Baltic Crusades and Societal Innovation in Medieval Livonia, 1200-1350 9004428321, 9789004428324, 9789004512092

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Baltic Crusades and Societal Innovation in Medieval Livonia, 1200–​1350

The Northern World north europe and the baltic c. 400–​1 700 ad peoples, economies and cultures

Editors Jón Viđar Sigurđsson (Oslo) Piotr Gorecki (University of California at Riverside) Steve Murdoch (St. Andrews) Cordelia Heß (Greifswald) Anne Pedersen (National Museum of Denmark)

volume 93

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/nw

Baltic Crusades and Societal Innovation in Medieval Livonia, 1200–​1350 Edited by

Anti Selart

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Project “Coexistence, isolation, and cultural interchange in medieval Livonia (1200–​1550)” funded by the Estonian Research Council (project no put 1422, 2017–​2020). Cover illustration: The first coins minted in Livonia. The pfennigs coined in Tallinn by Danish authorities in c. 1219–​1227 (Tallinn University Archaeological collections, no. 5000/​67: 11, photo by Mauri Kiudsoo), in Riga by Bishop Albert in c. 1207–​1229 (National History Museum of Latvia, Archaeology Department, no. vi 127: 102, 701), and in Curonia jointly by Bishop Heinrich von Lützelburg and the Teutonic Order between 1252 and 1263 (private collection, photo by Hannu Sarkkinen). The Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data is available online at https://cata​log.loc.gov

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-​typeface. issn 1569-​1 462 isbn 978-​9 0-​0 4-​4 2832-​4 (hardback) isbn 978-​9 0-​0 4-​5 1209-​2 (e-​book) Copyright 2022 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau and V&R unipress. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-​use and/​or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill nv via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-​free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents  Preface vii  List of Illustrations viii  Notes on Contributors xi 1  Life in Livonia: After the Crusades Introduction 1 Anti Selart 2  Domesticating Europe –​Novel Cultural Influences in the Late Iron Age Eastern Baltic 29 Tõnno Jonuks 3  Exploiting the Conquerors Socio-​political Strategies of Estonian Elites During the Crusades and Christianisation, 1200–​1300 55 Kristjan Kaljusaar 4  Livonian Economic Resources, 1200–​1350 Redistribution and Expansion 90 Anti Selart 5  Missed Patronage? Princely Support for Church Institutions and Military Religious Orders in Livonia 130 Mihkel Mäesalu 6  From Prehistory to History Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century 164 Ivar Leimus 7  The Legal Status of Women in Livonia, 1200–​1400 189 Vija Stikāne 8  ‘Local’ Characteristics of the Medieval Livonian Town 232 Arvi Haak

vi Contents 9  Advancement of Craftsmanship and Manufacturing in Medieval Livonia 261 Andres Tvauri 10  The Formation, Establishment, and Personal Networks of Livonian Cathedral Chapters, 1190–​1350 318 Madis Maasing 11  Changing Aliens, Changing Natives Baltic Crusades and Societal Innovation in Medieval Livonia Conclusion 367 Christian Lübke  Index 393

Preface This book is a result of the University of Tartu research project ‘Coexistence, isolation, and cultural interchange in medieval Livonia (1200–​1550)’ funded by the Estonian Research Council (project no put 1422, 2017–​2020). The project aimed for an updated, modern view on the coexistence of different ethnic and social groups and their interaction in Estonia and Latvia in the Middle Ages. The focal point was the mutual cultural impact and acculturation of groups of different ethnic origin, social status, and migrational background in this region. The earlier historiography often tended to describe Livonian medieval social and cultural conflicts as national (or ethnic) ones and to stress the isolationism of the groups. The results presented here seek out places of mutual adaption between natives and newcomers, and ask for the immediate economic and societal results of the Baltic Crusades: what processes can really be considered as results of the conquest, and what just happened during and after the crusading period? Additional support for publishing this book was provided by another University of Tartu research project ‘Global Livonia: Rethinking medieval territories’ (no. prg 1132) funded by the Estonian Research Council. Medieval Livonia was a region of many languages and several toponymic traditions. In this volume, dominantly the native-​language place-​names in their modern standard form are preferred, except the cases when an established English version exists. The index simultaneously serves as multi-​lingual place-​name concordance. The volume would not have been produced without serious help of many people. Aside from the contributors, I would thank numerous colleagues from Estonia and abroad for their advice and support. Dirk Lloyd and Dr Siobhan Kattago improved the English. Kristel Roog drew the maps, and Dr Anu Mänd helped to find the illustrations. Last but not least, Dr Ivar Leimus delivered the cover illustrations and helped to write the explanatory text.

Illustrations Figures 2.1  Cruciform pendants, cross design, and Christian symbolism from Late Iron Age Estonia (according to Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be,’ fig 1. Photos by Tõnno Jonuks and Tuuli Kurisoo). 33 2.2  A leucrotta from Latvia (1, Estonian History Museum archaeological collections, no. 174: 1), griffins from Lõhavere (2, Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 3578: 626) and Kolu (3, Haapsalu and Läänemaa Museums collections no. 8045: 68), and a dragon from Ikšķile (4, Institute of Latvian History, Repository of Archaeological Material, no. 129: 271). Photos by Tõnno Jonuks. 38 7.1  Dolomite plate coffin of a Liv woman from Ikšķile churchyard (c. 1200) in the exhibition at Daugava Museum (Salaspils municipality, Latvia. Photo by Aivars Siliņš, 2019). 191 7.2  Adultery scene in Karja parish church, Saaremaa, Estonia, c. 1300 (photo by Stanislav Stepashko). 196 7.3  Reconstruction of Curonian female dress from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Dundagas Laukmuiža burial no. 9) in the National History Museum of Latvia (Photo by Reinis Oliņš from the archives of the Latvian National Centre for Culture, 2017). 211 8.1  Keris stove with brick floor found in a German-​type storehouse in Lihula (photo by Mati Mandel). 236 8.2  Remains of log houses at the Botanical Gardens in Tartu (photo by Ain Mäesalu). 240 8.3  Local brooches from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries found in Livonian towns: a –​tortoise brooch (archaeological collections of Latvian Institute of History, vi 278: 637), b –​penannular brooch, c –​‘Hanseatic’ brooch (both Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. tm A-​116: 15951, tm A-​40: 2819c); photos by Roberts Spirģis (a), and Arvi Haak (b, c). 246 8.4  Distribution of items with ethnic connotation in medieval Tartu: a –​excavated areas, b –​town wall, c –​moats, d –​River Emajõgi (drawing by Jaana Ratas). 247 8.5  Distribution of several item types connected with ethnic groups in the excavation in the Botanical Garden of Tartu (drawing by Jaana Ratas, partially based on information published in Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ fig. 5). 253 9.1  Masterpiece by a Tallinn goldsmith from the beginning of the sixteenth century (Tallinn City Museum collections, nos. 4255, 4256, 4257. Photos by Martin Vuks). 272

Illustrations

ix

9.2  A stone mould for the manufacturing of buttons from Tartu (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 43: 430. Photo by Arvi Haak). 277 9.3  A ceramic muffle or a smelting kiln covering from Tartu (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 45: 1572. Photo by Arvi Haak). 279 9.4  A casting semi-​product of a tinkler from a medieval suburban area of Tallinn in Roosikrantsi Street (Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 5777: 85. Photo by Jaana Ratas). 280 9.5  A blind blocking stamp made from bone from the Kalamaja landfill in Tallinn, which was used to adorn leather (Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909: 15806. Photo by Jaana Ratas). 287 9.6  Drawing of a pottery kiln from Viljandi. Drawing by Andres Tvauri. 291 11.1  Otto iii and personifications of the provinces of the Empire. Gospels of Otto iii, c. 1000 (Bavarian State Library, Munich, Clm. 4453, fol. 23v–​24r). 369 11.2  Otto iii accompanied by two kings and secular and ecclesiastical dignitaries. Liuthar Gospels, c. 1000 (Aachen Cathedral Treasury, G 25, fol. 16r). 370

Maps 1.1  Livonia c. 1200. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 3 1.2  Livonia c. 1300. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 12 3.1  Harria and Revala c. 1237. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 73 3.2  Harria and Revala c. 1241. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 75 5.1  Possessions of Livonian religious institutions in the southern parts of north Germany. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 135 5.2  Possessions of Livonian religious institutions on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 138 5.3  Possessions of Livonian religious institutions on Gotland and in Sweden. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. 140

Tables 4.1  Yearly income of the Dundaga castle district, Curonia, 1387. 106 6.1  Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340. 178 10.1  Number of canons in Livonia. 329 10.2  Livonian canons with known backgrounds. 330 10.3  The total number of canons in Livonia with known backgrounds and their social origin. 332 10.4  Canons of Livonian origin and their social backgrounds. 335

x Illustrations 10.5  Regional background of canons originating outside of Livonia. 336 10.6  The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. 345 10.7  Individuals who were presumed to be canons in ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ by Leonid Arbusow Sr, and who could possibly be, but cannot be verified as such, based on sources. 360 10.8  Individuals who were presumed to be canons in ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ by Leonid Arbusow Sr, but who cannot be canons, or it is very unlikely. 361

Notes on Contributors Arvi Haak is archaeologist, who currently works as a research fellow at the University of Tartu, Estonia. His main field of research is medieval urban archaeology, focusing on town formation process in southern Estonia, as well as archaeological finds, especially ceramics and glass vessels. Tõnno Jonuks (PhD 2009) is a research fellow at the Estonian Literary Museum in Tartu. His main interests concern materiality of religion generally and the formation of Estonian religion, in particular. Jonuks has studied objects and religious contexts in various periods, ranging from the Mesolithic to the contemporary period. Kristjan Kaljusaar is a doctoral student at the University of Tartu, Estonia. His main field of study comprises topics surrounding the development of vassalage structures, fiefs and power networks during the period of holy wars and Christianisation in the Eastern Baltic region. Kaljusaar has also written about crusading practices, hostageship, and presentations of militant martyrdom. Ivar Leimus (PhD 1989) graduated from the University of Tartu in 1976, and since then he has worked as the keeper of coins at the Estonian History Museum, Tallinn. He has numerous publications on numismatics and the economic history of medieval and early modern Livonia. Christian Lübke (PhD 1980) is a historian of Eastern Europe. His research is mainly based on the Middle Ages and the history of East Central Europe. One focus of his work lies in the German-​Slavic relations up to the Rus’. After the first stages of his scholarly career in Gießen and Berlin, he was professor of Eastern European history at the University of Greifswald for ten years. Since 2007, he has been director of the Leibniz Institute for the History and Culture of Eastern Europe in Leipzig and professor for the history of East Central Europe at the University of Leipzig, as well as a member of the Saxon Academy of Sciences.

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Notes on Contributors

Madis Maasing (PhD 2016) is a research fellow at the Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu, Estonia. His main research interests include connections between Livonia and the Holy Roman Empire in the sixteenth century; political consequences of the Reformation in Livonia; political rhetoric and argumentation; and the functioning and role of Livonian ecclesiastic structures, especially cathedral chapters. Mihkel Mäesalu (PhD 2017) is a research fellow of medieval history at the University of Tartu, Estonia. He has written a monograph on the relations between Livonia and the Holy Roman Empire during the Middle Ages, and several papers on the Livonian Crusade, the Teutonic Order in Livonia, and the Livonian bishoprics. He is currently studying Danish-​Livonian relations during the Middle Ages. Anti Selart (PhD 2002) is professor of medieval history at the University of Tartu, Estonia. His primary research fields are the history of medieval Livonia and the Baltic Sea region, including the Northern Crusades and topics related to ecclesiastical history and interconfessional relations in medieval and sixteenth-​century East Central Europe. Vija Stikāne (PhD 2012) is research director at the Turaida Museum Reserve, Latvia. She received her PhD from University of Latvia with the doctoral thesis ‘Women in Medieval and Early Modern Livonia from the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries’. Andres Tvauri (PhD 2001) is associate professor in the Department of Archaeology at the University of Tartu, Estonia. His main research areas include Late Iron Age, medieval, and early modern archaeology, with a specific interest in material culture and archaeology of production sites in the Baltic area.

­c hapter 1

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades Introduction

Anti Selart The history of the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea took a serious turn between 1150 and 1350. In the twelfth century, the societies there were considered heathen, at least by western Christian authors. The first attempts at the (forced) baptism of Livonia –​modern Estonia and Latvia –​are registered in the 1170s in the sources and were of Scandinavian origin. German missionaries began their activities in the 1180s in the estuary area of the Daugava River. At the end of the twelfth century (see map 1.1), the regular crusades and other wars against native communities began, led by the Livonian bishops, military orders, and the king of Denmark. Livs were subjugated by 1212, Estonia by 1227, Curonia and Semgallia by the 1290s, and south-​eastern Latvia ultimately in around 1310. During the fourteenth century, the crusading raids continued against Lithuania and sporadically also against Rus’ian Pskov. A conglomerate of ecclesiastic states –​medieval Livonia –​was established as result of these conflicts (see map 1.2). Crusaders primarily from Germany and Denmark, military orders of the Brethren of the Sword and the Teutonic Knights, and members of dominantly German immigrant noble families conducted the conquest and baptism of Finnic and Baltic peoples comprised of Estonians, Livs, Letts, Curonians, Selonians, and Semgallians. Bishoprics, the state of the Livonian Teutonic Order, medieval towns dominated by German merchants, and the feudal system emerged there. New relations of power and ownership, as well as immigration of nobility, clergy, and townspeople primarily from German areas substantially reshaped the local society. During a relatively short period, the society of Livonia was remodelled under the dominance of the immigrant minority.1 Simultaneously, the era of writing started there. This means that 1 Cf. the general works: Eric Christiansen, The Northern Crusades. The Baltic and the Catholic Frontier 1100–​1525 (Minneapolis, 1980); Deutsche Geschichte im Osten Europas. Baltische Länder, ed. Gert von Pistohlkors (Berlin, 1994); William Urban, The Baltic Crusade, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 1994); Indriķis Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1180–​1290. Krustakari (Rīga, 2002); William Urban, The Livonian Crusade, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 2004); Barbara Bombi, Novella plantatio fidei. Missione e crociata nel nord Europa tra la fine del XII e i primo decenni del XIII secolo (Roma,

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_002

2 Selart every comparison between the ‘pre-​’ and ‘post-​Crusade’ periods is significantly a comparison between the results of dominantly archaeological and dominantly historical research. The aspects of life reflected in the written sources are distributed unevenly as well. The native communities remained internally autonomous for a long time and outside the realm of the written word.2 What happened with the majority of the Livonian native population after the crusading conquest? There are accounts of sporadic uprisings and contemporary discussions about their legal status and ‘freedom’. The traditional presentation speaks about subjugated and exploited peoples; however, the serfdom of peasants developed only by the end of the Middle Ages there and cannot be considered an immediate result of the conquest. Many unfavourable developments related to the situation of the native peasant majority by the end of the Middle Ages are actually local variations of common history of the region3 and not necessarily a result of the Crusades or foreign colonisation.4 The medieval Livonian society was divided into the socially and politically dominant minority of ‘Germans’ (Deutsch) and the subordinated majority class of ‘non-​Germans’ (Undeutsch) –​peasants and the urban lower classes.5 This situation, wherein ethnicity was simultaneously a marker of social status (or vice versa), remained significant until the very beginning of the twentieth century in this region. From the nineteenth century onwards, the issue was

2

3

4 5

2007) (Nuovi studi storici 74); Ane L. Bysted et al., Jerusalem in the North. Denmark and the Baltic Crusades, 1100–​1522 (Turnhout, 2012) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 1); The North-​Eastern Frontiers of Medieval Europe. The Expansion of Latin Christendom in the Baltic Lands, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnham, 2014); Das Baltikum. Geschichte einer europäi­ schen Region, vol. 1: Von der Vor-​und Frühgeschichte bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, ed. Karsten Brüggemann et al. (Stuttgart, 2018). Tiina Kala, ‘Dokumendid ja inimesed 13. sajandi Liivimaal,’ in Sõnasse püütud minevik in honorem Enn Tarvel, ed. Priit Raudkivi and Marten Seppel (Tallinn, 2009), pp. 92–​114; Cf. for the Outremer: Jonathan Riley-​Smith, ‘Government and the Indigenous in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem,’ in Medieval Frontiers. Concepts and Practices, ed. David Abulafia and Nora Berend (Farnham, 2002), pp. 121–​131, here p. 131. Forms of Servitude in Northern and Central Europe. Decline, Resistance, and Expansion, ed. Paul Freedman and Monique Bourin (Turnhout, 2005) (Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe 9); Markus Cerman, Villagers and Lords in Eastern Europe, 1300–​1800 (Basingstoke, 2012). Michael North, The Baltic. A History (Cambridge MA, 2015), pp. 9–​51. Paul Johansen and Heinz von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch im mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Reval (Köln, 1973) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 15); Wilhelm Lenz, ‘Undeutsch. Bemerkungen zu einem besonderen Begriff der baltischen Geschichte,’ in Aus der Geschichte Alt-​Livlands. Festschrift für Heinz von zur Mühlen zum 90. Geburtstag, ed. Bernhart Jähnig and Klaus Militzer (Münster, 2004) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 12), pp. 169–​184.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

3

map 1.1  Livonia c. 1200. Map drawn by Kristel Roog.

predominantly understood in nationalist terms.6 The confrontation between Christian and pagan as depicted in the medieval sources was understood as the

6 Kaspars Kļaviņš, ‘The Baltic Enlightenment and Perceptions of Medieval Latvian History,’ Journal of Baltic Studies 29 (1999), pp. 213–​224; Liina Lukas, ‘The Baltic-​German Settlement Myths and Their Literary Developments,’ in We Have Something in Common: The Baltic Memory, ed. Anneli Mihkelev (Tallinn, 2007) (Collegium litterarum 21), pp. 75–​85; Linda Kaljundi and Kaspars Kļaviņš, ‘The Chronicler and the Modern World: Henry of Livonia and the Baltic Crusades in the Enlightenment and National Traditions,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing on the Medieval Baltic Frontier: A Companion to the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, ed. Marek Tamm et al. (Farnham, 2011), pp. 409–​456.

4 Selart conflict between German conquerors and the free people of ancient Estonia or Latvia now. The question of the legitimacy of the conquest became important in this context, as well.7 Medieval Christian sources justified the conquest with the paganism of the natives.8 In the sixteenth century, the subjugation of the Baltic peoples began to be compared with the discovery of the New World –​it became a rather secular, predominantly Protestant history of German overseas colonies.9 In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the serfdom of Estonian and Latvian peasants became the focus:10 was the medieval conquest the lawful foundation of the superior position of German manorial lords, or, just the opposite, did it constitute the origin of immoral enslavement of the natives? Apart from Christianisation, the civilising, ‘Europeanising’ mission of spreading German higher culture amongst the barbarian natives served as legitimisation of the conquest.11 From the other side, sociocritical authors idealised the local pre-​Crusade societies as ‘the noble savages’, juxtaposed to the obscurity of medieval papalism, or free, happy people of high culture who were devastated by German cruelty.12 7

8 9

10 11 12

Anti Selart, ‘Historical Legitimacy and Crusade in Livonia,’ in Crusading on the Edge. Ideas and Practice of Crusading in Iberia and the Baltic Region, 1100–​1500, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt (Turnhout, 2016) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 4), pp. 29–​53; Carsten Selch Jensen, ‘Appropriating History. Remembering the Crusades in Latvia and Estonia,’ in Remembering the Crusades and Crusading, ed. Megan Cassidy-​Welch (London, 2017), pp. 231–​245. Linda Kaljundi, ‘Waiting for the Barbarians: Reconstruction of Otherness in the Saxon Missionary and Crusading Chronicles, 11th–​13th Centuries,’ The Medieval Chronicle 5 (2008), 113–​127. Stefan Donecker, ‘The Medieval Frontier and Its Aftermath: Historical Discourses in Early Modern Livonia,’ in The ‘Baltic Frontier’ Revisited: Power Structures and Cross-​ Cultural Interactions in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Imbi Sooman and Stefan Donecker (Vienna, 2009), pp. 41–​61; Ulrike Plath, Esten und Deutsche in den baltischen Provinzen Russlands: Fremdheitskonstruktionen, Kolonialphantasien und Lebenswelten 1750–​ 1850 (Wiesbaden, 2011) (Veröffentlichungen des Nordost-​Instituts 11). Andrew Blumbergs, The Nationalization of Latvians and the Issue of Serfdom. The Baltic German Literary Contribution in the 1780s and 1790s (Amherst, 2008). Ulrike Plath, ‘‘Euroopa viimased metslased’: eestlased saksa koloniaaldiskursis 1770–​1870,’ in Rahvuskultuur ja tema teised, ed. Rein Undusk (Tallinn, 2008) (Collegium litterarum 22), pp. 37–​64. Jürgen Heeg, Garlieb Merkel als Kritiker der livländischen Ständegesellschaft. Zur politischen Publizistik der napoleonischen Zeit in den Ostseeprovinzen Russlands (Frankfurt am Main, 1996) (Europäische Hochschulschriften. Reihe 3, Geschichte und ihre Hilfswissenschaften 718); Aufklärer im Baltikum. Europäischer Kontext und regionale Besonderheiten, ed. Ulrich Kronauer (Heidelberg, 2011) (Akademiekonferenzen 12); Tõnno Jonuks, ‘Nationalism and Prehistoric Religion: Religion in the Creation of Estonian Identity,’ in Estonian Study of Religion. A Reader, ed. Indrek Peedu (Tartu, 2019), pp. 241−260.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

5

As a result, by the beginning of the twentieth century, two contrasting imaginations of native Baltic pre-​Crusade societies were also established in the scholarly presentations. They could be pictured as a barbaric, primitive, and lawless society (mostly by Baltic-​German and German authors), or as a quite well organised democracy (alternative: a conglomerate of chiefdoms or even kingdoms) of free, prosperous people (mostly by Estonian and Latvian authors). The interaction between locals and immigrants was described invariably in terms of confrontation.13 By the 1980s and 1990s, however, this manner of scholarly presentation became clearly obsolete. The influential impulse for the research was the idea of the medieval ‘making of Europe’ and the specific art of medieval colonisation, formulated by Robert Bartlett.14 These concepts influenced such studies as the ambitious and successful ‘Culture Clash or Compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–​1400 ad’ project led by Nils Blomkvist.15 Simultaneously, it became clear that the ‘harmonisation’ between the European core areas and their northern and north-​eastern periphery was 13

14 15

Geschichte der deutschbaltischen Geschichtsschreibung, ed. Georg von Rauch (Köln, 1986) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 20); Archaeological Research in Estonia, 1865–​2005, ed. Valter Lang and Margot Laneman (Tartu, 2006) (Estonian Archaeology 1); Heiki Valk, ‘Estland im 11.–​13. Jahrhundert. Neuere Aspekte aus Sicht der Archäologie,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 57–​86; Andris Šnē, ‘Stammesfürstentum und Egalität. Die sozialen Beziehungen auf dem Territorium Lettlands am Ende der prähistorischen Zeit (10.–​12. Jahrhundert),’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 33–​56; Kristi Kukk, ‘Stubborn Histories. Overcoming Pagan Brutality Narrative in Estonian 19th-​Century National-​Romantic Historiography in the Nordic and Baltic Context,’ Scandinavian Journal of History 38 (2013), 135–​153. Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe. Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, 950–​ 1350 (London, 1994). Culture Clash or Compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist (Visby, 1998) (Acta Visbyensia 11); Europeans or Not? Local Level Strategies on the Baltic Rim 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist and Sven Olof Lindquist (Visby, 1999) (ccc Papers 1); Lübeck Style? Novgorod Style? Baltic Rim Central Places as Arenas for Cultural Encounters and Urbanisation 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Muntis Auns (Riga, 2001) (ccc Papers 5); The European Frontier. Clashes and Compromises in the Middle Ages, ed. Jörn Staecker (Lund, 2004) (ccc Papers 7); Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​1600. Einflussnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8); Nils Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic. The Reception of a Catholic World-​ System in the European North (AD 1075–​1225) (Leiden, 2005) (The Northern World 15); The Significant Detail. Europeanization at the Base of Society: The Case of the Baltic Rim 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist and Therese Lindström (Visby, 2007) (ccc Papers 9); The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12). Cf. The Clash of Cultures on the Medieval Baltic Frontier, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnham, 2009).

