The social & economic history of the Hellenistic world, Vol. 3 9780198142300

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THE

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

HISTORY OF THE HELLENISTIC WORLD

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EEcaREISE ORT ance a ees eEa SeSopa aS Bt ER aeCane ee ck ana IS gh nome EERE Sea Ae nce SON EC paERLE ban aes euamtestamiaiaa Sirate Poa mie GS OER anay Eee Sipcest donde eli acoeruatin salinaaitnestsgs ine Bee a tt Raa salon seeps SUR a atconcn aie SR at at 213 XXXII. Life in the country: Terracotta figurines . - 238

XXXIII. Life in the cities and in the country . . - 239

figurines . . , . . . - 246

XXXIV. Life in Greek cities and country: Terracotta XXXV. (In colour.) Bust of Alexandria represented as

mistress of the seas . . . . 254

XXXVI. Faience portraits of Ptolemaic Queens . > 270 XXXVII. Soldiers of the Ptolemaic army: Two funeral

stelae from Alexandria . . , . » 288

XXXVIII. Some aspects of Ptolemaic Egypt: 1, Mosaic found in Palestrina (ancient Praeneste), now in

the Palazzo Barberini at Palestrina; 2, Paint-

ings from Pompeii (house [X, 7 (13), 3) . » 318

XXXIX. Life in the ydpa of Egypt , , . » 319

List of Plates xxi XL. Fertility and wealth of Ptolemaic Egypt:

1, Mosaic found at Antioch; 2, Mosaic found

at Leptis Magna . . . . . facing p. 352 XLI. Early Hellenistic pottery made in Egypt , » 368 XLII. Early Hellenistic pottery made in Egypt . » 369 XLIII. Hellenistic glass made in the Ptolemaic Empire ” 372 XLIV. Hellenistic glass made in the Ptolemaic Empire » 373 XLV. Toreutic artists and jewellers in Ptolemaic

Egypt . . , . , , ” 378

XLVI. Textile industry in Ptolemaic Egypt: 1, Alex-

andria, restoration of the funeral couch in

tomb No. 3 of the Necropolis of Mustafa Pasha ; 2, Taman peninsula, South Russia, rug painted on the ceiling of the grave-chamber of the tumu-

lus Vassyurinskaya Gora . . . - 379

XLVII. Toreutic artists and jewellers in Ptolemaic Egypt. Find made at Toukh el Qarmous in

Lower Egypt . . , , . » 390

XLVIII. Metalwork in Ptolemaic Egypt . . . ” 391 XLIX. Life in Alexandria: 1, Painting in grave No.1 of the Necropolis of Mustafa Pasha, Alexandria ;

2, Banqueting-tent of Philadelphus ; ” 408

L. Life in Alexandria . . . , ” 416 LI. The Seleucid Empire and its protectors . - 424 LII. Seleucid power and prosperity: 1, The funeral

monument of Belevi restored by Prof. M.

Theuer, Vienna; 2, Terracotta statuette . y» 432

LIII. Indian elephants in the service of the Seleucids » 433

LIV. Royal weights of the Seleucids . . . » 452 LV. Royal weights of the Seleucids . . . » 453 LVI. Caravans and ships in the Seleucid Kingdom . - 460 LVII. Mercenary soldiers of the Hellenistic armies . » 474 LVIII. One of the foreign settlers in Ptolemaic [dumaea Y) 520 LIX. Daily life in Hellenistic Mesopotamia and Syria » 521

LX. Greco-Syrian industry . , . . » 534 LXI. Greco-Syrian industry . . . , » 535

LXII. Bactria in the service of the Nomads . . » 548

LXIII. Pergamon, its architecture and art , . » 558

LXIV. Anatolian pottery . . . , , » 574

LXV. Terracottas of Amisus . . . . » 575

xxii List of Plates

LXVI. A Galatian . . ; - 2 + . facing p. 582

LXVII. Objects illustrating Celtic life in Hellenistic times and life in Asia Minor and South Russia __,, 583

LXVIII. South Russia in Hellenistic times . . y 600 LXIX. Coins of the late third and early second cen-

turies B.c. Period of Roman intervention . ” 604 LXX. The Acra of Pergamon in the time of Eumenes | II: 1, Restoration of the temple of Athena and adjoining buildings ; 2, Restoration of the great

altar and of the market-place . . , » 638 LXXI. The Acra of Pergamon. Military buildings: 1, Restoration of the royal arsenal and barracks of Pergamon; 2, Stone bullets used for ancient

artillery . . . . a . - 639

LXXII. Pergamene metalwork: 1, Emblema with the portrait of Demosthenes; 2, Emblema with

the head of a Silenus . . . . ” 652 LXXIII. Pergamene pottery , ; , . » 653 LXXIV. Mosaic in the royal palace at Pergamon . » 660

LXXV. Part of the city of Miletus . . . » 664

LXXVI. Rhodes and Lindus . . , , » 678 LXXVII. The Rhodian navy . . . . - 682

jan painting . . . , . ” 683

LXXVIII. Rhodes, life and myth: 1, Panoply; 2, Pompe-

LXXIX. Coins of the second century B.c. . . - 694 LXXX. Mesopotamian and Syrian glazed pottery 4 700

LXXXI. Bronze industry in Egypt , , . » 730 LXXXII. The end of Macedonian independence. Monument commemorating the victory of Pydna

erected at Delphi . . , . . ” 740

LXXXIII. Rome and Athens. Find of Mahdia: 1, Decora-

labrum . . . . . . » 740 tive marble krater ; 2, Decorative marble cande-

- LXXXIV. Artistic bronze industry of late Hellenistic

times. Dancing dwarfs . . . . ” qA7

LXXXV. Greek artists in the service of Rome: 1, Marble krater of Salpion ; 2, Bronze copy of the head of

the Doryphorus of Polyclitus . . . » 760 LXXXVI. Greek artists in the service of Rome. Painted

marble plate . . - . » 761

LXXXVII. Delos in the second and first centuries B.c. » 780

LXXXVIII. Delos. Domestic cults and altars , . ” 792

Lust of Plates XX LXXXIX. Syrian artists at work in Delos. Mosaic still on

situ at Delos . . . , . facing p. 703

XC. Delian metalwork . . . . - 796

XCI. Delos. Products of ceramic industry . . » 797 XCITI. Coins of the second century B.c. . . , 802

tury B.c. .. . ; . . . - 820

XCIII. The cities of Asia Minor in the second cen-

XCIV. The re-orientalization of the former constituent parts of the Seleucid Empire: 1, An ancestor of

Antiochus I of Commagene; 2, Gold brooches. » 850

XCV. The Sheikhs of Hemesa . . . . » 851 ACVI. South Arabia and Hellenism: 1, Bronze head;

2,3, Nabataean coins. . . . - 854

XCVII. Dura-Europus in Parthian times: 1, 2, The

Conon paintings; 3, The god Aphlad . . 7 862

XCVIII. Hellenism in Parthia. A localruler . 7 863 XCIX. Egypt in the second century B.c.: 1, Head ofa

king; 2, Statue of a queen , . , » 872

maic period . . . . . y 886

C. Egyptian priests and officials of the late Ptole-

CI. Egypt of the late Ptolemaic period: 1, Inter-

slave . . , , , , » goo

preter of dreams; 2, Nubian warrior; 3, Negro

| CII. The founders of the New World: 1, Pompey ;

2, Caesar . . . . . . »» 932

CIII. Coins of the late second and first centuries B.C. > 936

CIV. The conquerors of the Hellenistic East . » 950 CV. Coins of the time of Sulla and the Civil Wars . » 972 CVI. A soldier of the Roman army of the period of

the Civil War, and his family . . . ” 992

B.C. . , , , , . , » oro

CVII. Syrian or Anatolian faience of the first century

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cHap.i «Alexander and the Successors 129 in carrying out a plan which for centuries had been the dream of the Persian kings—that of unifying under a single rule the whole of the eastern part of the civilized Mediterranean world. Political unification was Alexander’s principal achievement, if not his principal aim. Of this unified world it was not his intention that Macedonians and Greeks should be sole masters ; they were to share the dominion with the former rulers of the Fast, the Iranians, while the other native peoples were to have an appropriate position in the new empire. The conquest of

the East was thus quite different in its political, social, and economic results, from the discovery of America.3 The conquest of Alexander naturally had important economic consequences for Greece and the hellenized parts of Asia

Minor on the one hand, and for the Near East on the other. But the western Greeks in Italy and Sicily, who had their own economic and political life, closely connected with that of Italy and Carthage, had for a long time hardly participated at all in the new possibilities opened to eastern Greece, and were little affected in their economic evolution by the changed conditions

| of the East.

The chief economic effects of the conquest of Alexander upon

Greece and upon the East may be summarized as follows. To begin with a matter of minor importance, Alexander certainly enriched Greece in various ways; by direct gifts and grants, by providing Greeks and Macedonians with opportunities of in-

creasing and diversifying their economic activity, and by opening new markets for Greek goods. A few words may be said on these points. Alexander’s method of dealing with the booty, his lavish expenditure of the Persian hoards of gold and silver, which to a large extent were transformed into coined money, had the effect of enriching a number of men, some of whom had hitherto been paupers and proletarians. Service in Alexander’s army meant for his Macedonians and Greeks not only temporary employment, but wealth and prosperity for those who survived. The extant histories of Alexander’s conquest are unanimous in praising his liberality to his troops and contain occasional references to the accumulated property belonging to his generals, officers, and common soldiers that was carried in the baggage-train of the army. A substantial part

3261 K

130 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. of these possessions was derived from the booty, which was not appropriated by Alexander, but shared by him with his companions.

There is no doubt that the wealth that passed freely in

various forms from the Persian treasuries into the hands of Alexander’s soldiers was not all hoarded by them. Much of it was lavishly spent in the East and, after their return home, in Greece. The train of the army offered abundant oppor-

tunities for spending money. Many merchants, probably Greek as well as Phoenician, followed Alexander’s army, bought

up booty from the soldiers, and offered them in return various goods, naturally Greek goods in the main. The army was therefore for years an excellent market for Greek commodities.* Besides the army in the field there were the detachments

left behind as garrisons at the most important strategical points, and also the administrative officials of Alexander's satrapies. Naturally, many of Alexander's satraps were Orientals. But by the side of these stood Greek military commanders and in some satrapies Greek financial agents. All these administrators had large staffs, and since the official

language of Alexander’s empire was Greek, most of the members of these staffs were undoubtedly Greeks. The Greek world found another source of wealth, and Greek

goods another important market, as a result of Alexander's colonization. The extent of this colonization was certainly some-

what exaggerated by authors of a later date. The number seventy-five given by Plutarch as that of Alexander’s colonies is not supported by the sources (Appian and Diodorus) which go back to Alexander’s own time. But Alexander did create in the Near East a few large and wealthy settlements of the Greek urban type (e.g. Alexandria in Egypt), as well as some that were not Greek (e.g. Gaza in Palestine and perhaps Tyre in Phoenicia, both of them refounded after Alexander had destroyed them). His activity, moreover, infused new life into many centres of Greek export trade which existed before him and which did not need to be refounded like Gaza and Tyre, since they were never molested by him. Among these were probably several Greco-Phoenician cities, for example Sidon, of

which I have spoken above and which became still more

111 Alexander and the Successors 131 hellenized in the time of Alexander and under his successors. Witness the famous ‘sarcophagus of Alexander’ found there (below, note 23). The most notable example, however, of a revived semi-Greek emporium of the past is the harbour of Al-Mina, to which reference has been made in the previous chapter (pp. 85, 105). The history of this centre of Athenian export trade in the fifth and fourth centuries B.c., as revealed by the excavation of Sir Leonard Woolley, shows that, after a period of comparative decay in the early and middle fourth century, the harbour city had a new and strong, though brief, revival of activity and prosperity in the time of Alexander and his Successors, until it was superseded about 300 B.c. by the new seaport of Seleucus Nicator, Seleuceia in Pieria. This fresh spell of prosperity is attested by the ruins of the city which belong to this period, as well as by the abundance of Athenian pottery and the numerous coins of Alexander, both silver and copper, that excavation has yielded. Alexander’s military and non-military colonies, large and small, in Iranian territories, in Bactria, and in India were far more numerous. All of these had previously been native communities, some of them large and important towns. All now became urban communities of the Greek type, some at least of whose members were Greeks and Macedonians, as arule soldiers

of Alexander’s army who had been wounded or disabled, or were not quite reliable politically. In default of statistics we are unable even to guess at the numerical strength of the new Greek population of these colonies, but it should not be under-

estimated. We must bear in mind, for example, the many

mercenary soldiers that Alexander left in Bactria and Sogdiana and the many ‘cities’ (eight or twelve) that he founded there. We may not trust the figure of 23,000 which Diodorus gives as

the number of Greek mercenaries who were massacred in Bactria after the death of Alexander when they revolted and tried to force their way back home. We may think that the true number was 3,000. In any case, the fact of the revolt shows that there were many thousands of Greek mercenaries settled

in Bactria in Alexander’s time, and this is supported by the later history of the country, which according to our historical tradition had a numerous Greek population and many cities.*

132 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. Besides Alexander’s colonists we must take into account the Greeks who went to the East in the trail of the army looking for

profitable business. It is permissible to suggest that many of them settled in Alexander’s colonies and still more in the urban centres of Oriental life where Alexander had not made an official settlement. How many such Greeks, for instance, took up their abode in Alexander’s capital, Babylon ? Thus the first result, so far as Greece was concerned, and that most apparent to the Greek mind, was an increase of wealth for

the Greek world and at least a partial relief of that relative over-population which had weighed so heavily on the social and economic development of Greece in the fourth century. But this relief of the poverty and over-population of Greece, although at that time the most conspicuous economic result of Alexander’s conquests, was far from being the most important. Of much greater consequence was his attempt to bring about the economic unification of Greece (including her economic dependencies and ramifications) with what had been the Persian Empire (again including its widespread sphere of influence). This unification did not result automatically from the conquest of the Persian Empire. In itself such a conquest would

not necessarily produce either lasting political or lasting economic unity. Alexander’s political system was in fact short-lived, while economic unity endured for many generations. This permanence was due mainly to certain far-reaching measures adopted by Alexander, unquestionably with the object of welding his empire into a single economic whole. Most important from this point of view was his colonization of the East. Scores of Greek poleis were disseminated all over

the Oriental parts of his empire. They were located at the nodal points of the great strategic and commercial roads which from time immemorial had connected with each other the most

civilized and progressive parts of the Oriental world. In addition to these, communities of Greeks were established in the principal Oriental seaports (e.g. Gaza and Tyre), while newly created Greek harbour cities gave fresh outlets to the sea to such important parts of the Oriental world as Babylonia and Egypt. These new ports were first and foremost Alexandria, that excellent harbour and marvellous Greek city ‘near’

11 Alexander and the Successors 133 Egypt, discerned by the sharp eye of Alexander or perhaps of his advisers, and in the second place the precursor of Seleuceia on the Tigris, Alexandria on the Tigris in Babylonia. In itself the colonization of Alexander, as we know it, does not stand out as an important new departure in the economic evolution of antiquity. For Alexander colonization was primarily a military measure, designed to safeguard the military communications of his empire. The social and economic aims that he no doubt also had in mind were secondary. Moreover, most of the Greek polezs created by Alexander were not brandnew cities (as was Alexandria), nor transformations of small

villages into regular commercial and industrial centres. In most cases his polers were already commercial centres. Nor were the roads which connected them with each other a creation

of Alexander. He inherited the roads of his empire from the Persians and we know nothing of him as a road-builder. And finally, it was not Alexander who connected the great centres of caravan trade with the sea. The chief caravan roads had led from time immemorial to important harbours in India and on the coasts of the Persian Gulf, the Black Sea, the Red Sea, and the Mediterranean. Nevertheless, his colonization opened a new era in the economic life of the ancient world. The new and momentous feature of it was the transformation of the Oriental marts into business

centres of a type hitherto unknown to the East. Most of his colonies were undoubtedly Greek city-states with all that this meant, not only from the political and social but also from the economic point of view. These Greek cities, with the roads

connecting them, formed a network of channels by which Greek business life diffused itself throughout his empire, penetrating deep into the solid mass of Orientalism and bringing its transforming influence to bear on the economic structure of the

Fast. At the same time, though set down in an Oriental environment, Alexander’s colonies were not isolated from the rest of the Greek world. As Greek poleis they were connected by numerous ties with the city-states of their mother land, and made business relations between Greece and the East easy and convenient. Of course what Alexander did was merely a beginning, and

134 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. his few colonies, if not supported and reinforced, would be engulfed in the surrounding Orientalism and would disappear. It depended on his settlers on the one hand and on his successors

on the other whether his great design should have durable results. The event showed that the design was well conceived.

Alexander’s colonization did bring about a certain kind of

economic union in the ancient world. Colonization, however, was only one of the measures adopted by Alexander for this end. He intended to encourage union by improving and cheapening the means of communication by sea

between the richest and most important parts of his empire. India, Babylonia, and Egypt were its three economic pillars. He sent Nearchus to explore the Persian Gulf and the sea route

from India to Babylon with a view to establishing a new and secure channel for trade between India and Mesopotamia. In the same way, but with more adequate means, he intended to effect the exploration of the south Arabian coast, with the object of connecting the Indo-Babylonian area with Egypt, where, by founding Alexandria, he had opened the prospect of important economic development. The projects of Alexander with regard to these two sea routes were not new, but were inherited by him from the Persians. What was new was the combination of them with a scheme of colonization. As we learn from Alexander’s methods in central Asia, the exploration of the sea routes was a preliminary step to colonization, whereby

these new trade channels would have been bound up with the economic network that he was spreading over his empire. An element in Alexander’s design of unification not less important than exploration and colonization was his monetary policy. No doubt, as in the matter of colonization so in the adoption of his monetary system, Alexander was guided more by political than by economic considerations. But the measures he took in this sphere were of great importance as providing a sound foundation for the economic union he had in view. It is evident that his excellent, abundant, and uniform coinage in

itself greatly assisted the development of business in his empire. But his monetary policy had a much wider scope. His currency was not a continuation of the Persian coinage, but had a special significance. In the first place, it was designed to

1 Alexander and the Successors 135 give a Greek aspect and a Greek character to the economic life and business of the world. The types of his coins were Greek,

the standard Attic. It was thus a currency adapted to his network of Greek colonies and it was intended primarily for them. Moreover, the new currency, by virtue of its excellence and abundance, was intended not only to supersede for ever the

Persian imperial currency and the local currencies of the

Persian Empire, but also to put an end to the monetary

anarchy that reigned in the Greek world. Finally, it is probable that by providing the new Greek business centres in the East with abundant currency Alexander wished to promote the use of money as a medium of exchange in place of the trade by barter that still prevailed in many parts of the Oriental world.® Without peace and security Alexander’s new united economic world could not thrive and take firm root. These, during the short span of his life, he procured for the greater part of his empire. In Greece and Asia Minor peace remained unbroken during his great expedition. Professional pirates—a scourge of Greece in the fourth century—disappeared for a while. The organized piracy of Greek city-states was suppressed. The roads in Asia Minor and the Near East were improved and made safe for traffic. The Persian postal system was extended to Greece,

and, though employed mainly for State purposes, certainly contributed also to the development of business and commerce.

The political and economic union of the Greco-Oriental world effected by Alexander survived him. The long struggle between his generals after his death was in the main a struggle between supporters and opponents of this union. For a long time political unity existed not only de gure but also de facto,

and did not come to an end in practice until the battle of Corupedion (281 B.c.). During the whole of this period the organization of Alexander’s empire endured and developed, though it was slowly modified first by Alexander’s satraps and later (306 B.c.) by the kings of the constituent parts of the empire.

