus and of the fragments w h i c h can be m a d e to adhere to a preconceived order only through recourse to textual emendation does not deny the strong possibility that the work had a broadly chronological structure. It simply reminds us that the fragmentary nature of the work cannot but leave us largely in the dark about f o r m and contents, and makes textual emendation a highly contentious exercise. H o w e v e r , this is all extremely negative and m i g h t lead to the u n w e l c o m e conclusion that w e should simply abandon the attempt to make sense of a work w h i c h earned the reputation for being one of the greatest of late Hellenistic historiography. I shall now try to suggest some more positive approaches to interpreting the scattered remnants of the Histories. If M u r r a y is correct to emphasize, alongside the importance of T h u c y dides, the great and continuing influence of H e r o d o t u s on Hellenistic historiography, then w e should be open to the possibility of finding a digressive and discursive strain in Posidonius' Histories, in w h i c h a re-evaluated w o r l d - v i e w is set out in response to the new p o w e r of R o m e . W i t h this more broadly conceived work in mind, w e m a y even m o v e towards

the notion of Posidonian Histories in w h i c h not only time but also space was an important organizational matrix. S u c h a work m a y still follow a broadly temporal plan, but one involving n u m e r o u s flashbacks, foreshadowings, and elements w h i c h cannot be located in time at a l l — t h e ethnographic and the geographical. 5 4 W e should not expect that all extant fragments of such a w o r k w o u l d adhere to a chronological order. T h i s model seems to account for the extant fragments better than one in w h i c h they are constantly forced into a strict c h r o n o logical narrative, with ethnographical and geographical elements existing only as anomalies to be explained away by reference to one or other political or military event. 5 5 T h e suggestion was made b y both Jacoby and M a l i t z that Books ι and 2 comprised an ethnography of R o m e and Italy, providing a reasonable context for the fragment on feasts in the temple of Hercules. K i d d ' s characterization of the early books as a history of S y r i a also points towards a partially regional arrangement of material, rather than an u n c o m p r o m i s i n g l y chronological account of all the w o r l d to fall within the scope of the Histories. Indeed, such a vision w o u l d a c c o m m o d a t e one of the fragments w h i c h K i d d deems chronologically impossible as it stands. F 24 is out of chronological order in Book 4, but fits well into the Syrian context of the early books of the work. Syria dominates the extant fragments. Indeed, if it were not for the C e l t i c material in Book 23, the G e r m a n s in Book 30, and the M a r i a n d y n i a n s around the P o n t u s in Book 1 1 , we could argue that the work was almost exclusively focused on the south-eastern Mediterranean world. T h i s m a y c o m e as no surprise, given Posidonius' close connections w i t h both A p a meia in Syria and R h o d e s , a crucial point in the eastern Mediterranean network. 5 6 H o w e v e r , we do k n o w that the 54 A s described by O . M u r r a y , 'Herodotus and Hellenistic C u l t u r e ' , CQ NS 22 (1972), 200-13. 55 Indeed in some cases, such as the fragment about the proliferation of rabbits on the island which Posidonius passed on his voyage from Dicaearcheia to Neapolis ( F 61), or the turnips in F 19, it is hard to see how any attempt at historical contextualization could be justified. 56 O n the importance of Posidonius' Rhodian connections, see Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, 128; T h ü m m e l , 'Poseidonios und die G e s c h i c h t e ' , 560, argues that the collapsing world of the East was crucial in forming Posidonius' view that R o m e provided the only possibility of rescue from tyranny. M o r e

geographical scope was w i d e r than this, and the f r a g m e n t a r y nature of the w o r k will prevent us f r o m k n o w i n g to w h a t extent the perceived S y r i a n bias reflects the balance of the original w o r k , or is an accident of survival. T h e fact that S y r i a n material appears t h r o u g h o u t the w o r k tells against an o v e r r i d i n g spatial organization, recording the w h o l e account of each region at once. In any case, that is hardly w h a t w e w o u l d expect unless w e were to abandon altogether the notion of history as an account t h r o u g h time. But, as the text stands, the fragments c o n c e r n i n g different regions are c o n s p i c u o u s l y g r o u p e d , most noticeably in the case of Syria, w h e r e the relatively large n u m b e r of extant f r a g m e n t s allows us to see some pattern. 5 7 L a f f r a n q u e develops the possibility of a ' M i t h r i d a t i c ' history, w h i c h w o u l d have included the story of A t h e n i o n , texts on M a r i u s , the f r a g m e n t s on C h i o s and on the S c y t h i a n s , as well as P o m p e y ' s dealings with the region. 5 8 J a c o b y ' s c o m m e n t a r y on the Histories reveals a strong belief in this regional arrangement. H e set out the securely assigned fragments in order to indicate the w a y in w h i c h the Histories appear to have been m a d e up of a succession of regional accounts, perhaps like the tales (λόγοι) of H e r o d o t u s . I—11 III—VI (?)

VII VII(-XI?) (XII?-)XVI

R o m e in 145; R o m a n life; Italian e t h n o g r a p h y S y r i a n history f r o m start of universal e m p i r e of D e m e t r i u s II N i c a t o r (145) to Parthian overthrow E g y p t i a n history f r o m accession of P h y s c o n (145) to embassy of S c i p i o (140) History of the W e s t ; first slave war S y r i a n history to death of A n t i o c h u s Sidetes

generally, T . R. S. Broughton, 'Roman Asia M i n o r ' in T . Frank (ed.), An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome IV (Baltimore, 1938), 519-25. explains that the decline of Rhodes, because of Rome's encouragement of the slave-trade through Delos instead of Rhodes, resulted in the escalation of piracy in the Mediterranean, revealing Rhodes' crucial role in suppressing brigandage. Strasburger, 'Poseidonios on Problems of the Roman Empire', attributes this view of Rome's culpability to Posidonius, but does not explain on which fragments he bases this opinion. 57 T h e following clusters appear: 3 - 4 Syria; 5-7 the East; 1 4 - 1 6 Syria; 23 Celtica; 28 Syria; 34-36? Syria. 58 Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, 116-18.

(129);

XVII-XXII X X III-? XXVII XXVIII XXX-? XXXIV-?

perhaps to death of D e m e t r i u s Nicator

(125) ? S y r i a n history First T r a n s a l p i n e C e l t i c w a r ( 1 2 2 / 1 ) D a l m a t i a n war ( 1 1 9 / 7 ) S y r i a n history under A n t i o c h u s G r y p u s (after 122) History of the W e s t to time of C i m b r i a n s S y r i a n history under A n t i o c h u s G r y p u s (C.109)

Just as is seen in the third c o l u m n of the table in A p p e n d i x A , Jacoby's chart illustrates the w a y in w h i c h large sections of the Histories appear to have b e e n devoted to g i v i n g an account t h r o u g h time of a particular part of the w o r l d . A glance at M a l i t z ' s contents page reveals the same pattern. H i s treatment of ' D i e F r a g m e n t e in ihrer F o l g e ' ( ι . L a n d e s - u n d V o l k s k u n d e Italiens 2. S p a n i e n u n d die spanischen K r i e g e 3. S k l a v e n und Piraten 4. Gallien und die G a l l i e r 5. D i e V ö l k e r des N o r d e n s 6. D i e A t t a l i d e n 7. D i e Ptolemäer 8. D i e S e l e u k i den 9. D i e Juden 10. D a s Zeitalter des M i t h r i d a t e s 1 1 . R o m ) illustrates his belief that P o s i d o n i u s ' Histories involved long narratives in each area. T h e overall structure may have been to progress t h r o u g h time, b u t w e have no evidence that P o s i d o nius dealt with all theatres of events year by year. T h e table in A p p e n d i x A illustrates that, as the text has been transmitted in the m a n u s c r i p t , the chronological pattern is considerably interrupted. It is only w i t h recourse to textual emendations that the order is significantly neatened, apparently indicating that the motivation for the emendations is precisely to result in a chronologically organized narrative. It is not possible to say a n y t h i n g w i t h certainty about the arrangement of this w o r k . B u t freeing ourselves f r o m the unrelenting search for chronological contexts m a y make us receptive to other factors in the fragments and to alternative w a y s of reading and reconstructing the lost original. F o r example, F 10 on d e g e n erate l u x u r y in Syria need not evoke a postulated date of the 1 3 0 S - 1 2 0 S BC ( K i d d ) , on the basis that Book 1 6 dealt with that period. A m o r e interesting feature of the f r a g m e n t is its stress on the importance of place and geographical determinism. It

was the abundant supply of produce f r o m the land (ή της χώρας εύβοσία) w h i c h yielded the luxurious lifestyle of the Syrians, a factor w h i c h was constant through time, and reflects the importance of environmental determinism in antiquity. G i v e n the extremely fragmentary nature of the evidence, it w o u l d be just as unsound to suppose a regionally determined account as any other arrangement. Jacoby was right to stress that Ί η general, the arrangement of the w h o l e is questionable' ( ' U b e r h a u p t ist die Ö k o n o m i e des G a n z e n fraglich'). 5 9 In any case, a strong conclusion that the work was spatially organized is not supported by w h a t little evidence w e have, and it is important not to follow methods w h i c h I have criticized elsewhere. F 22 on G e r m a n ethnography, for example, breaks up a series of passages on Syria, just as F 24 disrupts a chronological sequence. H o w e v e r , we may at least consider for the Histories an organizing principle like that of P o m p e i u s T r o g u s ' Historiae Philippicae, w h e r e b y the narrative m o v e d broadly forwards through time, but did not adhere to the synchronic interwoven model of P o l y b i u s and D i o d o r u s . A l o n s o - N u n e z has m o v e d further along this line and has suggested that the spatial and temporal organizing principles may, for both Posidonius and P o m p e i u s T r o g u s , have been almost equally important. O f Posidonius' Histories he suggests that each book had a thematic unity w h i c h related to a particular geographical area, and that within each thematic unity we find a chronological ordering of the fragments. 6 0 A s I suggested above, this reading probably pushes the evidence too far to one extreme of the organizational spectrum; it seems that some c o m p r o m i s e between the approaches of A l o n s o - N u n e z and of the 'strict annalists' w o u l d best account for w h a t evidence w e have. A l o n s o - N u n e z ' s observations on the parallels between Posidonius and P o m p e i u s T r o g u s also pinpoint interesting differences in the spatial, and consequent historical, conceptions of these two authors. H e suggests that Posidonius' universal history m a y have m o v e d in a circle f r o m R o m e , then east, south, west, north, east, and back to R o m e , while P o m p e i u s T r o g u s ' narrative m o v e d broadly in a linear progression f r o m s9 60

Jacoby, FGrH, Kommentar II C, 155. Alonso-Nûnez, 'Die Weltgeschichte bei Poseidonios', 89.

east to west. 6 1 If circularity was a feature of Posidonius' w o r l d v i e w , this w o u l d accord both with his Stoicism, as w e shall see later, and w i t h the conceptual centrality of R o m e in his Histories, w h i c h contrasts w i t h P o m p e i u s T r o g u s ' deliberate rejection of R o m e as the centre of his w o r l d , although it is not clear h o w this should be reconciled with Posidonius' apparent eastern bias. 6 2 I shall return in chapter I V to the notion of a circular w o r l d , constructed around a R o m a n centre, as seen in Strabo's Geography. B u t it is important to note here this possible similarity in spatial conceptions b e t w e e n Posidonius' Histories and S t r a b o ' s Geography, w h i c h w o u l d deal another b l o w to the logic of T h e i l e r ' s a r g u m e n t that ' S t r a b o w o u l d have read Posidonius' Histories for his o w n historical w o r k , and now supplements f r o m Περί Ωκεανού, w h i c h he used for the Geography' (see above, p. 153). Universal history could be written in diiferent w a y s , and it is important not to assume that there is only one model to impose w h e n faced with a fragmentary text. T h e process of j u g g l i n g with time and space to bring a representation of the w o r l d to the reader could result either in a narrative which privileged the temporal over the spatial (as in P o l y b i u s and D i o d o r u s ) , or the spatial over the temporal (as in Strabo's Geography), or balanced the t w o more evenly, as m i g h t have been the case in Posidonius' Histories. S o far, f r o m a survey of the fragments assigned to specific works in the ancient sources, w e can draw a f e w conclusions. T h e first and most important must be to acknowledge that w e can assert very little with confidence about either On Ocean or the Histories. H o w e v e r , some attempt to characterize the works Ibid. 103. O n the geographical constructions of opposition literature, see J. M . Alonso-Nûnez, 'L'opposizione contro l'imperialismo romano e contro il principato nella storiografia del tempo di Augusto', Rivista Storica dell'Antichità, 12 (1982), 1 3 1 - 4 1 . He sees the Histories of Timagenes and Pompeius T r o g u s as accounts in which ' T h e historical process is not seen exclusively from the perspective of Rome as the centre of the world' (Ί1 processo storico non è visto in assoluto dalla prospettiva di Roma come centro del mondo', 134). Alonso-Nunez argues that T r o g u s was probably influenced by T i m a genes' historical scheme, with the Graeco-Hellenistic world as the central axis, picking up on Timagenes' interest in the Hellenistic kings (p. 135). Both incorporated Roman imperialism into a much broader historical process. 61

fi2

is w o r t h w h i l e , if only so as to formulate an approach to the fragments w h i c h are not given a specific context. T h e characterization of On Ocean as a work of scientific, mathematical g e o g r a p h y , and the rejection of the periplus structure, v i e w s it too n a r r o w l y . T h e f r a g m e n t s of the Histories have, in turn, been interpreted in too restrictive a way. T h e r e is every reason to believe that the w o r k ranged w i d e l y across m a n y t o p i c s — h i s t o r i c a l , ethnographical, and geographical. 6 3 T h e Suda's note that the w o r k dealt with ' E v e n t s after P o l y b i u s ' does not mean that Posidonius was b o u n d to exactly the same f o r m a t and organizing principles, as Jacoby noted: 'Sie [sc. die F r a g m e n t e ] zeigen natürlich im allgemeinen zeitliche A b f o l g e ; aber die verbreitete A n n a h m e , d a ß P. sich auch in der A n o r d n u n g des S t o f f e s an P o l y b i o s angeschlossen habe . . . ist damit nicht bewiesen' ( ' T h e y [sc. the fragments] of course reveal a g e n erally chronological order; but the broad acceptance that P. f o l l o w e d P o l y b i u s in the organization of material . . . is not thereby proven'). 6 4 If w e are prepared to read the fragments of P o s i d o n i u s ' Histories in the w i d e r context of Hellenistic historiography, where ίστορίαι were v e r y o b v i o u s l y no more than 'pieces of research', the nature of w o r k s was e x tremely varied, and H e r o d o t u s ' influence was strongly felt, w e m a y perhaps avoid unnecessary emendations. A n y reading even of a fully extant text requires a deliberate choice over w h i c h elements to stress. T h e p r o b l e m is far more acute in the case of such a seriously f r a g m e n t a r y text as the Histories of Posidonius. W h a t matters is not so m u c h the nature of the c h o i c e — m a n y versions will p r o d u c e interesting and enlightening r e a d i n g s — b u t rather that the f r a m e w o r k of interpretation is chosen consciously and s u b s e q u e n t l y a c k n o w l e d g e d . 63 Laffranque, Poseidonios d'Apamée, 122, acknowledges the huge range of material relevant to the Histories and sees them as a 'general history'. 64 Jacoby, FGrH, Kommentar, 155. A n excellent parallel is X e n o p h o n ' s 'continuation' of T h u c y d i d e s , pointed out to me by Prof. D . A . Russell. T h e start of his Hellenica is famous for its self-consciousness as a continuation: μΐτα 8è ταύτα . . . ('after this . . .'), but equally telling is the end of the work, where the notion of a continuous historiography is clearly indicated: έμοί μεν δή μέχρι τούτου γραφέσθω· τα 8è μετά ταύτα ισως άλλω μΐλήσΐΐ ( ' L e t it then be my task to write up to this point; as for what happened next, perhaps it will be of concern to someone else', 7. 5. 27).

LOCATING

UNPLACED

FRAGMENTS

N o w h e r e is this more the case than w i t h the m a j o r i t y of fragments, w h i c h have been handed d o w n w i t h n o specific ancient context, leaving the w a y open for a multiplicity of interpretations. T h e manner in w h i c h these unplaced fragments are categorized and treated is largely d e p e n d e n t on each c o m m e n t a t o r ' s characterization of the lost w o r k s . T h o s e fragments w h i c h m i g h t be considered geographical or historical in nature have been divided b y K i d d into the f o l l o w i n g generic categories: mathematical g e o g r a p h y , tides and h y d r o l o g y , seism o l o g y , g e o l o g y and m i n e r a l o g y , g e o g r a p h y , and history. K i d d gives little explanation of w h y he has created so m a n y fields of study and, in particular, w h y he considers the first four categories to be distinct f r o m g e o g r a p h y itself. G i v e n the m o d e r n notion of separate disciplines of g e o g r a p h y and history, it is easier to understand his distinction b e t w e e n these t w o areas, although I shall argue that m a n y of the allocations of fragments are arbitrary and debatable. O n e m i g h t say that K i d d has simply organized the material in a w a y that makes it easy to find, and this is certainly the case. T h e danger w i t h s u c h categorization is that it encourages the notion, firstly, that Posidonius m i g h t have conceptualized material a c c o r d i n g to these categories, and secondly that the g r o u p to w h i c h f r a g ments are assigned reflects their original location. T h a t is, fragments f o u n d in the first five sections c a m e f r o m On Ocean, the 'scientific' 'geographical' w o r k ; and those f r o m the historical category came f r o m the Histories. I hope to have s h o w n that the f r a g m e n t s securely assigned to those w o r k s d e f y such characterization. A final m i s c o n c e p t i o n to arise f r o m these categories, c o m b i n e d w i t h the narrow v i e w s of g e o g r a p h y and history often propagated, is that w e m a y be t e m p t e d to postulate a series of specialized w o r k s to account for f r a g m e n t s on subjects s u c h as m i n e r a l o g y . I w o u l d argue that no s u c h w o r k s need be postulated. R o u g h l y the same g r o u p of f r a g m e n t s as K i d d w o u l d include in the categories described above w e r e treated instead b y Jacoby in a w a y w h i c h derived f r o m his broader notion of both the historical and the geographical. H e d i v i d e d the unplaced fragments into only three categories: historical facts

and events, lands and peoples, and geographical fragments, although the last set was grouped according to contents, in a w a y w h i c h foreshadowed K i d d ' s approach. Jacoby's edition still upheld the notion that historical events m i g h t reasonably be t h o u g h t to derive f r o m the Histories and geographical information f r o m On Ocean, but the middle category of ethnographical material allowed for considerable generic flexibility between the works. Y e t K i d d ' s decision to categorize the fragments simply according to contents, and to discuss the possible location in one work or another of each fragment individually, also has clear merits. I start m y discussion of these fragments with the passages c o m m o n l y agreed to be 'geographical'. T h e r e is a great deal of overlap between J a c o b y ' s ' g e o g r a p h ical' f r a g m e n t s and K i d d ' s different types of 'geographical' passage, and the contents of m a n y of these could plausibly c o m e within the scope of a work On Ocean. Several passages concern the theory of zones, described by K i d d as ' m a t h e m a t ical g e o g r a p h y ' and reminiscent of S t r a b o ' s characterization of On Ocean·. 'In it he seems to deal mainly with g e o g r a p h y , partly in a w a y properly befitting, partly more mathematically' (Str. 2. 2. 1). Posidonius' interest in theories such as that on the division of the earth into zones is attested in sources other than Strabo. C l e o m e d e s , for instance, criticized Posidonius for a r g u i n g that in the torrid zone there was a temperate and inhabited region ( F 78 = C l e o m e d e s , De motu, ι . 6. 3 1 - 3 ) . 6 5 T h e fact that Strabo cited Posidonius' On Ocean on the length of the inhabited w o r l d contributes further to the impression that, in spite of the ethnographical interests already discussed, the w o r k was concerned in part with the general size, shape, and layout of the earth ( F 28 = Str. 2. 3. 6). Several of the unassigned fragments deal with the shape of the earth and its circumference. 6 6 T h e concern with the wider world in On Ocean is entirely a p p r o 65 A similar theory is attributed to Posidonius in a passage not included by Jacoby ( Ε - K F 211 = Symeon Seth, De utilitate corporum caelestium, 44). 66 F 98a (= Agathemerus, Sketch of Geography, 1. 2) for the earth as slingshaped; F 98b (= Eustathius, Commentant in Dionysium Periegetam, 1) for the fact that the earth is not strictly circular; F 97 (= Cleomedes, De motu circulari caelestium, 1. 10. 50-2) for Posidonius' method for measuring the circumference of the earth.

priate in a w o r k w h i c h m a y have concentrated on the outer edges of the k n o w n w o r l d — t h e outer o c e a n — a n d was necessarily interested in broader definitions of w h a t constituted the globe. 6 7 T h e r e is, h o w e v e r , no reason to e x c l u d e this ' m a t h e m atical g e o g r a p h y ' f r o m the Histories, or indeed f r o m any other work. Strabo is said to have cited Posidonius on the length of the parasang, b u t , as P o l y b i u s has s h o w n , such matters w e r e as relevant to history as to geography. 6 8 T h e large n u m b e r of f r a g m e n t s on tidal theory and h y d r o l ogy m i g h t at first seem to fall w i t h i n the scope of a geographical w o r k , and it is, of course, reasonable to suppose that they could have come f r o m On Ocean. W h i l e there is no reason to exclude t h e m f r o m the Histories, for some fragments there is little d o u b t as to their origin in On Ocean. Passages on the u n i f o r m behaviour of the O c e a n and the tides ( F 82a = Str. 1. 1. 8-9), on tidal e b b and flow ( F 82b = Str. 1. 3. 12), and on Posidonius' criticism of H o m e r ' s v i e w s of O c e a n ( F 83 = Str. 1. 1. 7) all seem fairly safely assigned to this work. 6 9 It seems likely that fragments concerned with G a d e s and the Pillars of H e r c u l e s w o u l d also have been part of an account of the Ocean. 7 0 It is interesting to see h o w often Posidonius and 67 If the work incorporated as much of the outer circuit of the continents as was known, then F 100 (= Pliny, N H 6. 57) on the orientation and climate of India would fit the scheme. See also on the relative location of India Ε - K F 213 (= Solinus, Collectanea verum memorabilium, 52. 1-2). 68 Ε - K F 203 ( - Anon. Sylloge tacticorum, 3. 2-3). Here, Eratosthenes and Strabo are cited for variations in the number of stades in a mile; Xenophon, Strabo, and Posidonius for the parasang. A s K i d d (II(ii). 730) points out, in our text of Str. 7. 4. 4, it is Polybius, the 'historian', who is cited for the stade, rather than Eratosthenes. 69 F 86 (= Str. 3. 5. 9) on tidal behaviour at Gades introduces the theories of Seleucus of Babylon on the tides in the Indian Ocean. If these were part of On Ocean, it would support my suggestion that the work may have incorporated any available information on the whole outer circuit of the continents. 70 J. M . Alonso-Nunez, ' L e s Informations de Posidonius sur la péninsule ibérique', L'Antiquité Classique, 48 (1979), 639, claims that the Iberian peninsula appeared in both the Histories and On Ocean. I can find no firm evidence for this region appearing in any of the fragments securely assigned to the Histories. However, A l o n s o - N u n e z ' s comment that ethnographical material might have accompanied an account of the effects of Roman rule on Celtiberia seems plausible and increases the difficulty of placing fragments in one or other of the works.

P o l y b i u s are set alongside each other in passages w h i c h deal with this part of the w o r l d , and w h i c h are assumed to c o m e f r o m Posidonius' 'geographical' work. H e attacked P o l y b i u s ' view of the wells at G a d e s and his tidal theory, using arguments based on observation and inference ( F 85 = Str. 3. 5. 7 8). 71 If w e were to adopt a strongly generic approach, it w o u l d appear strange that Posidonius engaged in polemic with a historian in a scientific w o r k . 7 2 B u t P o l y b i u s , as I have argued, was not b o u n d by o u r preconceptions of defined fields of study; nor should we expect Posidonius to be. O t h e r than those dealing directly w i t h the O c e a n , it is impossible to find a certain context for m o s t fragments on tides and h y d r o l o g y . O n the view that one work was g e o graphical and one historical, these fragments w o u l d fall within the former. But if w e a c k n o w l e d g e the effect of ethnographical material in the Histories and of less scientific elements in On Ocean, the question b e c o m e s more complicated. T h e r e is no reason w h y Strabo could not have taken P o s i d o n i u s ' estimate of the depth of the Sardinian Sea f r o m the Histories, especially since we k n o w that Posidonius mentioned at least one v o y a g e within the M e d i t e r r a n e a n in this work ( F 91 = Str. 1. 3. 9); nor w h y the f r a g m e n t ( F 79 - Str. 17. χ. 5) on the N i l e floods could not have c o m e f r o m an account of E g y p t in the Histories,73 F r a g m e n t 80 (= Str. 17. 3. 10) on the paucity of rivers in L i b y a , w h i c h Posidonius connects with lack of rainfall, is still more problematic. D i d it c o m e f r o m a part of the narrative focused on this area, or f r o m On Ocean? T h i s w o u l d not fit with a strict periplus model, but could have been part of a digression f r o m the j o u r n e y round A f r i c a , or have been incorporated into a section on global g e o g r a p h y — p o s s i b l y seen as a c o n s e q u e n c e of lying at a southerly latitude. 71 It is interesting that both Polybius and Posidonius made the same claims to autopsy. Posidonius travelled to Gades to observe the tides and distinguished between autopsy, reported information, and derived theory. See also F 86 (= Str. 3. S· 9). 72 For other possible examples of this polemic, see F 89 (= Str. 5. ι . 8) on the Timavus, and F 49 (= Str. 3. 3. 4) on the river Bainis in Lusitania. Kidd identifies the source against whom Posidonius reacts as Polybius, who may have taken his information from D. Iunius Brutus Callaicus, who campaigned in Lusitania in 138/7 BC. 73 F 4 and F 7 reveal that Egypt fell within the scope of the work.

T h e generic a m b i g u i t y of these f r a g m e n t s is a c k n o w l e d g e d by b o t h Jacoby and K i d d . T h e former s o m e t i m e s suggests that the Histories m i g h t have been the original location of fragments categorized as 'geographical', revealing a broad conception of w h a t is 'historical', and o f t e n coinciding w i t h the w a y the fragments w o u l d be assigned on the m o d e l 'outer-ocean : inner-sea', although this does not i m p l y that Jacoby w o u l d have agreed w i t h this characterization of the works. A l t h o u g h K i d d chooses not to gather together those fragments w h i c h he thinks m i g h t have c o m e f r o m On Ocean, he tends t o w a r d s the notion that geographical p h e n o m e n a should be consigned to this work on the g r o u n d s of content. 7 4 B u t they could equally well fit into a 'historical' w o r k of the kind w h i c h w e know included notes on pistachio production and the flora and fauna of various regions. Jacoby's suggestion that Posidonius' account of the stony Plaine de la C r a u p r o b a b l y came f r o m the Celtic section of the Histories illustrates precisely this point, only to be countered b y K i d d ' s c o m m e n t that the passage m a y have been f r o m On Ocean or f r o m s o m e scientific work g i v i n g explanations of marvels (παράδοξα) ( F 90 = Str. 4. ι . 7). 7 5 But w h y postulate the existence of such a w o r k , w h e n these explanations were already a normal part of Hellenistic historiography? T h e same kinds of a r g u m e n t could be applied to m a n y of the fragments. H o w can w e determine a context for the i n f o r m a tion that an earthquake in Phoenicia d a m a g e d S i d o n , and affected areas f r o m Syria to G r e e c e ? Strabo mentions it in a passage on various floods and the effects of earthquakes on land-formation ( F 87 = Str. 1. 3. χ 6). B u t elsewhere, Strabo uses precisely this kind of information in his brief histories of individual cities, and it seems that Posidonius m a y have mentioned it in a passage focused o n Sidon, rather than in a strictly scientific context. C o u l d this have c o m e f r o m one of the 7 4 T h i s is the case in F 88 on the volcanic eruption in the sea between Panarea and the Liparaean islands; and with Ε - K F 228 (= Seneca, Naturales quaestiones, 2. 26. 4 - 7 ) on a similar incident in the A e g e a n , although K i d d expresses uncertainty in both cases. 75 Jacoby said of this fragment, classified by Edelstein and K i d d as 'mathematical geography', simply that it 'could come f r o m the Histories'. Jacoby proposed as a location Book 23, on the first Celtic war of 122/1 BC.

Syrian sections of the Histories?76 A striking parallel for discussion of earthquakes in a Hellenistic history is to be f o u n d in C . A c i l i u s ' treatment of h o w Sicily c a m e to be disjointed f r o m the Italian mainland by the great flood (FGrH 813 F 3). M a n y features of the passage are significant, not least of w h i c h is the fact that this 'geographical' passage comes f r o m a 'historical' work. But w e should go on to note that A c i l i u s ' g e o g r a p h y has a temporal side, in so far as the g e o g r a p h y of the present day is different f r o m that of the past. T h i r d l y , the g e o g r a p h y of Italy is linked to a particular event w h i c h had far-reaching historical and geographical repercussions. T h e great flood is generally not referred to in G r e e k geographical sources, but in accounts of the history of Judaea, E g y p t , and Babylonia, where it is used as a chronological marker for calculating large time-spans. 7 7 T h e r e is no reason w h y Posidonius too should not have discussed earthquakes and their impact in his Histories. In the field of mineralogy and geology, the passages cited f r o m Posidonius give little or no clue as to their place in the original works. T h e lava on M t . Etna and the effect of volcanic ash on the soil ( F 92), the classification of naphtha in Babylonia ( F 94), the porous clay in Iberia ( F 95) all fell within Posidonius' interests. It is the fragment on the c o r r u p t i n g effect of gold and silver w h i c h has attracted most attention in this subsection of the geographical fragments ( F 48 = A t h e n . 6. 2 3 3 D - 4 C ) . 7 8 A t h e n a e u s cites Posidonius on the collection of alluvial ores b y the Helvetii and other Celts, the w a y in w h i c h the A l p s flow with silver in forest fires, and mining, the method by w h i c h most gold and silver is extracted. T h i s leads to a series of examples of the w a y in w h i c h the greed for precious metals has corrupted peoples, notably the Spartans and the Scordistae, a Celtic tribe linked elsewhere by Posidonius with the C i m b r i . 7 9 T h e source of the material has been m u c h 7 6 Similarly, c o u l d the earthquake in F 87a, w h i c h Posidonius says destroyed m a n y cities and 2,000 villages in Parthia, have c o m e f r o m the account of Parthia in the Histories? 77 S e e the king-list given by E u s e b i u s of E g y p t i a n dynasties 'after the flood'

(μίτά τον κατακλνσμόν) (FGrH 6og F 3b). 7S

T h e same story is told in Eustathius, Commentant

4. 89.

79

ad Homeri

Odysseam,

See Dobesch, Das europäische 'Barbaricum', 52.

debated. T h e i l e r postulated the existence of a separate w o r k entitled On Gold and Silver, but there is no reason whatsoever to accept this, especially given the diverse nature of the w o r k s w e already have. K i d d suggests that the examples came f r o m a single series in the Histories, h a n g i n g together through the ethical theme, and this w o u l d reflect the fact that the examples are grouped together by A t h e n a e u s into a single passage. But an alternative solution is that of Jacoby, w h o thought that the passages came f r o m various regional accounts in the Histories— the Celtic ethnology, the Iberian passages, the Cimbrica, and so o n — i n w h i c h mineral wealth and its social implications could have played a part. 8 0 It is interesting that Jacoby placed this f r a g m e n t on the corrupting effects of mineral wealth in his section on 'countries and peoples' ( ' L ä n d e r und V ö l k e r ' ) . T h i s perfectly illustrates the importance in his vision of G r e e k prose writing of H e r odotean-style λόγοι, equivalent to the origines et situs of writers such as P o m p e i u s T r o g u s , in w h i c h a land, its inhabitants, and their history w o u l d be described. W e k n o w m a n y examples of such passages being part of 'Histories' and w e shall see w i t h Strabo how they could be integral to a 'geographical' work. Jacoby presumably did not w a n t to c o m m i t himself to a decision over w h e t h e r these fragments belonged to On Ocean or to the Histories, because, w i t h a capacious definition of 'geography' and 'history', they could clearly belong to either or both of these w o r k s . T h i s ethnographical category is helpful in m a n y of the cases w h e r e K i d d expresses anxiety over h o w best to proceed. F o r example, on the f r a g m e n t concerning remarkable trees in Spain, he c o m m e n t s : ' S i n c e the extract is reported b y Strabo, the source is p r o b a b l y On the Ocean, but we cannot be sure, since the History also contained details of natural history' ( F 54 = Str. 3 . 5 . 10). Jacoby had addressed this a m b i g u i t y by placing the passage in his intermediary section, concerned w i t h regional accounts. Similarly, K i d d included in his geographical section A t h e n a e u s ' citation on the Persian king, w h o w o u l d drink only C h a l y b o n i a n wine, with the result that the Persians transplanted the vines to D a m a s c u s ; but Jacoby had placed it in 80

Jacoby, FGrH, Kommentar F 48.

the ' L ä n d e r und V ö l k e r ' ( F 68 = A t h e n , ι . 28D). Precisely the same pattern is true for the dead monster in C o e l e Syria, described as 100 feet long, with scales each as large as a shield ( F 66 = Str. i6. 2. 17). K i d d terms this a Posidonian marvel (παράδοξον), and in a sense it is; but such creatures were not far f r o m being treated as part of historical reality in Hellenistic accounts of the N e a r East. In particular, the emergence of creatures f r o m the sea to contribute to the d e v e l o p m e n t of civilization was an important feature of the early history of Babylonia. T h e occasions on w h i c h the creature, A n n e d o t o s , came out of the sea were told b y A b y d e nus and more fully b y Berosus of B a b y l o n . In the first year after the creation of the w o r l d , a creature, called O a n n e , with the b o d y of a fish, but the head and feet of a man, appeared f r o m the Persian G u l f on to the land bordering Babylonia. It had a h u m a n voice, and taught men the alphabet, a system of laws, architecture, agriculture, and all the arts. A c c o r d i n g to Berosus there was no time of greater invention ( F G r H 680 F 1 § 4). W e should not be too quick to dismiss this kind of material as lying outside the realm of serious history. Just h o w o p e n - m i n d e d w e should be about the potential scope of each work is reinforced by the f r a g m e n t in w h i c h w e find an account of the foundation of Gadeira, based on the oracle given to the T y r i a n s ( F 53 = Str. 3. 5. 5). T h e importance of G a d e s in On Ocean m a y at first lead to the assumption that the place was of interest to Posidonius only f r o m a scientific point of v i e w , and K i d d g r o u p s this passage w i t h the other scientific geographical fragments. H o w e v e r , the passage illustrates the inseparability of g e o g r a p h y and history in Posidonius' w o r k . T h e u n d e r l y i n g story was a narrative of the foundation of G a d e i r a , b u t the p r o b l e m facing Posidonius was g e o g r a p h i c a l — w h e r e exactly were the Pillars of H e r c u l e s at w h i c h the foundation was to be made? K i d d remarks interestingly that Posidonius' preferred version of the answer m i g h t have been influenced by his o w n geographical backg r o u n d , for, as a Syrian, he chose the pillars in the temple of Hercules Melkart. 8 1 If this f r a g m e n t is f r o m On Ocean, as I 81 But, as Prof. F. Millar suggests, we may question whether or not Posidonius would have thought of himself as a Syrian, or whether his strong Rhodian connections would have provided an alternative identity.

think is likely given its concern with the Pillars of H e r c u l e s , w h i c h standardly marked the start of the O u t e r O c e a n in ancient geographical thought, then it w o u l d offer a good e x ample of h o w that w o r k ranged m o r e w i d e l y than the field of mathematical g e o g r a p h y . It is interesting that J a c o b y ' s specifically 'geographical' fragments overlap with those of K i d d ' s categories w h i c h w e m i g h t term 'scientific'; that is, those dealing, for example, with h y d r o l o g y , g e o l o g y , and mathematical g e o g r a p h y . By contrast, in all but one of the instances I have so far discussed, w h e r e Jacoby's ' L ä n d e r und V ö l k e r ' solved a possible generic a m biguity, K i d d assigned the passage to his ' g e o g r a p h y ' section. So, in a sense, both Jacoby and K i d d created a separate category for less scientific g e o g r a p h y , or regional description. But, w h i l e K i d d was to keep these segregated f r o m the 'historical' fragments, for Jacoby, as w e shall now see, they w o u l d f o r m a large ethnographical g r o u p together with m u c h that K i d d classed as historical. I mention first those passages w h i c h Jacoby, like K i d d , saw as primarily historical in nature, that is, those w h i c h dealt with specific events and people. O f these the most f a m o u s is the extensive passage in A t h e n a e u s about the tyranny at A t h e n s of the philosopher, A t h e n i o n , in the year 88 BC d u r i n g the M i t h r i d a t i c war ( F 36 — A t h e n . 5· 211D—215B). T h i s is one of the f e w 'narrative' passages, m a k i n g it important to scholars trying to write the history of the period, b u t less interesting than an ethnographical passage f r o m the point of v i e w of c o m m o n g r o u n d between g e o g r a p h y and history. I mention merely the w a y in w h i c h this fragment, like some of those specifically assigned to the Histories, has been interpreted in terms of the 'moralist's v i e w of historiography' ( K i d d , II(ii). 886), b y w h i c h Posidonius, alone a m o n g the extant sources, stressed the tyranny o f A t h e n i o n over that of Aristion because A t h e n i o n offered the chance to show h o w dangerous uncontrolled emotions could be u n d e r the rule of the reverse of a philosopher-king. 8 2 O n H e r c u l e s - M e l k a r t see J. G a g é , ' H e r c u l e - M e l q a r t , Alexandre Romains à G a d è s ' , Revue des Études Anciennes, 42 (1940), 4 2 5 - 3 7 . 82

et

les

Aristion would at first seem to be the more obvious focus of attention,

T h i s g r o u p of fragments gives a sense of R o m a n history w h i c h is almost entirely absent f r o m passages securely assigned to the Histories, a fact w h i c h is due to the different modes of citation e m p l o y e d by different authors. 8 3 It is no accident that the preoccupations of A t h e n a e u s , w h o s e practice in Posidonian citation was to refer systematically to his source by name, title, and book n u m b e r , dominate our picture of the Histories gained f r o m f r a g m e n t s assigned to books. But A t h e n a e u s had little reason to refer to the events and personalities of R o m a n history in his Deipnosophistae. Instead, w e rely largely on Plutarch to provide us with such insights into the Histories, and Plutarch's methods for referring to his sources were m u c h less specific than those of A t h e n a e u s , resulting in the clustering of these R o m a n fragments in Jacoby's section of passages 'without book-title'. 8 4 W e have, for example, f r o m Plutarch a vivid description, attributed to Posidonius, of M a r i u s ' mental apprehension at the end of his life ( F 37 = Plut. Mar. 45. 3-7); Plutarch also cites Posidonius on S c i p i o ' s s u m m o n i n g of Panaetius, w h e n the Senate sent him on a diplomatic mission to E g y p t and the M i d d l e East ( F 3 0 = Plut. Mor. 7 7 7 A ) . It is not always clear, h o w e v e r , w h e t h e r the focus was R o m e itself or a place affected by R o m e . Posidonius tells of Nicias of E n g y i o n in Sicily, trying to persuade the town to change its allegiance f r o m C a r t h a g e to R o m e , and in the process expressing d o u b t about the epiphany of goddesses for w h i c h E n g y i o n was renowned, with the result that he fled to M a r c e l l u s for safety. H o w e v e r , it is not certain w h e t h e r this was part of an account of the deeds of M a r c e l l u s , since he was by far the most powerful tyrant of Athens and was in power at the crucial time of Sulla's siege and capture of the city. See, for example, the note in F 40 (= Plut. Brutus, 1) that Posidonius attacked the view that the Iunii Bruti were not descended from L. Iunius Brutus, the first consul and traditional founder of the Republic. Or the etymological notes concerning famous Romans: F 42a and 42b (Plut. Marc. 9. 4-7; Plut. Fabius Maximus, 19. 1-4) on how the Romans called Fabius their Buckler and Marcellus their sword; F 41 (= Plut. Marc. ι. 1-3) on how M. Claudius Marcellus was the first of his house to be given that cognomen, meaning 'martial'. 84 On Posidonius as a major source for Plutarch, see B. Scardigli, Die Römerbiographien Plutarchs (Munich, 1979), 39~4°; ° n Plutarch's use of sources, see Pelling, 'Plutarch's Method of Work'. 83

or of the history of E n g y i o n , or of the spread of R o m a n influence ( F 43 = Plut. Marc. 20. 1 - 1 1 ) . W h e n he was cited on M a r c e l l u s ' exaction of 600 talents' tribute f r o m Celtiberia, was the context a study of the man and his actions, or of the place and its fortunes under Rome? ( F 51 = Str. 3. 4. 13). 85 T h e c o m m e n t was j u x t a p o s e d with Posidonius' criticism of P o l y bius for h a v i n g pandered to T i b e r i u s G r a c c h u s over his success in Spain, favouring an Iberian, rather than a Marcellan, c o n text, and indeed Jacoby placed this passage in his section of ' L ä n d e r u n d V ö l k e r ' . K i d d was perplexed by the fact that both of these events ( 1 5 2 / 1 BC) fell outside the chronological scope of the Histories, and could not decide on a Posidonian context. H e here came closest to giving up on the strict chronological arrangement w h i c h had been implicit in his assessments so far, and conceded that both m i g h t have come in the context of the Celtiberian w a r of 1 4 3 - 1 3 3 BC. Just as m a n y of the 'geographical' fragments were treated by Jacoby as ethnographical in nature, being distinguished f r o m scientific themes by their assignation in his collection to a section on peoples and places, so too did Jacoby include in this section m a n y of the fragments w h i c h K i d d w o u l d treat as 'historical'. N o t surprisingly, this is true of the m a n y occasions on w h i c h Posidonius revealed his interest in the behaviour and c u s t o m s of the R o m a n s and of other peoples, an interest w h i c h sometimes involved tracing their d e v e l o p m e n t over time. W e shall see in chapter V a similar interest in the evolution of peoples, places, and their habits in the Geography of Strabo, revealing h o w unsatisfactory are strictly generic approaches to these works. Posidonius' c o m m e n t s on the d e v e l o p m e n t of customs over time are sometimes hard to disentangle, as in the case of A t h e n a e u s ' description of R o m a n virtues ( F 59 = A t h e n . 6. 2 7 3 A - 2 7 5 A ) . H o w e v e r , the passage on Scipio A f r i c a n u s ' mission to 'settle the k i n g d o m s t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d (κατά τήν οίκουμένην)', in w h i c h he showed great restraint in taking only 85 A similar p r o b l e m is raised by F 44 statue of M a r c e l l u s in the temple of A t h e n a res gestae of M a r c e l l u s , sacker of Syracuse, account o f Rhodes? H e r e Jacoby decided rather than ethnographical.

(= Plut. Marc. 30. 6 - 9 ) . W a s the at L i n d o s mentioned as part of the and Roman conquests, or f r o m an that the f r a g m e n t w a s historical

five slaves, is securely attributed to Posidonius. 8 6 A s K i d d points out, Scipio was hardly 'ancient history' for Posidonius. T h e r e f o r e this fragment's context, which sets Scipio among virtuous 'old' Romans, must belong to Athenaeus, showing once again how difficult it is to contextualize and interpret small fragments of text. However, Posidonius elsewhere clearly structured his information on this topic in a temporal progression, from early times down to his own contemporaries. 'Earlier on the inhabitants of Italy were so sparing in their needs that even in our own time well-off people make their sons drink water mainly and eat whatever there is' ( F 59). 87 It is clear that this kind of information verges on the ethnographical, and indeed it may have been part of the 'Roman and Italian ethnography' postulated by Jacoby and Malitz for Books 1 and 2. T h e hard lifestyle of the Ligurians, and the story of the Ligurian w o m a n who paused from her work digging trenches to give birth, then returned immediately to continue digging, are equally impossible to define as geographical or historical ( F 57a = Str. 5. 2. 1; F 58a = Str. 3. 4. 17). O f t e n details of lifestyle and customs seem to have been included with no historical motive that we can discern. T h e display of severed heads by the Celts, as K i d d says, probably came from the Celtic ethnography of Book 23 ( F 55 = Str. 4. 4. 5); the eating habits of the G e r m a n s presumably from Book 30. 88 Friendship toasts among the Carmani might, according to K i d d , have been part of an eastern ethnography, and if this is correct then we could set it alongside the discussion of how the etymological connection between the Erembians and the Arameans reflected their kinship. 8 9 T h i s formed part of a larger treatment of the shared features of Mesopotamian peoples in language, lifestyle, and physical N o t e the broad geographical context of this piece of history ( F 59). Polybius is named with Posidonius as a source for this fragment, a problem since the embassy was probably in 140/39 BC, outside the scope of Polybius' work. 87 T h e structure πρότερο ν . . . καθ'ημάς and its variations are very c o m m o n in Strabo. See G . D . Massaro, Ί moduli della narrazione storica nel libri di Strabone sull'Italia méridionale', in Strabone II, 8 1 - 1 1 7 . 88 Ε - K F 277b (= Eustathius, Commentant ad Homeri Iliadem, 13. 6). 89 F 72 (= A t h e n . 2. 45F); F 105a, 105b, and Ε - K F 281b (= Str. 1. 2. 34; 16. 4. 27; Eustathius 2. 783)· 8ft

appearance. W a s it a geographical passage, linked w i t h the theory of zones and climatic effect on the inhabitants of different parts of the w o r l d , or the kind of information that w e m i g h t e x p e c t to find as b a c k g r o u n d to a historical e v e n t in the area, or simply part of a regional account? J a c o b y ' s category of ' L ä n d e r und V ö l k e r ' provides a h e l p f u l bridge b e t w e e n the traditional view of the interests of the Histories and those of On Ocean; the clear area of overlap urges that capacious, rather than narrow, definitions of each work will prove more satisfactory. Just as there are f r a g m e n t s in K i d d ' s ' g e o g r a p h y ' sections w h i c h could have c o m e f r o m the Histories if they w e r e a general account of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d , so too are there passages in the 'history' section w h i c h w o u l d not be out of place in On Ocean if it dealt generally with the outer ocean. T h e rites of the S a m n i t e (or N a m n i t e ) w o m e n o n the island off the m o u t h of the L o i r e , in the A t l a n t i c O c e a n , w o u l d fit well into this context ( F 56 = Str. 4. 4. 6). 90 T h e r e is also a detailed description of h o w , w h e n the w o m e n were rethatching their t e m p l e on a particular day each year, any w o m a n w h o s e load of thatch slipped was torn apart by the others. S u c h detail gives a strong sense of the diversity of c u s t o m s f r o m place to place. Posidonius' description of the C i m b r i a n migrations is another e x a m p l e of a 'historical' f r a g m e n t w h i c h could have c o m e f r o m On Ocean. T h e suggestion, m e n t i o n e d above, that the migrations w e r e caused by a great tidal w a v e is here rejected for a theory based on the piratical and n o m a d i c nature of the people, w h i c h took t h e m as far as the C i m m e r i a n Bosporus, to w h i c h they gave their n a m e ( F 31 = Str. 7. 2. 1 - 2 ) . K i d d c o m m e n t s that 'this is the most important indication that Posidonius saw the explanation of historical events in the characters of the people rather than in the proximate causation of occurrences'. 9 1 T h i s links the C i m b r i a n passage w i t h the 90 Str. 4. 2. ι says Namnite; Ptolemaeus 2. 8. 6 says Samnite, but 2. 8. 8 Namnite. 91 N o t e the interest shown by Agatharchides in the causes of massmigration. H e says that animals have often been the c a u s e — e i t h e r locusts or deadly winged lice, w h i c h burrow under the skin and kill the victim, or scorpions or v e n o m o u s spiders. T h e p h e n o m e n o n was not confined to A f r i c a , says Agatharchides, recalling similar migrations caused by mice in Italy, farrows in M e d i a , and frogs among the Autariatae ( G G M I, 1 1 1 - 9 5 §59).