6 Selart not a one-​way process –​the interaction was mutual.16 It is undeniable that from the point of view of general European history, the Baltic was periphery, and ‘the periphery is always a bit later than the centre’. But most historians have by now accepted the thesis about cultural agreements and reciprocity instead of passive adoption.17 Marian Dygo even evaluated the ‘Europeanisation’ approach by Bartlett, Blomkvist and other authors as geopolitical and, in its essence, neo-​colonial.18 In the research of medieval Livonia, the novel approaches resulted in increased interest in the question of continuity and a potential ‘compromise’ between the pre-​and post-​conquest society. The established fact in much of the research since the 1930s was that among the vassals of the Danish king in northern Estonia, around 1240 approximately 4–​10% (various estimations) of the persons were natives,19 which was complemented by the idea that the vassals in Saaremaa (Ösel) could have been predominantly of local origin before the 1340s.20 Several Estonian and Latvian (the terms are used here in 16

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19

20

Kurt Villads Jensen, ‘Martyrs, Total War, and Heavenly Horses: Scandinavia as Centre and Periphery in the Expansion of Medieval Christendom,’ in Medieval Christianity in the North. New Studies, ed. Kirsi Salonen et al. (Turnhout, 2013) (Acta Scandinavica 1), pp. 89–​120. Kurt Villads Jensen, ‘Conclusion: Is it Good to be Peripheral?’ in Livland –​eine Region am Ende der Welt? Forschungen zum Verhältnis zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie im späten Mittelalter, ed. Anti Selart and Matthias Thumser (Köln, 2017) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 27), pp. 483–​493, here pp. 485–​486. Marian Dygo, ‘Europäisierung des Ostseeraums im Hochmittelalter. Anmerkungen am Rande neuer Untersuchungen,’ in Kultūra –​ekonomika –​visuomenė: sąveika ir pokyčiai viduramžiais ir ankstyvaisiais naujaisiais laikais Baltijos rytinėje pakrantėje, ed. Marius Ščavinskas (Klaipėda, 2015), pp. 17–​36. Harri Moora and Herbert Ligi, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung der Völker des Baltikums zu Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts (Tallinn, 1970), pp. 84–​93. Cf. Vera Matuzova and Evgeniya Nazarova, ‘Местные ленники в Пруссии и Ливонии в начале XIV в. (Проблема заимствования или параллельного развития?) [Mestnye lenniki v Prussii i Livonii v nachale XIV v. (Problema zaimstvovanii͡a ili parallel’nogo razvitii͡a?)],’ Lituanistica 3 (1997), pp. 35–​43. See also: Anti Selart, ‘A Crusader and the Chieftain’s Daughter: Connubium between Conquerors and Natives during the Baltic Crusades,’ in Legacies of the Crusades. Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, vol. 1, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Kurt V. Jensen (Turnhout, 2021) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 11), pp. 239–​260. Marika Mägi, At the Crossroads of Space and Time. Graves, Changing Society and Ideology on Saaremaa (Ösel), 9th–​13th Centuries AD (Tartu, 2001) (ccc Papers 6), pp. 148–​156; Kersti Markus, ‘Zwischen Heidentum und Christentum. Die frühe Sakralkunst auf Ösel in Estland,’ in Art and the Church. Religious Art and Architecture in the Baltic Region in the 13th–​18th Centuries, ed. Krista Kodres and Merike Kurisoo (Tallinn, 2008) (Eesti Kunstiakadeemia toimetised 18), pp. 41–​56. Cf. the discussion by Ivar Leimus, ‘Kui palju maksis kirik Liivimaal?’ in Sõnasse püütud minevik, pp. 123–​137.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

7

the modern geographical sense) areas were actually not conquered, but subjugated step-​by-​step through concluding alliances and confederacies,21 and several pre-​Crusade strongholds remained intact after the conquest and were in use by local leaders by the fourteenth century.22 The Catholic Church was flexible in accepting remnants of pre-​baptism era customs,23 and Christianity was actually not so unknown there at all before the conquest, as the crusading chronicles try to show.24 The natives participated in urban life since the very beginning stage of its development,25 and already in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there was, apart from the immigrants from German lands, also a not unimportant immigration from Scandinavia, Rus’, and other countries present.26 The religious life of natives was characterised by various ways of adapting elements of Christianity.27 Even the chronicle of Baltic crusades 21

Muntis Auns, ‘Acquisition of the Acquired: The Establishing of a Real Administration in Livonia,’ in The North-​Eastern Frontiers, pp. 179–​188. 22 Heiki Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds of Estonia,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 333–​384. 23 Heiki Valk, ‘Christianisation in Estonia: A Process of Dual-​Faith and Syncretism,’ in The Cross Goes North. Processes of Conversion in Northern Europe, AD 300–​1300, ed. Martin Carvel and Hugh Oswald (Woodbridge, 2003), pp. 571–​579; Vitolds Muižnieks, ‘Archaeological Evidence of 14th–​18th Century Burial Practices on the Territory of Latvia,’ in Rome, Constantinople and Newly-​Converted Europe: Archaeological and Historical Evidence, ed. Maciej Salamon et al., vol. 1 (Cracow, 2012), pp. 713–​735. 24 Ivar Leimus, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2009), 5–​ 22; Roberts Spirģis, ‘Archaeological Evidence on the Spread of Christianity to the Lower Daugava Area (10th–​13th Century),’ in Rome, Constantinople, vol. 1, pp. 689–​712; Tõnno Jonuks and Tuuli Kurisoo, ‘To Be or not to Be … a Christian: Some New Perspectives on Understanding the Christianisation of Estonia,’ Folklore. Electronic Journal of Folklore 55 (2013), 69–​98. Cf. Marius Ščavinskas, ‘A Few Remarks on the so Called First Stage of Christianization of the Eastern Coast of the Baltic Region,’ Tabularium Historiae 2 (2017), 57–​76. 25 Anton Pärn, ‘Die Gründungsstädte am Beispiel Estlands –​Problemstellungen,’ in Gründung im archäologischen Befund, ed. Andreas Diener et al. (Paderborn, 2014), pp. 105–​112. 26 Anti Selart, ‘Sie kommen, und sie gehen. Zentrale Orte, Randgebiete und die Livländer im Mittelalter,’ in Livland –​eine Region am Ende der Welt, pp. 27–​60. 27 Tiina Kala, ‘Rural Society and Religious Innovation: Acceptance and Rejection of Catholicism among the Native Inhabitants of Medieval Livonia,’ in The Clash of Cultures, pp. 169–​190; Vitolds Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence of Two Traditions in the Territory of Present-​Day Latvia in the 13th–​18th Centuries: Burial in Dress and in a Shroud,’ in The Archaeology of Death in Post-​medieval Europe, ed. Sarah Tarlow (Warsaw, 2015), pp. 88–​110. Cf. David Petts, Pagan and Christian. Religious Change in Early Medieval Europe (London, 2011); Christianisierung Europas. Entstehung, Entwicklung und Konsolidierung im archäolo­ gischen Befund, ed. Orsolya Heinrich-​Tamáska et al. (Regensburg, 2012).

8 Selart by Henry of Livonia from the 1220s not only confronts Christians and pagans, but also stresses that the neophytes became a part of the united Christian community at the (happy) end.28 In general, the phenomenon is that the archaeology-​centred research tends to stress the integration of the Baltic into the wider world on the eve of the Crusades,29 whereas historians often support the concept of substantial difference between the pre-​and post-​Crusade Baltic societies.30 The starting point of the changes connected to conquest and Christianisation was not an ‘empty place’. The native societies knew slavery,31 hereditary power,32 taxation, and personal dependence.33 Simultaneously, there should be no idealisation of the level of the political development in the region. The concentration of power and resources remained limited in comparison to western, southern, or eastern neighbours.34 Neither the Livonian natives nor the conquerors formed ethnically or culturally homogenous communities.35 It appears that it was not the ethnic division that determined the position of a person in the post-​conquest society. The natives were not discriminated against 28

Linda Kaljundi, ‘Expanding Communities. Henry of Livonia on the Making of a Christian Colony, Early Thirteenth Century,’ in Imagined Communities on the Baltic Rim, from the Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries, ed. Wojtek Jezierski and Lars Hermanson (Amsterdam, 2016) (Crossing Boundaries 4), pp. 191–​221; Jüri Kivimäe, ‘Christians and Pagans in Henry’s Chronicle of Livonia,’ in Church and Belief in the Middle Ages: Popes, Saints, and Crusaders, ed. Kirsi Salonen and Sari Katajala-​Peltomaa (Amsterdam, 2016) (Crossing Boundaries 3), pp. 201–​226, here p. 222. Cf. Torben K. Nielsen, ‘Saints, Sinners and Civilisers –​or Converts, Cowards and Conquerors,’ in Cultural Encounters During the Crusades, ed. Kurt Villads Jensen et al. (Odense, 2015) (University of Southern Denmark Studies in History and Social Sciences 445), pp. 55–​74. 29 For example: Identity Formation and Diversity in the Early Medieval Baltic and Beyond. Communicators and Communication, ed. Johan Callmer et al. (Leiden, 2017) (The Northern World 75); Marika Mägi, In Austrvegr. The Role of the Eastern Baltic in Viking Age Communication Across the Baltic Sea (Leiden, 2018) (The Northern World 84). 30 For example: Enn Tarvel, Eesti rahva lugu (Tallinn, 2018), pp. 59–​62. 31 Anti Selart, ‘Slavery in the Eastern Baltic in the 12th–​15th Centuries,’ in Schiavitù e servaggio nell’economia europea. Secc. XI–​XVII, ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (Firenze, 2014) (Fondazione Istituto internazionale di storia economica ‘F. Datini’. Atti delle ‘Settimane di studi’ e altri convegni 45), pp. 351–​364. 32 Cf. the discussion in: Andris Šnē, ‘Understanding Power. On the Study of Late Prehistoric Social and Political Structures in Latvia,’ Interarchaeologia 1 (2005), 53–​70; Andris Šnē, ‘Faith, Society and Identity. Religious and Social Identity in Latvia on the Eve and Early Stage of the Crusades,’ Interarchaeologia 4 (2015), 137–​150. 33 Valter Lang, Baltimaade pronksi-​ja rauaaeg (Tartu, 2007), pp. 266–​280. 34 Lang, Baltimaade pronksi-​ja rauaaeg, pp. 280–​284. 35 Priit Raudkivi, ‘Saksa migratsioonist Liivimaale keskajal,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 17 (2011), 16–​36, here pp. 23–​26.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

9

in emerging towns due to their race36 or (previous) religion. The dividing lines of segregation and discrimination were much more social.37 The towns were dominated by immigrant merchants not only because they had introduced the innovative legal framework of urban life there, but also because they had more professionalism and capital, as well as better access to effective, supra-​ regional transportation and trade networks than the local traders. The latter also existed in the pre-​conquest period. The level of their professionalism and the concentration of capital was still low, however, and the local merchants did not develop into a distinct professional and social group before the Crusades. The native society was hierarchical and had military leadership that made it capable of being integrated into the feudal society of the central and western European type, with typical bonds forming kin groups, cooperative groups, and dependence and clientele groups.38 Yet, the individual dominions were typically relatively small, and the economic and military resources of their leaders limited.39 Regarding religion, the written sources of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries spoke rather about the lack of ecclesiastical administration and taxation, and not about ignorance of the Christian beliefs there. The confrontation between ‘Christian’ and ‘pagan’, as presented in the sources of the crusading period,40 deals in the first place with the ecclesiastical administration, power, and taxation; it does not indicate the internal faith of the people.41

36

Cf. Robert J. Bartlett, ‘Medieval and Modern Concepts of Race and Ethnicity,’ The Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31 (2001), 39–​56. 37 Tiina Kala, ‘Gab es eine ‘nationale Frage’ im mittelalterlichen Reval?’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 7 (2012), 11–​34; Anti Selart, ‘Non-​German Literacy in Medieval Livonia,’ in Uses of the Written Word in Medieval Towns. Medieval Urban Literacy II, ed. Marco Mostert and Anna Adamska (Turnhout, 2014) (Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 28), pp. 37–​63; Gustavs Strenga, ‘Ethnizität und Reformation. Die Formierung der Letten als ethnische Gemeinschaft zur Zeit der Reformation in Riga,’ in Reformation und Ethnizität. Sorben, Letten und Esten im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, ed. Madlena Mahling and Friedrich Pollack (Bautzen, 2019) (Schriften des Sorbischen Instituts 67), pp. 75–​95. 38 Gerd Althoff, Family, Friends, and Followers. Political and Social Bonds in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 2004). 39 Kristjan Oad, ‘Structures and Centres of Power in Estonia in 1200 AD: Some Alternative Interpretations,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres, pp. 239–​255; Selart, ‘A Crusader’. 40 Cf. Schwertmission. Gewalt und Christianisierung im Mittelalter, ed. Hermann Kamp (Paderborn, 2013). 41 Ivar Leimus, ‘Iura christianorum –​eine Floskel von Heinrich oder ein Mittel zur Unterwerfung der Heiden? Zur Bedeutung eines Begriffs in der Kreuzzugs-​Rhetorik des 12. bis 13. Jahrhunderts und in der Historiographie,’ in Der ‘Ungläubige’ in der Rechts-​ und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, ed. Ulrich Kronauer and Andreas Deutsch (Heidelberg, 2015) (Akademiekonferenzen 20), pp. 131–​151.

10 Selart Recent decades have evidenced the interaction of modern ‘pluralist’42 Crusade historiography with the traditional ‘German colonisation’ discourse, in which the latter has undergone a substantial modification. Obviously, colonialism is indeed a poly-​semantic word encompassing the cultivation of new agrarian lands, the establishment of new settlements either at home or in an alien land, and also the exploitation of one state or people by another. Bartlett has emphasised that medieval colonialism did not create a dominion dependent on a ‘mother country’, but rather a replica of the ‘mother country’.43 Indeed, it is possible to describe the Crusades in the tenor of ‘colonialism’ in the Mediterranean as well.44 However, ‘colonialism’ tends to display the relationships between the ‘colonists’ and ‘colonised’ in a one-​sided manner.45 Moreover, in central and eastern Europe this has been a rather politically overloaded term through the last centuries.46 In current German terminology the term Ostkolonisation is replaced with the more neutral word Ostsiedlung. At least since the Enlightenment period, many authors have been convinced that the medieval crusading conquest in the Baltic definitely introduced the racially exploiting colonial society.47 Today, ‘imperialism and colonialism, if they are applied to medieval expansion, attract the same emotive 42

Marek Tamm, ‘How to Justify a Crusade? The Conquest of Livonia and New Crusade Rhetoric in the Early Thirteenth Century,’ Journal of Medieval History 39 (2013), 431–​455, here pp. 432–​434. 43 Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 306–​314. 44 Robert I. Burns, Medieval Colonialism. Postcrusade Exploitation of Islamic Valencia (Princeton, 1975); Ingolf Ahlers, ‘Die Kreuzzüge. Feudale Kolonialexpansion als kriege­ rische Pilgerschaft,’ in Mediterraner Kolonialismus. Expansion und Kulturaustausch im Mittelalter, ed. Peter Feldbauer et al. (Essen, 2005), pp. 59–​81. Criticism, see: Lisa Lampert-​ Weissig, Medieval Literature and Postcolonial Studies (Edinburgh, 2010), pp. 12–​18. 45 Exemplarily, for instance: Hans Kruus, ‘L’Esprit du Moyen Âge estonien,’ Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi toimetused 30 (1938), 292–​300. 46 Jan M. Piskorski, ‘The Medieval Colonization of Central Europe as a Problem of World History and Historiography,’ German History 22 (2004), 323–​343. 47 Liina Lukas, ‘‘Who Holds the Right to the Land?’ Narratives of Colonization in Baltic-​ German and Estonian Literatures,’ in Fugitive Knowledge. The Loss and Preservation of Knowledge in Cultural Contact Zones, ed. Andreas Beer and Gesa Mackenthun (Münster, 2015) (Cultural Encounters and the Discourses of Scholarship 8), pp. 65–​ 81, here p. 65; Thomas Taterka, ‘Humanität, Abolition, Nation. Baltische Varianten des kolonialkritischen Diskurses der europäischen Aufklärung um 1800,’ in Raynal –​Herder –​ Merkel. Transformationen der Antikolonialismusdebatte in der europäischen Aufklärung, ed. York-​Gothart Mix and Hinrich Ahrend (Heidelberg, 2017) (Germanisch-​romanische Monatsschrift. Beiheft 79), pp. 183–​251; Epp Annus, ‘From the Birth of Nations to the European Union: Colonial and Decolonial Developments in the Baltic Region,’ in Shifting Forms of Continental Colonialism. Unfinished Struggles and Tensions, ed. Dittmar Schorkowitz et al. (Singapore, 2019), pp. 463–​490, here p. 465.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

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adjectives: brutal, ruthless, violent aggression, exploitation and oppression’.48 As remarked by Wolfgang Reinhard, ‘colonization, as well as colonialism, can easily be employed as a kind of universally applicable invective’.49 To compare, discussing the Norman conquest of England in terms of colonialism lacks terminological coherence as well.50 The lack of definition of what ‘colonialism’ in the medieval Baltic actually means also delegitimises its derivatives, such as ‘proto-​colonialism’.51 Conceptualising the Baltic region as a ‘frontier area’ can be regarded as a further development of the colonialism discourse.52 This may prove fruitful at certain points, yet the weakness is an occasionally obvious over-​estimation of Christian–​pagan, or, in the later Middle Ages, Catholic–​Orthodox oppositions in the daily life of Livonia. The current research tends to present a frontier area not as a conflict zone but rather a region of mutual contact, communication, and innovation:53 ‘The frontier turned out to be not only the destroyer of old cultures, it was also an incubator of new ones as those scorned as half-​breeds and degenerates went on to form entire new societies.’54 What happened in medieval Livonia was adaption, integration, and acculturation.55 During the Middle Ages, the native majority gradually started to follow the patterns of the ‘German’ urban and elite culture. Rural life remained very conservative in many ways, however, and the nobility living in manors and castles had to accept it and acclimatise to it. The new institutions (including the Catholic Church)56 introduced by conquerors could be effective only when they were 48

Francis James West, ‘The Colonial History of the Norman Conquest,’ History 84 (1999), 219–​236, here p. 228. 49 Wolfgang Reinhard, ‘Empires, Modern States, and Colonialism(s): A Preface,’ in Shifting Forms of Continental Colonialism, pp. 1–​21, here p.1. 50 West, ‘The Colonial History,’ 219–​236. Cf. James C. Holt, Colonial England, 1066–​1215 (London, 1997). 51 Michael Mitterauer, Warum Europa? Mittelalterliche Grundlagen eines Sonderwegs (München, 2004), p. 199. 52 William Urban, ‘The Frontier Thesis and the Baltic Crusade,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 45–​71. 53 Nora Berend, ‘Medievalists and the Notion of the Frontier,’ Medieval History Journal 2 (1999), 55–​72; Frontiers and Borderlands, ed. Andrzej Janeczek (Warsaw, 2011). 54 James Muldoon, Identity on the Medieval Irish Frontier. Degenerate Englishmen, Wild Irishmen, Middle Nations (Gainesville, 2003), p. 168. 55 Integration und Disintegration der Kulturen im europäischen Mittelalter, ed. Michael Borgolte (Berlin, 2011) (Europa im Mittelalter 18); Akkulturation im Mittelalter, ed. Reinhard Härtel (Sigmaringen, 2014) (Vorträge und Forschungen 78). 56 Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, ed. James Muldoon (Gainesville, 1997); Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Armstrong and Ian N. Wood (Turnhout, 2000) (International Medieval Research 7).

12 Selart

map 1.2  Livonia c. 1300. Map drawn by Kristel Roog.

able to change and adapt.57 It was impossible to implement all these changes effectively using only pressure and violence: there were also aspects where the new power had to be attractive to natives –​or, at least, to the native elite.