The peace and security that had promoted unity and prosperity under Alexander ceased, it is true, in the time of the Successors. This indeed was a period of almost uninterrupted warfare, affecting almost all parts of Alexander’s empire, and

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PLATE XVIII 1. AN Stater, Alexander the Great (Macedonia). Obv. Helmeted head

of Athena. Rev. ANEZANAPOY. Winged Nike holding wreath and trophy-stand ; in field, thunderbolt. 2. A® Alexander the Great, attributed to Miletus. Obv. Head of youthful Heracles wearing lion-skin. Rev. AAEZANAPOY between bow in case and club; symbol, ear of grain.

3. AX Decadrachm, Alexander the Great (Rhodes). Obv. Same as preceding. Rev. AAEZ[ANAPOY. Zeusseated holding eagle and sceptre:; symbol, rose.

4. A Tetradrachm, Alexander the Great (Lycia). Obv. and vev. same as no. 3, AY beneath the throne. 5. AR Decadrachm, Alexander the Great (Babylon ?). Obv. Alexander on horseback with spear attacking an enemy (Porus?) on an elephant: driver seated on elephant’s neck turns to throw spear. Rev. Alexander,

helmeted and wearing sword, holds spear and thunderbolt, in field, monogram for Baourevs.

6. A Tetradrachm of Antigonus, ‘king of Asia’, of Alexander’s type and with name unchanged. Mint of Sidon; =| beneath throne, 7. AX Decadrachm of Lysimachus struck at Byzantium. Obv. Head of Alexander the Great wearing diadem and horn of Ammon. Rev. BAZIAEQ=S AYZIMAXOY. Athena seated holding Nike who crowns king’s name; on throne BY. 8. AR Tetradrachm of same type attributed to Cyzicus. 9,10. Bronze coins of Eupolemus, tyrant of Iasus (?), struck in Caria. Obv. Three Macedonian shields. Rev. EYTOAEMOY. Sword in sheath; symbol, double axe. On this plate are reproduced some typical coins of Alexander, Antigonus the One-eyed, Lysimachus, and Eupolemus, one of the Anatolian petty tyrants of the end of the fourth century. An excellent sketch of the evolution of Alexander’s coinage will be found in E. T. Newell, Royal Greek Portrait Coins, 1937, pp. 9 ff., cf. my n. 6 to this chapter.

On the coins of Lysimachus, E. T. Newell, loc. cit., pp. 17 ff. On Eupolemus, Ch. IV, n. 230.

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Asia Minor. They were for the most part in easy circumstances, and we occasionally hear of some of them. Such were Gorgos of Iasus, the former o7AodvAa€ of Alexander,* Thersippus of Nesos,f Malusius of Gargara,t Laomedon from Mitylene, controller of barbarian prisoners of war (é7i rots aiypahwrors BapBapos) under Alexander, and one of his trier-

archs, later (323 B.c.) governor of Syria; his son Larichus became a highly honoured inhabitant of Priene.§ To the same group belonged the well-known Caranus, a Macedonian of noble origin, whose lavish wedding-feast was described by Hippolochus in a letter to Lynceus, the famous contemporary and pupil of Theophrastus. The wealth of Caranus was certainly fabulous, and we are justified in supposing that either he himself or his father had acquired it in the service of Alexander.||

And finally, there is much probability in the suggestion of L. Robert that the foreigners (two of them Macedonians) who in the time of Antigonus (between 311 and 306) subscribed large sums of money for the inclusion of the site of the ‘old city’ (zahara wédts) in Colophon were officers of Alexander’s army, who may have been impelled by public spirit or by some consideration of self-interest. While many of these officers were satisfied with being prominent citizens of their native city or of their new place of residence, others were more ambitious. In Asia Minor before Alexander’s day many cities had been ruled by tyrants, who were protected and sometimes appointed by the Persian kings. The best-known instances are the dynasty of Hecatomnus and Mausolus, the tyrants of Halicarnassus, the Gongylids and Demaratids of Pergamon, the well-known tyrantphilosopher Hermeias of Atarneus, Mania the tyrant-queen of Aeolis, and Nicagoras of Zeleia. The tradition was still alive in the time of Alexander, and even in the days of the Succes-

sors there were still some tyrants of this type. It is not surprising that some of Alexander's officers, who possessed * S.I.G.3 312; Ephippus apud Athen. xii. 538b (F. Jacoby, F. Gr. Hist.

+ O.G.L. 4. t S.I.G.3 330.

126, fr. 5); cf. S.I.G.3 307.

§ Inschr. v. Pr. 18; O.G.I. 215.

|| Athen. iv. 128c, ff. ; cf. H. Berve, Das Alexanderretch, II, no. 412: Kdpavos.

152 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. wealth and military experience, should, in the turmoil of the succeeding period, become tyrants of cities where the tyrannical tradition was still alive. Such was probably Eupolemus, tyrant of Iasus in the late fourth century.?3 These wealthy and ambitious men brought large sums of money with them, and certainly invested this money in one way or another in their cities. Money was also spent freely in the Greek cities by mercenaries or Macedonians still in military service—mulites gloriosi—when on leave of absence or, in the case of mercenaries, looking for employment (and large groups of these are referred to as waiting in various places, especially at Taenarum, for opportunities of service). War therefore was to a certain extent a beneficial factor in the economic life of this period. It put into circulation large sums of money which had formed Alexander’s reserve fund. This money stimulated commerce, as did also the brisk traffic that developed in and around the camps. Many war-profiteers, besides officers and soldiers, became rich, and the large demand

for arms, ships, and engines of war, stimulated the corresponding branches of industry. Sometimes even the supplies required for the subsistence of the army and the material for munitions may have been bought and not requisitioned from the population.

But war, important as it was, did not exert a dominating _ influence on the economic evolution of Alexander’s empire during the comparatively short period of the rule of the Successors. Always in danger of losing their hold on the army

and on the territories which they governed, always either preparing for war or actually engaged in it,24 these rulers had little time and leisure for the organization of their satrapies or kingdoms on a stable basis. Nevertheless it is surprising how much they achieved in this respect. We know very little of the measures they adopted, but those of which we do know are important, and some of them had a decisive influence on the economic development of the regions concerned. I can only deal briefly with this topic in the present book. The main difficulty with which the Successors were faced did not lie in their Oriental territories. There they had inherited a solid and reliable system of administration, taxation, and economic

11 Alexander and the Successors 153 organization from Alexander, who in his turn had taken it over,

at least in part, from the Persian kings. Their real difficulty lay with their Greek subjects in the East. There is no doubt that in respect of the Greek cities of Asia Minor both Alexander and the Successors regarded themselves as heirs of the Persian

kings, who certainly always, and especially after the treaty of Antalcidas (386 B.c.), had dealt with these cities as with their own subjects, to whom they might or might not grant a certain degree of autonomy. Though Alexander liberated the Greek cities of Asia, he probably did not treat them as he treated the free cities of Greece proper, that is to say, he never admitted them into the Corinthian Federation and never made separate treaties of alliance with them. He granted them, as an act of grace, a certain and sometimes a large amount of liberty and autonomy, but probably nothing further. His policy in this respect was adopted by the Successors, who always regarded the old cities of Asia Minor as their subjects, and acted accordingly.25

The trouble, however, was that the Greek cities never accepted this state of things. They always hoped in some way to recover their full liberty, and in consequence they lent their moral and political support to one or other of the rival pretenders to the succession of Alexander according to the degree of belief that they placed in his promises, promises in which full liberty played a prominent part. It is melancholy to see how the leading Greek cities shifted their support from one pretender to another, so that stability in this respect was never attained.?6

When one or other of the rivals enjoyed more or less undisturbed control over the Greek cities of Asia Minor, he would endeavour in various ways to give some degree of stability to

his relations with them, with the object of securing their permanent support while maintaining the basic principle that the cities were to be regarded as subjects, not as allies. Some of them, for example Antigonus and Demetrius, were prepared to go very far in granting liberty and autonomy to the cities, in treating them in fact as allies, not as subjects, and in conferring on them tax exemptions and lavish gifts. On the other hand, Lysimachus and Ptolemy tried by various methods to

154 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. bring home to the cities that they were not independent States

but subject communities, liable to tribute and to military occupation by detachments of the ruler’s army. But the constant state of warfare defeated all attempts to find a modus vivends acceptable to both parties, and reduced the

situation to confusion and almost to anarchy. This instability of conditions explains the adoption of several measures which had direct or indirect economic consequences. Though they never attempted to change the type of economic system established in the Greek city-states, the Successors tried in various ways to get rid of those elements in it which were particularly unsound and mischievous. In this respect there was no difference between the more rigorous and the more liberal rulers of the Greek cities, between Lysimachus and Ptolemy on the one hand and Antigonus and Demetrius on the other. One of the most striking features of Greek economy was its minute subdivision, hundreds of independent units endeavouring to live in economic self-sufficiency, very often to the detriment of their neighbours, and always without regard for their interests, while they in turn pursued exactly the same policy. The rulers, impatient of this state of things, tried by sundry devices to overcome it, both in its political and its economic aspects. Much interest attaches to the various types of federations or

leagues of cities in the time of Alexander and under the Successors. This is not the place to deal with them in detail: a few words will suffice. Some of the leagues had existed before,

such as the Ionian, Aeolian, Ilian(?), Lycian, and Carian leagues in Asia Minor. They were certainly restored to life either by Alexander or by the Successors. Others were new creations of the latter. The best known and the most important

of them was the federation of the Islanders, first created by Antigonus and inherited from him by the Ptolemies. It was undoubtedly a political organization that had economic conse-

quences, since it helped the rulers of the time to curb the pirates of the Aegean. Much less is known of the leagues of Asia Minor. Modern scholars are not agreed about their character. Some regard them as merely religious associations, others are inclined to think that they were at the same time

I Alexander and the Successors 166 administrative units. However this may be, the establishment of closer contact between several cities of the same region was a device directed against the isolation, political, social, and economic, of the single cities.27

Of little less importance were the attempts of many of the Successors to merge several small cities into a larger, richer, and more reliable State. This was done by synoecism (cuvouxiopds), of which there are several examples in the period under review.

The conditions under which Antigonus intended to carry out

the synoecism of Teos and Lebedos are well known. Our

information is less good as regards the enlargement of Colophon at about the same time, and we know even less of the method whereby the city of Scepsis and some other minor cities were incorporated into Antigoneia, the new city founded by Antigonus in the Troad. Synoecism was carried out on a very large scale by Lysimachus in the case of Ephesus, Colophon,

and Lebedos.

It is highly probable that most of such synoecisms were carried out with the object of strengthening the cities economically and financially. Small cities with small territories and a

restricted population were prone—as repeatedly happened— to borrow sums which they would be unable to repay either from their own richer citizens or from foreign cities, temples, or

individuals, to overload their own people with liturgies and compulsory gifts or loans, to claim rights of property over land that belonged to neighbouring cities (as for instance in the cases

of Priene and Samos), and so forth. All this they did in order to secure for their own population a certain standard of mater-

ial and cultural ease, if not to avert extreme poverty and starvation. This aspect of the life of the Greek cities will be more fully treated later in this book. Their economic and financial difficulties constantly led to interminable lawsuits, to civil wars, and to armed conflicts with their neighbours, which caused them to look for help from outside, naturally from their overlords, the temporary rulers of some portion of the Greek world. To them the Greek cities frequently appealed for material or political assistance. Now the new overlords, as has been said, were keenly inter-

ested in the material prosperity of the Greek cities in their

156 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. respective satrapies or kingdoms. Most of the cities were expected to pay to the overlord regular tribute and, in case of war, irregular contributions (see above, pp. 137 ff.), and they fur-

nished the most natural market for the disposal of the surplus

grain, wine, olive-oil, cattle, and the like, produced on his extensive domains, domains mostly inherited by him from the former rulers of the country. The prosperity of the cities had moreover this advantage, that they were less likely if prosperous than if indigent to betray their temporary master and go over to his rivals.

The rulers believed that one of the main reasons why the cities were poor and in distress was that there were too many of

them, and for this they thought synoecism an excellent cure. They therefore tried to convince the cities of the merits of their remedy and to induce them of their own will and decision to carry out a union with their neighbours. In this they mostly failed, and thereupon had recourse to compulsion, under the cloak of benevolent guidance. This is what happened in the case of Teos and Lebedos, in that of Scepsis, and in that of Ephesus, not to speak of the creation of the large capitals of the Successors, to which I shall come presently.?° Such was the policy of the new overlords of the Greek world in respect of the Greek cities in their dominions, especially in Asia Minor. The situation in Greece proper and in the islands was of course more difficult and complicated. — The Successors were far less trammelled in those parts of their possessions which had had no experience of Greek political conditions and were consequently much more manageable and

obedient than the liberty-loving Greeks. We have unfortunately little information with regard to their administration of these regions, but it is certain that they all took up the work where Alexander had left it and gave it a wide extension. This is true especially of the work of colonizing and hellenizing the Near East and the northern part of the Balkan peninsula. Ptolemy Soter, who ruled Egypt during a long life, developed Alexandria on a broad and generous scale, making it both his capital and one of the largest and most beautiful cities of the Greek world. To Alexandria he added a second Greek city and a second capital, Ptolemais in southern Egypt. Alexandria was

111 Alexander and the Successors 167 intended as a counterpart to Memphis, Ptolemais as a counterpart to Thebes, perhaps also as an Alexandria in the south, the centre of the commercial relations between Egypt and central Africa and Arabia. But Soter was not so discerning as Alexander, for Ptolemais never became a second Alexandria.

In order to rival Alexandria, the other rulers, one after another, built new capitals for their new kingdoms: Lysimacheia, Cassandreia, Thessalonice, Demetrias in Europe; Antigoneia, subsequently replaced by Antioch on the Orontes, in Syria. They also replaced some former centres of Greek trade with the East by new Greek trading cities. Such were, for example, the harbours of Antioch, Seleuceia in Pieria, and Laodicea. The first replaced the half-Athenian prosperous port of Al-Mina, of which I have spoken above; the second inherited,

in one way or another, the commercial activity of the ancient Phoenician city of Ugarit (Ras Shamra), opposite Cyprus. Other foundations of the Successors were of a somewhat different character. They were intended to be both military strongholds of the new empires and centres of Macedonian and Greek economic, especially agricultural, life. Such was for instance Apamea in Syria, the military capital of Seleucus’ kingdom. Such were also the many scores of military colonies of different types, some of them rural settlements, but most of them regular cities, established all over the East and in the northern part of the Balkan peninsula. The most conspicuous work of this kind was that done by Seleucus (and continued by his two successors) in Asia Minor, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Iran. We know much less of that done by his predecessors ; there is very little evidence for the colonies said to have been founded by Perdiccas in Palestine and Transjordania. Alongside of the military colonies many purely civil settlements were established in all the kingdoms, and protection was certainly given to those settlers who, in ever-increasing numbers and at their own risk, came to the East and took up their abode in the new Greek cities, in Oriental towns, or in villages.

Thus it came about that the Greek population of the East steadily and rapidly increased under the Successors, and that this growth was never arrested during almost a hundred years from the death of Alexander. It is regrettable that we have no

158 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. statistics: all the attempts of modern scholars to estimate the

Greek population of the East in the Hellenistic period are founded on very inadequate data.?9 This great colonizing activity in the East and to a certain extent in the north of Alexander’s empire had an enormous influence on the trend of its economic development. The rapid growth of Alexandria and later of Antioch, and the splendid expansion of the other cities near Antioch and of Seleuceia in

Babylonia show that the efforts of Alexander and of the Successors bore good fruit. While war raged in Asia Minor, Greece, and parts of Syria, Egypt after the invasion of Perdiccas enjoyed peace, as did also so much of Syria as came later

under Seleucid rule after the clash between Eumenes and Antigonus and the expedition of Demetrius. Thus Egypt, part of Syria, and Mesopotamia probably attained a high degree of prosperity. Though no direct evidence is available, we may

take it as certain that trade rapidly developed in the Near East, that agriculture was stimulated by the new methods of cultivation imported by the Greeks, and that industry enjoyed a wider and richer market. The wealth of what had been Alexander’s Eastern empire is incidentally illustrated by two passages referring to the period

soon after his death. Both of them relate to Antigonus the One-eyed. In 319 B.c.* Antigonus, who had been appointed by Antipater commander with full powers (orparnydés avroxpatwp) in Asia, decided after Antipater’s death not to obey the kings and their guardians. He already had a strong army, but he was confident that he could if necessary increase this army indefi-

nitely ‘since Asia was able to supply inexhaustible funds for

the payment of mercenaries’. A little later, in 315 B.c., Diodorus (Hieronymus) gives a survey of the resources at the disposal of Antigonus: besides the money deposited at Kyinda

(10,000 talents), he had a regular yearly revenue from his satrapy of 11,000 talents (sixty-six million drachmas). The text is corrupt, but the figure appears to be exact. The tide of prosperity in the East was felt throughout the empire and especially in Greece and in Greek Asia Minor. The new settlers and the soldiers of the Successors, who constituted

* Diod. xvili. 50. t Id. xix. 56. 5.

111 Alexander and the Successors 159g the principal market in the new world, were partly hellenized Macedonians, partly Greeks who were used to Greek life and naturally continued to live this life in their new homes. Greek life meant Greek food, Greek dress, Greek houses and furniture, Greek temples, Greek public buildings, Greek plate, Greek jewels, and so forth. For a while all these Greek products were

certainly imported from Greece. Some time had to elapse before the new centres of Greek life could begin their own pro-

duction of Greek goods. Thus it was that during a certain period, mm some cases very prolonged, Greek imported goods

were able to compete in the East itself with the products of the highly developed Oriental industry and found an easy market in the new Greek cities and other Greek settlements. This market was well supplied with money. The little we know of the Greek settlers shows that most of them were well-to-do. The military settlers received parcels of fertile land (cleroz) and

certainly some material help towards starting life under new conditions. Some of them received their allotments after a long military service and may have saved money during this service. Civil officials were paid good salaries and had many other

opportunities of earning money. Tax-farmers probably fared well in the new world. All sorts of artists and craftsmen found

remunerative employment in the new and rapidly growing cities, for the inhabitants were eager to possess every kind of edifice to which they had been accustomed in their homeland, while the kings never relaxed their zeal for adorning their new capitals.

Almost all the above statements, it is true, are based on general considerations. The very few cities in the East that have been excavated have yielded mostly ruins and objects of later date. Alexander’s rule was short and the period of the Successors was not much longer; taken together they did not exceed fifty years.

There are, however, certain eloquent facts. Never before

had Athenian pottery been in such request as in the late fourth and in the early third centuries B.c. Athens, with her wonderful genius for adapting herself to new conditions, changed the style of her ceramic products. The demand for the red-figured pottery of the past was no longer what it had been.

160 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. Athens understood the situation, grasped the spirit of the time, and in the fourth century increased the production of some of the pottery she was already making and launched some new brands. These were mostly imitations of metal plate: wonderful black-glazed ware of both cheap and expensive qualities.