A t h e n i o n fragment which has been seen as another example of character as a factor in historical causation. 9 2 F r o m a geographical point of view, the C i m b r i a n fragment is interesting for its mention of Cleitarchus, w h o is introduced in connection with the idea that the cavalry (which cavalry?) fled at the sight of the great flood. K i d d suggests that this was said not of the C i m b r i , but of A l e x a n d e r ' s a r m y as it approached the Indus Delta. 9 3 But he raises the possibility that Cleitarchus might have mentioned the C i m b r i too, or that Posidonius m i g h t have used the A l e x a n d e r story as a parallel. If so, this w o u l d be interesting in connection with the criticisms of S e l e u c u s ' theory about tides in the Indian O c e a n , and might be used to support the idea that On Ocean really was concerned with the whole of the encircling ocean. On Ocean has generally been v i e w e d as a scientific work. T h e fragments securely assigned to the Histories have often been dealt with in a way w h i c h depends on a conception of history as a rigidly chronological narrative. H o w e v e r , both works defied such strict characterizations. T h e p r o b l e m s are extremely similar to those encountered w h e n dealing with Hecataeus, w h o m I mentioned in chapter I (pp. 60-2). T h e r e too we found a 'geographical' work and a 'historical' w o r k , but the fragments assigned by the sources to one or other of these did not allow the characterization of either as anything other than extremely broad in scope; and this, in turn, created problems for an attempt to place the unassigned fragments in one w o r k or the other. S o too with Posidonius, an examination of the fragments not assigned to books simply reinforces the view that the two fields overlapped considerably. K i d d ' s treatment of these 'floating' fragments reveals a m u c h broader conception of history than his exposition of the 92 D . E. H a h m , 'Posidonius's T h e o r y of Historical Causation', ANRW II 36.3, 1325-63, discusses the combination of individual and group behaviour in historical causation. He sees the Athenion fragment as a good example of this combination, with history determined by A t h e n i o n ' s character and the communal reaction of the crowd at Athens. It was, according to H a h m , the importance of the group or society that made ethnography a crucial part of Posidonius' Histories. 93 T h i s is supported by Q. Curtius R u f u s 9. 9.

Histories as they stand w o u l d suggest, and he quite rightly does not suggest locations for t h e m b o u n d by generic considerations. H o w can w e reconcile his narrow chronological narrative w i t h the fact that he considers as 'historical' a passage on the solidification of asphalt in the D e a d Sea, or a discussion of how the H y p e r b o r e a n s came to inhabit the Italian Alps? 9 4 Jacoby's middle category of passages concerned w i t h depicting lands and peoples might be described as ethnography in the sense of regional history, or as λόγοι in the Herodotean m o u l d , or as comprehensive accounts of the customs, history, beliefs, and e n v i r o n m e n t of various peoples. A l l of these descriptions clearly straddle generic definitions, and encourage greater flexibility both in reconstructing the lost w o r k s and in dealing with unassigned fragments. I turn finally to consider h o w w e m a y try to make sense of On Ocean and the Histories in the context of Posidonius' reputation as a philosopher and within their historical setting.

STOIC

'SYMPATHY'

(συμπάθεια):

POSIDONIUS'

UNIVERSALISM

H o w satisfactory is the model of Posidonius' w o r k s w h i c h w o u l d include a Histories that described the Mediterranean w o r l d in all its aspects, and an On Ocean that did the same for the O u t e r O c e a n and the limits of the inhabited w o r l d , including its overall shape and character? O n e potential p r o b l e m has already emerged in the f o r m of the C i m b r i . F o r they started on the shores of the O u t e r O c e a n , and m o v e d t h r o u g h E u r o p e , gathering support as they went, until they reached Italy, w h e r e they were finally defeated b y M a r i u s in ΙΟΊ BC. A similar link between the outer and inner seas is seen in a small f r a g m e n t on 94 F 70 (= Str. 16. 2. 34-45); F >°3 (= Scholion on Apollonius Rhodius 2. 675). On the Hyperboreans in general see J. S. Roram, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought: Geography, Exploration, and Fiction (Princeton, 1992), 60-7. Romm does not mention Posidonius as a source for the location of these people. In 'Herodotus and Mythic Geography: the Case of the Hyperboreans', TAPA 119 (1989), 97~ι*3. Romm discusses the Herodotean location of these people, concluding that Herodotus used a mixture of reasoning from probability (rô eiVo'î) and arguments from both climatic and geometrical symmetry to support their existence.

the length of the 'isthmus of G a u l ' , measured f r o m the Atlantic, north of the Pyrenees, to N a r b o ( F 34 = Str. 4. 1. 14). 95 T h e s e f r a g m e n t s linking the outer and inner oceans tell against a strict division of spheres of interest. T h e y m a y even show that Posidonius saw a parallel b e t w e e n the two, w h i c h m i g h t be reflected in the w a y the t w o areas w e r e written about. In this final section I wish briefly to explore the universality of Posidonius' w o r l d - v i e w , in an attempt to m o v e away f r o m notions of g e o g r a p h y and history, or even of inner and outer oceans. It w o u l d be contrived to e x p e c t the same manifestations and conceptions of universalism in Posidonius as in the w o r k s of P o l y b i u s or Strabo, b u t all lived at various stages in the establishment of a notionally global p o w e r , and it w o u l d not be surprising to find this reflected in the w o r k s of all three. T h e place of R o m e in P o s i d o n i u s ' t h o u g h t has been the s u b j e c t of several articles, of w h i c h S t r a s b u r g e r ' s is p r o b a b l y the b e s t - k n o w n . I have already m e n t i o n e d s o m e of the f r a g ments in w h i c h R o m a n history and people seem to be at the centre. V e r b r u g g h e ' s reading of the Sicilian slave-war in Posidonius focuses attention exclusively on R o m a n history and p o w e r , a r g u i n g that the details of the account reflect mainland Italy, rather than Sicily, and that the physical location of the narrative is irrelevant. 9 6 It w o u l d be easy to imagine one aspect of the Histories b e i n g a concern w i t h the g r o w i n g p o w e r of R o m e , although w e have little evidence on w h i c h to base any view about P o s i d o n i u s ' large-scale c o n c e p tions. S c h m i d t ' s b o o k , although infuriating in its failure to cite evidence for the views expressed, hints at a helpful alternative view of the w o r l d to that dominated s i m p l y by the progress of R o m a n rule. 9 7 S h e sees the importance of the ethnographical passages as being linked with R o m e ' s mission to rule the inhabited w o r l d . It was only by u n d e r s t a n d i n g the subjectpeoples that R o m e could h o p e to rule them fairly. L i k e V e r b r u g g h e , she stresses the R o m a n o c e n t r i c nature of Posidonius' Strabo sets this in the context of the river-system of G a u l , providentially laid out, but there is no reason to attribute that also to Posidonius. 96 G . P. V e r b r u g g h e , 'Narrative Pattern in Posidonius' History', Historia, 95

24 (1975). 189-204, esp. 197-8. 97

Schmidt, Kosmologische Aspekte, 97-104.

w o r l d - v i e w , b u t she adds a vision of R o m e ' s centrality in a w a y w h i c h I think has greater potential for an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Posidonian universalism, that is, expressed t h r o u g h its tenure of the privileged m i d d l e of the climatologically arranged earth. I shall return to consider the notion of a unified w o r l d w h o s e leaders inhabit the cosmologically appointed centre w h e n I discuss S t r a b o ' s geographical and historical conceptions. O n e feature of P o l y b i u s ' universalism w h i c h I mentioned briefly was its seemingly Stoic aspect, expressed t h r o u g h the notion that fate unified the w o r l d temporally and spatially (p. 126). It is to this side of Posidonius that I now turn. Several f r a g m e n t s have evoked the interpretation that Posidonius was moralizing in his role as philosopher-historian. T h e f r a g m e n t s on eastern l u x u r y are particularly prone to this reading. 9 8 B u t most c o m e f r o m A t h e n a e u s , and w e cannot assume that Posidonius shared his preoccupation w i t h l u x u r y and degeneracy. T h e term φιλόσοφος, or philosopher, w a s often applied to Posidonius, and T h ü m m e l states w i t h confidence that Posidonius saw himself as such ('sich als P h i l o s o p h v e r stand'). 9 9 B u t this, in itself, is not e n o u g h to c o n v i n c e m e that w e should interpret all his works in a moral light. S t r a b o famously introduced his Geography as a w o r k of p h i l o s o p h y , although f e w w o u l d thus be led to argue that this w o r k had the moral basis often a s s u m e d for the Histories of Posidonius. 1 0 0 Rather than see the title 'philosopher' as a cue for a moralizing interpretation, w e should look at w h a t kind of philosopher Posidonius was. A frequent alternative to φιλόσοφος was 'the one f r o m the S t o a ' (ό άττο τής Στοάς), s i g n i f y i n g the 98 But see also F 59 (= Athen. 12. 542e), on the luxury of Damophilus, the Sicilian Greek who stirred up the slave-war of the mid-130s BC, which Verbrugghe, 'Narrative Pattern', sees as expressing a warning to Rome: 'do not abuse your power'. 99 Thümmel, 'Poseidonios und die Geschichte', 559. I. G . Kidd, 'Posidonius as Philosopher-Historian', in M. T . Griffin and J. Barnes (eds.), Philosophia Togata: Essays on Philosophy and Roman Society (Oxford, 1989), 3 8 ~5°, discusses the concept of the philosopher-historian in both ethnographical and more strictly historical fragments. 100 T h e philosopher is the very first concept to be mentioned in the first sentence of Strabo's vast work: τής τον φιλοσόφου πραγματείας εϊναι νομίζομεν . . .και τήν γεωγραφικήν ( Ί believe that the field of geography is also part of the philosopher's task', 1. 1. 1).

strand of philosophy for w h i c h Posidonius was, and is, best known. 1 0 1 T h e importance of Posidonius, the Stoic philosopher, is backed up by one of the testimonia ( T 12a = A t h e n . 4. 151E). 'Posidonius the Stoic in the Histories w h i c h he c o m p o s e d not inconsonantly with the p h i l o s o p h y w h i c h he has adopted . . . says . . ( Π . 6 άπο της Στοάς iv ταΐς Ίστορίαις αις συνέθηκβν

ουκ άλλοτρίως

ης προηρητο

φιλοσοφίας

. . . φησί

. . .).

T h e interpretation of this testimonium has caused m a n y p r o b lems to translators and editors. But it does seem to mean that the Histories were consonant with Stoicism, and w e need to see w h i c h tenets m i g h t be applicable. 1 0 2 Stoicism certainly had a strong ethical aspect, and it is quite possible that, given A t h e n a e u s ' o w n preoccupation, it is to this that he refers here. H o w e v e r , it seems to m e that, alongside the search for moralizing tendencies in the 'historical' and 'geographical' works of Posidonius, it is profitable to consider them both in terms of Stoic ideas about the w i d e r w o r l d and the cosmos. M a n y of these, of course, had a far longer history in the cosmological assumptions of the Presocratic philosophers, some of w h o s e theories I have already discussed. W e have some examples of Posidonius' thoughts on these matters in the fragments classified by K i d d under 'physics'. O n e of the most striking is the fragment preserved by D i o g e n e s Laertius on the idea of the cosmos as a living creature (ζώον), w h i c h vividly recalls P o l y b i u s ' notion of universal history as 'corporate' (σωματοαΒής) and his wish to avoid a disparate picture of the w o r l d , w h i c h w o u l d be like a d i s m e m b e r e d animal (p. 124). 1 0 3 Posidonius' creature was animate, thinking, and 101 For examples of this phrase, see F 2, 3. 8, 15, 19· Posidonius is just < 5 φιλόσοφος in F 61 and 25. 102 We should, of course, heed the warning given by A. D. Nock, 'Posidonius', JRS 49 (1959), 1, that Stoicism itself was full of individual divergence, and not a neatly defined set of tenets. 103 Ε - K F 99a (= Diog. Laert. 7. 142-3): on 8è και ζώον ό κόσμος και λογικόν και ΐμφνχον και voepov και Χρύσιππος ΐν α φηαιν Περί προνοίας και Απολλόδωρος φησιν (V rfj Φυσική και Ποσΐιδώνιος ('Chrysippus in book ι of his On Forethought, Apollodorus in his Physics, and Posidonius all say that the cosmos is a living creature, logical, animate, and intelligent'). It is, of course, typical of our knowledge of Posidonius that Diogenes should have cited the titles of all his sources except for Posidonius' work. See Polybius I. 4. 7 for the world and its history as a living creature.

rational. T h e idea of the w o r l d as a 'logical creature' (ζώον λογικόν) again calls to m i n d P o l y b i u s and the natural logic to w h i c h both geographical and historical processes adhered. T h e idea of a unified, living universe was also behind some of the etymological explanations given for the name of Z e u s , w h o governed everything. Posidonius is named, along with Crates of Mallos, C h r y s i p p u s , and a n o n y m o u s others, in a note w h i c h derives ' Z e u s ' f r o m the v e r b 'to bind' (6efv), and 'to live' (ζψ).104 T h e single, animate universe was closely b o u n d to the Stoic doctrine of συμπάθεια, b y w h i c h events and processes were interrelated, mutually influential, and inseparable. C i c e r o attacked the theory, referring to the coniunctio naturae . . . quam συμπάθειαν Graeci appellant ( Ε - K F 106 = C i c . De div. 2. 33-5). But of w h a t relevance is this to On Ocean, the Histories, and the attempt to m o v e away f r o m generic classifications of these works? I should like to suggest that Posidonius ό άττο τής Στοάς w o u l d not have t h o u g h t of a 'geographical' work and a 'historical' w o r k as b e i n g t w o totally separable entities, since all processes were interrelated and under the sole direction of fate. T h i s is clearly reflected in the impossibility of finding a straightforward characterization of each work. On Ocean was not purely scientific; the Histories had r o o m for material that was not part of a straight chronological narrative. It is also true that a division between the w o r k s in terms of one w h i c h dealt with the O u t e r O c e a n and one w i t h the inner sea is inadequate. T h e w o r l d , as one animate being, could not be divided u p into areas w h i c h either operated or could be conceived of independently. 1 0 5 T h e importance of Stoic doctrine to Posidonius' conception of the w o r l d is plainly visible in a passage f r o m Priscianus the L y d i a n on the behaviour and conditions of the seas, straits, and rivers, and assigned b y K i d d to the realm of tides and h y d r o l o g y ( Ε - K F 2 1 9 = Prise. Solutiones ad Chosroem, V I ) . In this Posidonius is cited as an authority on tides and author of the idea that the O u t e r O c e a n m o v e d in relation to the lunar cycle, w h i l e the inner sea m o v e d in unison w i t h it; they w e r e Ε - K F 102 (= John of Lydia, De mensibus, 4. 7 1 . 48). See Alonso-Nunez, 'Die Weltgeschichte bei Poseidonios', 90, on the links between universalistic concepts and the Stoic notion of the unity of mankind. 104 ,os

j o i n e d only at the Pillars of Hercules, and acted in s y m p a t h y w i t h one another, like a harbour to the sea. T h e L a t i n used to express this relationship is extremely interesting in the light of Posidonius' S t o i c i s m , and I quote it in full: 'dicunt [sc. Posidonius and Arrian] enim moveri exteriorem O c e a n u m ad lunae a m b i t u m , compati vero interius mare; iuxta c o l u m n a s (enim) ei H e r c u l i s s o l u m m o d o c o n i u n c t u m quasi portus pelago compassione afficitur et alios m o t u s speciales accipit.' W e could hardly find a clearer expression of the w a y in w h i c h the Stoic w o r l d m o v e d as one, in a distinctive manifestation of universalism. 1 0 6 A question remains: if the w o r l d was one inseparable unit, and if w e can reasonably argue that ' g e o g r a p h y ' and 'history' were categories that Posidonius w o u l d p r o b a b l y not have conceptualized, then h o w , if at all, are w e to relate the t w o separate w o r k s — O n Ocean and the Histories? T h e issue will recur in relation to Strabo, and various possible answers m i g h t be offered in both cases. It is easy to explain the existence of different works about the w o r l d by a single author simply in terms of the literary tradition. O n e of the m o r e profitable w a y s of distinguishing between generically different w o r k s is to think of their organizational principles. A c c o r d i n g to K a n t , g e o g r a p h y is description according to space; history a c c o r d i n g to time. I have argued persistently against the w a y in w h i c h Posidonius' Histories have been treated as a text organized on strictly temporal lines, and for a w o r k w h i c h m a y have involved more regional arrangement than has sometimes been conceded. H o w e v e r , this is the point at w h i c h to reintroduce the parallel suggested to m e b y Professor D . A . Russell; n a m e l y , that the Histories m a y have been organized in a similar w a y to the w o r k of P o m p e i u s T r o g u s , w i t h a narrative that m o v e d forward t h r o u g h time, but supported by extensive regional accounts, giving the w o r k a strong spatial aspect. Possibly, then, one could argue simply that Posidonius chose to write On Ocean as a geographical w o r k with a spatial, possibly periplus, structure; and the Histories as a historical work in w h i c h time p r e d o m i nated over space in the overall organization. 106 T h e whole passage is reminiscent o f Polybius' 'sympathetic' waterexpanses, stretching from the Palus Maiotis to the Atlantic Ocean. See above, pp. ι i o - i x; 125-6.

B u t time, space, and organization w e r e clearly not all that distinguished the t w o w o r k s . A l t h o u g h both dealt w i t h the same united w o r l d and were linked t h r o u g h Stoic συμπάθεια, different material receives different stress in each w o r k , and I w o u l d not like to p u t f o r w a r d the view that the Histories were simply On Ocean rearranged, or vice versa. A s I set out in chapter I, other, less schematic, approaches to the writings of the late Hellenistic period m a y p r o v e helpful. O n e alternative m i g h t be to return to the P o l y b i a n notion of seeing the w o r l d and its description 'both as a w h o l e and piecemeal' (και καθόλου και κατά μέρος). On Ocean m a y have b e e n written as a description of the limits of the w o r l d as it was k n o w n at that stage, an overview of w h a t comprised the w o r l d καθόλου; the Histories as an account of the past and present of the peoples w i t h i n that w o r l d , described κατά μέρος. I n that case, the suggestion that Strabo w o u l d have been interested only in On Ocean w o u l d b e c o m e even more untenable, since, as I shall discuss in chapter V , his Geography was full of precisely s u c h descriptions of peoples and places t h r o u g h time. H o w e v e r , I should like to suggest a further possible relationship b e t w e e n the t w o w o r k s w h i c h helps us to understand them in combination as the p r o d u c t s of an individual and of an age. W e have every reason to suppose, both f r o m Posidonius' repeated identification as a Stoic philosopher and f r o m his view of the w o r l d as revealed in certain scientific and philosophical fragments, that he w o u l d have been interested in the literary construction of a unified w o r l d . H o w e v e r , this is precisely in accord also w i t h the requirements and p r e o c c u p a tions of an age in w h i c h R o m e ' s w o r l d d o m i n i o n w a s b e c o m i n g firmly established. 1 0 7 O n e need, as in other p o s t - c o n q u e s t phases, was for the scope and limits of the new w o r l d to be set out; the size, the shape, and the habitable zones of the physical globe w h i c h was b e c o m i n g almost s y n o n y m o u s w i t h See Hornblower, Greek Historiography, 47: 'For Polybius, Rome's rise to empire was a wonder. For Posidonius of Apamea . . . Rome's empire was an established fact.' S. C . Humphreys, 'Fragments, Fetishes, and Philosophies: T o w a r d s a History of Greek Historiography after T h u c y d i d e s ' , in Most, Collecting Fragments, 207-24, stresses Posidonius' united vision of Roman history, mirroring the unity of the physical world, although she sees the ongoing process of expansion as an important factor (p. 215). 107

R o m a n imperial aspirations. 1 0 8 T h e s e were some of the themes treated in On Ocean. T h e all-encircling O c e a n not only provided an evocation of global geographical conceptions f r o m H o m e r onwards, but it was also the most potent s y m b o l of w o r l d dominion. 1 0 9 T h i s had been the outer limit of A l e x a n d e r the G r e a t ' s intended conquests, and it was in terms of the O c e a n that P o m p e y and Caesar, towards the end of Posidonius' life, w e r e formulating the imperial aspirations of their o w n R o m a n p o w e r . 1 1 0 T h e scope of the new w o r l d was perfectly encapsulated in a work On Ocean·, in w h i c h both the intended extent of real R o m a n p o w e r , and the ambitious intellectual and scientific horizons o f the age, were represented. H o w e v e r , it is possible to go further and suggest that Posidonius' contribution to rewriting the late Hellenistic world was t w o f o l d . T h e new w o r l d of R o m e , stretching to the O c e a n , also involved the conquest of m a n y peoples, a historical process w h i c h must itself be outlined, and w h i c h b r o u g h t with it the need to depict recently encountered peoples, places, and cultures. T h i s was possibly the task of the Histories, f o r m i n g a link between the historical d y n a m i s m of the e x p a n d i n g world of P o l y b i u s and S t r a b o ' s descriptions of the lands and peoples w h i c h c o m p r i s e d the newly established w o r l d of R o m e . For just some examples of the globe as equivalent to Rome's dominion, see C . Nicolet Space, Geography and Politics in the Early Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, 199O, figs. 5, 6, 7, 8, 12. 109 T h e relevance of the Ocean to attempts to define the οικουμένη, which the Romans saw as their dominion, is brought out by Reinhardt, Poseidonios, 126: 'das Problem der Oikoumene war zuletzt die Weltmeerfrage' ('the problem of the inhabited world was ultimately the question of the Ocean'). 1 1 0 I shall discuss this in detail in C h . V I . 108

IV Strabo and Space

INTRODUCTION

M y third and final example of the all-encompassing ethnographical, geographical, historical w o r k s written in the late Hellenistic period in response to R o m a n imperialism is the Geography of Strabo. S i n c e I shall not turn to the Geography as a complete project until chapter V I , a very brief introduction of Strabo and his writings may be helpful at this stage. I hope that it will b e c o m e apparent that any attempt to give a neat b i o g r a p h y of Strabo and a s u m m a r y of his projects is open to debate and qualification, b u t I shall nevertheless offer some contextualization and give a f r a m e w o r k of the Geography, w h i c h has survived almost intact. 1 Strabo came f r o m A m a s e i a , a G r e e k city in Pontus, and lived probably f r o m the 60s BC to the 20s AD. B e l o n g i n g to a family which had e n j o y e d close connections with the M i t h r i d a t i c dynasty, Strabo also, like P o l y b i u s and Posidonius, had access to the R o m a n élite, and accompanied A e l i u s G a l l u s on his E g y p t i a n expedition of the mid-20s BC. H e was thus c a u g h t between, or was rather a participant in, t w o worlds, the G r e e k and the R o m a n , and I shall argue that this c o m p l e x identity is reflected in the geographical and historical conceptions w h i c h guide his description of the w o r l d . A s a literary figure, it is w o r t h r e m e m b e r i n g that S t r a b o was primarily a historian. H i s 47-book History n o w survives 1 I have discussed the issues of Strabo's biography and self-presentation more fully in 'In Search of the Author of Strabo's Geography', JRS 87 (1997), 9 2 - 1 1 0 . See also S. Pothecary, ' T h e Expression " O u r T i m e s " in Strabo's Geography', Class. Phil. 92 (1997), 235-46, in which Strabo's background and historical contextualization are discussed. T h e issue of when Strabo's Geography was actually composed will be discussed below (pp. 284-5), but I treat it here as a work of the late Augustan/early Tiberian period.

in only nineteen fragments ( F G r H 91), but was clearly the m a j o r of S t r a b o ' s two works. It was at the very least ambitious, being described by the Suda as a continuation of P o l y b i u s (τα μετά Πολύβιον), precisely parallel to P o s i d o n i u s ' Histories, but the exact scope of the work is not at all certain. 2 O n l y three ancient readers of S t r a b o ' s History are a t t e s t e d — Josephus, Plutarch, and T e r t u l l i a n — a f t e r w h i c h the History disappeared f r o m the tradition, possibly o v e r s h a d o w e d b y the work of N i c o l a u s of D a m a s c u s . 3 T h e Geography fared no better initially. It w o u l d be remarkable if Pliny the Elder, Pausanias, and Ptolemaeus all k n e w of the w o r k , b u t deliberately ignored it. Strabo receives no m e n t i o n in A g a t h e merus' Sketch of Geography, written in the first or second century AD, a fact w h i c h strongly suggests that the text lay in obscurity at this period. 4 In fact, there are few references to Strabo's Geography in the first five centuries after it was written. T h a t w e k n o w the text at all is due to its lucky survival t h r o u g h the great sixth-century transference f r o m p a p y r u s to p a r c h m e n t , an e x a m p l e of w h i c h is preserved in the Strabo palimpsest (77)—the earliest k n o w n text of part of the Geography. T h e nature of this initially obscure geographical w o r k , b y an author w h o was first and foremost a historian, is the subject of the next three chapters. T h e structure of the Geography is fairly straightforward: t w o books discussing the tradition and the general shape of the w o r l d , f o l l o w e d by a description of individual regions, starting in S p a i n and m o v i n g clockwise around the M e d i t e r r a n e a n to Mauretania:

A. Diller, The Textual Tradition of Strabo's Geography (Amsterdam, i97S). 3. suggests that Strabo's History went up to the 20s BC, but did not include Aelius Gallus' expedition, presumably because this was discussed in the Geography. 3 See Diller, Textual Tradition, 7, for the suggestion concerning Nicolaus. 4 See A. Diller, 'Agathemerus, Sketch of Geography', GRBS 16 (1975), 59~ 76. R. Syme, Anatolica: Studies in Strabo (Oxford, 1995), 357. comments: 'There is no evidence that he ever published the Geography. On the contrary, it seems to have lurked in obscurity for long years.' Syme's comment is, of course, ironically prophetic of the fate of his own work on Strabo. For a more detailed appraisal of Syme's work, see the review by K . J. Clarke in Gnomon (forthcoming). 2

I—II

III IV V-VI VII VIII-X XI XII-XIV XV XVI XVII

T h e o r e t i c a l prologue; correction and discussion of predecessors, especially H o m e r ; general geography Iberia G a u l ; Britain Italy; Sicily N o r t h e r n E u r o p e ; areas south of the Istros; Epirus; M a c e d o n i a ; T h r a c e Peloponnese, southern and central G r e e c e , islands Start of description of Asia; areas north of the T a u r u s ; Parthia; M e d i a ; A r m e n i a Asia M i n o r peninsula India; Persia A r e a s b e t w e e n Persia, the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , and R e d Sea Egypt; Libya

I argue later in this chapter that the general g e o g r a p h y w h i c h characterizes the first t w o books b e c o m e s o v e r s h a d o w e d by the accounts of individual places t h r o u g h the rest of the w o r k , and I discuss the w a y in w h i c h the periplus structure is transf o r m e d . F o r the m o m e n t , it remains simply to indicate and j u s t i f y m y approach to Strabo. G i v e n m y title, ' B e t w e e n geography and history', it m i g h t seem natural to divide m y treatment of S t r a b o into ' S t r a b o the geographer' and ' S t r a b o the historian', and it could be argued that those are the descriptions that will e m e r g e f r o m the next t w o chapters. I could then c o n c l u d e that S t r a b o ' s Geography involved h i m being both a geographer and a historian at once. But these labels seem to me c o n f u s i n g because of the different connotations attached to them both in the past and n o w . I shall c o n c l u d e by arguing that both Strabo's Geography and his History fell between geography and history, b u t w h a t I shall really mean is that ancient notions of the terms γεωγραφία (geography) and ιστορία (history) both incorporated aspects of the m o d e r n subjects o f g e o g r a p h y and history; in other w o r d s , that separable subjects of g e o g r a p h y and history, as defined in the narrow, m o d e r n sense, do not m a p exactly into the ancient world. If I formulate m y approach to the Geography in terms of

' g e o g r a p h y ' and 'history' this seems to make linguistic, if not logical, nonsense of the fact that Strabo also wrote a separate History. Because of the p r o b l e m of shifting meanings attached to these w o r d s , I have chosen to examine separately the way in w h i c h Strabo deals with and formulates spatial and temporal factors in the Geography, while keeping in m i n d that these elements w e n t to make up a single w o r k . T h e r e are several difficulties inherent in m y approach. Firstly, as I argued in chapter I, time and space are hard, if not impossible, to deal with as separable entities, and it is questionable w h e t h e r such an imposition should be made on S t r a b o ' s work. S e c o n d l y , by looking at ' S t r a b o on space' and ' S t r a b o on time' one m i g h t seem to impose an interpretation of g e o g r a p h y as space and history as time before we have even started. If 'between g e o g r a p h y and history' turns into a s t u d y of space and time, and not, for example, of present and past, then I have already said s o m e t h i n g about m y assumptions about the nature of g e o g r a p h y and history. But, by examining S t r a b o ' s use of and attitudes to space and time in a single γεωγραφία, I hope to demonstrate that a limited notion of ' g e o g r a p h y ' as a spatial term, although perhaps the most satisfactory w a y of disting u i s h i n g it f r o m temporally determined history, does not begin to explain the motivation for S t r a b o ' s w o r k and its m o d e s of expression. Finally, the fact that S t r a b o wrote a historical work as well as his Geography m i g h t at first make a traditional generic classification seem reasonable. W h y not look in the Geography for Strabo the geographer as opposed to the historian, w h e n the works seem to have been divided in this way? M y answer is simply to reiterate that S t r a b o ' s 'geographical' work contains a great deal that w e m i g h t term 'historical', and it seems likely that his 'historical' work contained a good deal of ' g e o g r a p h y ' . If the History had survived, w e w o u l d expect to see s o m e t h i n g of both Strabo the g e o g r a p h e r and Strabo the historian there too, as in the Geography, although perhaps in a different combination. I am trying to show that a limited, m o d e r n , notion of ' g e o g r a p h y ' and 'geographers' does not account for the text of Strabo's Geography, that S t r a b o ' s notion of γεωγραφία incorporated m u c h that w e m i g h t not term strictly

geographical. I wish at this point to m o v e away f r o m the terminology of m y title and to avoid separate discussions of ' g e o g r a p h y ' and 'history' in the Geography because everything that I am about to consider was ' g e o g r a p h y ' in S t r a b o ' s view.

STRABO

AND

THE

GEOGRAPHICAL

SPATIAL

TRADITION:

SYSTEMS

T h e fact that periplus texts o c c u p y most of M ü l l e r ' s first v o l u m e of Geographici Graeci Minores suggests that for h i m they lay at the heart of G r e e k geographical writing. T h e relationship between such texts and real exploratory v o y a g e s has been the subject of some debate, and I have already discussed in chapter I some of the links b e t w e e n geography and fiction. Jacob's assertion that these texts were simply literary constructs e x a m i n i n g the nature of n o n - G r e e k alterité is countered by C o r d a n o ' s belief that the literary periplus texts were firmly rooted in the accounts given by sailors of their voyages, and that there were probably, in addition to the long journeys of the extant texts, also descriptions of m u c h shorter stretches of coastline. 5 G i v e n the long history of exploration and the resultant literary output, it is hard to be convinced b y Jacob's theory, w h i c h in any case still needs to provide a motive for the periplus f o r m given b y authors to their constructions of 'the other'. 6 C. Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1991), 7 3 84; F. Cordano, L a geografia degli antichi (Rome, 1992), 29. Jacob sees also Agatharchides' On the Erythraean Sea as an intellectual exploration of alterité and a questioning of what constitutes civilization (p. 146); this view may be supported by the observations by S. M . Burstein, Agatharchides ofCnidus: On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 17, that Agatharchides does not mention autopsy as a requirement for a potential successor to his project, and that his contacts with the élite of second-century BC Egypt must have given him 'access to documentary sources on a scale almost unparalleled among major Greek historians'. A much later, anonymous, account of the same sea, edited by L . Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), gives much of the same material as Agatharchides, but the perspective is that of a merchant, rather than that of an ethnographer, and the reality of the author's experience is not in doubt. 6 P. M. Fraser, ' T h e World of Theophrastus', in S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography (Oxford, 1994). 167-91, illustrates a quite different medium through which the opening-up of the world could be expressed. 5

T h e f o r m of the coastal v o y a g e entails that this kind of account was dominated by linear space, prone to calibration, in so far as it is liable to have built into it distances, expressed numerically. 7 A l t h o u g h Strabo did not include periplus authors in the 'canon' at the start of his w o r k , the Geography was itself organized largely according to a periplus structure. By starting his description of the w o r l d in Iberia and continuing round the M e d i t e r r a n e a n in a clockwise direction, finishing in n o r t h - w e s t A f r i c a , S t r a b o was f o l l o w i n g the structure adopted, for example, in the periplus texts attributed to S c y m n u s of C h i o s and S c y l a x of C a r y a n d a , and, as far as can be discerned f r o m the extant f r a g m e n t s , in Hecataeus' Periegesis.8 In any case, the literary nature of S t r a b o ' s project necessitated s o m e kind of linearity in the description. U n l i k e pictorial accounts, w h i c h could give a sense of c o n t e m p o r a n e ity, S t r a b o ' s written account of the w o r l d had to have a clear sequence. In this section I shall start by discussing aspects of the periplus texts w h i c h are shared by S t r a b o ' s Geography, as well as considering h o w limited or varied are the spatial concepts associated with this technique. S t r a b o announces that, j u s t as E p h o r u s used the coast as his measuring-line (rij παραλία μετρώ χρώμενος), he will use the sea as his g u i d e around G r e e c e (8. I. 3). 9 T h i s immediately conjures u p a linear image, an impression w h i c h is reinforced Fraser explores how Theophrastus' botanical works can be seen as a 'mirror of the great changes that the world had recently undergone' (p. 169). T h e variety of ways in which the East became known to the Greek-speaking world is endless. T . S. Brown, 'Suggestions for a Vita of Ctesias of Cnidus', Historia, 27 (1978), 1 - 1 9 , discusses how Ctesias came to know and write about Persia through his time there as court-physician, having been taken prisoner by Artaxerxes. M . Cary and Ε. H. Warmington, The Ancient Explorers (London, 1929), 140-9, stress the growth in knowledge which resulted from the campaigns of Alexander. 7 T h e same obviously applies to road itineraries. It is striking quite how interested Polybius was in milestones and distance—preoccupations which are relatively absent from Strabo's text. 8 For S c y m n u s and Scylax, see GGM I; for Hecataeus, see FGrH 1. A n example of a modern periplus which follows precisely the same structure, as indicated in its title, is P. T h e r o u x , The Pillars of Hercules: A Grand Tour of the Mediterranean (London, 1995). 9 He calls the sea his τόπων σύμβουλος (guide to places).

by the allusion to measurement. It is, however, interesting that when Ephorus is invoked as a source for the Peloponnese in the second-century BC periplus of the Mediterranean attributed to S c y m n u s of Chios, what results is not a linear perspective, but a two-dimensional one, in w h i c h space is defined according to dominant peoples. 1 0 T h e Peloponnese is treated as a microcosm of the world, with the area divided into the celestial coordinates and the dominant people of each quadrant recorded. T h e Sicyonians live in the north, the Eleans and Messenians dominate the west, the Laconians and A r g i v e s hold the south, and the Acteans the east. S o we are left uncertain as to how Ephorus' own geographical conceptions were f o r m u lated. T h e r e is, however, some reason to believe that the geographical view of Ephorus given by S c y m n u s may be closer than the linear approach suggested by Strabo. Earlier in the periplus S c y m n u s departs suddenly from the linear structure to give his text a global aspect in a way w h i c h foreshadows the description of the Peloponnese. T h e Celts are said to be the largest people in the west, the Indians to hold almost all the land in the east, the Aethiopians to dominate the south, and the Scythians the north. Each quadrant of the celestial coordinates is characterized by a dominant set of inhabitants, and astronomy and anthropology combine to define the world. A l t h o u g h S c y m n u s does not cite Ephorus as a source here, the similarity with Ephorus' world-view as noted by Strabo elsewhere is striking. Strabo says that Ephorus in his treatise on Europe divided the heavens and the earth into four, and gave each section of the world a dominant population g r o u p — C e l t s , Scythians, Indians, and Aethiopians (x. 2. 28). So our original apparently simple allusion to a linear structure may be more complex than it at first seems. O n e of the main features of the linear periplus texts is the calibration of distance, expressed in terms of both space and time. In the periplus attributed to Scylax of Caryanda, for the first few chapters all distances are given in terms of the number of days' and nights' sailing. W h e n the T y r r h e n i a n coast is reached, this is partly replaced by a measurement in stades, although the temporal method of giving distances remains 10

See GGM I, Scymnus 1. 472 for Ephorus; 11. 516-23 for the Peloponnese.

c o m m o n . 1 1 T h i s author refined the ' d a y - a n d - n i g h t ' system to the degree where small fractions of a day were used, as in the case of the crossing f r o m Sason to Oricus—-a sea-journey of one-third of a day. Similarly, the j o u r n e y time f r o m the Bulini tribe of Illyria to the river Neston is given as 'a long d a y ' . 1 2 T h e section on E u r o p e ends with an exposition of the author's m e t h o d for reckoning up the total sailing time along that coast. It is suggested that w e take a night's sailing to be equal to that of a day and that w e assume 50 stades' travel in a day, giving a total for the j o u r n e y of 153 days. T h e s e expressions of distance are interesting in terms of the interaction of time and space, for their preoccupation with space as well as place, and for their sense of 'experienced' space and of relative position. 1 5 T h e notion of distance over space being measured in temporal terms counters the a r g u m e n t of some social geographers that the conceptual precedence of time over space is a modern p h e n o m e n o n . I have already mentioned H a r v e y ' s a r g u m e n t that m o d e r n society has placed a high value on time, so that it must be privileged over space, m a k i n g us sacrifice the experience of travelling through space. 1 4 T h e use of time to measure space in the ancient periplus texts may simply reflect that 'time taken' was the most straightforward way to measure j o u r n e y s at sea; but it also s h o w s that the conceptual privileging of time over space does not necessarily result f r o m the need to speed up time. Indeed, the very fact that the space between places is represented by a measure of time stresses the act of j o u r n e y i n g . T h e distinction between temps vécu and temps mesuré (and their spatial equivalents) is one w h i c h , as I shall argue, does not correlate exactly with a division b e t w e e n ancient and modern w a y s of v i e w i n g the w o r l d , in spite of those w h o argue that the ancients had no notion of abstract space and time. H o w e v e r , in the case of the periplus texts, the 'lived-in' nature of both space GGM I, Scylax §17. GGM I, Scylax §26, §22. 13 W e may recall Y . - F . T u a n , 'Space, T i m e , Place: A Humanistic Framework', in Making Sense of Time, 14, who defined place as 'pause in movement', which fits the periplus scenario extremely well. But space, as it gains in familiarity, is scarcely distinguishable from place. 14 D . Harvey, The Condition of Postmodemity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford, 1989), 265. See above, p. 14 and n. 26. 11

12

and time is brought out by the use of the first person to refer to those participating in the voyage. T h e experience of passing through space is central to the exposition. T h i s creates problems for the idea that place alone can be defined as 'lived-in space', as discussed by modern geographers, although the 'places' too have a strong sense of being lived in, owing to the amount of ethnographical material. Langton's distinction between 'spatial geography' and 'place geography' provides a useful way of describing the different approaches taken by Polybius and Strabo. 1 5 But the periplus texts represent something between the two. Merrifield's suggestion that space and place could be bound by 'emplotment'—the narrative binding our experiences of different places to cover space—is perfectly exemplified in the periplus texts, whose main concern is precisely with the narrative of travelling across space from place to place. 1 6 Albeit in a way which is dimensionally limited, the periplus authors reveal a conception of relative location through their interest in plotting out a real or imaginary journey between fixed points, with places defined primarily through their position in the list. 17 One of the strongest impressions of travel comes in Dicaearchus' description of Greece, a periegesis rather than a periplus, and extant in only three substantial , s J. Langton, ' T h e T w o Traditions of Geography. Historical Geography and the Study of Landscapes', Geografiska Annaler, 70B (1988), 17-25. Both types of approach are, he concludes, equally valid; both are found in the ancient material. 16 See A . Merrifield, 'Place and Space. A Lefebvrian Reconciliation', TIBG NS 18 (1993), 516-31, cited above, p. 37 with n. 97. Jacob's argument for the fictional nature of some periplus journeys might have implications for the idea of 'espace vécu', except that the intended impression is of a real journey in which space is crossed through time, whether or not the journey actually took place. But, on the relationship between fictional and 'real' space and time, see above, pp. 23-5. 17 I have already mentioned Brodersen's paper, in which he discussed the connection between written lists and visually conceived space, and argued that the map of Agrippa was not a visual representation but a list of places along itineraries. T h e list was, he argued, the predominant way of conceiving space in the ancient world. Although his point is partially vindicated by the periplus texts, this does not entail that there was no notion of visual space in antiquity. I have already set out in chapter I some of the evidence for visual representations of the world, and argued in chapter II that Polybius' geography was strongly visual. I shall argue, furthermore, that such visual space is evident in the periplus texts themselves.

fragments. 1 8 T h e first f r a g m e n t deals with A t h e n s , O r o p u s , T a n a g r a , Plataea, T h e b e s , A n t h e d o n , and C h a l c i s . T h e reader is taken along this pleasant route to A t h e n s and s h o w n e v e r y thing of interest both on the w a y and in the city itself. W e are told of the great buildings in A t h e n s , the p r o d u c e of the area, and the characteristics of the A t t i c people as opposed to those of the A t h e n i a n s themselves ( i , §1—4). T h e route f r o m A t h e n s to O r o p u s is described as a j o u r n e y of one day for a person w i t h o u t baggage and the steepness of the route is c o m p e n s a t e d for b y plenty of resting places (1. §6). B y contrast and inexplicably, the distances b e t w e e n O r o p u s , T a n a g r a , and Plataea are given in terms of stades rather than days' travel. S t r a b o ' s language is s o m e t i m e s reminiscent of that of the periplus writers. Expressions such as 'as one sails f r o m Nisaea to A t t i c a , five small islands lie before o n e ' , and 'the v o y a g e , starting f r o m the country of the C h a o n e s and sailing towards the rising sun' evoke the immediate experience of real travel (9. x. 9; 7. 7. 5). 1 9 T h e extent to w h i c h S t r a b o adopted the interests of the periplus writers both in the j o u r n e y along linear space and in distance is of relevance to the purpose of the Geography, and also to the t y p e of spatial conceptions w h i c h dominate his description. In fact, if w e recall P o l y b i u s ' interest in distance, Strabo 'the g e o g r a p h e r ' is surprisingly silent. Strabo is expected to be concerned with distance and linear space not only because those are fields w h i c h w e assign to m o d e r n g e o g r a p h y , but also because s o m e scholars have assumed that he was w r i t i n g a manual for R o m a n governors, w h o m i g h t indeed find a literary version of itinerary m a p s useful. If Strabo set out to write this kind of geographical manual, then he failed. In a m e m o r a b l e sentence he describes negatively the t y p e of g e o g r a p h y w h i c h m i g h t be most useful to c o m m a n d e r s and officials, namely, the distance b e t w e e n places, regretting that 'in the case of f a m o u s places it is necessary to endure the tiresome part of such g e o g r a p h y as this' (14. x. 9). 20 18