57

Nora Berend, ‘The Concept of Christendom: A Rhetoric of Integration or Disintegration?’ in Hybride Kulturen im mittelalterlichen Europa. Vorträge und Workshops einer Frühlingsschule, ed. Michael Borgolte and Bernd Schneidmüller (Berlin, 2009) (Europa im Mittelalter 16), pp. 51–​62.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

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One development model is presented by a small Siksälä community on the frontiers of the bishopric of Tartu, the Teutonic Order, and Pskov. The community leaders were probably charged with military tasks in the thirteenth century –​hence, the new situation after the crusading conquest potentially helped them to make a social career. When Vastseliina and Alūksne castles were established in the area in the 1340s, this role became obsolete, and the community descended socially to the level of peasants.58 Hypothetically, the ambiguous situation of ‘better’ natives was rather general in the mid-​ fourteenth century: they had no resources for being noble, but could not accept the status of dependent peasants either. Could this state be the reason for the last uprising in western and northern Estonia in 1343–​1345?59 The ambiguity of the situation is well illustrated by the story told by the Teutonic chronicler Hermann of Wartberge. In 1345, a leader of the Livs in the Sigulda district offered his help to the duke of Lithuania in the war against the Teutonic master. He called himself a king, but the duke ordered his execution, saying: ‘Peasant, you will not be the king here!’.60 This was probably an attempt to reinforce the noble status of the native elite, which in fact was already in the process of disappearing.61 The archaeological research combined with modern methods of natural sciences has given significant and sometimes even astonishing results regarding the historical changes in Livonia and Prussia in the thirteenth century.62 However, the explanations of the discovered phenomena sometimes remained locked in traditional nation-​centred schemas.63 For example, in the Teutonic

58 59 60 61

62

63

Silvia Laul and Heiki Valk, Siksälä. A Community at the Frontiers. Iron Age and Medieval (Tallinn, 2007) (ccc Papers 10), pp. 135–​141. Juhan Kreem, ‘Der Aufstand in der Georgsnacht 1343,’ in Das Baltikum. Geschichte einer europäischen Region, vol. 1, pp. 384–​385. Rustice, tu non eris hic rex. See: Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, ed. Ēvalds Mugurēvičs (Rīga, 2005), p. 84. Muntis Auns, ‘Livonia and Latvians,’ in Latvia and Latvians, vol. 2, ed. Jānis Stradiņš et al. (Riga, 2018), pp. 243–​279, here p. 255. Cf. Chris Wickham, ‘Looking Forward. Peasant Revolts in Europe, 600–​1200,’ in The Routledge History Handbook of Medieval Revolt, ed. Justine Firnhaber-​Baker (London, 2017), pp. 155–​167. Environment, Colonisation, and the Baltic Crusader States. Terra Sacra I, ed. Aleksander Pluskowski (Turnhout, 2019) (Environmental Histories of the North Atlantic World 2); Ecologies of Crusading, Colonization, and Religious Conversion in the Medieval Baltic. Terra Sacra II, ed. Aleksander Pluskowski (Turnhout, 2019) (Environmental Histories of the North Atlantic World 3). For example: Alex Brown et al., ‘Plant Macrofossil, Pollen and Invertebrate Analysis of a Mid-​14th Century Cesspit from Medieval Riga, Latvia (the Eastern Baltic): Taphonomy

14 Selart Order’s castle at Karksi, Estonia, the archaeologists did not discover traces of native culture, which ‘itself reinforces a picture of degree of social polarisation between colonists and colonised’.64 But shouldn’t one consider that the native culture was predominantly a peasant culture? And the castle was most likely not a place of peasant life. The changes in the Baltic region in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries resulted in many cases in the emergence of multi-​ethnic societies (Germania Slavica area, Pomerania, Prussia). The closer objects and contexts of comparison for Livonia in the Baltic Sea area are potentially Prussia,65 Finland and Karelia, including the Votic area,66 and in some relation also the Wends’ region67 and

64

65

66 67

and Indicators of Human Diet,’ Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 11 (2017), 674–​ 682. Here, the social stratification of the medieval townspeople is discussed in terms of national demarcation. Aleksander Pluskowski et al., ‘From the Convent to the Commandery: The Pivotal Role of the Environment in Defining the Medieval Baltic Ordensland,’ in Das Leben im Ordenshaus, ed. Juhan Kreem (Weimar, 2019) (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 81), pp. 55–​79, here p. 65. Bernhart Jähnig, ‘Der Deutsche Orden und die Veränderung der Lebensformen der Prussen,’ in L’Ordine Teutonico tra Mediterraneo e Baltico. Incontri e scontri tra religioni, popoli e culture, ed. Hubert Houben and Kristjan Toomaspoeg (Galatina, 2008) (Acta Theutonica 5), pp. 173–​194; Grischa Vercamer, Siedlungs-​, Sozial-​ und Verwaltungsgeschichte der Komturei Königsberg in Preußen (13.–​16. Jahrhundert) (Marburg, 2010) (Einzelschriften der Historischen Kommission für ost-​und westpreussische Landesforschung 29); Dariusz Adam Sikorski, Instytucje włady u prusów w średniowieczu (na tle struktury społecznej i terytorialnej) (Olsztyn, 2010) (Rozprawy i Materiały Ośrodka Badań Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie 254); Aleksander Pluskowski, The Archaeology of the Prussian Crusade. Holy War and Colonisation (London, 2013). Jukka Korpela, The World of Ladoga. Society, Trade, Transformation and State Building in the Eastern Fennoscandian Boreal Forest Zone, c. 1000–​1500 (Berlin, 2008) (Nordische Geschichte 7). Christian Lübke, ‘Barbaren, Leibeigene, Kolonisten: Zum Bild der mittelalterlichen Slaven in der deutschen Geschichtswissenschaft,’ in Inventing the Pasts in North Central Europe. The National Perception of Early Medieval History and Archaeology, ed. Matthias Hardt et al. (Frankfurt, 2003) (Gesellschaften und Staaten im Epochenwandel 9), pp. 155–​193; Hans-​Dietrich Kahl, Heidenfrage und Slawenfrage im deutschen Mittelalter. Ausgewählte Studien 1953–​2008 (Leiden, 2008) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 4); Mittelalterliche Eliten und Kulturtransfer östlich der Elbe. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu Archäologie und Geschichte im mittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa, ed. Anne Klammt and Sébastien Rossignol (Göttingen, 2009); Christian Lübke, ‘Ein Fall von ‘Challenge and response’? Die autochtonen Bewohner des südlichen Ostseeraums gegenüber Macht und Pracht des Christentums,’ in Glaube, Macht und Pracht. Geistliche Gemeinschaften des Ostseeraums im Zeitalter der Backsteingotik, ed. Oliver Auge et al. (Rahden, 2009) (Archäologie und Geschichte im Ostseeraum 6), pp. 39–​48; Potestas et communitas. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu Wesen und Darstellung von Herrschaftsverhältnissen

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

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Lithuania.68 The former were the areas where Christianisation and ‘Europeanisation’ were not carried out by local monarchies,69 and where becoming Christian simultaneously (potentially) meant accepting some outside or foreign or immigrant rule. In Prussia, contrary to widespread imagination, the German conquerors did not extirpate the natives. The long-​lasting war in fact inflicted heavy casualties, but the Teutonic Order never aimed at ethnic changes. The Order could economically use only populated territories, and the objective of its late-​medieval legislation trying to obstruct the urbanisation of Prussians did not consist of ethnic discrimination. Its purpose was to hinder the migration of peasant work power from the countryside in the period of demographic decline.70 To conclude, speaking of the extremes, the history of the post-​Crusade Baltic has been seen both as one of deep antagonism and as a history of the more or less smooth adaption of natives into the new realities. The present volume intends to discuss the changes in the medieval Baltic –​in Livonia –​not dominantly in the terms of ‘import’, ‘subjugation’, or ‘resistance’, but as a process of multilateral negotiations and adaptions.71 The starting point is the rejection of the out-​dated conception of underdeveloped, ‘barbaric’ pre-​Crusade Baltic societies without developed social differentiation and a primitive economy. Livonia took part in the general progress of medieval Europe,72 and not every innovation or change should be attributed as a result of the Crusades.73 The

68 69 70 71

72 73

im Mittelalter östlich der Elbe, ed. Sébastien Rossignol et al. (Wrocław, 2010); Christian Lübke, ‘Von der ‘Sclavinia’ zur Germania Slavica: Akkulturation und Transformation,’ in Akkulturation im Mittelalter, pp. 207–​234. Lietuvos krikščionėjimas Vidurio Europos kontekste, ed. Vydas Dolinskas (Vilnius, 2005); Darius Baronas and Stephen C. Rowell, The Conversion of Lithuania. From Pagan Barbarians to Late Medieval Christians (Vilnius, 2015). Alexandra Sanmark, Power and Conversion. A Comparative Study of Christianization in Scandinavia (Uppsala, 2004) (Occasional Papers in Archaeology 34); Christianization and the Rise of Christian Monarchy, ed. Nora Berend (Cambridge, 2007). Hartmut Boockmann, Deutsche Geschichte im Osten Europas. Ostpreußen und Westpreußen (Berlin, 1992), pp. 138–​152. See: Bernd Schneidmüller, ‘Medieval Concepts of Migration and Transculturality,’ in Engaging Transculturality. Concepts, Key Terms, Case Studies, ed. Laila Abu-​Er-​Rub et al. (London, 2019), pp. 79–​94, here p. 80. Cf. Expansion –​Integration? Danish-​Baltic Contacts 1147–​1410 AD, ed. Birgitte Fløe Jensen and Dorthe Wille-​Jørgensen (Vordingborg, 2009). Cf. Nils Hybel and Bjørn Poulsen, The Danish Resources c. 1000–​1550. Growth and Recession (Leiden, 2007) (The Northern World 34); Nordic Elites in Transformation, c. 1050–​1200, vol. 1, ed. Bjørn Poulsen et al. (New York, 2019). Cf. Jan Klápště, ‘The Medieval ‘Europeanization’ of the East of Central Europe. Consensus or Violence?’ in Consensus or Violence? Cohesive Forces in Early and High Medieval Societies (9th–​14th c.), ed. Sławomir Moździoch and Przemysław Wiszewski (Wrocław, 2013) (Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies 1), pp. 13–​24.

16 Selart line between winners and losers74 did not necessarily fall between immigrants and natives. Baltic pre-​Crusade societies were not isolated from the outside world. This statement is relevant also for the issue of religion. The question of how the pre-​conquest past was perceived by Baltic natives after the conquest has been discussed from the point of view of the religious change.75 Tõnno Jonuks demonstrates that elements of Christian and European ‘learned’ culture were already adopted and occasionally also reinterpreted in Estonia and Latvia before the Crusades and ‘official’ Christianisation. The process of domesticating ‘European’ cultural elements was more complicated than just the spreading of religion in an institutional way. It is possible that persons sometimes could be simultaneously considered Christians or pagans depending on the background of the observer. The conquest and Christianisation caused several changes in the legal system. Vija Stikāne indicates the mutual influence of native, Canon, and German legal systems regarding the position of women in Livonian society. There was no one-​directional ‘improvement’ or ‘worsening’ of the situation, and the status depended on regional particularities and social class, both before as well after the Crusades. Especially in the rural world of the peasant, the changes happened rather slowly; at the same time, towns represented a totally new type of social organisation there. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, women’s rights in the public sphere of Livonian cities were obviously broader than later periods, when they were constantly restricted in favour of male family members. Regarding the native elite of the crusading period, the choices were not limited only to unconditional subjugation, dissolution, and exile. The research by Kristjan Kaljusaar highlights mutual adaptation. The new power structures probably enabled some natives to acquire a more stable and affluent position in the new feudal system than they had held in the pre-​conquest society. Some members of the local elite who had been relinquished as hostages benefitted from the personal connections they had established, while others chose the patronage of more powerful liegemen. The towns in Livonia were an undoubtedly innovative feature. As Arvi Haak shows, the emergence and early development of urban life in Estonia and Latvia happened in the mutual contact and interaction of native and foreign 74 Cf. Reformverlierer 1000–​ 1800. Zum Umgang mit Niederlagen in der europäischen Vormoderne, ed. Andreas Bihrer and Dietmar Schiersner (Berlin, 2016) (Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung. Beiheft 53). 75 Marius Ščavinskas, ‘The Christianisation of the Past (the Example of the Baltic Society in High Middle Ages),’ Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae 22 (2017), 355–​383.

Life in Livonia: After the Crusades

17

elements. However, it is complicated to determine the origin of every individual feature. Migrations between towns and their hinterlands continued after the towns’ founding period. Several ‘local’ characteristics of medieval town life in Livonia could have just been caused by local climate and nature, making in some points the question of their ‘national’ origin irrelevant. At the same time, Andres Tvauri exemplifies the post-​Crusade innovations regarding crafts and production technologies. When the urban crafts typically already represented the relevant development level of the Baltic Sea area in general in the thirteenth century, the spread of the more advanced skills and technologies in the countryside remained rather slow –​even considering that Livonian natives in towns became professional craftsmen, in addition to the ‘German’ immigrants, as well as craft guild members. When in the sixteenth century the immigrant bishops and Teutonic knights in Livonia were accused by contemporaries of disregarding Livonia as their homeland and transferring money to Germany,76 in the thirteenth century at least military activities of the crusaders were financed from outside.77 In any case, the economic importance of Baltic dioceses for the Papal Curia remained marginal.78 The paper by Mihkel Mäesalu makes evident that at least until the 1350s the ecclesiastical institutions and military orders in Livonia possessed and used properties outside Livonia, most significantly in northern Germany. The princely and noble patronage in the form of grants of lands and rights can be considered to have played a valuable part in financing the activities of the Crusade and Christianisation in thirteenth-​century Livonia. At the same time, the local economic resources in Livonia also increased. The contribution by Anti Selart stresses the improvement, both extensive and intensive, of 76

Juhan Kreem, ‘Der Gehorsam der Gebietiger gegenüber dem livländischen Meister im 16. Jahrhundert,’ in Die Ritterorden als Träger der Herrschaft: Territorien, Grundbesitz und Kirche, ed. Roman Czaja and Jürgen Sarnowsky (Toruń, 2007) (Ordines Militares 14), pp. 115–​ 125, here p. 121; Anti Selart, ‘Post hoc oder propter hoc? Eroberung, Einwanderung und Gesellschaftswandel im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 154 (2018), 429–​453, here p. 450. 77 Cf. Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer, (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum ex monumentis Germaniae historicis separatim editi 31), p. 47 §x.17. 78 Götz-​ Rüdiger Tewes, ‘Deutsches Geld und römische Kurie. Zur Problematik eines gefühlten Leides,’ in Kurie und Region. Festschrift für Brigide Schwarz zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Brigitte Flug et al. (Stuttgart, 2005) (Geschichtliche Landeskunde 59), pp. 209–​239, here p. 236–​239; Christiane Schuchard, ‘Kirchliche Finanzen im Spiegel des Repertorium Germanicum,’ in Friedensnobelpreis und historische Grundlagenforschung. Ludwig Quidde und die Erschließung der kurialen Registerüberlieferung, ed. Michael Matheus (Berlin, 2012) (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 124), pp. 401–​414.

18 Selart agriculture in Livonia. The introduction of the immigrant elite, with their new, much more expensive lifestyle –​as well as the construction of stone castles, churches, and emerging town life –​was based not only on the redistribution of goods, but also on the active valorisation of the territory. At the same time, as the article by Ivar Leimus reveals, the monetary economy penetrated the Livonian rural territories only by 1300, although the age of weighing silver had ended there already in the early thirteenth century. Along with the increasingly active German merchants and their coins, the new understanding of money began to dominate. However, counting coins did not become the rule in Livonia until the local monetary system –​based on two or three different denominations –​developed in the last third of the fourteenth century. A similarly prolonged process was the establishment of functional ecclesiastical institutions. Madis Maasing demonstrates that the process of establishing the Livonian cathedral chapters took about a century. Only by the beginning of the fourteenth century were they definitively functioning. The canons also had various relational networks around the Baltic Sea and beyond, especially within the Hanse. At the same time, the largest regional group of chapter members were local Livonians, who seem to have been increasingly using those interregional networks by the second quarter of the fourteenth century. Livonian chapters both belonged to the ‘normal’ ecclesiastical institutions of Catholic Europe and were increasingly ‘domesticated’ as the number of locals increased. The conclusion, by Christian Lübke, summarises the many topics discussed in the present volume. He places the Livonian developments within the wide background of similar processes in east central Europe, especially in the so-​ called Germania Slavica, the eastern and north-​eastern territories of Germany, which were Christianised about a century earlier. Despite different geographic and natural conditions and more limited human and economic resources, Livonia still developed in a unique and individual manner.

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Muldoon, James, Identity on the Medieval Irish Frontier. Degenerate Englishmen, Wild Irishmen, Middle Nations (Gainesville, 2003). Nielsen, Torben K., ‘Saints, Sinners and Civilisers –​or Converts, Cowards and Conquerors,’ in Cultural Encounters During the Crusades, ed. Kurt Villads Jensen et al. (Odense, 2015) (University of Southern Denmark Studies in History and Social Sciences 445), pp. 55–​74. Nordic Elites in Transformation, c. 1050–​ 1200, vol. 1, ed. Bjørn Poulsen et al. (New York, 2019). North, Michael, The Baltic. A History (Cambridge MA, 2015). The North-​Eastern Frontiers of Medieval Europe. The Expansion of Latin Christendom in the Baltic Lands, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnham, 2014). Oad, Kristjan, ‘Structures and Centres of Power in Estonia in 1200 AD: Some Alternative Interpretations,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​ 13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 239–​255. Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​1600. Einflussnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8). Pärn, Anton, ‘Die Gründungsstädte am Beispiel Estlands –​Problemstellungen,’ in Gründung im archäologischen Befund, ed. Andreas Diener et al. (Paderborn, 2014), pp. 105–​112. Petts, David, Pagan and Christian. Religious Change in Early Medieval Europe (London, 2011). Piskorski, Jan M., ‘The Medieval Colonization of Central Europe as a Problem of World History and Historiography,’ German History 22 (2004), 323–​343. Plath, Ulrike, Esten und Deutsche in den baltischen Provinzen Russlands: Fremdheitskonstruktionen, Kolonialphantasien und Lebenswelten 1750–​ 1850 (Wiesbaden, 2011) (Veröffentlichungen des Nordost-​Instituts 11). Plath, Ulrike, ‘‘Euroopa viimased metslased’: eestlased saksa koloniaaldiskursis 1770–​ 1870,’ in Rahvuskultuur ja tema teised, ed. Rein Undusk (Tallinn, 2008) (Collegium litterarum 22), pp. 37–​64. Pluskowski, Aleksander, The Archaeology of the Prussian Crusade. Holy War and Colonisation (London, 2013). Pluskowski, Aleksander, et al., ‘From the Convent to the Commandery: The Pivotal Role of the Environment in Defining the Medieval Baltic Ordensland,’ in Das Leben im Ordenshaus, ed. Juhan Kreem (Weimar, 2019) (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 81), pp. 55–​79. Potestas et communitas. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu Wesen und Darstellung von Herrschaftsverhältnissen im Mittelalter östlich der Elbe, ed. Sébastien Rossignol et al. (Wrocław, 2010).

26 Selart Raudkivi, Priit, ‘Saksa migratsioonist Liivimaale keskajal,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 17 (2011), 16–​36. The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12). Reformverlierer 1000–​ 1800. Zum Umgang mit Niederlagen in der europäischen Vormoderne, ed. Andreas Bihrer and Dietmar Schiersner (Berlin, 2016) (Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung. Beiheft 53). Reinhard, Wolfgang, ‘Empires, Modern States, and Colonialism(s): A Preface,’ in Shifting Forms of Continental Colonialism. Unfinished Struggles and Tensions, ed. Dittmar Schorkowitz et al. (Singapore, 2019), pp. 1–​21. Riley-​Smith, Jonathan, ‘Government and the Indigenous in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem,’ in Medieval Frontiers. Concepts and Practices, ed. David Abulafia and Nora Berend (Farnham, 2002), pp. 121–​131. Sanmark, Alexandra, Power and Conversion. A Comparative Study of Christianization in Scandinavia (Uppsala, 2004) (Occasional Papers in Archaeology 34). Ščavinskas, Marius, ‘The Christianisation of the Past (the Example of the Baltic Society in High Middle Ages),’ Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae 22 (2017), 355–​383. Ščavinskas, Marius, ‘A Few Remarks on the so Called First Stage of Christianization of the Eastern Coast of the Baltic Region,’ Tabularium Historiae 2 (2017), 57–​76. Schneidmüller, Bernd, ‘Medieval Concepts of Migration and Transculturality,’ in Engaging Transculturality. Concepts, Key Terms, Case Studies, ed. Laila Abu-​Er-​Rub et al. (London, 2019), pp. 79–​94. Schuchard, Christiane, ‘Kirchliche Finanzen im Spiegel des Repertorium Germanicum,’ in Friedensnobelpreis und historische Grundlagenforschung. Ludwig Quidde und die Erschließung der kurialen Registerüberlieferung, ed. Michael Matheus (Berlin, 2012) (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 124), pp. 401–​414. Schwertmission. Gewalt und Christianisierung im Mittelalter, ed. Hermann Kamp (Paderborn, 2013). Selart, Anti, ‘A Crusader and the Chieftain’s Daughter: Connubium between Conquerors and Natives during the Baltic Crusades,’ in Legacies of the Crusades. Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, vol. 1, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Kurt V. Jensen (Turnhout, 2021) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 11), pp. 239–​260. Selart, Anti, ‘Historical Legitimacy and Crusade in Livonia,’ in Crusading on the Edge. Ideas and Practice of Crusading in Iberia and the Baltic Region, 1100–​1500, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt (Turnhout, 2016) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 4), pp. 29–​53. Selart, Anti, ‘Non-​German Literacy in Medieval Livonia,’ in Uses of the Written Word in Medieval Towns. Medieval Urban Literacy II, ed. Marco Mostert and Anna Adamska (Turnhout, 2014) (Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 28), pp. 37–​63.