I may mention some varieties of this pottery: black-glazed ware with impressed ornaments ; various types of vases adorned

with gilded barbotine ornaments in imitation of metal-ware, with similar decoration in inlay ; a type showing applied relief-

figures and medallions; and finally fine glazed pottery with painted ornaments in white and pink (which is known as ‘ Westslope ware’).3° These new brands of pottery are found in large

quantities in various places throughout the Hellenistic world

and in Italy. Many specimens have been discovered for example in South Russia, an Athenian market from time immemorial, which was as valuable in the period under review

as in the fourth century. In studying the Athenian ceramic products of the types described that have been found in the rich royai graves of Panticapaeum, we must of course bear in mind that some of them may be contemporaneous with the red-

figured Athenian vases of the fourth century.3! Still more abundant was the Athenian ware in the markets of the East. The archaeological finds in Alexandria are significant. It is Athenian imports—and not only in the field of pottery—that dominate there in the late fourth and early third centuries.32 The same is true of Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia. I am convinced that Antioch on the Orontes and Seleuceia on the Tigris will show in this respect, when excavated more fully, the

same characteristics as Alexandria. Meanwhile we have evidence of similar conditions, for example in Al-Mina in north Phoenicia (above, pp. 85ff.), in Samaria and many other places in Palestine,33 and in Dura,34 where Athenian black-glazed pottery

is a typical feature in the early Hellenistic strata. At Ephesus Athenian black-glazed pottery was still regarded in the late

fourth or third century as the best pottery on the market, though most of it was made locally, partly by potters who came from Athens.35

Charged with important economic consequences as it was, Alexander’s conquest of the East did not stand alone. Philip’s

11 Alexander and the Successors 161 wars in the northern part of the Balkan peninsula, Alexander’s

successful expeditions in the same regions, the activity of Alexander’s satraps in Thrace, and especially the expedition (ill-fated though it was) of Zopyrion against the Scythians (33 B.c.), which brought him as far as Olbia, made Thrace a part of the empire of Alexander* and enabled Lysimachus, first satrap and later king of the northern Balkan territory, to extend and consolidate the conquests of Philip and Alexander. We see evidence of this in Lysimacheia, the brilliant capital founded by Lysimachus in the Thracian Chersonese, and in his issue of large quantities of gold and silver coins which competed successfully with Alexander’s coinage in the north and were for a long time the leading currency of the Balkan and north Pontic regions. It may be observed that many trading cities— Byzantium, Callatis, Rhodes, and many others—as well as the Bosporan kings, imitated the currency of Lysimachus after his death in order to secure a fair circulation for their own issues. In the time of Philip, Alexander, and Lysimachus, Thrace

and the adjacent Celtic regions were as good a market for Greek commodities as they had previously been. Consider the

wide distribution of the coins of Philip, Alexander, Philip Arrhidaeus, and Lysimachus among the Danubian Celts and far beyond the regions that they gradually occupied, and the promptitude with which the Danubian Celts began to develop their own coinage on the model chiefly of Macedonian royalcoins. The Celtic expansion after the death of Lysimachus, detrimental as it was to a sound economic development of the

Balkan region, rather suspended than put an end to the development of trade relations between Greece (and especially Macedonia) and the Thracian and Danubian countries. I shall return to this later. It is a pity that the archaeological material found in the graves of the later fourth and early third centuries in Bulgaria and Rumania has never been completely collected

and illustrated. A good example of the rich graves of this period may be seen in that of Verbitza mentioned above (p. 116), which is of early Hellenistic date.36

It is not surprising that in these circumstances Greece, in

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* Note the beginnings of urbanization carried out in Thrace by Philip and Alexander.

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cHap. ur Alexander and the Successors 163 spite of wars and revolutions, rapidly recovered from the economic crisis of the late fourth century. It is sufficient to read Menander and other authors of the New Comedy to see how prosperous Athens was at that time. What we have of Menander and the reflections of his plays and of those of his contemporaries in the comedies of Plautus and Terence, the

Characters of Theophrastus, and some of the biographies of philosophers by Diogenes Laertius which go back to contemporary sources, give us a vivid picture of the life of an Athenian citizen of the time. This typical citizen for whom

Menander wrote his comedies and whom he and Theophrastus chiefly portrayed in their works is not an aristocrat by birth and wealth, nor is he a pauper, a proletarian. He is a middle-class landowner, a business man, or a ventier, well-

to-do but not extremely rich. He draws his income from his farm, which he manages personally in a rational way with the help of slaves or hired labour, from his commercial operations,

mostly marine ventures, or from money-lending. To these sources of income we may, basing ourselves chiefly on Demosthenes, confidently add industrial workshops, silver mining at

Laurium, and hiring out slaves. The poor are not absent from Menander’s picture, but they play a secondary part. Menander’s audience consisted not of them, or at least not mainly of them, but of middle-class folk. Nor do the nouveaux riches, enterprising mercenary soldiers or other adventurers, figure largely in the picture of Athenian ‘society’. They are there just to show the enormous difference between these upstarts and fortune-hunters and the respectable Athenians (see above, n. 16). Such members of the higher Athenian aristocracy as still existed and the millionaires of the day (if there were any) are not accepted as typical Athenians and therefore do not appear in Menander’s comedies. The Athenian bourgeois is well-to-do. He lives in a small but comfortable residential house, and owns one or two domestic slaves. He is not stingy, and on great occasions spends money freely; but he is careful about his affairs. His family is not very large: he generally has one or two children. To the girls he gives a decent but not excessive dowry, usually of one, two, three, or four talents of silver, sixteen being the maximum. He

164 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. likes his daughter to be well dressed and buys imported frocks

for her. His sons while young and before they acquire the mentality of their father have a good time: banquets and parties, wine and courtesans, some of these very highly paid (e.g. three minae a day). Without going into details, we can see

that the standard of life of an Athenian was comparatively high, simple but comfortable. It is interesting to learn from Teles that young Metrocles, when he came to Athens to take up

philosophy with Theophrastus and Xenocrates, felt ashamed of his poverty: he could not afford to dress as expensively as his schoolmates, to have slaves, to live in a large house, to eat costly food and drink choice wine.37 The picture drawn by Menander does not convey the impres-

sion that Athens was spending in the late fourth century what remained of the wealth she had accumulated in the past. Inthe tone of Menander’s comedies we see reflected the outlook of men who are prosperous, confident of the present, and not afraid of the future. Menander sometimes complains of hard times, of continuous wars, but he never speaks of general ruin, poverty, and misery. And the same impression may be derived from the charming, humorous picture of Athenian society contained in the Characters of Theophrastus. There is no doubt then that Athens was prosperous in the times of Alexander and the Successors. And Athens, in all probability, was no exception. That money was plentiful in Greece in the late fourth and early third centuries is shown in the first place by the frequency with which comparatively rich coin-hoards of this period have been found all over Greece.

Some of these hoards were buried during the lifetime of Alexander (Kyparissia, 327 B.c.), some shortly after his death (Andritsaena, c. 315 B.c., and Lamia, c. 308 B.c.), some still later (the two hoards of Kililer in Thessaly, 285-275 B.c., the hoards of Salonica, 287-280 B.c., and of Olympia, after 250

B.C.). The contents of all have the same character—large quantities of coins of Alexander and Philip ITI of various mints,

and in addition smaller quantities of Greek coins, mostly of Athenian and Corinthian autonomous currency. Coins of the Successors (other than those of Lysimachus) appear in the later hoards only in small numbers. These hoards show that

1] Alexander and the Successors 166 money was steadily flowing into Greece in the times of Alexander and the Successors from all parts of the East and the North.38

Another sign of growing prosperity was the considerable rise of prices of all commodities and of labour throughout Greece, with occasional spasmodic fluctuations caused by the frequent

wars of the period of the Successors (see above, pp. Iff.). In general gold and silver were comparatively cheap.*39 Their cheapness and the concentration of large amounts of them (as well as of precious stones) in the hands of many kings and other

persons is illustrated by the common use of silver and gold plate throughout the Hellenistic world, a fact well known to all archaeologists and epigraphists, and sufficiently attested by the inventories of the great Greek temples: Delphi, Didyma, Delos. A special fashion of the day was gold and silver objects, especially plate, adorned with precious stones (AvGoKoddyrot, diddvHor), the earliest certainly of Oriental make. Stratonice, the wife of Seleucus I, dedicated a group of inlaid vessels and jewels at Delos; her husband did the same at Didyma. How widespread was the taste for metal plate is shown by the fact

that Athenian and Italian potters changed over at this time from the manufacture of painted vases to that of vases with reliefs, imitations of metal ware. I shall speak of this later in more detail.4°

The rise and fluctuation of prices mentioned above cannot be interpreted as the result of a kind of inflation and as a sign of bad times. It is true that large amounts of excellent and perfectly sound currency were put into circulation by Alexander and the Successors and considerably increased the quantity of money circulating in the Greek world. A certain depreciation of gold and silver, in other words a rise of prices, would be a natural result of this measure. But the main and enduring reason for the rise of prices cannot be sought in the abundance and comparative cheapness of money alone. The chief cause was the rapid increase in the demand for Greek commodities * Especially gold; the value of gold in relation to silver fell in this period from the rate of x to 14 or 13 in the fifth century to r to 12 in Philip’s time, and 1 to 10 in the days of Alexander and the Successors, while the price of all other goods in terms of silver went up considerably.

( 166)

PLATE XXI 1. A votive bas-relief found at Piraeus. It shows a heroized (note the snake) actor or dramatic poet, no longer young, stretched on a couch and prepared totake partina banquet. The table with the viands is ready, and his attendantslave has brought in the wine for libation. A charming young woman is half stretched on the end of the couch. She draws the attention of her companion to a visitor who is entering. We may safely identify her with one of the Muses (Polyhymnia) or Skene, the personification of the Stage. The visitor is young Dionysus himself, slowly advancing from the left, half overpowered by methe and leaning on his attendant—a little Faun. The man on the couch is greeting his guest with his right hand. He is ready to receive from him the Dionysiac inspiration. Early third century 8.c. The bas-relief has recently been interpreted in the sense sketched above, as the prototype of the well-known ‘ Ikarios’ bas-reliefs, by Ch. Picard, ‘Les Reliefs dits de la visite 4 Ikarios’, A.J.A.xxxviii

Paris.) ,

(1934), pp. 157 ff. (Photograph supplied by the authorities of the Louvre,

z. The famous bas-relief of Menander, the great creator of the New Comedy. Menander—his figure is inspired by his well-known portrait, extant in many replicas—in heroic dress, is seated on a chair. His figure is turned to the right.

Before him a table. Behind the table, the majestic figure of a woman, no doubt Polyhymnia or Skene rather than the famous Glycera. Menander holds

in his left hand and contemplates a comic mask, that of one of the chief personages of his comedies—the youth. On the table two more masks: that of the young lady, heroine of the play, and of the father of the young man. (Photograph supplied by Alinari.)

The bas-relief has been published and discussed several times. A good description and a select bibliography will be found in M. Bieber, Die Denkmdler

—™ zum Theaterwesen im Altertum, 1920, p. 156, pl. Lxxxvul, and The History of the Greek and Roman Theater, 1939, pp. 165 ff., figs. 223 and 224 (bibliography, n. 4).

There is no need to justify the presence of these illustrations in my book. The great dramatic poets of the early Hellenistic period were the best exponents

of the spirit, mentality, and creative genius of their times. It is to them that we Owe, among many other things, a vivid picture of the leading class in the Hellenistic world—the bourgeoisie of the Greek cities.

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(171)

PLATE XXIV Two ephebes both seated, one resting after violent exercise in the palaestra and protected against the sun by a broad flat hat, the other meditating, probably not about philosophical problems. Cf. the preceding plate. J. Charbonneaux, Les Terres cuites grecques, 1936, figs. 47 and 48.

Photographs supplied by the authorities of the Louvre, Paris.

172 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. for the corn that came from Egypt and from the rich grainfields of Cyprus, Syria, and Phoenicia. In the period of the Successors Rhodes became practically Egypt’s chief agency for the Aegean trade in general and the grain trade in particular. This is shown by the fact that it was chosen by Cleomenes of Naucratis at the time of his great grain speculation (332-331 B.C.) as the seat of his agents and as the centre of his

operations. In this connexion a very characteristic anecdote about Bion, the Cynic, and Rhodes may be quoted. When Bion was asked at Rhodes why he was teaching philosophy while the Athenians specialized in rhetoric, he replied in his pointed way, using a simile familiar to Rhodes: ‘Shall I sell barley when I imported wheat ?’ It is no wonder that Athens became jealous and alarmed. The close relations of Rhodes with Egypt, vital for the develop-

ment of the prosperity and commercial importance of the former, were probably the chief reason why Antigonus in 305 B.c. undertook his siege of the city. He wished Rhodes to be one of his cities, and his commercial agent for the products of his own kingdom, and not an independent and neutral State, friendly both with himself and with Ptolemy. We know how greatly the siege contributed to the popularity of Rhodes in the eyes of all the freedom-loving Greek cities. There can be no doubt that, in respect of her trade also, the siege was ultimately profitable to her. The promise of safety given by Antigonus to Rhodian merchants in Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, and Pamphylia, provided they would not communicate with the besieged city,

is proof of the activity of the trade relations between his Oriental empire and Greece, and of the great store he set by the services of Rhodian merchants.

The years of the entente cordiale with the Ptolemies were

years of great prosperity for the island. Even our scanty evidence reveals Rhodes in the early third century as the home of powerful merchants and influential bankers. She used her

money and her diplomacy, not only to promote her own interests, but also to help the Greek cities in their pursuit of independence and constitutional government, always showing herself a staunch supporter of these two pillars of Greek city life. Thus in 300 B.c. she lent money to the citizens of Priene

I Alexander and the Successors 173 to assist them in asserting their liberty against a tyrant. Similarly she lent 100 talents, without interest, to Argos for the

strengthening of its fortifications and the improvement of its cavalry. It should be observed that the two loans, being of a purely political character, were granted not by private bankers but by the city. The city, it appears, had important reserves of money (a rare occurrence in the history of Greek cities!) stored in the treasury or kept on deposit in private or public banks in the town or elsewhere. It was indeed more usual for such loans, even when made for political purposes, to be granted not by the city but by private citizens, rich merchants, and bankers. Thus Ephesus, which maintained most cordial relations with Rhodes, and probably depended on that city for her grain supply and no doubt for her commerce—as appears from the reform of the Ephesian coinage about this time on Rhodian models—was helped in critical times by a rich Rhodian who sold her a considerable quantity of grain at less than the very high current price.# Athens had other dangerous rivals, second only to Rhodes in this respect, in the chief seaports of lohia—MILETUS and EPHESUS. Many facts testify to the growing importance of these two cities. I may mention in the first place the great efforts of the rival Successors to obtain control of the two cities and to gain their loyal adherence. The political history of the period before and still more after Ipsus shows how. strenuously Demetrius, Ptolemy Soter, Seleucus, and Lysimachus endeavoured to secure Miletus and Ephesus, and how willing they

were to grant these cities the largest possible measure of autonomy. The chief efforts of Miletus were directed to two objects. One was to become, or rather to remain, the principal outlet for so much of the caravan trade from the East—from Mesopotamia and the Iranian regions, and through them from India and perhaps from China—as passed through Asia Minor on its way to Greece. From the time of the Persian Empire many merchants had preferred the safe and well-organized ‘royal’ overland roads leading to the harbours of Ionia to the inferior roads that ran from the Euphrates to the Phoenician and Syrian harbours. Later, the roads to the new Seleucid Mediterranean harbours, Seleuceia in Pieria and Laodicea

174 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. (created by Seleucus I and Antiochus I to divert the Oriental trade from the Phoenician cities), vied with the roads across Asia Minor in safety and convenience. But it took some time for the early Seleucids to organize these new communications, and meanwhile the ancient royal road through Asia Minor was still the safest, if not the shortest. This was a source of great prosperity to Miletus and Ephesus. We have no direct information regarding the volume of this trade, but certain facts testify to its great importance. I may quote for example the gift bestowed on Miletus by Antiochus, the eldest son of Seleucus I, about 300 B.c. He built there a portico one stadium long, the income from which was to be devoted by the city to the construction of the great temple of Didyma. The inscription recording the construction and the ruins of the portico were found by the German exca-

vators. The portico, 190 metres long, was situated in the South Market of Miletus, and contained seventy-eight shops.

It is interesting to note that the decree by which the city accepted the gift and conferred high honours on Antiochus* was introduced by Demodamas, son of Aristeides, the same man who as a general of Seleucus I made an expedition into Turkestan, crossed the Jaxartes, and dedicated there altars to Apollo of Didyma,f an expedition which certainly had commercial as well as political objects. It was probably an important increase in the volume of the Oriental trade of Miletus, promoted as it had been by Seleucus, Antiochus, and Demodamas, that suggested the construction of the new market-hall as a remunerative investment. Not less significant is the lavish gift made by Seleucus I to the sanctuary of Apollo of Didyma in 288/7 B.c. Besides gold, silver, and bronze plate, some of it of Oriental manufacture, the king gave the temple large amounts of Oriental spices—ten talents of frankincense, one talent of myrrh, two minae of cassia, two minae of cinnamon, two minae of costus.{ While busy developing her connexions with the Seleucid kingdom (at the same time not neglecting her relations with

* 0.G.I. 213. f Plin. N.H. vi. 49.

t 0.G.I. 214; Welles, R.C. 5, ll. 49-51: AiBavwrod rdAavra Séxa, optpvns Tadavrov ev, Kacias pvat Sto, Kwvapdpov pvai Svo, Kédcrov pvat dvo.

111 Alexander and the Successors 175 Egypt*), Miletus did her best to secure another active and profitable market for her wares (goods either in transit or of her own manufacture). From time immemorial she had been con-

nected with the Pontic regions, but for a time had been supplanted in the Pontic market by Athens. During the reign of Alexander and after it Miletus endeavoured to recover this market by making treaties of sympolity with her most prosperous and most important north-eastern colonies. We still possess the decrees adopted by Olbia, Cyzicus, Istrus, and later by Cios, and it is probable that her activity in this respect was much wider and more systematic than appears from our scanty evidence. All this makes it natural that, despite the wars and the troubles attending them, Miletus should have attained a high degree of prosperity, of which we have evidence, for example, in the work done on the beautiful temple of the Didymaean Apollo.43 It isregrettable that, owing to the meagreness of our material,

a more detailed picture cannot be drawn of the social and economic aspect of Rhodes, Miletus, and Ephesus in the early Hellenistic period, such as has been drawn above in respect of Athens. Our literary texts are almost silent, inscriptions are

few, and Rhodes has never been systematically excavated. Miletus and Ephesus have been excavated, Miletus by German,

Ephesus by Austrian archaeologists. But the results of these excavations have not been published in full and Ephesus has yielded very little evidence relating to Hellenistic times. So far as they have been published I have made use of them in the foregoing sketch. While it is impossible to form an adequate idea of the social and economic conditions that prevailed during this early period in these large and opulent cities, centres of a highly developed

agricultural, industrial, and commercial life, the thorough German excavation of the ruins of a much smaller and more modest city of Asia Minor—Priene near Miletus—has yielded enough material to justify an attempt to give a general sketch of social and economic life in a city of this class. PRIENE, like Miletus and Ephesus, was at one time a city by the sea, with a good harbour and probably some commerce and * Welles, R.C, 14.