For Dicaearchus (or Athenaeus), Periegesis of Greece, see GGM I. All

following n u m b e r s in the text refer to M ü l l e r ' s chapters. 19

The use of the phrase 'towards the rising sun' (προς άνίσχοντα ήλων) is

particularly striking. See also 16. 4. 2: ' T h e whole journey is towards the

summer sunrise (προς μέν ανατολάς θερινάς).' 20

T h e case in question is the difference in distance between Miletus and

Scholars, s u c h as Jacob, have been reluctant to accept this non-utilitarian nature of S t r a b o ' s account, arguing that g e o graphy must p r o v i d e dimensions since 'elle est l'instrument de la conquête, mais aussi d ' u n e politique d'administration'. 2 1 T h e justification for this view can be derived f r o m S t r a b o ' s o w n preface, in w h i c h he aims the w o r k at R o m a n rulers and strongly advocates the practical usefulness of g e o g r a p h y . ' T h e geographer should take care of these [sc. the useful] matters rather than those [sc. the f a m o u s and entertaining]'; ' T h e greater part of g e o g r a p h y is directed at political requirements (τάς χρείας ràç πολιτικός)'; ' G e o g r a p h y as a w h o l e has a bearing on the activities of c o m m a n d e r s (επί τάς πράξεις . . . τάς ήγεμονικάς)' ( ι . ι . ig; ι. ι . ι6). B u t Caesar's Bellum Gallicum should introduce a note of caution into any attempt to place narrow limitations on w h a t kind of g e o g r a p h y m i g h t seem appropriate to a military c o m m a n d e r . Caesar's a c c o u n t incorporates military and strategic information together w i t h ethnographic and geographical descriptions, c o n f o u n d i n g certain assumptions about w h a t m i g h t have appealed to generals and officials. H i s p u r p o s e in writing, namely to gain support in R o m e for his o w n political career, m a y have b e e n quite different f r o m that of S t r a b o , b u t the readership of the t w o works, the cultured m e m b e r of the R o m a n élite, the potential c o m m a n d e r or g o v e r n o r , remained the same. S y m e , h o w e v e r , e x p e c t e d S t r a b o to p r o v i d e detailed information o n routes, strategic points, and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , only to be disappointed. S y m e ' s o w n interest in this kind of g e o g r a p h y c o m e s t h r o u g h in his account of Anatolia. H i s sense of large-scale g e o g r a p h y , strategic points, and c o m m u n ications is n o w h e r e better e x e m p l i f i e d than in his account of T e r m e s s u s . 2 2 But S y m e was constantly frustrated w h e n he Heraclea, and between M i l e t u s and Pyrrha, w h i c h is considered TO περισκελές τής τοιαύτης γεωγραφίας, περισκελής means 'hard', or 'difficult', with a connotation of 'unpleasant' or 'irritating' w h e n used of medicines ( L S J ) . 21 Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie, 149: 'It [sc. geography] is the instrument of conquest, but also of a political system of administration.' 22 See S y m e , Anatolica, 193: ' T e r m e s s u s occupies a strong and secure position at the head of a valley on the southern flank of the defile through w h i c h passes the road out of P a m p h y l i a to Isinda and C i b y r a — t h e main road to the valley of the Maeander. T h a t would be enough to explain the strategic

turned to Strabo for help on these points. Strabo's spatial misconceptions were inexcusable to S y m e . Strabo's inadequate account of the river T i g r i s , for example, was a result of his 'clumsily c o m b i n i n g , or rather j u x t a p o s i n g , heterogeneous and often incongruous information'. His k n o w l e d g e of the T i g r i s compared unfavourably with that of other authors, was 'elementary and archaic', and these limitations led to his overlooking 8,000 square miles of land. 2 3 I shall return to S t r a b o ' s lack of a sense of two-dimensional space, w h i c h S y m e was right to attribute to the Geography, but for the m o m e n t simply suggest that the work could still be 'useful'. Strabo's statement of intent is m i s m a t c h e d with the w o r k itself if w e take it to refer to itineraries and strategic positions, but the intention m i g h t still have been fulfilled if w e allow for a different interpretation. By presenting a picture of the w o r l d as it was n o w , as well as its transformations into that state, Strabo could claim to be educating the ruling R o m a n s on the nature of their subjects and potential enemies, p r o v i d i n g an account of the lands and peoples w h i c h were of interest to the R o m a n ruling élite. 2 4 W e shall see in the next section h o w Strabo rewrote the w o r l d by transforming the use of linear concepts of space in c o n j u n c tion with a different spatial model. First, h o w e v e r , I shall examine w a y s in w h i c h even the periplus texts departed f r o m a strict linear sequence, thus themselves p r o v i d i n g alternative spatial models. Ï have already mentioned the remarkable passage of S c y m n u s in w h i c h a picture of the whole world is suddenly importance of Termessus. There is something more. T h e defile is also an exit from Pamphylia into central Anatolia.' Ibid. 29; 39. G . W. Bowersock, Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford, 1965), 123-8, suggests that Strabo was part of the general influx of Greek literati towards Rome, which included Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Timagenes and formed a group around the aristocracy. This situation may encourage the view that Strabo's work was primarily intended to be useful for those who would govern the empire. The addressee is seen as the 'man of state* (o πολιτικός), engaged in politics, but in the broad sense of 'the cultured and superior men who managed the affairs of state' (p. 128). C. Van Paassen, The Classical Tradition of Geography (Groningen, 1957), 9. supports this view of the dualistic nature of the intended reader, but he adds that 'one could read for φιλόσοφος Greek, and for πολιτικός Roman', a notion to which I shall return in chapter VI. 23

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evoked. T h e periplus attributed to Scylax of Caryanda shows one way of breaking the linear progression to incorporate islands into the account, simply inserting them into the description of the coast as they occur, and invariably ending with the formula Ί shall return to the mainland from w h i c h I digressed'. 2 5 Scylax also foreshadowed the clearly ethnographical geography of later writers such as Agatharchides of Cnidus, revealing an interest in people rather than places, and so with whole areas rather than individual cities or villages. A s we shall see, Strabo's concern was predominantly with the cities (πόλα?) of the world, although he did devote some attention to the treatment of non-urban peoples, and these ηοη-πόλι? occasions are precisely when he became interested in space as opposed to place. 2 6 Scylax, at the end of his description of Europe, departs again from the linear sequence, and also broadens the scope of spatial conceptions from the city-to-city scale to a comparison between the size of the Palus Maeotis and the Pontus. 2 7 T h e broad horizons, well beyond the scope of the periplus, are maintained in a description of the Scythians as reaching from the outer sea beyond T a u r i c a to the Palus Maeotis. Finally we are told of the Syrmatae, a race which lived by the river Tanais and, with it, bounded Asia and Europe. T h u s the periplus gives rise to a vision of such largescale geographical areas as continents. Dicaearchus' periegesis of Greece, in spite of its strong sense of travel along a linear journey, is not devoid of wider geographical ideas. His detailed account of M o u n t Pelion links the mountain to the surrounding area. One of the rivers flowing off the mountain connects it via the Pelian grove to the sea and the views from the summit are used to orientate the mountain. One side faces Magnesia and Thessaly, the west and the Zephyr; the other looks towards Athens and the Macedonian bay, a method of description (that is, by orientation) which recalls Polybius on Media. 2 8 In the third fragment the boundaries of Hellas are 25

(πάνΐίμι Se πάλιν «m τήν ήπειρον, o6ev ΐξετραπόμην. GGM I, Scylax §13,

§53, §58. 2 " But Strabo rarely shows a real interest in terrain, one of the first topics to feature in modern geographical accounts of a region. By contrast, see Polybius 5. 22. 1 - 4 on the terrain around Sparta; 5. 59. 3 - 1 1 for Seleuceia. 27 GGM I, S c y l a x §68. 28 GGM /, Dicaearchus 2. §7-9; Pol. 5. 44. 3 - 1 1 .

discussed, raising the issue of defining geographical units, a p r o b l e m w h i c h was to tax the brains of geographers t h r o u g h o u t antiquity and b e y o n d . 2 9 I shall discuss the question of focus more fully in the next section, but it is already worth m e n t i o n i n g that the broadly linear f o r m of the periplus and its apparently internal and everc h a n g i n g perspective do not exclude the idea of v i e w i n g the w o r l d f r o m a single point. T h e notion of standpoint accounts for one of the less o b v i o u s w a y s in w h i c h the periplus perspective coloured S t r a b o ' s description. H e treats the coastline of the area facing E u b o e a before m o v i n g inland, and uses a similar technique with the coast of the T r o a d and Aeolia, keeping the interior as the second element of the description (9. 2. 1 4 - 1 5 ; 13. 3. 6). T h i s ordering is made e x p l i c i t — ' s i n c e I have gone t h r o u g h the T r o j a n and A e o l i a n coasts together, it w o u l d be next in order to run t h r o u g h the interior'. T h e use of the sea as the point of reference f r o m w h i c h the land is described has been discussed b y Nicolai. 3 0 H e assesses the possible location of the A o r s i and Siraci tribes on the basis of the m e a n i n g s of άνω and κάτω, rejecting the possibility that these could refer to high and l o w - l y i n g areas, in favour of the meanings 'inland' and 'near the sea'. By pointing to other instances in S t r a b o ' s text w h e r e the adverbs take the latter meaning, s u c h as 1. 3. 22 where ή ανωτέρω πάσα μέχρι τοϋ Ισημερινού ('all of the " h i g h e r " region as far as the equator') clearly refers to the w h o l e of A f r i c a m o v i n g inland as far as the equator, N i c o l a i puts f o r w a r d a c o n v i n c i n g interpretation of the use of these w o r d s w i t h regard to the A o r s i and Siraci. T h e a r g u m e n t is important for t w o reasons. Firstly, it stresses the periplus v i e w p o i n t adopted by Strabo in m a n y of his descriptive passages. S e c ondly, it brings out the centrality of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n in S t r a b o ' s view of the inhabited w o r l d (οικουμένη), r e m i n d i n g us that affiliation to periplus texts did not have a linear spatial

29 A s C . Bearzot, ' L a Grecia di Pausania. Geografia e cultura nella definizione del concetto di 'Ελλάς', CISA 14 (1988), 9 0 - 1 1 2 , discusses, the boundaries of Hellas were still debatable in Pausanias' day. O n e of the problems was the discrepancy between administrative, political, and cultural limits. 30 R . Nicolai, ' U n sistema di localizzazione geografica relativa. Aorsi e Siraci in Strabone X I 5, 7 - 8 ' , in Strabone I, 101-25.

view as its only consequence. F o r S t r a b o to describe A s i a M i n o r f r o m the M e d i t e r r a n e a n v i e w p o i n t required a deliberate decision since, as a native of Amaseia, he w o u l d naturally have seen the A o r s i and Siraci f r o m a quite different angle. T h e other main strand of Hellenistic g e o g r a p h y k n o w n to us w a s the so-called scientific tradition represented by figures such as Eratosthenes, H i p p a r c h u s , and Strato of L a m p s a c u s . I have discussed in connection w i t h both P o l y b i u s and Posidonius the v i e w that it is misleading to think of scientific g e o g r a p h y as divorced f r o m e t h n o g r a p h y or periplus literature; b u t for convenience I shall isolate some of the concerns revealed in the extant writings of these authors, and consider S t r a b o ' s treatment of these themes. H i s debt to the scientific geographical tradition is o b v i o u s f r o m the p r o l o g u e to his w o r k , in w h i c h H i p p a r c h u s is one of the p r o m i n e n t figures. T h e fact that Strabo devoted Book 2 to a discussion of mathematical geography reveals a considerable degree of interest and k n o w l e d g e in this type of research. B u t w h a t w o u l d affiliating his Geography w i t h the authors listed above entail? Strato's sea-level debates are k n o w n to us f r o m the GeograT h e theories of Eratosthenes and H i p p a r c h u s are phy.3] e x p o u n d e d and criticized at length. But h o w did S t r a b o ' s practice t h r o u g h the rest of the text relate to them? T h e use of geometrical figures as aids to geographical u n d e r standing, so important to Eratosthenes and H i p p a r c h u s , was taken u p b y P o l y b i u s , as w e have seen. S t r a b o too used such figures, but only to a limited extent. Britain, Italy, Sicily, and the N i l e D e l t a were, for example, triangular, although Strabo expresses some reservation over the possibility of describing Italy by means of a single figure (4. 5. 1; 5. 1. 2; 6. 2. 1; 17. 1. 4); India was shaped like a r h o m b u s (15. 1. 11). B u t more crucially, the w h o l e scope of Strabo's w o r l d was different f r o m that of the scientists. T h e quest to measure out the globe was explicitly rejected b y Strabo in favour of s t u d y i n g the inhabited w o r l d . W h i l e Eratosthenes discussed the shape not only of the inhabited world (οικουμένη), b u t of the w h o l e earth (η σύμπαση γή), and Posidonius extended his sphere of interest to the outer Ocean, Strabo contested that 'geographers 3 ' C i t e d at ι . 3. 4 - 5 and discussed by J. O. T h o m s o n , History of Geography ( C a m b r i d g e , 1948), 155.

Ancient

need not concern themselves with w h a t lies outside our inhabited w o r l d ' (2. 5. 34). 32 T h i s zone of study was reduced even further elsewhere: ' T h e g e o g r a p h e r seeks to relate the k n o w n parts of the inhabited w o r l d , but he leaves alone the u n k n o w n parts of i t — j u s t as he does w h a t lies outside it' (2. 5. 5). S t r a b o was interested primarily in the inhabited parts of the w o r l d because they f o r m e d the stage for, and even influenced, h u m a n action, in a way w h i c h was consistent with his concentration on places rather than the uninhabited space b e t w e e n them. 3 3 A s I have discussed in chapter I, the concern with the w o r l d w h i c h h u m a n s have m a d e for t h e m selves is shared b y b o t h geographers and historians, and is perfectly illustrated by the H e r o d o t e a n histoire humaine. O n e of the theories inherited b y S t r a b o f r o m the Hellenistic geographical tradition and treated in the Geography concerned the climatic zones f o r m e d by the equator and parallel lines of latitude. Posidonius attributed the five-zone scheme to P a r m e nides; P o l y b i u s added a sixth, according to Strabo, giving a neat s y m m e t r y to the hemispheres. Posidonius himself complicated the conception of climatic zones by introducing ethnic criteria (2. 2. 2 - 3 . 2). 34 T h i s was another geographical model discussed by Strabo in his introductory books but scarcely taken up in his o w n account of the w o r l d . H i p p a r c h u s ' attempts to determine w h i c h places lay on the same lines of latitude find no place in S t r a b o ' s view of the world, although they are included in his s u m m a r y of the geographical tradition (2. 1. 20). 3S 32 Strabo gives the limits of this field as the parallels through the C i n n a m o n - p r o d u c i n g country and through lerne in the north. W h e n talking of Laconia, Strabo puts a limit to how m u c h should be said 'about a country which is now mostly deserted' (8. 4. 11).

33

I. I. 16: χώρα γαρ τών πράξεων εστι γή και θάλαττα, ην οικούμε ν ('for the

location of events is the land and sea which we inhabit'). I shall return to the problem of how this statement can be reconciled with my view that Strabo saw nature as more than a passive backdrop for history. 34 I have discussed the contributions of Polybius and Posidonius to the theory of zones above, pp. 112, i45~7. 182-3. 35 H i p p a r c h u s took as a basis for his system of lines of latitude and longitude a principal latitude through the Pillars of Hercules and the G u l f of Issus, and a main meridian through Alexandria. He then drew parallels of latitude through well-known places and thus created zones called κλίματα. Strabo, however, used the term κλίμα to refer to the lines of latitude themselves.

T h e continents offered yet another w a y of dividing up the earth and w e r e also discussed by Strabo. I have mentioned the influence of Eratosthenes on ideas about continental divisions, and also S t r a b o ' s objections to the artificiality of Eratosthenes' system of vertical seals. In the introduction to his treatment of Asia Strabo favoured the division according to natural b o u n d aries, w h i c h Eratosthenes had applied to the inhabited w o r l d as a whole ( 1 1 . 1. x). A s I have noted (p. 205), the notion of continents was of interest to the periplus authors. Both S c y l a x and S c y m n u s gave the river T a n a i s as the b o u n d a r y of A s i a and Europe. 3 6 B u t a g e o g r a p h y describing the individual places in the k n o w n w o r l d w o u l d have little cause to make m u c h of huge continental units. O n e occasion on w h i c h Strabo does refer to the continents is in the penultimate chapter of the w h o l e w o r k , picking up on the kind of geography w h i c h he discussed at the start. In the meantime Strabo has set out his o w n vision of the w o r l d in w h i c h g e o m e t r y , continents and wide-scale geography are subordinate. Jacob has argued that S t r a b o adopted all p r e c e d ing traditions, and in a sense this is true. H e sees the general, wide-scale geography of the first t w o books followed in the rest of the work by a periplus structure. But Jacob skews the picture by deliberately 'dégageant simplement le fil du parcours au détriment des informations apportées sur chacun de ces lieux'. 3 7 O f course, by r e m o v i n g the extensive historical descriptions of each place, w e shall be left with something approaching a bare linear structure. B u t this entirely distorts the overall impression, w h i c h is predominantly of a world made up of individual and discrete places. A s I discuss in the next section, these places are linked not so m u c h to each other as to R o m e . O f course Strabo was not hopelessly ignorant w h e n it came to the broader geographical conceptions of the tradition. H i s first t w o books set out the 'scientific' geographical f r a m e w o r k for the rest of the work; the description itself follows a broadly periegetic order. But I shall n o w m o v e on to consider w h a t was really distinctive about the way S t r a b o constructed his world. S c y m n u s called the river r-ijs .Μσια? ορος. See GGM I, S c y m n u s 1. 874. Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie, 154: 'simply separating the thread of the j o u r n e y to the detriment of information adduced on each of these places'. 36 37

T h e end of the work gives a clue as to the m o d e l for w h i c h I shall argue. W h e n Strabo finally returns to the continental divisions, h a v i n g scarcely mentioned t h e m since the second book, it is in a w a y w h i c h is transformed to reflect his preoccupations. S t r a b o ' s interest in the continents is entirely related to the extent of R o m a n rule. A f t e r describing the initial spread of R o m a n influence t h r o u g h Italy, S t r a b o then tells w h a t parts of each continent R o m e does and does not rule (17. 3. 24). 38 A s with every other spatial conception in the preceding tradition, the continents are b r o u g h t into play in the Geography, but as part of a fresh vision of the w o r l d , dominated by a new spatial m o d e l , to w h i c h I n o w turn.

STRABO'S

CIRCULAR

MODEL:

AROUND

A

WORLD

BUILT

ROME?

In the f o l l o w i n g t w o sections I examine the conception of the world as a w h o l e w h i c h emerges f r o m the Geography. H a v i n g considered some of the spatial models w h i c h were part of the preceding geographical tradition, and w h i c h S t r a b o largely neglects after the introductory books on the theory of geography and its scholarly tradition, I shall n o w try to describe what S t r a b o ' s o w n spatial w o r l d - v i e w m i g h t have been. I argue that his w o r l d was constructed according to a circular m o d e l in a w a y w h i c h was historically determined b y the consolidation of the R o m a n empire. I use the term 'circular' not to refer to that specific geometrical shape as opposed, for example, to an ellipse, but rather to suggest that the w o r l d of the Geography was, by contrast with the w a n d e r i n g linearity of the periplus tradition and with the mathematical abstraction of the scientific treatises, a w o r l d constructed with a periphery and a primary centre. T h i s picture will necessarily be subjected to considerable modification, in particular t h r o u g h the incorporation of other focal points besides R o m e itself, but I shall deal first with the broad conception of a R o m a n o c e n t r i c w o r l d . T h e question of circularity is not d e p e n d e n t on an u n d e r standing of the spherical nature of the earth a m o n g the 38 Interestingly, the continents are i n t r o d u c e d here in an anti-clockwise d i r e c t i o n — E u r o p e , L i b y a , A s i a — t h e opposite of the progress of the work as a w h o l e , although, in each instance, E u r o p e is given precedence.

ancients, although that notion was well established. Eudoxus of Cnidus, a fourth-century forerunner of Hipparchus and Eratosthenes, invented a system of twenty-six concentric spheres around the earth on which the different planets could spin on differently orientated axes to explain the irregularities in their movements. H e was also responsible for the earliest known figure for the circumference of the earth, which T h o m s o n suggests he calculated by measuring the height of a star at two places roughly on the same meridian. 3 9 Eratosthenes measured the earth's circumference almost two centuries later using the differing angle of incidence for the noonday sun on the day of the summer solstice at Alexandria and Syene (Str. 2. 5. 7). His understanding of the spherical nature of the earth is further attested in his belief that anyone sailing west from Iberia would reach India, hindered only by the size of the intervening ocean, an idea with which he pre-empted Christopher C o l u m b u s by about two millennia (Str. 1. 4. 6). T h i s indicates that the ancient geographers were accustomed to thinking of a spherical earth. But did this correspond to a circular 'mapped earth'? T h e notion of the encircling Ocean around a circular inhabited world was hotly disputed in antiquity. Herodotus had criticized those w h o 'depict Ocean as flowing round an earth which is rather circular as though traced by compasses', taking the idea of circularity to extremes for his rhetorical effect. 4 0 However, the related debate concerning whether the inhabited world, albeit not perfectly circular, was surrounded b y a single Ocean would continue to rage through the second century BC. T h e tale of Eudoxus of Cyzicus, related by Posidonius and then by Strabo, encouraged a belief in an all-encompassing Ocean, since Eudoxus attempted to sail right around L i b y a (Str. 2. 3. 4). Hipparchus, Eratosthenes' second-century BC critic, argued against the view that the inhabited earth was an island surrounded by a uniform Ocean, and contended that, even if the Ocean behaved uniformly throughout, this would not necessarily mean that the Atlantic flowed in one stream forming a complete circle. Both Strabo and Eustathius cite Hipparchus as claiming that the Thomson, History of Ancient Geography, 115-17. Herodotus 4. 36: οϊ Ωκΐανόν re péovra γράφονσι πέριξ την γήν, ίοΰσαν κυκλοτΐρέα ως άπο τόρνου. 39

40

current out of the Strait at B y z a n t i u m sometimes actually stands still, acting as though independent of the tides, a theory w h i c h w o u l d seem to deny the continuous nature of the earth's waters (Str. ι . 3. 12; Eust. Ad Dion. Peri. 473). But Strabo reverted to the idea of the H o m e r i c encircling Ocean, and remained u n c o n v i n c e d by H i p p a r c h u s (1. 1. 9). So, some notion of a circular w o r l d was current, but had c o m e u n d e r serious criticism and challenge. Strabo needed to reassert the H o m e r i c model. T h e all-encircling O c e a n suited Strabo's historical view of a united world; and need not imply strict circularity, but s i m p l y a c e n t r e - p e r i p h e r y model. Indeed Strabo's w o r l d could not c o n f o r m to a strictly circular model, its focal point of R o m e being considerably left-of-centre. But first, what of the visual representation of this world? I m e n tioned in chapter I some of the evidence for m a p p i n g in antiquity. Eratosthenes' m a p of the k n o w n w o r l d was notorious and was severely criticized by H i p p a r c h u s . But it was A n a x i mander's sixth-century attempt w h i c h was seen as a landmark by the R o m a n geographer, A g a t h e m e r u s , w h o called A n a x i mander 'the first to have the audacious idea to depict the inhabited w o r l d on a table'. 4 1 Strabo's o w n description of h o w to relate a spherical reality to a plane surface seems to suggest that he envisaged a rectangular inhabited w o r l d (οικουμένη). F o l l o w i n g the theory of Crates of Mallos, he accepted the division of the earth into four quadrilaterals, one of w h i c h contained the k n o w n world (2. 5. 6). 42 H e suggested that the best representation of the w o r l d w o u l d be on a spherical globe, but if that were not possible it should be d r a w n on a plane surface. S t r a b o ' s repeated reference to the rectangle (το τετραπλεύρον) in w h i c h the οικουμένη lay, might seem to suggest that the w o r l d itself that he described was also rectangular, but he never states that το τετραπλενρον actually represented the οικουμένη itself. Rather, it contained the inhabited w o r l d , w h i c h could still be, and I shall argue was, broadly circular. G i v e n the range of spatial conceptions formulated by other authors and mentioned by S t r a b o himself, the use of the circular conceptual model of the world invites discussion. 41

See Cordano, La geografia degli an tichi, 46.

42

T h e οικουμένη was an 'island in the aforementioned rectangle' (νήσος eV τω

λΐχθέντι τετραπλΐύρω).

T h e creation of worlds around central points of focus recurs throughout the Geography. A f t e r c o n q u e r i n g the M e d e s , Strabo says, C y r u s and the Persians noticed that their native land was situated s o m e w h a t on the edges (ôr' εσχάτοις που) of the empire and so m o v e d their royal seat to Susa (15. 3. 2). Strabo notes elsewhere that A l e x a n d e r m o v e d his capital f r o m Susa to B a b y l o n on the g r o u n d s that the site was preferable, lacking the extreme heat of Susa (15. 3. 10). 43 A s I mentioned in chapter I, the need to avoid geographical and climatic extremes, w h i c h were in any case usually linked, was firmly established in ancient thought. A s I shall argue, R o m e f o r m e d the main focus for Strabo's conception of the w o r l d , but the notion of other foci leads us first to the interesting thesis of T h o l l a r d , in w h i c h he asserts that the w o r k was arranged around the opposition of civilization to barbarism. 4 4 It is hard to say how specific w e can be, and h o w specific Strabo himself was, about the standard against w h i c h he measured barbarism. Barbarous behaviour was geographically determined in so far as absence of contact with civilized societies such as R o m e hindered the process of civilization. Isolation (ό εκτοπισμός) was a feature of barbarian nations, but this was by no means the only influencing factor. A n d to w h a t extent was R o m e to be seen as the only centre of civilization? In G a u l , R o m a n rule led to the cessation of barbarian customs and sacrifices, all the practices that w e r e 'not current a m o n g us' (παρ' ήμΐν) (4. 5). B u t w h o were w e (ήμείς)} T h e Romans? T h e people of Strabo's Pontic region? S i m p l y the adherents to the life of the G r a e c o - R o m a n city? O r S t r a b o ' s assumed readership? As

I hope to show

in this and the f o l l o w i n g

chapter,

43 E a r l y B a b y l o n i a n m a p s of M e s o p o t a m i a , w i t h B a b y l o n at the centre, f o r m a precise parallel for the centrality of R o m e in S t r a b o ' s w o r l d . See R . A .

Butlin, Historical Geography: Through the Gates of Space and Time (London, 1993), 9 i 44

P. Thollard, Barbarie et Civilisation chez Strabon: Étude critique des

Livres III et IV de la G é o g r a p h i e (Paris, 1987). Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie, 1 6 1 , s u g g e s t s that w e should replace the idea of a decreasing level of civilization as w e m o v e f r o m the centre at R o m e with a decrease correlating to the distance f r o m any centre of civilization. T h i s m u s t be true to some extent, and m i g h t be u s e d to explain the p r o m i n e n c e of India in the Geography, in spite of its f r e e d o m f r o m R o m a n i m p a c t .

questions of focalization are more complicated in the Geography than has generally been recognized, and there is m o r e than one identifiable focus in the w o r k . T h e northern shore of L i b y a w o u l d be the coast 'on our side' (17 καθ' ημάς παραλία) to almost anyone in the k n o w n w o r l d (17. 3. 24); at a slightly m o r e specific level, the Roman e m p i r e is s u m m e d up at the end of the w o r k as 'our inhabited w o r l d ' (ή καθ' ημάς οικουμένη) ( ΐ 7 · 3· 24); on a m u c h smaller scale, S t r a b o refers to himself individually as 'we' (ημείς), and possibly also implicates his intended readership of the cultured man of state (ό πολιτικός) in this denomination. A l l of this complicates our use of the term in determining those against w h o m the barbarians w e r e b e i n g j u d g e d , although it is also important to recognize that alterité is itself a m u c h more subtle c o n c e p t than s i m p l y the polar opposite of w h a t e v e r consitutes 'us', and that i d e n t i f y i n g 'us' w o u l d not p r o v i d e an easy answer to the question of w h o is barbarian. 4 5 S t r a b o professed to start his description with the M e d i t e r r a nean, and particularly E u r o p e , because that was w h e r e deeds of action, constitutions, and arts were m o s t concentrated and where g o v e r n m e n t was g o o d (2. 5. 26). So, T h o l l a r d ' s model of a w o r l d conceptualized around the opposition of barbarism and civilization is consistent w i t h the notion of R o m e and the M e d i t e r r a n e a n as the central focus. But, according to T h o l l a r d , S t r a b o ' s professed privileging of the civilized M e d i t e r r a n e a n in the ordering of his work is e x t e n d e d on a smaller scale t h r o u g h o u t . S o , although the general principle of m o v e m e n t is f r o m west to east, T u r d e t a n i a is dealt w i t h before Lusitania, and N a r b o n e n s i s before A q u i t a n i a and the rest of Celtica. O n e m i g h t argue that the periplus principle w o u l d lead us to expect inland Celtica to be treated after coastal N a r b o n e n s i s , but it is harder to explain w h y . N a r b o n e n s i s should precede the more westerly Aquitania. W i t h i n this f r a m e w o r k , civilization plays a part in determining the starting-point for the description of a 45

See the comments of E. Hall, Inventing the Barbarian: Greek

Self-

Definition through Tragedy ( O x f o r d , 1989), especially in the epilogue on ' T h e Polarity Deconstructed', for the inadequacy of a straight opposition between 'them' and 'us'. T h e whole complex question of acculturation is

treated by A. Momigliano, Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization (Cambridge, 1975)·

r e g i o n — L u g d u n u m , for example, for the territory of the Belgae. T h o l l a r d concludes that 'la structure s'adapte au sujet, et non le contraire'. 4 6 T h i s is useful in so far as it warns us against placing Strabo firmly in the tradition of periplus writing where the structure was relatively inflexible. But T h o l l a r d ' s thesis is limited in that he implies that the periplus and the opposition of barbarism and civilization are the only methods of orientation for the text. A s both T h o l l a r d and V a n der Vliet stress, the notion of continuum and gradation, from civilized to utterly barbarous, accommodates a corresponding spatial conception better than does a straight opposition. A l t h o u g h the Romans were in a sense accustomed to using clear-cut boundaries such as rivers to delineate themselves f r o m 'non-civilized' peoples, a certain degree of blurring was necessarily built into the picture in order to accommodate the incorporative aspect of Roman imperialism. T h e barbarian enemy had to be capable of b e c o m ing a Roman citizen, and even a senator in the future, making the idea of continuum preferable to that of polarity. In T h o l l a r d ' s view, Strabo was interested in different levels of barbarism, although the movement of history was almost always in the direction of civilization. 4 7 V a n der Vliet sees a Posidonian influence in Strabo's rejection of a simple opposition in favour of an appreciation of the differences between various barbarous races. 48 T h e Celts and G e r m a n s are, for example, compared and contrasted in terms of physical appearance and lifestyle (7. 1. 2). But this sensitive appreciation of the subtleties in different barbarian lifestyles seems hard to reconcile with the view of both V a n der Vliet and Sechi that Strabo's depiction of barbarian peoples was designed to legitimate R o m a n imperialism. 4 9 46 T h o l l a r d , Barbarie et Civilisation, 75: 'the structure is adapted to the material available and not the other way round'. A g a i n s t this w e may set Jacob's assertion that detail was never allowed to hinder the overall arrangem e n t — S t r a b o aimed always to preserve in spirit the global structure (Géo-

graphie et ethnographie, 152). 47 T h o l l a r d , Barbarie et Civilisation, 19-20. T h e Scythians provided a counter-example to the m o v e towards civilization (7. 3. 7). 48 E. C h . L . Van der Vliet, ' L ' Ethnographie de Strabon: Idéologie ou tradition?', in Strabone /, 37-8, for Strabo's debt to Hellenistic ethnographical ideas. 49

V a n der Vliet, ' L ' E t h n o g r a p h i e de Strabon', 82, identifies

Strabo's

Strabo's real alternative to the continental divisions, to the geometrical approach, and to the theory of latitudinal zones as methods of conceptualizing the world, was a m o d e l based on the centrality of the Mediterranean, Italy, and R o m e . 5 0 It was not only administrative and cultural systems w h i c h privileged the centre of the inhabited w o r l d , but also nature and climate. In scientific mode, w e hear that the physicists say that the universe and the heavens w e r e spherical, with the earth at the centre, and that 'bodies with w e i g h t tend towards the centre' (em το μέσον) (2. 5· 2). T h i s scientific explanation is repeated in philosophical terms towards the end of the work. ' T h e w o r k of nature (φύσis) is that all things converge to one, the centre of the whole (το του ολου μέσον), and form a sphere around this (αφαιρουμένων Trepi τούτο)' (ij. I. 36). For Strabo, nature was providence (προνοία). S o the forces of fate and history worked in conjunction with the laws of atoms in the realm of physics to draw e v e r y t h i n g towards the centre of the universe and then of the world. 5 1 A study of Strabo's text reveals this process in action. Both temporally and spatially we shall see that e v e r y thing moves towards the centre of the c o s m o s — R o m e . 5 2 T h e strong sense of m o v e m e n t towards the effective centre of the world, R o m e , dominates the text, but I wish first to consider the possibility of outwards m o v e m e n t , and the d y n a m i c implications of Strabo's model. R o m e ' s sphere of influence is seen in S t r a b o ' s final s u r v e y of the empire as having spread in concentric circles centred at the c a p i t a l — attitude to barbarians as one of disgust 'from the point of view of the civilized and superior conqueror' ('du point de vue conquérant civilisé et supérieur'). See also M . Sechi, La costruzione délia scienza geografica net pensatori dell' antichità classica (Rome, 1990), 224, on the non-civilized nature of barbarian peoples as justification for military expeditions. s o T h i s contrasts with the non Romanocentric geographical conceptions, which A l o n s o - N u n e z argues underpinned the 'opposition' universal history of Pompeius T r o g u s . See above, pp. 168-9 with n. 62. 51 T h e Stoic influence is very clear; Strabo's remarks are strongly reminiscent of Posidonius. It is significant, as Prof. D. A. Russell has pointed out to me, that Strabo introduced his work as one of philosophy. 52 T h e picture is not clear-cut. One complicating factor is the tension between Rome's centrality and its omnipresence throughout the empire. Not a region goes by without some mention of Roman influence, Roman battles, or Roman leaders.

f r o m R o m e to Italy to the areas lying around Italy in a circle (κύκλω) (17. 3· 24). R o m a n influence in the f o r m of cultural and political change is attested t h r o u g h o u t the w o r k . But the time of d y n a m i c expansion lay in the past for Strabo. T r a î n a argues that P o l y b i u s had already given a R o m a n o c e n t r i c picture of the empire. 5 3 But in reply I w o u l d argue that, whereas P o l y b i u s ' picture was of e x p a n d i n g R o m a n p o w e r , and his account of its encroachment across the w o r l d is extremely vivid in d y n a m i c spatial terms, R o m e as a fixed physical entity in a crucial position comes across m u c h more clearly in S t r a b o ' s w o r k . It is not that S t r a b o ' s model lacks m o v e m e n t , but that its inward nature leads to a sense of geographical e q u i l i b r i u m rather than of spatial d y n a m i s m . Strabo was interested in the w o r k i n g s of the empire and the relationship b e t w e e n individual places and R o m e , but the R o m a n w o r l d of the late A u g u s t a n and early T i b e r i a n period, w h e n the Geography was p r o b a b l y being written, was no longer e x p a n d i n g significantly, making change in space a less pressing concern than description of place. T h i s e q u i l i b r i u m is reflected in V i t r u v i u s ' picture of R o m e ' s position at the centre of the w o r l d , w h i c h gave it the balanced nature necessary for the leader of a world empire. S 4 T h i s geographical location partly explains the predominance of Italy, and in particular of R o m e , for V i t r u v i u s . T h e superiority of the centre of the k n o w n w o r l d over the edges is expressed by Strabo in terms similar to those used by V i t r u v i u s , arguing for R o m e ' s success b y virtue of its privileged central location in the 53 G . Traina, Ambiente e paesaggi di Roma antica (Rome, 1990). Traina sees the idea of Rome as the capital of the empire as delineated during the last two centuries of the Republic, particularly through the works of Cato and Polybius. 'Catone e Polibio sono due momenti separati, ma complementari per definire il ruolo dell' Urbe come centro dell' oikoumene' (Cato and Polybius are two separate moments, but ones which are complementary in defining the role of the city as centre of the inhabited world) (p. 53). 54 Vitruvius 6. 1. 10-1: ver ο inter spatium totius orbis terrarum regionisque medio mundi populus Romanus possidet fines . . . Ita divina mens civitatem populi Romani egregiam temperatamque regionem conlocavit, uti orbis terrarum imperii potiretur ('But the Roman people possesses territories in the true mean within the space of all the world and the region of the earth . . . T h u s the divine mind has allocated the state of the Roman people an outstanding and temperate region, so that it might gain a world empire').

w o r l d , g i v i n g R o m e the kind of temperate climate w h i c h had motivated A l e x a n d e r ' s m o v e to B a b y l o n (see p. 213). Before e m b a r k i n g u p o n his description of A e t h i o p i a , S t r a b o c o m ments that 'in general, the extremities of the inhabited w o r l d , w h i c h lie along the part of the earth that is intemperate and uninhabitable because of heat or cold, m u s t be defective and inferior to the temperate part' ( 1 7 . 2. 1). A s so often, it is appropriate to recall the elements of Presocratic t h o u g h t and the theories of the H i p p o c r a t i c writers and of H e r o d o t u s . T h e importance of balance between o p p o sites underlay the Ionian c o s m o l o g y of A n a x i m a n d e r and A n a x i m e n e s . H e r o d o t u s ' w o r l d , as I m e n t i o n e d in chapter II, was one of s y m m e t r y and balance. T h i s is particularly clear in his description of the Ionian f o u n d e r s of the P a n i o n i u m , w h o 'of all those that I k n o w , have f o u n d e d cities in the most beautiful setting of climate and season. F o r the country to the north of them is not the same in these respects, nor to the south or the east or the west, for s o m e of it suffers f r o m cold and wet, and some f r o m heat and d r o u g h t ' (1. 142). S u c h sentiments are f o u n d again applied to Ionia in the H i p p o c r a t i c corpus. ' T h e situation most c o n d u c i v e to g r o w t h and gentleness is w h e n nothing is f o r c i b l y p r e d o m i n a n t , but equality (ισομοφίη) in all respects prevails' (Airs, Waters, Places, 12). 5 5 T h e theme of environmental determinism, w h i c h I discussed in chapter I, is c o m m o n to both the Ionians of the sixth and fifth centuries BC, w h o f o u n d the perfect balance in their o w n part of the w o r l d , and the ' R o m a n ' authors of the first century BC, whose ideal location was predictably R o m e itself. It is, h o w e v e r , interesting that for H e r o d o t u s and the H i p p o c r a t i c author of Airs, Waters, Places the political consequences are rather different f r o m those envisaged b y V i t r u v i u s and Strabo. A s I shall argue in chapter V I , w i t h certain qualifications, life in a balanced and temperate place such as R o m e enhances one's chances of securing h e g e m o n y . B u t for H e r o d o t u s , as I m e n tioned in connection with P o l y b i u s , the delightful setting of the Ionians rendered them unable to rule (9. 122). E x a c t l y the same view is expressed in Airs, Waters, Places: 'bravery, endurance, hard w o r k , and h i g h spirit could not arise in such conditions T h e criteria are very close to those of Herodotus; lack of heat, drought, cold, and excessive wet. 55

[sc. those of climatologically privileged Ionia] . . . b u t pleasure must rule s u p r e m e ' (12). In spite of the sense of e q u i l i b r i u m seen in V i t r u v i u s ' and S t r a b o ' s accounts of R o m e , one of the most striking i m p r e s sions of the w o r l d gained f r o m Strabo's text is that of a constant deluge of resources towards its capital. T h e s e c o m e in various f o r m s — h u m a n , material, and intellectual. T h e centrality of R o m e and its attraction of the h u m a n resource is reflected in the ideology of the Res Gestae w h e r e A u g u s t u s describes the w h o l e of Italy flooding into R o m e to vote on and witness his a p p o i n t m e n t to the position of pontifex maximus.56 It is n o t e w o r t h y h o w spontaneous m u c h of the m o v e m e n t of people towards R o m e is in S t r a b o ' s account also, in stark contrast to the c o m p u l s o r y m o v e m e n t of peoples e n f o r c e d by R o m e . T h e city exerted a m a g n e t i s m on the people of its empire. T h e main g r o u p of people depicted b y S t r a b o m a k i n g their w a y towards R o m e is that of e n v o y s , seeking to make requests of the e m p e r o r . T h e A e d u i of G a u l are mentioned as the first of the peoples in that region to ask for the friendship and alliance of R o m e (4. 3. 2). 58 A r t e m i d o r u s of E p h e s u s w e n t on an embassy on behalf of his native city to w i n back for the goddess the sacred revenues f r o m the Selinusian lakes, w h i c h had been taken b y the Attalids, restored b y R o m e , then usurped by the publicani. T h e success of this petition sheds a favourable light on R o m a n rule, with the R o m a n s (we are not told exactly w h o ) ready to right some of the injustices resulting f r o m the greed of the publicani (14. 1. 26). A n o t h e r e x a m p l e concerns an e n v o y sent f r o m the C y c l a d i c island of G y a r u s to request f r o m Octavian a reduction in tribute payments. T h i s is one of the relatively f e w occasions w h e r e w e have a first-hand account, since S t r a b o himself was on the boat that gave the envoy a lift to C o r i n t h , w h e r e Octavian was staying on his w a y back to R o m e to celebrate Res gestae divi Augusti, 10. 2: cuncta ex Italia ad comitia mea confluente multitudine ('as the crowd flowed in from the whole of Italy to my election'). 57 See F. G . B. Millar's petition-and-response model of the principate, developed in The Emperor in the Roman World (London, 1977). 58 For Tacitus' account of the senatorial debate over the admission of the Aedui, a later stage of development in the relationship with Rome, see Annals, 56

23-5·

A c t i u m (xo. 5. 3). F u r t h e r m o r e , w e have Strabo's account of h o w Nicolaus of D a m a s c u s also came across e n v o y s 011 his travels. In this instance the e n v o y s w e r e sent b y K i n g Poros of India to ask for the amicitia of A u g u s t u s and to offer free passage through his country (15. 1. 73). 5 9 Strabo stresses the irresistible pull exerted by the emperor on peoples w h o were not even under his rule, and whose difficult j o u r n e y led to the death of some m e m b e r s of the embassy. O n e last point may be made about the m o v e m e n t of people towards the emperor. A f t e r Petronius had garrisoned the city of P r e m n i s against Q u e e n C a n d a c e of A e t h i o p i a , he received ambassadors f r o m her, but told t h e m to go to A u g u s t u s with their requests. ' T h e y asserted that they did not k n o w w h o Caesar was or w h e r e they should have to go to find h i m . ' Petronius gave them escorts and they f o u n d A u g u s t u s on S a m o s and secured their requests (17. 1. 54). T h i s episode is interesting in so far as it hints at the m u l t i - f o c u s e d nature of the work and of the way it reflects the w o r l d . Both R o m e and the emperor were centres of attraction for goods and people, and m u c h of the time they coincided geographically. H o w e v e r , there were occasions w h e n R o m e was not the centre of power. G o o d s might continue to pour towards R o m e , but people w i s h i n g to petition the emperor m i g h t be forced to seek h i m elsewhere. 6 0 T h e material influx to R o m e is explicable in terms of its large population c o n s u m i n g more than the area could s u p p l y , and Strabo provides many examples of this process. C o n s u m a b l e s such as meat were transported along the river A r a r towards R o m e and textiles b r o u g h t f r o m P a t a v i u m (4. 3. 2 and 4. 4. 3; 5. ι . 7). A plant used for filling mattresses (τύφη), papyrus, and reeds came f r o m the T y r r h e n i a n lakes (5. 2. 9); Falernian, Statanian, and Calenian wines f r o m C a m p a n i a (5. 4. 3). E v e n T h i s passage also demonstrates the flow of goods to Rome in the form of gifts brought to the emperor by hopeful embassies. T h e gifts brought by the Indian envoys displayed the exotic nature of the c o u n t r y — h u g e vipers, a river-tortoise, and a partridge larger than a vulture. 60 T h i s provides an interesting counter to the example given by S. Ardener (ed.), Women and Space. Ground Rules and Social Maps (Oxford, 1993), 3, of people defining s p a c e — ' T h e Court is where the king is'. In the early Roman empire, capital and emperor might be separately located. 59

water was transported to supply R o m e ' s d e m a n d s , being d r a w n f r o m L a k e F u c i n u s along the A q u a M a r c i a a q u e d u c t (5. 3. 13). A l l of the trade f r o m Iberia was w i t h R o m e and Italy, leading to the minerals of the region being called b y Posidonius 'storehouses of nature or a never-failing treasury of an empire' (3. 2. 5). 61 Ironically the Iberians w e r e given no e n j o y m e n t of this wealth; the e m p i r e being supplied w a s not that of the Iberians, but had been appropriated by R o m e . Sicily is described in strikingly similar language, for this time the treasury of an empire was made explicitly 'the treasury of R o m e ' since the island sent all its surplus p r o d u c e to that city. 6 2 L e a v i n g aside the implicit question of whether Iberia and Sicily should be forced to f u n d another state's empire, w e have so far seen no explicit censure of R o m e ' s draining of its c o n q u e r e d lands. T h e subject b e c o m e s more pertinent w h e n w e consider S t r a b o ' s portrayal of rock and mineral reserves flowing to R o m e . T h e rock-quarry at G a b i i serving R o m e w i t h this resource along the V i a Praenestina evokes no c o m m e n t (5. 3. 10). H o w e v e r , the R o m a n desire for gold resulted in the g o l d - m i n e s of the A l p i n e Salassi being taken over b y publicani.63 M a r b l e was another m i n e d resource to be d r a w n to R o m e . Proconnesus furnishes a rare e x a m p l e of S t r a b o not mentioning R o m e as the m a r b l e ' s destination. In this case the marble was used within its native region around C y z i c u s (13, ι . 16). M a r b l e f r o m L u n a and S c y r u s , h o w e v e r , did c o m e to R o m e (5. 2. 5; 9. 5. 16). Y e t it is only in discussing P h r y g i a n marble that S t r a b o makes any explicit moral c o m ment. T h i s c o m m o d i t y was transported w i t h great difficulty and at large expense. It was due to present R o m a n extravagance (δια 8è τήν v v v i π ο λ ν τ έ λ ε ι α ν τ ώ ν 'Ρωμαίων) that h u g e pillars were n o w m i n e d instead of small stones (12. 8. 14). T h e r e is a sense of R o m a n greed, d e m a n d i n g resources w h i c h required wealth and expertise to transport. A n o t h e r asset d r a w n to R o m e involved aspects of cultural or social life. R o m e not only took in h u m a n and material resources, but also b o r r o w e d ideas f r o m elsewhere. T h e laws of 3. 2. 9 for Iberia's minerals as a ταμιεϊον ηγεμονίας. 6. 2. 7 for Sicily as ταμιείον της 'Ρώμης. 63 4· 6. 7 for ή πλεονεξία τών δημοσιωνών ('the greed of the publicatli')\ 4. 6. 12 for gold-mining in the rest of Italy. i,!