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Selart, Anti, ‘Post hoc oder propter hoc? Eroberung, Einwanderung und Gesellschaftswandel im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 154 (2018), 429–​453. Selart, Anti, ‘Sie kommen, und sie gehen. Zentrale Orte, Randgebiete und die Livländer im Mittelalter,’ in Livland –​eine Region am Ende der Welt? Forschungen zum Verhältnis zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie im späten Mittelalter, ed. Anti Selart and Matthias Thumser (Köln, 2017) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 27), pp. 27–​60. Selart, Anti, ‘Slavery in the Eastern Baltic in the 12th–​15th Centuries,’ in Schiavitù e servaggio nell’economia europea. Secc. XI–​XVII, ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (Firenze, 2014) (Fondazione Istituto internazionale di storia economica ‘F. Datini’. Atti delle ‘Settimane di studi’ e altri convegni 45), pp. 351–​364. The Significant Detail. Europeanization at the Base of Society: The Case of the Baltic Rim 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist and Therese Lindström (Visby, 2007) (ccc Papers 9). Sikorski, Dariusz Adam, Instytucje włady u prusów w średniowieczu (na tle struktury społecznej i terytorialnej) (Olsztyn, 2010) (Rozprawy i Materiały Ośrodka Badań Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie 254). Šnē, Andris, ‘Faith, Society and Identity. Religious and Social Identity in Latvia on the Eve and Early Stage of the Crusades,’ Interarchaeologia 4 (2015), 137–​150. Šnē, Andris, ‘Stammesfürstentum und Egalität. Die sozialen Beziehungen auf dem Territorium Lettlands am Ende der prähistorischen Zeit (10.–​12. Jahrhundert),’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 33–​56. Šnē, Andris, ‘Understanding Power. On the Study of Late Prehistoric Social and Political Structures in Latvia,’ Interarchaeologia 1 (2005), 53–​70. Spirģis, Roberts, ‘Archaeological Evidence on the Spread of Christianity to the Lower Daugava Area (10th–​13th Century),’ in Rome, Constantinople and Newly-​Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence, ed. Maciej Salamon et al., vol. 1 (Cracow, 2012), pp. 689–​712. Šterns, Indriķis, Latvijas vēsture 1180–​1290. Krustakari (Rīga, 2002). Strenga, Gustavs, ‘Ethnizität und Reformation. Die Formierung der Letten als ethni­ sche Gemeinschaft zur Zeit der Reformation in Riga,’ in Reformation und Ethnizität. Sorben, Letten und Esten im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, ed. Madlena Mahling and Friedrich Pollack (Bautzen, 2019) (Schriften des Sorbischen Instituts 67), pp. 75–​95. Tamm, Marek, ‘How to Justify a Crusade? The Conquest of Livonia and New Crusade Rhetoric in the Early Thirteenth Century,’ Journal of Medieval History 39 (2013), 431–​455. Tarvel, Enn, Eesti rahva lugu (Tallinn, 2018). Taterka, Thomas, ‘Humanität, Abolition, Nation. Baltische Varianten des kolonialkritischen Diskurses der europäischen Aufklärung um 1800,’ in Raynal –​Herder –​Merkel.

28 Selart Transformationen der Antikolonialismusdebatte in der europäischen Aufklärung, ed. York-​Gothart Mix and Hinrich Ahrend (Heidelberg, 2017) (Germanisch-​romanische Monatsschrift. Beiheft 79), pp. 183–​251. Tewes, Götz-​Rüdiger, ‘Deutsches Geld und römische Kurie. Zur Problematik eines gefühlten Leides,’ in Kurie und Region. Festschrift für Brigide Schwarz zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Brigitte Flug et al. (Stuttgart, 2005) (Geschichtliche Landeskunde 59), pp. 209–​239. Urban, William, The Baltic Crusade, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 1994). Urban, William, ‘The Frontier Thesis and the Baltic Crusade,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 45–​71. Urban, William, The Livonian Crusade, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 2004). Valk, Heiki, ‘Christianisation in Estonia: A Process of Dual-​Faith and Syncretism,’ in The Cross Goes North. Processes of Conversion in Northern Europe, AD 300–​1300, ed. Martin Carvel and Hugh Oswald (Woodbridge, 2003), pp. 571–​579. Valk, Heiki, ‘Estland im 11.–​13. Jahrhundert. Neuere Aspekte aus Sicht der Archäologie,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 57–​86. Valk, Heiki, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds of Estonia,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 333–​384. Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, ed. James Muldoon (Gainesville, 1997). Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, ed. Ēvalds Mugurēvičs (Rīga, 2005). Vercamer, Grischa, Siedlungs-​ , Sozial-​und Verwaltungsgeschichte der Komturei Königsberg in Preußen (13.–​16. Jahrhundert) (Marburg, 2010) (Einzelschriften der Historischen Kommission für ost-​und westpreussische Landesforschung 29). West, Francis James, ‘The Colonial History of the Norman Conquest,’ History 84 (1999), 219–​236. Wickham, Chris, ‘Looking Forward. Peasant Revolts in Europe, 600–​1200,’ in The Routledge History Handbook of Medieval Revolt, ed. Justine Firnhaber-​ Baker (London, 2017), pp. 155–​167.

­c hapter 2

Domesticating Europe –​Novel Cultural Influences in the Late Iron Age Eastern Baltic Tõnno Jonuks Two contradicting research traditions meet in the study of the extent of ‘Europeanisation’ in the Final Iron Age (eleventh–​thirteenth century) Livonia. From one side, the archaeological perspective has emphasised long-​distance connections since the Stone Ages1 and has seen the eastern Baltic region in the broader European context, where cultural influences spread quickly over the vast territories.2 From another side, a sharp cultural difference has traditionally been seen between prehistoric local-​targeted peoples and medieval inhabitants of the Christian world.3 Such different scholarly perspectives collide in studying the period of the Northern Crusades in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. When considering the prehistoric perspective, the eastern Baltic is depicted in close contact across northern and eastern Europe during the Viking Age and later.4 Concomitantly, studies from the historical perspective have emphasised cultural differences prior to and after the Crusades in the late twelfth to early thirteenth centuries, resulting in a concept of the existence of two different, parallel worlds in medieval Livonia.5 Such a contradiction 1 For example: Ilze Loze, ‘Middle Neolithic Amber Workshops in the Lake Lubāns Depression,’ in Amber in Archaeology. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Amber in Archaeology, Talsi 2001, ed. Curt W. Beck et al. (Riga, 2003), pp. 72–​89; Aivar Kriiska, ‘Foreign Materials and Artefacts in the 4th and 3rd Millennia BCE Estonian Comb Ware Complex,’ in When Gods Spoke. Research and Reflections on Religious Phenomena and Artefacts. Studia in honorem Tarmo Kulmar, ed. Peeter Espak et al. (Tartu, 2015), pp. 107–​124. 2 For example: Roberts Spirğis, Bruņrupuču saktas ar krūšu važiņrotām un lībiešu kultūras attīstība Daugavas lejtecē 10.–​13. gadsimtā (Rīga, 2008); Andres Tvauri, The Migration Period, Pre-​Viking Age, and Viking Age in Estonia (Tartu, 2012) (Estonian Archaeology 4), p. 220. 3 For example: Enn Tarvel, Eesti rahva lugu (Tallinn, 2018). 4 Marika Mägi, At the Crossroads of Space and Time: Graves, Changing Society and Ideology on Saaremaa (Ösel), 9th–​13th Centuries AD (Tartu, 2002) (ccc Papers 6); Mauri Kiudsoo, Viikingiaja aarded Eestist. Idateest, rauast ja hõbedast (Tallinn, 2016); Marika Mägi, The Viking Eastern Baltic (Leeds, 2019). 5 For example: Heiki Valk, ‘Christianisation in Estonia: A Process of Dual-​Faith and Syncretism,’ in The Cross Goes North. Processes of Conversion in North Europe, AD 300–​1300, ed. Martin Carver (York, 2003), pp. 571–​579.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_003

30 Jonuks is likely caused by the difference in sources: material data from the Iron Age accentuates interregional links, while narrative sources from the Middle Ages indicate social, political, and –​particularly in the crusading context in the thirteenth century –​religious differences. This study highlights certain features demonstrating that some phenomena of European educated Christian culture had been incorporated into the eastern Baltic cultures already prior to the Northern Crusades, and local societies had tried to domesticate the rising Christian worldview and west European culture in their own way centuries before these were officially introduced. In studies about the mentality of Crusade-​period Estonia and Latvia, the focus has usually been on religious change. In many aspects, the Christian religion and European educated culture overlap. In this contribution, however, these are distinguished, as not every aspect that existed and spread across Europe at the time originated directly from the Christian religion. Some of the elements of the medieval (Latin) European culture originated from the Antique traditions, some were taken from the Muslim world, and some inherited from pre-​Christian European traditions. This was all bound up and spread together with the expanding borders of the Christian world. In previous research about disseminating Christianity in the eastern Baltic, the focus has been on doctrinal Christian religion, overshadowing the possible distribution of other religious or cultural aspects. For instance, it has only recently been suggested that a common folk-​religious concept of lithic axes as thunder bolts could have been imported to the eastern Baltic only since the Middle Ages.6 This aptly illustrates the limits of the common research understanding of changes in the twelfth–​thirteenth centuries worldview in the eastern Baltic, where only aspects of Christian religion are seen as foreign influences, and everything outside the Christian doctrine is supposed to be genuine and pre-​ Christian. In fact, the distribution of Christianity and European culture was more complicated and multi-​layered –​and certainly far from a linear, teleological process. 1

Christianity Prior to Christianity

The eastern Baltic archaeological material is poor in all kinds of symbolism. The most widespread signs are abstract marks to which various meanings can

6 Kristiina Johanson, ‘The Changing Meaning of Thunderbolts,’ Folklore. Electronic Journal of Folklore 42 (2009), 129–​174.

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be ascribed, including aesthetic marks with no symbolic value.7 Even though some ornamental motifs, like the triangular ‘wolf-​teeth’ signs on brooches and bracelets, have been interpreted as ‘pagan’8 or magic symbols,9 they rather seem to appear in all possible connections with other symbols and cannot thus be interpreted as carrying some specific identity, ‘pagan’ or otherwise. Similarly, the Late Iron Age finds of this region rarely feature narrative pictures –​images which depict something or somebody and could thus be used for further interpretations of the mentality of the period. More frequently discussed examples of pictures include silver trapeze pendants, the decoration of which has seen attempts at association with mythology,10 and quadruped animals associated with horses and dogs,11 inter alia. However, the majority of such images and symbols is low in number and used in such varying contexts that it is difficult to draw any conclusions.12 In contrast to such a dearth of signs and usage of different symbols, Christianity-​related symbolism clearly forms a striking group13 leading to a vivid discussion about early signs of religion in the area. The thesis of early Christian influences on pagan communities has circulated in the eastern Baltic region for more than a century14 and is well covered with a rich collection of archaeological finds. Most of the corresponding studies have focused on cruciform pendants, although a comprehensive overview was published only recently.15 Crosses were shaped into pendants, and they 7

For detailed discussion, see: Tõnno Jonuks, Eesti muinasusund (Tartu, 2009) (Disserta­ tiones archaeologiae Universitatis Tartuensis 2); Tuuli Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion: Pendants of the North-​Eastern Baltic Sea Region, 9th–​13th Century (Kiel, 2021) (Studien zur Siedlungsarchäologie der Ostsee 19). 8 Heiki Pauts, ‘Pahaga hoburaudsõled Eestis,’ Töid ajaloo alalt 1 (1997), 79–​115. 9 Ülle Tamla, Mauri Kiudsoo, Eesti muistsed aarded (Tallinn, 2009), p. 48. 10 Indrek Jets, ‘Mõnda müütide kajastumisest muinas-​Eesti ornamentikas,’ in Uurimusi müüdist ja maagiast, ed. Peet Leppik (Tallinn, 2001), pp. 135–​144. 11 Tõnno Jonuks, ‘Koerad Eesti asukate viikingiaja maailmapildis,’ Mäetagused 31 (2006), 29–​48. 12 Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion. 13 Roberts Spirģis, ‘Находки зооморфных подвесок ‘смоленского’ типа на территории Латвии и их нoвая интерпретация [Nakhodki zoomorfnykh podvesok ‘smolenskogo’ tipa na territorii Latvii i ikh novai͡a interpretat͡sii͡a],’ Stratum Plus: культурная антропология и археология [kul’turnai͡a antropologii͡a i arkheologii͡a] 5 (2012), 195–​220; Tõnno Jonuks, Tuuli Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be … a Christian: Some New Perspectives on Understanding the Christianisation of Estonia,’ Folklore. Electronic Journal of Folklore 55 (2013), 69–​98. 14 For example: Harri Moora, Die Kultur der Esten zur Zeit ihrer Selbständigkeit im Altertum (Tartu, 1927) (Tartu Ülikooli arheoloogia kabineti toimetused 4); Francis Balodis, ‘Latviešu starptautiskie ap 1000. gadu pēc Kristus,’ Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 1 (1939), 5–​20. 15 Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion, pp. 56–​75.

32 Jonuks decorated round silver pendants, bracelets, and brooches. Cross decoration appeared on various other objects. The majority of cross-​formed pendants are imported objects, but roughly a quarter to a third of them were produced locally.16 In addition, it seems that the entire corpus of other objects with cross decoration, like brooches and bracelets, were produced locally. To sum up the massive topic of cross symbolism,17 it can be stated that cross pendants appear first at the end of the eleventh century, and during the twelfth to early thirteenth centuries the cross was the most popular and widely used symbol in the entire eastern Baltic region. Despite the few studies suggesting the cross was a universal symbol that could also carry pagan meaning,18 it is mostly associated with the spread of Christianity in northern Europe.19 While the numerous imported objects can be interpreted either as symbols of nobility, foreign curiosities, and magical objects, inter alia,20 the considerable amount of Christian symbolism produced locally signifies that Christian ideas also had a meaning in societies prior to their ‘official’ baptism.21 Some of the locally produced cross pendants imitate Scandinavian or Rus’ian types. The examples of unique and artistic cross pendants or items where the cross is combined with other locally produced objects –​such as brooches, bracelets, and sword sheaths. –​suggest that local customers openly and creatively reinterpreted how to combine cross symbolism with their genuine worldview. As in other parts of northern Europe,22 cross symbolism is also characteristic of wealthy contexts in Estonia, and the earliest examples of cruciform pendants from the eleventh to early twelfth century are found in hoards. Wealth

16 17

Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be,’ p. 74. Ivar Leimus, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2009), 5–​22; Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion, pp. 54–​75. 18 Marju Kõivupuu, ‘Ristipuud Lõuna-​Eesti maastikul ja rahvapärimuses,’ in Looduslikud pühapaigad. Väärtused ja kaitse, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu 2007) (Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi toimetised 36), pp. 289–​315. 19 Jörn Staecker, Rex Regum et Dominus Dominorum. Die Wikingerzeitliche Kreuz-​und Kruzifixanhänger als Ausdruck der Mission in Altdänemark und Schweden (Stockholm, 1999) (Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 23); Michael Müller-​Wille, ‘The Cross Goes North: Carolingian Times between Rhine and Elbe,’ in The Cross Goes North. Processes of Conversion in North Europe, AD 300–​1300, ed. Martin Carver (York, 2003), pp. 443–​462. 20 Almut Schülke, ‘On Christianization and Gravefinds,’ in European Journal of Archaeology 2/​1 (1999), 77–​106. 21 Cf. Aleksander Pluskowski, Philippa Patrick, ‘‘How do you pray to God?’ Fragmentation and Variety in Early Medieval Christianity,’ in The Cross Goes North, pp. 29–​57 and references therein. 22 Staecker, Rex Regum; Anne-​Sophie Gräslund, ‘The Conversion of Scandinavia –​A Sudden Event or a Gradual Process?,’ in Archaeological Review from Cambridge 17/​2 (2000), 82–​97.

Novel Cultural Influences in the Late Iron Age Eastern Baltic

­f igure 2.1  Cruciform pendants, cross design, and Christian symbolism from Late Iron Age Estonia according to Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘to be or not to be,’ fig 1. Photos by Tõnno Jonuks and Tuuli Kurisoo

newgenrtpdf

33

34 Jonuks is also apparent in inhumation contexts, where the cross appears in the late twelfth century,23 but Christian symbols exist also in cremation burials and are exclusively associated with wealthy ornaments outside the burial culture. At the same time, it is interesting to note that luxurious Christian objects are missing from Estonia and the eastern Baltic in general. Only two encolpias, hollow cross pendants for carrying relics and holy soil, among others, are found –​ one from the cremation grave of Viltina in Saaremaa, Estonia,24 and another from the Salaspils Laukskola settlement in Latvia.25 Just one pendant with a crucifixion is found in Estonia,26 along with two others found in Latvia from the lower reaches of River Daugava.27 Pendants with the crucifixion are at the same time often found across Rus’28 and western Europe,29 raising the question as to why the luxurious Christian objects did not spread to the eastern Baltic. Christian symbolism is not limited to cruciform pendants alone, although in many studies this has been the dominating impression. Although it depends very much on the theoretical background of the scholar, a legion of different objects can and have been associated with the spread of early Christianity, such as a special floral design,30 lunulae,31 ring brooches with a central cross and bird design,32 and inhumation burials have all been seen as indicators of the Christian religion in the eastern Baltic. Recent studies from Estonia have suggested that some heads of cross-​ headed decorative pins have been modified into pendants and were used 23

For example: Jüri Selirand, Eestlaste matmiskombed varafeodaalsete suhete tärkamise perioodil (11.–​13. sajand) (Tallinn, 1974). 24 Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be,’ p. 73. 25 Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion, p. 57. 26 Andres Tvauri, Muinas-​Tartu. Uurimus Tartu muinaslinnuse ja asula asustusloost (Tartu, 2001) (Muinasaja Teadus 10), pp. 75–​76. 27 Staecker, Rex Regum; Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion in more detail. 28 Gali F. Korzukhina, Anna A. Peskova, Древнерусские энколпионы. Нагрудные кресты-​ реликварии X–​XIII вв. [Drevnerussie ėnkolpiony. Nagrudnye kresty-​relikviarii x–​x iii vv.] (Sankt-​Peterburg, 2003) (Archaeologica Petropolitana 14). 29 Staecker, Rex Regum. 30 Spirģis, ‘Находки зооморфных подвесок.’ 31 Baiba Vaska, ‘Solar and Lunar Symbols in Medieval Archaeological Material from Latvia (13th–​17th century),’ in Art, Applied Art and Symbols in Latvian Archaeology, ed. Ilze Biruta Loze (Riga, 2003) (Humanities and Social Sciences. Latvia 39), pp. 96–​117. 32 Unto Salo, ‘Agricola’s Ukko in the Light of Archaeology: A Chronological and Interpretative Study of Ancient Finnish Religion,’ in Old Norse and Finnish Religions and Cultic Place-​ Names, ed. Tore Ahlbäck (Stockholm, 1990) (Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 13), pp. 92–​190; Paula Purhonen, Kristinuskon saapumisesta Suomeen. Uskontoarkeologinen tutkimus (Helsinki, 1998) (Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen aikakauskirja 106).

Novel Cultural Influences in the Late Iron Age Eastern Baltic

35

as analogues to cruciform pendants.33 While these seem to be a ‘cheap and handy’ counterpart to real cross pendants, the presence of one of such pin on the chest of one of the earliest burials at Viru-​Nigula from the thirteenth century34 suggests that such ‘second-​hand’ cross pendants were equally used to mark one’s religious identity after formal Christianisation. Apart from cruciform pendants, two twelfth-​century round pendants depict Jesus Christ Pantocrator, both probably made in Kievan Rus’.35 Round pendants depicting Christ in various forms have also been found from early-​Christian contexts in Denmark and Poland.36 In addition to symbols, there are also more indirect items associated with Christianity, such as pieces of a ceramic and painted egg from Tartu and the lower reaches of the Daugava River. These were associated with the Easter egg tradition, symbolising the rebirth of the soul and body, and are probably imported from Kiev, which is considered to be the major production base for such objects.37 While earlier eggs are ceramic objects, a red-​ochre painted chicken egg was found from an early-​thirteenth-​century wealthy female burial site in Kukruse, Estonia. This probably represents a local imitation of the Christian Easter egg tradition and symbolises the idea of resurrection of the soul that has been adopted into the Final Iron Age nobility worldview.38 While Christian objects and symbols are often discussed in disputes regarding Christianisation, the problem of churches prior to the ‘official’ baptising of the country is more complicated. Only the chronicle of Adam of Bremen mentions a church that has been built in Curonia at the end of the eleventh century.39 This could be part of the missionary rhetoric used to emphasise the spread of the Church. But a small church or a chapel could truly have been built at the time to serve the western merchants’ and travellers’ needs. The only material remains of churches from the Final Iron Age eastern Baltic come

33

Tuuli Kurisoo, ‘Ristripatsid Eesti 12.–​13. sajandi laibakalmistutes: kas ehted või usu tunnused?’ Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi aastaraamat 2011 (2012), 213–​234. 34 Toomas Tamla, ‘Viru-​Nigula kirik ja Maarja kabel,’ Stilus 4 (1993), 18–​36. 35 Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be,’ p. 77. 36 Staecker, Rex Regum, p. 126. 37 Anna Zariņa, Salaspils Laukskolas kapulauks 10.–​13. gadsimts (Rīga, 2006), p. 271; Tvauri, Muinas-​Tartu, p. 162. 38 Tõnno Jonuks et al., ‘Multi-​Method Analysis of Avian Eggs as Grave Goods: Revealing Symbolism in Conversion Period Burials at Kukruse, NE Estonia,’ Environmental Archaeology 23 (2018), 109–​122. 39 Quellen des 9. und 11. Jahrhunderts zur Geschichte der hamburgischen Kirche und des Reiches, ed. Werner Trillmich, Rudolf Buchner (Berlin, 1961) (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 11), p. 454 §iv.16.