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cuap.11 «Alexander and the Successors 181 porticoes, an excellent water-supply well protected against attack, a fine meeting-place for the popular assembly and the State council, and a large and well-designed gymnasium for mental and physical education—soon supplemented by a new one for the older students (veo1). All the public buildings and squares were adorned with bronze and marble statues by the best artists, and some of the former were painted in a simple and elegant style. The private houses are even more characteristic of a small but prosperous bourgeois community, democratic in its constitution and in its social and economic structure. Each city block was divided into four parts, each part containing one house. Larger and more pretentious houses are rare and mostly

of later date. The houses, though small and modest, were comfortable, hygienic, and attractive. Light and air reached the dining- and sitting-rooms and the bedrooms from the inner

court. The rooms were not very large, but they were not over-crowded with furniture. The few specimens of furniture

found in the houses show that the Prieneans had a high artistic standard in this field also. Fine well-proportioned couches, elegant tables, finely modelled portable ovens, exquisite statuettes in bronze and clay are characteristic features of Priene.44

It is impossible to enter into greater detail, but what has been said will suffice to show the typical aspect of a Greek city

of this period. We have, it is true, no right to generalize. No two cities in Asia Minor—or in Greece proper or the islands— were exactly similar; each had its own peculiarities. And yet all had many traits in common, especially in their political, social, and economic system. With the political aspect of the cities J am not here concerned. But a parallel to the economic structure of Priene may be presented which is instructive alike in its similarities and in its differences. We happen to know a little more of TEos than of the other cities of Asia Minor, though less of it than of Priene. I have previously referred to it in connexion with the synoecism of Teos and Lebedos, which was planned and perhaps carried out by Antigonus. In a decree which deals with her sympolity with Lebedos (end of the fourth century, perhaps contemporary

182 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. with the inscription relating to the synotkismos) are enumerated some of the taxes of the city. This list, incomplete as it may be, gives us a good idea of the economic structure of the

city. Like Priene, Teos lived mostly on her agriculture and cattle-breeding: sheep and pigs were one of her main sources of

income. In addition, revenue was derived from the exploitation of woods. Trees were cut and transported with the help of slaves and donkeys and probably made into charcoal. There were numerous gardens. Bee-keeping flourished, as in so many other places in the ancient world (Athens, Rhodes, Theangela and elsewhere in Caria, &c.). And finally, unlike Priene, Teos had her flourishing industry, the manufacture of certain kinds of garments, yAdvdia and ayzéyova, from Milesian wool.

It is interesting to find that a substantial income was derived by the citizens from the hiring out of slaves, and that a health service was organized more or less in the same way as it was in Cos, whose laws were imposed on Teos and Lebedos by

Antigonus (see next chapter). It may be added that the city, not satisfied with an extensive and diversified taxation, held private slaves and draught animals liable to compulsory public service. The impression produced by the inscription analysed above

and by that relating to the synoecism is again that of a small community of well-to-do bourgeois, who derive their main income from the intensive cultivation of their land and, in a subsidiary degree, from some industries. The citizens live a narrow life within their territory, consuming mainly their own products. Occasionally they export some of these; but, more often, especially when crops fail, they are in urgent need of imported food.45

| It may be noted in conclusion that the picture of Teos is very similar to that of PIDASA in later time.* Such were the smaller cities of Asia Minor in the period under review. The larger cities, centres of trade and industry such as Miletus and Ephesus, were, of course, different. But what we

know of them, particularly of Miletus, shows that in their general aspect, that is, in their plan and architecture, especially as regards the residential and political areas, they did not differ * Milet, i, 3, p. 350, n. 149; below, Ch. V.

11 Alexander and the Successors 183 greatly from Priene. We must, of course, picture in addition a noisy and probably dirty harbour, large crowded warehouses,

picturesque quays with shops, cabarets, little restaurants, brothels, and what not. The public squares and buildings must be imagined more numerous and much larger in size. However, in the main, even a larger Greek city of that time would not be very unlike the modest and elegant city of Priene. I shall return to this topic later when I am dealing with Alexandria, Rhodes, Cos, Miletus, and Delos. The prosperity of some, probably most, of the cities of the

mainland of Greece, of the islands, and of Asia Minor was probably shared by those Greek cities which played the role of Athens, Corinth, Rhodes, Miletus, and Ephesus in the Propontis and on the Pontic coast. I shall revert to most of these cities in the next chapter—Cyzicus, Byzantium, Chalcedon, Heraclea Pontica, Sinope, Amisus and the flourishing cities of

the western Pontic coast. Here I will only refer to the far distant cities of South Russia. What is true of them is true, mutatis mutandis, of the other cities mentioned above. They all profited by the recovery of Greece, and the late fourth

century in South Russia was a very prosperous, nay, a brilliant period. Many marvellously rich graves at Panticapaeum and many splendid finds at Olbia belong to this time, as do many Scythian graves containing exquisite Greek jewellery, pottery,

and toreutic work, partly imported from Greece and Asia Minor, partly made at Panticapaeum and Olbia. It may be added that the influence of Greek prosperity was felt not only in the East, but also in the West, as we may infer from the brilliant development of certain branches of GrecoItalian industry, especially at Tarentum.*® The brisk exchange of goods between the constituent parts of Alexander’s empire and between them and the countries of the West and the North-East was facilitated by the fact, on which I have already laid stress, that the empire of Alexander, in spite of the wars of the Successors, remained a political unit for about fifty years. This period was a repetition—on a large scale—of the glorious days of the Athenian Empire, but without the Athenian methods of compulsion. The sea was comparatively free of pirates. Alexander’s measures of police were

(184)

PLATE XXVIII 1. A Tetradrachm, Seleucus I (Seleuceia on the Tigris). Obv. Head of Zeus.

Rev. BAZIAEQ= ZEAEYKOY. Athena fighting in quadriga of horned elephants; in field, Seleucid anchor. 2. AX ‘Lion-stater’, Seleucus I (Babylon, before 300 B.c.). Obv. Baal seated. Rev. Lion; Seleucid anchor above. 3. A Tetradrachm, Ptolemy I, Egypt (1st issue). Obv. Head of Alexander

in elephant skin. Rev. TITOAEMAIOY AAEZANAPEION. Athena Promachos hurling spear, at her feet an eagle. 4. MN’ Pentadrachm, Ptolemy I. Obv. Head of Ptolemy I wearing diadem and aegis. Rev. BAZIAEQS TITOAEMAIOY. Eagle on fulmen. 5. 4 Octodrachm of Arsinoe (struck posthumously by Ptolemy IT). OQbdv. Head of Arsinoe II, veiled and wearing stephane. Rev. APZINOHE O1AAAEA®OY. Double cornucopiae, filleted. 6. AR Tetradrachm, Demetrius Poliorcetes (Chalcis, Euboea). Obv. Head of Demetrius wearing diadem. Rev. BAZIAEQE AHMHTPIOY. Poseidon leaning on trident, resting foot on rock. 7. AR Tetradrachm, Demetrius Poliorcetes (Salamis, Cyprus). Obv. Nike

blowing trumpet and holding trophy-stand, standing on prow. Rev. BAZIAEQ2 AHMHTPIOY. Poseidon wielding trident. 8. AX Tetradrachm, Antiochus I (Antioch). Obv. Head of Antiochus wearing diadem. Rev. BATIAEQS ANTIOXOY. Apollo seated on omphalos.

9g. A Tetradrachm, Antiochus II (Cyme). Obv. Head of Antiochus II, diademed. Rev. BAZIAEQE ANTIOXOY. Seated Heracles, symbol, onehandled cup. 10. AR Tetradrachm, Rhodes (c. 304-166 B.c.). Obv. Facing head of Helios.

Rev. POAIQN. Above, rose; below, magistrate’s name. 11. AN Stater, Diodotus of Bactria. Obv. Head of Diodotus diademed. Rev. BAZIAEQS AIOAOTOY. Zeus hurling fulmen. On the early Seleucid coinage see Ch. IV, pp. 446 ff., and on the early Ptolemaic, pp. 398 ff., cf. Ch. VIII; cf. the masterly sketches by E. T. Newell, Royal Greek Portrait Coins, 1937. On Demetrius Poliorcetes, id., ibid., pp. 27 ff.,

and The Coinages of Demetrius Poliorcetes, 1927. Diodotus I, E. T. Newell, Royal Greek Portrait Coins, p. 66, and W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 1938, pp. 72 ff. Itishighly probable that the famous Nike of Samothrace now in the Louvre is an imitation of the Nike of Demetrius as shown in no. 7 of this plate. On the original site of the Louvre Nike, see A. Sala¢, Socha Bohyné Vitézstui v. Louvru, 1938.

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cuap.ur eAlexander and the Successors 185 continued by Antigonus and Demetrius, who had a strong navy and the Island League at their disposal. Lysimachus, Ptolemy

Soter, Rhodes, Cyzicus, Lampsacus, Byzantium, Heraclea Pontica, Sinope, and the Bosporan kings, all contributed to this security.*7

That Alexander’s empire, because it was a political unit in the days of the Successors, was also an economic unit, can only be stated with reservations. Greece even now remained what it had previously been, a loose complex of independent cities, each pursuing, by every lawful and unlawful method, a narrow policy directed to self-sufficiency and self-defence. None of the Greek cities abolished its restrictive measures against its neighbours or its oppressive customs-duties.4® Never-

theless, Alexander’s empire in the period of the Successors approximated to the character of an economic unit even more

than the Athenian Empire. Our evidence is scanty but is sufficient to show this. To begin with, I may remind the reader of the general rise of prices in the time of Alexander and the Successors all over the

empire. Next comes the evidence supplied by coins. Coin-

hoards buried in all parts of the empire and outside it in Alexander’s own lifetime and during the rule of the Successors

show that monetary unity had been almost achieved. Let me recall some well-known facts in this connexion.‘9 Alexander’s currency was not only abundant but uniform in respect of types, purity of metal, and standard (Attic). After his death and for about nineteen years money of exactly the same types and standard was issued from the same mints by the Successors in the name of Philip Arrhidaeus and later of Alexander IV, for use throughout the empire, with the exception of Egypt. A certain differentiation began in Egypt and spread later to other parts of the Hellenistic world, when their rulers assumed the royal title. All of these had their own abundant coinage, the most prominent in this respect being Demetrius, Lysimachus, Ptolemy Soter, and Seleucus I. Their coins, however, as regards weight, purity, and standard (with the exception of those of Ptolemy, who finally went over to the so-called Phoenician standard), were almost exactly similar to those of Alexander. The only difference was in the types, the

186 Alexander and the Successors CHAP. head of the deified Alexander and later the portraits of the Successors replacing on the obverse the well-known Alexandrian

types, and new reverses being substituted for the standardized designs of Alexander. In comparison with the royal issues the leading issues of the past were of little importance. The Persian ‘archers’ and other coins of the Persian Empire soon vanished. Of the city issues,

the Athenian ‘owls’ were still abundant. Athens seems to

have retained her right of coinage from the time of Alexander

down to about 220 B.c., when a new style of coinage was substituted for the old. Most modern scholars are inclined to think, in opposition to the earlier view, that there was no suspension of the Athenian coinage between 322 (or 261 B.c.) and some time after 229 B.c., except for a short interruption in the days of Antigonus Gonatas.5° Corinthian poloz ceased to be

struck early in the third century B.c. and were never very popular in the Aegean. Mints in a few other cities were still operating, and the Greek leagues began to issue their own federal money. But many of the Greek cities preferred to issue coins of Alexandrian types. It is curious that King Areus of Sparta, when he decided (about 280 B.c.) to coin his own money,

began to issue Alexander tetradrachms of Attic weight but inscribed with his own name.5!

All these issues, however, were superseded by the royal coinage. This was the result not of compulsion or legislation, as in the time of the Athenian Empire, but of the evident convenience of monetary unity and of the abundance and excellence of the royal coinage. We have indisputable proof of this

in the statistics of hoards as recorded by Noe. In all the hoards of the late fourth and early third centuries Alexandrian coins (with a certain number of ‘Philippi’ added) exceed the total of all the other issues. Even the coins of the Successors (except those of Lysimachus) figure only rarely and sporadically.52 Alexander’s coinage was so famous and so popular in the Hellenistic world that when, after Magnesia, many of the Greek cities recovered their right of coinage (which they had lost in the time of the Successors and of the balance of power), they mutually agreed to begin their autonomous coinage by the issue of uniform Alexandrian and Lysimachian silver money,

111 Alexander and the Successors 187 which they struck in large quantities.* [am speaking, of course, of the great currencies of the time, those which played the leading part in commercial life and were kept by rich people in their

homes and in the banks. For the expenses of daily life in the cities of Greece proper, Asia Minor, and the Near East, local currency was used almost exclusively, being only to a slight extent supplemented by the currencies of neighbouring cities. This currency was mostly copper and small silver. Its prevalence in daily life is shown by the finds made in the Greek cities of both Greece and Asia Minor, especially Priene (as was well shown by the late Dr. Regling) and Pergamon.

Everything considered, Alexander’s reign and the period of the Successors were a time of great hope and great possibili-

ties for the empire created by Alexander, including Greece. Greece lost her political independence, though she struggled desperately to retain it, but she was compensated by a material prosperity that appeared likely to endure.53 But this appearance was illusory. The period of prosperity,

so far at least as Greece proper was concerned, was destined to be of short duration. * This coinage is dealt with in a later chapter.

(188)

PLATE XXIX 1. AS Ptolemy II. Egypt. Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon. Rev. BAZIAEQNS PTOAEMAIOY. Eagle holding fulmen. 2. A’ Octodrachm of Ptolemy III. Egypt. Obv. AAEA®QN.,

Heads of Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II. Rev. OEQN. Heads of Ptolemy I and Berenice I.

3. NM Octodrachm of Ptolemy III. Egypt. Obv. Head of Ptolemy III, radiate, wearing aegis and holding trident-topped sceptre. Rev. BAZSIAEQ2 PTOAEMAIOY. Filleted cornucopiae. 4. AX Tetradrachm of Philetaerus of Pergamon. Obv. Diademed

head of Seleucus I. Rev. OIAETAIPOY. Athena seated with

hand on shield. In the field helmet. , 5. A Tetradrachm of AttalusI of Pergamon. Obv. Head of Phile-

taerus. fev. ®IAETAIPOY. Athena seated crowning king’s name. Beneath arm—A, in the field: to the left ivy-leaf, to the right bow. 6. A Tetradrachm of Antigonus Gonatas. Obv. Head of Poseidon. Rev. BAZIAEQES ANTIFONOY. Apollo seated on prow of galley. This coin possibly commemorates the battle of Cos.

* 9. AX Tetradrachm of Antiochus III. Syria. Obv. Head of Antiochus III wearing diadem. Rev. BAZIAEQE ANTIOXOY., Elephant. Beneath monogram. 8. AR Tetradrachm. Aetolian League (c. 279-168 B.c.). Obv. Head of Alexander. Rev. AITQAQN. ee red Pan :aT .ee: oe ee ery. “Seek Soe ABI 2 ED ae " Ae * SP BB Og, ° Ye » Pm Cree. A “eA 3 ORS ASRS Cor aed ne wo f ». Bee F a, Serre eh | Re Ome got ee be Bs ' mp Mes, Fgh om oe re 4 gh i Si, a ee aes Lr Re 3: q ay " " PB ws ee “ig! i aang ES ne Sy “ yo ai a Fgh feu ea ; c ‘~ * wy, a 1 eg ie x % ei: i, Tas cn, Bre ‘Ney , . | Sc ror *~ et = % et en ae Pe ee Ve > ees acters = ae eo "y “ee gt & ele Ie I re ih ‘ a we “a . ; wo . " a, i x, a & A 4 * 4 ff ‘ at % ee "hh Me ; é : y ae . Mags tS ag . cael wey eee A % ‘ .f Ase " q yi . - us ws y ay mi ty iy ig " oe " ork Sy“4

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IV THE BALANCE OF POWER

ParT I THE CITIES: GREECE AND THE ISLANDS

THE short survey in Chapter I of political events during the period of balance of power (281-221 B.c.) has shown that, like that which preceded it, it was a time of almost continuous war-

fare throughout the former empire of Alexander. The region that suffered most was continental Greece, after it the islands and Asia Minor, and finally Syria. Egypt was engaged in war outside her own territory and therefore suffered least. But it was something more than a period of warfare. Except in Greece —and even in Greece to a certain extent—it was a time of great creative political activity. In this short space of time each of the monarchies formerly comprised in the empire laid the foundations of its political, social, and economic structure, a structure that was to survive almost unchanged until they were incorporated in the Roman Empire and even later. We must therefore review separately the conditions in each of these regions, bearing in mind that they all, despite the differences that had developed between them, were still constituents of a single large unit, the former dominion of Alexander, the Hellenistic world. To begin with Greece. Of the various sources from which

our information with regard to it is drawn, the literary

texts bearing on its history, both political and economic, during this period are very meagre. In the political field they are insufficient to furnish a continuous narrative of events.! As regards economic and social conditions they are even less informative. Even for Athens we have nothing comparable to the copious evidence relating to the preceding period. The lack of literary sources is compensated by the data which may be gathered from epigraphic material. The inscriptions of

this period are numerous and of varied character, and cannot be described as a whole. I shall discuss them group by group

190 The Balance of Power CHAP. as I deal with the various aspects of the economic life of the Greek cities.

One group, however, the official yearly accounts of the administration of the temples of Delos rendered by the teropozoz, calls for some preliminary remarks. We have substantial fragments of them for about a century, from which it is possible to compile fairly complete and trustworthy lists of the prices of commodities and domestic animals as well as of land and houses,

of rents of both houses and land, and of wages and salaries. Scholars have naturally availed themselves largely of this material to reconstruct the economic history of the Aegean during the period with which we are dealing.? Its value certainly cannot be over-estimated, for with its help we can follow the fluc-

tuations of prices at one place in the Aegean world, and by correlating them with contemporary political events we may be able to detect the special causes that gave rise to them. Moreover, we learn from them the real value of money in an important part of the Hellenistic world in the late third and early second centuries B.C. Valuable as it is, the evidence from Delos has its limitations.

We must not forget that it was a peculiar place, unique of its kind, different from any other city in Greece except, toacertain extent, Delphi and Olympia. A barren island containing very little fertile land, possessing no mineral or other resources, Delos

lived for centuries as an appendage of its famous temple of Apollo. Later in its history it became a centre of Aegean, and still later of Mediterranean, commerce and banking, one of the clearing-houses of the ancient world. Delos, therefore, throughout its existence depended almost entirely on imports, and the balance of its trade was distinctly unfavourable. This peculiar feature of its economy necessarily had a certain influence on the prices that ruled in the island. On the other hand in its later days—the period best known to

us—it became a centre of transit trade and the residence of

many aliens, merchants, business men, and bankers. This fact, together with the physical character of the island, its lack of natural resources, certainly influenced the prices of commodities, labour, land, houses, slaves, and so forth. The prices, as they appear in the temple accounts, were not arbitrarily fixed

IV The Balance of ‘Power IgI by the temple but reflect the ebb and flow of business life in Delos, of which very little is known. All this makes it difficult to regard the prices that we find at Delos as necessarily representing those current all over the Aegean, unless they are confirmed by evidence from other localities. Moreover, the data contained in the Delian inscriptions must not be taken at their face value. There is, for instance, a tendency among modern scholars to calculate the yearly income of a family of wage-earners from the daily wages and salaries paid by the temple to its workmen and employees. But W. W. Tarn has shown that none of the wage-earners who appear in the temple accounts were employed by the temple continuously for a year. They were all employed intermittently, and in the intervals they certainly worked in the harbour or the city, or perhaps on parcels of land rented or owned by them. What remuneration they earned there is unknown. Besides, we must consider that other members of their families may have derived a certain income from their own business or work. Thus the Delian evidence is especially valuable for the light it throws on the economic history of Delos. It may be used, with great care, to illustrate the economic conditions of the Aegean islands and perhaps of Greece. Whether we are justified in making far-reaching generalizations, and in regarding the curves of prices observed at Delos as valid for the rest even of the Aegean world, is a matter of controversy and cannot be discussed here at length. I question even more whether we are entitled to compare the curves of prices as ascertained for Delos and for Egypt during a given period* and to infer from certain coincidences in them a general uniform fluctuation of prices throughout the Hellenistic world as far as Mesopotamia and Babylonia.t Egypt was no less exceptional than Delos, and prices there were governed by many local conditions quite different from those prevailing at Delos. I turn now to a survey of the various aspects of the social and economic life of continental Greece as reflected in our various sources, and will deal first with the influence of war and its

concomitants, an important feature in the history of the * On prices in Egypt, see below, pp. 258 ff. + On prices in Babylonia, see below, part II, sect. C of this chapter.