62

H e r m o d o r u s of E p h e s u s are said to have been taken to R o m e , and Etruria was the source for the triumphal and consular adornment, the fasces, various R o m a n rites, and the art of a u g u r y (14. 1. 25; 5. 2. 2). A l l of these resources could be 'shared' by their original o w n e r s with R o m e . H o w e v e r , m a n y cultural assets could be b r o u g h t to R o m e only at the expense of people around the empire. A p e l l i c o n ' s library of Aristotelian works was r e m o v e d by Sulla on his capture of A t h e n s and became part of the intellectual drain to R o m e (13. 1. 54). B u t the most p r o m i n e n t aspect of R o m e ' s cultural pilfering of its e m p i r e in S t r a b o ' s text is the appropriation of art treasures f r o m around the w o r l d . T h e statue of H e r c u l e s came f r o m T a r e n t u m to the Capitol in R o m e (6. 3. 1); the statue of the goddess was d e m a n d e d f r o m the t e m p l e at Pessinous, as was that of A s c l e p i u s f r o m E p i d a u r u s (12. 5. 3); the painting The Fallen Lion was taken by A g r i p p a f r o m L a m p s a c u s to R o m e (13. ι . 19). T h e regularity with w h i c h S t r a b o draws attention to R o m e ' s d e m a n d s on the cultural heritage of other places might suggest that he disapproved of R o m e ' s attitude. Y e t S t r a b o himself was part of the flow of intellectuals to the capital, and he justifies R o m e ' s actions on several occasions. T h e removal of the Labours of Hercules f r o m a precinct on the coast near A l y z i a in Acarnania b y a R o m a n c o m m a n d e r is v i e w e d positively since the picture was being saved f r o m neglect (10. 2. 21). T h e plunder of art treasures f r o m C o r i n t h b y M u m m i u s is not c o n d e m n e d , since it is connected with his generosity in sharing the booty (8. 6. 23). R o m e is s o m e t i m e s depicted as taking w o r k s of art w h i c h had special significance for its early history. A p e l l e s ' picture of A p h r o d i t e rising f r o m the sea, taken f r o m C o s and dedicated by A u g u s t u s to Julius Caesar, is an e x a m p l e of a situation w h e r e R o m e is seen as taking something to w h i c h it had a claim because of its associations w i t h V e n u s (14. 2. 19). 64 T h e question of R o m e as the focal point to w h i c h all resources c o n v e r g e is crucial in gaining some idea of S t r a b o ' s perspective. A s I have already noted, centrality need not, and indeed cannot, be taken in the strictest sense of the w o r d , since far more of S t r a b o ' s w o r l d lay to the east of R o m e than to the 64

T h e C o a n s were also given a 100-talent tribute remission in return for

the painting.

west. B y saying that R o m e was centrally placed in Strabo's conception of the world, I refer to its position at the point where the various lines of movement of goods, people, and ideas met. Perhaps one of the reasons w h y we gain an inadequate sense of the relationship between places in the empire is that Strabo is more interested in their relationship with R o m e than with each other. His treatment of G a u l in Book 4, for example, is heavily structured by the river network, and in particular by its potential as a trade-route from the Ocean to the Mediterranean through some of the richest land in the western empire. A l l routes go through the centre of the web. T h e linearity of the periplus is redirected, so that each place is linked, not to the next along the journey, but to the capital of the empire. Pericles' vision of Athens, as portrayed by T h u c y d i d e s , places that city in a similarly central position, drawing in resources from around the world (εκ πάσης γης) (ζ. 38). H o w ever, this view of A t h e n s ' place in the world is constructed and described from the centre, and also differs from Strabo's R o m e in so far as, in terms of ideas, Athens is not a consumer, but an exporter (a παράδειγμα at 2. 37; and a παίδενσις for Greece at 2. 41). D e f o e provides a more striking parallel for Strabo's picture, developing his view of L o n d o n as he moves around the British Isles. He persistently notes that the produce of each place he describes is sent to L o n d o n , and builds up a picture of Britain in which every place has its own link to the capital, but not necessarily to anywhere else. T h e model is made explicit early in the work: 'It will be seen how this kingdom, as well as the people, as the land, and even the sea, in every part of it, are employed to furnish something, and I may add, the best of every thing, to supply the city of L o n d o n with provisions.' 6 5 Similarly, Strabo's political view is inextricably bound up with the way in which his geography of the world is constructed. W e might perhaps expect Strabo, if he were describing R o m e ' s actions from the point of view of a provincial, to be more resentful of R o m e ' s drain on all that lies within the empire and yet he repeatedly reinforces its role as central consumer with D. Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, (3 vols.; L o n d o n , 1 7 2 4 - 6 — p a g e refs. are to the Penguin reprint of 1986), 54. For a few examples, see pp. 83, 95, 118, 119, 128, 130, 137, 147, r66, 182, 207. 65

little hint of censure. A s Jacob says: 'Il ne dissimule pas son admiration p o u r la Ville de R o m e , . . . pour la personne d ' A u g u s t e , le régime politique qu'il a instauré et l'administration de l ' E m p i r e , qui répand les bienfaits de la civilisation sur la plus grande partie de la terre habitée.' 6 6 O n e w a y in w h i c h Strabo's view of R o m e may be assessed is in terms of his attitude towards rivals to its s u p r e m a c y , particularly given his f a m i l y ' s associations w i t h the M i t h r i d a t i c dynasty, one of the casualties of R o m a n imperialism. V a r i o u s cities appear in S t r a b o ' s work as potential rivals of R o m e . N o t all threatened R o m e ' s overall s u p r e m a c y , but their superiority in particular areas m i g h t have been seen to challenge the capital, and so to p r o v i d e alternative focal points. Naples, for example, is presented as a repository of G r e e k culture, a w e l c o m e retreat f r o m the pressures of R o m e (5. 4. 7). S u e t o nius' picture of the last days of A u g u s t u s ' life comes to mind at this point, since it was here, absorbed in the city's G r e e k ambience, that R o m e ' s first princeps died (Suet. Aug. 98). 67 A n o t h e r w a y in w h i c h cities m i g h t rival the centre of the empire was to share aspects of its t o p o g r a p h y . M y l a s a , for example, is described as a great city w i t h its o w n Sacra Via for religious processions, partially obviating the attraction to R o m e of the peoples of the empire. R o m e ' s m a g n e t i s m over its subjects was d u e partly to its uniqueness (14. 2. 2). 68 In the case of R h o d e s , praised for its excellent facilities and administration, and acting as an anti-pirate state in parallel with R o m e , R o m e ' s response was to provide a relationship of 66 Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie, 147: 'He doesn't disguise his admiration for the city of Rome, . . . for the figure of Augustus, the political régime which he instigated, and the administration of the empire, which spreads the benefits of civilization over most of the inhabited world.' 67 Suetonius says that, during his last days, Augustus insisted that the Romans on Capri should speak Greek and dress like Greeks, and that the Greeks should do the opposite. T h e question of interplay between Greek and Roman will later become of relevance to Strabo. 6S A n example of a city sharing political structures with Rome was Gades, which had its own équités (3. 5. 3). T h e uniqueness of Rome is brought out most effectively in Virgil, Eclogue, 1. 19-25, where T i t y r u s acknowledges that he was wrong to think of Rome as simply larger than any other city. Rather, it was qualitatively different as well, like a cypress raising its head above the guelder roses.

amicitia (14. 2. 5). T h e privileged status of this city is b r o u g h t h o m e by the detail that its architect was the same as that of the P i r a e u s — t h e different fates of the t w o places could not be in starker contrast, with one destroyed b y Sulla and the other benefiting f r o m R o m e ' s friendship (14. 2. 9). Strabo, h o w e v e r , attests a range of more a m b i g u o u s approaches to rivals. T h e first involved pilfering of the kind discussed above. Massilia appears as a centre of education for R o m a n s , heir to A t h e n s ' role as a focus for philosophers. Its status is c o m p l i m e n t e d and at the same time belittled by R o m e ' s imitation of Massilia w i t h its o w n xoanon of A r t e m i s o n the A v e n t i n e (4. 1. 5). T h e architecture of a provincial city was in a sense no longer its o w n w h e n it was liable to be transferred in conception to R o m e . A similar fate befell the temple of A p h r o d i t e on M o u n t E r y x in Sicily, w h i c h provided the model for the temple of V e n u s Erycina in front of the C o l l i n e G a t e (6. 2. 6). Places around the empire b e c a m e sources of inspiration for R o m e . W e m i g h t have expected that R o m e , like Pericles' A t h e n s , w o u l d itself be the model for other cities. Instead, the o v e r w h e l m i n g impression in Strabo is of R o m e d r a w i n g on others. T h i s siphoning of ideas and cultural s y m b o l s to R o m e , part of that city's general drain on the resources of its empire, was not the only w a y of dealing with rival centres. A n o t h e r was to cast d o u b t on their claims to importance. D e l p h i is the prime example, interesting because the d o u b t is specifically S t r a b o ' s o w n in this case. Strabo could not avoid the idea of D e l p h i as the centre of the inhabited w o r l d , but he attributes this idea to o t h e r s — ' i t was believed to be the centre of even the inhabited w o r l d and people called it the navel of the earth' (9. 3. 6). S m y r n a was a model city w h i c h S t r a b o f o u n d it hard to criticize. T h e r e was, h o w e v e r , one respect in w h i c h the people of S m y r n a had failed, that is, in their lack of a proper underg r o u n d sewage system (14. 1. 37). T h e provision of a waters u p p l y , efficient drainage, and sewers is said in S t r a b o ' s description of R o m e to have been an e x a m p l e of the greatest foresight of the R o m a n s that set t h e m above the G r e e k s (5. 3. 8). So, S m y r n a failed on the very point at w h i c h R o m e excelled, suggesting that n o w h e r e , h o w e v e r p r o m i s i n g , could really threaten R o m e ' s s u p r e m a c y . W e m i g h t contrast R o m e ' s intolerance of rival centres with the attitude taken b y the Persians:

' A l t h o u g h they adorned the palace at S u s a more than any other, they esteemed no less highly the palaces at Persepolis and Pasargadae' (15. 3. 3). 69 T h e mention of Persia again brings us to the question of the succession of empires, and the notion that R o m e w a s only one in a line of w o r l d powers. T h e Persian kings, according to Polyclitus, built dwellings for themselves on the acropolis at Susa and had storage places for the tribute they collected, as memorials of their administration (υπομνήματα της οικονομίας) ( ΐ 5 · 3· 2ΐ )· W e m a y recall R o m e ' s public display of its imperial aspirations in the theatre of P o m p e y w h e r e p e r m a n e n t reminders of his t r i u m p h w e r e d i s p l a y e d — t h e inscriptions of his triumphs, trophies, and statues representing fourteen subject nations. 7 0 Persia, like R o m e , drained resources f r o m its subject nations. T h e p r o d u c e of each c o u n t r y was d r a w n in, and the wealth of the kings led them to ever greater extravagance, d e m a n d i n g w h e a t f r o m A s s u s in Aeolis, C h a l y m o n i a n w i n e f r o m Syria, and even water f r o m the Eulaeus (15. 3. 22). T h e Persian parallel provides a gentle hint that R o m e ' s o w n p o w e r m i g h t be temporally limited. T h e theory of the succession of empires has been t h o r o u g h l y studied by others. I mentioned it in chapter I, and shall return to it in chapter V . 7 1 B u t it is w o r t h noting that the implications are not solely temporal, since there w e r e parts of the w o r l d w h i c h R o m e had not yet wrested f r o m the control of other empires. S t r a b o ' s list of A s i a n rulers does not end like the others, culminating in R o m e ' s s u p r e m a c y , b u t with the Parthians. 7 2 Indeed, the w o r d Παρθυαίοις is the last of the 69 T h e Persians kept their treasures and tombs at these centres for the practical reason that they were better fortified, as well as because the places were ancestral (προγονικός). 70 See C . Nicolet, Space, Geography, and Politics in the Early Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, 1991), 38, for Pompey's theatre and the imperialism on show there; see pp. 4 1 - 7 for the interesting suggestion that a similar display of personifications of subject nations occupied the upper storey of the porticoes in the F o r u m A u g u s t u m , lined up above the summi viri. 71 D . Mendels, ' T h e Five Empires: A Note on a Propagandistic Topos', AJP 102 (1981), 330-7; J. M . Alonso-Nunez, 'Die Abfolge der Weltreiche bei Polybios und Dionysios von Halikarnassos', Historia, 32 (1983). 4> 1-26; ibid., 'Die Weltreichsukzession bei Strabo', Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, 36 (i9 8 4)» S3-4· 7 2 See I i . 13. s for the list of rulers of A s i a — S y r i a , Armenia, Persia,

book dealing with that region (Book 15). S t r a b o neatly structures the final sentences into a chronological sequence of empires, w h i c h reaches a climax with the d o m i n a n t p o w e r of the present time, Parthia. Persia, so similar to R o m e , e n j o y e d h e g e m o n y over Asia for 250 years, and then b e c a m e subject to other k i n g s — ' f i r s t to the M a c e d o n i a n s , b u t n o w to the Parthians' (πρότερον μεν ΜακεΒόσι, νΰν δε Παρθναίοις) ( 15. 3· 2 4 ) · 7 3 T h e threat of Parthia in the East was a recurrent t h e m e in A u g u s t a n poetry and Parthia's e m p i r e was seen b y Strabo as an explicit rival to R o m e . It shared marriage c u s t o m s with R o m e and rivalled R o m e in terms of land and tribes ruled. E v e n t h o u g h the Parthians were barbarians, they w e r e 'equals of the R o m a n s ' (αντίπαλοι τοις Ρωμαίοις) ( i l . 9. 1 - 2 ) . T h i s same equivalence between R o m e and Parthia is explicitly stated in the A u g u s t a n universal history of P o m p e i u s T r o g u s . 7 4 O u r version of Book 41 starts: 'today the Parthians rule the East, the w o r l d being partitioned, as it were, b e t w e e n t h e m and the R o m a n s ' . T h e parallelism between the t w o imperial powers in Strabo is suggested geographically by the fact that they shared a b o u n d a r y , that of the river Euphrates (16. 1. 28). T h e competition b e t w e e n Parthia and R o m e was further e m p h a s ized b y the M e d i a n s ' relationship of amicitia w i t h R o m e at the same time as their p a y i n g court to Parthia, placing the t w o empires on a similar footing ( 1 1 . 13. 2). 75 A l l the peoples in that part of the w o r l d , says Strabo, were n o w subject to the p o w e r of the Parthians. T h e i r influence was so great that if they fared Macedonia, and Parthia. Rome is strikingly absent from the end of this list representing the present state of affairs. T h i s picture is repeated at 16. 1. 19 where the Parthians are described as having resolved the permanent powerstruggle between Media, Armenia, and Babylonia, by ruling over the Medes and Babylonians, although not the Armenians. M . C l a v e l - L é v ê q u e ' s study of the temporal structure of Strabo's description of Gaul in ' L e s Gaules et les Gaulois: Pour une analyse du fonctionnement de la Géographie de Strabon', Dialogues d'Histoire Ancienne, 1 (1974). 75~93. heightens our awareness of the significance of Parthia here. Gaul's Roman present was paralleled in Asia by a Parthian present. 74 It is certain that this particular view must have belonged to T r o g u s , rather than to his epitomator, since by Justin's day, Parthia had been taken over by the Sassanids. 75 Perhaps indicative of disapproval on Strabo's part for the Medians' attitude towards Parthian power is his use of the verb θΐραπΐύουσι, carrying connotations of 'fawning'. 73

well, so did all their subjects (15. 3. 12). Y e t in his s u m m i n g up of the R o m a n e m p i r e at the end of Book 6, S t r a b o was able to state that even Parthia was now subject to R o m e , having sent to R o m e the trophies w h i c h they set up in h o n o u r of their defeat of the triumvir, Crassus, in 53 BC and handed over all authority to R o m e . Parthia forms the climax of S t r a b o ' s account of the spread of R o m a n influence and leads him to discuss the difficulty of g o v e r n i n g such an empire, to be handled by only one man, acting like a f a t h e r — a clear reference to A u g u s t u s ' assumption of the title pater patriae in 2 BC (6. 4. 2). T o conclude this section, it may be w o r t h c o m p a r i n g S t r a b o ' s view of rivals with that of P o l y b i u s . A c c o r d i n g to Nicolet, P o l y b i u s ' statement that he was interested in how R o m e came to rule the inhabited w o r l d (οικουμένη) in fiftythree years cannot mean that R o m e dominated that entire area, b u t that she was present in each region ' a n d — a t this d a t e — h a d no serious rivals'. 7 6 T h i s is a reasonable deduction for the w o r l d as it must have appeared in the second century BC, w h e n R o m e was constantly gaining power. H o w e v e r , by Strabo's day such a view was hard to sustain. T h e R o m a n s had not proved themselves able to conquer e v e r y w h e r e they w e n t and it was clear that there were peoples well described as 'rivals' (αντίπαλοι). T h e difficulty for historians w h o s e task was to represent the A u g u s t a n w o r l d of R o m a n p o w e r w o u l d be h o w to deal with R o m e ' s failure to achieve total s u p r e m a c y .

STRABO

OF

AMASEIA

I have set out S t r a b o ' s R o m a n w o r l d as one where the city of R o m e was placed at the conceptual and practical focal point, in spite of the threat of rival p o w e r s . B u t Strabo was of eastern G r e e k origins, c o m i n g f r o m the edge of the area controlled by R o m e , so this R o m a n o c e n t r i c view of the w o r l d is unexpected. O n e caution concerning focalization has been raised earlier in relation to P o l y b i u s , namely the confusion between spatial and ideological standpoints. T h e a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of different kinds of perspective is taken further by Jacob, w h o argues, in connection with the periplus of H a n n o , for the creation of a text 76

Nicolet, Space, Geography, and Politics,

30-1.

to a certain cultural viewpoint as an alternative focalization to that b r o u g h t b y the experience of the voyager. 7 7 Is it the case that S t r a b o ' s w o r l d was spatially built around R o m e , b u t ideologically or culturally focused elsewhere, perhaps in the G r e e k East? I have argued in the previous section that S t r a b o not only portrays R o m e as the h u b of the empire, but also appears to condone this state of affairs, suggesting that he was not ideologically opposed to R o m a n dominance in his w o r l d . In the case of R o m e , spatial and ideological centrality seem to go hand in hand, b u t I now turn to consider whether there is anything in the text w h i c h m i g h t suggest a more nuanced construction of S t r a b o ' s w o r l d , perhaps reflecting his o w n origins. T h e manner in w h i c h most autobiographical information appears in the text is elliptical. T h i s reticence does not, h o w e v e r , extend to Strabo's place of birth. H e mentions his h o m e city for the first time in connection with the course of the river Iris, w h i c h 'flows past the very wall of A m a s e i a , m y native place (ή ημετέρα πάτρ«)' (12. 3. 15). H o w e v e r , the city is not described until later, where it is introduced s i m p l y as ' m y city' (ή ημετέρα πόλις), Strabo relying on the reader to r e m e m b e r that this is Amaseia (12. 3. 39). Josephus' citations of Strabo's historical work, in w h i c h he called Strabo 'the C a p p a d o c i a n ' (ό Καππάδοξ), take us further, but also complicate the issue of identity. 7 8 Amaseia was part of the Pontic realm in S t r a b o ' s day, at the same time as being in C a p p a d o c i a . 7 9 T h i s c o m p l e x identity is reinforced by a tenth-century testimonium of C o n stantine V I I P o r p h y r o g e n i t u s , w h o cited Strabo four times and described him as 'a C a p p a d o c i a n by race, f r o m the city of Amaseia'. 8 0 S o Strabo's birthplace was Amaseia, and this is Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie, 76. Josephus, AJ 13. 286; 14. 35; 14. 104; 14. m ; 14. 138; 15. 9. 79 T h e shifting regional boundaries make neat identifications impossible, but such fluidity was, in any case, common in the ancient world. J, Moles, ' T h e Interpretation of the " S e c o n d Preface" in Arrian's Anabasis', JfHS 105 (1985), 165, interestingly points out the lack of specificity in a phrase such as ή ήμertpa πόλις, which can be used of a place other than one's actual native city. Dio of Prusa called Apamea, with which he had family connections and of which he was an adoptive citizen, his πατρίς (41. 2; 41. 3; 41. 6). 80 See Diller, Textual Tradition, 81, on Constantine V I I Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus, 2. 6 where he describes Strabo as Καππαδόκης ων το γένος εξ Άμασείας της πόλεως. 7/

78

what he calls 'my city', but he could also be described racially as a Cappadocian. I shall discuss Strabo's temporal standpoint in chapter V , but for the moment I take it as read that he was growing up in Asia M i n o r in the aftermath of the Mithridatic wars and P o m p e y ' s settlement at a time of relative peace, but considerable upheaval, in the area. 81 A s Rostovtzeff points out, the draining of resources in both G r e e c e and Asia M i n o r during the wars against Sulla, the imposition of a 20,000-talent demand on Asia made by Sulla as part of his settlement with Mithridates at Chersonesus in 84 BC, and the condition that Mithridates' power be confined to the Pontic area, meant that Asia M i n o r was in severe financial difficulties. 8 2 L u c u l l u s ' pacification of A s i a — h e is described by Plutarch as having filled Asia with 'good government and p e a c e ' — m u s t have helped the economic situation a little, as must the subduing of the pirates b y P o m p e y (Luc. 23.1). T h e pirates had been a major hindrance to trade and communications since Mithridates had raised their power in the first war against Rome. 8 3 Indeed, as Broughton shows, piracy had been an increasingly difficult problem during the second century as the powers, such as Rhodes, w h i c h had tried to check it went into decline. 8 4 T h e 81 T h e still precarious nature of life in Asia Minor is apparent from the study by S. Mitchell, Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor, i: The Celts in Anatolia and the Impact of Roman Rule (Oxford, 1993). For an example of the need to please the ruling power see p. 36 on the Galatians, who fought alongside Pompey at the battle of Pharsalus, but then switched to support the victorious Caesar. Deiotarus of the Galatians is found on Caesar's side at the battle of Zela in 47 BC. 82 T h e contemporary speeches of Cicero reveal how difficult the situation in Asia was. See esp. Pro Murena, 31-4; De imperio, 3 1 - 2 . 83 M . Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World II (Oxford, 1941), 945 and 953. 84 T . R. S. Broughton, 'Roman Asia M i n o r ' , in T . Frank (ed.), An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome IV (Baltimore, 1938), 519-25· T h a t Rome was responsible for this decline and so indirectly for the rise in levels of piracy is brought out by H. Strasburger, 'Poseidonios on Problems of the Roman Empire', JRS 55 (1965), 40-53. However, as Strasburger explains, Posidonius also gives other reasons for the growth of piracy—the Ptolemies were helping pirates against the Seleucids, as were the Rhodians. Rome's contribution to the problem was its encouragement of the slave-trade via Delos, which helped the market in captured people and promoted Delos above Rhodes. Strasburger stresses that Posidonius' attitude towards Pompey

attempt in 102 BC of M . A n t o n i u s (grandfather of the triumvir) had little lasting effect, and in 100 BC a law was passed calling on allied cities and nations to refuse pirates entrance to harbours, a measure w h i c h s i m p l y encouraged alliances w i t h Mithridates. A series of R o m a n s tackled the p r o b l e m of piracy. A . T e r e n t i u s V a r r o , legate of L . L i c i n i u s M u r e n a , the g o v e r n o r of A s i a w h o led the R o m a n forces in the second phase of the M i t h r i d a t i c wars, headed an expedition in 82 BC paid for b y all the cities of the province. In 78 BC P. Servilius Vatia took on the task, only to be replaced in 74 BC by M . A n t o n i u s C r e t i c u s (son of the praetor of 102 BC and father of the triumvir). 8 S It was, h o w e v e r , only w i t h the a d v e n t of P o m p e y that the pirate situation was b r o u g h t u n d e r control. In P l u t a r c h ' s account w e hear that the R o m a n s could no longer tolerate the fact that the M e d i t e r r a n e a n was 'impossible to sail or travel on'. 8 6 I discuss in chapter V I the law d r a w n up by G a b i n i u s in 67 BC g i v i n g P o m p e y ' p o w e r ' (δύναμις) over all m e n , and its implications for the conceptual g e o g r a p h y of the first c e n t u r y BC. H e r e I wish s i m p l y to consider w h e t h e r S t r a b o ' s eastern origins are reflected in his attitude to the activities in the area of m a j o r players such as P o m p e y and L u c u l l u s . P o m p e y ' s a c h i e v e m e n t and the ease w i t h w h i c h he succeeded w h e r e so m a n y others had failed are stressed not only b y C i c e r o , w h o had clear reasons for e m p h a s i z i n g P o m p e y ' s success, but also b y both Plutarch and A p p i a n . 8 7 Plutarch underplays the difficulties encountered b y P o m p e y in his a c c o u n t of h o w the and Rome was ambiguous, against those who see Posidonius as an apologist for Roman expansionism. 85 Strabo's comment at 12. 6. 2 that he saw P. Servilius Isauricus is fraught with chronological problems, since Isauricus died in 44 BC. I shall return to the problem in chapter V. 86 Plut. Pomp. 25. 1: απλούν και άβατον. We may compare precisely the opposite view on the accessibility of the world held in the previous century by

b o t h P o l y b i u s (3. 59. 3): σχεδόν απάντων πλωτών και πορευτών γεγονότων; S c y m n u s (11. 67—8): της ολης τε γης σχεδόν | οα' εστί πλωτά και πορευτά τόπων. S e e GGM I.

and τών

See Cic. De imperio, 34-5 for the speed of Pompey's success against the pirates; 43-5 for the power of his reputation among Rome's enemies, but it is clear why Cicero argued this line in 66 BC when trying to persuade the people of Rome to extend Pompey's powers through the lex Manilla to cover the war against Mithridates. 87

pirate strongholds surrendered within three m o n t h s and brought an end to the war (Pomp. 28. 2). A p p i a n recounts the speed with w h i c h P o m p e y was able to s u b d u e the pirates of Cilicia simply by his reputation (το κλέος αύτοϋ) (Mith. 96). H i s settlement of the pirates inland is seen as the most h u m a n e treatment he could have been expected to give. T h i s praise for P o m p e y is missing f r o m S t r a b o ' s account. H e simply states that D y m e and Soli in Cilicia had received colonists f r o m a m o n g the pirates shortly before his o w n time (8. 7. 5). 88 H i s account of P o m p e y ' s expedition against the Iberian and A l b a n i a n peoples of Asia does nothing to enhance P o m p e y ' s image. T h e military encounter w i t h the Albanians is recounted in the middle of Strabo's description of their idyllic lifestyle and their honesty ( 1 1 . 4. 5). N o c o m m e n t is passed on P o m p e y ' s rearrangement of Mithridates' Pontic k i n g d o m and its territories, nor on his completion and renaming of M i t h r i dates' dynastic foundation of Eupatoria as M a g n o p o l i s (12. 3. 1; 12. 3. 30). H i s b u i l d i n g - u p of Cabeira into a c i t y — D i o s p o l i s — is thrown into the b a c k g r o u n d b y its further adornment at the hands of Q u e e n P y t h o d o r i s and its second change of name to Sebaste (12. 3. 31). Overall, S t r a b o ' s failure to pass c o n v i n cingly either a positive or negative j u d g e m e n t on P o m p e y ' s actions make it difficult to assert that his geographical origins have coloured his reaction to this aspect of R o m a n intervention in the East. L u c u l l u s receives surprisingly little attention in S t r a b o ' s account. Indeed, we hear of h i m only nine times in the w h o l e w o r k . T h r e e of these instances concern his plundering of art objects to R o m e , precisely the kind of reference w h i c h makes Rome the centre of attention, and deflects interest f r o m the East. 8 9 T h e other references to L u c u l l u s concern his military role in the Mithridatic w a r — b e s i e g i n g A m i s u s (12. 3. 14), helping C y z i c u s against Mithridates (12. 8. 11), driving T i g r a n e s out of Syria and Phoenicia ( 1 1 . 14. 15), giving the T h e information is repeated at 14. 3. 3 with the added detail that Soli was renamed Pompeiopolis. 89 For these acts of plunder see 7. 6. 1 (statue of Apollo from the Apollonian isle in the Pontus); 8. 6. 23 (Lucullus' dedication of Mummius' plunder from Corinth in his Temple of Good Fortune); 12. 3. 11 (globe of Biliarus and statue of Autolycus, founder of Sinope, from that city). 88

fortress T o m i s a to the ruler of Cappadocia who helped him against Mithridates (12. 2. 1 ) — a n d finally his handing over control of the war in the East to Pompey (12. 5. 2). Lucullus' siege of A m i s u s comes as part of a list of foreign interventions in the city and so attracts no great attention; his help to C y z i c u s came late (οφ4) and was overshadowed in its effectiveness by the famine which fell upon the Pontic king's army. A more decisively negative picture emerges from Strabo's account of the Senate's reaction to the relative achievements of Lucullus and Pompey. P o m p e y managed to persuade the Senate not to honour the promises of rewards to the people of Pontus given by Lucullus, since it would be unfair for one man to win the war and another to distribute the prizes (12. 3. 33). Y e t this attitude is attributed to P o m p e y and not endorsed by Strabo himself. A s with Pompey, it seems that Strabo had no strong views on the actions of Lucullus in dealing with his native country, or at least none that are expressed in this work. 9 0 T h e long-term geographical significance of the Mithridatic wars is brought out by Appian. H e describes the resources of Mithridates V I Eupator as including all the pirates from Cilicia to the Pillars of Hercules, from one end of the Mediterranean to the other ( M i t h . 119). Appian's whole work ends with a description of the fate of Pontus after the fall of Mithridates. A l t h o u g h it was initially given to Mithridates of P e r g a m u m to rule, a praetor was soon sent b y Rome to govern both Pontus and Bithynia as one province. Appian concludes that the result of the Mithridatic wars was to extend Roman hegemony from Spain and the Pillars of Hercules to the Pontus, Egypt, and the Euphrates, making Pompey's cognomen ' M a g n u s ' truly appropriate. Only the coast from C y r e n e to E g y p t was missing from a complete circuit of the Mediterranean. 9 1 T h e threat that Mithridates himself, in conjunction with Sertorius, might win an empire that would join the Atlantic Ocean with the Pontus was voiced in the 60s BC by Cicero (Pro Murena, 32). Appian's description of the fulfilment of this ambition by It is, of course, possible that the history of the Greek East would have been extensively treated in the History, making its relative absence from the Geography less striking. 90

91

sea').

A p p i a n , Mith.

1 2 1 : ntpioSov

της ivros θαλάσσης

('a c i r c u i t o f t h e inner

R o m e reveals h o w m o m e n t o u s w e r e the geographical implications of the victory over Mithridates. T h e importance of this series of conflicts in d e t e r m i n i n g the R o m a n w o r l d that S t r a b o knew cannot be overestimated. H o w e v e r , Strabo's interest in the recent history of the Pontic region is revealed in passages other than those f o c u s e d on P o m p e y and L u c u l l u s . H i s i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the o p p o s i n g side, the M i t h r i d a t i c dynasty, s t e m m e d not only f r o m his place of origin, but also f r o m its connections w i t h his m o t h e r ' s f a m i l y . M o a p h e r n e s , his m o t h e r ' s uncle, came into p r o m i n e n c e as g o v e r n o r of C o l c h i s just before the k i n g d o m was dissolved and so suffered along w i t h M i t h r i d a t e s — w e are g i v e n no clear indication of w h a t S t r a b o means by this remark (12. 3. 33). S t r a b o ' s maternal grandfather, D o r i l a u s , was also u n l u c k y in his i n v o l v e m e n t in M i t h r i d a t i c politics. S e e i n g that M i t h r i dates was d o i n g badly in the war w i t h L u c u l l u s , he caused fifteen M i t h r i d a t i c garrisons to revolt to L u c u l l u s so as to be on the w i n n i n g side. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , w h e n P o m p e y took over the c o m m a n d , he c o u n t e d as enemies all those w h o had sided w i t h L u c u l l u s , so S t r a b o ' s grandfather never received the reward he expected (12. 3. 33). A l l of these connections, a c c o r d i n g to Pais, make a court post for S t r a b o not unlikely, setting h i m in a position like that of N i c o l a u s of D a m a s c u s . S t r a b o ' s 'great respect for A u g u s t u s and for R o m e ' w o u l d thus be a reflection of the o b s e q u i o u s attitude of subject monarchies, and is not necessarily indicative of S t r a b o ' s o w n view of R o m a n rule, or of the existence of a R o m a n patron. Pais put f o r w a r d the suggestion that S t r a b o ' s w o r k was c o m p o s e d expressly for Q u e e n P y t h o d o r i s and her family. P y t h o d o r i s ' h u s b a n d , P o l e m o n , ruled over the area in w h i c h S t r a b o lived until it b e c a m e a provincial region in 7 BC after P o l e m o n ' s death, leaving P y t h o d o r i s in charge of the rest of Pontus. ' I n the entire Geography no other ruler is mentioned so f r e q u e n t l y as P y t h o d o r i s . W i t h the exception of A u g u s t u s , T i b e r i u s , and the g o v e r n o r s of E g y p t , S t r a b o c o m p l i m e n t s and eulogizes her alone.' 9 2 T h i s v i e w clearly has its p r o b l e m s . A s A n d e r s o n points out, 92 E. Pais, Ancient Italy, (trans. C. D. Curtis) (Chicago, 1908), ch. 26 'Strabo's Historical Geography', esp. pp. 421-6.

w e have no evidence for s u c h an official position for Strabo. 9 3 In spite of Pais' assertion that P y t h o d o r i s is p r o m i n e n t in S t r a b o ' s account, the text does not u p h o l d this. C e r t a i n l y her w i s d o m and statesmanlike attitude are praised. S h e is described as a 'wise w o m a n and qualified to preside over affairs of state (γυνή σώφρων και δυνατή προιστασθαι πραγμάτων)' (12. 3- 29)· Y e t S t r a b o mentions her b y n a m e only five times in the w h o l e work. T h i s could not by any account be considered a p r o m i n ent position, and does not begin to o u t w e i g h the references to A u g u s t u s and T i b e r i u s , w h o m Pais sweeps aside as exceptions. Pais's stress on the P o n t i c perspective of Strabo overplays extremely scant evidence. B u t the M i t h r i d a t i c dynasty was important as a rival of R o m e , and it is interesting to see h o w its treatment b y Strabo compares w i t h that of the rival cities and p o w e r s discussed above (pp. 224-8). S t r a b o presents the t w o empires of P o n t u s and R o m e as parallel in some respects. Both are part of the list of p o w e r s w h o s e conquests furthered geographical k n o w l e d g e (1. 2. 1). Both w e r e involved in the suppression of barbarism. N e o p t o l e m u s , M i t h r i d a t e s V I E u p a t o r ' s general, is said to have put d o w n the barbarians, and O l d C h e r s o n e s u s adopted M i t h r i d a t e s as its protector against barbarian attack before the c o m i n g of the R o m a n s (7. 3. 18; 7. 4. 3). R o m e had defeated M i t h r i d a t e s by S t r a b o ' s time, but it m a y be of significance that the site of R o m e ' s victory over h i m , C h a e r onea, is described b y S t r a b o as also the site of M a c e d o n i a ' s defeat of G r e e c e , possibly hinting that R o m e too m i g h t in the future suffer the same reversal of fortune as that w h i c h had befallen M a c e d o n i a (9. 2. 37). O n e of the cities w h i c h u n d e r w e n t cultural p l u n d e r i n g at the hands of R o m e was S i n o p e , a special case for S t r a b o since it was the metropolis of the M i t h r i d a t i c dynasty w i t h w h i c h the family of Strabo himself had connections, and is thus of great interest if w e are considering h o w this eastern G r e e k v i e w e d R o m a n rule, S t r a b o describes S i n o p e as blessed by b o t h nature and m a n ' s intervention, whereas the site of R o m e , w e m a y 93 J. G . C. Anderson, 'Some Questions Bearing on the Date and Place of Composition of Strabo's Geography', in W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder (eds.), Anatolian Studies presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay (Manchester, 1923), 1-13.

recall, was blessed only by man's work, and not advantaged by the natural order. 9 4 T h i s w o u l d be enough to turn it into a threat to R o m e ' s image of superiority. But Strabo's picture of the contest between R o m e and Sinope as centres for empire is predictably ambiguous. L u c u l l u s , w h o plundered Sinope, displayed remarkable restraint, it seems at first, taking only two items (12. 3. 11). 9 5 T h e i r removal, however, cut at the heart of Sinope's identity. By taking the statue of A u t o l y c u s , L u c u l l u s was removing the legendary founder of the city, revered as a god. T h e sphere (σφαίρα) of Billarus receives no elaboration in Strabo's work. T h e r e is, however, evidence to suggest that this refers to a spherical representation of the earth. 9 6 If this was the case, then the significance of its removal was increased. If the sphere of Billarus was anything like a Pontic forerunner to A g r i p p a ' s map in R o m e , representing the extent of the empire at present and aspirations for its future, then it is clear w h y L u c u l l u s might want to remove this s y m b o l of Mithridatic imperialBut we shall see in chapter VI that this assertion is somewhat compromised by the geographical advantage enjoyed by Rome and Italy at the temperate centre of the earth. 95 E. Rawson, Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic (London, 1985), 40, suggests that the plundering by Lucullus was in fact greater than Strabo's account shows and that the Library of Lucullus in Rome was formed from the booty from Mithridates' palace. Plutarch's Lucullus predictably supports Strabo's view that Lucullus was restrained in the way he took booty from Asia Minor. At 14. 2 he describes the complaints from Lucullus' soldiers that the peaceable bringing-over of the cities of Bithynia and Galatia was yielding them no rewards. However, this restraint is somewhat inconsistent with the end of Plutarch's account, in which Lucullus is presented as revelling in the life of luxury and using wealth 'as though it were a barbarian prisoner of war 94

(αίχμαλώτω

και βαρβάριρΥ

(41)·

The word οφαΐρα is used by Strabo of the world as a part of the cosmos, of this globe, and also of the globe constructed by Crates and recommended by Strabo at 2. 5. 10 as a model of how to relate a two dimensional picture of the known world to its real spherical shape. LSJ cite this passage as an example of σφαίρα referring to a geographical globe. Hultsch's article in R-E iii has little to say about what the globe of Billarus actually was. He envisages it as a globe, rotating on its axis and symbolizing on the earth the daily rotation of the vault of the sky and maybe also the paths of the planets. Hultsch, however, cites no source other than Strabo and gives no evidence for his interpretation of the globe, thus offering no compelling reason to take it as an astrological device rather than as a representation of terrestrial affairs. 96

ism. 97 T h i s picture is speculative, but if it bears any relation to reality at all, it would provide a neat removal by R o m e of items which symbolized the whole history of the rival Pontic empire—past, present, and future. Strabo's treatment of another region relatively close to home, the Cimmerian Bosporus, again gives little hint of a particularly Pontic viewpoint. 9 8 O n e of its themes, as Bosi discusses, is that of barbarism and civilization, around which Strabo could have chosen to construct his world-view. Pre-Mithridatic T a u r i s had been dominated by barbarians, whose tribute demands eventually forced the previous dynasty of Parisades to relinquish power to Mithridates I. T h e barbarians are categorized by Strabo into farmers and nomads w h o exacted tribute from the settled farmers (7. 4. 6). Bosi argues that Posidonius' ethnographical material strongly influenced this part of Strabo's text, and the categorization of peoples by their method of subsistence is reminiscent of the Hellenistic ethnographical tradition. 99 T h e idea of the fight against barbarism is one which Strabo attributes to Mithridates. Forts built on his orders allowed his forces to fend off the Scythians more easily (7. 4. 7). T h e role of defender of Greek city-culture against the threat of barbarism is one that we know the Mithridatic dynasty was still appropriating in the time of Mithridates V I Eupator. M c G i n g views the latter as a king with a strong Hellenic image which involved protecting Greek civilization For Mithridatic imperial ambitions see B. C . M c G i n g , The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator King of Pontus (Leiden, 1986), 82, where he cites Florus 1. 40 saying that Mithridates intended to rule the whole of Asia and Europe; and p. 102 on Mithridates' adoption of the A l e x a n d e r image of world conqueror. Mithridates V I dominated the Pontic coast with his rule, lacking only the coast of Bithynia and the part of the north-east coast above Colchis. 97

98 Strabo's accounts of this region (7. 4. 3 - 8; 11. 2. 3 - 1 2 ) are discussed by F. Bosi, ' L a storia del Bosforo C i m m e r i o nell'opera di Strabone', in Strabone II, 171-88.

See, for example, Agatharchides' account of the peoples living around the Arabian G u l f in On the Erythraean Sea. W h e n Strabo himself described this region, he virtually repeated Agatharchides' account with no additions, adopting along with other literary conventions the distinction of peoples by food-source. Strabo's passage on the name of the Red Sea (16. 4. 20) accurately repeats Agatharchides' explanations given at the beginning of his work. 99

f r o m the assault by the new barbarians f r o m the w e s t — t h e Romans. 1 0 0 Sallust's Letter of Mithridates, in w h i c h the R o m a n s are called 'robbers of peoples' (latrones gentium), illustrates the attachment of the image of barbarism to R o m e at this time. 1 0 1 T h i s is a striking role reversal for R o m e , the imposer of civilization upon the barbarian races of its empire, and given that such ideas w e r e current, w e m i g h t have expected Strabo to pick up on t h e m in a gesture of support for his native d y n a s t y ' s fight against the i m m i n e n t R o m a n rule. A s Bosi shows, h o w ever, no such simple image is presented by Strabo. For just as he does not make clear his v i e w s on M i t h r i d a t i c attempts to take on the role of civilizing force against the barbarian peoples of the Pontic region, nor does he attribute the role of brigand to R o m e , or present R o m e as the outright e n e m y of native rule in this area. Indeed, he brings out the intervention of R o m e in the accession of P o l e m o n to the Pontic and Bosporan throne; he was p r o m o t e d by A n t o n i u s and offered the throne at Panticap a e u m by A u g u s t u s and A g r i p p a after the death of A s a n d e r and the advent of a usurper, S c r i b o n i u s (12. 8. 16). 1 0 2 So, just as S t r a b o is remarkably neutral in his treatment of P o m p e y and L u c u l l u s and their conflicts w i t h his native dynasty in the Mithridatic wars, so too is this a m b i g u i t y in allegiance reflected in his c o m m e n t s on piracy and brigandage. S t r a b o ' s failure to m a k e clear his stance on w h e t h e r M i t h r i dates or the R o m a n s w e r e to be seen as the opponents of piracy is mirrored t h r o u g h o u t the work. T h e tribes b e t w e e n the T a g u s and the A r t a b r i a n s w e r e stopped f r o m their life of brigandage by the R o m a n s , and w e r e made not only peaceful but even 'civilized' (πολιτικός) by T i b e r i u s (3. 3. 5; 3. 3. 8); A u g u s t u s tackled the same p r o b l e m a m o n g the Iapodes (4. 6. 10). I have already mentioned the concerted attack by a series of R o m a n s against the pirates and brigands of A s i a 100

M c G i n g , Foreign Policy of Mithridates,

89 and 99. M c G i n g discusses

the image of Mithridates as a second Alexander, wishing for world conquest and drawing support f r o m G r e e c e by his professing to be anti-barbarian. 101

Sallust, Letter of Mithridates,

22. Tacitus, Agricola,

30 provides a

parallel for the questioning of the R o m a n image, proclaiming the Romans

raptores orbis ('plunderers of the world'). 102

See also D i o 54. 24. 4 for the same story.