36 Jonuks from Ravattula Ristimäki, south-​west Finland, where a large inhumation cemetery has been studied together with a stone construction that is interpreted as a foundation of the twelfth-​century church.40 Speculation of churches built before the Crusades is common also in Estonia,41 although no hard evidence exists so far.42 As a result, most of the discussion has focused on hypotheses about the location of churches. According to the most traditional interpretation, churches were built at the site of previous sacred sites that needed special consecration.43 Despite the fact that this is by far the most popular interpretation, no evidence exists until now to prove such a connection. The other interpretation emphasises a connection between churches and Late Iron Age cemeteries.44 Although the link between early churches and previous cemeteries has recently predominated,45 this is not the only explanation for the location of early churches.46 There are also examples where a church is built in the middle of a village (e.g. Viru-​Nigula, Võnnu) and thus also suggest the involvement of local nobility in choosing the site for a church.47 Locating the church in the village would also correspond with the purpose of churches in medieval societies –​a church was intended for the living community, and these were the dead members of the congregation who eventually formed the cemetery around the church. Thus, it was only in the pre-​Christian worldview when a church could have been located at a cemetery at a distance from the living community (e.g. at Ravattula Ristimäki in Finland). Characteristically, the church at Ravattula was abandoned at the time the country was Christianised 40

Juha Ruohonen, ‘Ristimäki in Ravattula: On the Remains of the Oldest Known Church in Finland,’ in Sacred Monuments and Practices in the Baltic Sea Region: New Visits to Old Churches, ed. Janne Harjula et al. (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2017), pp. 46–​60, here p. 56. 41 For example: Jaak Mäll, ‘Verwaltungsgeschichte und Christianisierung der Insel Ösel im 13.–​14. Jahrhundert,’ in Culture Clash or Compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist (Visby, 1998) (Acta Visbyensia 11), pp. 158–​166. 42 See in more detail Villu Kadakas, Archaeological Study of the Rural Churches of Harju and Viru Provinces in Northern Estonia. Development of the Building and the Use of Space in the Lower Zone (Tallinn, 2020) (Tallinna Ülikooli humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid 60), pp. 37–​38. 43 Marika Mägi, ‘Districts and Centres in Saaremaa 1100–​ 1400,’ in Culture Clash or Compromise, pp. 147–​157, here p. 156. 44 Heiki Valk, ‘On the Origins of Churches and Churchyards in Southern Estonia: The Evidence from Early Grave Finds,’ Baltic Journal of Art History 13 (2017), 99−129. 45 Valk, ‘On the Origins of Churches’; Marika Mägi et al., ‘Early Christian Burials at Valjala Churchyard, Saaremaa,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2018 (2019), 93−118. 46 Anders Andrén, ‘The Significance of Places: The Christianization of Scandinavia from a Spatial Point of View,’ World Archaeology 45 (2013), 27–​45. 47 See also: Paul Johansen, Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae (Reval, 1933), p. 209; Tamla, ‘Viru-​Nigula kirik’; Mägi, ‘Districts and Centres.’

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37

and when parishes were established.48 Similar small churches or church-​like constructions could have been built more numerously in the eastern Baltic prior to the Crusades, although hard evidence is limited, and the remains of these light buildings are preserved only in exceptional cases. Consequently, the evidence of Christian religion prior to the ‘official’ conversion is not limited only to cruciform pendants or cross designs, but also includes more indirect references to religion. It is apparent that the appearance of Christian-​related objects in the eastern Baltic correlates with the Christianisation of major centres –​south Scandinavia in the ninth century and Rus’ a century later. The foundation of the first bishoprics and baptising of the nobility of these countries probably did not bring about any dramatic change to rural society. However, the religion of the nobility at the time did influence the villagers, and most obviously they also adopted the new religious situation quickly, and were closely tied with social relations at the time.49 We cannot follow in detail how this process reached Livonia, but the fact that earlier Christian symbolism occurs mostly in hoards –​and only from the late twelfth century does it appear in inhumations –​indicates certain internal developments as to how the new religion and worldview were perceived. 2

European Animals

Christianisation has usually dominated the discussions of west European cultural influences on the eastern Baltic during the Final Iron Age and the Crusade period. However, ‘Europeanisation’ at that time also appears in other fields, some of which are not associated with the Christian religion at all. Cultural influences have always spread from one region to another, but the appearance of new animals at the time represents a specific point of interest. Roberts Spirģis50 was the first to question the traditional interpretation of certain ‘Smolensk type’ animal pendants. The pendant typically presents a quadrupled animal from the side, with a short body, long legs, and a tail curving

48 49 50

Ruohonen, ‘Ristimäki in Ravattula,’ p. 57. Steinunn Kristjánsdóttir, ‘Becoming Christian: A Matter of Everyday Resistance and Negotiation,’ Norwegian Archaeological Review 48 (2015), 27–​45. Spirģis, ‘Находки зооморфных подвесок,’ pp. 195–​220; Roberts Spirģis, ‘Средневековый бестиарий как источник по интерпретации ливских зооморфных подвесок [Srednevekovyĭ bestiariĭ kak istochnik po interpretat͡sii livskikh zoomorfnykh podvesok],’ Археология и история Пскова и Псковской земли [Arkheologi͡a i istorii͡a Pskova i Pskovskoĭ zemli] 29 (2014), 402–​413, 499–​503.

38 Jonuks

­f igure 2.2  A leucrotta from Latvia (1, Estonian History Museum archaeological collections, no. 174: 1), griffins from Lõhavere (2, Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 3578: 626) and Kolu (3, Haapsalu and Läänemaa Museums collections no. 8045: 68), and a dragon from Ikšķile (4, Institute of Latvian History, repository of archaeological material, no. 129: 271). photos by tõnno jonuks.

up over the back, forming a loop for suspension (see ­figure 2.1). The main distribution of this type of pendant is around the Smolensk region in present-​ day western Russia and Belarus; dozens have been found in Latvia, and there have been isolated single finds in Estonia.51 The animal has been historically interpreted as a dog or a lion, but since the twentieth century the dominating interpretation is that of a horse.52 However, the head, and especially the large mouth, marked with a clear groove reaching from ear to ear, does not support this interpretation. As the large mouth is represented on all of the pendants, this cannot be the attempt of a single craftsman or a sporadic artistic feature, but should be considered as key to identifying the animal. According to Spirģis, this kind of mouth coincides with an animal known from medieval bestiaries as a leucrotta.53 The leucrotta, or crocotta, is a fantastical creature, a dog-​wolf hybrid to whom Pliny the Elder in his Naturalis Historia also added body parts of a stag, lion, and badger. The most distinctive element of the animal is its large mouth, and, according to Pliny the Elder, it has no teeth –​but instead, one continuous bone in both the upper and lower jaws. The leucrotta was 51 Kurisoo, Adornment, Self-​Definition, Religion, pp. 102–​103 and references therein. 52 See Spirģis, ‘Находки зооморфных подвесок,’ in more detail. 53 Christian Heck, Rémy Cordonnier, The Grand Medieval Bestiary. Animals in Illuminated Manuscripts (New York, 2012), pp. 364–​365.

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39

also able to imitate human speech and thus became particularly dangerous to humans. Most of our knowledge about the leucrotta comes from western European bestiaries, but this mythical animal was also known in the territory of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Most interesting, however, is how this mythical creature –​originally from antique pagan cultures and reflected in Christian medieval zoology –​has eventually appeared in pagan countries in the eastern Baltic. The key probably lies in moral and supernatural qualities ascribed to leucrotta –​the swiftest of all wild animals, according to Pliny. The symbolic and allegorical qualities were probably further developed in newly converted Rus’, where the exotic look and foreign origin of the animal were certainly crucial. It is also interesting to note that leucrotta pendants appear in western Rus’ in the eleventh century –​at the time when the country was Christianised, but earlier than when the leucrotta appears in western bestiaries.54 Roberts Spirģis considers that due to the mythological origin of the animal, the pendant could have gained protective semantics and was thus used both in newly Christianised Rus’ as well as in still-​pagan Baltic countries. Unfortunately, we do not know exactly how the semantics of the leucrotta developed in its new territory. Another example of an animal whose origin lies in Christian, European, educated culture –​but which is not directly connected with Christian religion –​is represented in a specific kind of animal-​headed handle. These are antler or hollow copper alloy figurines, representing a head with a hooked beak and thus traditionally interpreted as a bird of prey, or more specifically, an eagle.55 All of these objects are found at central and important sites –​Mežotne hillfort in Latvia, Lõhavere hillfort and Kolu stone grave in Estonia, Räisälä cemetery (part of Karelia, now belonging to the Russian Federation), and Novgorod in Russia.56 Although exhibiting significant similarities, they are all individual masterpieces, which makes the dating of such objects difficult. However, all of these sites were used during the Final Iron Age, which suggests the date of the finds. 54 55

56

Spirģis, ‘Находки зооморфных подвесок,’ p. 216. Balodis, ‘Latviešu starptautiskie’; Ella Kivikoski, Die Eisenzeit Finnlands. Bildwerk und Text (Helsinki, 1973); Heidi Luik, ‘Linnupeakujuline sarvest käepide Lõhavere linnamäelt,’ in Ilusad asjad. Tähelepanuväärseid leide Eesti arheoloogiakogudest, ed. Ülle Tamla (Tallinn, 2010) (Muinasaja Teadus 21), pp. 127–​138; Tõnno Jonuks, ‘Dragons, Griffins and Leucrottas: Supernatural Creatures in the Eastern Baltic Late Iron Age,’ in Entangled Human-​Animal Histories: Practices and Imaginaries from the Eastern Baltic Borderlands, ed. Linda Kaljundi et al. (Frankfurt, forthcoming) (Studies in Literature, Culture, and the Environment). Jonuks, ‘Dragons, Griffins and Leucrottas.’

40 Jonuks Most of the objects are made of copper alloy and have a long neck decorated with combined S-​shaped signs. The neck is hollow and has a nail hole in the lower part, demonstrating that the object was originally attached to a shaft. This has led many scholars to suggest that these were parts of handles, either of a whip57 or a weapon.58 Because of the massive beak, the head is usually interpreted as a bird, but all these objects also have ears behind the eyes, making this interpretation weaker. The example from the Kolu stone grave has a zig-​zag ornament on the beak, giving the impression that the beak has teeth (­figure 2.3). Another zig-​zag on top of the head seems to mark a comb. A similar object from Lõhavere hillfort, carved from antlers, represents this kind of find most impressively (­figure 2.2). It is richly decorated with lines and ‘eyes’ using ring and dot marks, and the ornament that also covers the hook-​like beak and the forehead of the figure seems to be intentional, leaving the impression of a diadem and giving a certain royal look to the figure. The eyes of the creature are large and hollow, and according to a recent study were originally filled with tin and possibly also with some shiny material, such as a piece of gold or a semi-​precious stone.59 As with other objects, this one also has clear ears carved behind the eyes. On the basis of the decoration and quality of the object, Heidi Luik suggests that it was probably not produced in Estonia but in some major craft centre, presumably in northern Rus’. At the same time, the pleach ornament does not occur on analogous Rus’ian objects made in Novgorod, but is represented on a local ornament, leaving open the possibility that this handle is also of local origin. In accordance with the individual characters, it seems likely that all ‘beaked handles’ are locally made, and the similar general design indicates common knowledge of a creature shared over vast distances. The ears suggest that the beaked ‘birds’ are not in fact birds, but may instead be griffins. Arthur Fox-​Davies notes that the presence of ears in heraldry is important, as this ‘is the only distinction between a griffin’s head and an eagle’s head when the rest of the body is not represented.’60 The history of griffins reaches back to antiquity, and the griffin has been an important figure both in western and eastern European Christian art.61 In medieval bestiaries,

57 Luik, ‘Linnupeakujuline,’ p. 134. 58 Kivikoski, Die Eisenzeit, p. 147. 59 Luik, ‘Linnupeakujuline,’ p. 133. 60 Arthur C. Fox-​Davies, A Complete Guide to Heraldry (New York, 1985), p. 167. 61 Noël Adams, ‘Between Myth and Reality. Hunter and Prey in Early Anglo-​Saxon Art,’ in Representing Beasts in Early Medieval England and Scandinavia, ed. Michael D. J. Bintley et al. (Woodbridge, 2015), pp. 13–​51.

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41

the griffin is always depicted as a quadruped animal (usually as a lion), with an eagle’s head and distinctive ears. The griffin is usually either portrayed by standing alone or depicted as grasping animals or humans to demonstrate its supremacy over others. In medieval symbolism, the griffin has thus denoted victorious divine power, but has also been interpreted as a symbol of earthly authorities.62 The diameter of the shaft of griffin-​headed objects (around 1.5 cm) seems to be far too small for a handle, even for that of a whip. Thus, it seems likely that the ‘handles’ belonged to some sort of symbolic staffs or markers of rank, analogously to dragon-​headed pins in Scandinavia and Rus’. It is interesting to note that dragon-​headed staffs were also used in the mid-​ eleventh to thirteenth centuries to symbolise power in the greater Khurasan region in Persia.63 As the previous examples were suggested to be of local origin, there is another unique object bearing a similar decoration: a copper-​alloy war trumpet, found from Otepää hillfort.64 The mouth of the trumpet is decorated with the figure of a beaked creature that also has ears behind the eyes, as did the previous griffins. Along the beak there are small lines, giving the impression of teeth. According to Ain Mäesalu, the trumpet was made somewhere in Central Europe and brought to Estonia by the first Crusaders in the early thirteenth century. As such, it is an example of the European and Christian tradition of griffins colliding with the ‘savage’ tradition in the east during the crusade. Thus, at the time when the first Christian elements appeared in eastern Baltic societies, local mythological zoology was also enriched by new animals. In addition to the dominant dragons and over-​sized snakes,65 griffins and leucrottas –​animals whose origins lie in antique cultures –​were vitalised by Christian allegorical zoology. With the help of the Medieval Christian mysticism, the mythical animals spread along with Christian culture to pagan countries, forming a new tradition of prehistoric Christianity.66

62 63 64 65 66

Jonuks, ‘Dragons, Griffins and Leucrottas.’ Sara Kuehn, The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art (Leiden, 2011) (Islamic History and Civilization. Studies and Texts 86), pp. 45, 116. Ain Mäesalu, ‘Kas Otepää linnuselt leiti muinaseestlaste sõjasarv?’ Tutulus. Eesti arheoloogia aastakiri (2014), 26–​29. Tõnno Jonuks, ‘Bronze Tooth Pendants from the Late Iron Age: Between Real and Fictional Zooarchaeology,’ Norwegian Archaeological Review 50 (2017), 135–​148. Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be.’

42 Jonuks 3

Discussion

The mental processes of prehistory are difficult to access mostly due to the lack of narrative sources. As a result of the deficiency of a corpus of reliable early medieval narratives –​such as Scandinavian sagas and Eddas, Rus’ian chronicles, inter alia –​oral tradition has been used in Estonia and in eastern Europe in general. This approach is largely based on the Enlightenment and Romantic period views, where folklore was declared to be inherited from the pre-​Christian period. Although theories of folklore have changed significantly since then, the idea that folklore reflects concepts from the distant past has persisted in religious studies, including studies about mentality. If a historical timeframe is considered, the only available and reliable body of sources to study the prehistoric mentality consists of material remains. Material remains tell a story that is separate and fragmented from narrative sources, which is also the main reason why narratives are consistently preferred. The dominance of narratives is possibly the reason for the traditional view of the pre-​ Crusade Christian influences as a minor cultural effect and for the emphasis on the pagan nature of medieval villagers, as this is what medieval and (Early) Modern Age written documents say. The predominant written records are also the reason why most of the research is focused on religious change, and other cultural aspects that are not represented in writings are left aside. However, we can presume that it was not only ‘Christian elements’ that spread during the latter pre-​Christian centuries to the eastern Baltic, but instead, a meaningful complex of beliefs including certain features from the European culture that were not necessarily Christian. However, as seen above, the Christian symbolism did appear in the eastern Baltic soon after the conversion of major centres in western Rus’ and northern Europe. This process should be seen as comparable to other cultural loans during the previous millennia. Christian symbolism –​which apart from cruciform pendants also includes cross symbols on bracelets, on round silver pendants, and as extensions of penannular brooches –​all seem to carry the same wider background.67 Such a rich selection of locally made objects, where a foreign symbol is interpreted in a local framework, indicates that the Christian worldview, at least the local interpretation of it, had been domesticated by that time. The origin of Christianity for the eastern Baltic countries lies in major centres both in the east and west that were ‘officially’ Christianised around 1000. This has resulted in a decades-​long discussion of whether the earlier influences 67

Leimus, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad.’

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43

of Christianity were of Rus’ian Orthodox or Roman Catholic origin.68 In spite of most of the sources, such as linguistic etymologies and imported objects, seeming to point to the Orthodox direction, it is more important to follow the vernacular details of the process. It is plausible that it was the local nobility who had opportunities to travel to distant countries, socialise, and thus also be more likely to be the addressee of the (either intentional or unintentional) mission. This is also supported by the connection between Christian symbolism and luxury or noble objects, which is apparent not only in inhumations,69 but also in hoards. Since Christian symbols are associated with locally produced luxury objects, this does indicate that foreign Christian and European culture was valued and reinterpreted here, most obviously among the nobility. From the other side, since the imported Christian luxury objects are largely missing in Estonia, this could indicate that this region was not considered important enough for Christian countries to invest in highly symbolic and valuable objects. Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that early Christian influences occurred mostly among the nobility or were even limited to the nobility. As the material sources are scarce, any religious phenomenon is more visible in the noble context. This is partly because the nobility had better opportunities to manifest their identities, religious or otherwise. Moreover, most of our literary sources about medieval Christianity are about the official religion, which says little, if anything at all, about the religiosity of common people outside the urban culture, and especially about the eastern side of the Baltic before the thirteenth century.70 But the Christian religion of that period everywhere in the north seems to be associated with the upper class and vassals, following the example and instruction of their seigneur. The manifesting of rulers is possibly also the reason for the popularity of Christian mythological beasts, like the griffin, whose symbolism in medieval heraldry has been connected with military leadership, intelligence, and strength.71 The dragon/​snake is also closely associated with aggressive aristocracy, power, and status in the Viking Age, and in the medieval worldview, it was the poetic symbol of a sword.72 The association 68 Jonuks, Eesti muinasusund, p. 322. 69 Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be,’ p. 85. 70 Kristjánsdóttir, ‘Becoming Christian.’ 71 Stefan Oliver, Introduction to Heraldry (Exeter, 2002), p. 44. 72 Alex Pluskowski, ‘The Dragon’s Skull: How Can Zooarchaeologists Contribute to our Understanding of Otherness in the Middle Ages?’ in Animals and Otherness in the Middle Ages. Perspectives across Disciplines, ed. Francisco de Asís García García et al. (Oxford, 2013) (bar International Series 2500), pp. 109–​124; Susan Brunning, ‘‘(Swinger of) the Serpent of Wounds.’ Swords and Snakes in the Viking Mind,’ in Representing Beasts in

44 Jonuks of a dragon/​snake with power and high social status can be extended to other dangerous and supernatural creatures, such as eagles, hawks, and predatory animals, and most likely also to sophisticated ornaments, which often conceal an animal within its decorations. It seems as if no particular snake, animal, or bird species was important, but rather, that the idea of fearsome birds of prey, dangerous predators, and mysterious dragons formed the same mental concept that symbolised wealth, status, power, and authority. Due to such specific connections, it was hardly a ‘real’ Christian religion or European learned culture that spread outside the Christian centres; rather, these were certain elements or details which were attractive to the existing pagan worldview and offered a suitable system. Thus, the Christian symbolism and mythological beasts form a single unit that spread together as a sort of prehistoric Christianity. One of the conducive aspects to fitting Christian ideas to the previous worldview was that the latter also included mythological beasts, and thus neither the leucrotta nor griffin were totally strangers. The oversized snake or dragon had already been known for centuries.73 The discussion about snakes/​dragons in the eastern Baltic has so far included ornaments: S-​shaped pendants, brooches, and bracelets with animal-​head terminals. Usually, a serpentine animal can be recognised by the curved body, appearing in an extreme, stylised form with a wider head, which sometimes has eyes or an open jaw. Some objects74 clearly demonstrate that a dragon was intended, with protruding ears or horns/​ antlers, and an open and curvy jaw with impressive canines and a tongue (­figure 2.4). Based on the curved body, we can identify snakes or dragons on various objects, such as antler and bone combs,75 or in intertwined patterns on brooches and weapons.76 The design element of a snake or dragon appears during the fifth and sixth centuries and can be followed in Estonia until the thirteenth century, lasting until the seventeenth century in Lithuania.77 The image of a dragon is even clearer in the form of dragon-​headed decorative pins

73 74 75 76 77

Early Medieval England and Scandinavia, ed. Michael D. J. Bintley et al. (Woodbridge, 2015), pp. 53–​72. Jonuks, ‘Bronze Tooth Pendants.’ Marius Iršėnas, ‘Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Motifs on Balt Jewellery,’ in Art of the Balts. The Catalogue of Exhibition, ed. Adomas Butrimas (Vilnius, 2009), pp. 99–​186, fig. 85–​92. Heidi Luik, ‘S-​kujulised ripatsid ja rihmakeeled,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 3 (1999), 115–​130. Indrek Jets, ‘Scandinavian Late Viking Age Art Styles as a Part of the Visual Display of Warriors in the 11th Century Estonia,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 16 (2012), 118–​139. Iršėnas ‘Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motives,’ p. 126.

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45

in Scandinavia,78 but it is also present across eastern Europe. Similar to the luxury Christian objects, dragon-​headed pins occur both in Scandinavia and in Rus’, but have never been found in the eastern Baltic, indicating partly similar symbolism that the nobility shared over the vast territory, but which was also expressed in local traditions. The knowledge of such supernatural animals was probably (re-​)interpreted in provinces outside the centres of that time, and thus certain elements of the Christian world were adapted to pagan or already semi-​Christian communities. The repeated details –​the ears of griffins and emphasised attributes of dragons/​snakes –​suggest that the qualities of supernatural animals were acknowledged, and it is likely that some sort of mythological narrative was associated with the animals, although manifested in material form only in specific contexts. It is thus likely that narratives about griffins and dragons were shared within a limited group of families, and mythological animals symbolised legitimacy of power and kinship links. Whether the existence of these animals was considered real or was limited to tall tales, the purpose of representing allusions to supernatural beasts was symbolic. As the medieval bestiaries were composed by emphasising the allegorical meanings of animals, the similar symbolic and allegorical features seem to be the reason for depicting dragons and griffins in the eastern Baltic Late Iron Age. The combination of supernatural beasts with known eagles or snakes with an unusual detail probably raised a known noble animal to a higher level and added a certain divine power. Such a process can also be observed in medieval literary sources, where supernatural beasts, often a combination of several known animals, toe the line between good and evil. For instance, a dragon is often associated with economic prosperity, and in myths the dragon is a guardian of treasures or represents hidden knowledge.79 Such foreign symbols were probably used to signify certain chieftains of the Late Iron Age in the eastern Baltic, similar to dragon-​headed pins in Scandinavia and in Rus’. Moreover, images of beasts can demonstrate specific relationships. I have previously suggested80 that bronze tooth-​pendants, distributed mostly in south-​western Finland, can be interpreted as a specific 78

79

80

Anna-​Sophia Gräslund, ‘Drakar i Uppåkra,’ in Fler fynd i centrum. Materialstudier i och kring Uppåkra, ed. Birgitta Hårdh (Lund, 2003) (Acta archaeologica Lundensia. Series in 8° 45), pp. 179–​188; Sven Kalmring, Lena Holmquist, ‘‘The Gleaming Mane of the Serpent’: The Birka Dragonhead from Black Earth Harbour,’ Antiquity 92 (2018), 742–​757. László Chardonnens, ‘Do Anglo-​Saxons Dream of Exotic Sheep?’ in Representing Beasts in Early Medieval England and Scandinavia, ed. Michael D. J. Bintley et al. (Woodbridge, 2015), pp. 131–​150; Victoria Symons, ‘Wreonþenhilt ond wyrmfang. Confronting Serpents in Beowulf and Beyond,’ in Representing Beasts, pp. 73–​93. Jonuks, ‘Bronze Tooth Pendants.’