192 The Balance of Power CHAP. Hellenistic world during the period under review. The subject needs careful consideration. It has been mentioned in the preceding chapter that the Greek

customs of war were primitive and ruthless. The unwritten laws of war regarded such acts as pillage and devastation of the enemies’ country as normal and lawful (see, for example, the remark of Polybius xxiii. 15, 1-3). They similarly permitted

the complete destruction of captured cities ; the enslavement and sale of prisoners of war, generally (but not necessarily) on the understanding that they might be freed if somebody ransomed them; requisitions of goods, foodstuffs, men, and draught animals for the needs of the fighting forces even in allied countries, not to speak of what we should call neutrals (a notion foreign to the ancient world); compulsory levies of men:; and so forth. These ideas were firmly established in the Greek world and very difficult to eradicate. I have already indicated how the Successors, when carrying on war in Greece, allowed themselves

to adopt them, at least to some extent. The same is true of

the rulers who followed them. The more thoughtful opinion of Greece protested against the abuses repeatedly and vehemently. Plato gave eloquent expression to the protest,* condemning the wholesale murders and enslavement of Greeks during their internecine wars, the burning of houses, and the destruction of crops.* The attitude of Plato (and of Aristotle) towards war became a commonplace in early Hellenistic times. The leading schools of philosophy of this period all shared the ideas of Plato. There is no need to emphasize the Epicurean love of peace; nor were the Cynics and the Stoics less explicit. For Chrysippus peace was one of the prima bona. When describing the state of strife that reigns even in peace time in each house and in every man, Philo, following probably an early Stoic writer, gives a vivid description of the horrors of war:{ ‘They rob, plunder, sell into slavery, *Rep. 470 {.; cf. Polit. 307-8; see also Menex. 239 and 242, distinguishing between wars between Greeks and those with barbarians. + De conf. 12, pp. 4II, 412: avAGow, dpadlovow, dvdparodilovrar, Aendarotor, mopbotow, bBpilovow, alkilovrar, POetpovaw, aicytvovet, SoAofovotow, dvrucpus iv @ow Suvarwrepor Kreivovot, etc.

IV The Balance of Power 193 despoil, ravage, outrage, maltreat, destroy, dishonour, murder by stealth or, if they are strong enough, openly.’5 The attitude of public opinion towards war and peace in the third century is further illustrated by some very interesting

facts. For a Greek the ideal of life was always eipyvy and m\ovTos, peace and wealth; they always prayed to attain it, but never more frequently and more fervently than in the late fourth, third, and second centuries. One has only to read the prayer of Isyllus for the city of Epidaurus,* or the impressive cry of a personage of the New Comedy: ‘Give us peace, o Lord Zeus, an end of strife and wretchedness.’t It finds a parallel in the prayer addressed to Demetrius by Athens in the famous ithyphallus of 291 B.c.,f and in the prayer of Magnesia on the Maeander to Zeus Sosipolis in 196 B.c.§ No wonder that in the lists of magistrates published in the third century and later by some of the Greek cities we often find an eloquent remark: ‘In their time there was peace, order, prosperity, concord.’ || To this general feeling of Greece Polybius gives forcible utterance when he says:{] ‘For if there is a boon for which we all pray the gods and undergo anything to secure, and which is the only one of the so-called blessings that no one questions, I mean peace.’¢

When, after having been for a time in abeyance, the most cruel practice of war—the total destruction of cities and the enslavement of citizens—reappeared with the capture of Mantinea (223 B.c.) by the Achaeans and Macedonians, the indigna-

tion in Greece was intense. This indignation was vigorously expressed in the lost work of Phylarchus, who dedicated some striking pages to the description of the horrors which accompanied the capture of Mantinea. It is more than probable that * Isyll. B. 22 ff. ; Anth. Lyr. ii, p. 282 D, cf. I. U. Powell, Collect. Alex. 1925, p. 132 f., and I. U. Powell and E. A. Barber, New Chapters, etc., i. 1921, p. 46f. {| Nov. com. fr. in pap. rep., ed. Schréder, no. 1, 23: yévouro 8’ efpyvy aor’ @ Zed déorora [Si]dAvors [eyP]pas [aOAiwv tle mpaypdraw.

t Athen. vi. 62, p. 253 d, e. § S.I.G.3 589, 27 ff. || eat rovTwv Hv eipyvn, edvopia, evernpia, dudvora (or words to that effect). IV. 74. 3: e& yap hs wavres edyduela Tois Oeots Tuyetv, Kal wav dropéevopev ipelpovrTes adris peracyeiv Kal pdvov robro Tév vouilopévwn ayabay dvaydtofyrnrov €or. rap avOpwrrois, Aéyw 5é THv eipyvnv ...

3261 O

194 The Balance of Power CHAP. he condemned with equal vehemence other acts of unnecessary cruelty during the wars which he described. And yet the con-

duct of Aratus found an eloquent defender in Polybius, who appealed to the accepted laws of war (xara rovs rod 7roh€uov vopmous) to justify the wholesale enslavement of free men, women

and children. He adds that the treatment of Mantinea was in retaliation for certain acts of the Mantineans which, though less cruel, did not conform with ‘the laws of nations’ (rovs Kowvovs Tav avoparev vouous). There is no doubt, however, that Greece in this case sided with Phylarchus and not with Aratus and the Achaeans, whose excuses Polybius was probably repeating.” There is no question, therefore, that the educated opinion of Greece was unanimous in condemning the customs of war that prevailed in Greece in the third century. But Greece was help-

less. ‘Military necessity’ was stronger than public opinion. During this period war remained as ruinous an episode in the life of Greece, as cruel and as ruthless, asit had previously been.

In self-defence Greece adopted certain measures designed to make war less destructive. These are enumerated by Tarn: the creation of leagues which guaranteed peace to their members, at least within the league; inter-State treaties of a new kind, by which certain cities and temples were recognized as sacred and exempt from liability to pillage (ovAav, puovalew); the extensive use of arbitration for the settlement of disputes between individual cities and of conflicts within them ; and treaties by which certain cities accepted the obligation not to enslave each other’s citizens. These compacts brought some measure of relief to some of the cities of Greece. But their very existence and their character bear witness to the persistence of old customs and to the impotence of Greece to change them. War remained, be it repeated, as cruel and ruthless as it had been, and hindered, probably even more than in the past, the normal development of the country. Some facts may be adduced in illustration. We have no reliable information about the losses in most of the great battles. We do not know, for instance, the number of casualties in the decisive naval engagements of the period, such as those at Cos and Andros. We know, however, that at Sellasia (222 or more probably 221 B.c.), the only battle about

IV The Balance of ‘Power 195 which we are well informed, of the 6,000 Lacaedemonians who

took part in it 5,800 were killed and that among Cleomenes’ mercenaries the casualties were severe.* I do not think that the battle of Sellasia was exceptional in this respect. One of the most important facts in connexion with war in ancient times is that it was universally regarded as a method not only of settling political questions but also of enriching the victors at the expense of the vanquished. To pillage a country was a common practice in ancient warfare. In this respect the period we are considering was no exception. Polybius is inclined to make the Aetolians responsible for the excessive prevalence of pillage and robbery at this time. But the other leading States adopted exactly the same methods. All belligerents were in the habit of raiding enemy territory to devastate it and to secure as

much booty as possible. It is unnecessary to accumulate evidence of this. Two examples may be given which illustrate the methods of warfare practised by Phylarchus’ hero, Cleomenes III. Shortly after his reform in Sparta, Cleomenes invaded the territory of Megalopolis: ‘he collected much booty and wrought

great devastation of the country’ says Plutarch.f He did the same in his invasion of the territory of Argos after the city had been occupied by Antigonus: ‘he laid waste the country and carried everything off’} according to Plutarch, who alittle later describes a new and ingenious method adopted by Cleomenes: ‘Ravaging the plain, he did not, as invaders usually do, cut the

corn with sickles and daggers, but beat it down with large wooden implements fashioned like broadswords, so that his men

had an amusement on the march and crushed and destroyed the whole crop without trouble.’§° The great masters and exemplars in this kind of war of devastation were the pirates.!° Piracy in this period, as in the * Plut. Cleom. 28, 5. + ddercias re peydAas WOpoiwe Kai Pbopav moAAnv azreipyacaro Tis xwpas (ibid. 12, 2). t SiadBerpopevns yap Ths xwpas Ux’ abrod Kal mavTwv aryonevww Kal pepopevenv.

(ibid. 25, 4). § mop0av 76 meSiov Kal TOv atrov od Keipwv, wWamep ot Aotoi, Spemavats Kat payatpais GAA Kdmrwy EvAois peydAots eis oxRUa poudaias dmepyacpevots, ws émt madud xpwpevovs ev TH tropedecIar adv pndevi mévyp mdvrTa avyKararpixbas Kat SuadpGetpar tov Kapmov (ibid. 26, I).

196 The Balance of Power CHAP, preceding, was an accepted feature in the life of the Greek world. The foreign pirates were of little importance. The Tyrrhenians disappeared from the Aegean after the time of Demetrius, the Illyrians carried on their business in their own

waters, the Black Sea pirates never passed the Straits. The Aegean was at the mercy of domestic pirates. The leading Hellenistic States never seriously endeavoured in this period to

make the sea safe from their organized depredations. The Ptolemies, in the days of their thalassocracy, made no active attempt to suppress them altogether. They may have boasted of having done so, but such claims were no more than vain boasts.1! From time to time their admirals would retaliate on the pirates for the pillage of territories which were under the protection of the Ptolemies.12 But Philadelphus, during the First Syrian war (274) made use of organized bodies of pirates to carry out his famous raid on the coastal cities of the kingdom of Antiochus I, in this following the practice of Demetrius as described above.'3 Exactly the same was done by Antigonus Gonatas,* and repeatedly by the Aetolians from the time of Demetrius onwards.'* Organized bands of pirates had their own well-protected harbours (not only in Crete) and were welcomed in all commercial ports when they appeared laden with their booty. This was the situation in the times of the Successors. The story of the capture of Ephesus by Lysimachus from Deme-

trius, as told by Polyaenus and Frontinus, may serve as a typical example. When Demetrius was holding Ephesus and was devastating the neighbouring territories with the help of pirates, Lycus, Lysimachus’ strategos, bribed Andron, the chief pirate in the service of Demetrius. One day Andron appeared in Ephesus bringing with him a large number of prisoners, ostensibly to sell them. The pretended prisoners were in fact soldiers of Lysimachus, who took the city and handed it over

to their master.t |

Nor did the situation change in the following period. A few interesting examples will show that Greece, especially in time of war—for instance during the Chremonidean war—was at * Polyaen. 4, 6, 18 (about 276 B.c.). } Front. Strat. 3. 3. 7; Polyaen. 5, 19.

IV The Balance of Power 197 the mercy of pirates and robbers. Delphi at that time had the greatest difficulty in securing, by means of embassies to the two kings Antigonus and Ptolemy, the safety of the theoroz who were travelling to Delphi for the celebration of the Pythia, and, by means of embassies to all the Greeks, the safety of those

who intended to go to the Pylaia.* One is much tempted to assign to the same period the decree of the Amphictions of Delphi

in honour of the hieromnemones,t who are lauded because they

made ‘the assembly at Pylae inviolate and secure’{ and rendered it possible for all the Greeks to come to thefestal assembly (wavyyvpis, perhaps the Soteria). There is mention of ambas-

sadors being sent out to insist that the Delphian asylta should be respected. The same decree quotes the decision of the Aetolians ‘that ransoms be nowhere exacted and that no one be carried off contrary to the Amphictionic laws’.§ This shows that the unlawful and unauthorized action of the Aetolian freelances contributed greatly to the insecurity of the times. The Aetolian decree mentioned by the hieromnemones is probably still extant. ||15

In this connexion mention may also be made of the wellknown convention (cvpBodrov) between Pellana in Achaea and Delphi, which may be dated either between 262 and 251 B.C.

or earlier, between 285 and 280 B.c. In this treaty the two cities promise each other that ‘the Delphian shall not carry off the Pellanean against his will, nor the Pellanean the Delphian’.{] If somebody buys mala fide a free man, he loses the price and pays a fine. Similar protection is extended to cattle and slaves.

The paragraph preceding that which has been quoted deals with goods ‘taken out’ from ships; if a man buys them, he is fined and the goods are held not to have been sold.** This and the following paragraphs show that piratical raids were a common feature in the Corinthian gulf in the third century B.c.'®

* S.E.G. ii. 261; FD. iii. I, 479. 1 SI.G.3 483. { ri] ITvAaiay doviov Kai dopad7 (1. 6). § iva pndapod AU] rpov yérnrat Kal unOels dynrat [wapa Tovs vdpous Tovs apduKrtovurolvs (1. 15 f.).

|| 7.G. ix. 1, and ed., r71—S.1.G.3 484. q 6 AeAdos rou ITeAAavéa [py] a[yé|rw] unde 6 [TeAAaveds ro[v] AeAdov et yn KeA[evovros] (or xeA[evov7a]).

** T would suggest reading in |. 4 adra, not avrar.

198 The Balance of Power CHAP. It was perhaps at about the same time (c. 252 B.C.) that Salamis

was raided by pirates, probably in the service of Alexander of Corinth, and that Heraclitus of Athmonon, commander of the garrison of Piraeus for Antigonus, had great difficulty in protecting the island.* The Aetolians, as we have seen, were masters in the art of carrying on war with the help of pirates. Their victims were, above all, the islands of the Aegean. These and the cities of the coast were devastated by successive raids. It is not surprising that some of them tried to protect themselves by special treaties

with Aetolia. The scanty epigraphical evidence includes several decrees guaranteeing safety from Aetolian raids to particular islands and cities. It has been suggested that one group of them belongs to the years 254-239, another to the

end of the third century, after 224/3, both these periods being times of anarchy in the Aegean. The first group consists of a decree relating to Delos, of another to Tenos and Ceos, of a third to Chios, of some fragments which may belong to a similar decree relating to Athens, and perhaps of the treaty between Miletus and Aetolia, which, however, is attributed by its editor to the second half of the third century and may

therefore belong to the second group. In the second group appear Mytilene and Teos, also Magnesia on the Maeander.!7 The wording of the decrees is the same, with minor variations,

in all the above instances. The terms of that relating to the Magnesians are as follows: ‘It shall not be lawful for any Aeto-

lian or resident in Aetolia to capture anyone travelling from any part of the territory of the Magnesians by land or sea. If any one shall do so, the chief magistrate in office shall exact such property as has been visibly carried off, and for property that has been made away with the councillors shall pass sentence of such fine as they may think fit, as on public malefactors, exacting the damages awarded and indemnifying the sufferers.’t

* SIG 454. 7 £.G. ix. 1, and ed., no. 4, 17 ff: Kati pyOevi efovotav elev | Airwrav pnde tav ev AirwaAia Katoixedvrww aye[t]v | unéva ex Tas xadpas Tas Mayrijrwv pndapdbepn cppw|u€vous pire Kata yav wre xara OdAaocay. ef S€ ris | ka dynu, Ta pev eudavéa dvampdocew del tov otparalydv tov evapxov, Tav Sé ddavéwv ro(d)s auvédpous Kataldixdlovras Capiay, dv xa Soxiudlwrr7t, ds ra Kowd Brarrévrww

IV The Balance of Power 199 A similar set of inscriptions show the Cretans adopting the same practice. Here again our information mostly relates to times of more or less acute troubles in the Hellenistic world.

In one document* the city of Anaphe and her territory are declared inviolable (dovAot) by the Cretan league (kowov). A

decree in Cretan dialect found at Athens may, as has been suggested, be regarded as a grant of asylia to Athens by a Cretan city. It should be noted that the pirates of Aetolia were in friendly

relations with the Cretans and used the Cretan harbours as

rallying-points and as places where they might dispose of their captives. There is a vivid illustration of these relations in the well-known Athenian decree in honour of Eumaridas of Cydonia.t After the raid of Bucris (during the Demetrian war) many

of the captured Athenian citizens and other prisoners were transported by him to Crete. Eumaridas supplied money to redeem them and restore them to their country. This led to the dispatch of an embassy by Athens to the two rival city-leagues of Crete in order to arrive at an understanding with them and probably to obtain the grant of asylra (compare the document quoted above). Eumaridas was helpful to Athens in dealing with Cnossos and its allies and with Polyrrhenia. Later during the rule of Euryclides and Micion at Athens, he and his son were still helping the Athenians to keep on good terms with Crete.§

It was perhaps a little later (but before 220) that Miletus concluded treaties with Cnossos, Gortyn, and Phaestos. One of the clauses of these treaties regulates the conditions under which slaves who were formerly free citizens of Miletus or of the above-named Cretan cities are to regain their liberty. Those

who bought them mala fide, that is, knowing that they were free men, lose their money and pay a fine.|| To the same group, Kat éxnpdccovras Tas Katadixas Kal dmodulSdvras Tots adixoupévois Kupio(v)s eluev.

f IG. xii. 3. 254; G.D.I. 5146 (third century B.c. ?), cf. A. Wilhelm, Wzen. Anz., 1924, p. 154; G. Daux, B.C.H. lix (1935), pp. 94 ff.; lxi (1937), pp. 439 ff. See also I.G. xii. 2. 17 (Mytilene). + Ibid. u, 2nd ed., 1130; G.D.I. 5148.

t S.I.G.3 535. § Ibid. 536 and 537.

| Rehm, Milet, Erg. d. Ausgr. iii. 1, no. 140; Inscr. Cret., Cnossos 6, Phaestos 1*.

200 The Balance of Power CHAP. though of a later date, belong the various documents that settle the relations between Crete on the one side and Magnesia* and Mylasat on the other (see further below). Later, in the second century, Paros makes a special treaty with the Cretan city of Allaria. {18

The inscriptions mentioned above reveal another group

of facts which testify to the uncertainty of life and property in Greece in the third century. It was an immemorial custom in Greece to regard the sanctuaries of gods as inviolable (acvda). Any one who infringed this sanctity of the god’s house was guilty of sacrilege (tepdavdos). The same sanctity attached to the great festivals of Olympia, Delphi, Corinth, &c., and to those who were invited to them and took part in them (ékeyepia, ‘truce’). There was no need of special grants of inviolability for the temples and festivals. The aovdia was something sacred and was universally respected.

But times changed. Politics became a more powerful force than religion and some cases of violation of the éxeyeipia occurred in the Peloponnesian war and in the wars of the fourth century.’9 In the third century the whole of Greece heard with horror the terrible story of the attack of the Gauls on the temple of the Delphian Apollo and rejoiced at the miracle whereby the temple was saved. Yet the priests of Delphi were not entirely safe in their own sanctuary despite the fact that Delphi now stood under the protection of the Aetolians, the chief disturbers of the peace. Reference has already been made to the inscription that shows the difficulty experienced by delegates and pilgrims in reaching Delphi at the time of the Chremonidean war, and another striking fact may be added. The Dionysiac artists of Athens as early as 278/7 B.c. felt that they could not travel with safety in Greece unless they were protected by a special decree of the Amphictions granting them in the name of all the Greeks (u76 wavrwy trav “EdAjvwv), as non-combatants

and exempt in Athens from military service, complete immunity from molestation.?° We are accordingly not surprised to find that temples and organizers of games, if they lacked the protection conferred by

ancient origin and venerable reputation, did their best, by

* G.D.I. 5153-6. { Ibid. 5157-63. { Ibid. 4940.