M i n o r . But Sextus P o m p e y helped the pirates during the Sicilian revolt (5. 4. 4); R o m e ' s demand for slaves via Delos led to an increase of piracy in the Aegean (14. 5. 2); and the degeneracy of the Scythians is put d o w n to Rome's corrupting influence, including the introduction of a seafaring life (7. 3. 7). So Strabo rejects the possibility of presenting R o m e as unambiguously opposed to piracy, but equally does not propound the image of Mithridates as the defender of Pontic civilization against the piratical Romans. Another theme in Strabo's description of the Cimmerian Bosporus, which reflects one of the principles of Mithridates V I Eupator's reign and may have a bearing on Strabo's perspective, is that of East and West united. Strabo as a native of the Pontic region was interested in its commercial contacts, both as a productive centre and as a trade-route, linking not only geographically disparate parts, but also bridging cultural gulfs. In Bosi's words, Strabo sees the Bosporus 'come centro di produzione granaria e come luogo di incontro fra i Greci e il m o n d o nomade'. 1 0 3 T h i s interest in points of contact between different cultural worlds reflects the Mithridatic image of integration between East and West. 1 0 4 T h e unity of Strabo's vision makes it all the harder to accept Lasserre's argument that Strabo reflected his eastern perspective in differentiating between Roman rule in the East and the West. Lasserre distinguishes between the progress of civilization through Roman conquest in the West, and Strabo's treatment of the Roman encroachment on the last refuges of independent Hellenism. Colonization in Asia M i n o r meant repression, not pacification. H e takes it that R o m e was to be seen as an occupying force, Strabo an outsider—'le G r e c d'Asie qu'il est pouvait admettre sa condition de sujet de l'empereur . . . sans étouffer en lui toute nostalgie de liberté'. 1 0 5 It is 103 Bosi, ' L a storia del Bosforo C i m m e r i o ' , 186: 'as a centre of cornproduction and as a meeting place between the G r e e k s and the nomadic world'. See Strabo 7. 4. 6 for the richness of the produce of the eastern Crimea. 104 Seen, according to M c G i n g , Foreign Policy of Mithridates, in the adoption of the image of Perseus (as a G r e e k hero with Persian associations) on coins of Mithridates I V and Mithridates V I (pp. 35 and 94 respectively). , 0 5 F. Lasserre, 'Strabon devant l ' E m p i r e romain', ANRW II 30.1, 892-3 for East v. West; 896 for Strabo on the outside: ' T h e Asian G r e e k , which he

noticeable, although not surprising given what we now know about the origins of Strabo and his family, that explicit autobiographical references tend to be concentrated in the sections of the work dealing with Asia M i n o r , rather than spread throughout the work. Strabo's eastern origins may be betrayed by occasional reflections of the ideologies of the Pontic dynasty, but it is hard to say that he really creates a Mithridatic world-view. 1 0 6 T h e ambiguity of his picture of the Pontic region and its recent history seems explicable in terms of his circumstances, not simply as an inhabitant of the Mithridatic kingdom, but as someone caught between allegiance to his native land and a strongly perceptible sympathy for the spread of Roman culture, involvement with the Roman élite, and admiration for Roman rule. T h e problem of the author's geographical focus and his spatial viewpoint is, in any case, complicated by the question of his various travels. T h e wanderings of the Odyssean Strabo are no less problematic than those of Polybius in a similar guise. T h e extent of Strabo's travels in Greece have been the subject of much debate. W h i l e Pais claims that Strabo knew little of Greece and had rarely visited it, W a d d y argues that he had in fact visited more places than he explicitly claims. 1 0 7 One is, could admit his position as subject of the emperor . . . without extinguishing in himself all nostalgia for liberty'. H o w e v e r , for a nuanced view of Romanization in the G r e e k East as a process of acculturation rather than imposition, see G . W o o l f , ' B e c o m i n g R o m a n , S t a y i n g Greek: Culture, Identity and the Civilizing Process in the R o m a n East', PCPS 40 (1994), 116-43. 106 But I w o u l d not go as far as to assert that his place of origin is irrelevant to our understanding of him as author of the Geography, following by analogy the assertion of M . Foucault, ' W h a t is an Author?', in P. Rabinow (ed.), The Foucault Reader (Harmondsworth, 1984), 106, that 'If I discover that Shakespeare was not born in the house that we visit today, this is a modification which, obviously, will not alter the functioning of the author's name. But if we proved that Shakespeare did not write those sonnets which pass for his, that would constitute a significant change.' It matters more than this, I think, that Strabo came from Amaseia, not least because it is one of very few pieces of autobiographical information that he chooses to give us. 107 L . W a d d y , ' D i d Strabo Visit Athens?', AjfA 67 (1963), 296-300, argues against the view that Strabo saw nowhere in G r e e c e at first hand except for Corinth. He points out the careful way in w h i c h Strabo treats sources including his own autopsy, rarely trusting casual or isolated pieces of

place that Strabo does claim to have visited is Corinth, where he saw the Roman restoration work (8. 6. 21). Wallace contends that Strabo's o w n experience of the place is evident in his account of the view from Acrocorinth, a novel way of arranging his description of the area, which breaks from his dependence on the periplus structure or on H o m e r ' s Catalogue, whereas elsewhere he 'follows the haphazard Homeric Catalogue line for line'. 1 0 8 Some clear references to Strabo's travels occur throughout the work. H e claims to have accompanied Aelius Gallus up the Nile and had detailed information about his expedition to Arabia Felix (2. 5. 12). H e saw temple-servants in Cappadocia and the stunning narrowing of the river Pyramus as it reaches the T a u r u s (12. 2. 3; 12. 2. 4); he gives details of the journey from Asia to Rome, by sea to Brundisium and then by road to Rome, a route which Strabo himself must have taken several times (6. 3. 7). 1 0 9 Pais claims that Strabo 'declares that he visited the entire inhabited world, from the shores of the Euxine to the borders of Ethiopia, and from Armenia as far as Populonia in Etruria', but this is simply incorrect. 1 1 0 Strabo does claim to have travelled to these places, but not that they constitute the whole inhabited world. In fact, Strabo goes so far as to say that these are the only parts of the world he has information. A fleeting visit to a place is not considered sufficiently important to be mentioned. Strabo probably passed through A t h e n s on one of his journeys from Asia M i n o r to R o m e , but did not consider himself sufficiently well acquainted with the place to claim autopsy as he does for Corinth. T h e description that Strabo gives of A t h e n s fits well with the devastation that it suffered at Sulla's hands in 87/6 BC; the city described also by Servius Sulpicius R u f u s to Cicero in 45 BC as nunc prostrata et diruta (Ad jam. 4. 5. 4). T h i s view is supported by Strabo's c o m m e n t concerning Eratosthenes (1. 2. 2) that to write about the Mediterranean without seeing A t h e n s w o u l d lay one open to criticism. P. W . Wallace, 'Strabo on Acrocorinth', Hesperia, 38 (1969), 498. F. Coarelli, 'Strabone: R o m a e il Lazio', in Italia Antica, 7 5 - 9 1 , has discussed Strabo's knowledge of L a t i u m . H e concludes that Strabo had a good knowledge of the Via A p p i a , of Ostia, A n t i u m , Sperlonga, T i v o l i , Praeneste, T u s c u l u m , L a n u v i u m , Aricia, and several other places close to R o m e (pp. 79-80); but that his knowledge of the Via Latina was patchy. T h e area between the Viae A p p i a and Latina is particularly badly covered, reinforcing the non-continuous nature of space in the work. 1 1 0 Pais, Ancient Italy, 4 1 7 - 1 8 . 108 109

v i s i t e d — f o r the rest he has had to rely on w h a t other travellers have said (2. 5. 11). T h e successive physical locations of S t r a b o do not, h o w e v e r , represent the only alternative to a purely R o m a n focus for the w o r k . A n examination of the phrases used to denote events w h i c h related to S t r a b o himself suggests a new possibility for the spatial focus of the Geography. T h r o u g h self-referential phrases w e gain a subtle picture of w h e r e w e m i g h t locate Strabo as an author, and it is interesting to find that this is quite different f r o m either of the most o b v i o u s f o c i — R o m e and the Pontic region. M a n y of the oblique self-references in the Geography are orientated to locating the author in time more than in space, but one particular phrase meaning 'in m y t i m e ' — καθ' ήμάς—is used in a w a y w h i c h carries more specifically spatial implications, and it is to this phrase that I n o w turn. 1 1 1 B y far the largest category of references to w h i c h καθ1 ημάς is applied is the life and works of the intellectuals of the G r e e k East. It is striking that over t w o - t h i r d s of its occurrences are f o u n d in Books 1 2 - 1 5 , dealing with A s i a M i n o r , particularly the Hellenized coast. T h i s geographical bias in the distribution cannot be adequately explained in terms of S t r a b o ' s b a c k ground in A m a s e i a , w h i c h is rather far r e m o v e d f r o m the parts covered b y the phrase. O f the relevant occurrences, two-thirds are connected w i t h the intellectual activity of the area, rather than w i t h political events. A s S t r a b o m o v e s f r o m city to city, he lists their f a m o u s alumni after describing the places themselves. T h o s e writers and philosophers w h o are S t r a b o ' s peers are described as καθ'ημάς. S t r a b o certainly does not ignore political aspects of the present day in this region; far f r o m it, as w e shall see. It is thus all the more significant that he distinguishes between political events, w h i c h are described impersonally as w ( ' n o w ' ) , and the intellectual life of the G r e e k East, w h i c h is given a temporal indicator linking it directly with the author and his o w n self-representation. 1 1 2 I h a v e set out the a r g u m e n t s in C l a r k e , ' I n S e a r c h of the A u t h o r ' , 1 0 7 - 8 . καθ'ημάς is u s e d o f c o n t e m p o r a r y intellectuals f r o m M y t i l e n e 13. 2. 3; P e r g a m u m 13. 4. 3; A n t i o c h on the M a e a n d e r 13. 4. 15; M i l e t u s 14. 1. 7; N y s a 14. ι . 42; R h o d e s 14. 2. 13; C n i d u s 14. 2. 15; H a l i c a r n a s s u s 14. 2. 16; C o s 14. 2. 19; M y l a s a 14. 2. 24; Seleuceia on the C a l y c a d n u s 14. 5. 4; T a r s u s 14. 5. 14. 111 112

T h e specialized use of καθ'ημάς in relation to particular notes in S t r a b o ' s account of the A s i a M i n o r coast provides an important insight into the geographical outlook w h i c h the author created as part of his o w n persona. T h a t is, w h i l e he centred the w o r l d w h i c h he described on the city of R o m e , to w h i c h all regions were linked through the constant flow in that direction of goods, people, resources, and ideas, for himself, in his capacity as an author, there was an additional, m a y b e even alternative, location in the intellectual circles of A s i a M i n o r . T h e issue of w h e t h e r this is a 'spatial' or an 'ideological' location seems to m e to miss the point. By aligning himself intellectually w i t h the w o r l d of the G r e e k East, S t r a b o creates a mental image of the w o r l d in w h i c h our eyes are d r a w n not only to R o m e , b u t also to A s i a M i n o r , w h e r e the author places himself and his educational milieu. T h e focus is spatial in so far as it has a notional location on the m a p , b u t also ideological in so far as the author's b a c k g r o u n d inevitably i n f o r m s his outlook. F u r t h e r m o r e , the d o u b l e focus has certain implications for the w a y w e view S t r a b o ' s presence within or absence f r o m the text, since, if the author and text have separate geographical foci, the author m a y gain an identity w h i c h is independent of the text. H o w this affects the 'objectivity' of the a c c o u n t is a topic that has been discussed at length by m o d e r n geographers."3 Strabo never names himself, and he does not follow in the tradition of most G r e e k historians in b u i l d i n g up a coherent prefatory autobiography, although it is possible that he had already done this in his o w n History. In formal terms, he is relatively absent f r o m his text, and the distancing effect of this is backed up b y his normal practice of using the first-person plural to refer to himself. T h i s m a y have a similar effect to the passive voice adopted b y m o d e r n scientists in order to m a k e the presentation of their results seem more objective, less prone to h u m a n interference, interpretation, and error. It is neither possible nor even desirable to insert S t r a b o precisely into the m o d e r n debate. H e is largely absent f r o m his account of the world, but not like m o d e r n geographers in a post-colonial reaction; and although it is interesting for us to 113

See above, pp. 33-6, with Clarke, 'In Search of the A u t h o r ' , 92-8.

try to 'situate' his knowledge of the world, my reasons for doing this are not those initially formulated by the feminist geographers. I am not attempting to show the limitations of his viewpoint in the hope that someone will write the 'antiStrabonian' world to redress the ideological balance. T h a t is clearly a fruitless way to approach an ancient text. If anything, Strabo himself should have been the prime candidate to write a version of the Roman world from a marginal viewpoint. A s I hope to have shown, he failed to rise to the occasion. But Strabo's relative lack of personal involvement in the main description does not give grounds for belittling his knowledge as coming from a limited, unacknowledged viewpoint. Rather, his creation of a second spatial focus for himself, distinct from the focus that he gives to the world he describes, opens up new possibilities of interpretation and gives a far more accurate picture of the background against which the project was undertaken. T h i s focus is not autobiographically determined in the sense of being connected with Strabo's native Pontic region, but is linked specifically to the intellectual milieu in w h i c h Strabo was educated and in which he formed his view of the world, in relation both to his own experience and to the tradition of writing about the world that had been developing, in his opinion, since the time of Homer.

Ν

Strabo and Time

THE A

PROBLEM CHANGING

OF

TIME:

WORLD

A s I discussed in chapter I, one of the m a j o r distinctions proposed between geography and history lies in their temporal focus. A l t h o u g h the logic behind this does not stand up to scrutiny, the notion still remains strong in our m i n d s and, for once, the p r o b l e m is not one of anachronism. S t r a b o himself repeatedly asserted that g e o g r a p h y should deal with the present day. H o w e v e r , as I shall argue, the majority of Strabo's Geography was, in fact, concerned with the past rather than the present. In the last chapter I considered ' S t r a b o and space', his use of different spatial systems, and the placing of himself and his work in a 'geographical' tradition w h i c h had as its primary concern the description of space and place. I shall n o w turn to the question of ' S t r a b o and time', w h i c h can be justified on several grounds. Firstly, Strabo himself raised p r o b l e m s over the temporal aspect of geography; secondly, space and time together are matrices against w h i c h the w o r l d is c o m m o n l y described; thirdly, I wish to show that geography, and particularly Strabo's Geography, does have a significant timeelement extending b e y o n d the present, thus c o n f o u n d i n g one traditional view of the distinction between geography and history. S t r a b o ' s view of the temporal focus of his account defies simple analysis. O n T h e s s a l y he says, Ί must o m i t all that is really ancient and mythical, and tell w h a t seems appropriate' (9. 4. 18); on the G e t a e , 'let ancient matters be omitted; the state of affairs in m y time is as f o l l o w s ' (7. 3. 11); later, 'Posidonius says that the ancient theory of atoms originated here (at S i d o n ) w i t h M o c h u s , before T r o j a n times, b u t let us leave out ancient matters . . . In m y time . . .' (16. 2. 24). F r o m

these statements Strabo seems clearly to have set out the temporal focus for a geographical w o r k as b e i n g the present R o m a n w o r l d . 1 But, quite apart f r o m the fact that this is not borne out b y the text, Strabo himself qualifies this objective, and at times o p e n l y contradicts it. S t r a b o sets out his general principle as being that 'it is necessary for the man w h o deals with the description of the earth (τήν της γ-ής ττερίοδον) to tell of things as they are n o w . . . and also some of the things that have happened in the past, especially w h e n they are n o t e w o r t h y ' (6. 1. 2). 2 A b o u t the Pontic region, he says Ί must speak in detail about h o w things are n o w , b u t also touch on a f e w things c o n c e r n i n g earlier events' (12. 3. 1). But these disclaimers do not account for the vast proportion of material about the past, c o n c e r n i n g not only the Pontic region, but almost e v e r y place mentioned in the work. 3 It is m y purpose in this chapter to investigate the role of time, both past and present, in the Geography. I shall consider the strategies adopted by S t r a b o for indicating time; in particular, to w h a t extent he was c o n c e r n e d w i t h precisely w h e n something happened, or was rather interested s i m p l y in the fact that a particular state of affairs preceded or followed another. A s w e have seen, Strabo both stresses his concentration on the present and the inappropriateness of discussion of the past in a geographical w o r k , and at the same time says that he will include historical material: an u n g e n e r o u s reading m i g h t c o n clude that he was s i m p l y incompetent. S t r a b o ' s profession to exclude the past is problematic, b u t not w h o l l y surprising. T h e idea that g e o g r a p h y deals w i t h the present and history w i t h the past has similarly been a c o m m o n t h e m e in the debate a m o n g 1

D. Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (London,

1724-6; refs. are to the P e n g u i n reprint of 1986), again provides a fascinating parallel for Strabo's text. D e f o e states in the preface (p. 45) that 'the situation of things is given not as they have been, but as they are; . . . all respects the present time, not the time past'. L i k e Strabo, D e f o e abandoned this aim almost immediately. 2 For an excellent treatment of the past in the work of another ancient geographer, Pausanias, see K . W . Arafat, Pausanias' Greece: Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers ( C a m b r i d g e , 1996). 1 T h e r e are some notable exceptions to this. T h e descriptions of India, the Arabian G u l f , and m u c h of Aethiopia seem to have few temporally determined features of any kind, either past or present.

m o d e r n geographers about the focus of their s u b j e c t . 4 In any case, S t r a b o had already written a history, at least partly dealing w i t h the past, and w h i c h he e x p e c t e d the readers of his Geography to k n o w . B u t it is hard to imagine w h a t a description of the w o r l d w h i c h had no temporal aspect w o u l d be like. S o w h a t are w e to m a k e of the professed concentration on the present, w h e n it is clear f r o m the text that this aim was abandoned b y S t r a b o j u s t as by those m o d e r n g e o g r a p h e r s w h o have considered the issue? I discussed in relation to P o l y b i u s and P o s i d o n i u s the parallels b e t w e e n geographical and historical processes, w h i c h make time an essential matrix of g e o g r a p h y as well as of history. E v e n physical g e o g r a p h y , w h i c h m i g h t seem more p e r m a n e n t than h u m a n g e o g r a p h y , cannot be c o n t e m p l a t e d w i t h o u t r o o m for discussion of change. s S t r a b o ' s interest in physical c h a n g e was, in fact, surprisingly limited, although he took its o c c u r rence for granted and e x p e c t e d the reader to do the same. T h a t some parts of the earth w e r e now inhabited, w h i l e they had previously been covered by sea, or vice versa; that fountains had dried up, while others had s p r u n g f o r t h — a l l this w a s a natural part of life (17. 1. 36). S t r a b o preserved the a r g u m e n t s of Strato of L a m p s a c u s , P o l y b i u s , Eratosthenes, and Posidonius c o n cerning changes in the physical w o r l d . 6 H o w e v e r , if physical g e o g r a p h y required discussion of the past, then all the more so did h u m a n g e o g r a p h y , w i t h its need to explain density of population in particular places due to the creation of cities, and the ethnic m a k e - u p of regions t h r o u g h mass-migrations. T h i s was the past in w h i c h S t r a b o was most interested, b r i n g i n g his Geography close to w h a t w e m i g h t term ' h u m a n g e o g r a p h y ' and to the kind of all-encompassing account of the h u m a n w o r l d I recall H . C . D a r b y , ' O n the Relations of G e o g r a p h y and History', TIBG 19 (1953), 6: ' T h e geography of the present day is but a thin layer that even at this m o m e n t is b e c o m i n g history.' Contra D a r b y , J. B. Mitchell, Historical Geography ( L o n d o n , 1954), 12: 'the historian does not b e c o m e a geographer when he studies the present'. See above, p. 15 with nn. 29 and 30, for these arguments. 4

See above, p. 16, for the importance of this element of change in the world in Vidal de la Blache's approach to geography and history in the late 19th cent. 6 T h e views of these intellectuals on, for example, changing sea-levels, the overflowing of seas, and the discovery of sea-fossils inland are to be found throughout Books 1 and 2. 5

exemplified by H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, w h i c h I discussed in chapter I. Strabo himself tried to explain w h y he needed to include such a sizeable amount of ancient material in the Geography. T h e whole question of geographical extinction was given prominence, predictably in connection with a people, the Aethices, w h o 'are said to be extinct n o w ' . S t r a b o defines extinction (εκλειφις) as having occurred either w h e n the people have vanished and their country has been deserted, or w h e n the ethnic name (το όνόμ,α το Ιθνίκον) has been lost and the political organization changed (9. 5. 12). It is interesting that Strabo seized on this p r o b l e m and attempted a definition. T h e r e are certainly m a n y e x a m p l e s of real εκλειφις in the work. Peoples came and went, making the introduction of material about the past all the more difficult.' It is clear that Strabo needed to formulate some w a y of dealing with the fact that the w o r l d described by his predecessors had now gone. T h e r e could be no predecessor for w h o m this was more true than the earliest 'geographer', H o m e r . 8 H o m e r i c geography was particularly problematic for Strabo, because H o m e r talked 'not about things as they are now, but of ancient matters, w h i c h time has mostly obscured' (8. 1. 1). T h e w o r l d that H o m e r knew was not only different f r o m Strabo's A u g u s t a n world, but also hard to retrieve because it was so distant in time. 9 Strabo gave his o w n explanation for w h y he did not simply leave aside the H o m e r i c p r o b l e m — Ί am c o m p a r i n g things as they are now with those told of by H o m e r , for it is necessary to make this 7 A variation on this idea is the inappropriate survival of city-names derived from local circumstances. Plataea near Lake Copais took its name from its lakeside position; the settlement then moved, but kept the name (9. 2. 17). 8 At 12. 3. 26 Strabo counters criticisms of Homer, arguing from the fact that the world had changed since he composed. 'It is not surprising that Homer does not mention Heracleia, Amastris, and Sinope, since they had not yet been synoecized.' 9 The point is made at 8. 5. 3 that many places in Homer's Catalogue no longer existed, or had changed names. The theme of recovery of the past was prominent in Diodorus' universal history. He stressed that inaccuracies should be forgiven since historians are only human (ως àv άνθρώττονς οντάς) and the truth of antiquity hard to discover (της iv τοίς παροιχομίνοις χράνοις αληθείας ονσης Bvaevpéτου) (ΐ3· 9°· 7)· See 3· 72. 2: the ancestry of Silenus, first king of Nysa, remained unknown because of its antiquity (δια τήν αρχαιότητα).

comparison because of the fame of the poet and because we have all been brought up together on him.' Strabo goes on to say that no subject has been satisfactorily treated until there is nothing in it which conflicts with the Homeric picture (8. 3. 3). T h e process Strabo describes was, in practice, sometimes reversed. Strabo's picture of Greece and the T r o a d seems to use Homer as a base, and to add details from later ages as relevant. However, it does give us some idea of the importance of Homeric geography in the world-view of Strabo and of his readership. If their knowledge of the world came from the Homeric epics, then that had to be incorporated into Strabo's account. T h i s is confirmed a few chapters later. Perhaps I would not examine ancient matters (τά παλαιά) at such length, but would merely tell how things are now, if there were not connected with these matters a tradition handed on (παραδεδομένη φήμη) to us from childhood; and since different people say different things, I must make a judgment . . . It is the most famous, the oldest, and the most experienced men who are believed; and since Homer has surpassed all others in these respects, I must inquire into his account and compare it with the present. (8. 3. 23)10 So, discussion of the vanished Homeric world could be justified because this was the picture which had most informed the mental geography of Strabo and the reader, although this hardly accounts for the vast and varied material about the past in the work. 1 1 T h e A m a z o n s provide a different instance of how accounts of the past had impinged significantly upon the present readership, to the extent that it was not only interesting, but necessary, to draw attention to a past world. Strabo explains that with most peoples, myth is kept apart from history, which desires the truth, whether ancient or recent, but with the Amazons, the same stories were told both in 1(1 M y view of Strabo's relationship to H o m e r has been greatly enlightened by conversations with Y u v a l Shahar. I look forward to the publication of his work.

" A s F. Prontera, ' L ' I t a l i a méridionale di Strabone. e storia', in Italia Antica, 103, notes, the Geography chorography and history of origins, which is dictated Homeric epics. T h e H o m e r i c world-view impressed places an inevitable historical trend, w h i c h meant that forced to be interested in the history of geography.

A p p u n t i tra geografia is an odd mixture of by the importance of on the geography of Greek geography was

antiquity and now, and the present stories told about them reinforce belief in the ancient accounts ( 1 1 . 5. 3). Whether we are meant to contrast myth and history, or ancient and modern history, is somewhat unclear, although it appears that Strabo is, to some extent, associating ancient history with myth. His point is that the A m a z o n s were different f r o m most peoples because there had been no real development in accounts about them. But Strabo had identified a problem in the fact that time altered both the world and the accounts given of it. T h e Amazons were exceptional in that tales told about them in the past were just as relevant as more recent accounts, but they raise a crucial, and more general, point w h i c h I discuss further below, namely that the picture of the world which Strabo presents is one made up of perceptions and traditions. In most places, time radically changed the landscape, the population, the urban structures, lifestyle, language, and political systems. 1 2 Occasionally, and not surprisingly, given the scope of his project, Strabo seems to have included information about the past, not because he wanted to show development through time, but simply because he was drawing on old sources. T h i s was one of the problems associated with a tradition. Individual studies often point to the fact that Strabo's material is out of date, such as the note on military levies by the Senate in the description of Cisalpine Gaul. 1 3 T h i s process appears in the text as a feature of the present, that is, Augustan, age, but by that time it would have been an imperial, rather than a senatorial, function, and Strabo's note must refer back to the period before Marius' reforms. 1 4 1 2 O n e of the few fields for w h i c h this was not true to the same extent was cult. G . Camassa, 'Problemi storico-religiosi dei libri di Strabone relativi all'Italia', in Italia Antica, 191-206, discusses how Strabo was concerned with the continuation of m y t h and cult into the present. 13 G . E. F . C h i l v e r , 'Strabo and Cisalpine G a u l : an A n a c h r o n i s m ' , JRS 28 (1938), 126-8, discussing Str. 5. 1. 1 1 . ' T h e whole chapter on Cisalpine G a u l , though valuable to us, was out-of-date when written' (p. 128). 14 See P. F u n k e , 'Strabone, la geografia storica e la struttura etnica della G r e c i a N o r d - O c c i d e n t a l e ' , in F. Prontera (ed.), Geografia storica della Grecia antica ( R o m e , 199t), 174-93, discussing a similar problem concerning Strabo's account of north-west G r e e c e . For this part of G r e e c e the first stages of R o m a n domination w o u l d be virtually u n k n o w n were it not for Strabo's text. S o , h o w can w e tell whether Strabo is up to date in his account, or not?

A clearer e x a m p l e of anachronism is given by the description of Crete. Here, h o w e v e r , the anachronism w o r k s in the other direction. T h e plausibility of S t r a b o ' s administrative divisions for the island, decided by K i n g M i n o s , has c o m e under the scrutiny of m o d e r n scholars. 1 5 S t r a b o ' s tripartite division does not seem sensible geographically and is d e e m e d b y Stergiopoulos as totally arbitrary and unjustified. T h e H o m e r i c evidence is of little help as it distinguishes five races on the island. A r c h a e o l o g y has revealed m a n y palace-like residences on the island, with no three o b v i o u s l y prominent. S t e r g i o p o u l o s ' theory is that S t r a b o starts f r o m the R o m a n advent in 67 BC, w h i c h b r o u g h t unity of administration with a g o v e r n o r and capital at G o r t y n , and retrojects this single figurehead on to the legendary administrator, M i n o s . T h e attempt at stability m a d e by C y d o n i a , Cnossus, and G o r t y n f o l l o w i n g the destruction of L y t t u s , and the s u b s e q u e n t success of these three cities, perhaps account for the supposition that C r e t e was once divided into three administrative districts. T h u s in this case the historical confusion leads to a c o n t e m p o r a r y situation being reflected in the account of a previous age. 1 6 S o , on the g r o u n d s both that the w o r l d had u n d e r g o n e significant changes and that sources f r o m the past informed the mental g e o g r a p h y of himself and his readership, S t r a b o p r o v i d e d some justification for i n c l u d i n g details about a w o r l d , or worlds, that no longer existed. B u t is this e n o u g h to explain his a b a n d o n m e n t of the aim to focus on the present, the p r o p e r field of g e o g r a p h y , as he saw it? H a v i n g looked at some of S t r a b o ' s professed objectives and explanations of the historical content of his Geography, it seems that the best w a y to assess the apparent disparity between theory and practice is to look at h o w the past is introduced, and w h a t roles it plays in the description.

C . D . Stergiopoulos, 'Strabon et la division administrative de la C r è t e ' , Revue Archéologique, 3 1 - 2 , 6th ser. (1949), 985-92, on Strabo 10. 4. 8. 16 T h e way in w h i c h Strabo's picture of the world refers to so many periods of history leads R . Nicolai, 'Scelte critico-testuali e problemi storici nei libri V e V I della Geografia di Strabone', in Italia Antica, 267-86, to see textual emendation on the grounds of anachronism as a last resort. 15

TEMPORAL

SYSTEMS:

ABSOLUTE

AND

RELATIVE

Firstly, h o w e v e r , I consider the various temporal systems found in the Geography, as well as some of those that were rejected. Just as different w a y s of indicating and conceptualizing space were either adopted, rejected, or transformed, so some m e t h o d for calibrating time in the Geography had to be devised. In particular I shall consider how coherent that m e t h o d was, and h o w similar it was to the dating systems used b y universal historians, such as D i o d o r u s and P o l y b i u s , w h i c h I discussed on pp. 1 0 - 1 3 . W a s Strabo really concerned to explain precisely w h e n anything happened, or was the interest in time subordinate to spatial considerations, supporting the characterization of history and g e o g r a p h y as concerned with time and space respectively? In answer to the question posed above, the similarity between the dating-systems used by P o l y b i u s or D i o d o r u s and those f o u n d in Strabo's Geography is negligible. Strabo does not date by O l y m p i a d s , archons, or consuls. 1 7 H e thus rejects in this work the systems adopted b y the universal historians (including perhaps himself in his o w n historical work), w h i c h could be applied across space and were largely unconnected with the events w h i c h they w e r e used to date. I consider later the implications of this for an understanding of Strabo's geographical conceptions, but for now turn to see w h a t Strabo does use to indicate time. I start with the system of chronological markers f o r m e d by w e l l - k n o w n points in history. T h e r e are three main examples of this p h e n o m e n o n ; two f r o m the distant past, and one f r o m very recent history. 1 8 T h e T r o j a n war appears regularly with a temporal function. Sardis' foundation, for example, was 'more recent than the T r o j a n war, but ancient nevertheless' (13. 4. 5). 1 9 T h e voyages of the Phoenicians took place 'slightly B u t he states, exceptionally, that C . A n t o n i u s f o u n d e d one of the cities w h i c h make up the T e t r a p o l i s of Cephallenia w h e n he w e n t into exile 'after his consulship w h i c h he held with C i c e r o ' (10. 2. 13). 17

18 Precisely fitting the 'hour-glass' model of Hellenistic historiography. I shall return later to this question of privileging periods of the past. 19 F o r m o r e examples of the T r o j a n war as a measure of time, see 13. 1. 22; 12. 8. 6.

after the events at T r o y ' (μικρόν των Τρωικών ύστερον), a fact w h i c h f o r m s part of the a r g u m e n t that the ancients m a d e longer sea-journeys than later travellers ( i . 3. 2). 20 A s will b e c o m e apparent, the effects of the p o s t - T r o j a n migrations played a crucial role in creating the w o r l d as described b y Strabo. 2 1 Just once, T r o j a n times (τα Τρωικά) are replaced b y the Iliadic w a r (ο Ίλιακος πόλεμος), but this can be explained b y the context (13. 1. 7). H e r e S t r a b o is explaining that the w h o l e of a particular stretch of coastline was subject to T r o y and Priam during the T r o j a n war, and was itself called T r o y . T o describe this period as τα Τρωικά w o u l d be c o n f u s i n g at the very least, since, for this area, τα Τρωικά had taken on a permanent spatial dimension, whereas in the context of any other city, the phrase w o u l d refer simply to the f a m o u s period of the war. A n o t h e r slight variation is the use of the heroic age as an indicator of time. Susa was described as h a v i n g been important 'in antiquity, in the time of the heroes' (15. 3. 2). T h e mythical return of the Heracleidae, like the T r o j a n war, had great ethnographical consequences and was also used to indicate time. Strabo c o m m e n t s at 12. 8. 4 on the confusion of peoples due to the m a n y migrations and colonizations of the T r o j a n period. 2 2 H e reveals that the effects of the return of the Heracleidae were just as far-reaching, and he uses the event as a chronological hook on w h i c h to pin other great migrations and ethnic changes. F o r example, at that time, the A c h a e a n s emigrated f r o m L a c o n i a to Ionia, leaving the Peloponnese to D o r i a n domination (8. 5. 5). A l s o at the time of their return the 20 A t ι . 2. 31 w e are told that there w a s no canal f r o m the A r a b i a n G u l f to the N i l e ' b e f o r e T r o j a n times'. T h i s is directly c o n t r a d i c t e d at 17. 1. 25, w i t h a note on Sesostris' a t t e m p t at s u c h a canal ' b e f o r e T r o j a n t i m e s ' (προ των Τρωικών). 21 A t 3. 2. 13 he m e n t i o n s that there w e r e still traces o f the w a n d e r i n g s of T r o j a n heroes in the region o f Iberia. A t 6. 1. 2 w e see G r e e k s r e t u r n i n g f r o m T r o y m a k i n g their mark on the settlements of the A d r i a t i c coast of Italy, starting από τών Τρωικών.

N o t e , h o w e v e r , that quarrels o v e r land o c c u r r e d also before T r o j a n times (προ τών Τρωικών), w h e n the Pelasgians and C a u c o n i a n s w e r e w a n d e r i n g a r o u n d E u r o p e . R h o d e s and C o s w e r e both already inhabited b e f o r e T r o j a n times (12. 8. 6). T h e T r o j a n period s h o u l d not be p r i v i l e g e d too m u c h in the other direction either. S t r a b o set the m i g r a t i o n s i m m e d i a t e l y f o l l o w i n g the T r o j a n w a r in the c o n t e x t of later migrations, attacks, and f o u n d a t i o n s 22

(12. 8. 7)·

Ionians moved to join the Carians in Epidaurus (8. 6. 15). Attica too was affected: many people were driven out of their native lands, and Attica was full of exiles, w h i c h worried the Dorian Heracleidae. T h e y attacked Attica, only to be driven back from all except the Megarian territory, on w h i c h they founded the city of that name (9. 1. 7). 23 O n e feature of this early period, which Strabo treats extensively and w h i c h provides a striking example of noncity history, is the development of the O l y m p i c festival. 2 4 T h i s forms an important link between Strabo's chronological markers and the Olympiadic time-system regularly used by G r e e k historians, such as T i m a e u s , Polybius, and Diodorus, although Strabo himself does not exploit the link elsewhere for dating purposes. T h e Eleians, we are told, were not prosperous during the T r o j a n period, or before it, having been humbled by the Pylians and afterwards by Hercules, when K i n g A u g e a s was overthrown. But later still, 'after the return of the Heracleidae', the opposite was the case, for the Aetolians, having returned at the same time under the leadership of O x y l u s , enlarged Coele Elis and gained control of Olympia. T h e s e were the founders of the O l y m p i c games, and celebrated the first Olympiads, but from this time on until the 26th Olympiad, the Eleians were in charge of the temple and the games. 2 5 Alongside the semi-mythical events of the T r o j a n war and the return of the Heracleidae, the battle of A c t i u m seems an incongruous chronological marker, being a real historical event that occurred in Strabo's own lifetime. Strabo does not use it as regularly as the other two, but he uses it sufficiently often for it to be regarded as one of the important fixed points in history. Large numbers of veterans were, for example, settled at Patrae 'after the battle of A c t i u m ' (8. 7. 5). T h e embassy from G y a r u s , mentioned above (p. 219), went to see Octavian T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n ties in w i t h 6. 2. 4 on the relationship b e t w e e n the f o u n d a t i o n of M e g a r a and those o f N a x u s , C r o t o n , and S y r a c u s e . A l l of these events h a p p e n e d after T r o j a n times (μετά τα Τρωικά) and all after the death of C o d r u s , w h i c h fits in w i t h S t r a b o ' s p l a c i n g of the return of the H e r a c l e i d a e after the T r o j a n w a r . 24 T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of the festival and g a m e s is to be f o u n d at 8. 3. 30. 25 A t 8. 4. ι the T r o j a n w a r also seems to predate the return of the Heracleidae. A t 13. 1. 3 an interval of sixty years is p r o p o s e d . 23

at C o r i n t h , on his w a y to celebrate his victory in this battle (10. 5. 3). T h e attack on the R o m a n s by A d i a t o r i x , the Galatian, w h o received f r o m A n t o n i u s the Heracliot part o f Heracleia Ponticus, took place 'shortly before events at A c t i u m ' (μικρόν προ τών Άκτιακών) (ιζ. 3· 6); after O c t a v i a n ' s victory at A c t i u m , A d i a t o r i x was killed. T h e consequences of A c t i u m for the cities of Asia M i n o r can be seen in the case of A m i s u s . A f t e r being given by A n t o n i u s to the kings, it was freed again b y O c t a v i a n after his victory, and restored to g o o d g o v e r n m e n t (12. 3. 14). T h e final reference to A c t i u m c o m e s in S t r a b o ' s s u m m a r y of E g y p t i a n history f r o m the death of A l e x a n d e r to the present day, where it is used to mark the end of E g y p t ' s rule by d r u n k e n violence ( 1 7 . 1. 11). It is not surprising that the regions w h o s e past is most c o m m o n l y marked out by reference to the battle are E g y p t and Asia M i n o r , A n t o n i u s ' official sphere of influence. T h e s e w e r e clearly the places w h i c h had most to gain or lose b y the o u t c o m e of the battle. Perhaps w e could c o n c l u d e that these three chronological p o i n t s — t h e T r o j a n war, the return of the Heracleidae, and the battle of A c t i u m — h a d one important feature in c o m m o n , n a m e l y their implications for the w a y S t r a b o ' s w o r l d looked. T h e first two resulted in large-scale migration. A c t i u m determined the course of another great phase in R o m a n history, the principate, and had far-reaching consequences, particularly for the East. C h r o n o l o g i c a l markers offer a fairly crude measure of time, especially w h e n the dates of the markers themselves are uncertain. T h e y are, h o w e v e r , more precise than using w o r d s like 'earlier' or 'later'; or simply contrasting some imprecise point in the past with the present state of affairs t h r o u g h the pair 'previously : n o w ' (το παλαιόν or πάλαι : νϋν or νυνί). Y e t these vague temporal indicators are e x t r e m e l y c o m m o n in the Geography. T h e A l l o b r o g e s , for example, used to w a g e m a n y wars previously (πρότερον μεν), but n o w (vvv Se) they were farmers (4. 1. 11); the Iapodes, w h o w e r e previously (πρότερον) well-supplied and strong t h r o u g h piracy, had n o w been vanquished by A u g u s t u s (4. 6. 10). T h e Siceli and M o r g e t e s , according to A n t i o c h u s of S y r a c u s e , inhabited the region around R h e g i u m in antiquity (TO παλαιόν), but later (ύστερον) they crossed to Sicily (6. 1. 6); the name of Sicily itself was

formerly (πρότερον) T r i n a c r i a , but later (ύστερον) T h r i n a c i s (6. 2. 1). T h i s is a standard way of signalling c h a n g e over time, and it seems that, since the precise time is clearly irrelevant, S t r a b o ' s focus is on the facts that change has occurred but that the old name, location, or inhabitants are still significant factors in the identity of the place. T h i s basic structure is often refined. T h e past (το παλαιόν) is sometimes subdivided into early and late antiquity. Eratosthenes said that early M e d i t e r r a n e a n v o y a g e s were made in the name of piracy, but that later in ancient times (ύστερον...το παλαιόν) people were afraid to travel (1. 3. 2). Strabo's answer to this is that the truth of the assertion depended on w h a t was meant by 'people in the past' (ot πάλαι)·, h o w far back 'the past' really was. T h e n u m b e r of stages identified by relative expressions of time is often greater than two. C o m u m used to be of moderate size (1), but P o m p e i u s Strabo settled a R o m a n colony there (2); then ( ε ί τ α ) G a i u s Scipio added 3,000 colonists (3); είτα Julius Caesar added 5,000 more (4) (5. 1. 6). T h e sequence often, but not exclusively, ends with the present situation. T h e Samnitae previously ( π ρ ό τ ε ρ ο ν μεν) m a d e expeditions to A r d e a ; after this (μετά δε ταύτα) they ravaged C a m p a n i a ; and now (νυνί δε) they have been totally s u b d u e d b y Sulla and others (5. 4. 11). O n e variation on the theme is that of the succession of empires or individual rulers over a region. Asia was prone to the successive take-over b y great powers, w h i c h structured its past in a w a y w h i c h was particularly appropriate to a geographical account. W e are told f e w details about the dates involved. T h i s is a relative historical pattern, revealing that χ ruled; then y; then z. G r e a t e r A r m e n i a is described as h a v i n g ruled the w h o l e of Asia in the past (το παλαιόν) after having broken up the empire of the Syrians; later (ύστερον δε) the A r m e n i a n s were deprived of their p o w e r b y C y r u s and the Persians; and n o w Parthia was in c o m m a n d ( 1 1 . 13. 5). 26 T h e T r o a d had a long ' r u l e r - h i s t o r y ' — a f t e r the fall of T r o y , the P h r y g i a n s and M y s i a n s w e r e supreme; then later (είθ' ύστερον) the L y d i a n s , Aeolians, and Ionians; next (cVciTa) the Persians and M a c e d o n i a n s ; and finally (τελευταίοι) the R o m a n s (12. 4. 6). 26

A few chapters later, Strabo enlarges the sequence to include the Medes.

Both sequences significantly end with the present day, a point to w h i c h I shall return. T h e g r o w t h of R o m e f r o m its b e g i n n i n g s as a city to its acquisition of a w o r l d empire provides an extreme example of h o w these chronological indicators were accumulated. A f t e r the foundation of the city, it was ruled b y kings for m a n y generations (ewi 7τολλάς γενεάς), until the reign of T a r q u i n i u s S u p e r b u s . T h e n the city gradually expanded until it was lost to the G a u l s , an event dated more precisely than almost any other in the work to 'the nineteenth year after the naval battle at A e g o s p o t a m i ' , at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. It is no surprise to find that this precision was not S t r a b o ' s o w n , but an a c k n o w l e d g e d debt to Polybius. 2 7 T h e subsequent g r o w t h of R o m e , f o l l o w i n g its recovery f r o m the G a u l s , was charted in successive phases, signified b y 'firstly' (πρώτον μεν) for the initial expansion to incorporate the Latins, and then by three instances of 'then' (είτα). T h i s system tells little about the precise chronology, but it does effectively reflect the continual expansion of R o m a n p o w e r . T h e Hannibalic invasion then led to the second P u n i c war, and the third occurred 'not m u c h later'. A t the same time the R o m a n s gained m u c h of L i b y a and Iberia. T h e sequence continues, w i t h the w o r l d gradually c o n q u e r e d — o n e area, and later (ύστερον) another, and last of all (ΰστάτους) another. Strabo further breaks d o w n the conquest of Celtica into clearly marked phases—firstly piecemeal (πρότερον κατά μέρος), later (uarepov) by Julius Caesar, and after this (μετά ταύτα) by A u g u s t u s . T h e description ends with an extremely brief s u m m a r y of the state of the empire in Strabo's time. T h i s passage raises the question of h o w S t r a b o indicates the difference in time between any one preferred chronological 27 6. 4. 2: ετει εννεακαιδεκάτω μετά τήν εν Αίγος ποταμοίς ναυμαχίαν, κατά τήν επ' ΆνταΧκίδον γενομένην είρήνην. S e e Pol. 1. 6. 1 - 2 : ITOÇ μΐν ουν ενειστήκει μετά τήν εν Αιγός ποταμοΐς νανμαχιαν εννεακαιδέκατον . . . εν φ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μεν τήν επ* Άνταλκίδου λεγομενην ειρήνην προς βασιλέα τών Περσών εκύρωααν ('it was, therefore, the nineteenth year after the sea-battle at A e g o s p o t a m i . . . the year in w h i c h the Spartans ratified the so-called peace of A n t a l c i d a s w i t h the Persian king'). N o t e that P o l y b i u s is m o r e specific than e v e n S t r a b o ' s m o s t precise c h r o n o l o g i c a l reference. P o l y b i u s elaborates on the P e a c e of A n t a l c i d a s , and also r e m a r k s that this was the sixteenth year b e f o r e the battle of L e u c t r a and d u r i n g the siege of R h e g i u m by D i o n y s i u s the E l d e r .

marker and the events narrated. T h i s difference is often not specified, but Strabo sometimes denotes time difference simply by a n u m b e r of years, although not with P o l y b i u s ' precision. 2 " E v e n the early history of R o m e could be pinned d o w n to a time-scale in years, although the n u m b e r s w e r e clearly round figures. T h e stories about A m o l l i u s and his brother, N u m i t o r , are placed '400 years' after the time of A e n e a s and K i n g L a t i n u s (5. 3. 2). T h e generation also appears f r e q u e n t l y as a unit of time. T y r t a e u s said that the first c o n q u e s t of Messenia took place at the time of their fathers' fathers (κατά τους τών πατέρων πατέρας) (8. 4· Ι Ο ) · T h i s is clearly an instance w h e r e Strabo is simply adopting the f o r m u l a used by his source, b u t the application of 'familial time' s o m e t i m e s includes also selfreferential phrases. T h e orator M e n i p p u s Catocas was born in Stratoniceia 'at the time of our fathers' (κατά τους πατέρας ημών) ( ΐ 4 · 2. 25)· Laodiceia was small in the past, but had b e c o m e large 'in our time and that of our fathers' (12. 8. 16). 2 9 S t r a b o ' s chronology of the Ionian colonization e m p l o y s almost every m e t h o d of indicating time that I have mentioned (13. ι . 3). T h e Aeolians sent colonies to Ionia four generations before the great colonization f r o m A t h e n s , but they w e r e delayed and so took longer. T h e initial expedition was led by Orestes; he was succeeded b y his son, Penthilus, w h o arrived in T h r a c e sixty years after the T r o j a n war, at around the time of the return of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnese. It took t w o more generations for the expedition to reach L e s b o s . A n o t h e r e x a m p l e of the b u i l d - u p of a relative c h r o n o l o g y for events concerns T a r a s in southern Italy. T h e foundation of T a r a s takes us back to the eighth century and near to the time of the Messenian wars. Its history, as given b y S t r a b o , includes details f r o m almost every century between then and S t r a b o ' s o w n time (6. 3. 4). T h e T a r a n t i n i were once (ποτέ) p o w e r f u l ; their later (ύστερον) wealth and prosperity led to poor g o v e r n ment, so they sent for A l e x a n d e r the M o l o s s i a n to lead their T h e Roman victory over the Sallyes occurred in the 'eightieth year of the war' (Str. 4. 6. 3); the conquest of Iberia was not completed until the '200th year [sc. after it was started], or even longer' (3. 4. 5). 29 See also 8. 6. 20 on the Cypselids who ruled Corinth 'for three generations' (τριγονιας); ίο. 4. 18 on Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver who lived five generations after Althaemenes. 28

wars against the Messapians and L u c a n i a n s (fourth century), and even earlier ( e n πρότερον) for A r c h i d a m u s (fifth century), and then (είτα) for P y r r h u s , w h e n they f o r m e d a league w i t h h i m against the R o m a n s (early third century). A t the time of the wars w i t h Hannibal (late third century) they lost their f r e e d o m , but later received a colony of R o m a n s , and n o w lived in peace (first century). S t r a b o s h o w s a steady degree of interest t h r o u g h o u t the history of the city, b u t this account also raises the issue of the order of information, since the f o u r t h - c e n t u r y intervention of A l e x a n d e r the M o l o s s i a n is f o l l o w e d rather than preceded in the account by A r c h i d a m u s ' actions in the fifth century. Strabo regularly, but for no apparent reason, abandons chronological sequence in describing events. Potidaea was f o u n d e d by Corinthians, and later called Cassandreia after Cassander, w h i c h m o v e s us significantly f o r w a r d in time to the Hellenistic age. B u t the account then m o v e s far back in time to explain that even earlier giants lived here in Phlegra, but that these w e r e subsequently destroyed b y H e r c u l e s o n his w a y back f r o m T r o y ( F r . 7. 25). A g a i n , strict chronological sequence is abandoned, and f r o m the present, w e m o v e to the remotest point in the narrative of this place before filling in the gap. 3 0 T h i s disregard for chronological order is seen also in the case of Laodiceia, small in f o r m e r days, large in Strabo's o w n time, d a m a g e d b y siege in b e t w e e n these t w o points by Mithridates Eupator. T h e city was m a d e great partly t h r o u g h the wealth of its citizens; f o r m e r l y (πρότερον) by H i e r o n , later (ύστερον) by Z e n o the rhetor and his son, P o l e m o n , w h o b e c a m e king of P o n t u s and Bosporus, w h i c h he w a s given earlier (πρότερον) b y A n t o n i u s ; and after this (μετά ταύτα) by A u g u s t u s (12. 8. 16). S o m e t i m e s history turned full cycle in the fortunes of a city. C n o s s u s was praised by H o m e r and his successors; for a long time it was s u p r e m e on Crete; later («Va) it was h u m b l e d , and L y c t u s and G o r t y n took s u p r e m a c y ; b u t later still C n o s s u s recovered its ancient dignity as metropolis (10. 4. 7). 10 G . D . Massaro, Ί moduli della narrazione storica nel libri di Strabone sull'Italia méridionale', in Strabone II, 8 1 - 1 1 7 , discusses the question of the structuring of the south Italian past excellently, but perhaps ignores the fact that the past was not always related in a straight line.

T h i s survey of the techniques w h i c h Strabo uses to indicate time in the Geography leads to some preliminary conclusions w h i c h will be developed later in this chapter and in chapter V I . S t r a b o is not obsessed in this work with precise chronological details, nor with the construction of a coherent system w h i c h m i g h t be universally applied, nor does he necessarily adhere to chronological order in his account of places. Rather, as w e shall see in the next section, he is concerned with particular m o m e n t s of transformation in the past w h i c h have remained important for the present identity and perception of a place.