46 Jonuks sign of dominant families in this region. The spread of the pendants to other regions, the lower reaches of the Daugava in particular, can thus indicate connections that these ruling families had outside Finland. 4

Pagan Christianity in the Eastern Baltic

Considering the local and rich variety in using the Christian and other European-​origin symbols at the time when all major cultural centres around Estonia were just going through a religious shift, it seems plausible to suggest that the nobility in the eastern Baltic also identified themselves as ‘Christians.’ We may assume that such an approach was represented in the Late Iron Age eastern Baltic religions, and Christ as a god could have just been taken as one of many in the local pantheon. Thus, it can be assumed that from the eleventh century onwards, the local population, and especially the nobility, was aware of Christianity as a new religion, the adoption of which did not necessitate a religious shift that excluded existing or previous gods. The wearing of crosses and the displaying of Christian symbolism points to the expression of one’s religious identity as important despite the official or theological understanding of what it mean to be ‘Christian.’ With all this, the local nobility could have had closer relations with foreign and ‘proper’ Christian nobility. As medieval Christianity was based mostly on collective identity, that probably gave some ground to identifying the local nobility as part of the wider aristocracy. The local and vernacular meaning of Christian symbolism and the possible new worldview associated with it is most apparent in the contexts of inhumations. So far, only the appearance of cross pendants has been studied, and it can be concluded that mostly wealthier females and children carried cross pendants, because crosses have very rarely been found in male burials in Estonia.81 More importantly, inhumations with cross pendants do not differ in any other form from the rest of the buried community –​they are buried in the same cemetery, laid among other individuals with similar grave goods, and often bore non-​Christian symbols (e.g. bird or animal figurines, etc.). This apparent mixing of religious and social symbols demonstrates that Final Iron Age ‘Christians’ did not differentiate themselves from the rest of the community. It is possible that the newly borrowed and attractive elements which, however, could have been limited to nobility only, were included in the existing worldview. In this group, the new religious and cultural elements could have 81

Kurisoo, ‘Ristripatsid.’

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47

formed an entity characterised as prehistoric Christianity.82 This new knowledge and beliefs spread in a liminal or even military situation from one newly Christianised society to another. The context of the dissemination of religion most likely designated topics of Christianity which were valuable enough to acquire. The theological concepts of sin and the Holy Trinity, inter alia, probably seemed too complicated and strange to pagan nobility. With regard to the Christianisation of Scandinavia, Alexandra Sanmark has suggested that the Christian teachings among those transition societies could have been made simpler to fit in better with the previous religion, in some cases potentially resembling heresy to the official theology.83 There are several subjects that can be suggested as attractive for borrowing into the pagan world. One of these, reflected also in burial customs and grave goods, was most likely eschatology, together with the concept of the resurrection of the soul and the afterlife. These were the central motifs in medieval Christianity, and as the presence of grave goods suggests, the concept of an Otherworld existed in the Iron Age religion, as well. ‘Proper’ grave goods placed in graves other than ornaments or dressing parts, such as weapons, tools, and –​most characteristically –​ceramic vessels with food,84 form the best argument to demonstrate that a certain form of life after death was believed in. According to medieval Christian doctrine, the souls of the deceased left the body and entered purgatory to be cleansed and reunited during the Last Judgement to enjoy eternal life in Paradise. As the idea of purification and a long waiting period for the Apocalypse was strange not only to pagans but Christians as well, a more popular interpretation was simultaneously in use, according to which souls ascended to Heaven or Hell immediately after death, prior to the Last Judgement.85 The latter was probably more appealing for the pagan elite. Those two views towards the afterlife were mixed in medieval religion, and even though we could find a contradiction from the theological point of view, it was not in conflict with vernacular religion.86 Apart from the grave 82 83 84 85 86

Jonuks, Kurisoo, ‘To Be or Not to Be.’ Alexandra Sanmark, Power and Conversion –​A Comparative Study of Christianization in Scandinavia (Uppsala, 2004) (Occasional Papers in Archaeology 34), p. 100. Ester Oras et al., ‘Social Food Here and Hereafter: Multiproxy Analysis of Gender-​Specific Food Consumption in Conversion Period Inhumation Cemetery at Kukruse, NE-​Estonia,’ Journal of Archaeological Science 97 (2018), 90–​101. Jane Baun, ‘Last Things,’ in The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol 3: Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600–​c. 1100, ed. Thomas F. X. Noble, Julia M. H. Smith (Cambridge, 2008), pp. 606–​624. Alan E. Bernstein, ‘Heaven, Hell and Purgatory: 1100–​1500,’ in The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol 4. Christianity in the Western Europe c. 1100 –​c. 1500, ed. Miri Rubin, Walter Simons (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 200–​216, here p. 204.

48 Jonuks goods, another good example signalling the otherworldly concepts is provided by the red painted egg from the early thirteenth-​century female inhumation in Kukruse, interpreted as a symbol of the soul’s resurrection.87 In addition to the Otherworld, another attractive topic was probably also God himself, perhaps even understood as three gods. The concept of the Trinity has often been considered too complicated for pagans or neophytes to understand, but it is central to Catholicism. As aforementioned, there were simplifications in teaching Christianity during the Middle Ages. Thus, the Holy Trinity was probably not received as a trinity, but as three different gods. This was probably acceptable and understandable to Iron Age societies and could have been introduced in their religion and pantheon. In addition to three supreme gods, a legion of saints was offered by Christian religion. When looking at medieval folk religion in western Europe, as the closer analogy where there are good sources present, there are no fundamental differences between Iron Age paganism and medieval Christianity on the vernacular level. Indeed, Christian saints were venerated in a similar way to the previous pagan gods. Thus, one may suggest that several nobles may have added Christ into their personal pantheon. The new approach to the afterlife was probably attractive, and according to the Christian symbolism on display, they probably considered themselves to be Christian aristocrats. Nonetheless, they were not considered as Christians by the rest of the Christian world. Leaving aside extreme examples such as eremites, medieval Christianity was communal88 –​people belonged to congregations and bishoprics, and they visited churches and received regular sacraments, among other activities. None of these phenomena were possible in Estonia or Latvia, where the church administrative system was absent. Although Bishop Fulco was appointed as early as the 1160s as bishop of the Estonians, he probably never reached his diocese. If the church, mentioned by Adam of Bremen, really existed in Curonia, it was most likely instead meant for merchants regularly visiting and staying for the winter on the eastern coast of the Baltic and not primarily as a proselytising church. Thus, the local Christians could not have been considered ‘proper’ Christians by the rest of the western world, and the Crusade in the beginning of the thirteenth century therefore had no contradictions. Such a contradictory situation was probably the main reason why Christian symbolism disappeared after the Crusades. The Late Iron Age types representing the cross still can be found in thirteenth-​century cemeteries, but from that

87 Jonuks et al., ‘Multi-​method analysis.’ 88 Sanmark, Power and Conversion, p. 182.

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49

point onwards, we can no longer find the old types. The post-​Crusade cross symbolism already embodied different traditions, being represented on large, round silver pendants and no longer on cruciform pendants. Additionally, the mythological beast is no longer found. This suggests that ‘prehistoric Christianity’ lost its position, probably in accordance with the disappearance of local nobility during the Crusade. After the country was officially converted and the real version of Christianity introduced, the previous and local interpretations lost their meaning. A good confirmation of this is provided from Lithuania. The earliest cruciform pendants appear there as well in the tenth to twelfth centuries,89 but the pendants were more widespread during the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries, after the Grand Duchy of Lithuania accepted Catholic baptism in 1387.90 This demonstrates that in case of locally initiated Christianisation, as occurred in Lithuania, the previous symbolism survived even when the new religion became official. The prehistoric interpretation of Christianity in the eastern Baltic serves as a good example of the successful domestication of foreign concepts, which became extinct after ‘real’ Christianity, which did not tolerate such pagan interpretations, became dominant. This change is concurrent with the disappearance of the previous nobility and their position as the ruling social class, which seems to have had the decisive role in forming new religions. The princely symbolism, reflected in cruciform pendants, and the moral and ideological qualities of exotic and foreign creatures, whose allegorical qualities were more important than their zoological characteristics, formed a new complex together. The associated social symbolism was also the reason for their spread –​due to the denoted qualities they also became desirable to pagan or semi-​Christian communities outside the Christian worldview, learning, and education. Thus, as we saw, the process of Christianisation and the domestication of the first European cultural elements has been more complicated than the simplified and linear development of a religion spread by state powers in an institutional way. Instead, several attractive elements were already individually domesticated by pagan communities prior to official Christianisation. This could only happen in the course of personal encounters with the Christian worldview, and thus certain elements were adopted and accepted into the 89 90

Vladas Žulkus, ‘Heidentum und Christentum in Litauen im 10.–​16. Jahrhundert,’ in Rom und Byzanz im Norden. Mission und Glaubenwechsel im Ostseeraum während des 8.–​14. Jahrhunderts, vol. 2, ed. Michael Müller-​Wille (Mainz, 1998), pp. 143–​161, here fig. 2: 1–​16. Eugenijus Svetikas, Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės christianizacija XIV a. pab. –​XV a. archeologiniai radiniai su krikščioniškais simboliais (Vilnius, 2009).

50 Jonuks vernacular pagan worldview in the neighbourhood of Christian centres. This creates an interesting situation where animals, which are not directly associated with the Christian religion, were distributed across Europe together with the spread of the Christian worldview, and persons who probably considered themselves to be Christians were perceived as pagans by other Christians.

Acknowledgements

This study was supported by research grant ekm 8-​2/​20/​3 and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (Centre of Excellence in Cultural Theory and Centre of Excellence of Estonian Studies, tk-​145).

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­c hapter 3

Exploiting the Conquerors

Socio-​political Strategies of Estonian Elites During the Crusades and Christianisation, 1200–​1300 Kristjan Kaljusaar The thirteenth century is understandably viewed as an era of extraordinary change for the eastern Baltic region that has come to be known as medieval Livonia. Its former socio-​political structures, defined largely by pagan beliefs and customs, were replaced by a Catholic framework of ecclesiastical dioceses and parishes. Traditional power networks that had bound local Finnic and Baltic peoples were engulfed by a new overlordship of north German and Danish princes, both clerical and lay.1 Yet the eastern Baltic elites were certainly not passive in this all-​encompassing ‘making of Europe’2 in their homeland. As witnessed by native-​born vassals in service of Catholic lords and burghers of local origin in newly founded cities,3 there were many strategies that could lead them to success in the new social order.

1 Short overview in: Tiina Kala, ‘The Incorporation of the Northern Baltic Lands into the western Christian world,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 3–​20. See also: Marek Tamm and Anu Mänd, ‘Introduction: Actors and Networks in the Medieval and Early Modern Baltic Sea Region,’ in Making Livonia. Actors and Networks in the Medieval and Early Modern Baltic Sea Region, ed. Anu Mänd and Marek Tamm (London, 2020), pp. 1–​13. 2 As Robert Bartlett titled his magnum opus on the expansion and consolidation of all-​ encompassing Latin religious, economic, and political structures and norms from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries in a large geographical area spanning from Iberia to the Baltic and from Ireland to the Holy Land: Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe. Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, 950–​1350 (London, 1994). See: Linda Kaljundi, ‘Neophytes as Actors in the Livonian Crusades,’ in Making Livonia, pp. 93–​112. 3 Harri Moora and Herbert Ligi, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung der Völker des Baltikums zu Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts (Tallinn, 1970), pp. 84–​93; Heiki Valk, ‘From the Iron Age to the Middle Ages: Local Nobility and Cultural Changes in Estonia in the 13th Century,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12), pp. 273–​292; Anton Pärn, ‘Die Rolle der Esten bei den Städtegründungen Westestlands,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe, pp. 109–​125; Anti Selart, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43−66.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_004

56 Kaljusaar This contribution examines the potential approaches native elites could have employed in their personal interest to utilise the events and processes of the Livonian Crusades and Christianisation to their best individual –​or collective –​advantage. Some strategies prescribed outstanding hostility towards the Catholic factions growing in influence in the eastern Baltic, while others aimed at more conciliatory relations. This analysis focuses on two north Estonian provinces –​Harria and Revala –​of which contemporary written sources present detailed overviews concerning land possession and power networks. These records, coupled with archaeological data, offer a relatively thorough picture, which makes both trans-​conquest continuity and change visible, at times even step-​by-​step, as the Livonian Crusades unfolded. 1

Introduction

Considerable shifts had taken place in the network of strongholds and power centres in northern Estonia between the end of the Viking Age in the eleventh century and the onset of the crusades at the turn of the thirteenth century. The former outstanding centres of Revala, which had stood on the shores of the Gulf of Finland and thrived due to Baltic Sea trade,4 were completely or partially abandoned, while several inland strongholds of Harria rose to the forefront.5 The most ancient of these power centres was the age-​old hillfort Keava, in the southern part of Harria, which was repeatedly reinforced between the fifth and thirteenth centuries, yet it does not figure prominently in written sources.6 In the middle of the province stood another old hillfort, Lohu ii (also known as Loone), separated by only a few hundred metres from its close neighbour,

4 Marika Mägi, In Austrvegr. The Role of the Eastern Baltic in Viking Age Communication across the Baltic Sea (Leiden, 2018) (The Northern World 84), pp. 217–​347; Ivar Leimus, ‘Millennium Breakthrough. North Goes West,’ Past. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri. Special Issue on the History of Estonia (2009), 7−34. 5 Kristo Siig, ‘Changes in the Network of Strongholds and Power Centres in Estonia,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 293–​325, here pp. 316–​317; Valter Lang, ‘Settlement Development and Power Structures in the Late Iron Age Harju District,’ in Keava –​‘The Hand of the Sun’, ed. Valter Lang (Tallinn, 2012) (Estonian Journal of Archaeology. Supplementary Series 1), pp. 201–​238; Mägi, In Austrvegr, pp. 366–​371. 6 Articles in: Keava –​‘The Hand of the Sun’.

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a considerably larger stronghold known as Lohu i (or Lohu/​Loone Jaanilinn).7 The latter was originally thought to have been constructed during the twelfth century, but the latest preliminary archaeological research suggests it may have been erected later, at the time of the Livonian Crusades.8 The western extremes of Harria were dominated by the monumental Varbola Jaanilinn, the largest stronghold in all of prehistoric Estonia.9 While an extensive fort district of taxation units was centred on Lohu, no unified domain can be identified around Varbola.10 The massive stronghold was also constructed in a somewhat peripheral location. It has often been interpreted as some sort of trading hub,11 but its potential political significance has also been emphasised.12 In contrast, Lohu could be seen as a more traditional power base for elites. The possibility that a new stronghold was erected there during the Livonian Crusades also provides grounds for speculation. This contribution makes use of Michael Mann’s poststructuralist theory of ideological, economic, military, and political (iemp) spheres, previously suggested for interpreting the early history of Livonia by Tyge Andersen and Priit Raudkivi.13 This approach dismantles communities into ‘overlapping and 7 8 9

10

11

12

13

Lang, ‘Settlement Development,’ pp. 206–​208. The numbering derives from the newer Lohu i being known to researchers first, while the more ancient Lohu ii was archaeologically explored at a later date. Ain Mäesalu et al., ‘Uut Loone linnusest,’ Tutulus. Eesti arheoloogia aastakiri (2015), 30. Ülle Tamla, ‘The Hillfort Varbola-​Jaanilinn and the Settlement at Jalase,’ in Estonia. Nature, Man and Cultural Heritage, ed. Tony Hackens et al. (Strasbourg, 1992) (Pact 37), pp. 145–​155; Evald Tõnisson, ‘Die Wallburg Warbola –​ein Zentrum im westlichen Estland. Aspekte zur militarischen, politischen und sozialen Funktion,’ in Europeans or Not? Local Level Strategies on the Baltic Rim 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist, Sven-​Olof Lindquist (Visby, 1999) (ccc Papers 1), pp. 173–​184; Lang, ‘Settlement Development,’ pp. 204–​206. Lang, ‘Settlement Development,’ p. 217. On the hypothetical (and quite extensive) fort district of Varbola, see: Tõnisson, ‘Die Wallburg Warbola,’ p. 173. See also: Heiki Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds of Estonia,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres, pp. 333–​384, here p. 363. Kersti Markus, ‘Kuhu kadus Hertele kirik? Mõtteid Harjumaa haldusstruktuurist 13. sajandil,’ Kunstiteaduslikke Uurimusi 1–​2 (2007), 9−26, here pp. 16–​17; Lang, ‘Settlement Development,’ p. 218; Mägi, In Austrvegr, p. 368. A contrasting opinion which nevertheless empathises the role of craftsmen, especially ironworkers, in the fortress is presented in: Tõnisson, ‘Die Wallburg Warbola,’ p. 182. Kristjan Oad, ‘Structures and Centres of Power in Estonia in 1200 AD: Some Alternative Interpretations,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres, pp. 239−255; Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds,’ p. 344. For a comparative analysis of trade and power theories, see: Marika Mägi, ‘Political Centres or Nodal Points in Trade Networks? Estonian Hillforts before and after the Thirteenth-​century Conquest,’ in Making Livonia, pp. 48–​69. Tyge Andersen and Priit Raudkivi, ‘Võimumängud Põhja-​Eestis aastail 1219–​1238: Ajaloolis-​ sotsioloogilisi aspekte,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 13 (2009), 3–​24, here pp. 4–​9.

58 Kaljusaar intersecting sociospatial networks of power,’ which are ‘institutional means of attaining human goals’.14 Mann stresses that the world is not divided into unitary blocks of culture with clear boundaries either in physical or in ideological space. Rather, people act as autonomous parts of many entangled webs of life. What he suggests by calling iemp networks ‘sources of social power’ is that they constitute fundamental means allowing people to get what they want. If one makes good use of them, they can satisfy increasingly complex ambitions. In this manner, iemp networks provide power, defined here as the ability to achieve objectives in the face of other people and the environment.15 Mann emphasises that these networks are not aspects of ‘a society’ –​instead, what could be called ‘society’ is created by and upon them.16 This is a useful way of looking at late-​prehistoric and crusading-​era communities in the east Baltic region. Often, archaeologists and historians struggle with reconstructing and describing their structure and appearance, as it is difficult to assess exactly who commanded authority and on what basis, how control over land and trade was established, and what the customs and religious practices were like.17 Instead of seeking to make sense of these communities as a ‘whole’ –​trying to fill a mould of society with content –​we could examine iemp networks and attempt to construe what kind of institutions may have developed upon them. In this fashion, one can also explore the strategies of thirteenth-​century Estonian elites in the face of Catholic religious missions, and the political and economic ambitions of German and Scandinavian magnates. Various bellicose and conciliatory ‘survival strategies’ of native elites in the face of this dominant and foreign cultural and political expansion of the Latin 14

Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 1: A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 1–​2. See also: Rhys Jones, ‘Mann and Men in a Medieval State: The Geographies of Power in the Middle Ages,’ Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 24/​1 (1999), 65–​78. 15 Mann, The Sources, pp. 1–​6. 16 Mann has stated that if he could, he would abolish the term ‘society’ altogether, although he also provides a definition for ‘society’ that more or less satisfies him: Mann, The Sources, pp. 1–​3, 13. 17 Priit Ligi, ‘Ühiskondlikest oludest Eesti alal hilispronksi-​ja rauaajal,’ in Eesti arheoloogia historiograafilisi, teoreetilisi ja kultuuriajaloolisi aspekte, ed. Valter Lang (Tallinn, 1995) (Muinasaja Teadus 3), pp. 182–​270; Andris Šnē, ‘The Emergence of Livonia: The Transformations of Social and Political Structures in the Territory of Latvia during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,’ in The Clash of Cultures on the Medieval Baltic Frontier, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnham, 2009), pp. 53–​72; Tõnno Jonuks and Tuuli Kurisoo, ‘To Be or not to Be … a Christian. Some New Perspectives on Understanding the Christianisation of Estonia,’ Folklore. Electronic Journal of Folklore 55 (2013), 69−97; Mägi, In Austrvegr, pp. 1–​17.