IV The Balance of ‘Power 201 diplomatic negotiations (especially with the most dangerous of the sacrilegious powers) to secure a recognition of inviolability. We possess a set of inscriptions in which certain cities inform kings, leagues, and individual cities (érayye\ya) of a miraculous appearance (ep1phaneza) of their god or goddess, in consequence of which new religious celebrations have been instituted, and

request that the sanctity and inviolability of the temples concerned, and sometimes of the cities containing them, may be respected. In reply the parties addressed politely acknowledge the receipt of the évayyekya, and some of them agree to respect the sanctity of the temples and cities in question. We have many fragments of such exchanges of letters, the most complete being those which concern Magnesia on the Maeander and Teos.2! The earliest documents of this type belong to the middle

of the third century. The initiative in such cases appears to have been taken by the Amphictions.22 The new practice spread rapidly all over Greece at the end of the third and in the second century, when cases of sacrilege (tepoovAia) were becoming common. We have such incidents as the sack by the Aetolians of important and revered temples, for example of Artemis at Lusoi, of Poseidon at Taenarum, of Hera at Argos, of Poseidon at Mantinea, as early as 244; and the famous pillage by the same Aetolians of the great sanctuaries of Dion and Dodona in 219 B.c., which Philip requited by the sack of the chief Aetolian sanctuary at Thermos. These outrages brought home to the Greek communities how precarious was the immunity of most of their sacred places. The comments of Polybius on the Aetolian tepooviia: and the bitter words of Lyciscus of Acarnania at Sparta in 211 B.C., reported by the same historian, show how deeply Greece resented these acts of sacrilege. This indignation and the comments of Polybius show that they were a new and unheard of occurrence.*3

The facts to which I have drawn attention indicate that methods of warfare, so far from improving, were becoming more barbarous. The measures that the cities took were measures of self-defence and cannot be adduced as evidence of a gradual humanization of war during the Hellenistic period.

Moreover, they had no enduring effect. Sacrilege, on the

202 The Balance of Power CHAP. contrary, became for more than a century a matter of common occurrence. To return to the pirates, we find the plague of piracy raging

all over the Aegean during the period 280-221. It was more acute in troubled times, especially during great wars, but even in comparative peace the pirates were active. The kidnapped citizen of a Greek city is a familiar figure to every student of Hellenistic literature, for example in the comedies of Menander

as regards the time of the Successors, and in the Hellenistic epigrams as illustrating these and later times. Scores of inscrip-

tions refer to piratical raids and to the tragic experiences of men, women, and children kidnapped by the pirates and sold into slavery. A mere list of the places mentioned in inscriptions of the third century as having suffered from their inroads gives a vivid idea of the insecurity of the coastal cities of Greece and

Asia Minor: Thera, Naxos, Amorgos, Anaphe, Delos, Chios, Teos, Tenos, Ceos, Salamis, Cyprus, Magnesia on the Maeander, Miletus, Theangela in Caria, and the coasts of Attica.*4

Here again the picture has two sides. The phenomenon was not new. Piracy had indeed been practised in Greece from time immemorial. But the frequency of the Hellenistic inscriptions that refer to it, though inscriptions of this period are comparatively rare, indicates that this ancient practice had now become very common and was carried on with cynical ruthlessness. There is further evidence of this in the fact that it was not till the fourth century that the Greek islands began to build watchtowers and refuge-towers to protect their peaceful population against pirate raids, and such activity is specially notable in the third century.25 Public opinion reacted sharply to this new social phenomenon. The Greeks were keenly sensible of their solidarity with the unfortunate victims. Measures to put an

end to the lawless raids were out of their power and they

showed their feelings in a different way. It was quite a common occurrence at this time for charitable souls, who saw respectable citizens of some friendly community exposed for sale on

their slave market, to come up and pay their ransom, or help them in some other way.”®

Nor was the situation of the cities on the mainland in any

respect better. There are several references in our scanty

IV The Balance of ‘Power 203 literary texts to raids of armies and of robber-bands in which thousands of men were taken and sold into slavery. Mention has been made of the case of Mantinea (223 B.c.), where the whole population, men, women, and children, were sold. Another example may be given. When the Aetolians raided Laconia, shortly before the reforms of Cleomenes, 50,000 slaves

were carried off.* The figures may be exaggerated, but it is none the less certain that not only the raids of the Aetolians but all similar raids, for instance those led by the Illyrian Skerdilaidas (as described by Polybius) resulted in similar abductions of hundreds and sometimes of thousands of free men and slaves.27 In a manner very characteristic of the conditions of his day, Plutarch quotes the remark of an old Spartan

with regard to this abduction from Laconia of 50,000 men, probably perivect, helots, and slaves, that the enemy had done Laconia a good turn by relieving it of a burden.f It may be added that the practice of carrying off and selling into slavery large numbers of combatants and non-combatants

was not confined to Greece. Ptolemy Philadelphus and his successor Euergetes brought home many captives taken in the course of their wars, especially in Syria. Some of these became slaves, some—who had been soldiers—may have become cleruchs (k\npovyor), others again may have been employed as ‘royal peasants’ (BactdtKoi yewpyot) to cultivate the newly reclaimed lands in the Fayiim, or as shepherds to tend the royal herds of sheep and goats, which had probably also formed part of the booty.?8 To return to Greece. The large number of prisoners of war taken in Greece during the wars of the third century may ina great measure be attributed to the poverty of the country, to the very low standard of life prevailing in most of the cities, and to the almost purely agricultural character of the greater part of the territory. The only booty with which the belligerents could defray the expense of a war—and most of them relied on doing this—consisted of men, whether free or slaves, and cattle. Note, for example, the account given by Polybius of the capture of Megalopolis and of Mantinea, which will be dealt with * Plut. Cleom. 18, 3. T &s wynoay of rok€uo THY AakwyiKhy atoxoupicartes.

204 The Balance of Power CHAP. presently. We may take it therefore as established that life was very precarious in Greece in the third century B.c., and that personal liberty was as precarious as life. Many who were free men one day had become slaves the next. Those prisoners of war whose families were well-to-do or who had wealthy and influential friends did not remain slaves for

ever. I have already indicated that there existed among the upper classes of the population of Greece a kind of common understanding, of mutual insurance, which operated for the release of captives of these classes. But nobody cared about the metics, the proletarians of the towns, or the poor peasants: any

of these once sold on the slave market remained slaves. The ransoming (Avrpwors), it must be emphasized, was as a rule a private affair. The cities as such were helpless: their means were limited and their diplomatic measures generally futile. The uncertainty of life, the precarious character of personal freedom, and the general instability in Greece were unfavourable to sound economic and social development. Add to this the permanent factors which, even in normal times, retarded the country’s economic progress: the poverty of the soil, the scarcity of minerals, timber, and other raw materials of industry, and above all the inveterate particularism of the Greek city-states, the minute political subdivision of Greece and the ambition of each city to dominate over the rest (Herrschaftstrveb,

as B. Keil terms it), peculiarities which found their expression not only in the political but also in the economic life of the country. Some eminent scholars have suggested that this economic particularism was moderated in the period we are considering by the formation of Greek leagues or sympolitezat, especially the larger ones, such as the Achaean, Aetolian, and Boeotian Leagues. But it is not certain that a Greek league as such formed an economic as well as a political unit, that a citizen of a State-member of a given league automatically received in all the cities of that league full economic rights, in

particular the right of acquiring real property, the right of holding land and house (éyxryous ys Kat otxias), and the concomitant right of intermarriage (érvyapia). A student of Greek political life so distinguished as H. Swoboda has thought it was not so, since many Greek inscriptions of the time indicate that

IV The Balance of Power 205 these rights were given in proxeny decrees by one city to the citizens of another city of the same kornon. It has been pointed out that the proxeny decrees are often purely honorary documents drafted in accordance with a long-established formula,

and that they do not necessarily mean what they say. It is surprising, however, to find the formula used so frequently and repeating the same items, including the grant of eyxryots yi7js kai oixtas and émvyapia, This repetition of the old formula suggests that the grant of these rights, even within the same league, had a certain and probably a crucial importance. In any case, the existence of the leagues, though it may have mitigated to some extent the detrimental effects of economic particularism, certainly made no radical change in the inveterate habits and the economic selfishness of the Greek cities.?9 The most striking consequence of these political and economic

factors was the impoverishment of the country, especially of certain regions, where in the second half of the third century it proceeded very rapidly. It was duly noticed and registered by contemporary observers, especially because of the contrast it presented to the flourishing conditions of the new Eastern monarchies. Here are a few examples. Plutarch, when speaking of the wealth of the Spartan kings in the time of Agis and Cleomenes, remarks that the slaves of the Oriental satraps and of the stewards of Ptolemy and Seleucus were richer than all the Spartan kings taken together.3° A still more explicit and exact statement is made by Polybius in connexion with the booty taken by Cleomenes at Megalopolis.

He emphatically challenges the assertion of Phylarchus that 6,000 talents’ worth of spoil (\advpa) were taken by Cleomenes. This sum, he declares, was grossly exaggerated. “I say,’ he remarks, ‘speaking not of the time when the Peloponnese had been utterly ruined by the Macedonian kings and still more through the continuous wars of its inhabitants with one another, but of our own times, in which . . . the Peloponnese is believed to enjoy

the greatest prosperity, that it would be impossible to collect such a sum from the whole Peloponnese, from the movable property (évt7\a) without reckoning human beings (c@para).’* And he adds in the same passage that in fact Megalopolis and * Polyb. ii. 62. I.

206 The Balance of Power CHAP. Mantinea—large cities reputed to be rich—only yielded to their conquerors (the Lacedaemonians and Antigonus) booty to the value of 300 talents each. In his masterly comments on this passage A. Wilhelm shows that the greater part of this sum of 300 talents consisted of the proceeds of the sale of captives, and that the value of the movable property, excluding cattle, on the farms probably did not exceed from 75 to 100 talents.

The statement of Polybius, who was much better informed on the subject than some modern scholars who are inclined to doubt him, shows how low the standard of life had fallen in some of the leading cities of Greece (both Megalopolis and Mantinea were, of course, agricultural cities possessing little industry or trade) and how small was their accumulated capital. It was certainly a new phenomenon in the life of the Peloponnese, and Polybius was certainly right in attributing it to the continuous warfare.3! The general causes which contributed to the gradual decline of wealth in Greece naturally affected all classes of the popula-

tion. The few very rich people suffered probably less than the rest. But all the evidence relating to Greece in the fourth and third centuries shows that the solid background of Greek political, social, and economic life lay not in the few men of great wealth, but in the middle class, the bourgeoiste, who were mostly

landowners. I have shown that this was so at Athens in the time of Menander. The same is true of the Achaean League and probably of many, if not all, the other cities. The taxes and the liturgies were chiefly borne by the middle class, a subject with

which I shall deal in greater detail in the next chapter. This class certainly suffered grievously from the wars and their concomitant evils. In some cities—for example at Sparta, of which I shall speak presently—the middle class disappeared almost entirely, wealth and especially landed property becoming con-

centrated in a few hands. Some hitherto well-to-do families were degraded to the status of proletarians. These changed conditions, which were not confined to Sparta, were noticed by contemporaries. We possess by chance an utterance of Cercidas

of Megalopolis, who was not a revolutionary, but rather a member of the well-to-do class and a prominent politician: a

IV The Balance of Power 207 sentence in it sounds like a warning, addressed to the wealthy, of the coming revolution, when they will be forced to ‘disgorge’ (yetofev é€euéoat) the wealth which they have appropriated. The middle class did not, of course, sink suddenly into proletarianism: the process was slow and gradual. Nevertheless, even at this stage of development, it certainly added to the general bewilderment and unrest. The increasing number of people who had no property or very little and who lived on what they earned from day to day by hard work, was in itself a source of danger. Add to this that in all probability, though there are no data to support the statement, opportunities of employment were constantly diminishing and the rate of remuneration for work of every kind was constantly falling. We have no means of ascertaining the extent to which slave labour competed with free labour. I have indicated the reasons (capture of prisoners of war, piracy at sea, raids on land, &c.)

which lead me to believe that slaves were abundant on the Greek market in the third century. It is unfortunate that acts

of manumission, which in the second century are so numerous at Delphi, in and around Naupactus, in Thessaly, and in other parts of Greece, are exceedingly rare in the third, and that they yield no information as to the numbers and countries of origin of slaves in that century. The impression I have derived from

a study of the scanty extant material is that the number of slaves was not diminishing in the third century in Greece as a whole, though it may have been falling in Athens alone.?? Apart from the competition of slave labour, the difficulty of finding employment for the increasing number of proletarians was intensified by a development that affected production and exchange throughout Greece. This was the decreasing demand for Greek products, especially for manufactured goods, alike in Greece itself and in foreign markets. In Greece it was a result of the impoverishment of the middle class and of the reduced purchasing power of the public, due to the causes that I have set forth ; elsewhere it was due to the slow but steady emancipation of the East, especially Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor, from dependence on Greece for industrial goods made for mass consumption. I shall return to this development later in this

208 The Balance of Power CHAP. chapter. It certainly had an adverse effect on the demand for labour in Greece, which did not increase pari passu with the increasing supply of labour. Finally, it is highly probable that owing to the competition of slave labour and the decreasing demand for hired workmen, wages were decreasing, while the prices of foodstuffs and manufactured goods were not falling in proportion. We have no data relating to continental Greece, but the curves of food prices and of wages in Delos are very illuminating, and Heichelheim may

be right in affirming that these hold good for the rest of the Hellenistic world, or at any rate for Greece.33 Thus the contrast between the rising number of the poor and the diminishing number of those in whose hands wealth was increasingly concentrated, became more and more pronounced and fraught with greater danger, as the discontent of the proletarians grew more acute. Naturally this state of things led to civil wars and revolutions. The classical example is Sparta in the times of Agis and Cleomenes. The story of Agis IV and of his successor Cleomenes is so well known to all students of ancient history that a short summary

will here suffice. According to the trustworthy narrative of Phylarchus, the citizen body of Sparta, when Agis succeeded to the throne, had become very small. All the land was in the hands of a small group of wealthy people, among them many women. The majority of the population were paupers, men who had lost their land and consequently their citizenship. In order to restore Sparta to her former strength and perhaps to relieve the distress of the poorer classes, Agis endeavoured to carry out an economic and social reform. For a long time the idea of a reform or revolution of this kind had taken root in the minds of the Greeks. The project comprised two main and two ancillary measures. The principal measures of a positive character were abolition of debts and, as was natural in a mainly agricultural country, redistribution of landed property (xpe@v aoKxoTry and yys avadacpyds). As a preliminary to the redistribution of land confiscation of property was imperative, and as an effective means of achieving this, liberation of slaves

was often resorted to.

Agis attempted to carry out this programme by peaceful

IV The Balance of Power 209 means. Debts were cancelled, since this suited the interests both of the landless poor and of the majority of landowners, whose land was mostly mortgaged. But it never came to redistribution of land. This, of course, could not be effected without a revolution, and Agis was unwilling or unable to go so far. He perished at the hands of his political enemies. His heritage, however, was taken up and his programme carried through by Cleomenes, who did not shrink from a coup d'état. I need not repeat the story of Cleomenes, or do more than recall

the profound impression produced by his reforms on the rest of Greece and the revolutionary fever that rapidly spread all over the Peloponnese, almost shattering the Achaean League, which was based on the rule of the bourgeors class in the cities. Had it not been for the concessions made by Aratus to Antigonus and for the unwillingness of Cleomenes to carry out the full programme of his supporters, a social revolution on a large scale, perhaps throughout Greece, might have been the result of the reforms of Agis and Cleomenes, which they themselves regarded as rather political than economic and social. The conditions at Sparta were typical of those prevailing throughout Greece in the third century. Class war was rife and the sharp social contrast between rich and poor led to acute

conflicts in many cities, both in Greece proper and in the islands. I may remind the reader of the expressions used in the inscriptions quoted above, in which magistrates are praised for having maintained during their term of office peace, prosperity, legality, and concord (evvopia and opovoia). This formula shows that in the mind of contemporaries the principal factors that disrupted the normal life of a city and brought misery in their train were war and revolution. The revolutions (rapayai in the official terminology) took

various forms, the most usual being the establishment of a

tyranny supported by the proletariat. The tyrants of that time—most of them protégés of Macedonia—were not all of them of the bad kind like Apollodorus, tyrant of Cassandreia, whose atrocities were proverbial, and Aristotimus, tyrant of Elea. Some were excellent rulers, such as Aristomachus of Argos and Aristodemus of Megalopolis. Yet none of them was ever able to establish his rule on a firm basis. It was generally

3261 P

210 The Balance of Power CHAP. ended by assassination, and strife began again within the city, a strife mainly of a political character, but often governed in part by social and economic considerations. The lure held out by most of these tyrants was the old one of redistribution of property and abolition of debts. But this programme was never

carried out in full in any Greek city even with the help of tyrants. The proletariat by itself, without assistance from outside, was helpless, and those who had military resources at their disposal were not friends of social revolution.34

Most of the evidence that I have adduced relates to the

Peloponnese and to the latter part of the period under review. It was certainly the Peloponnese that was the chief sufferer during this period, for wars and revolutions were less prevalent in the rest of Greece and especially in certain parts of central Greece.

We cannot therefore generalize, and we must be careful not to exaggerate. We must bear in mind that Greece, in spite of her poor natural resources, had developed these remarkably by

the long and steady efforts of her people. There is not the slightest doubt that even in the third century Greece was one of the best cultivated countries in the world. Her vineyards and olive-groves, her fruit-gardens and kitchen gardens were famous. The standard of her agriculture and the quality of her pasturage were very high. Thousands of men turned to account the wealth of the sea: there was abundance of fish, salt, sponges, and shell-fish for dyeing, and their exploitation was well organ-

ized. Mines and quarries were worked as long as there were minerals and the better kinds of stone, especially marble, to extract. Greek industry had a long past behind it, and the

Greek artisans were still the most efficient and the most artistic.

Trade relations were firmly established between the various parts of the Greek world. Constant wars, the competition of the East, decline of exports, diminution of purchasing power in the home market, gradually undermined the prosperity of Greece. But it was a slow process, hardly understood by contemporary observers, and, as I have shown, it did not affect all parts of Greece simultaneously. We find accordingly nothing about economic decay in the few surviving fragments of an anonymous work

IV The Balance of Power 211 (sometimes attributed to Heraclides Criticus), written probably

in the second half of the third century, containing witty and amusing sketches of some of the cities of central Greece—of Attica, Boeotia, and Euboea (but of none situated in the Peloponnese), though the author is keenly interested in the economic life of the cities that he describes. Attica appears in these sketches as a well-cultivated country producing the choicest foodstufis:

‘the products of the soil are all invaluable and unrivalled in point of flavour, but becoming somewhat scarce’.* Boeotia is a flourishing agricultural region. On its coast the population is busy about the sea: at Anthedon they are fishing, extracting purple, collecting sponges, building ships, and ferrying to Euboea. Oropus is full of customs-officers (of doubtful honesty), of travellers and merchants.35 The harbour and emporium of Chalcis are no less crowded with merchants. Some of the roads are good and well provided with comfortable inns, though very few are safe from robbers. There is not a word about poverty and economic distress in these parts of Greece. Athens, it is true, is no longer the Athens of the past. She is still a glorious city, a centre of amusements, of art, and of intellectual life. But home-grown foodstuffs, though fine, are rather scarce (oravdrepa), and food shortage (Aijos) is a constant trouble. Nothing is said about the Piraeus, the harbour, the trade of Athens. They certainly did not impress the author. Athens is full of foreigners. But they come as tourists and students, not as business men and traders. At Oropus and Chalcis trade is the leading characteristic; not so at Athens. It is a pity that we have no description of Corinth, the Pelopon-

nese, and Thessaly (the fragment about Thessaly does not belong to the same work and is purely geographical). But what remains is of inestimable value and highly instructive both as regards the mentality of educated men and as regards the economic aspect of part of Greece at that time.3¢ I wish that I could supplement this picture by an analysis of the social and economic conditions in particular cities of continental Greece. It must be remembered that life in these cities was highly diversified and individualistic. If we consider * rd ywopeva ek Ths ys mavra atipynra Kal mpOra rh yevoer, pixp@ d€ oraviwTepa.