THE

PAST

IN

THE

geography

I n o w turn to consider the nature of the past in the Geography. W a s Strabo indiscriminately interested in any information that was available to him, in the m o u l d of the ancient compiler? O r does he reveal his o w n agenda for describing his view of the world of the past? I divide references to the past into different categories, although this obscures s o m e t h i n g of the overall effect. Firstly, I consider literary history, including that of his o w n text, w h i c h is extensive e n o u g h to have a c o m p l e x history of its o w n , and that of the w h o l e tradition, starting f r o m H o m e r , and in w h i c h Strabo participated. S e c o n d l y , I consider the history of cities mentioned by Strabo, and the way in w h i c h the past of settlements is structured into significant stages concerned with foundation, refoundation, renaming, and destruction, that is, the various w a y s in w h i c h cities are born and die, and so appear on and disappear f r o m the w o r l d - m a p . Finally, I m o v e to non-city history, and its differences in structure f r o m that of the cities. Textual

time: Strabo and the

tradition

S o m e of the most self-referential temporal reflections in S t r a b o ' s Geography occur in connection with his o w n text and with the w a y in w h i c h it fitted into the tradition of geographical writing. T h e r e is a history of the text itself, and a history of geographical writings, both of w h i c h give the text a temporal dimension w h i c h is independent of the historical events that appear within it. T h e r e are far too m a n y instances of internal textual time to

mention all of t h e m , but a few examples will give a sense of the kind of history that is involved here. S t r a b o often professes to be proceeding 'in order' (εφεξής), not quite equivalent to D i o d o r u s ' repetition of the phrase 'at the appropriate m o m e n t ' (év τοις οίκείοις χρόνοις), meaning that e v e r y t h i n g has a place in the text and that he cannot recount w h a t he k n o w s about an event until he reaches its appointed time; 3 1 but Strabo does e m p l o y similar techniques of postponement. T h e subject of the Cauconians, for example, arises because of the t o m b of their founder, C a u c o n , in the territory of L e p r e u m . B u t Strabo says that he will tell more about the people, w h e n he comes to their region, preserving the order of the text (8. 3. 17). A g a i n , of the Paphlagonians, he says that he will discuss them later, but talk now about the Pontic region (12. 3. 9). 32 T h e opposite of postponement, regression, is equally important to the ordering of the text. K e e p i n g the description satisfactorily arranged was not easy, and Strabo occasionally has to go back on his tracks to pick up f r o m an earlier point. T h i s is particularly problematic w h e n he has m o v e d inland for any length of time, losing the thread of the predominantly periplus structure. A t 13. 1. x, h a v i n g dealt with the P h r y g i a n tribes, he explicitly m o v e s b a c k w a r d s (επανιόντες . . . πάλιν) to the Propontis to continue the j o u r n e y d o w n the coast. T h e language of return is highly reminiscent of D i o d o r u s ' need to recount the earlier history of his present theme. F o r D i o d o r u s the return was temporal, for Strabo it was a geographical regression, b u t for both the m o d e of expression was the same. T h e necessity to go back also occurs w h e n Strabo has s u m m a r i z e d a region, and then wants to fill in the details, as happens in his description of the Ionian cities. 3 3 A f t e r giving a brief account of the whole w a v e of colonization that resulted in the foundations, he then returns to describe each city in detail, 31 F o r examples of this phrase, see D i o d o r u s 4. 23; 5. 6; 5. 21; 5. 84; 13. 96; 20. 2. 32 T r o y too is postponed until later in favour of telling about O l y m p u s at 12. 8. 8; and the inland Dardanians are put off until later so that the coast maybe dealt with first (7. 5. 7). 33 W e have already seen how this pattern of an overview, followed by a more detailed discussion of what happens between the limits of the theme, is frequently adopted by Strabo in relating the history of individual places, sacrificing strict chronological order.

starting w i t h the places w h e r e the foundations first o c c u r r e d , that is, with M i l e t u s and E p h e s u s (14. 1. 4). S o m e t i m e s previous parts of the text are alluded to w i t h o u t a lengthy digression. W h e n S t r a b o describes the A e t h i o p i a n s in Book 17, he recalls that they have already been discussed earlier (iv τοις πρότερον), in his account of the A r a b i a n G u l f ( 1 7 . 2. 1). T h e s e passages give s o m e idea of the text's o w n temporal structure t h r o u g h w h i c h S t r a b o m o v e s b a c k w a r d s or f o r w a r d s , and w h i c h is denoted b y the same temporal indicators as the real history described in it. T h u s he creates a c o m p l e x , t w o tiered, temporal system, i n v o l v i n g b o t h literary and historical time. B u t this is further complicated by the w a y in w h i c h S t r a b o refers to the history of the literary tradition w h i c h he f o l l o w e d . I have already discussed s o m e of the spatial models implicit in the geographical tradition within w h i c h he wrote, and the w a y that a new spatial f o c u s in S t r a b o ' s relationship to other authors of the G r e e k East e m e r g e s f r o m his use of certain self-referential temporal phrases. B u t there is also a purely temporal d i m e n s i o n to the question. W e have to deal with not only historical time, and the time of S t r a b o ' s text itself, b u t also the literary time that is external to the Geography. R e f e r e n c e s to literary predecessors w e r e far more c o m m o n in ancient literature than in m o d e r n writing, and debts to the tradition w e r e e m b r a c e d rather than feared as a sign of lack of originality. 3 4 T h u s it is totally w i t h o u t surprise that S t r a b o started his work by e v o k i n g the history of his subject so far, starting f r o m its founder, H o m e r . T h e fact that S t r a b o ' s w o r k followed in the footsteps of great literary figures f r o m the past could only add to its prestige. O u r first instance of a clearly graded d e v e l o p m e n t appears in the first chapter and refers to D . A m b a g l i o , 'Strabone e la storiografia greca frammentaria', in Studi di storia e storiografia antiche per Emilio Gabba ( C o m o , 1988), 73-83, notes the way in w h i c h S t r a b o tended to acknowledge openly his debt to other writers, but also points out the difficulties involved in determining to what extent we can read the original author from S t r a b o ' s citations and how m u c h has been filtered through intermediary sources. By examining Strabo's treatment of Herodotus, whose text we know independently, A m b a g l i o argues for caution when trying to reconstruct lesser-known, or fragmentary, texts. L . Prandi, ' L a critica storica di Strabone alia geografia di Erodoto', CISA 14 (1988), 5 2 72, also argues that Strabo's knowledge of Herodotus may have come through Callisthenes. 34

the history of g e o g r a p h y itself. ' T h e first to discuss the subject w e r e . . ., those after t h e m . . (1. 1. i). 3 S S o o n after this, S t r a b o names the author of the first m a p as A n a x i m a n d e r . T h e history of cartography is picked u p again in Book 2 in connection w i t h discussion of Eratosthenes, and H i p p a r c h u s , w h e r e these are set against the evidence of the ancient m a p s (2. ι . 4). Strabo was keen also to establish a c h r o n o l o g y for the d e v e l o p m e n t of other literary genres. Poetry c a m e first, and there then followed authors s u c h as C a d m u s , P h e r e c y d e s , and Hecataeus, w h o initiated the transition to prose ( 1 . 2 . 6). O f his o w n time S t r a b o says that history and p h i l o s o p h y w e r e the p r e d o m i n a n t literary f o r m s . G e o g r a p h y is g i v e n no clear place in this scheme, b u t w e are surely being e n c o u r a g e d to consider the Geography as part of a literary c o n t i n u u m , a view reinforced by the list of authors w h o reveal ancient k n o w l e d g e of the w o r l d . H o m e r is u n d e r s t o o d as the 'inventor' (πρώτος εύρετής) of the tradition, b u t his account of, for e x a m p l e , the S c y t h i a n s or H i p p e m o l g i can be legitimately backed u p b y information given in the w o r k s of H e r o d o t u s on D a r i u s ' expedition, of C h r y s i p p u s on the kings of the Bosporus, o f Anacharsis and of A b a r i s (7. 3. 8). 36 T h e use of historical accounts in support of the g e o g r a p h y gleaned f r o m the H o meric epics gives s o m e indication of w h y S t r a b o included all literary f o r m s in his a c c o u n t of the d e v e l o p m e n t of g e o g r a phy. 3 7 T h i s is confirmed in the preface to Book 8, w h e r e S t r a b o 35 A t 2. ι . i l , S t r a b o asks us to c o m p a r e earlier and later g e o g r a p h e r s (οί παλαιοί a n d oî ύστερον). T h e fact that b o t h g r o u p s agree (2. 1. 14) on the fertility of India s o m e h o w guarantees the t r u t h of the assertion. 36 T h e dates of these a u t h o r s range f r o m the 8th to the 3rd cent. BC. T h e c o n t i n u a t i o n of the e x c u r s u s t h r o u g h to the age of A l e x a n d e r a n d the Hellenistic p e r i o d enables us to build u p s o m e t h i n g of a history for the process of d i s c o v e r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t f o r e i g n p e o p l e s . 37 T h e p r o b l e m of w h a t exactly w e m i g h t e x p e c t f r o m d i f f e r e n t t y p e s of w o r k is raised again in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the C u r e t e s . A t 10. 3. 7 - 9 S t r a b o says that they h a v e t e n d e d to be treated as a theological s u b j e c t . T h e n a m e of w o r k s on t h e m — Κ ο υ ρ η τ ι κ ά — l e a d s o n e to s u p p o s e that the a c c o u n t s will b e the histories of the p e o p l e of A e t o l i a a n d A c a r n a n i a , w h e r e a s they w e r e really m o r e like the a c c o u n t s of the S a t y r s , B a c c h a e , or Sileni. S t r a b o ' s k n o w l e d g e of local histories is revealed at n . 2. 14, w h e r e he says that the o r d e r of tribes will b e g i v e n as b y those w h o w r i t e τα Μιθρώατικά.

turns his attention to G r e e c e . T h e g e o g r a p h y of G r e e c e was treated first by H o m e r , then by authors of periegeses and periplus texts, and by those writing general histories, such as E p h o r u s and P o l y b i u s , and in scientific treatises, by Posidonius and H i p p a r c h u s (8. ι . i). It is t e m p t i n g to read this list as a bibliography for the w o r k , although Strabo does not say that he has drawn extensively, and certainly not exclusively, on these previous accounts. H o w e v e r , he does at least seem to be setting out a geographical tradition. O n e of the p r o b l e m s associated with the literary tradition is that the world changes. Strabo warns that one should take care w h e n consulting 'the ancient histories, for more recent writers put forward many new beliefs, with the result that they even contradict them' (8. 3. 31). I have already mentioned some of Strabo's c o m m e n t s on the lost w o r l d of the past, and the p r o b l e m s this b r o u g h t to the use of H o m e r as a source. M u c h of the description of the T r o a d and other parts of Asia M i n o r and G r e e c e involved w o r k i n g t h r o u g h the version of the area w h i c h emerged f r o m the H o m e r i c epics. S t r a b o complains that 'writers after H o m e r lead to confusions of names and tribes because of the continual migrations, changes of political administration, and the m i x i n g up of tribes', m a k i n g it difficult for people n o w (01 νϋν) (g. 5. 21). Real changes in the w o r l d and their representation in the geographical literary tradition s i m ultaneously enriched and complicated S t r a b o ' s undertaking. The birth and death of cities:

ττόλις-history

T h e history of cities is one of the most c o m m o n manifestations of the past in S t r a b o ' s geographical description, and is centred on specific defining m o m e n t s in the history of a city, rather than a more general interest. Strabo w o u l d surely have agreed with the striking statement o f T u a n that 'city is history incarnate'. 3 8 In particular, Strabo was concerned with the process b y which places came into existence in a historically meaningful sense. Sites were there before, but, as was observed about the land of Narnia (p. 19), what could be said about them until they were structured by the presence of permanent 3fi

Y . - F . T u a n , 'Space, T i m e , Place: A Humanistic Framework', in

Sense of Time, 15.

Making

settlements? 3 9 W e shall see later that Strabo does deal with areas w h i c h were not structured in this w a y , but that this evokes a very different kind of narrative, w h i c h is less t e m p o rally specific. A n exhaustive treatment of city-history, the stories of the many πόλας, in the Geography w o u l d far exceed the limitations of this section, so I select a few recurring themes. T h e earliest city-foundations, those said to have been a c c o m plished by d e m i g o d s and heroes, f o r m a h u g e g r o u p . T h e foundation par excellence in S t r a b o ' s account is that of R o m e itself, and it is no surprise to find more than one version given. A l o n g s i d e the R o m u l u s and R e m u s story is set an alternative foundation account, in w h i c h R o m e appears as an Arcadian colony, f o u n d e d by E v a n d e r w i t h Hercules' help. Strabo tells of the development of the city, and includes additions to the fortifications over time, as well as simple contrasts between the past and the present. T h e first inhabitants decided, both for themselves and for their successors, that the city should rely on m a n p o w e r f r o m the start, rather than on the site itself. W h e r e a s the ancient inhabitants dealt with the practical side of urban life, those w h o came after were concerned with adorning the city (5. 3. 2-8). E q u a l l y , southern Italy had several cities f o u n d e d by figures f r o m the mythical past. Petelia was settled by Philoctetes, and was populous even in S t r a b o ' s day (6. 1. 3). M e t a p o n t i u m was f o u n d e d by Pylians sailing with N e s t o r f r o m T r o y (6. 1. 15). 4 0 T h e influence of D i o m e d e s over Italy was attested in the foundation of C a n u s i u m , A r g y r i p p a , and possibly Sipus (6. 3. 9). Perhaps unsurprisingly, the southern part of Italy 39 T h i s included military as well as civilian functions. Strabo mentions many places as naval bases, or bases for land operations. See 3. 3. 1: M o r o n as the base for D . Iunius Brutus Callaicus against the Lusitanians (mid. 2nd cent, BC); 6. 2. 3: Messene as a naval base for the Roman fleet in the Sicilian war against Carthage; 13. 3. 5: Elea as a naval base for the Attalids; 14. 5. 2: Coracesium in Cilicia as a base for Diodotus T r y p h o n , when he tried to make Syria revolt from the kings. 40 Nestor's party became dispersed on the return from T r o y to the Peloponnese, leading to the foundation of Pisa b y a splinter group, the Pisatae. T h e city is described as once rich, and even now not unrenowned (S· 2. s). T h e connections between different heroic foundations is a theme to which I shall return.

was more prone than areas further north to the visits of heroes wandering around the Mediterranean. N o such heroic foundations were established in, for example, Gaul or Britain. In Greece the foundation of A r g o s by Danaus receives a good deal of attention. T h e rule over this city was later shared between the descendants of Danaus and the Amythaonides, emigrants from Pisatis and T r i p h y l i a , resulting in the creation of a second capital at M y c e n a e (8. 6. ίο). In the beginning (κατ' αρχάς) A r g o s was predominant, but later M y c e n a e took over. But this change of fortune was later reversed, for after the T r o j a n war M y c e n a e was reduced, especially on the return of the Heracleidae. 4 1 Later still, M y c e n a e was razed to the ground by the Argives themselves, with the result that there was now no trace of the city. 4 2 T h e history of this foundation is interesting because it became two places, seemed in danger of disappearing altogether under the influence of the second capital, and then had the good fortune to survive after all. T h e whole story indicates, if nothing else, how precarious the life of an ancient city was, even one as long established as Argos. T h e case of T r o e z e n was not altogether dissimilar, in so far as the foundation of one city led to another. T r o e z e n and Pittheus were sons of Pelops. A t some point, T r o e z e n founded a city which took his name; Pittheus succeeded him as king. But the site had not been unoccupied before they arrived. Anthes, its previous owner, was forced out and set sail to found Halicarnassus (8. 6. 14). 43 41 T h i s process is described in further detail at 8. 6. 19. M y c e n a e was founded by Perseus. It later fell to the Pelopidae, founders of T r o e z e n (8. 6. 14), and then to the Heracleidae. A f t e r the battle of Salamis, the A r g i v e s destroyed M y c e n a e , giving a date of post-480 BC for the final destruction.

T h e fact that the T r o j a n war occurred so far into the history of A r g o s reveals quite how ancient a foundation it was, pre-dating the many cities established by heroes returning from T r o y . 43 Strabo promises here to tell us more about the foundation of Halicarnassus in his description of Caria. T h e story is forthcoming (14. 2. 16), but slightly contradictory. Here we are told that the city was founded by A n t h e s and the Troezenians, as though A n t h e s were leading the people of T r o e z e n on a colonizing expedition, rather than having been ejected f r o m his land by them. T h e problem lies partly in the version at 8. 6. 14, since it is inconceivable that A n t h e s did not take any fellow-colonizers with him, making Halicarnassus start life with only one inhabitant. T h i s instance where two colonization stories are actually available for comparison leads to 42

A n unusual e x a m p l e of a heroic f o u n d a t i o n was the village of H e lus in the Peloponnese, established by the son of Perseus. T h e heroic f o u n d e r and the i m p o r t a n c e of the settlement m i g h t seem initially to be m i s m a t c h e d , e x c e p t that w e are also told that the place was once a city, p r o v i d i n g an e x a m p l e of w h y the past must be included in S t r a b o ' s account (8. 5. 2). T h e vicissitudes of the history of settlements w e r e such that places of real importance and status in the past could run the risk of being entirely omitted. E u b o e a was particularly rich in this kind of history. T h e various names of the island w e r e attributed to the i n v o l v e m e n t of heroes, such as 'Ellopia' after E l l o p s , I o n ' s son, w h o w a s also responsible for f o u n d i n g Ellopia in O r i a (10. 1. 3). 44 T h e main cities on the island, Eretria and Chalcis, had a history that stretched back to p r e - T r o j a n times. T h e y were f o u n d e d 'before T r o j a n times' (προ τών Τρωικών) by A t h e n s . T h e n 'after the T r o j a n period' (μβτά τα Τρωικά), A i c l u s and C o t h u s set out f r o m A t h e n s to settle inhabitants in each respectively (10. 1. 8). 45 T h i s is confusing, since it is not clear w h a t kind of foundations p r e - T r o j a n Eretria and C h a l c i s w o u l d have been if they had not yet received inhabitants. T h e initial foundation w a s called a κτίσις; the later phase was οικισις. It seems reasonable to suppose f r o m the different t e r m i n o l o g y that different processes are to b e envisaged, but precisely w h i c h ones is unclear. S o m e t i m e s the H o m e r i c account of cities around the time of the T r o j a n w a r c o n f u s e d the issue further, not least because this was a period of rapid colonization and g r o w t h of n e w settlements. 4 6 O n Crete, for e x a m p l e , H o m e r is cited as saying at one the question of how many of the other accounts are confused as to w h o exactly was involved and their reasons for founding a city at all. T h i s evokes a sub-history of Ellopia, whose inhabitants migrated to Histiaea under pressure f r o m Philistides after the battle of Leuctra. But, according to another account, Histiaea was colonized by Athenians f r o m the deme of that name. 45 Eretria and Chalcis soon b e c o m e strong enough to send out their o w n c o l o n i e s — t o M a c e d o n i a , Italy, and Sicily at the time of the rule of the Hippobotae. 46 A t 3. 4. 3 w e catch a glimpse of the w o r k of Asclepiades of M y r l e a on the p o s t - T r o j a n colonization of the Mediterranean. Sorting out the effects of the migration of T r o j a n heroes was one of the great preoccupations of the Hellenistic period. 44

stage that the island had a h u n d r e d cities; elsewhere that it had ninety (10. 4. 15). 4 7 T h e reason for the discrepancy was that ten of the cities were founded 'after the T r o j a n war' by D o r i a n s f o l l o w i n g A l t h a e m e n e s the A r g i v e , and referred to H o m e r ' s o w n time, rather than to the time of the T r o j a n war itself. A l t h a e menes turns up again at 14. 2. 6 in the account of the colonization of R h o d e s , where he is better contextualized than in the earlier passage. 4 8 W e are told that of the D o r i a n s w h o f o u n d e d M e g a r a after the death of C o d r u s , some stayed in M e g a r a , some w e n t to R h o d e s and others joined in the colonization of C r e t e with A l t h a e m e n e s the A r g i v e . T h i s is set in a more detailed framework still, since C n i d u s and Halicarnassus had not yet been founded, recalling the foundation of the latter by A n t h e s , w h o had been ejected f r o m the site of T r o e z e n b y its o w n founders. T h e earliest phase of foundations could not be attributed entirely to single heroes; some were carried out b y named groups rather than individuals. A l t h o u g h it is hard to envisage a colonization that did not involve more than one person, there is a difference between k n o w i n g only that a place was a Milesian foundation, and k n o w i n g the name o f the f o u n d e r (κτίστης), not least because of the importance of the cult of the individual f o u n d e r in ancient cities. 4 9 B u t more examples of early foundations in Strabo are attributed only to a g r o u p than are ascribed to an individual hero. 5 0 E m p o r i o n is one of m a n y cities described as a Massilian foundation (Μασσαλιωτών κτίσμα) (3. 4· 8), 51 and Massilia itself T h e Homeric references are to II. 2. 649 and Od. 19. 174. T h e cities on R h o d e s are interesting in their own right as foundations of such characters as the children of the H e l i a d a e — L i n d o s , Ialysus, and Cameirus (14. 2. 8). T h e alternative to this version was that these cities were named after the daughters of Danaus. 49 A s revealed in Strabo's account of Sinope. L u c u l l u s struck an effective blow at the city's identity by removing the statue of A u t o l y c u s . See also 16. 2. 5 on Antiocheia where Nicator settled the descendants of T r i p t o l e m u s and was henceforth worshipped as a hero. 50 O n e interesting instance, in which the name of the foundation was derived from the name of its founder, is Menebria in T h r a c e . Strabo explains how the name was formed from Menas, the founder, and 'bria', the T h r a c i a n word meaning 'city', a rare example of the introduction of foreign words (7· 6. ι). 47

48

51

Nicaea and Antipolis were founded by Massihotes as strongholds against

barbarians (4. 1. 9).

had a set of founders, the Phocaeans, w h o followed an oracle given by Ephesian A r t e m i s (4. 1 . 4 ) . C u m a e is said to have b e e n a 'most ancient foundation', indeed the oldest of all Sicilian and Italiote cities, set up by the Chalcidians and C u m a e a n s (5. 4. 4). S o u t h e r n Italy was, not surprisingly, well e n d o w e d w i t h these early foundations, just as it had m a n y cities linked to n a m e d heroes. N e a p o l i s was originally a C u m a e a n foundation; it was later recolonized by Chalcidians; later still it admitted s o m e of the C a m p a n i (5. 4. 7). It thus not only illustrates the t h e m e of g r o u p foundation, but also provides an e x a m p l e of the n u m e r ous places w h o s e history, according to Strabo, consisted of m o m e n t s of rebirth. T h i s is perhaps the most striking feature of the g r o u p foundations mentioned in S t r a b o ' s text. T h e s e cities more than the others seem to have u n d e r g o n e redefinition and refoundation at the hands of successive occupants. H e r c u l a n e u m was inhabited by O s c i , then (ειτα) by T y r rhenians and Pelasgi, after this (μετά ταύτα δε) by Samnitae (5. 4. 8). T e m e s a was f o u n d e d by A u s o n e s , later (ύστερον δε) by Aetolians, w h o w e r e t h r o w n out by the Brettii, w h o in turn were o v e r t h r o w n by H a n n i b a l and then the R o m a n s (6. x. 5). Each time a city's inhabitants were changed, the place took o n a new identity, sometimes a c c o m p a n i e d b y a change of name, as in the case of H i p p o n i u m , a L o c r i a n foundation, w h i c h was renamed V i b o Valentia by the R o m a n s w h e n they took the place (6. 1. 5). 5 2 A n interesting example of this process concerns Aegina. T h e most important phase in the island's history is mentioned first—its thalassocratic stage, during w h i c h it contended w i t h A t h e n s for the prize for valour at the battle of Salamis (8. 6. 16). But w e are then told about its earlier history, in w h i c h it started life called O e n o n e ; was colonized successively by the A r g i v e s , Cretans, Epidaurians, and Dorians; then turned into cleruchies b y A t h e n s ; and then taken f r o m A t h e n s b y Sparta and returned to the ancient colonizers (of αρχαίοι οίκήτορες). B u t w h o were they? T h e A r g i v e s , Cretans, Epidaurians, or Dorians? Because of the w a y in w h i c h Strabo explicitly sets various colonizations in a more general context of ancient migration it 52 See also 6. 1. 13 for T h u r i i renamed Copiae; 6. 2. 3 for Catana, a Naxian city, later renamed Aetna; and Messene, which had once been a Naxian foundation called Zancle,

is possible to draw up a coherent c h r o n o l o g y for some of the early foundations. L o c r i E p i z e p h y r i i was f o u n d e d b y colonists f r o m L o c r i on the Crisaean G u l f only a little after (μικρόν ύστερον) the foundation of C r o t o n and S y r a c u s e (6. i . 7). 5 3 T h i s context is further built up a f e w chapters later, with details about the foundation of Syracuse by A r c h i a s , w h o sailed f r o m C o r i n t h at around the same time as N a x o s and M e g a r a w e r e colonized (6. 2. 4). A r c h i a s w e n t to the D e l p h i c oracle about the colonization at the same time as M y s c e l l u s , the f o u n d e r of C r o t o n . Strabo thus links five f o u n d a t i o n s — M e g a r a , N a x o s , C r o t o n , Syracuse, and, a little later, L o c r i E p i z e p h y r i i . B u t this is not all, for A r c h i a s , on his w a y to Sicily, left behind Chersicrates to colonize w h a t is now called C o r c y r a , b u t was previously called Scheria. Chersicrates was meant to j o i n in a settlement (συνοικιοϋντα) with the L i b u r n i a n s , w h o were already there, but instead ejected them and settled the place alone (οίκίσαι), as indicated by the disappearance of the prefix συν- between the plan and its fulfilment. T h e story was complicated even f u r t h e r by the collaboration that did take place b e t w e e n A r c h i a s and some of the D o r i a n s w h o were meant to be participating in the foundation of M e g a r a . A disillusioned g r o u p was on its w a y h o m e , but met up with A r c h i a s at Z e p h y r i u m , and joined h i m in the establishment of S y r a c u s e (κοινrj μετ' αυτών κτίσαι τάς Συρακούσσας). T h u s , different foundations are c a u g h t up in a complicated w e b and make it possible, if not straightforward, for the determined reader to construct a fairly coherent narrative for the earliest phase of history dealt w i t h by Strabo, in a w a y w h i c h is inconceivable for most of the s u b s e q u e n t periods. It is possible to reconstruct this phase in terms not only of g r o u p colonizations, but also of heroes associated with the T r o j a n war, and of the H o m e r i c epics. B u t after travelling round the coast of Asia M i n o r , Strabo mentions hardly a single other c i t y - f o u n d a t i o n b y a hero f r o m the T r o j a n period. T h i s omission is a striking feature of his description of the Fertile C r e s c e n t , and it is only really broken w h e n w e reach C a r t h a g e and the story of D i d o ( 1 7 . 3. 15). It is not, h o w e v e r , surprising w h e n w e recall the pattern of f o u n d a 53

Croton and Syracuse were founded respectively in 710 and 734 BC.

tion stories in the Hellenistic regional histories. In these the Fertile Crescent, stretching from E g y p t to Persia, is characterized and distinguished from the rest of the world partly because of its non-Greek foundation myths, w h i c h are specifically not associated with heroes from the T r o j a n war. Rather than placing alongside the G r e e k heroic foundations the equivalent stories relating to the Fertile C r e s c e n t — m y t h s involving the migrations resulting from the great flood, the Exodus of the Jews from Egypt, and the dispersal of the sons of A b r a h a m — Strabo fails to mention the earliest phase of colonization in these regions. 5 4 One possibility is that he simply did not know of these stories. H o w e v e r , it may be that, by contrast with Josephus who attempted to synchronize the two sets of foundation stories, Strabo's omission indicates that the myths were incompatible in the context of his project to write a coherent account of the whole world, a point to which I shall return in chapter V I . So far I have discussed how Strabo enables us to put together some kind of narrative, in the course of which the early cities appear on the map and make up the first important stage in city-history. But how m u c h space in the narrative is given to later foundations, and is it possible, as with some of the very early phases, to gain a sense of synchronism? Strabo is not silent on the fact that Ostia was founded b y A n c u s Marcius, Ancona by Syracusans fleeing from the tyranny of Dionysius, P y x u s by M i c y n t h u s , ruler of Messene in Sicily, but these foundations are not really given any satisfactory context, and make little impact (5. 3. 5; 5. 4. 2; 6. 1. 1). H o w e v e r , the Hellenistic period emerges from Strabo's text as one in which new cities were built, as opposed to being simply renamed and refounded. 5 5 W e hear of Thessalonica, founded A striking reference to the great flood, and I think unique in Strabo, comes at 13. 1. 25, where he cites Plato's theory of the three kinds of civilization that evolved after the flood. Firstly the hills, then the foothills, and thirdly the plains were inhabited; and later the coasts and islands too, as man dared to move to lower ground. T h e three stages were exemplified by the C y c l o p e s , Dardania under D a r d a n u s , and life in the plains under Ilus, the traditional founder of Ilion. 55 By contrast, we hear of hardly any foundations from the classical G r e e k period. Rhodes, founded at the time of the Peloponnesian war, is a notable exception (14. 2. 9). 54

by Cassander, and named after his wife, the daughter of Philip. T h e s s a l o n i c a was to b e the new h o m e of the inhabitants of the towns in C r u s i s and on the T h e r m a e a n G u l f , w h i c h Cassander had destroyed (Fr. 7. 21 ). 56 G r e e k cities in M e d i a f o u n d e d by the M a c e d o n i a n s in the aftermath of A l e x a n d e r ' s conquests are also listed (1 x. 13. 6). 57 T h e impact of the Hellenistic m o n a r c h s on the g e o g r a p h y of Asia c o m e s t h r o u g h very clearly f r o m Strabo's description. S e c o n d l y , w e should not forget the victory cities of the first century BC, including t w o N i c o p o l e i s — O c t a v i a n ' s p o s t - A c t i u m city, and P o m p e y ' s city in Lesser A r m e n i a (7. 7. 5; 12. 3. 28). T h i s is m y attempt at a synchronic v i e w , d r a w i n g together geographically disparate, but c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s , events, and it is important to r e m e m b e r that S t r a b o himself does not articulate his work in this w a y . T h e conclusion f r o m the last section revealed S t r a b o ' s lack of precision over c h r o n o l o g y and the order of events in time. But does this extend to his treatment of city-history? H o w specific a vocabulary does Strabo use to indicate the various stages of foundation, refoundation, synoecism, and renaming of cities? H o w does he indicate the diachronic nature of his accounts of particular cities? W e have already seen in relation to Eretria and Chalcis that we need to distinguish between κτίσις and οϊκισις, with the difference p r o b a b l y lying in the i n v o l v e m e n t of significantly greater n u m b e r s of settlers for οΐκισις. T h i s distinction receives further support f r o m the description of the city of D a r d a n u s in the T r o a d . T h e city was said to be an ancient foundation (κτίσμα άρχαΐον), w h i c h was m o v e d around by successive kings; firstly to A b y d u s , and then back to the old site. Strabo formulates this later relocation of the city's inhabitants as άνωκιζον πάλιν ei? το άρχαίον κτίσμα ('they m o v e d back into the ancient foundation') (13. ι . 28). In other w o r d s it is clear that κτίσις refers to the actual laying out of a site, w h i c h remained as the κτίσμα w h e t h e r or not it was inhabited. T h e οϊκισις refers to the T h e foundation is mentioned again in fr. 7. 24. See also 1 r. 10. 2 for the foundation of Antiocheia the 3rd cent.; 12. 4. 2 for the foundation of N i c o m e d i a Nicomedes I; 16. 2. 4 for Antiocheia, Seleuceia in Laodiceia, the great Seleucid T e t r a p o l i s founded by named after members of his family. 56 57

by A n t i o c h u s Soter in by the Bithynian king, Pieria, A p a m e a , and Seleucus Nicator and

inhabitants and is potentially separable f r o m the process of foundation. 5 8 W e have also seen that the application or omission of the prefix συν- in connection with the v e r b οίκέω was a w a y of distinguishing foundations that involved collaboration b e t w e e n t w o or more groups, and those that w e r e the w o r k of a single set of people. Initial foundations are further defined b y being termed an αποικία ('colony') or a κατοικία ('settlement'). T h e difference between these seems to lie in the stress put on the place of origin of the inhabitants, as the prefixes indicate. W e are told about a κατοικία called B u p r a s i u m in G r e e c e , about w h i c h w e have only the information that it no longer existed, and hear nothing about its f o u n d e r s (8. 3. 8). 59 But L e u c t r u m was an άποικος, and w e are told that its founders were the L e u c t r i f r o m Boeotia (8. 4. 4). 60 Similarly, the settling of Cilician pirates by P o m p e y in Soli was an act of κατοίκισις— the pirates had no fixed place of origin (14. 5. 8). It is noteworthy that the greatest achievement of M i l e t u s is said by Strabo to be the n u m b e r of its άποικίαι (14. ι . 6). T h i s seems a cogent reason for believing that the designation αποικία reflected as m u c h about the metropolis as about the new settlement. T h i s all concerns the beginnings of cities. H o w e v e r , Strabo also uses a specific vocabulary of later addition and refoundation. T h e recolonization of C o r i n t h by Julius Caesar, after its long desertion, required 'extra inhabitants' (έποικοι) (8. 6. 23). 61 T h e arrival of T h r a c i a n s on E u b o e a involved recolonizing (έποικησαι) the island, and renaming it (έπονομάσαι) ( ί ο . 1. 3). 62 S8 T h i s is c o n f i r m e d at 8. 3. 25, w h e r e w e hear that C y p a r i s s ë e i s still existed, b u t was not inhabited. T h e place had a life that w a s i n d e p e n d e n t of its inhabitants. 5s äv ris άπενθύνοι τους 'Ρωμαίων χρόνους προς τους Έλλψικούς. N o t e the p r e c e d e n c e g i v e n to G r e e k , a l t h o u g h this w a s a R o m a n history.

A l p s and the Adriatic. T h e c o m m o n purpose of s u c h accounts w a s to e x p l a i n the e t h n o g r a p h i c a l m a k e - u p o f I t a l y . H o w e v e r , Hellenistic accounts of the countries of the Fertile C r e s c e n t p r e s e n t a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e . W h a t I h o p e to s h o w is that t h e s e areas w e r e d e s c r i b e d u s i n g a d i f f e r e n t f r a m e o f reference f r o m the ones discussed above; one w h i c h w a s internally coherent, but not G r e e k .4 8 T h e story of Judaea was u n l i k e that of a n y o t h e r r e g i o n , in so far as it w a s t h e h i s t o r y o f a p e o p l e a n d a r e l i g i o n , rather t h a n that o f a p l a c e . I n d e e d , o n e of t h e m o s t s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e s o f t h e s o u r c e s is the t h e m e o f m i g r a t i o n — J u d a e a w a s w h e r e v e r the J e w s w e r e , g i v i n g it a u n i q u e geographical instability. Besides migration, the texts on J u d a e a are c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y an o b s e s s i o n w i t h c h r o n o l o g y . D e m e t r i u s ' On the Kings in Judaea p r o v i d e s a g o o d e x a m p l e of t h e interest in dates. 4 9 T h r o u g h o u t t h e t e x t , t h e a g e s in y e a r s a n d m o n t h s o f v a r i o u s rulers w e r e g i v e n . B u t this w a s a r e l a t i v e d a t i n g s y s t e m . J o s e p h w e n t to E g y p t in t h e t h i r d y e a r o f t h e f a m i n e , w h e n χ w a s y y e a r s o l d a n d ζ w a s s o m e o t h e r age; f r o m A d a m to t h e t i m e w h e n J o s e p h ' s f a m i l y c a m e t o E g y p t w a s 3,624 y e a r s ; f r o m the great flood to the t i m e w h e n J a c o b w e n t to E g y p t w a s 1 , 3 6 0 y e a r s . W e h a v e n o real idea of an a b s o l u t e date, a n y m o r e than w e d o w h e n t o l d that s o m e t h i n g h a p p e n e d 628 y e a r s a f t e r t h e T r o j a n w a r or at t h e t i m e o f t h e H e r a c l e i d a e . T h e p o i n t is that, g i v e n the u s e of relative d a t i n g - s y s t e m s , t h e c h o i c e o f c h r o n o l o g i c a l m a r k e r s is i m p o r t a n t . I n t h e h i s t o r i e s o f J u d a e a , instead of O l y m p i a d s a n d t h e T r o j a n w a r w e find t h e g r e a t flood and the e x o d u s f r o m E g y p t , e v e n t s f r o m J e w i s h h i s t o r y , as c h r o n o l o g i c a l m a r k e r s . B e f o r e l e a v i n g J u d a e a , I s h o u l d n u a n c e this neat p i c t u r e of a self-contained Jewish historiography. Alongside A b r a h a m , M o s e s a p p e a r e d as an a r c h e t y p a l w i s e m a n . H i s skills k n e w no b o u n d s — h e invented ships, weapons, hieroglyphics, stone48 E. J. Bickermann, 'Origines G e n t i u m ' , Class. Phil. 47 (1952), 65-81, offers an analysis of the process by which non-Greek peoples were first written about in Greek terms, then adopted the Greek historiographical tradition as their medium for self-expression, and finally replaced the Hellenocentric world-view with their own frames of reference. T h e model explains the mixture of Greek and non-Greek, as well as a certain degree of diversity, but does not provide for the possibility that non-Greek peoples formulated their past even before they came into contact with the Greeks.

49

FGrH 722.

laying and water-drawing machines, besides being a philosopher.50 But A r t a p a n u s drew h i m into a G r e e k f r a m e w o r k — he was called M u s a e u s b y the G r e e k s , because he w a s the t e a c h e r o f O r p h e u s . 5 1 T h e r e f o r e t h e G r e e k f r a m e of r e f e r e n c e was never w h o l l y absent, b u t the writings on Judaea have a distinctive tone, deriving f r o m their internal chronological s y s t e m a n d m i g r a t i o n stories, w h i c h d o n o t o r i g i n a t e at T r o y . 5 2 A n E g y p t i a n parallel f o r the J e w i s h h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n a n d its interest in c h r o n o l o g y is M a n e t h o ' s a c c o u n t o f t h e H y k s o s d y n a s t y , f u l l o f relative d a t e s a n d l e n g t h s o f r e i g n s , r a t h e r t h a n a n a b s o l u t e c h r o n o l o g y . E u s e b i u s r e f e r r e d to t h e w o r k as On the Egyptian Dynasties after the Flood, u s i n g t h e chronological marker from Jewish history. Josephus saw M a n e t h o as an e x p e r t o n c h r o n o l o g y , b u t h e t r a n s l a t e d M a n e t h o ' s dates i n t o a G r e e k c h r o n o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e b e n e f i t o f his o w n r e a d e r s . S o , h e c o n c l u d e d , t h e J e w s l e f t E g y p t 393 y e a r s b e f o r e D a n a u s c a m e to A r g o s , o r t h o u s a n d s o f y e a r s b e f o r e t h e T r o j a n w a r . It is i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t J o s e p h u s f e l t a t r a n s l a t i o n w a s n e c e s s a r y , w h i c h s h o w s that, c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y s p e a k i n g , e v e n a H e l l e n i z e d E g y p t i a n like M a n e t h o u s e d a different language f r o m the Greeks.53 B e r o s u s o f B a b y l o n f u r n i s h e s m o r e e x a m p l e s of t h e u s e o f n o n - G r e e k f r a m e w o r k s . H e s t a r t e d h i s h i s t o r y at t h e t i m e of t h e g r e a t flood, a n d a c c o r d i n g to J o s e p h u s , g a v e d a t e s f o r N o a h a n d his d e s c e n d a n t s ; a l r e a d y t h e s a m e c h r o n o l o g i c a l m a r k e r s as Ibid. 726 F 3 for Artapanus* account of Moses. See also Cleodemus-Malchus' tale ( F G r H 727 F 1) of the sons of Abraham. A standard migration-story of Afer to Afra, Assur to Assyria, and Afran to Africa was transformed into a Greek story when the three sons joined Hercules on an expedition to Libya, and Hercules married Afer's daughter. 52 Diodorus i. 96. 2 provides an example of the intrusion of Greeks into accounts of Egypt. Greek tourists, such as Orpheus, Homer, Solon, and Plato, eager to learn the wisdom of Egypt, got caught up in the flurry of recordkeeping, became a wonder in their own right, were noted down in the priestly records, and so became absorbed into the relentless writing of Egyptian history, for once subsumed in the historiography of another nation. 53 For Manetho, see FGrH 609. Against the view of Bickermann, D. Mendels, 'The Polemical Character of Manetho's Aegyptiaca', in Purposes of History, 91-110, argues that Manetho was deliberately writing in line with the propaganda of the Ptolemaic court, and was relatively independent of the Hellenistic tradition on Egypt. 50

51

f o r J u d a e a a n d E g y p t . 5 4 H i s k i n g - l i s t w o u l d b e u n i n t e l l i g i b l e to a G r e e k , u s i n g ' s a r o i ' , ' n e r o i ' , a n d ' s o s s o i ' as u n i t s o f t i m e m e a s u r e m e n t . H i s d y n a s t i c s u c c e s s i o n , like t h o s e of M a n e t h o , was interwoven with the creation story. T h e story of Babylonia i n v o l v e d s e a - c r e a t u r e s w h o c a m e o u t at n i g h t a n d g a v e basic i n s t r u c t i o n in g e o m e t r y and a r c h i t e c t u r e , as w e l l as t h e m o r e s t a n d a r d t h e m e s of b a t t l e s and c o n q u e s t s . A l t h o u g h all the r e g i o n a l a c c o u n t s I h a v e m e n t i o n e d w e r e w r i t t e n in the G r e e k l a n g u a g e , it is clear that s o m e w e r e d o m i n a t e d b y G r e e k f r a m e s of r e f e r e n c e , b o t h in t e r m s o f c h r o n o l o g y and t h r o u g h t h e i n t r u s i o n of G r e e k m y t h o l o g y , a n d s o m e e m p l o y e d q u i t e d i f f e r e n t w a y s o f f o r m u l a t i n g t h e past. T h e r e is a d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n a c c o u n t s in w h i c h Jason, M e d e a , A e n e a s , a n d t h e T r o j a n w a r f e a t u r e , a n d t h o s e in w h i c h dates a n d p l a c e s are g i v e n b y the b i b l i c a l flood, w h e r e the G r e e k h e r o e s are a l m o s t e n t i r e l y a b s e n t and t i m e is m a r k e d b y k i n g lists a n d c r e a t i o n stories. T h i s raised a p o t e n t i a l p r o b l e m f o r w r i t e r s o f a c c o u n t s w h i c h i n c l u d e d all o f t h e s e areas, n a m e l y , h o w could sources using different frames of reference be s u c c e s s f u l l y c o m b i n e d ? It has b e e n a r g u e d that the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f f r a m e s of r e f e r e n c e , b o t h c h r o n o l o g i c a l a n d o t h e r w i s e , r e v e a l e d in t h e s e f r a g m e n t a r y t e x t s really o n l y b e g a n to b e n o t i c e d in t h e later first c e n t u r y BC, that is, p r e c i s e l y w h e n t h e r e w a s a p r o f u s i o n of u n i v e r s a l w r i t i n g . 5 5 T h e q u e s t i o n is clearly r e l e v a n t to S t r a b o a n d his a t t e m p t to a s s i m i l a t e vast q u a n t i t i e s o f m a t e r i a l r a n g i n g f r o m B r i t a i n to I n d i a . 5 6 F o r a p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n to t h e p r o b l e m , I r e f e r b a c k to t h e 54

FGrH 680.