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world are often collocated as ‘clash or compromise’.18 Indeed, the responses occasionally led to clear losers and winners, but at other times created new, intertwined communities.19 Focusing on specific cases in Revala and Harria will hopefully present some of these manifold and dynamic strategies more clearly. 2

Clashing with the Conquerors

From the dawn of the thirteenth century, the young German missionary church of Riga sought to expand its borders in pagan lands not only by proselytising, but also via strength of arms, relying on seasonal crusaders, enfeoffed vassals, and the forces of the locally founded religious military order of the Brethren of the Sword. Employing a mix of diplomacy and martial strength, the Rigans secured the support and allegiance of Livs and Letts in the territories of today’s Latvia and then moved northward, first invading the Estonian provinces in 1208.20 The Harrians remained passive towards the bellicose Catholic expansion at first, but their neighbours in Revala took a more active role. In 1211, when the Osilians of Saaremaa led fleets and hosts from their islands as well as from neighbouring coastal regions against the lands of the Livs and the city of Riga itself, the Revalians also took part in the campaign.21 The expedition provides a first example of exploiting the conquerors: raiding. The importance of a plunder economy in pre-​state societies has been emphasised widely, not only as a means of amassing wealth, but also as a 18

19 20

21

Nils Blomkvist, ‘The Medieval Europeanisation Process of the Baltic Rim Region 1100–​ 1400 AD. Problems for an International Study,’ in Culture Clash or Compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist (Visby, 1998) (Acta Visbyensia 11), pp. 9–​36. Anti Selart, ‘Post hoc oder propter hoc? Eroberung, Einwanderung und Gesellschaftswandel im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 154 (2018), 429−453. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarium editi [31]), pp. 1–​65, ch. i–​x ii; Anti Selart, ‘Die Eroberung Livlands (12. und 13. Jahrhundert),’ in Das Baltikum. Geschichte einer europäischen Region, vol. 1: Von der Vor-​und Frühgeschichte bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, ed. Karsten Brüggemann et al. (Stuttgart, 2019), pp. 159−209, here pp. 179–​ 191; Nils Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic. The Reception of a Catholic World-​System in the European North (AD 1075–​1225) (Leiden, 2005) (The Northern World 15), pp. 505–​563; Friedrich Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder. Fratres milicie Christi de Livonia (Köln, 1965) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 9), pp. 1–​104. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 89–​91, §xv.3.

60 Kaljusaar method for consolidating prestige and power.22 Revala was apparently linked to the military network dominated by the Osilians, presumably born from their ambitions to control the main east Baltic trade routes, including one running along the northern Estonian coast.23 This aspiration, of course, primarily solidified economic connections, as well as other types of communication, for example, in the ideological sphere, as prehistoric Revala appears similar to Saaremaa culturally.24 These relations presumably lacked a genuine political aspect, at least in the authoritative sense –​there was no Saaremaa overlordship –​but military and economic ties, which transcend existing divisions rather than draw them into strict borders,25 bound Saaremaa and Revala. The network also included the west Estonian coast, and the Osilians had already been joined by the Rotalians, their closest neighbours on the mainland,26 in successfully pillaging the Livs in the Bishopric of Riga on several occasions over the course of 1210. Our main source on these events, the well known Rigan chronicler Henry, reports that the Estonians carried away rich plunder.27 In these circumstances, it is unlikely that some sort of coercion by the Osilians led the Revalians to join the 1211 expedition. Rather, the elites of Revala used their common military network with Saaremaa in the interest of gaining personal wealth and prestige –​perhaps even in competition with the prominent inland power centres of Harria. The very real threat of Rigan invasions likely only accentuated the significance of these raids. A comparison with the best-​known Estonian warlord Lembitu would be in order. Ostensibly a minor leader initially, he built an impressive influence (and legacy) around 22

Marika Mägi, At the Crossroads of Space and Time: Graves, Changing Society and Ideology on Saaremaa (Ösel), 9th–​13th Centuries AD (Tallinn, 2001) (ccc Papers 6), p. 143. 23 Marika Mägi, ‘Ösel and the Danish Kingdom: Re-​visiting Henry’s Chronicle and the Archaeological Evidence,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing on the Medieval Baltic Frontier: A Companion to the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, ed. Marek Tamm et al. (Farnham, 2011), pp. 317–​341, here pp. 317–​323. On types of power networks –​diffused versus authoritative, see: Mann, The Sources, pp. 7–​10. 24 Mägi, ‘Ösel and the Danish Kingdom,’ p. 328. Mann also considers ideological power to be one of the main facilitators of effective co-​operation: Mann, The Sources, pp. 22–​24. 25 Mann, The Sources, p. 27. 26 West Estonia was pillaged by the Rigans and their allies in early 1210 (Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 82–​83 §xiv.10), while Saaremaa had not yet been directly attacked by the Germans at that time. 27 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 73–​74 §xiv.12. At the same time, pillage raids were also launched from southern Estonian provinces. On Henry the chronicler, see: James A. Brundage, ‘Introduction: Henry of Livonia, the Writer and His Chronicle,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing, pp. 1–​19.

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spearheading resistance against Catholic expansion, eventually attracting warriors from most provinces of Estonia to his cause.28 Unlike the leaders of the Osilians and Rotalians, the Revalian seniores are not given priority in Henry’s description of the 1211 raid.29 Rather, his chronicle blends them in with auxiliary forces from de universa Estonia –​best interpreted as war-​bands seeking fame and loot.30 Many of them, however, met their doom instead, because Riga had just received crusader reinforcements.31 Henry describes how ‘the head of Estonia, that is the Saaremaa elders, and elders from Rotalia and other provinces’ were killed.32 Henceforth, the Revalians only once, alongside Lembitu, took part in an expedition against Catholic invaders outside their home region,33 so one might assume the most belligerent of local elites could have lost either their lives or their reputation.34 Aside from a Novgorodian campaign in 1212, during which Prince Mstislav Mstislavich, an ally of Riga at the time, exacted a sizeable tribute from Varbola and probably plundered the rest of Harria, as well as possibly Revala,35 these provinces were left untouched by invasions in the first half of the 1210s. The locals avoided warring elsewhere. Nevertheless, Rigan ambitions eventually extended to northern Estonia. A raid centred on Lohu in 1216 seems to have 28

29 30 31 32 33

34

35

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 85–​87 §xiv.12, pp. 99–​100 §xv.9–​10, pp. 120–​121 §xviii.7, pp. 140–​143 §xxi.1–​3. Lembitu’s leadership could be seen as a prime example of an extensive, diffuse network of military power. See also: Kristjan Oad, ‘Lembitu. Juhtimiskunsti meistriklass vastsel Maarjamaal,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 23 (2017), 26–​48. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 89–​91 §xv.3. In total, Henry claims that Estonians numbered in the thousands. Friedrich Benninghoven has proposed that at least 3000–​4000 men is a likely number: Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 111. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 87–​88 §xv.1. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 89–​91 §xv.3 (in eodem bello caput Estonie cecidit, id est seniores Osilie et seniores Rotalie et aliarum provinciarum). They did engage in defensive warfare during the royal Danish invasion in the summer of 1219 and supported an attempt to drive the Danes from their stronghold in Tallinn in the spring of 1221: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 141–​143 §xxi.2; pp. 148–​149 §xxiii.2; p. 177 §xxiv.7. The killing of native elites as an effective strategy during the Livonian Crusades has been outlined by: John Gillingham, ‘A Strategy of Total War? Henry of Livonia and the Conquest of Estonia (1208–​1227),’ Journal of Medieval Military History 15 (2017), 187–​214, here pp. 203, 206–​208. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 98–​99 §xv.8. The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016–​1471, ed. Robert Michell, Nevill Forbes (London, 1914) (Camden Third Series 25), pp. 52–​53. Rus’ian sources mention the expedition reached ‘as far as the sea’, hence perhaps also devastating Revala: The Pskov 3rd Chronicle, ed. David Savignac (Crofton, 2016), p. 43. See also: Anti Selart, Livonia, Rus’ and the Baltic Crusades in the Thirteenth Century (Leiden, 2015) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 29), pp. 115–​120.

62 Kaljusaar been less than entirely successful, however, based on a perplexing account in Henry’s chronicle.36 The Harrians thereafter took an active role themselves, participating in campaigns against Catholic influence in other parts of Estonia, most often in cooperation with the Osilians and the Rus’ians, whose brief alliance with Riga had come to an end.37 After the 1216 raid to Harria, revenge was no doubt called for, as retribution was the norm in this type of plundering warfare.38 Understandably, one should imagine this development concentrated authority into the hands of those who led the retaliation campaigns: the warrior elites who were enriched and empowered. Meanwhile, pacts with other Estonian provinces and especially the Rus’ princes made prospects for success quite likely. After all, the Rigans still had rather limited forces available in the eastern Baltic,39 and their coalition with native peoples was not adamant, as a recent revolt of Livs and Letts had proven in 1212.40 Harrian war-​chiefs could hence realistically hope to increase their personal standing by triumphing over seemingly potent enemies, although largely owing this outcome to their powerful allies.

36

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 135–​136 §xx.2. The description of the expedition is somewhat confusing and disjointed –​to the point that it has been called nonsensical –​which alludes at least a partial failure on the Rigan side. Sulev Vahtre, Muinasaja loojang Eestis. Vabadusvõitlus 1208–​1227 (Tallinn, 1990), pp. 113–​114, and references therein. 37 Selart, Livonia, Rus’ and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 120–​123. 38 Kurt Villads Jensen, ‘Bigger and Better: Arms Race and Change in War Technology in the Baltic in the Early Thirteenth Century,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing, pp. 245–​264, here pp. 259–​263; Gillingham, ‘A Strategy of Total War,’ pp. 203–​206. The tribe of Idumeans (Ydumei) called for German legal arbitration to solve feuds, since they did not dare to continue reciprocal plundering as they had commonly done before accepting Catholic overlordship: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 46–​47 §x.15. 39 It has been estimated that in the early thirteenth century, approximately 300 to 1000 military pilgrims visited Livonia yearly, while revenues from Rigan-​dominated lands could perhaps at most supply 450 mounted knights in 1214 (but were in part likely used to supply a greater number of less expensive troops). These forces were bolstered by the hosts of Livs and Letts, which could include up to 4000 fighters. Each Estonian province is thought to have mustered roughly 1000 men on average, but the Rus’ian armies allegedly included as many as 20,000 (although Henry, in his chronicle, inflates these numbers to as high as significantly over 100,000 (see: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 186–​187 §xxvi.1). Alan V. Murray, ‘The Sword Brothers at War: Observations on the Military Activity of the Knighthood of Christ in the Conquest of Livonia and Estonia (1203–​1227),’ Ordines Militares 18 (2013), 27–​37, here pp. 29–​31; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 388–​408. 40 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 104–​111 §xvi.3–​6. See also: Heinrich Laakmann, ‘Zur Geschichte Heinrichs von Lettland und seiner Zeit,’ Beiträge zur Kunde Estlands 18 (1933), 57–​102, here pp. 79–​82.

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In early 1217, the Harrians joined the Prince of Pskov in attacking the south Estonian province of Ugandi, where the stronghold of Otepää had accepted Rigan baptism and received a German garrison. In addition to achieving military and political success by forcing Catholics to withdraw, the campaign allowed for widespread plundering. Rus’ian sources speak of 700 horses taken as booty.41 Conversely, in the following autumn, Harrians suffered a defeat when fighting alongside Lembitu, who was killed in battle himself.42 Regardless, in the fall of 1218, a host from Harria again followed the armies of Pskov into the lands of the Bishopric of Riga during an expedition which yielded little politically but offered valuable spoils, while Estonian losses in actual fighting appear to have been minor.43 3

Towards Compromise

The possible consolidation of power facilitated by raiding expeditions could be fitted into the context of the construction of the Lohu i stronghold –​presuming one accepts the theory about its late completion. It was erected right next to an older power centre (the small Lohu ii hillfort), in a location that must have been a focal point in Harria, since the Rigans repeatedly directed their efforts against it.44 While the local leader(s) –​probable ruler(s) of Lohu ii –​may have further consolidated their position by having a considerably more impressive structure built, several nearby magnates could have alternatively pooled their resources towards this objective. A small overview of the following events is necessary to continue with this analysis. In the summer of 1219, the situation in northern Estonia was drastically altered by the crusading expedition of Valdemar ii, the king of Denmark –​an ally as well as a rival to Riga. Revala was subjugated by the Danes, and Rigans had to abandon their plans in Harria to Danish ambitions, too. The ensuing competition over spheres of influence between the Catholic powers was brought to an end by a major Estonian uprising in 1222–​23, initiated by the 41 42 43

44

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 139–​140 §xx.7; The Chronicle of Novgorod, p. 58; Pskov 3rd Chronicle, p. 44. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 140–​143 §xxi.1–​3. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 150–​152 §xxii.4–​8. Granted, the Harrians did arrive later, when ‘spoiling the land of Letts, Idumeans and Livs’ (terram Lettorum et Ydumeorum et Lyvonum … vastavit) was for the most part done, but there were still opportunities for plundering. In 1216 (Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 135–​136 §xx.2), 1220 (Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 164–​168 §xxiii.9–​10), and 1224 (Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 198–​199 §xxvii.6).

64 Kaljusaar Osilians. Danish rule on the eastern Baltic shores was henceforth limited to the castle of Tallinn, which was often under siege. By force, the Rigans eventually established their lordship over the rest of mainland Estonia, but in 1226 the papal legate William of Modena stepped in as an arbiter and made the decision to grant Harria and Revala to Denmark.45 The construction of Lohu i was probably launched after the Estonian uprising of 1222–​23, when fortification work commenced in many places.46 There is no mention of a large stronghold in the parts of Henry’s chronicle describing Rigan campaigns in 1216 and 1220, but it had to be besieged when the Germans returned in 1224.47 Allusions that it may have been a project uniting several Harrian leaders can be found in the later enfeoffments made by the Danish king in the area. A vassal of probable Estonian origin, Hænrich fan Anger, held eight ploughlands (Latin: uncus; German: Haken –​a standard agricultural unit roughly corresponding to one farmstead) in fief at Angerja (Angær), where he was most likely from, and four in Lohu, about seven kilometres away, suggesting some sort of ownership there.48 A late-​twelfth or early-​thirteenth-​century silver hoard unearthed in his native village implies trans-​conquest elite continuity.49 Henry’s chronicle speaks of regional councils held by Estonians in Raikküla (Raigele),50 which is close to Keava (hinting at its earlier prominence in the ideological sphere), but geographically still connected to the Lohu area –​but not to Varbola.51 Hence, an institutional foundation for the collective building project perhaps existed in local politics, by then probably dominated by

45 46 47

48 49 50 51

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 154–​215 ch. xxiii–​x xix. Overview in: Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 152–​206; Ane L. Bysted et al., Jerusalem in the North. Denmark and the Baltic Crusades, 1100–​1522 (Turnhout, 2012) (Outremer 1), pp. 195–​225. Valter Lang and Heiki Valk, ‘An Archaeological Reading of the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia: Events, Traces, Contexts and Interpretations,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing, pp. 291–​316, here pp. 306–​313; Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds,’ pp. 357–​358. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 198–​199 §xxvii.6. See also: Lang, Valk, ‘An Archaeological Reading,’ pp. 301–​305. The argument that Henry confused Lohu with Keava still seems implausible, because –​among other reasons –​of the temporal proximity of the events to the time of writing, which would have enabled the author to easily verify his facts, as well as his personal familiarity with the region which he repeatedly visited and about which he seems to have known many details. Liber census Daniae, p. 41r, facsimile in: Paul Johansen, Die Estlandliste des Liber census Daniae (Reval, 1933). Johansen somewhat doubted his Estonian origin (pp. 315–​316, 766) but Moora and Ligi made a case for it: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung, pp. 87–​88. Lang, ‘Settlement Development and Power Structures,’ p. 224. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 135–​136 §xx.2. Lembit Jaanits et al., Eesti esiajalugu (Tallinn, 1982), p. 407.

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war-​chiefs. There are also hints that Estonians from around Lohu may have focused on construction work after the extensive revolt had broken out. In the year 1223, two sieges of the still Danish-​held castle of Tallinn took place. On both occasions, Henry says ‘Varbolensians’, specifically, led the effort, while ‘Harrians’, who are said to have undertaken all previous raids, are not mentioned.52 Despite the former group certainly belonging among the latter in the chronicler’s eyes generally,53 they also clearly constituted a distinct faction. Perhaps Varbola was not involved with the raids in the 1210s. Instead, these expeditions were led by war-​chiefs from the eastern regions of Harria: the generic ‘Harrians’, as opposed to the specific ‘Varbolensians’. Rigans had not attacked Varbola, while the opposite was true for Lohu and surrounding areas. This does not necessarily mean that no Varbolensians took part in these expeditions. Since the ‘social cage’ binding people to power structures54 was not fully closed in Estonia at the time, individuals or war-​bands from around Varbola, who found such prospects alluring, may have joined the raids organised by neighbours. However, when Henry speaks only of Varbolensians, explicitly, besieging Tallinn in 1223, perhaps other ‘Harrians’ were preoccupied with urgent construction work on the new Lohu stronghold at the time.55 The ‘official’ strategy of Varbola appears to have been seeking common ground with the prevailing faction in the region. In 1220, when a Rigan army of several thousand men arrived in Lohu with the crusading duke of Saxony at its head, the Varbolensians sent emissaries to ask ‘what is necessary for peace’ (que pacis essent). They agreed to accept baptism and relinquished hostages.56 52 53

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 192 §xxvi.11, pp. 196–​197 §xxvii.3. This is clearly apparent in Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 213–​214 §xxix.7: [Warbolenses] … cum ceteris Harionensibus, and also in pp. 164–​168 §xxiii.9–​10, where hostages exacted from the Varbola are spoken of as: [o]bsides quidem presentis provinciae Harionensis. Yet, on many occasions Varbolensians evidently acted separately from other Harrians: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 192 §xxvi.11, pp. 196–​197 §xxvii.3, pp. 205–​206 §xxviii.7, pp. 213–​ 214 §xxix.7. 54 Mann, The Origins, pp. xii, 39, 57–​58, 68–​70. 55 It has been estimated that the construction of a stronghold the size of Varbola would have required roughly 250,000–​300,000 working hours: Tõnisson, ‘Wallburg Warbola,’ p. 183. Lohu i was about three times smaller: Evald Tõnisson, Eesti muinaslinnad, ed. Ain Mäesalu and Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2008) (Muinasaja Teadus 20), pp. 196–​200, but must have still required enormous effort to erect over the course of a single year, which in all likelihood left no time for military expeditions. 56 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 154–​156, 164–​168 §xxiii.1–​2; 9–​10; Friedrich Benninghoven, ‘Zur Technik spätmittelalterlicher Feldzüge im Ostbaltikum,’ Zeitschrift für Ostforschung 19 (1970), 631–​51, here pp. 641–​45; Kristjan Kaljusaar, ‘A North German Prince on a Pilgrimage in Arms –​Political Implications of the Livonian Crusade of Albert I, Duke of Saxony,’ in The Expansion of the Faith: Crusading on the Frontiers of Latin Christendom in

66 Kaljusaar Yet Danish emissaries from Tallinn protested this, likely presenting their papal privileges,57 and the Germans relented. Soon thereafter, the king of Denmark united Harria with the new bishopric formed in Revala, and the Danes, including priests, took residence in Varbola.58 They even presented the Varbolensians with a siege engine,59 which speaks of a trusting alliance. For some reason, possibly harsh taxation,60 the Varbolensians turned against the king of Denmark anyway. They expedited the rebellion of 1222–​23 by sharing the siege technology they possessed with other Estonians, and repeatedly attacked the castle of Tallinn, using the same mechanical know-​how.61 The Rigans refurbished their strength and subjugated almost the entire Estonian mainland by 1224, but seemingly never attempted to capture the stronghold of Varbola. Nevertheless, its emissaries soon came to Riga, offering their subservience to the new dominant power.62 After the Germans rejected the proposal, the Varbolensians sought direct connections with the papal legate, who eventually decided to leave the entirety of Harria to the Danes.63 As King Valdemar’s crusading expedition landed in the summer of 1219, the Revalians initially welcomed the monarch openly, but three days later attacked his camp along with other Estonians (and were defeated). The elites of Lohu, who had been successfully fighting Catholic expansion thus far, fit the bill

57 58 59

60

61 62

63

the High Middle Ages, ed. Paul Srodecki and Norbert Kersken (Turnhout, 2022) (Outremer 14), pp. 131–​145, here pp. 140–​142. Kaljusaar, ‘A North German Prince,’ p. 142. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 170–​172, §xxiv.2, pp. 174–​176 §xxvi.5. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 188 §xxvi.3. The machine Henry calls a patherellus was most likely a counterweight trebuchet: Ain Mäesalu, ‘Mechanical Artillery and Warfare in the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing, pp. 265–​290, here pp. 276–​285. According to Henry, after some Revalians, Harrians, and Vironians aided the Osilians in their attempt to conquer Tallinn in 1221, the Danish authorities hanged those directly involved and doubled or even tripled the tributes demanded from others: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 177 §xxiv.7. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 188–​190 §xxvi.3–​5, p. 192 §xxvi.11, pp. 196–​197 §xxvii.3. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 205 §xxviii.7: Warbolenses tributum et munera def­ erentes per omnia se Rigensibus exhibebant, but the Rigans ‘doubtfully’ (nichil certi de eis definientes) rejected their subservience, probably to avoid difficult conflicts with the Danes. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 213–​214 §xxix.7; Mihkel Mäesalu, ‘Päpstliche Gewalt im Kreuzzugsgebiet: Gründete Wilhelm von Modena in Estland einen ‘Pufferstaat’?’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 6 (2011), 11–​30; Mihkel Mäesalu, ‘A Crusader Conflict Mediated by a Papal Legate: The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia as a Legal Text,’ The Medieval Chronicle 8 (2013), 233–​246.

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rather well as the aggressive faction here.64 Varbola, instead, apparently came to accept the Danes as the strongest faction in the region (and masters of local trade networks), but the fact that Varbolensians were given a siege engine is bizarre, since, firstly, the gift was immensely valuable strategically, and, secondly, its exact function is obscure. Henry criticises King Valdemar for sending ‘Harrians’ to raid the neighbouring province of Jerwia in 1220, with the aim of forcing it to accept Danish, not German, baptism.65 Presuming the chronicler followed the previously proposed logic regarding demonyms, these may have been war-​bands from Lohu continuing their pillaging strategies, now under a royal aegis, which protected them from Rigan retaliation. Despite initial hostility, local elites could hence make the new political relations work in their favour. Similarly, other Estonians, baptised by Riga and hence backed by Germans, later gladly raided the subjects of Novgorod.66 Meanwhile, the Varbolensian siege engine would have been useless during pillage raids –​and Jerwia lacked notable strongholds altogether.67 The machine may have served as a measure against similar ones employed by the Germans, in case the Danes feared a Rigan attack on their allies. The Estonians in the stronghold of Viljandi did use siege engines defensively in 1223.68 However, Varbolensians may have operated as the local authority representing royal power in Harria, where Danish administration had otherwise not been established.69 In that situation, the machine could have aided them in attacking presumably less compliant Lohu or Keava.