(212)

PLATE XXX t. An old nurse seated in a chair holding in her lap a naked baby. Tanagra. F. Winter, Die antiken Terrakotten, iii. Die Typen der figtirlichen Terrakotten,

ii, 1903, p. 465, no. 12; C.A.H., Vol. of Pls., iii, p. 193¢; cf. E. Pottier and 5. Reinach, La Nécropole de Myrina, 1887, Cat., no. 258. Known in many variations.

2. A young slave holding a child on his right shoulder. In his right hand a lantern, from his left is suspended a round basket, perhaps containing food. The

child wears a crown, probably returning from a party. Myrina. (Photograph supplied by the authorities of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin.) F. Winter, loc. cit., p. 404, no. 5; cf. E. Pottier and S. Reinach, loc. cit., Cat., no. 336 and p. 454. Type often repeated in several variations. 3. A bearded pedagogue (house slave ?) seated in a chair giving a boy instruc-

tion in reading and perhaps writing. On the knees of the boy a diptych. The lower part of the group is missing. Myrina.

E. Pottier and S. Reinach, loc. cit., Cat., no. 287 and p. 396f., pl. xx1x; F. Winter loc. cit., p. 405, no. 5. Many variations. See for example the Br. Mus. Guide to the Exhibition illustrating Greek and Roman Life, 1929, Pp. 205, fig. 224; O. Crusius and R. Herzog, Die Mimiamben des Herondas, 1926—illustrations to Herondas, Mim. iii: Awdonados, &c. 4. A studious schoolgirl seated in a chair holding in her lap by her left hand

a diptych; in her right hand a stilus (?). Tanagra. (Photograph supplied by the authorities of the National Museum, Athens.) F, Winter, loc. cit., p. 123, no. 6; C.A.H., loc. cit., p. 193 d. Cf. E. Pottier and

S. Reinach, loc. cit., p. 415, pl. xxx, Cat., no. 256, cf. 257, and E. Breccia, LTerrecotie figurate ... del Museo di Alessandria, i, 1930, nos. 138-140. Many varia-

tions. In some cases the student is a boy. The group of Hellenistic terracotta figurines, some specimens of which are reproduced in this, the following four, and several other plates of the present book, is a mine of information about the various aspects of the life of the people of the Hellenistic world, chiefly the Greeks of the cities and rural districts. The

group is a very large one (although it is only a small subdivision of ancient figurines in general). Almost every figurine exists in replicas found all over the Hellenistic world, in Greece, in Asia Minor, in Syria, in Egypt, in Cyrenaica, and each type is known in several variations. Alongside of these Panhellenistic types we find others which are local, for instance those peculiar to Hellenistic Egypt (pl. L), or Syria (pl. L1x). Most of the figurines have been found in graves (the necropolis of Myrina in Asia Minor and that of Tanagra in Boeotia were especially rich in figurines of the type illustrated here), but many have also been found in ruins of ancient cities (for instance Priene, Pergamon, Alexandria and Seleuceia on the Tigris). The purpose of the terracotta figurines of the type here represented and of other types is matter of dispute and cannot be discussed here. Some of them are reflections of actual life, others, such as the figurines of tragic and comic actors, derive from the stage. Since most of those represented in this and the following plates stress the comic side of a figure or group, and represent these without masks,

they probably reproduce famous characters of the mimes. They may therefore be used to illustrate the Mimes of Herondas, and have been so used (O. Crusius and R. Herzog, Die Mimiamben des Herondas, 1926). Acorpus of this type of figurines with comments would prove highly useful to all students of ancient life and art.

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i. CE PORTRA R RAI TS OF PTOLE EENS : SMAI

CHAP. IV The Balance of Power 271 citizens in general imbibed from their earliest days the doctrine

that the interests of the State were supreme and the private interests of the citizens subordinate thereto, the fundamental doctrine of Greek political philosophy. Now the same Greek political philosophy that had taught and was still teaching this doctrine proclaimed the king to be identical with, and, as it were, the incarnation of, the State. The Greeks could therefore, provided they accepted the philosophical theory of kingship, reconcile with their conscience the idea of the king being the owner of the State. As owner and supreme manager of the State the king, according to Egyptian ideas, had at his disposal not only its material resources but also the labour of the population, with which they actively assisted him in the exploitation of his estate. Owner-

ship of the land by the king, and compulsory labour for his benefit as the representative of the deity and the realm (and therefore as a rule for the benefit of the community as a whole),

were the twin pillars supporting the fabric of the Egyptian State and of Oriental States in general. This idea of compulsory service to the State was familiar to the Greeks also. For them the supremacy of the State implied the active assistance of all the citizens, especially in case of emergency, of war or of any need connected with war. The citizens had then to serve the community with their labour and their substance, to perform a ‘liturgy’ (Aevrouvpyta) if called upon by the State. Whether this conception of the relations between the king of Egypt and his country was ever formulated by contemporaries, whether it was fully understood by them, and became the guiding principle of their activity, we do not know. In all proba-

bility not. But the two leading notions that it comprised formed the basis, perhaps the subconscious basis, of the activity of the Ptolemies in Egypt, and were taken for granted both by

the kings and by their subjects. In formulating them we are not merely propounding a modern theory to explain the facts, for the ideas, whether formulated or not, did really prevail, acceptable or repugnant according to tastes. In seeking to make Egypt politically independent, economically self-sufficient, and a leading power in the civilized world,

the Ptolemies, and probably the satraps of Alexander before

272 The Balance of Power CHAP. them, could not fail to observe that the productivity of the country might be greatly increased. A stricter, more efficient, and more logical economic system was required. A reform of some kind was imperatively called for, and it was carried out. We see the new organization partly at work, partly in making, in the hands of Ptolemy Philadelphus. This new economic organization is known to us in general outline from the papyrological material described above. In it two systems were to be blended, so as to form one well-balanced and smoothly working whole: the immemorial practice of Egypt and the methods of the Greek State and the Greek private household. The reform presents two aspects to the student. On the one hand, it endeavoured through a stricter and more thorough

organization to concentrate the efforts of the people on an increase of production. On the other, it sought to develop the

resources of the country by the adoption of the technical improvements that had come into use in other parts of the civilized world. The ultimate object of this reform was evidently to increase and to stabilize the royal revenues, on which depended the safety and the strength of the king himself and of his kingdom. I will first deal with the former aspect. The economic, social, and financial reform carried out by the first two Ptolemies which I am going to describe was based, as I have said, on the chief principles underlying the fabric of an Oriental State, viz. identity of king and country, ownership of the country by the king, unrestricted obedience of the people

to the dictates of the gods and the king. These principles led in most of the Oriental monarchies to a more or less planned economic organization, verging on State control (éfatzsme) designed to increase production over a wide range of industries. But in none of these monarchies was this system carried out logically and systematically. It found itself restricted by the power of the priests, the cities, and the aristocracy, and by the strong tendency of the Oriental monarchies to become feudalized, a transformation that was in fact effected to a greater or less

extent from time to time. Yet even in the feudalized Oriental monarchies the principles in question predominated in each of the constituent parts of the monarchy. The Ptolemies took over and developed to the full these main principles of Oriental

IV The Balance of Power 273 economy, principles that were, of course, diametrically opposed

to those on which the Greek city-state was founded. And yet in organizing the Egyptian economy on these Oriental bases the Ptolemies were strongly influenced by their Greek training and by the Greek experience of their assistants. The new economic system of the Ptolemies was Oriental in essence, but it was strongly Hellenized. The Greek influence is seen, to begin with, in the practice of regulating the various departments by stringent written laws, orders, and instructions of an elaborate character. Written documents of this kind were not unknown to the Oriental monarchies, and some of the Ptolemaic financial and economic legislation goes back to Oriental proto-

types. But the regulations are strictly Greek in their spirit, their logic, and their coherence. Greek influence is seen likewise in much of the system, terminology, and organization of taxation, in its highly diversified and inquisitorial character. From Greece was borrowed the idea of introducing between the taxpayers and the government officials a class of middlemen ‘tax-farmers’ (reh@var), guaranteed by sureties (€yyvor) and acting sometimes in groups or societies. They helped the State to a certain extent to collect its revenue, but their main function was to act as underwriters, guaranteeing the full collection of one or other of the king’s revenues. And, finally, the administrative control of the various royal revenues was Greek in character, especially the system of accounting, utterly different from that hitherto prevalent in Egypt and much more logical and efficient.85

Nevertheless the Ptolemaic reform almost entirely ignored the essence of the Greek economic system: private property recognized and protected by the State as the basis of society, and the free play of economic forces and economic initiative, with which the State very seldom interfered. These could not be suppressed altogether, for they were among the factors that helped the Ptolemies to achieve their second object, the improvement of technical devices and the development of the natural resources of the country, but they were limited and curtailed in order to bring them into harmony with the general Ptolemaic scheme of centralized State control. Restricted and curtailed as they were, these features never disappeared from

3261 T

274 The Balance of ‘Power CHAP. the economic system of Egypt, and by the mere fact of their existence they created within it a kind of antinomy of which the Ptolemies were never able to get rid, but which, on the contrary, became more and more apparent as time went on. The economic organization of Egypt created by the early Ptolemies can be perceived by us in its main outlines only as its features dimly emerge, one by one, from the scattered documents of the time. It was assuredly not created all at once as the result of a sweeping reform based on certain theoretical and philosophical conceptions. It is almost beyond question that the problems to be solved were taken up successively or simultaneously and that one branch of economic life after another was regulated in such a manner as suited best the interests of the king. We have no means of following this evolution. What we are more or less able to do is to draw the general outlines of the organization and to characterize its chief features. This, of course, is the fruit of patient work in collecting the relevant texts, restoring them, and interpreting them. Such a detailed presentation of evidence and inferences cannot be attempted here: it would require at least a volume to itself. What follows is a mere sketch adapted to the purpose of this book as a whole. For a fuller treatment of the subject the reader must be referred to the special studies cited in my notes and to the books devoted

to Ptolemaic Egypt which are mentioned there, especially to the most recent and most detailed of them, that of Mlle C. Préaux. AGRICULTURE

Agriculture was the foundation of the Egyptian economic system. It is well known how favoured the country is in this respect: its climate is excellent, its water supply in normal years, if judiciously managed, is sufficient to secure an abundant harvest, its soil is very fertile and adapted to a great variety of crops: cereals, vegetables, grass, oil-producing plants

of all kinds, vines and olive-trees, fruit-trees and berries. Egypt in the eyes of the rest of the ancient world was an

agricultural Eldorado, a gift bestowed by the bountiful Nile on its people. Water-supply. It is natural that every ruler of Egypt should

IV The Balance of Power 275 have turned his attention especially to agriculture. But agriculture in Egypt was impossible without a careful management of the water-supply and a planned system for its conservation

and distribution after the flood. This involved a far-reaching control over agriculture in general and a thorough organization of the labour of the nation for the construction and maintenance of a network of canals and dikes. Organized work, of course, means compulsory work, and such it has been in Egypt for the purposes of the irrigation system from time immemorial,

the whole of the population with their draught-animals being mobilized at certain seasons for the common task. So it was in Pharaonic Egypt and so it remained under the Ptolemies. There is no doubt that the Ptolemies took over the Pharaonic system, and it is very probable that they extended and improved it: to what extent and in what direction escapes our knowledge. With the irrigation system the Ptolemies inherited from their predecessors the method of maintaining it by the seasonal compulsory labour of the whole people. Like the Pharaohs, they granted, of course, some exemptions from this liability to personal service. Certain classes were privileged to the extent that they were allowed to replace work by payments. Such a privilege was probably granted in the Ptolemaic period to the immigrants, the ‘Greeks’ as they were called, whether to the whole of them or perhaps only to certain groups. The same privilege continued to be enjoyed by the priests.

Registration of the land. Another necessary branch of agricultural administration, also inherited by the Ptolemies from the past, was the careful registration, based on measurements (yewperpia), of all the land of Egypt. The land registers were compiled in Ptolemaic times by the village administration, the village chiefs (cwuapyat) and the village scribes (kapoypapparecs) under the vigilant supervision (é7toKeyis) of higher officials (the ‘royal scribes’, Baotduxot ypayparets). They were re-

newed yearly and great attention was paid tothem. The purpose of the various types of surveys (best represented by the docu-

ments found at Tebtunis) was to maintain a record of the arable land showing the character of its various parcels (which often changed from year to year) and the persons responsible in a given year for their cultivation. The parcel may be sown

276 The Balance of Power CHAP. (€o7rapyevn) or not, it may be over-inundated (e€uBpoyos) or dry (a,Bpoyos), that is to say, the parcel may be in perfect condition

from the point of view of crops and the payments due to the crown (76 amnypevor) or liable to a reduced rent or not subject to

any rent at all (vodoyos). The village surveys were tabulated from the fiscal standpoint by the toparchs (officers of the ¢opoz, subdivisions of the nome) and sent to the nomarchs (vopapyar),

special officers of the nome responsible for the cultivation of the royal land. They in turn sent their reports for the whole nome to Alexandria, where they served as material for the preparation of a general véle de perception.%6 Classes of land. Well irrigated and carefully recorded, the soil

of Egypt was handed over to its actual cultivators. There had been from time immemorial different types of land-tenure and different classes of land according to the status of those responsible for its cultivation and their relation to the land. We have no exact information on the pre-Ptolemaic conditions in this respect. Nor is our information for the Ptolemaic period en-

tirely clear and definite. We must not forget that it was reserved for Rome to create a precise terminology in the field of public and private law. In this respect Greece fell short of Rome, and Ptolemaic Egypt was even less strict. It appears that, at least in later times, two classes of land were distinguished: the y7 BaowsK«y, the land managed directly by the king, and the yy év ddéoe, the land ‘granted’ or ‘released’ by the government and handed over to other persons, passing thereupon from the direct care of the king and his agents. A third class may have been constituted by the yn zodurixy, land assigned to the new Greek cities of Alexandria and Ptolemais, and land in the possession of Naucratis. We have little information about its status under the early Ptolemies. According to Greek ideas yn wodtttxy should be the private property of the city and of its citizens, a Greek enclave as it were in the yy Baoitxy. But in this particular case we may think of the y7 TokuTLKy as a subdivision of the y7 év adéoen.

It is impossible to give even an approximate idea of how much land in Egypt belonged to the first class and how much

to the second. Our information relates to conditions in the Fayiim, where newly reclaimed land, which of course was

IV The Balance of ‘Power 277 ‘royal land’, predominated. The situation in this respect was probably different in other nomes. To what extent we are not even able to guess.

To the ‘granted’ land belonged: the land which was in possession of the temples (yj iepa or tepa mpdcodos and yy aviepwpevn) and that used for remunerating the various servants of the State (yn év cvvrager) including soldiers (yj KAnpovyeKy) and civil servants of various grades ; the highest of the civil and

military assistants of the king received large plots of land as ‘gift estates’ (yj év dwpea). Finally, there were areas of land held in private ownership: «rijpara and yi idiWxrnros.

This terminology, as has been said, was not precise. The general term yj év apéoe: appears in our documents sometimes as including the yj tepd and the yp év ovvrager and év dwpea and sometimes not ; it had, that is to say, sometimes a broader, sometimes a narrower meaning.*? Our information about the various classes of land is unevenly distributed. The system of exploiting the yj Baotdixy is comparatively well known to us, we have some information about the yn «Anpovyixy, and Zenon’s correspondence throws much light on the yj év Swpea. We know much less of the yq iepa and

the private land. One thing, however, is clear: the king regarded himself as the real owner of all the land of Egypt, and

property or use of land was not a right vested in private individuals, as (with some restrictions) it was in Greece, but a concession of the kings. Royal land. The royal land (y7 Baotdixy) was cultivated by the royal peasants or farmers (yewpyot Bacwdtxot). This also was

a heritage from the past. The bulk of the royal peasants lived scattered all over the country in thousands of towns and villages. They were registered as such in some village or town, which was their home or their place of residence (idta). A royal peasant was supposed to remain in his (dia, but he was not strictly bound to his village and to the soil. We hear frequently that many ‘foreigners’ (€évor), men whose (dia was another village, resided in a village which was not their own. The practice was so common that special collectors of arrears were appointed to look after these ‘foreigners’ (wpaxropes fevixav), while other collectors (7pdxropes idiwrtxav) were concerned with

278 The Balance of Power CHAP. those who remained in their own village or idta. Whether special permission was required for such migration is unknown.

The royal peasants were free men, not serfs or bondsmen. This is shown by many facts. I have mentioned their freedom of movement. Their status is also attested by the relations of the holders of gift-estates (doreat) and cleruchic land with the royal peasants. Gift-estates granted by the king to his grandees never consisted of one or more villages with their land and inhabitants, as in Asia Minor, but always of so many (mostly 10,000) arourae of land. In the few known instances this land was tilled not by those who had been hereditary holders of its parcels, but by cultivators of various types, especially tenants who rented the land, mostly for a short term, from its holder. The same is true of the holders of smaller parcels of granted land, for instance the cleruchs. All such tenants belonged to the class of ‘royal peasants’, for although this class comprised people who had cultivated the ‘royal land’ for generations, the name ‘royal peasant’ was also given to all who in one way or another cultivated royal land, as being ultimately lessees of the king. Finally, the relations between the king and the royal peasants were based not on tradition but on regular written

contracts. In the early Ptolemaic time the contracts were mostly short-term contracts. Though no direct information is

available on this point, so far as concerns the royal land managed by the king directly, this practice is well established for the gift-estates and for the holdings of the cleruchs, which were both ultimately parts of the royalland. It must, however, be borne in mind that in the late second century the leases were often for longer terms and sometimes for no fixed terms at all, the land being cultivated under existing conditions until a new general lease was announced and brought into force by the government (diapnicOwors). It is by no means certain that such forms of contract were unknown in the early Ptolemaic period and were first introduced in later times under the pressure of circumstances. They appear to me to represent an old practice which may have been in use in Egypt from time immemorial, and which may have been followed by the early Ptolemies concurrently with the new practice of short-term contracts.