J. W. Johnson, 'Chronological Writing: Its Concepts and Development', History and Theory, 2 (1962-3), 128, notes the preference that tended to be given to Jewish dating for the great flood and other events, even among Gentile authors such as Pompeius. 56 R. Drews, 'Assyria in Classical Universal Histories', Historia, 14 (1965). 129-42, discusses the problem with regard to universal historians such as Diodorus, Pompeius Trogus, and Nicolaus of Damascus, all of whom based the Assyrian material in their works on the account of Ctesias of Cnidus. Drews notes their different responses to the difficulty, which persisted in spite of the various synchronisms that had, by this time, been worked out to link Greek and Assyrian history. Diodorus said that Assyrian and Greek history needed to be treated separately; Pompeius incorporated it better by making the Assyrian empire the first in the succession of empires; Nicolaus, like Diodorus, separated Assyrian history from the rest of his work (pp. I34~5)· 55

pattern of S t r a b o ' s use of regional a c c o u n t s w h i c h e m e r g e d f r o m A p p e n d i x C , revealing that the c o u n t r i e s of the Fertile C r e s c e n t are precisely those f o r w h i c h he does not cite s u c h local histories. B u t this is exactly in line w i t h the nature o f his p r o j e c t as I h a v e described it so far. I argued in c h a p t e r I V that S t r a b o ' s c o n c e r n w a s w i t h the present identity of individual places, m a d e u p of stories about the past, and that this resulted in a concentration on m o m e n t s of f o u n d a t i o n , m i g r a t i o n , and transformation. I argued f u r t h e r that these p r e o c c u p a t i o n s are reflected in his use of broad m y t h o l o g i c a l indicators o f time, s u c h as the T r o j a n war and the migrations of heroes. T h e s e are (while a c k n o w l e d g i n g the p r o b l e m s i n v o l v e d in u s i n g f r a g m e n t a r y sources, as discussed t h r o u g h o u t c h a p t e r I I I ) a p p a r ently the d o m i n a n t c o n c e r n s of the extant regional histories f r o m the Hellenistic period, but they are also precisely the features w h i c h distinguish accounts of the Fertile C r e s c e n t f r o m those based in the G r a e c o - R o m a n tradition. T h e point is r e i n f o r c e d b y the pattern of S t r a b o ' s citation of lyric poets and tragedians (see A p p e n d i x C ) . T h e s e are almost a l w a y s referred to for a point o f m y t h o l o g i c a l detail, and their use, e x t r e m e l y c o m m o n in S t r a b o ' s description of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d as far as, and including, A s i a M i n o r , is s u d d e n l y a b a n d o n e d on r e a c h i n g the Fertile C r e s c e n t , reflecting the fact that the m y t h o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k has n o w c h a n g e d . T h e spatial variations in S t r a b o ' s use o f regional accounts and poetic sources can be seen as a c o n s e q u e n c e of his a t t e m p t to write a united description of his present R o m a n w o r l d . T h i s w o r l d incorporated areas w h i c h w e r e in contact w i t h one another, but w h i c h had v e r y different historiographical traditions, w h o s e c o m b i n a t i o n w o u l d be e x t r e m e l y difficult. In any case, there w a s no need for S t r a b o to make the a t t e m p t , since the f r a m e w o r k s used b y writers on the Fertile C r e s c e n t to f o r m u l a t e the past w e r e of little significance to the e x p e r i e n c e and u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the w o r l d w h i c h w e m i g h t attribute to S t r a b o ' s G r a e c o - R o m a n readers. It is easy to explain w h y G r e e k f r a m e w o r k s w e r e kept and others o m i t t e d , g i v e n S t r a b o ' s G r e e k e d u c a t i o n and his a d h e r e n c e to the G r e e k g e o graphical tradition, h o w e v e r m u c h he m a y h a v e adapted this. B u t if the universal a c c o u n t had s i m p l y been the s u m of all its individual parts, the disparate nature of the f r a m e s o f reference

in p r e v i o u s regional histories w o u l d h a v e p r e s e n t e d n o p r o b lem. A s I h a v e a r g u e d b e f o r e , a l t h o u g h S t r a b o ' s u n i v e r s a l i s m w a s c o n c e i v e d of in t e r m s of discrete units, these w e r e crucially linked, not directly to each other, b u t indirectly t h r o u g h their c o m m o n ties to R o m e , thus necessitating s o m e d e g r e e o f c o n c e p t u a l c o h e r e n c e , e v e n t h o u g h this w a s not translated into the i m p o s i t i o n of an overall c h r o n o l o g i c a l s y s t e m . It w o u l d be c o n v e n i e n t if the Geography w e r e as neatly defined a p r o j e c t as e v e n this, d e s c r i b i n g the w o r l d as it w a s n o w in S t r a b o ' s time u n d e r R o m a n rule. T h i s is the w a y in w h i c h I h a v e c h o s e n to characterize it, and to a large e x t e n t I b e l i e v e the m o d e l w o r k s . It explains, at least, w h y S t r a b o ' s interest in the past of places is d e t e r m i n e d b y their present identities and the traditions associated w i t h t h e m ; and it is consistent w i t h the r e c u r r e n t m e n t i o n of the links b e t w e e n each place and R o m e , at the e x p e n s e of the relationships, spatial, c o m m e r c i a l , and cultural, b e t w e e n different places w i t h i n the e m p i r e . I h a v e u n d e r t a k e n to say s o m e t h i n g a b o u t the spatial and t e m p o r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of S t r a b o ' s R o m a n w o r l d , and c o u l d , w i t h s o m e j u s t i f i c a t i o n , o m i t to deal w i t h those parts of the Geography w h i c h d o not c o n f o r m to that description. I m u s t , h o w e v e r , at least a c k n o w l e d g e a disparity b e t w e e n the w o r l d o f S t r a b o ' s Geography and his r e w r i t i n g of the w o r l d of R o m a n p o w e r . I recall the contrast w h i c h S t r a b o h i m s e l f d r a w s b e t w e e n the w o r l d he d e s c r i b e s (μεν) and the w o r l d p r o g r e s s i v e l y c o n q u e r e d b y R o m e { 8 4 ) ( 1 7 . 3. 24). If S t r a b o ' s p r o j e c t w e r e s i m p l y to paint a p i c t u r e of those areas s u b j e c t to R o m e , w h y d i d he include, for e x a m p l e , India in his a c c o u n t ? T h e nature of the I n d i a n d e s c r i p t i o n g i v e s s o m e clue as to its u n u s u a l role in the w o r k . T h e s t r o n g l y t e m p o r a l s t r u c t u r e a p p l i e d to the Geography as a w h o l e is a l m o s t entirely m i s s i n g here. India is timeless in the Geography, it cannot be i n c o r porated into the historical processes d e s c r i b e d t h r o u g h o u t the w o r k . B u t that is because, for R o m e , India w a s not historically significant in so far as it had not b e e n c o n q u e r e d . T h e r e w a s no possibility of s t r u c t u r i n g a d e s c r i p t i o n of places in India a c c o r d i n g to the 'past: p r e s e n t ' s c h e m e b e c a u s e R o m e had not t r a n s f o r m e d this landscape, as it had d o n e to most o f the rest of the w o r l d . In addition, S t r a b o h i m s e l f points out the

lack o f r e c e n t i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t I n d i a , a n d this is r e f l e c t e d in t h e fact that, as c a n b e s e e n in A p p e n d i x C , S t r a b o ' s a c c o u n t is dominated b y the Hellenistic sources, particularly those written in t h e w a k e o f A l e x a n d e r ( 1 5 . 1. 2). B u t , if t h e r e w a s n o t h i n g n e w to s a y , a n d I n d i a w a s o n e o f t h e f e w p a r t s o f t h e w o r l d n o t to c o m e u n d e r R o m a n r u l e , t h e n w h y d i d S t r a b o i n c l u d e it in his d e s c r i p t i o n ? S t r a b o ' s u s e o f A l e x a n d e r - s o u r c e s m a y provide one possible answer. India had fallen within the g r a s p o f R o m e ' s g r e a t p r e d e c e s s o r in w o r l d c o n q u e s t , w h o s e i m a g e w a s a d o p t e d b y figures s u c h as P o m p e y a n d C a e s a r . P e r h a p s S t r a b o i n c l u d e d I n d i a in his w o r l d b e c a u s e it r e p r e s e n t e d R o m a n a s p i r a t i o n s to g o e v e n f u r t h e r in t h e c o n q u e s t o f the w o r l d , to i n c o r p o r a t e n o t o n l y t h e W e s t , b u t also t h e f u l l extent of Alexander's realm. T h e r e w a s , h o w e v e r , an a l t e r n a t i v e a p p r o a c h to areas n o t f u l l y u n d e r R o m a n r u l e . P a r t s o f t h e far n o r t h - w e s t , n o t a b l y I r e l a n d , w e r e also n o n - R o m a n areas d e s c r i b e d b y S t r a b o , b u t , b y c o n t r a s t w i t h I n d i a , t h e s e u n c o n q u e r e d t e r r i t o r i e s are p r e s e n t e d as u n p r o f i t a b l e a n d u n d e s i r a b l e . l e r n e ( I r e l a n d ) is p a i n t e d as a p l a c e o f e x t r e m e s a v a g e r y , c a n n i b a l i s m , a n d i n c e s t (4. 5. 4). B r i t a i n w a s o n t h e w a y to b e c o m i n g c o n q u e r e d , a n d S t r a b o n o t e s t h e s e n d i n g o f e m b a s s i e s to A u g u s t u s , t h e B r i t i s h o f f e r i n g s o n t h e C a p i t o l i u m , a n d t h e v i r t u a l R o m a n i z a t i o n of t h e island (4. 5. 3). H o w e v e r , B r i t a i n h a d n o t a c t u a l l y s u c c u m b e d to R o m a n r u l e a n d S t r a b o is q u i c k to e x p l a i n this, j u s t as h e e x c u s e d t h e f a i l u r e o f A e l i u s G a l l u s ' e x p e d i t i o n to A r a b i a F e l i x . T h e r e is n o n e e d , says S t r a b o , to b r i n g B r i t a i n i n t o the t r i b u t e - p a y i n g part of t h e e m p i r e , s i n c e it p a y s a g r e a t deal in e x p o r t d u t i e s (4. 5. 3). In o t h e r w o r d s , R o m e has chosen n o t to conquer Britain. D i o n h a s d i s c u s s e d t h e t e n s i o n s in S t r a b o ' s a c c o u n t o f the north-western parts of the empire. O n the one hand, Strabo saw B r i t a i n , in p a r t i c u l a r , as t h e n e x t s t a g e in t h e R o m a n c o n q u e s t o f the w o r l d : ' c o m m e u n e s u i t e l o g i q u e d e celle d e la G a u l e ' . 5 7 O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , S t r a b o d e f e n d e d the R o m a n f a i l u r e to c o n q u e r this r e g i o n to d a t e , t h r o u g h g e o g r a p h i c a l m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . H e p l a c e s I r e l a n d a l m o s t in t h e g l a c i a l z o n e , 57

R. Dion, Aspects politiques de la géographie antique (Paris, 1977), 254: 'as

a logical continuation of the conquest of Gaul'.

and d i s c r e d i t s P y t h e a s ' a c c o u n t of an island o f T h ü l e , e v e n f u r t h e r n o r t h , a n d y e t i n h a b i t e d . F o r D i o n , the p o l i t i c a l r e q u i r e m e n t s w e r e to the d e t r i m e n t o f g e o g r a p h i c a l k n o w l e d g e : ' C ' e s t p r i n c i p a l e m e n t en raison de s o n a t t i t u d e à l ' é g a r d d e P y t h é a s q u e la g é o g r a p h i e r o m a i n e , o u d u m o i n s u n e c e r t a i n e g é o g r a p h i e r o m a i n e , p e u t être c o n s i d é r é e c o m m e m a r q u a n t u n e r é g r e s s i o n d a n s l ' h i s t o i r e d e la c o n n a i s s a n c e de la t e r r e . ' s s T h e cases of B r i t a i n a n d I n d i a m a y b e e x p l a i n e d in t e r m s of t h e a i m that, if n o t y e t , t h e y s h o u l d at s o m e p o i n t b e c o m e p a r t of the ' R o m a n w o r l d ' . B u t w e c a n n o t say that of I r e l a n d . I w o n d e r w h e t h e r this is the m o m e n t to i n v o k e the n a t u r e o f t h e i n t e n d e d r e a d e r s h i p a n d of S t r a b o h i m s e l f , t h e m a n o f state, b u t at the s a m e t i m e e d u c a t e d a n d c u l t u r e d . P l a c e s at t h e e x t r e m e s of t h e w o r l d w e r e d i f f i c u l t , if n o t i m p o s s i b l e , to i n c o r p o r a t e f u l l y into the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s o f S t r a b o ' s d e s c r i p t i o n . B u t , e v e n if t h e y w e r e n o t i m p o r t a n t f r o m the p r a c t i c a l p o i n t of v i e w of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and g o v e r n m e n t , t h e c o n c e r n s o f the m a n of state (ό πολιτικός), they were nevertheless part of t h e R o m a n w o r l d - v i e w . T h e i m p o s s i b i l i t y of d r a w i n g a line a r o u n d ' T h e R o m a n e m p i r e ' is r e f l e c t e d in S t r a b o ' s Geography. M o s t of w h a t he d e s c r i b e s w a s f u l l y part o f the R o m a n w o r l d , in so far as it paid taxes and w a s r u l e d b y R o m a n g o v e r n o r s , or client k i n g s . B u t S t r a b o ' s R o m a n w o r l d , of interest to the c u l t u r e d m a n of l e a r n i n g (ό φιλόσοφος), w e n t f u r t h e r , to i n c o r p o r a t e areas n o t y e t p h y s i c a l l y c o n q u e r e d b y R o m e , b u t i n t e l l e c t u a l l y s u b s u m e d into t h e w o r l d of R o m a n knowledge.

Ibid. 275: 'It is principally because of his attitude towards Pytheas that Roman geography, or at least a certain type of Roman geography, could be seen as marking a regression in the history of the knowledge of the world.' The manipulation of geographical knowledge for political ends is, of course, famously illustrated by the use of Mercator's projection to reinforce the Europeans' view of their hegemony. This, and other examples, are discussed by J. B. Harley, 'Maps, Knowledge, and Power', in D. Cosgrove and S. Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape (Cambridge, 1988), 277-312. 58

THE N A T U R E

OF S T R A B O ' S

γεωγραφία

('GEOGRAPHY')

SO w h a t k i n d o f a w o r k is the Geography? T h e t e r m ' h i s t o r i c a l g e o g r a p h y ' h a s o f t e n b e e n a p p l i e d , b u t b e a r s so m a n y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s that it w i l l n o t s u f f i c e w i t h o u t f u r t h e r s p e c i f i c a t i o n . 5 9 H i s t o r i c a l g e o g r a p h y m a y firstly b e t a k e n to r e f e r to ' g e o g r a p h y c o n c e r n e d w i t h p a s t g e o g r a p h i e s ' , in o t h e r w o r d s a t t e m p t i n g a s y n c h r o n i c r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e w o r l d at a m o m e n t in t h e past. A l t h o u g h S t r a b o d o e s g i v e g l i m p s e s o f p e r i o d s at w h i c h t h e w o r l d as a w h o l e w a s b e i n g t r a n s f o r m e d , the s y n c h r o n i c a p p r o a c h is c l e a r l y s u b o r d i n a t e to o t h e r p r e o c c u p a t i o n s . H o w e v e r , he w a s c e r t a i n l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h p a s t g e o g r a p h i e s in so far as o n e of his tasks w a s to e v a l u a t e t h e p r e c e d i n g g e o g r a p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n a n d to p l a c e his o w n w o r k w i t h i n that c o n t e x t . A l t e r n a t i v e l y w e m a y see t h e t e r m as r e f e r r i n g to the g e o g r a p h y o f a p l a c e t h r o u g h t i m e , a n d I h a v e tried to s h o w that this is to a large d e g r e e w h a t is ' h i s t o r i c a l ' a b o u t S t r a b o ' s Geography. T h e p a s t w a s i m p o r t a n t f o r S t r a b o b e c a u s e it w a s n e c e s s a r y f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e p r e s e n t state of a p l a c e . T h i s p i c t u r e of t h e i n d i v i d u a l s e t t l e m e n t , t o g e t h e r w i t h its m e m o r i e s and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of its past, w a s m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n that p l a c e and its n e i g h b o u r s . S o , S t r a b o ' s a t t i t u d e to t i m e a f f e c t e d his c o n c e p t i o n of s p a c e , and led to a c o n c e r n w i t h d i s c r e t e u n i t s , each w i t h its o w n s t o r y ; o r a l t e r n a t i v e l y , his interest in p l a c e m a d e t i m e r e l e v a n t to his v i e w of s p a c e , if w e a c c e p t t h e s u g g e s t i o n that t h e p a s s a g e of t i m e is w h a t t r a n s f o r m s s p a c e i n t o p l a c e . T h e s e c o n c e r n s w o u l d e n a b l e S t r a b o to q u a l i f y as h a v i n g w r i t t e n t h e b r o a d e s t t y p e of g e o g r a p h y p o s s i b l e , as d e f i n e d b y Isaac W a t t s and c i t e d in S a m u e l J o h n s o n ' s Dictionary. ' G e o g r a p h y in a strict sense signifies the k n o w l e d g e of the c i r c l e s of the e a r t h ' s g l o b e , and the s i t u a t i o n of t h e v a r i o u s p a r t s o f the earth. W h e n it is taken in a little larger sense it i n c l u d e s the k n o w l e d g e of the seas also; 59 The various forms of 'historical geography' are discussed in the papers collected by F. Driver et al., 'Geographical Traditions: Rethinking the History of Geography', TIB G NS 20 (1995), 403-22. Here the validity of looking at 'the history of geography' at all is challenged, in reaction to the publication of Livingstone's The Geographical Tradition in 1992.

and in the largest sense of all it extends to the various c u s t o m s , habits and g o v e r n m e n t s of nations.' 6 0 S t r a b o ' s explicit attitude to the past is self-contradictory in the first place. H e both denies it as part of his g e o g r a p h y , and a c k n o w l e d g e s it as necessary for an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the present. T h e past of different areas varies a c c o r d i n g to the pattern of settlement. /70Ai?-history—the vicissitudes of the cities, their foundations, destructions, refoundations, and changes of s t a t u s — a c c o u n t s for a h u g e proportion of the history in the w o r k . T h i s is hardly surprising, given the importance of cities in structuring the w o r l d that S t r a b o wished to describe. Νοη-ττόλι^ h i s t o r y — t h e history of peoples and i n s t i t u t i o n s — i s also important, and shares some of the characteristics and vocabulary of city-history, while requiring certain different strategies. T h e temporal systems adopted by Strabo to describe this past, and its relationship w i t h the present, are complicated and n u m e r o u s . T h e y include b o t h chronological markers, of the kind used in Hellenistic history, and vaguer, relative time-systems. It appears that, for most of the time, the precise date did not matter to S t r a b o in the w a y that it m i g h t to a historian such as D i o d o r u s . T h e historical events w h i c h Strabo includes d o not seem to have been chosen at random, but fall into particular phases, affecting different areas at different times. T h e one uniting factor is that, w h e n R o m e begins to rule the w o r l d , the events that S t r a b o mentions similarly cover the w h o l e k n o w n w o r l d . T h i s is w h y there is so m u c h more history f r o m the first century BC than f r o m any other period. T h e history in S t r a b o ' s Geography confirms that, after the initial period of coherence u n d e r the heroes f r o m T r o y and their global w a n d e r i n g s , the w o r l d did not lend itself to universal history again until the 60 Cited in J. N. L. Baker, The History of Geography (Oxford, 1963), 92. For the opposing view that Strabo was restricted in the conception of his project, see R. E. Dickinson and O. J. R. Howarth, The Making of Geography (Oxford, 1933), 29: 'His main interest lay in political geography and all that that implies. . . . There are limitations worthy of the nineteenth century AD in his view of the scope of geography, as illustrated by examples taken almost at random from his second introductory book.' This seems to me rather a strange way in which to argue, since the style of geography set out in the first two books is quite unlike that adopted by Strabo for his actual description of the world.

R o m a n s reunited it. It w a s the r e u n i t e d w o r l d that S t r a b o u n d e r t o o k to d e s c r i b e in a single w o r k . T h e history of each i n d i v i d u a l place, w h i c h defines its present identity, leads right u p to S t r a b o ' s o w n t i m e and to the relationship o f the place w i t h R o m e . B o t h spatial and t e m p o r a l aspects of the text lead in this direction, to the R o m a n present, w h i c h f o r m e d the s t i m u l u s for the w o r k and u n i t e d the disparate places t h r o u g h the centre. T h e Geography c o u l d b e d e s c r i b e d as g e o g r a p h i c a l , rather than historical, partly b e c a u s e of its p r o f e s s e d c o n c e r n w i t h the present o v e r the past. S t r a b o c o u l d j u s t i f i a b l y m a k e this c l a i m b e c a u s e m u c h o f the past e n c o m p a s s e d b y the w o r k c o n t r i b u t e s to the present p e r c e p t i o n of places. H o w e v e r , it w a s also a g e o g r a p h y because a spatial a r r a n g e m e n t d o m i n a t e d its c o m position. T h e r e is no real a t t e m p t at s y n c h r o n i z a t i o n ; rather each place is treated as a separate entity. B u t I h o p e that the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r s h a v e s h o w n that this alone is n o t satisfactory as a c o m p l e t e definition of g e o g r a p h y , since w i t h i n the narrative of each place, the a r r a n g e m e n t o f material is t e m p o rally d e t e r m i n e d . In a sense, b o t h o f the m a j o r m o d e l s of g e o g r a p h y and h i s t o r y w h i c h I d i s c u s s e d in c h a p t e r I w o r k f o r S t r a b o ' s Geography. It is b o t h m o r e spatial than t e m p o r a l , and m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h the p r e s e n t than w i t h the past. B u t , as I h a v e s h o w n , space, time, present, and past, the d e f i n i n g features of b o t h g e o g r a p h y and history, are all part o f S t r a b o ' s work. T h e w o r l d of S t r a b o ' s Geography w a s still u n d e r g o i n g t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . T h i s is one of the reasons w h y it is s u c h a rich and interesting text. D e p i c t i n g an a p p a r e n t l y u n i t e d w o r l d in a universal a c c o u n t , it barely conceals the u n d e r l y i n g divisions and tensions. S t r a b o ' s Geography falls b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h y and h i s t o r y b e c a u s e of its universal s c o p e , w h i c h necessitated a h u g e organizational feat of integrating t e m p o r a l and spatial aspects. B u t it is m o r e c o m p l e x e v e n than this, as each e l e m e n t o f the f o r m u l a t i o n is s u b j e c t e d to f u r t h e r f r a g m e n t a t i o n . T h e Geography is also g e o g r a p h i c a l l y s u s p e n d e d b e t w e e n the d i f f e r e n t spatial foci of the P o n t i c region, the cities of A s i a M i n o r , and R o m e , all of w h i c h p r o v i d e d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s on the w o r l d b e i n g d e s c r i b e d . Still f u r t h e r , the Geography is historically s u s p e n d e d b e t w e e n the past w o r l d , as

f o u n d in the G r e e k literary tradition, and the present R o m a n world. T h e generic issue is a u s e f u l starting-point, since it opens u p a w i d e range of practical, philosophical, and literary approaches, b u t its potential is limited. S t r a b o w a s the author of a c o m p r e h e n s i v e account, w h i c h took w i t h i n its c o m p a s s the c u l t u r e , history, and c u s t o m s of cities and p e o p l e s across the w h o l e w o r l d k n o w n to the R o m a n s , and t r a n s f o r m e d b o t h g e o g r a p h i c a l and historiographical traditions in order to c o n struct a w o r l d - v i e w w h i c h was appropriate for the n e w h o r izons of the age. T h e result is b o t h local and universal, interested in the past, b u t m o t i v a t e d by the present, s i m u l taneously t e m p o r a l and spatial. A s I indicated in chapter I, the c o n t i n u e d i m p o r t a n c e t h r o u g h the Hellenistic age of the a l l - e m b r a c i n g H e r o d o t e a n m o d e l , the c o n v i c t i o n of Jacoby that generic fluidity w a s an essential feature of G r e e k prose w r i t i n g , and the a p p r o p r i a t e ness of a g e o g r a p h i c a l and e t h n o g r a p h i c a l histoire humaine in d e p i c t i n g n e w w o r l d s , s u c h as the one faced b y S t r a b o , m a y offer m o r e illuminating w a y s of p r o g r e s s i n g w i t h S t r a b o ' s Geography, as indeed w i t h the w o r k s of P o l y b i u s and P o s i d o nius. Just as I w o u l d argue that P o l y b i u s ' Histories w e r e far b r o a d e r in scope than a political narrative, and that P o s i d o nius' f r a g m e n t a r y w o r k s can be better u n d e r s t o o d if w e a b a n d o n strictly delimited notions of w h a t constitutes g e o graphical and historical writings, so too does S t r a b o ' s Geography lie at the m o r e capacious end of the s p e c t r u m of geographical definitions. N o t only d o e s this a p p r o a c h b r i n g these three authors together in t e r m s of literary genre and explain the large degree of o v e r l a p in contents and f o r m b e t w e e n w h a t are apparently quite different w o r k s , b u t the notion of a capacious g e o g r a p h i c a l - h i s t o r i c a l - e t h n o g r a p h i c a l style also offers an appropriate m e d i u m in w h i c h all of these authors c o u l d f o r m u l a t e their various Hellenistic c o n s t r u c t i o n s of the R o m a n w o r l d . C o n s i d e r i n g the issues of time, space, and literary genre is profitably c o m p l e m e n t e d b y an a t t e m p t to v i e w the Geography, like the w o r k s of P o l y b i u s and P o s i d o n i u s , as the p r o d u c t of a particular historical situation. T h e a p p r o a c h m a y be e x e m p l i fied by the third and final m e a n i n g that w e c o u l d g i v e to

'historical g e o g r a p h y ' ; n a m e l y as the 'history of g e o g r a p h i c a l ideas'. I d i s c u s s e d in c h a p t e r V h o w S t r a b o b u i l d s u p a p i c t u r e , w h i c h starts w i t h H o m e r and is d e v e l o p e d particularly in the first t w o b o o k s , of the tradition in w h i c h he w a s participating. T h i s had a history w h i c h ran in parallel to the h i s t o r y of the c h a n g i n g w o r l d , reflecting different stages in its d e v e l o p m e n t t o w a r d s the present. It w a s as essential to u n d e r s t a n d h o w g e o g r a p h i c a l k n o w l e d g e and c o n c e p t i o n s of the w o r l d had d e v e l o p e d t h r o u g h time, as to u n d e r s t a n d the c h a n g e s to the w o r l d itself. A s w e h a v e seen, m u c h of the richness of the Geography c o m e s f r o m its incorporation of d i f f e r e n t g e o g r a p h ical t r a d i t i o n s — b o t h scientific and p e r i e g e t i c — b u t , as I a r g u e d in chapter I V , the g e o g r a p h i c a l tradition of the past relied on spatial m o d e l s w h i c h w e r e at o d d s w i t h the p i c t u r e of the R o m a n w o r l d w h i c h S t r a b o w a n t e d to paint. T h e linear space of the p e r i p l u s texts and the g e o m e t r i c a l space of the m a t h e m atical tradition n e e d e d to be c o m p l e m e n t e d b y a c e n t r e p e r i p h e r y m o d e l f o c u s e d o n R o m e . S o S t r a b o here spatially, j u s t as t e m p o r a l l y in his historical a c c o u n t s of the cities, created a present w h i c h relied o n b u t w a s t r a n s f o r m e d f r o m the past and its traditions. L i t e r a r y genre w a s f o r c e d to e v o l v e into a f o r m that w o u l d suit the n e w age. T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the tradition b r i n g s us b a c k to S t r a b o , his historical c o n t e x t and his persona as author o f the Geography. It is striking that self-referential t e m p o r a l indicators, c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y related to S t r a b o h i m s e l f , are largely restricted to intellectual history. T h e s t r u c t u r e d history of cities and the spread of R o m a n rule and c u s t o m s also reached the present day, b u t this was d e n o t e d m o r e c o m m o n l y b y the i m p e r s o n a l temporal indicator vvv ( ' n o w ' ) . I a r g u e d in c h a p t e r I V that S t r a b o created d i f f e r e n t spatial focal points, reflected in the use of different, personal or impersonal, t e m p o r a l indicators to refer to the present (pp. 242-3). W h a t I a m s u g g e s t i n g is that S t r a b o ' s R o m a n w o r l d m i g h t have c o n t a i n e d m o r e than one p r e s e n t — a w o r l d centred o n R o m e , and a personal, intellectual base in A s i a M i n o r . N i c o l e t has brilliantly d e m o n s t r a t e d h o w R o m a n p o w e r affected g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n c e p t i o n s in the first c e n t u r y BC. V e r y m a n y aspects o f S t r a b o ' s Geography can be e x p l a i n e d by reference to the ideas p u t f o r w a r d b y N i c o l e t , in particular

t h e n o t i o n o f R o m e as spatial a n d t e m p o r a l f o c u s o f t h e w o r l d , and the w h o l e c o n c e p t o f p r o v i d i n g a c o m p r e h e n s i v e a c c o u n t o f the p r e s e n t state of t h e w o r l d , as p a r a l l e l e d in t h e m a p o f N i c o l e t ' s stress o n t h e R o m a n A g r i p p a a n d t h e Res Gestae.61 p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h c o n t r o l l i n g t h e n a t u r a l w o r l d is, o f c o u r s e , r e f l e c t e d in S t r a b o ' s a c c o u n t o f h o w t h e R o m a n s d e l i b e r a t e l y t r a n s f o r m e d t h e w o r l d u n d e r their c o m m a n d . 6 2 B u t N i c o l e t ' s m o d e l o f t h e w o r l d o f t h e first c e n t u r y BC o n l y p a r t i a l l y a c c o u n t s f o r t h e Geography as w e h a v e it. S t r a b o h a s p r e s e n t e d u s w i t h a fine e x a m p l e , n o t o n l y of t h e R o m a n s ' c o n q u e s t of the w o r l d a n d their g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n c e p t i o n s o f it, b u t also of a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t p h e n o m e n o n , n a m e l y t h e t r a n s i t i o n b e t w e e n G r e e k a n d R o m a n w o r l d s . T h e Geography perfectly illustrates t h a t t h e w o r l d w h i c h S t r a b o k n e w , a n d w a s t r y i n g t o d e s c r i b e , w a § R o m a n in n a m e and p o l i t i c a l p o w e r , b u t c o u l d n o t b e c o n c e p t u a l i z e d and d e p i c t e d e x c e p t t h r o u g h r e c o u r s e to t h e G r e e k h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n s , w h i c h still d o m i n a t e d m e n t a l m a p s o f t h e w o r l d a n d r e f l e c t e d t h e reality of t h e past, w h i c h h a d b e e n t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o the p r e s e n t . 6 3 A l l w e r e r e q u i r e d in o r d e r to m a k e u p S t r a b o ' s u n i v e r s a l γεωγραφία. T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f H o m e r , a u t h o r o f t h e first a n d g r e a t e s t p e r i e g e t i c c o m p o s i t i o n s , m a p p i n g o u t t h e w o r l d b y sea t h r o u g h t h e w a n d e r i n g s o f O d y s s e u s , a n d b y l a n d t h r o u g h t h e p r o v e n a n c e s o f the t r o o p s in t h e Iliad, c a n n o t b e o v e r e m p h a s i z e d . S o t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f g e o g r a p h y as e x c l u s i v e of t h e p a s t w a s u n t h i n k a b l e n o t o n l y o n a e t i o l o g i c a l g r o u n d s , b u t also b e c a u s e t h e p a s t l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n p r o v i d e d t h e o n l y f r a m e w o r k w i t h i n w h i c h to c o n s t r u c t the p r e s e n t R o m a n 61 Nicolet, Space, Geography, and Politics, devotes ch. 5 to 'Agrippa's Geographical Work' and ch. 8 to 'The "Geographical" Work of Augustus'. 62 See ibid., chs. 6, 7, and 9, on the Roman census, the cadastres, and the administrative organization of space respectively. G . Traina, Ambiente e paesaggi di Roma antica (Rome, 1990), 53, makes the same point about the actual experience of Roman power 'in esigenze amministrative, fiscal», censitarie oltre che culturali e politiche' ('in administrative, fiscal, censorial demands, besides the cultural and political'). 63 C. Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1991), 147, sums up the situation perfectly: 'Strabon vit entre deux mondes: l'Empire romain dont il suit la genèse et l'expansion; le monde grec, dont la culture, la littérature et les traditions l'imprègnent' ('Strabo lived between two worlds: the Roman empire, whose birth and expansion he follows; the Greek world, whose culture, literature, and traditions saturate him').

world, h o w e v e r unsatisfactory that f r a m e w o r k w a s for some areas. T h e l o c a t i o n o f S t r a b o t h e a u t h o r in t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s of the G r e e k E a s t , set a l o n g s i d e t h e f o c u s o f t h e w o r l d h e w a s d e s c r i b i n g , R o m e , n e a t l y s y m b o l i z e s t h e t e n s i o n that u n d e r l i e s the w o r k , a n d if w e w a n t to m a i n t a i n a spatial a s s o c i a t i o n f o r g e o g r a p h y , t h e n it is a p p r o p r i a t e that t h e s e t w o crucial elements should have been spatially distinguished. B u t , j u s t as S t r a b o t h e a u t h o r c a n n o t b e t r u l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m the Geography w h i c h h e w r o t e , so t o o d o t h e d i f f e r e n t g e o g r a p h i c a l f o c i b e c o m e b l u r r e d . S t r a b o o f A m a s e i a is t h e s a m e figure as S t r a b o of t h e G r e e k i n t e l l e c t u a l h e a r t l a n d , a n d t h e s a m e as S t r a b o a u t h o r of a w o r k w h i c h w a s firmly fixed o n t h e c i t y o f R o m e and t h e w o r l d o f R o m a n p o w e r . In V a n P a a s s e n ' s w o r d s , S t r a b o ' s w a s a ' G r e e k m i n d in R o m a n s u r r o u n d i n g s ' . 6 4 T h e spatial d i s t i n c t i o n s are f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t e d b y t h e t e n d e n c y of G r e e k i n t e l l e c t u a l s o f t h i s p e r i o d , i n c l u d i n g S t r a b o h i m s e l f , to m o v e to R o m e . 6 5 T h i s is t h e m o m e n t to recall B o w e r s o c k ' s p r o p o s e d r e a d e r , t h e R o m a n πολιτικός ( m a n o f state) e d u c a t e d in G r e e k φιλοσοφία ( p h i l o s o p h y ) . A n d , in parallel w i t h this spatial b l u r r i n g g o e s a lack of t e m p o r a l d i s t i n c t i o n . A s w e s a w e x e m p l i f i e d in t h e r e g i o n a l a c c o u n t s o f R o m e a n d I t a l y , R o m e a n d the p r e s e n t w e r e n o t h i n g w i t h o u t t h e G r e e k w o r l d and t h e p a s t . T h e t e n s i o n is n e a t l y e n c o m p a s s e d in t h e Geography itself. T h e w o r k starts w i t h an e x t e n s i v e a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of t h e d e b t to t h e G r e e k i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n , f r o m H o m e r a n d his world-view o n w a r d s ; it e n d s w i t h a p i c t u r e of the w o r l d in t h e f o r m of an e n u m e r a t i o n o f R o m a n p r o v i n c e s . O n e m i g h t a r g u e that this f r a m i n g s y m b o l i z e s t h e f a c t that the G r e e k w o r l d o f t h e p a s t has b e e n t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a n d e c l i p s e d b y t h e R o m a n w o r l d o f the p r e s e n t . T h i s is t h e g e n e r a l d i r e c t i o n o f m o v e m e n t , b u t 64

C. Van Paassen, The Classical

Tradition of Geography (Groningen,

1957). 9· 65 G. W. Bowersock, Augustas and the Greek World (Oxford, 1965), 123-8. A. M. Biraschi, 'Dai "Prolegomena" all'Italia: Premesse teoriche e tradizione', in Italia Antica, 127-43, argues further that the circle of intellectuals, of which Strabo and Dionysius of Halicarnassus were part, became involved in the classicistic revival of the Augustan age, with the aim of cultivating the ruling classes through literature that was both political and cultural (p. 131). Thus, the use of the tradition not only authenticated Strabo's work, but also deliberately brought back to prominence the patrimony of knowledge (p. 142).

there is no s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d p r o g r e s s i o n t h r o u g h the w o r k . W e do not get a sense that the w o r l d is g r a d u a l l y b e c o m i n g free of the G r e e k m o d e s o f expression, that places are b e c o m i n g increasingly liberated f r o m their G r e e k past to take their place in a f u l l y R o m a n w o r l d . R a t h e r , e v e r y time a n e w place is reached, S t r a b o goes right back to the earliest period of history again. T h e r e is no sense in w h i c h the past has b e e n a b a n d o n e d ; rather, j u s t like the L a e s t r y g o n i a n s of B o n i f a c i o , the history of each place b e c o m e s part of its present.

Epilogue

Herculean was a word I kept wanting to use but never did; the only Herculean part of my trip was every night having to describe how I had spent the day, without leaving anything out; turning all my actions into words. It was like a labor in a myth or an old story. I could not sleep until the work was done. 1 I started with T h e r o u x ' s m o d e r n - d a y j o u r n e y , real and intellectual, around the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d , and, in particular, with his identification of the R o c k of G i b r a l t a r with one of the Pillars of Hercules. It thus seems appropriate to return to his work at the end of m y o w n periplus around this subject. T h e r o u x still had some distance to go before he reached the end of his voyage, but his description of the daunting nature of his task as ' H e r c u l e a n ' neatly evokes the sense of closure associated with his imminent arrival at the A f r i c a n Pillar of Hercules, setting the seal on a huge undertaking. Here, as elsewhere, both implicitly and explicitly T h e r o u x writes in a way w h i c h illustrates the interrelationship b e t w e e n time and space w h i c h has been one of the main subjects of this work. H i s j o u r n e y through space entails a literary undertaking w h i c h is described t h r o u g h direct reference to the m y t h i c a l past. A t the same time, the w h o l e Herculean f r a m e w o r k is evocative of a past tradition of writing about space, the periplus text in its most basic f o r m , starting and e n d i n g w i t h the Pillars of Hercules. M y o w n return to T h e r o u x and matters H e r c u l e a n signals that this is the m o m e n t for m e to recall some of the ideas encapsulated in the intervening space, and also, in the manner of S c y l a x , to hint at some of the possibilities for future exploration w h i c h lie b e y o n d the Pillars. O n e of m y aims was to explore the problematic 1

overlap

P. Theroux, The Pillars of Hercules: A Grand Tour of the Mediterranean

(London, 1995), 522.

b e t w e e n g e o g r a p h y a n d h i s t o r y . T h e d i f f i c u l t y is m a n i f e s t e d at v a r i o u s levels. O u r p r o b l e m as r e a d e r s of a n c i e n t t e x t s is that w e h a v e certain e x p e c t a t i o n s a b o u t w h a t c o n s t i t u t e s ' g e o g r a p h ical' a n d ' h i s t o r i c a l ' w o r k s , e x p e c t a t i o n s w h i c h are t h e p r o d u c t s o f a l o n g h i s t o r y o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f the m o d e r n a c a d e m i c s u b j e c t s k n o w n as ' g e o g r a p h y ' and ' h i s t o r y ' . W e c a n n o t d i s c a r d the issue b y c l a i m i n g that g e o g r a p h y a n d h i s t o r y w e r e i n s e p a r a b l e in a n t i q u i t y , m a k i n g o u r d i f f i c u l t y s i m p l y t h e result o f a n a c h r o n i s m . A l t h o u g h w e m a y find it h a r d to p i n p o i n t w h a t distinguished ancient g e o g r a p h y f r o m ancient history, the fact that i n d i v i d u a l a u t h o r s , s u c h as S t r a b o , w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r b o t h t y p e s o f w o r k m e a n s that w e s h o u l d at least try to u n d e r s t a n d w h a t γεωγραφία a n d Ιστορία w e r e , a n d h o w t h e y differed f r o m each other. Restricted m o d e r n notions of 'geog r a p h y ' a n d ' h i s t o r y ' m a y e n c o u r a g e us to a b a n d o n t h e s e t e r m s a l t o g e t h e r in o u r d i s c u s s i o n of a n c i e n t d e n o t a t i o n s , o n t h e g r o u n d s that ' g e o g r a p h y ' is n o m o r e akin to γεωγραφία t h a n ' h i s t o r y ' is to ιστορία. B u t this is a n i n a d e q u a t e r e s p o n s e , s i n c e the m o d e r n disciplines of g e o g r a p h y and history have been d e v e l o p e d c o n s c i o u s l y a g a i n s t t h e b a c k d r o p o f t h e t r a d i t i o n . In a n y case, w e can p r o f i t a b l y e x p l o i t s o m e o f the d e b a t e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e m o d e r n fields to e n r i c h o u r r a n g e o f a p p r o a c h e s to the a n c i e n t s o u r c e s . In c h a p t e r I , I c o n s i d e r e d s o m e of t h e m a n y a r g u m e n t s w h i c h h a v e b e e n raised in relation to t h e m o d e r n s u b j e c t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y b y g e o g r a p h e r s in an a t t e m p t to d e f i n e their s u b j e c t a g a i n s t h i s t o r y . T h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s are f o r m u l a t e d l a r g e l y in t e r m s o f the m a t r i c e s o f t i m e a n d s p a c e , b o t h of w h i c h I t h i n k c a n b e s h o w n to h a v e b e e n c o n c e i v e d of in a n t i q u i t y , j u s t as in t h e m o d e r n w o r l d , n o t o n l y as a b s t r a c t i o n s , b u t also as f e a t u r e s of t h e w o r l d as it w a s e x p e r i e n c e d . ' T i m e ' and ' s p a c e ' are u s e f u l t e r m s t h r o u g h w h i c h to i n v e s t i g a t e a n d d e s c r i b e c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s of g e o g r a p h i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l reality a n d its literary r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . H o w e v e r , in t h e c a s e o f e a c h of t h e a u t h o r s w h o s e w o r k s I h a v e d i s c u s s e d , I h a v e a r g u e d that w e must qualify the straightforward identification of history with time and geography with space. In p a r t i c u l a r , I h a v e a r g u e d that the k e y to o u r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n both of w e l l - k n o w n works of great length and of more f r a g m e n t a r y t e x t s is t h e a d o p t i o n o f an i n c l u s i v e n o t i o n of

b o t h g e o g r a p h y a n d h i s t o r y . H e r e t h e m o d e l o f H e r o d o t u s is o f p r i m e i m p o r t a n c e , b o t h in h e l p i n g u s to m o v e a w a y f r o m generic distinctions towards a more comprehensive history of c u l t u r e s a n d c i v i l i z a t i o n s , a n d in s h o w i n g h o w the b r o a d g e o g r a p h i c a l h i s t o r y (or h i s t o r i c a l g e o g r a p h y ) , o f t h e k i n d a d o p t e d b y t h e a d h e r e n t s to t h e Annales s c h o o l , w a s p a r t i c u larly a p p r o p r i a t e to p e r i o d s of c h a n g e a n d e x p a n s i o n . H e r o d o t u s p r o v i d e s t h e literary m o d e l as w e l l as e x e m p l i f y i n g h o w s u c h an u n d e r t a k i n g c o u l d b e u s e d to r e w r i t e a n e w w o r l d . T h e r a n g e a n d c o m p l e x i t y o f P o l y b i u s ' spatial c o n c e p t i o n s were enormous. His project d e m a n d e d that he concern himself w i t h h i s t o r y as t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f s p a c e , b u t he w a s also a w a r e of a n d i n t e r e s t e d in t h e role p l a y e d b y g e o g r a p h i c a l s p a c e in a l t e r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f h i s t o r y . I n d e e d , t h e m a i n t h e s i s o f P é d e c h ' s t r e a t m e n t o f t h e g e o g r a p h y in P o l y b i u s t a k e s t h e a r g u m e n t e v e n f u r t h e r , c l a i m i n g that P o l y b i u s b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t e r e s t e d in g e o g r a p h y as a s u b j e c t in its o w n r i g h t , r a t h e r t h a n as an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y ; that t h e t r a v e l l e r g r a d u a l l y t o o k o v e r f r o m t h e m a n of state, 2 P o l i t i c a l a n d s t r a t e g i c g e o g r a p h y t h u s g a v e w a y to w i d e - s c a l e g e o g r a p h ical interests, o f t h e k i n d w h i c h w e r e t h e s u b j e c t o f m u c h o f chapter II. I w o u l d , h o w e v e r , argue that P o l y b i u s ' global g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n c e p t i o n s n e e d n o t b e s e e n in i s o l a t i o n f r o m his historical m e t h o d , as a later a d d i t i o n to t h e text; b u t r a t h e r that t h e y w e r e i n t e g r a l t o t h e w h o l e u n d e r t a k i n g . I a t t e m p t e d to s h o w in c h a p t e r I I I h o w a r e - e x a m i n a t i o n o f o u r p r e c o n c e p t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g w h a t is ' g e o g r a p h i c a l ' a n d w h a t ' h i s t o r i c a l ' has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f f r a g m e n t ary w o r k s . I h a v e a r g u e d n o t that P o s i d o n i u s ' On Ocean a n d Histories w e r e t h e s a m e as e a c h o t h e r in c h a r a c t e r , b u t t h a t t h e blurred b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n geography and history necessitates flexibility in o u r a p p r o a c h to a s s i g n i n g f r a g m e n t s t o t h e i r a n c i e n t c o n t e x t , a n d to r e c o n s t r u c t i n g t h e n a t u r e o f t h e o r i g i n a l works themselves. S t r a b o has b e e n t h e m a i n f o c u s o f t h i s b o o k . T h e s u r v i v a l o f t h e Geography a n d t h e loss o f the History a l l o w u s to s t u d y Strabo's w o r l d - v i e w t h r o u g h only the f o r m e r of these t w o P. Pédech, La Méthode historique de Polybe (Paris, 1964), 555. Pédech sees Polybius' newly found interest in geography as an intellectual preoccupation which resulted directly from his travels. 2

w o r k s . H o w e v e r , I h o p e to h a v e s h o w n that t h e Geography d o e s n o t a n s w e r to the d e s c r i p t i o n o f a p u r e l y spatial a c c o u n t o f the w o r l d . E v e n a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of s p a c e in this w o r k r e v e a l s a s t r o n g t e m p o r a l e l e m e n t , in s o far as S t r a b o treated t h e e v o l u t i o n o f spatial m o d e l s w h i c h s t r e t c h e d b a c k to H o m e r a n d s u b j e c t e d t h e m to v a r i o u s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s to m a k e t h e m r e l e v a n t to his p r e s e n t R o m a n w o r l d . In a d d i t i o n to this, S t r a b o ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of e a c h p l a c e is s t r u c t u r e d b y c h a n g e s t h r o u g h t i m e , p l a c i n g c i t y - h i s t o r i e s at t h e h e a r t o f a ' g e o g r a p h i c a l ' w o r k . B u t s p a c e c o m e s to the f o r e in so far as it is m o m e n t s of g e o g r a p h i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n w h i c h p r o v i d e S t r a b o w i t h his c h r o n o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k , a n d w h i c h d o m i n a t e his t r e a t m e n t o f the past. T h e a m o u n t o f m a t e r i a l a b o u t the p a s t w h i c h a p p e a r s in S t r a b o ' s Geography c h a l l e n g e s t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f h i s t o r y w i t h the p a s t a n d g e o g r a p h y w i t h the p r e s e n t in a w a y w h i c h s e e m s to c o n t r a d i c t e v e n S t r a b o ' s o w n p r o f e s s e d aims; b u t , as I a r g u e d in c h a p t e r V , this is b e c a u s e t h e p r e s e n t i d e n t i t y of a p l a c e c o m p r i s e s b o t h its p r e s e n t a n d its past. D u b o i s c o m p l a i n e d m o r e than a c e n t u r y a g o that o u r t e n d e n c y to c a t e g o r i z e a u t h o r s a c c o r d i n g to literary g e n r e m e a n s that w e m a k e S t r a b o ' m o i n s h i s t o r i e n et p l u s g é o g r a p h e q u ' i l ne f u t e n réalité'. 3 A s i m i l a r m e t h o d o l o g i c a l c o m p l a i n t c o u l d b e d i r e c t e d at o u r t r e a t m e n t o f P o l y b i u s as a h i s t o r i a n a n d o f t h e f r a g m e n t s of P o s i d o n i u s ' lost w o r k s . If n o t h i n g else, b y q u e s t i o n i n g the ease w i t h w h i c h w e s e e m a b l e to label a n c i e n t a u t h o r s a n d their w o r k s as b e l o n g i n g to o n e g e n r e o r a n o t h e r , I h o p e to h a v e o p e n e d u p n e w p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - k n o w n t e x t s . M o d e r n d e b a t e s o v e r t h e n a t u r e of g e o g r a p h y and h i s t o r y , t i m e and s p a c e , their s e p a r a b i l i t y and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p , can at t h e v e r y least m a k e u s alert to t e x t u a l features w h i c h m i g h t otherwise be passed over. B u t t h e a i m o f this b o o k w a s n o t o n l y to e x p l o r e a n d p r e s e n t a literary debate w h i c h m i g h t enrich our reading of some a n c i e n t texts. W h a t starts as a q u e s t i o n of g e n r e s o o n b e c o m e s t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o an issue of w i d e r s i g n i f i c a n c e . If w e s e a r c h b e y o n d t h e literary issue o f g e n e r i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n to t h e u n d e r l y i n g n o t i o n s of t i m e a n d s p a c e , l i n k e d to h u m a n e x p e r i e n c e o f 3 'less a historian and more a geographer than he really was': M. Dubois, 'Strabon et Polybe', Revue des Études Grecques, 4 (1891), 349.

t h e w o r l d , a n d c o n s i d e r w a y s o f c o n c e i v i n g of and d e p i c t i n g that w o r l d , w e start to u n r a v e l a p i e c e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . T h e R o m a n w o r l d as d e p i c t e d b y S t r a b o has b e e n t h e m a i n o b j e c t o f that e n q u i r y , b u t P o l y b i u s and P o s i d o n i u s also p r o v i d e i m p o r t a n t e x a m p l e s o f a t t e m p t s t o e n c a p s u l a t e in large-scale texts a world w h i c h was gradually falling under the s w a y o f a s i n g l e p o w e r . T o g e t h e r , t h e s e t h r e e a u t h o r s r e p r e s e n t a m a j o r and d i s t i n c t i v e p h a s e o f r e - e v a l u a t i o n , w h e n c u l t u r a l h o r i z o n s h a d to b e reassessed a n d a n e w w o r l d c o n s t r u c t e d . T h e i r r e s p o n s e s to this n e e d w o u l d b e related to, b u t i m p o r t a n t l y d i f f e r e n t f r o m , p r e v i o u s p e r i o d s of e x p a n s i o n a n d c h a n g e . O n e f e a t u r e w h i c h links t h e c o n c e p t i o n s o f all o f t h e s e a u t h o r s is their c o n c e r n to e x p r e s s t h e u n i t y o f the R o m a n w o r l d . S t o i c συμπαθΐία ( ' s y m p a t h y ' ) , the b i o g r a p h i c a l m o d e l o f t h e earth a n d its i n d i v i d u a l cities as a n i m a t e b e i n g s w i t h a l i f e c y c l e to relate, t h e n o t i o n o f fate, a n d t h e l o g i c o f t h e n a t u r a l w o r l d all c o m e i n t o p l a y in t h e a t t e m p t to d r a w t o g e t h e r and m a k e sense o f t h e w o r l d , in w a y s w h i c h s t e p o u t s i d e t h e t r a d i t i o n a l spatial and t e m p o r a l p a t t e r n s o f g e o g r a p h y a n d history. T h e s e p r e o c c u p a t i o n s m a k e the w o r k s I h a v e s t u d i e d natural p r o d u c t s of their o w n p a r t i c u l a r age. T h e rise o f R o m e a n d the u n i f i c a t i o n o f a l m o s t t h e w h o l e k n o w n w o r l d r e s u l t e d in a w e a l t h o f u n i v e r s a l a c c o u n t s . P o l y b i u s m a d e e x p l i c i t the f a c t that his w o r k w a s d i r e c t e d t o w a r d s e x p l o r i n g t h e w a y in w h i c h R o m a n p o w e r h a d s p r e a d to t h e e x t e n t that w o r l d h i s t o r y w o u l d cease to b e s p a t i a l l y s u b d i v i d e d . H i s History vividly reflects t h e d y n a m i c c h a n g e s to g e o g r a p h y b r o u g h t a b o u t b y the e v e n t s of t h e early s e c o n d c e n t u r y BC. B y S t r a b o ' s t i m e , t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e w o r l d w a s a l m o s t c o m p l e t e . T h e first c e n t u r y BC w a s a t i m e of u n p a r a l l e l e d p r o d u c t i o n o f u n i v e r s a l a c c o u n t s of all k i n d s — l i t e r a r y , c a r t o g r a p h i c , a n d m o n u m e n t a l . T h i s is t h e c o n t e x t in w h i c h to read t h e Geography, as an e c u m e n i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the R o m a n w o r l d d u r i n g t h e late Republic and early principate. But h o w R o m a n was S t r a b o ' s conception of the unified w o r l d ? It c o u l d b e a r g u e d that his u n i v e r s a l i s m fits p e r f e c t l y into t h e c o n t e x t o f P o m p e y ' s t r i u m p h a l p r o c e s s i o n , t h e Res gestae, and t h e m a p of A g r i p p a . S t r a b o w a s s i m p l y p r o v i d i n g a n o t h e r e x p r e s s i o n of R o m a n i m p e r i a l i s m . B u t , if the

c o n c e p t i o n w a s R o m a n , the f o r m u l a t i o n was not. A s I h a v e already discussed, the Geography was w r i t t e n f i r m l y and selfc o n s c i o u s l y in the G r e e k literary tradition. I hinted at the need to m o v e a w a y f r o m literary issues t o w a r d s the q u e s t i o n o f h o w these w o r k s reflected a particular historical p e r i o d . W e m a y certainly shift the f o c u s a w a y f r o m g e n e r i c analysis and the m o d e r n reception of these texts, but the literary c o n t e x t u a l ization of a w o r k s u c h as the Geography tells us as m u c h a b o u t the c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f its c o m p o s i t i o n and the w o r l d - v i e w of the author as does a consideration of its factual contents. W e can d e r i v e f r o m the i n f o r m a t i o n c o n t a i n e d in the Geography m a n y details of h o w the R o m a n e m p i r e f u n c t i o n e d u n d e r A u g u s t u s and the early years of T i b e r i u s ' reign. B u t w e can also d r a w c o n c l u s i o n s a b o u t the w o r l d of this period f r o m the m a n n e r in w h i c h the w o r k w a s c o n s t r u c t e d . S t r a b o ' s literary presentation of his o w n location in t i m e and space, a l t h o u g h o b l i q u e , reveals that he w a s v i e w i n g the R o m a n w o r l d f r o m the p e r s p e c t i v e of an e d u c a t e d inhabitant of the G r e e k East. In this he w a s not alone, b u t in the c o m p a n y of figures s u c h as D i o n y s i u s of H a l i c a r n a s s u s . W e m a y recall D i o n y s i u s ' call to ' m a k e R o m a n times c o n f o r m to the G r e e k ' (AR χ. 74. 2). T h e w o r l d w a s R o m a n , b u t it r e q u i r e d a G r e e k m o d e of expression. A m a j o r point of interest to e m e r g e f r o m a consideration of the Geography is the w h o l e f i r s t - c e n t u r y BC intellectual milieu, a w o r l d c e n t r e d on R o m e , but c o m p r i s e d of figures f r o m the G r e e k East. O n e o f the m o s t f r u i t f u l w a y s in w h i c h a s t u d y o f S t r a b o and his w o r k m i g h t be d e v e l o p e d w o u l d , in m y o p i n i o n , be to e x p l o r e f u r t h e r this interaction b e t w e e n G r e e k and R o m a n . W a s it s i m p l y b e c a u s e of their p r o v e n a n c e that these writers e m p l o y e d G r e e k traditions and G r e e k f r a m e w o r k s to describe a R o m a n w o r l d ? O r w a s it that there existed no specifically R o m a n w a y of c o n c e i v i n g o f and w r i t i n g a b o u t the R o m a n w o r l d ? O n e possible line o f e n q u i r y w o u l d be to c o m p a r e the v i e w p o i n t and conceptual f r a m e w o r k of other universal a c c o u n t s of this p e r i o d , in o r d e r to see w h e t h e r it is possible to i d e n t i f y a relatively u n i f o r m w a y of seeing and d e s c r i b i n g the R o m a n w o r l d . O f particular interest in this w o u l d be not only a c c o u n t s w r i t t e n by R o m a n authors, b u t also ' o p p o s i t i o n ' literature, a c a t e g o r y to w h i c h the w o r k of, f o r

example, P o m p e i u s T r o g u s has been assigned.4 H o w different, if at all, w a s T r o g u s ' spatial a n d t e m p o r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of the w o r l d f r o m that o f S t r a b o o r D i o n y s i u s ? W a s it p o s s i b l e , o r e v e n d e s i r a b l e , to e s c a p e f r o m t h e d o m i n a n t c o n c e p t u a l f r a m e work? T h e w r i t i n g of u n i v e r s a l a c c o u n t s w a s a s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e o f t h e first c e n t u r y BC, as e x e m p l i f i e d b y t h e w o r k o f D i o d o r u s , Dionysius, and Nicolaus, and had important predecessors such as P o l y b i u s in t h e p r e c e d i n g c e n t u r y . B u t t i m e a n d s p a c e w e r e c o m b i n e d in i n t e r e s t i n g w a y s n o t o n l y in t h e s e l a r g e - s c a l e t r e a t m e n t s of the w o r l d . I m e n t i o n e d in c h a p t e r V I t h e p o s s i b l e d i f f i c u l t i e s f a c e d b y an a u t h o r s u c h as S t r a b o if h e w e r e to try t o c o m b i n e regional accounts into a universal g e o g r a p h y . A f u r t h e r area of r e s e a r c h lies in s h i f t i n g t h e f o c u s f r o m t h e u n i v e r s a l to t h e l o c a l , a n d c o n s i d e r i n g t h e e x t e n t to w h i c h r e g i o n a l a c c o u n t s w e r e w r i t t e n as r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of isolated f r a g m e n t s of t i m e a n d s p a c e , or w h e t h e r their a u t h o r s a n d r e a d e r s w e r e c o n s c i o u s l y a w a r e that t h e y w e r e d e a l i n g w i t h ' p a r t s of a w h o l e ' . 5 T h e t e m p o r a l a n d spatial l i m i t a t i o n s o f this p r o j e c t h a v e e n t a i l e d t h a t I l a r g e l y e x c l u d e d i s c u s s i o n of H e l l e n i s t i c r e g i o n a l a c c o u n t s , b u t t h e y s e e m to m e p e r f e c t l y s u i t e d to the k i n d of a p p r o a c h that I h a v e b e e n a p p l y i n g to u n i v e r s a l w r i t e r s . A s I m e n t i o n e d in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h P o m p e i u s T r o g u s on A r m e n i a (pp. 9 6 - 7 ) , t h e s e local a c c o u n t s r e g u l a r l y d e f i n e s p a c e in t e r m s of t h e p a s t of t h e p l a c e c o n c e r n e d . P a r t s of A s i a M i n o r are p a r t i c u l a r l y rich in m y t h o l o g i c a l a s s o c i a tions, w h e r e p a s t visits b y h e r o e s and g o d s c o n t r i b u t e to t h e d i s t i n c t i v e i d e n t i t i e s o f r e g i o n s a n d cities. T h e m y t h o l o g i c a l g e o g r a p h y of an area s u c h as A r m e n i a w o u l d , it s e e m s , b e o n e p o s s i b l e field f o r f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . A s t u d y o f the c o m p l e x relationship between geography, history, time, and space, f o c u s e d on a r e s t r i c t e d area, c o u l d b e e x t e n d e d b e y o n d t h e r e a l m s o f l i t e r a r y t e x t s to i n c l u d e e p i g r a p h i c , n u m i s m a t i c , m o n u m e n t a l , a n d artistic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f t h e r e g i o n . B u t 4 See J. M . A l o n s o - N û i ï e z , ' L ' o p p o s i z i o n e contro l'imperialismo romano e contro il principato nella storiografia del tempo di A u g u s t o ' , Rivista Storica dell'Antichità, 12 (1982), 1 3 1 - 4 1 .

See D . S. L e v e n e , 'Sallust's Jugurtha: A n "Historical F r a g m e n t " ' , JRS 82 (1992), 53-70, for Sallust's Jugurtha as a self-conscious fragment of a larger history. 5

h o w c o m p r e h e n s i b l e w o u l d allusions to the appearance of a figure such as Jason be w i t h o u t a k n o w l e d g e of his w a n d e r i n g s in the w i d e r M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d ? H o w local c o u l d the f r a m e of reference really be? T h e fact that this project can be a l l o w e d , in all senses, no m o r e time and no m o r e space does not i m p l y that the issues are closed. Rather, I h o p e to h a v e raised m o r e questions than c o u l d be a n s w e r e d , and, w i t h the help of s o m e c u r r e n t debates a b o u t the nature of g e o g r a p h y and history, to h a v e o p e n e d u p s o m e n e w a p p r o a c h e s to ancient texts and to their w a y s of c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g and d e p i c t i n g the w o r l d . In particular, I h a v e tried to s h o w that S t r a b o ' s Geography, w h i c h has traditionally b e e n seen as n o t h i n g m o r e than a m i n e of i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the R o m a n e m p i r e in the age of A u g u s t u s , deserves s t u d y in its o w n right, as a text of e n o r m o u s temporal and spatial c o m p l e x ity. T h e p r o j e c t to write an a c c o u n t of the w h o l e w o r l d k n o w n to the R o m a n s may be fitted satisfactorily into a c o n t e x t of R o m a n imperialism, f o r m u l a t e d against a G r e e k literary tradition. H o w e v e r , S t r a b o ' s specifically ' g e o g r a p h i c a l ' m a n i f e s t a tion of this first-century u n i v e r s a l i s m is a u n i q u e survival. In a sense, m y interests have led me to search in the Geography for ' S t r a b o the historian'. W e m a y indeed w i s h that w e had S t r a b o ' s History; a c o m p a r i s o n of a ' g e o g r a p h y ' and a 'history' by a single author m i g h t b r i n g n e w insights into w h a t was distinctive a b o u t the t w o styles of w r i t i n g . B u t I w o u l d not w a n t the History to have s u r v i v e d at the e x p e n s e of the Geography, a l t h o u g h the f o r m e r is generally a s s u m e d to have been the greater w o r k . W e have other universal histories, but only one Geography for this period. It p r o v i d e s us w i t h a u n i q u e o p p o r t u n i t y to see w h a t h a p p e n e d w h e n an intellectual f r o m the p e r i p h e r y of the e m p i r e b r o u g h t the R o m a n transf o r m a t i o n of the w o r l d into contact w i t h the richness of the G r e e k geographical tradition, w h i c h had a c c u m u l a t e d t h r o u g h time f r o m H o m e r o n w a r d s . I leave to D e f o e the final f o r m u l a t i o n of the interaction of time and space, illustrated in the constantly c h a n g i n g nature of the subject of his geographical w o r k . H i s anticipatory apologies will suffice to express m y c o n c l u d i n g excuses for the i m p e r f e c t and i n c o m p l e t e state of m y o w n project; but I s h o u l d like also

to adopt his o p t i m i s m that such imperfection can lead only to i m p r o v e m e n t and the d e v e l o p m e n t of new ideas: 6 But after all that has been said by others, or can be said here, no description of Great Britain can be what we call a finished account, as no clothes can be made to fit a growing child; no picture carry the likeness of a living face; the size of one, and the countenance of the other always altering with time: so no account of a kingdom thus daily altering its countenance can be perfect. Even while the sheets are in the press, new beauties appear in several places, and almost to every part we are obliged to add appendixes, and supplemental accounts of fine houses, new undertakings, buildings, &c. and thus posterity will be continually adding; every age will find an increase of glory. 6

D. Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (London,

1724-6; repr. Harmondsworth, 1986), Preface, p. 46.

A P P E N D I X

A

The Arrangement of Posidonius' Histories

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Feasts Apamea vs. Larissa Pistachio production 140s? Hierax of Antioch 90s Heracleon's feast Dining habits Ptolemy V I I I ' s luxury c. 144-139 136-132 Damophilus, slave-leader Voluntary slavery 130s Antiochus Sidetes' feasts Luxurious lifestyle Antiochus Sidetes' luxury I 30s 141/0 or 129 Royal treatment at feasts Pythionice's funeral >

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Walbank, F. W., A Historical Commentary on Polybius (3 vols.; Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1 9 5 7 - 7 9 ) · Polybius

(Berkeley, University of California Press,

W a l l a c e , P . W . , ' S t r a b o o n A c r o c o r i n t h ' , Hesperia,

1972).

38 (1969), 495~9·

Wellek, R. and Warren, Α., Theory of Literature (2nd edn.; London, Cape, 1966). White, H., Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in NineteenthCentury Europe (Baltimore, John Hopkins, 1973).

Whitrow, G . J., Time in History: Views of Time from Prehistory to the Present Day (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988). Wiedemann, T . , Adults and Children in the Roman Empire (London, Routledge, 1989). 'Rhetoric in Polybius', in Purposes of History, 289-300. Wiedemann, T . and Gardner, J. F., The Roman Household: A Sourcebook (London, Routledge, 1991). Wilcox, D . J., The Measure of Times Past: Pre-Newtonian Chronologies and the Rhetoric of Relative Time (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1987); rev. P. Munz, in History and Theory, 28 (1989), 236-51. Winkler, J. J., ' T h e Mendacity of Kalasiris and the Narrative Strategy of Heliodoros' Aithiopika', Yale Classical Studies, 27 (1982), 93-158.

Wright, J. K . , 'Terrae Incognitae: T h e Place of the Imagination in Geography', Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 37 (1947), 1 - 1 5 . 'Map Makers are Human. Comments on the Subjective in Maps', in Human Nature in Geography. Fourteen Papers 19251965 (Cambridge, M A , Harvard University Press, 1966), 33-52.

Index of passages

Agatharchides (see GGM § 66 Airs, Waters, Places: 12 24 Arrian: Irtdica: 25 40. 2-4 Augustine: Confessions: 11. 14

I): 88 n. 218-19 90

142 '43

6ι

127 140 300 F ι F 7 F 3 F 3 F ι F 4a F ib F 3

61-2 61 178

319 322 152, 322-3 323 η· 5i 321 320-I

176

80 Herodotus:

Cicero: De imperio: 33 34-5 43-5

ι F ι F ι F 680 697 722 726 727 809 812 813

309 231 231

ΐ· ι. 2. 2. 44.

5- 4 142 20-2 25. 5 36-58 36

45779-

47 49 5- 3 35 122

IS

9 η.

218 84-S 85 102 1, 126, 211 32, 102 9 89

Dicaearchus, Ps. (see GGM I): F ι §1-6 202 F 2 § 7-9 205 Diodorus Siculus: ι. ι. 3 80 114-15 ι· 3· 2-3 ι. 3. 6 114 12 ι. 5· 1 4. 18. 5 95 n. 40 I I. I 13 13. 103. 3-5 306 18. 5. I 92 n. 35 20. 43. 7 120—1, 128 Dionysius of Halicarnassus: ι. 36-7 297 1-74-2 i l , 321

Justin: Epitome of Pompeius 38. 8. 8-9 353 42. 2. 6-3. 9 96-7, 319-20

FGrH: ι F 18 ι F 119

Menander: Treatise: I 345

61 61

Lucan: Bellum Civile: ι. 183-5 7- 154 7. 789-91

31 90-1, 218

32 32 32

296-7

Plutarch: Caesar: il 58. 6-7 Lucullus: 14. 2 36. 5-6 41 Pompey: 25· ι 38. 2-3 45· 5 46 olybius: ι. I. 5 1· 3- 3-4 ι. 4. 6 ι. 4· 7 ι. 6. 1-2 ι. 41. 6 ι. 42. 1-2 i· 2. 2. 2. 2. 33.

73· 4-5 14· 3 14. 4-12 16. 1-7 37· 4 3· ι 6. 1-9. 5

33· 3 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3· 3.

4- 13 23. 2 32. 2 32. 7 36. ι 36· 2 36. 6 38. 4 39· 8 44· * 47· 2-4 49· 6-7 54· 2 57· ι 57· 5 58. 2 58. 8 59· 3 74· 5-11 86. 2

311 310 236 η. 95 3°9 236 η. 95 231 3°9 3ΙΟ 311 89 93 η. 37. 119-20 315 η. 93 η 37, 124, 188 257 92 Ι02 ιο6 92, Ι07 Ι03 Ι07 117 109, !22 82-3 86 89 123 126 93 112 112 94 ιο8 99 ιο8 I Ο2 ι ο ί , 118—1 y 94, 109 η. 7 1 122 III III 120 η. 92, 23 1 η · 86 88 ιο6

86 3· 9*· 8-1 ο ιο8 3· ι ίο. 9 125 η· Ι°3 4· 2. 4 88 4· 2ΐ. 1-6 122 4· 28. 2-6 4· 38· 11—I 2 92, 94 III 4· 39· 3-4 82-4 4· 39· 7-42-8 82, 83, 149 η. 33 4· 39· u 95 4· 4°· 2 I 10 4· 4 1 · 7 I ΙΟ-Ι I 4· 42. 4-5 92, Ι07 5· 2ΐ. 4 ΙΟΙ 5· 21. 5 85 5· 2ΐ. 6 85 5· 22. 5-7 123 5· 3ΐ· 4-5 4 5· 32· 3-4 HS 5· 33· 3 Ι09, 205 5· 44· 3-11 ιοη 5· 59· 3 8ο-1 5· ι°4· 4 90 6. 47· 1-6 η. ι. ι 87 118 8. 2. 2-6 124 9· 22. I 84 η. 12 9· 43· 3 ίο. 9· 8 ιο7 ίο. 21. 3-4 125 ίο. 28. 7 Ι07 η. 66 8ι 12. 4 e · 4 117—18 12. 23. 7 12. 25 e 79 16. 16. 1-9 9» 16. 20. 5-8 91 I 02 16. 29. 5 ι ίο, 125 η. 103 16. 29. 8-9 16. 39· 1-9 ΙΟ8-9 28. 16. II 123 93 34· ΐ· 3-6 Ι04 34· 7· 5 ιο5 34· 12. 12 82 η. 8 38. 5- 8-6. ι 123 38- 6. s 124 38. 22. 2 Posidonius (fragments from FGrH 91 unless otherwise stated): Τ 2 144 η. 25

Τ ι ob

353

Τ

IX

155

Τ

12A

188

Τ

I9C

152

F ι F 2 F 3 F

4

Fs F 6 F 7 F 8 F 9 F

IO

F

IL

F 12 F 13 F 14 F 15 F 16 F 17 F 18 F 19 F 20 F 21 F 22 F 23 F 24 F 25 F 26 F 27 F 28 F 31 F 34 F 36 F 38 F 43 F 44 F 48 F 51 F 53 F 54 F 56 F 59 F 61 F 66 F 68 F 72

158, 347-8 160-1, 348-9 158, 349 161, 349-50 159. 351-2 352-3 353-4 159. 354-5 355 167, 35 6 163, 357 162, 357-8 163, 365-6 163-4. 359-60 160, 161, 360-2 362-3 363-4 161-2, 364-5 158, 163, 366-7 367-8 368 369 369 162-3, «65, 350-1 370 370-1

371 139-52 183 185-6 179 155-6, 37«-2 180-1 181 n. 176 181 178 177 183 181-2, 187 n. 98 159. 372-3 178 177-8 153-4

F 79 F 80 F 85 F 86 F 87 F 90 Ε - K F 99 Ε - K F 102 Ε - K F 106 Ε - K F 203 Ε - K F 219 Ptolemaeus: Geography, I.

174 174 I74

173 n. 69 175, 176 n. 76

I

2 ι. 23 I.

7· 4

175 188 189 189 173

189-90

93 n. 37, 128 10 n. 18, 142 14 n. 27 142

Sallust: Histories (Maurenbrecher): I.

I I

102 3· 88 Letter of Mithridates: I.

308 308 311

308 17 22 238 Scylax of Caryanda (see GGM I): §68 205 Scymnus of Chios (see GGM I): 317 N. 39 33-5 65-8 63-4, 120, 231 n. 86, 317 109-26 63 516-23 199 Strabo: I. I. I 187, 263 I . Ι . 16 203, 208 Ι . Ι . 19 203 Ι . Ι . 23 315 Ι . 2. 6 263 Ι . 2. 28 199 Ι . 3. 22 206 2. I . 2 143 263 2. I . 4 2. Ι . 20 143, 208 28, 124 2. I . 30 2. I. 4 0 104-5 2. I . 41 105 n. 62, 143 2. 2. I-3.8 139-52

Strabo (cont.) 2. 2. I 2. 3- I 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2.

2. 2. 2. 33· 3· 44· 4· 4· 5· 5· 5· 5· 5· 5· 5· 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6.

33· 3· 5· 5· 5· 5· 5· 5· 5· 57· I. 2. 4· I. 45· 5· I. I.

3 7 8 5 6 ΙΟ II 26 33 34 41 1-2 8 13 3 5 5 3 4 4 6 I 2-8 7-8

3· 3· 3· 4· 7 4· I I I. 2 2. 4 2. 6 3· 4 4· ζ 4· 2 7· I. 3-4 7- 3· 2-4 7- 3· 8 7· 3- 12 7- 4· 3-8 7· 4· 4 7· 6. I 7· 7· I Fr. ;7· 25 8. I. I 8. I . 2 8. I. 3 8. 3· 3

145. 172 146 147-8

150 147. 15» 208 212 236 241-2 214 295 29, 147, 207-8 H4 149 295 292 n. 267 225 213 327 327 277 256, 275 n. 67 276 265 299 224, 269 256 246, 253 n. 21, 277 254 n. 23, 270, 286-7 225 258-9 89, 295-6 228, 257, 287, 288 289 278 263 278 n. 74 237 173 n. 68 268 n. 50 278 259 154, 248, 264, 316 277 198, 296 248-9

8. 8. 8. 88. 8. 8. 8. 8. 8. 8. 8. 9. 9. 9· 9.

3· 33· 3· 5·

56. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. ι. 1. 2. 2.

8 23 25 31 2 3 10 14 15

16 21 23 7 20 14-15 17

9· 2. 37 9. 3. 6 9. 5. 12 9. 5. 21 10. ι. 3 10. ι. 8 ΙΟ. I. to IO. 2. 13 IO, 2. 21 IO. 2. 26 10. 3· 7-9 10. 4. 8 10. 4. 15 10. 5· 3 II. I. I U . Z . 3-1 2 I I. 2. 14 11 · II· II. il. 11. il· il. il. 12. 12. 12, 12. 12. 12. 12.

4· 3-4 5· 3 5. 7-8 6. 2 9. 1-2 9· 3 13. 2 13· 5 3· ι 3· II 3. 14 3. 15 3. 29 3· 33 3· 39

273 249 273 n. 58 264 267 248 n. 9 266 266 316-17 269 240-1 222, 286 254 300 206 248 n. 7 235 225 248 264 267, 273 267 274 n. 62 252 n. 17, 290 222 314 263 n. 37 251 268 219--20, 254-5 209 237 318 298 249-50 206 279 227 2 n. 2 227 226, 256 246 236 274 229 235 233, 234 229

2. 2. 2. 2. 2.

3· 4ΐ 6. 2

7· 8. 8. 3· I. 3· ΐ· 3· ΐ· 3· ι. 3· ΐ· 3· ι. 3· I. 3· I. 3· ι. 3· ΐ· 3· 4· 3· 4 . 4· ϊ· 4· ι. 4· ι. 4· I. 4· I. 4· ι· 4· ι. 4· 2. 4· 2. 4· 2. 4· 2. 4· 2. 4· 2.

3 y ι6 I 3 7 14 25 26-7 27 28 30 53 1-2 2 4 6 9 23 26

37 38 5 6 8 9 15 ι6

283 231 η. 8s, 282 274 η · 64 17, 253 η· 22, 281 238, 259 2ÔI 258 253 274 η · ^4 271 η. 54 275 286 272 287 277 η · 279-80 302 26Ι—2 273 202 287 η. 90 219 225 302 224-5 268 268 η. 48 225 307 266 η. 43

«4 Η 14 15 ΐ5 15 15 15 ΐ5 15 ι6 ι6 ι6 ΐ7 17 17 17 17 «7

222 19 274 η. 63 4 291 14 Ι-ΙΟ 305 2 327 3· 2 213 225-6 3· 3 213 3· ΙΟ 226 3· 21 227 3- 24 2. 5 268 η. 49 2. ΙΟ 291, 3°2 η. 17 2. 35 279 «· 76 I. 36 2ΐ6, 247 I. 54 220 2. I 2 18 27ο, 273 η · 6ι 3· 15 2 I Ο, 214, 216—17, 314, 3· 24 326 288 3· 25

2. 5· δι. t.

Thucydides: I. ΙΟ 2. 2. I 2. 38 2. 4 8 Vitruvius: De architectiira: 6 I. ΙΟ-ΙΙ

275 η · 66 11—12 223 84 η. 13

89, 217, 295

Index of subjects

Acropolis ι ο ί , i02, 119 Actium 220, 272, 287, 290 as chronological marker 254-5, 286, 304 Aelius Gallus 193, 194 η. 2, 241, 283, 284, 327 Aethiopia 143, 199, 262 aetiology, see causation Agatharchides 62-3, 88 n., 183 n. 91, 306 as ethnographer 67, 143, 152, 197 n. 5, 205, 237 n.99 Agathemerus 29, 194, 212 Alexander 301 capital city of 213, 218 and foundations 272, 276 and growth in knowledge 112, 120 n. 92, 198 n. 6 and post-conquest historiography 69, 70, 72 histories of 67, 115 as imperialist model 192, 237 n.97, 238 n. 100, 311-12, 327 Alps 78, 101, 103, 107-8, 118 Amaseia 193, 207, 229-30, 240 n. 106, 242 Amazons 249-50 American West 26-7, 30, 99 amicitia 220, 224-5 anachronism 250-1, 338 Anaximander 43, 212, 218, 263 Annales 16, 52-4, 56, 66, 70, 72, 127, 339

annalistic structure 155, 162, 168, 347, 354

see also chronological order anthropology 20, 31 n.83, 54-6, 199

Antonius 255, 259, 287, 303 Apameia 129, 165 Apellicon, library of 222 Appian 156, 231-2, 233-4 Aristotle 140, 146, 151, 222 Armenia, myth of 96-7, 278 n.75, 319-20 art treasures 222, 232, 287 Artemidorus of Ephesus 105, 150, 219 Asclepiades of Myrleia 267 n. 46, 318, 319 Athenaeus 132-6, 140, 149, 154, 160, t8o, 353 Athenion 179, 184 η. 92 Athens 202, 241 η. 107 as centre 223 history of 179, 258, 300 Augustus 224, 228, 234, 238, 257, 283, 286-7, 312 authorial absence 33-6, 243 authorial persona 24, 33-6 of Polybius 87, 98 n. 43 of Strabo 242, 243-4, 285, 333 autopsy 105, i n , 149 η. 33, 174 η. 7i of Polybius 86-7, 92 n. 34, 100-1 of Strabo 219, 240 n. 107

Babylon 213, 218 Babylonia 176, 178, 213 n.43, 318, 323-4

Berosus 178, 318, 323-4 biography: of city 41, 264, 341 as historical pattern 15, 41 in history 124-5

as model of world 28, 42, 93 n. 37, 124-5, 128, 188-9 Bloch 52-3 book numbers 132, 136, 157, 180 Braudel 53-4 Britain 327-8 Caesar Julius 32, 257, 286 as imperialist 192, 303, 310-11 Commentarii of 203, 318 calendar 8, 18, 33, 40 Cappadocia 229-30, 241 Carthage 89, 95, 99, 106, 122 n.94, 124 fall of 78, 98, 273 n.61, 302 cartography: see maps Cary 49 causation 82-5, 89-91, 125, 141, 151-2, 184 celestial geography 112-13, 146, 147 n. 29, 199 Celts 89, 92, 107, 175, 199, 303, 363 ethnography of 131, 161, 176-7, 182, 215, 361, 362-3, 364 centre: magnetism of 216, 219-23 centre-periphery model 210, 212, 213, 222-3, 333 Cerne 24, 39 Chilver 48-9 chorography 93, 128 chronology: relative 255—9 chronological frameworks 319-24 chronological markers: Graeco-Roman 99, 321-2 non-Greek 176, 322-4 and Strabo's present 242, 282-4 and Strabo's past 13, 252-5, 281, 304. 330 chronological order: and textual emendation 133, 162-4, 359 as feature of historiography 138, 184

and Posidonius' Histories 155-6, 162-4, '^5, 181 and Strabo's Geography 259-60, 269-70 chronological systems 10-13, 19-20, 252-60, 330 Cicero 230 n. 82, 231, 233 Cilicia 232-3 Cimbri 176, 185 migrations of 141, 149, 183-4, 185 Cimmerian Bosporus 237-8, 239 circular world 168-9, 210, 211-2 circumference of earth 108 n. 69, 141, 143, 172, 211 circumnavigation of Libya 141, 148, 211 city: as microcosm of world 101-2, 109-110, 118-19 city histories: as biographical 41, 293 in Strabo 39, 117 n.88, 175, 205, 264-76, 330, 340 non-city histories 276-80, 330 civilization-barbarism 197 n. 5, 213, 214-15, 235, 237-9 climatic zones 14, 110, 112, 143, 208 and environmental determinism 151 n. 38, 183, 295 see also zone-theory colonization 261-2, 266 n.43, 267, 268-70, 273 conquest 35, 46 n. 120, 69-72, 77, 88-9, 111-12, 191-2, 203 continents 109, 113, 141, 150, 205, 209, 210, 310 Corinth 241, 300 fall of 78, 273, 302 cosmology 112, 187-8 Presocratic 42-3, 123 n.96, 218 Crates of Mallos 212 Crete 251, 259 Cubism 21-2, 33 customs 90, 105-6, 158-60, 181-2, 363

customs (cont.) dining- I33~4, 158, 160, 347, 355, 361, 368, 369 see also ethnography Defoe 5, 17, 223, 246 n. 1, 281, 344-5 description 37, 91-4 Dicaearchus 42, 201-2, 205 digression: geography as 79, 81 in history 157, 164, 174 in periplus 152 n. 41, 205 dimensions 93, 96, 103, 105, 108, 199-200, 202-3 of the world 141, 172, 191 Diodorus 51 n. 133, 248 n. 9, 313 dating systems of 12-13, 254 organization of work 118, 120-1, 156, 261, 306 scope of work 2, 80, 114-15 as Stoic 126 n. 106 Dionysius 11, 51 η. 133, 204 η. 2 4 , 297, 321, 342 earth as island 212 as stage 27-8 Egypt 176, 193, 255, 279 n.78, 323 ekphrasis: see description emendation 133, 138, 157, 158, 162-4, 167, 351, 357-8, 365-7 encomium 41, 296—8 Enlightenment 8, 80 environmental determinism: and ancient writers 87-91, 150, 167-8, 218, 295 limitations of 52, 54, 56 and modern scholarship 27, 30, 48-9, 56 see also geographical determinism envoys to Rome 219-20, 254 Ephorus: geography of 113, 198-9 as source 63, 264 as universal historian 100 n. 52, 115, 121, 156 equilibrium 217-9, 2 95~7

Eratosthenes 11, 103, 105 n. 62, 207, 212, 241 n. 107, 256 and geographical divisions 28, 112, 113 n. 79, 124, 209 and geographical tradition 63, H i , 143, 247, 263 and measurement 143, 173 n. 68, 211 ethnic history: see non-city history ethnography 35, 75, 151, 159-60, 308, 348, 363-4 of Agatharchides 152 n. 42, 205, 237 and genre 55, 60, 62, 64-5, 161, 165, 177-8, 181-3, 185 and Roman rule 186, 203 and science 10 n. 18, 142-3, 146 Eudoxus of Cnidus 28, 211, 306 Eudoxus of Cyzicus 141, 148, 211 Euhemerus 149 Evans-Pritchard 54-6 extremes: avoidance of 213, 217-19, 295-7, 298 fate 117, 118, 125-6, 189, 216 fiction 23-5, 33, 153 n · 43> 197, 201 n. 16 Fish-Eaters 142, 146, 152 flood, Great 176, 271, 322, 323, 324 focalization: and authorial persona 33-6, 105 multiple 22, 26, 44, 105, 214, 240-1 of Polybius 87, 100-1, 105 of Strabo 214, 228-9, 240-1 foundations 96, 265-73 group 268-70 heroic 236, 265-8 Greek myths of 319-22 non-Greek myths of 271, 322-4 vocabulary of 272-6, 330 fragments: fragmentary world-view n 8 , 127-8, 191, 315 and Posidonius 73, 130-9, 157, 159, 164

problems of 56-59, 60-2, 65, 127 n·, 157, 159. 164, 182

Gades 148, 173, 174, 178, 224 n. 68 generation 12-3, 258 genre 56, 59-65, 153, 190, 196, 332 limited value of 2, 72-3, 75, 175, 185, 340 geographical determinism 48-9, 52 in ancient works 89, 151, 167-8, 187, 2 1 8 - 1 9 , 295. 299 geographical parallels 97, 101-103, 109-11, 126, 315 geography: as actor in history 3 1 - 2 , 87-8, 125, 208 as description 37-9 as human 28-30, 58, 146, 150, 247-8 as mathematical, see also as scientific 104, 141, 145-6, 172-3 as mythological 94-7 as physical 30, 48-9, 79, 84, 144 as present 14-19, 245-6, 247 n . 4 , 281, 303, 331 as scientific 28, 84, 104, n o , 140, 147, 179. 207 as spatial 8-10, 138, 196, 331 as spectacle 101, 128, 201 n. 17 as stage 27-8, 31, 48, 50, 85-7, 93. 208 as temporal ch. 5 passim, 294, 299-303, 305-6, 329, 330-2, 333, 334. 335-6, 340 School of 46, 48 geometry 8-9, 26 n. 64, 28 n. 74, 40, 42, 45 n. 119, 207 in Polybius 103-5, " 2 - 1 3 , 207 Germans 131, 165, 182, 215, 289 globe of Billarus 236 G M T 10-11,21 Greek East 228-9, 242, 334, 342 G r u n d y 47-8, 49, 50

Hannibal 85, 86, 87, 124, 259 invasions of 82, 93, 99-100, 108, 302 Hanno 24, 148 η. 32, 228-9 Hartshorne 7 η. ίο, 8, 14 η. 28 Hecataeus 9, 57, 60-2, 64, 66-7, 184 hegemony 296, 298-9 Hellespont 82 n. 9, 83, 87-8, 94-5, 102 Heracleidae: return of 253-4, 258, 304 Hercules 60, 254 see also Pillars of Hercules Herodotus 15-6, 84-5, 99, 166, 263 and authorial persona 34, 101 n.55 breadth of work 134, 137, 177, 185, 332, 339 and environmental determinism 28, 3 1 - 2 , 90-1, 218, 295, 298 geography of 9, 102-3, 126-7, 211 intellectual context of 62, 64, 123 n. 96, 126-7 as post-conquest model 66-76, 164 Hipparchus 14, 103, 104, 110, 113 n. 80, 144, 207-8, 2 1 1 - 1 2 and geographical tradition 9, 141, 263, 264 Hippocratic corpus 90, 218, 295, 298 histoire humaine 53, 66, 68-70, 72, 74, 208, 332 historical geography 1 6 0 . 3 5 , 3 0 6 n., 329-333 history: as chronologically ordered 54, 55, 75, 138, 184 as spatial 13, 1 5 - 1 6 , 303, 304, 305 as spectacle 86-7, 128 as temporal 10-13, 87, 196, 245, 319 holism 116, 119, 124, 128, 130 H o m e r 121 n., 241, 248-9, 264, 267-8

Homer (cont.) and geographical tradition 75, 248-9, 263, 293, 315, 334, 335 and Ocean 173, 192, 212, 308 identity: of places 18, 97, 281, 282, 292, 306, 325 of Strabo 193, 229, 292, 293 imperialism 169 η. 62, 294-5 displays of 226 n. 70, 341-2 and expansion 74, 78, 119, 121, 217, 257 as incorporative 215, 299 η. as literary stimulus 73, 137, 193, 341, 344 of Mithridates 233, 236-7, 308 of Romans 116-17, 137, 186, 191-2, 307-12, 334, 344 India 142-3, 173 n.67, 199, 220, 213 n. 44, 305, 326 inhabited world: as Roman empire 118, 310 as scope of geography 28-30, 147, 207-8, 264-5, 281 size of, 141, 150, 172 intellectual life 204 n. 24, 242-3, 291-2, 306, 335 Ionia 218-9, 258, 261-2, 298 Istros 102, 105, 308 Italy 216, 295-6, 297-8, 320-i geography of 101, 103, 106, 107-8, 118 itinerary maps 108, 201 n. 17, 202 Jacoby 56, 59-66, 68, 76, 127, 138 Judaea 176, 279 n.76, 318, 322-3 Kant 6, 29, 38 n. 101, 45 n. 119, 80, 190 landscape 25, 29, 31, 101 latitude 110, 141, 143, 150, 174,208 linearity 41 n. 105, 103 n. 59, 168-9, 223 of periplus 38, 198-9, 202, 204-5 literary tradition: see tradition Lucullus 232-3, 234, 236, 286, 309 luxury 87, 221, 226, 236 n. 95, 356

as Posidonian theme 158, 167-8, 187, 348, 353, 354, 356 map 8-9, 10 n. 18, 25-6, 33, 40, 113 n. 81, 212 of Agrippa 8-9, 201 η. 17, 236, 3«2, 34· mental 111 n. 75, 22, 98 n. 43, 106 mathematical geography 104-5, r 43 n. 24, 145, 172-3, 175 n-75, 179, 207 Medes 213, 227, 279 Mediterranean 39, 129, 174, 233 centrality of, 206, 214, 216 in wider geography 82 n. 9, 95 n. 40, 102, i n , 113, 126 memory: personal 293 social 18, 21, 281, 292 of texts 135-6, 149-50 Menander Rhetor 41, 296-7 microcosm 40-3, 109, 118-9, I 2 7 , 199, 293, 315 Middle Ages 10 n. 18, 16 n. 33, 20, 26, 36 n. 96, 40-1 migration 269 ethnic 247, 278, 322-3 heroic 253-4, 255, 267 n. 46, 277"-, 3>9-2o, 321-2 see also colonization mimesis 121 n., 123, 128 Mithridates 96, 155, 230-1, 232, 295 Mithridatic dynasty 193-4, 224, 232, 234-5, 285-6 Mithridatic history 166, 303 Mithridatic war 155, 230-1, 232-4, 308-9, 372 moral history 158, 179, 187-8 movement of peoples 219, 278, 294 Müller C. 56-9, 62-3, 197 Myres 50-2 myth 94-7, 250, 279, 299-300, 319-24 mythological geography 94-7, 319-24, 343 names of places: changed 232, 269, 271, 275, 294-5

as significant 256, 301 Naples 224, 269 Narnia 18-19, 70-1 narrative 23-4, 26-7, 30, 32-3, 36-9, 91, 201 fragmented structure of 118, 127-8, 191, 315 organization of 122, 126, 127, 160, 162, 190, 299 spatially ordered 156-7, 165-6 as woven 64, 78, 81, 119-20, 122-3, 168, 314 nature: laws of 83-4, 125-6, 147, 216 logic of 102-3, 110-11, 125-6, 188-9, 341 Nearchus 142-3, 146 η. 27, 152 new world: and literature 19, 25, 45, 69-72, 73, 75, 339 of Rome 73, 75, 77, 164, 191-2, 332 Nicolaus of Damascus 194, 220, 234, 312 Nile 84-5, 102, 113, 174, 308 Ocean 84, 102, 111, 126, 139 η. 15, 179 as circumambient 141, 148, 192, 211-12, 308 and imperialism 192, 308-9, 310, 311 and Posidonius

139-54, 1 7 3 - 4 ,

183, 184 Odyssey 1, 76 n. 175, 100-1, 105, 240, 334 Olympiads 11-13, 20, 28 n.74, 114, 252, 254 Olympic festival 254, 279 origines et situs 159, 177, 369, 373 otherness 24, 66 n., 197, 214 Palus Maeotis 82-5, 110-11, 126, 205, 190 n. papyrus 135, 149-50, 316 Parthia(ns) 153, 176 n. 76, 226-8, 256, 352, 357-8, 365

past-present 14-17, 20, 52, 72, 281, 292-3, 306, 340 Peloponnese 102, 199, 278 periplus 10,14,37-9,40,63,95 n . 4 0 , 1 4 2 , 1 9 7 - 2 0 2 , 2 0 4 - 5 , 209,

337 of Hanno 24, 148 η. 32 as linear 103 n. 59, 198-9, 223 and Posidonius 139 n. 15, 152, 170, 174, 190 and Strabo 214, 261 Persians 213, 226, 256 perspective: internal/external 21-2, 26, 33-7 of Polybius 98-101, 105 of Strabo 206-7, 229, 235, 240 physical change 82-4, 247 Pillars of Hercules x, 38-9, 82 n.9, 95, 102, 108, H I n.74, >>3, 208 n.35, 337 as geographical markers 38-9, 95, 113, 233, 310 and Posidonius 173, 178-9, 190 piracy 166 n. 56, 183, 224, 230-2, 237-9, 285, 302, 310 place 17-18, 21, 36-7, 281, 314 as discrete 40, 44-5 as experienced 17, 28-9, 40, 200—ι Plutarch 135, 180, 231-2 Polemon 234, 238, 259 Polybius 2, 73-4, ch 2 passim, 170, 188-9, 191, 201 n. 17, 231 n. 86, 247, 264, 280, 315, 339 background of 77-8, 149 n. 33, 240 chronology of 12, 254, 257 Greekness of 90, 97-101, 102 and Rome 217, 228, 332, 341 as scientist 78, 141, 144, 145, »46-7, 174, 207, 208 Pompeius Trogus 96-7, 125 n. 100, 168-9, 177, 227, 319-20, 353 as opposition writer 168-9, 216 n. SO, 342-3 work of 131 n. 8, 156, 313 n.35 Pompey 155, 166, 192, 272, 286, 307-10, 311, 341

Pompey (cont.) and the East 230, 231-2, 233, 283, 295 theatre of 226, 312 Pontus 96-7. 193. 205, 233-4, 235, 237, 283 and geography 82-3, 86, 92, 102, 110-11, 126 Posidonius ch. 3 passim, 230 n. 84, 247, 264, 280, 291-2, 332 background of 129, 291-2 as ethnographer 215, 237 Histories 77, 141, 144-5, *49> 154-70. 172-85, 346, 347-73 On Ocean 139-54, 169-70, 172-5, 177-9, 183-6 scope of works 74-5, 207, 339 as Stoic 129, 137, 169, 185-90, 191, 216 n. 51 and zone theory 112, 295 Presocratics 42-3, 126, 188, 218 Ptolemaeus 10, 14, 57-8, 93 n. 37, 128, 141-2, 194 Pytheas 87, 143, 148-9, 328 Pythodoris 232, 234-5 readership 203, 214, 283 n. 83, 325, 328 regional history 51, 53 in Posidonius 158, 166-8, 177, 183, 185 in Strabo 263, 315-25, 343 relative position 102, 106, n o , 143, 201, 223 relative time 12, 255-9, 322, 330 Rhodes 129, 165, 178 n., 224-5, 230, 268, 271 n. 55 Rhône 102, 107-8 river-network 106, 107-8, 223 Roman history 180-1, 257, 265, 320-2, 371 Roman rule 78, 116-18, 192, 203-4, 210, 228, 233, 257, 308 as aim 1 i 6 - i 8 , 233 views of 98, 219, 239 Rome: admiration for 98, 223-4, 234

as climatologically privileged 217-18, 236 n. 94, 295, 297 as conceptual centre 98, 169, 180-2, 186-7, 210, 228-9 as drain 219-23, 243, 298 as geographical centre 216-17, 228-9, 243, 282, 307, 326 links to 45, 209, 223, 326 rivals of 224-8, 235-6 Sallust 95 n.40, 238, 308-9, 311 Scylax of Caryanda 38-9, 95 n. 40, 152 η. 41, 199-200, 205, 209, 337 Scymnus Pseudo-: geography in 95 n.40, 113 n. 79, 199, 209 method of composition 63—4, 120, 231 n. 86, 317 Scythia(ns) 95, 102, 199, 205, 215 n-47, 237 sea-levels 84, 141, 149 shape of earth 172, 185, 191, 194 Sicily: geography of 102, 103, 113, 176 history of 126, 221, 255-6, 286, 302 n. 17 silting 82-4, i i o - i i Sinope 235-6, 268 n.49 sixteenth century 40, 45, 46, 69-70, 112 sources 135, 149-50, 152, 153-4, 169, 174, 180 of Strabo 129, 149-50, 169, 174, 250, 264, 315-9, 327, 374-8 space: as abstract 6, 8-10, 17, 20, 114, 144 as continuous 40, 43-4 as discrete 40, 43-4, 80, 292 as place 20-1, 34, 103 n. 59, 201, 281, 292, 329 as experienced 9, 17, 20-2, 25-8, 40, 81, 116, 144, 201-2, 338 space-time 20—1 spatial scope 75, 78, 100, 117 spectacle 86-7, 92 n.34, 101, 128, 201 n. 17 spherical earth 145, 211 stade 108 η. 69, 173 η. 68, 2θ2