For the plots of royal land that they cultivated the royal

IV The Balance of Power 2°79 peasants paid a yearly rent to the king (éxg@opiov). We may think it probable that in pre-Ptolemaic times this rent paid by the peasants was a pars quota, 20 per cent. of the crop (7éuaTn) ,*

though this cannot be regarded as an ascertained fact. In Ptolemaic times, however, 1t was a pars quanta, not quota; it was determined by several considerations, and was subject to alteration according to the condition in which each parcel was found to be after the yearly inundation. In addition to the rent, the peasant paid a countless number of different taxes for the privilege of cultivating his land. The list of these taxes, incomplete as it is, is imposing. The number of artabae paid as rent for each avoura and the quantity of grain paid in respect of the various taxes is often mentioned in the documents at our disposal. But we are reduced to uncertain guesses when we try to figure out what part of the crop the royal peasants paid to the king. It was certainly not less, and perhaps more, than half. Bound by his lease to cultivate the parcel of land which he

had rented, the peasant was expected to stay in the village during the agricultural season until he had discharged his liability to the king. This obligation he expressly acknowledged under oath when receiving his seed-corn from the king. During the agricultural season he was closely watched by a number of government officials: various guards, the head of the village (xwpapyys), the village scribe (xwpoypapparevs), and especially the representatives of the king in the nomes (the otxovojor)

personally or through their agents. His seed-corn he received from the crown. One of the objects of the government in making this obligatory loan was to secure that the parcel should be sown whatever the peasant’s circumstances might be and that

the seed should be of good quality. It was the duty of the oeconomus to prevent the use of seed-corn for other purposes. The peasant was not free to cultivate his land as he pleased. A special instruction (Staypa¢y ovdpov) regulated thecultivation according to the planned economy of the State. The order was strict, and the oeconomus was required to enforce it. For this purpose, and to see that the land was well tilled, this official inspected the crops when they were sprouting. * Test. Vet., Genesis, xlvii. 24-6.

280 The Balance of Power CHAP, At the time of the harvest the peasant was again closely watched. He gathered the crops, transported them to the threshing-floor, threshed them, all under the watchful eye of the administration, responsible guards (yevnuaropvdaxes) being

specially appointed for this purpose. The grain on the threshing-floor was inspected and divided between the crown and the peasant, and what remained after the claims of the former were satisfied (émvyévnua) was released (ageots) and carried home by

the peasant. The government grain was then transported to royal barns scattered all over the country and handed over to the keepers of grain (owroAdyot). From the local barns it was transported by water or land to the larger central stores and from there in part to the huge granaries at Alexandria. The procedure to be followed in the collection of the grain was laid down in a special royal éiéypappa (rept rav oirixa@y Or ctTOXO-yurdr) 88

Special crops other than grain were treated in a similar way,

e.g. grass and flax. As regards grass sown after the harvest

(xAwpa éemioropa) or as a rotation crop and used for feeding cattle, special contracts, valid for one season only, were made by the government, the yj év adéoet (we know this at least for the cleruchic land) being treated in this respect exactly like the royal land.®9

Sacred land. A large part of Egypt’s cultivated and cultivable land belonged in the pre-Ptolemaic period to the temples (yf) vepa or tepa wpdaodos). The land was regarded as the estate of some deity, as his or her ‘sacred revenue land’. It was tilled by ‘slaves’ of the deity, tepddovdc in Greek. Some of it was in the hereditary possession of priests, who were free to sell, to

rent, or to mortgage it, as if it were their private property. The parcels tilled by the ‘slaves’ of the god were also apparently

assigned to them for an indefinite time, the tenant being free to dispose of them. It should be added that the whole of the population of a temple were ‘slaves’ of the god, regardless of their professions. Even the minor priests, such as keepers or feeders of sacred animals, were termed iepdSovXor.

The organization as sketched above is known to us—very imperfectly it must be admitted—from documents of Hellenistic and to a large extent late Hellenistic times, mostly Demotic.

IV The Balance of Power 281 It may therefore have been the result of an evolution which took place in the Hellenistic period. It appears to me, however,

much more probable that it was inherited by the Ptolemies from the past and was not changed by them in its essential features.

We see how chary the Ptolemies were of modifying the immemorial customs of the temples. They certainly did not secularize the temple property. We hear nothing, for instance,

of any confiscation on a large scale, that is to say, of any transformation of yj tepa into y7 Bacrduxy. On the contrary, all sorts of grantsto the temples, including land (yn avtepwpern),

were of frequent occurrence during the rule of the Ptolemies, and that from the very outset. Nevertheless certain changes appear to have taken place in the relations between the crown and the temples. Defective as our information is, some of these changes are known to us; and first as regards the terminology. I'7 tepa is a term of exactly the sametypeasyyn Baothixy. It appears in the later documents alongside of the latter in such a way as to suggest similarity of treatment. The same applies to the term tepa mpdcobdog. It is evident, therefore, that in Ptolemaic times the land and income of the temples formed one of the departments of the royal economy, part of the king’s household property. A close connexion between the king and the temples lies behind this terminology. This connexion may have been first established by the Ptolemies and may not have existed in earlier times. We may think that it was the Ptolemies who first did away with the economic independence that the temples had probably enjoyed under the later Pharaohs. But it is possible that the Ptolemies found the temples already deprived of this indepen-

dence by the Persians. Mention has already been made of the measures taken in this respect by the great Darius and Xerxes (p. 82). It is well known that Artaxerxes Ochus and Darius III showed little respect for the Egyptian gods and the

Egyptian priesthood. It may even be that the Ptolemies in settling their relations with the temples showed themselves more liberal than the Persian kings. Many other features in the organization of the temples point to the same close connexion between these and the crown. Here are a few of them.

282 The Balance of ‘Power CHAP. I regard it as very probable, for instance, that it was the Ptolemies who first founded a new office, that of president of a temple, émucrdrns. He was in all probability a nominee of the king and was his representative in the temple, being especially responsible for the financial obligations of the temple to the crown, for example in the field of industry and manufacture. Another instance of State control over the affairs of the temple is the management of the priestly offices of various kinds from the economic point of view. These offices were assets of no small value. They had prebends attached to them and yielded

a certain amount of revenue, as was probably the case in Oriental temples generally (for instance in those of Babylonia). Before the Ptolemies they and the income connected with them were in all probability assigned by the temples to priests and to temple slaves in the same way as land was assigned to them, that is to say, they were sold or rented to the highest bidders. The same system was practised under the Ptolemies ; but now it was the administration, not the temples, that sold the offices,

and the leases were not hereditary as they may have been previously. It is highly probable that the temple land, of whatever class

it may have been, was subject to a similar system of management. It seems certain, at least as regards the Faytiim and the later Ptolemaic period, that the local administration kept the sacred land recorded in its register just as it did the royal land, that it kept close watch over its cultivation, and treated the

revenue from it—the rent which was paid in one form or another for its use—as part of the royal revenue, seeing to it that the rent was paid in full and that the land remained in

cultivation. This system of management can hardly have been an innovation of the later Ptolemies, for they were not strong enough to encroach in this way on the rights of the temples (see below, chs. V and VI). In all probability the close connexion between temples and government in respect

of the sacred land was established or restored by the early Ptolemies. What they insisted upon was good and efficient cultivation and prompt and full payment of the rent into the State treasury. The title of the cultivators to their holdings was a matter of less importance to them, and probably in most

IV The Balance of Power 283 cases they did not interfere with the temple traditions in this respect. The main concern of the king was to see that the temples did

not cost more than they brought in, that they were not dependent on grants and gifts from the government, and further than this to secure that there should be a surplus of income, which would accrue to the king as part of his regular revenues. How large this surplus was, we are unable to say. The maintenance of the temples was an expensive affair and it is probable that the larger part of the income from them went back to them in the form of ovvragis, paid to the temples by the government. We find a very similar situation in respect of what was known as the amduoupa, a tax amounting to one-sixth of the yield of the vineyards, which had been collected before the reign of Philadelphus by the temples from the owners of the vineyards. By a special order of Philadelphus, as the chief manager of divine affairs on earth, this revenue was assigned to the new cult of Philadelphus’ consort Arsinoe, and a special law (vopos) carefully regulated the collection of this tax by the government. Without it the government would have been unable to collect the revenue in full and thus to provide for the requirements of the new cult. No doubt part of the revenue was spent for the purpose for which it was collected. If the cult of Arsinoe was introduced into all the temples of Egypt, as is probable, each temple would receive its share. If not, the money would be spent on the new temples of the new goddess. In any case, if there was a surplus, the government would spend it as it pleased, and in fact did so.* Though our information is scanty, the probability is that the y7) ‘epa. was in all respects managed in accordance withthesame

policy and by the same methods as the y7 Bacthixy, the main object being to support the temples as a State institution, to make their existence safe and easy. If, as a result of careful administration, the sacred land yielded a surplus to the govern-

ment, it was fair that the government should use it as it pleased. Everything considered, it is uncertain whether the temples lost or gained by the change of conditions. They certainly resented the new order, for it deprived them of their * P. Col. Zen. 55.

284 The Balance of Power CHAP. ancient paternal superintendence of their revenues, it dimin-

ished the influence of the priests in temple affairs, and it threw open the doors of the temples to government agents, who were mostly foreigners. This state of things could not be agreeable to the priests even if it was not entirely new to them.9°

Cleruchic land. The royal peasants on the one hand and the temples and priests on the other had both been closely connected from time immemorial with the agricultural life of Egypt. The army presented the Ptolemies with a problem of no less importance. It was out of the question to reform the ancient native militia (in Greek terminology payor) and to transform them into a standing national army. On the other hand, it was dangerous and exceedingly expensive to maintain a permanent army of mercenaries, who would most of the time be kept idle in barracks. The solution of the problem adopted by the Ptolemies was suggested partly by Egyptian traditions, partly by the practice of Alexander and the Successors, and was framed to some extent on the model of Greek, especially Athenian, cleruchies. The Ptolemies maintained a permanent army of Macedonians and mercenaries of various origin by paying the greater part of them, not in money and kind as was usual (above, p. 137), but in kind alone, and that by assigning them plots of land. The income from this land was supposed to provide the soldiers and their families with the means of subsistence. The men who received from the king such a plot of land were called cleruchs

(KAnpovyxor). |

Of the inauguration and application of this scheme in the time of Soter and Philadelphus we know very little. It is certain that the Ptolemies did not adopt the system of Alexander and the Successors, methodically carried out by Seleucus and his successors, of settling the soldiers in considerable groups in cities or in special settlements (xarowxia), which enjoyed a kind of self-government. The soldiers of the Egyptian army were scattered all over the country. The plots of land assigned to them lay in the territories of ancient villages or in those of recently created villages and towns. An example of the last type was the settlement of a large group of soldiers, both newly

IV The Balance of Power 28 5 recruited (veavioxot) and older men (zpeoBvrepo.), foot and horse, in and around the town of Philadelphia, newly founded by Philadelphus, his dzoecetes Apollonius, and the latter’s stew-

ard Zenon. The land assigned to them was probably not part of the gift-estate of Apollonius. The military allotments (clevo1) were of different sizes accord-

ing to the rank and perhaps the seniority of the officer or soldier. Two scales are known to us, which shows that there was no uniformity in this respect. The largest plots rarely exceeded 100 avourae. Theland, whether it had always been cultivated or was recently reclaimed, was handed over to the soldiers

in such a condition that agricultural work could be started at once, the necessary irrigation and drainage, at least of a part of it, having already been done. Further improvements were

sometimes carried out by the soldiers themselves at their own expense (with the king’s assistance, in the form of loans). Since the soldiers were mobilized or summoned (érayyehpa)

very frequently—tor war, for garrison service in Egypt and abroad, for service in the capital, or for manceuvres—they were certainly, especially in early Ptolemaic times, unable to attend

personally to their plots and generally rented them to local tenants. Zenon, Apollonius’ manager at Philadelphia, regularly took charge of many such plots for the cleruchs of Philadelphia and the neighbouring villages. In exceptional cases, especially before land was definitely assigned to soldiers, the government

itself undertook the cultivation of the allotments and handed over the produce to the soldiers.* Some details in connexion with the cleroz still await interpretation and explanation. Such are, for instance, the cases where the plot was divided into two hemtclerta, one of which was treated like other cleroz (taxes, not

rent, being paid on it by the cleruch), the other as if it were a piece of royal land subject to rent (éx@dpiov).t Besides allotments, quarters (orafot) were assigned to the soldiers. In new villages like Philadelphia, brand-new houses were built for them by the king, in older towns and villages where the population was dense and building-space was scarce the soldiers were billeted in the houses of the inhabitants. This * P. Freib. 7; Hunt-Edgar, Sel. Pap., ii. 412. + Teb. 746.

286 The Balance of Power CHAP. often led to ill feeling, endless litigation, and sometimes bloody

quarrels. From the earliest times the system of billeting was a serious defect in the Ptolemaic military organization and a source of irritation to the native population. In the third century it was not the intention of the Ptolemies that the soldiers should be owners of their plots. The plots and the quarters were royal property and the grants were revocable at the pleasure of the crown. The cleruch had no right to sell, mortgage, or bequeath his allotment. In practice, however, if all was well, he would be left in undisturbed possession of it until his death, and then his son would take it over. In fact in some cases we find the son in the position of co-tenant (cvy«\npos) alongside of his father.* The cleruchs paid several taxes in respect of their land (partly

the same as those paid by the royal peasants): crown money (arépavos), a moderate tax on the sown land (apraBreia), taxes for the upkeep of embankments (ywparixdv), for the guard service (pvAaxirixov), for medical service (tarpixov), and probably

others, besides the regular taxes paid by the population of Egypt, of which more presently. They were not liable to com-

pulsory labour, but the king was free to require from them extraordinary service (Aevrovpyia) in an emergency.

This system of assigning pieces of valuable land to soldiers in order to provide them with a regular income and make them self-supporting required a good deal of administrative supervision. The holder of a cleros was responsible to the government for its cultivation and was closely watched by his superiors and by the regular civil administration of the crown: for instance, the rule about seed-corn supplied by the government as a loan was applicable to him also. The cleruch, however, was freer than the royal peasant in his management of his allotment. Thed:aypad7 ordpov, or official distribution of crops, was not applied to military holdings. Except for certain crops (oilproducing plants and perhaps grass), the cleruch was free to cultivate his land as he pleased. We know that some of them, instead of growing grain, transformed their plots or parts of them into vineyards, olive-groves, or gardens. They did this probably with the special permission of the government and on * P, Cairo Zen. 59001, with Edgar’s notes on Il. 46 and 51.

IV The Balance of ‘Power 287 the usual conditions applicable to the planting (xaragvrevors) of land.

The king, however, regarded himself as the owner of the clerot. His claim on the produce of the land came first. As in the case of the royal peasants, the crops were put in sequestration until the various taxes were paid by the cleruch. His portion of the crops he was not permitted to carry home from the fields and threshing-floors till he was granted ‘release’ (ageots) by the royal officials. In creating cleruchies the Ptolemies were guided by various

considerations, partly political, partly economic. I have already referred to some of them, and I may mention a few others. Scarcity of coined money may have been a motive, though not a prime one. Of far greater, indeed of dominating importance, were considerations of a different order, first and foremost the desire to bind the personnel of the army to Egypt, to make Egypt their country, and to establish close and permanent relations between the king and the army. Next came the intention of introducing new methods of work and cultivation,

a new economic spirit, into the country. It is certain that the cleruchs were not absentee landowners with little interest in their holdings. Many letters in the correspondence of Zenon show how keenly interested they were in their new houses, in their cattle and poultry, and in the cultivation of their land. Used to the life of the country in their own homelands, some of them experts in agriculture, viticulture, olive-growing, and cattle-breeding, they were happy to become landowners again and to return, even if intermittently, to their customary work. We must remember that Greece and Asia Minor were still to a large extent countries whose economic life was based on agriculture. Lastly, the Ptolemies wished that the money which their soldiers received either as pay or as their share of the booty, in other words their savings, should not be exported but should remain in the country and be invested in land which

otherwise might have remained uncultivated. Agricultural labour in Egypt was always rather scarce, while the extent of agricultural territory in the country is very elastic. The more money, men, and energy available, the more the cultivated area expands.%!

(28 8)

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, aiter Studniczka 2. Banqueting-ten fe) 'iladelphus, aft

CHAP. IV The Balance of Power 409 greater than those of his predecessors, the great Pharaohs and of Dionysus himself.* “These were immediately followed by carts

drawn by mules. These contained barbaric tents, under which sat Indian and other women dressed as captives. Then came camels, some of which carried three hundred pounds of frankincense, three hundred of myrrh, and two hundred of saffron, cassia, cinnamon, orris, and all other spices. Next to these were Ethiopian tribute-bearers, some of whom brought six hundred tusks, others two thousand ebony logs, others sixty mixingbowls full of gold and silver and gold dust’t There follows a display of exotic animals, birds, and trees.?2% While the encomium of Theocritus and Callixeinus’ description of the pompe have advertisement as their object, and probably contain a good deal of exaggeration, the humorous, but appreciative and perhaps even slightly tendentious enumera-

tion of the wealth, beauty, and attractions of Egypt and Alexandria in the first mime of Herondas (Il. 23ff.) represents certainly the ideas prevailing among the Greeks of the time of

Philadelphus. We may note his emphatic statement: ‘all that exists and can be produced anywhere on the earth ¢s in Egypt’, and the prominence attached to wealth (zAouros) and gold (ypvciov), in the enumeration of the blessings that await Mandris in Egypt. There is, however, no advertising at all in the well-known remark of Teles (Iepi rAovrov kai wevias, 29, 6). He takes it for

granted that the young men in the service of Ptolemy acquire wealth. The same is true of the statement of Athenaeus (V, 203 c) which follows the description of the pompe of Philadelphus and reproduces ideas current in Hellenistic and Roman times regarding the wealth of Egypt. These ideas first grew up in the time of Soter § and were still prevalent under Euergetes I * Athen. v. 200f-201a: als émnxodovGovy amivar df’ Hpidvwy dyopevan. adrat 8’ elyov oxnvas BapBapixds, tf’ dv éxdOnvro yuvaixes *Ivbai Kai Erepat Kexoopnpevar Ws alypdAwror KdpndAor 8’ ai pev Edepov ALBavwrod pvas Tplaxocias, ouUpyyns Tpiakocias, KpoKov Kal Kaclas Kal Kivvaywpmov Kal iptdos Kal Trav Aowmadv dpwudrwv Siaxocias. éxdpevoe ToUTwv Foav AtBiozres

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t Loeb translation slightly altered. § Plut. Reg. et. imp. apopht., 181 f.

410 The Balance of Power CHAP. and Philopator, in whose days an officer of the army is glorified as having received gifts of gold from the ‘kings of Egypt, rich from early times’ (7adatsdovro: Bacthnes Aiyvarov). Some of the political enemies and rivals of the Ptolemies, however, who had received subsidies from them for a time, were or pretended to be rather sceptical, for instance Aratus in his sarcastic remark concerning the wealth of Euergetes I.* As late as the reign of Soter IT, if that is the date of Isidorus, whose hymns to Hermuthis Isis have recently been discovered at Ibion near Tebtunis, we have a local poet drawing an enthusiastic picture of the wealth of pious kings and of the prosperity of the country. We read in his third hymn:f ‘All that live most blessed, men of highest worth, sceptre-bearing kings and all that are rulers, these being heedful of thee hold sway even to old age, leaving to their sons and grandsons and those who come after abundance of wealth, brilliant and glorious. But he whom our Queen (i.e. Hermuthis-Isist) has held dearest among rulers, he rules (not only over Egypt but) also over both Asia and Europe; and he brings peace, and the Fruits of the

fields and the Fields that bear the fruitage load him with blessings of every kind.’ The reference to the kings in the plural suggests that we should assign the hymns of Isidorus not to the time of the Roman Empire but to the end of the Ptolemaic period. However this may be, the lines quoted recall various works of art celebrating the fertility and prosperity of Egypt, such as the mosaics of Antioch and Leptis Magna, in which Kapzoi and Aroura are represented by the side

of the Nile and Egypt, and perhaps the well-known basrelief found at Carthage.§ 2% * Plut. Avat. 15. 3. | Published by A. Vogliano, Adt: 1v Congr. Pap., 1936, p. 491 ff., 1. 7 ff., and

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