64

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 154–​156 §xxiii.2; Bysted et al., Jerusalem in the North, pp. 203–​204. There may have existed some prior treaty between the Danish king and at least some Revalians, or the alternating approaches to the arrival of the king may have been influenced by the nature of collective decision-​making in Estonian society: Mägi, In Austrvegr, pp. 365–​366. Alternatively, both Varbola and Lohu may have had their own subordinate areas in Revala, and the events demonstrate a clash between their pro-​and anti-​Danish inclination, respectively: Oad, ‘Structures and Centres of Power,’ p. 244. 65 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 170–​172 §xxiv.2; Eva Eihmane, ‘The Baltic Crusades: A Clash of Two Identities,’ in The Clash of Cultures, pp. 37–​51, here pp. 45–​49. 66 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 159 §xxiii.6; Evgeniya L. Nazarova, ‘The Crusades against Votians and Izhorians in the Thirteenth Century,’ in Crusade and Conversion, pp. 177–​195, here pp. 180–​181. 67 Heiki Valk, ‘Strongholds East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th/​14th Centuries: The Topic, Concepts, Research, and Terms,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres, pp. 81−114, here pp. 88–​89. 68 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 148–​149 §xxvii.2; Lang, Valk, ‘Archaeological Reading,’ pp. 296–​301. 69 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 712.

68 Kaljusaar The conquerors needed native allies to retain and expand their war effort, and to establish a stable administration.70 Danish kings traditionally employed two main strategies to consolidate power: building royal institutions around existing local authorities, and creating new elites from men of lower social standing.71 In a sense, both could have been simultaneously used in Varbola. One can imagine that while the war-​chiefs of Lohu continued plundering the supporters of Riga, thereby increasing their prestige, the Varbolensians were formally elevated to dominate all of Harria, endorsed in both the political and ideological spheres by the Danish monarch and church. 4

Novel Opportunities

The extent to which pre-​conquest elites retained power after Danish rule was restored in Harria via papal arbitration in 1226 is open to debate, but the Varbolensians repeatedly negotiated freely at the time, and the aforementioned Hænrich fan Anger exemplified continuity in Lohu. Several other royal vassals of Estonian origin are known from Harria and Revala,72 consistent with how native elites largely appear to have had retained their position up to the mid-​1220s. Meanwhile, conflicts between the Rigan and Danish factions also continued. In the summer of 1227, when King Valdemar was preoccupied with war against north German princes and cities opposing him,73 push came to shove in Livonia as well. The Rigan religious military order of the Brethren of the Sword seized Danish holdings in Estonia and conquered Tallinn.74 Light is 70 71 72

73

74

Evald Blumfeldt, ‘Über die Wehrpflicht der estnischen Landbevölkerung im Mittelalter,’ in Apophoreta Tartuensia, ed. Jaan Olvet-​Jensen (Stockholm, 1949), pp. 163–​176, here pp. 163–​ 165, 174–​175. Hans Jacob Orning and Bjørn Poulsen, ‘Holding Royal Office and the Creation and Consolidation of the Elites in Scandinavia c. 1050–​1250,’ in Nordic Elites in Transformation, c. 1050–​1250. Vol. 1: Material Resources, ed. Bjørn Poulsen et al. (New York, 2019), pp. 212–​247. The most daring hypotheses on the ethnic origins of Danish vassals estimate that roughly 35% may have been Estonian, although convincing evidence is scarce: Edgar V. Saks, Commentaries on the Liber Census Daniae. Studies in Mediaeval European History (Montreal, 1974); Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds,’ pp. 360–​367. For an extensive overview of the events, see: Hans-​Otto Gaethke, ‘Knud VI. und Waldemar II. von Dänemark und Nordalbingien 1182–​1227,’ Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Schleswig-​ Holsteinische Geschichte 119 (1994), 21–​99; 120 (1995), 7–​76; 121 (1996), 7–​44. Here, the third part is the most relevant. These events are somewhat imaginatively reconstructed in: Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 702–​733. See also: Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 219–​222.

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shed upon their decade-​spanning rule in Harria and Revala by the Estonian list of the Liber census Daniae, which recorded the situation regarding land tenure after the eventual restoration of King Valdemar’s rule in 1238. It also mentions which fiefs were formerly held by the Order’s vassals, who had thereafter been expelled or had decided to depart. Among the people benefiting from the rule of the Brethren of the Sword, we find a certain Albert de Osilia, who had held 22 ploughlands in fief in Revala prior to the restoration of Danish rule.75 This vassal was probably a native Osilian,76 who hence represents notable Estonian elite mobility. Only in the winter of 1227 had Saaremaa been subjugated by a crusading expedition of Rigans,77 who thereupon sent a letter to the burghers of Lübeck. The city was feuding with the Danish king at the time, and the Germans of Riga asked it not to make peace with the monarch, claiming that the Osilians had joined their cause and were willing to provide aid in war.78 There is no reason to consider this as some sort of tongue-​in-​cheek comment painting the subjugation of Saaremaa in the tones of forming an alliance. The Osilians had surrendered on very favourable terms, and native elders continued to govern with great autonomy well into the fourteenth century.79 Despite the defeat in the winter of 1227, new opportunities also presented themselves to the elites of Saaremaa. They could henceforth make use of a far-​ reaching military network, at the receiving end of which they formerly stood, and take part in Rigan campaigns. The expedition aimed at Revala and against the Danish king –​a region where Osilians had long held interests and attacking an old foe –​may have attracted particular interest. The nature of Saaremaa involvement in the summer expedition of 1227 remains unclear, but at least the aforementioned Albert (who may have been baptised in the winter, taking the name of the Riga bishop)80 was at some point

75 76 77 78 79

80

Liber census Daniae, p. 45r; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 822. While Paul Johansen doubts this (Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 822), Moora and Ligi are convinced (Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung, pp. 89–​90). Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 216–​222 §xxx.3–​6. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 1, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge (Reval, 1853), no. 98. The treaties regulating the subjugation of Saaremaa in 1241 and 1255 give local elites extensive jurisdiction: Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 169, 285. See also: Jaak Mäll, ‘Verwaltungsgeschichte und Christianisierung der Insel Ösel im 13. Jahrhundert,’ in Culture Clash or Compromise, pp. 158–​166; Marika Mägi, ‘Districts and Centres in Saaremaa 1100–​1400,’ in Culture Clash or Compromise, pp. 147–​157. Anti Selart, ‘New Faith and New Name? Crusades, Conversion, and Baptismal Names in Medieval Baltics,’ Journal of Baltic Studies 47 (2016), 179−196, here pp. 187–​188.

70 Kaljusaar thereafter rewarded with 22 ploughlands. This fief was rather on the smaller side, but certainly decent for someone who fought in the manner of a mounted warrior in Livonia. In 1261, the Order offered settlers from Germany enfeoffments of 40 ploughlands in Curonia, provided they maintained an armoured warhorse, and 10 ploughlands in case only the equestrian wore a plate vest.81 Forty merchants who moved to Tallinn around the year 1230 each received 20 ploughlands in fief in Jerwia from the Brethren of the Sword,82 and 56 burghers of Riga were each granted 25 ploughlands in Curonia in 1234.83 As a matter of fact, new power structures for organising taxation may have enabled pre-​conquest elites to acquire revenues more effectively as vassals of the Catholic lords, rather than in their own right. The system of economic resource extraction before and after the Livonian Crusades requires further research,84 but to present a somewhat questionable comparison, some estimates assert that around the turn of the fourteenth century, English royal administration could occasionally exact nearly 300% more funds from subjugated Gwynedd after replacing former Welsh social structures with a fiscal organisation of their own.85 While any far-​reaching analogy with Estonia would be out of place here, newly imposed ecclesiastical tributes were among the main reasons why natives resisted Catholic rule.86 In 1234, the pope accused the Brethren of the Sword of illegally gathering church tithes in their lands,87 but parts of this income were enfeoffed to the Order’s vassals, since possession of a certain fief

81 82 83 84 85 86

87

Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 1, no. 362. Hermann Hildebrand, Livonica, vornämlich aus dem 13. Jahrhundert, im Vaticanischen Archiv (Riga, 1887), no. 21 §21. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 1, no. 135. Cf. the contribution by Anti Selart in the present volume. James Given, ‘The Economic Consequences of the English Conquest of Gwynedd,’ Speculum 64 (1989), 11–​45, here pp. 24–​34. See also: Jones, ‘Mann and Men,’ p. 75. Tiina Kala, ‘Rural Society and Religious Innovation: Acceptance and Rejection of Catholicism among the Native Inhabitants of Medieval Livonia,’ in The Clash of Cultures, pp. 169–​190, here pp. 180–​181; Shami Ghosh, ‘Conquest, Conversion, and Heathen Customs in Henry of Livonia’s Chronicon Livoniae and the Livländische Reimchronik,’ Crusades 11 (2012), 87–​108, here pp. 99–​100. Diplomatarium Danicum, series 1, vol. 6, ed. Niels Skyum-​Nielsen (København, 1979), no. 199; Ivar Leimus, ‘Iura christianorum –​eine Floskel von Heinrich oder ein Mittel zur Unterwerfung der Heiden? Zur Bedeutung eines Begriffs in der Kreuzzug-​Rhetorik und in der Historiographie,’ in Der ‘Ungläubige’ in der Rechts-​und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, ed. Ulrich Kronauer and Andreas Deutsch (Heidelberg, 2015) (Akademiekonferenzen 20), pp. 131−152, here pp. 137–​138.

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represented the right to revenue from its location.88 Granting specific villages to liegemen was only possible after the creation of an effective administration, however, and these new power structures could easily facilitate economic exploitation.89 In 1225, the papal legate had warned the Brethren of the Sword against enforcing severe obligations upon neophytes,90 and the Roman curia scolded vassals because of the excessive tributes they demanded in Estonia in 1245.91 Taxation systems in Harria and Revala were already sophisticated in the Late Iron Age,92 but Welsh comparisons suggest that the creation of fiefs tightened power networks by dividing land into smaller territorial units that made resource extraction more profitable.93 A precisely defined enfeoffment conferred upon a single vassal probably enabled that individual to draw revenue more consistently than former customs had allowed. Additionally, someone like Albert de Osilia, presumably an equestrian warrior, could have been confined by the possibly more collective power structures of prehistoric Estonia, which seemingly limited the ambitions of military aristocracy.94 Becoming a vassal of the Brethren of the Sword perhaps offered alluring social mobility. Not only did Albert and his progeny gain specific landholding and privileges as liegemen of the Order, they were also integrated into a system free of traditional Saaremaa constraints. Events of the early 1230s presented Estonian elites with another viable political strategy –​supporting the new papal (vice-​)legate, Baldwin of Aulne, who had been dispatched to resolve, among other things, the conflict between the Brethren of the Sword and Denmark.95 He accepted the fealty of local vassals 88

Friedrich Georg von Bunge, Das Herzogthum Estland unter den Königen von Dänemark (Gotha, 1877), pp. 107–​108; Carl Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechlichen Satzungen des Waldemar-​Erich’schen Rechts (Mitau, 1879), pp. 90–​93. 89 The attitudes of the Brethren of the Sword towards neophytes have been considered rather exploitative, see: Marie-​Luise Favreau-​Lilie, ‘Mission to the Heathen in Prussia and Livonia: The Attitude of the Religious Military Orders toward Christianization,’ in Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Armstrong and Ian N. Wood (Turnhout, 2000) (International Medieval Research 7), pp. 147–​154, here pp. 149, 152. 90 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 209–​211 §xxix.3. 91 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 1, no. 186. 92 Lang, ‘Settlement Development and Power Structures,’ pp. 215–​219. 93 Jones, ‘Mann and Men,’ pp. 74–​75. 94 Marika Mägi, ‘Collectivity versus Individuality: The Warrior Ideology of Iron Age Burial Rites on Saaremaa,’ Archaeologia Baltica 8 (2007), 263–​272. 95 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 716–​729; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 269–​301; Anti Selart, ‘Balduin von Alna, Dänemark und Russland. Zur politischen Geschichte Livlands in den 1230er Jahren,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe, pp. 59–​74; Mihkel Mäesalu, ‘Päpstliche und kaiserliche Machtansprüche im livländischen

72 Kaljusaar on behalf of the Roman church, and also relied upon the support of native Estonian elders.96 When Baldwin tried to assume control over the castle of Tallinn in 1233, the Brethren of the Sword attacked the supporters of the papal legate there, allegedly massacring more than 100 vassals of the Roman Church.97 It is unclear whether another charge accusing the Order of looting 400 sets of armaments is connected to this same event,98 but if it is, it alludes to the fact that Baldwin’s faction in Tallinn was quite numerous. These forces (either vassals or other combatants) may have included Estonians, as suggested by the (probably exaggerated, yet interesting) report that the Brethren of the Sword had fallen enemies mockingly piled in a heap, in defiance of papal authority, but also as a warning to neophytes.99 In looking for possible papal supporters of Estonian origin from Harria and Revala, the lands surrounding Varbola draw one’s eye. Thus far seemingly quite autonomous and powerful, nothing indicates exactly how the Varbolensians responded to the Order’s invasion in 1227, but based on precedent, one might assume a deal of some sort was struck. Nevertheless, according to the list in the Liber census Daniae, many villages west and north-​east of Varbola, which had likely belonged to the pre-​conquest domain of the stronghold, had been enfeoffed to apparently foreign-​born vassals of the Brethren of the Sword.100 As a rule, the Order bestowed fiefs in Revala, as the Danish king had presumably done, and almost never in Harria (see map 3.1).101 Could these liegemen around Varbola have received the lands of killed or repressed Estonian elites who had taken the side of the papal legate? Most vassals enfeoffed by the Order near Varbola appear to have been of German or Scandinavian origin. Among them we find a man named Arnold, whom Paul Johansen identifies as Arnoldus villicus, known to have sold his fief in Paderborn to a local nunnery in 1231 and left for Livonia with his wife and

Kreuzzugsgebiet im 13. Jahrhundert,’ Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-​Forschung 62 (2013), 472−89, here pp. 480–​488. 96 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 724–​725. 97 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §14–​16. See also: Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 287–​301. The number of killed vassals may have been inflated in Baldwin’s allegations presented to the papal curia, the citation to which is our main source for this conflict. 98 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §17. Cf. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 1, no. 145. 99 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §16. 100 Liber census Daniae, pp. 41v, 41r, 43r, 44r, 45r; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 766, 769, 779–​ 780, 789, 790, 791, 810, 815, 833–​834. Cf. Johansen’s map of enfeoffments in 1238 to the map of Varbola’s fort district in: Tõnisson, ‘Die Wallburg Warbola,’ p. 173. 101 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, 1238 map.

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map 3.1  Harria and Revala c. 1237, the end of the rule of the Order of the Brethren of the Sword. 1 –​domain of the Order; 2 –​Albert de Osilia. Map drawn by Kristel Roog.

children.102 Assuming this premise regarding the vassal’s background is correct, he could not have been enfeoffed near Varbola much before 1233. At that time, the Order did grant new holdings to loyal vassals near Tallinn, likely conferring lands which were formerly held by the papal liegemen who had been killed in battle.103 This possibly also took place in Harria, in the fort district of vanquished Varbolensians. Presuming Varbola had a central role in commerce, the growing city of Tallinn must have soon overshadowed it, especially after the Brethren of the

1 02 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 766. 103 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 730–​731; Andersen, Raudkivi, ‘Võimumängud,’ pp. 20–​21.

74 Kaljusaar Sword invited merchants from Gotland to resettle there.104 Seeking to restore connections with the Baltic trade network, the Varbolensians could have become active in Tallinn.105 The legate Baldwin won the natives of Jerwia to his cause by revoking fiefs the Order had granted to the aforementioned Gotlanders in that province,106 so perhaps the Varbolensians took his side, too. They had wanted to negotiate with the previous papal representative in 1226. One could argue that the Brethren of the Sword did not later destroy Varbola in the same manner as they razed papal strongholds elsewhere,107 but the fight in Harria and Revala had already been won, and it might also hint that Varbolensians had been defeated in Tallinn. 5

Conceding Autonomy

Estonian elites could also adapt to new power structures by subjecting themselves to the protection of more influential vassals, as was very common in societies with feudal structures. After 1238 (see map 3.2), most lands previously held by the Order’s liegemen near Varbola were acquired by the prominent Lode family, who acted as seigneurs to many sub-​vassals.108 They may have even set up a private court to settle matters between the numerous followers,109 and Paul Johansen was convinced the Lode were patrons of many minor Estonian noble families.110 Relevant to the topic of the power network created by the Lode is one of the best-​known vassals of Estonian origin: Hildælempæ, who held 17 ploughlands in Revala, mostly in the village of Saha (Saga).111 According to the Liber census 1 04 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §21; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 719. 105 Selart, ‘Where Was the Home,’ pp. 46–​48, 53–​54. On the development of the city of Tallinn, see Ivar Leimus and Anu Mänd, ‘Reval (Tallinn). A City Emerging from Maritime Trade,’ in The Routledge Handbook of Maritime Trade around Europe 1300–​1600, ed. Wim Blockmans et al. (London, 2017), pp. 273–​291. 106 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §11. See also: Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 1, no. 145. 107 In Vironia, the Order destroyed the Agelinde stronghold and in Läänemaa, the castle of Kullamaa (Goldenboret), both of which probably housed a notable number of native Estonian papal allies, as well. Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §18, 24; Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds,’ pp. 353, 356. 108 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 374–​375, 441, 480, 592, 687, 791, 806, 821, 841, 856, 861, 868. Edgar Saks has even expressed a conviction that the Lode were of Estonian origin themselves: Saks, Commentaries, pp. 150–​152. 109 Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechtlichen Satzungen, p. 182. 110 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 747–​748. 111 Liber census Daniae, pp. 42r, 47v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 790.

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map 3.2  Harria and Revala c. 1241, after the restoration of Danish rule. 1 –​Lode family; 2 –​ ecclesiastic possessions; 3 –​Clemens Esto; 4 –​Herman Osilianus; 5 –​Uillølemp; 6 –​Hildælempæ; 7 –​Hænrich fan Anger; 8 –​Asae (Loyse family); 9 –​Peter Tolk; 10 –​Ropæ. Map drawn by Kristel Roog.

Daniae, a church there had been destroyed, although an adjunct cemetery was still in use.112 The entire district of Ocrielæ, where Hildælempæ’s lands were located, was divided up only between him and another Estonian tenant named Uillølemp (discussed below), religious institutions, and the crown. Hence, his enfeoffment represents a notable irregularity in the pattern of assigning fiefs –​ it was not a place allocated for granting to numerous liegemen. The existence 112 Liber census Daniae, p. 47v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 583–​584.

76 Kaljusaar of two native landholders in the area therefore suggests a persistence of pre-​ conquest power structures.113 The destroyed church in Saha could even imply that Hildælempæ –​or his predecessors –​had erected a Christian shrine with the aim of consolidating personal prestige using the new networks of Catholic ideological-​cum-​political power. The self-​governing elites of Saaremaa are thought to have acted in a similar manner at the time,114 but taking into account the substantial cost of building a church,115 one could argue that it was far too expensive for Hildælempæ, who possessed only 17 ploughlands in fief. Still, for example, in recently Christianised eleventh-​century Iceland, even minor dignitaries erected Catholic shrines.116 Also, in addition to Saha, three ploughlands were enfeoffed to Hildælempæ in another village some 11 kilometres away,117 which hints that he may have held some type of power over a larger area. The church in Saha had been ruined, however –​possibly razed during the uprising of 1223 or, more likely, destroyed by the Brethren of the Sword later.118 Hildælempæ’s holdings appear to have been included in the Order’s domain during its reign and only given (back) to him as a royal fief after 1238.119 One cannot dismiss the possibility that the native vassal supported the papal legate, for which the Brethren of the Sword repressed him or even destroyed the church after 1233. Hildælempæ or his progeny also seem to have failed to establish a lineage, because already in 1275, the village of Saha was held by domina Elsæbe, widow of Odward von Lode.120 It remains unclear how these lands switched hands, especially since the Lode family held no fiefs nearby (nor did any other major vassal). It is possible that Hildælempæ, who had earlier perhaps suffered personal ordeals amidst political turmoil, sought to cement his position as a protégée, likely a sub-​ vassal, of a powerful tenant-​in-​chief. When the Estonian’s line went extinct,

113 Kersti Markus, ‘Keskaegsed maavaldused –​uus allikas arhitektuuriuurijale,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 10 (2006), 3–​19, here pp. 6–​7. 114 Mägi, At the Crossroads, pp. 154–​157. 115 Ivar Leimus, ‘Kui palju maksis kirik Liivimaal?,’ in Sõnasse püütud minevik in honorem Enn Tarvel, ed. Priit Raudkivi and Marten Seppel (Tallinn, 2009), pp. 123–​137. 116 Jan Brendalsmo, Jón Viðar Sigurðsson, ‘The Social Elites and Incomes from Churches c. 1050–​1250,’ in Nordic Elites in Transformation, c. 1050–​1250. Vol. 1: Material Resources, ed. Bjørn Poulsen et al. (New York, 2019), pp. 248–​274, here p. 249. 117 Liber census Daniae, pp. 42r, 47v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 790. 118 Markus, ‘Keskaegsed maavaldused,’ pp. 7, 11–​12; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 198. 119 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 691–​692. 120 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 3, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge (Reval, 1857), no. 440a.

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Odward would have gained the lands via Mannfall (death of the vassal), and they were later allocated to his widow. At some point thereafter, probably following Elsæbe’s death, the Lode family gave the lands of Saha in fief to another line of sub-​vassal knights, who, in turn, donated the holdings to the monastery of Padise (recently relocated from Daugavgrīva) in 1328.121 The Cistercians of this house expanded their holdings in northern Estonia quite energetically.122 Our knowledge of Saha belonging to domina Elsæbe, for example, derives from sources detailing her border dispute with the monks. The monastery also held most of the village of Järsi (Jarvius), with the exception that a third of this settlement was property of Uillølemp, the other Estonian tenant in the Ocrielæ district. His son, however, ceded their estate to the abbey as well, in 1277.123 Whether the Cistercians could have somehow pressured Hildælempæ regarding his lands remains dubious, but it cannot be completely ruled out as a possible motivation for him seeking patronage from the Lode. East of Lohu, roughly the same distance from the stronghold as the village of Hænrich fan Anger, another Estonian man called Asae was granted 13 ploughlands in fief by the king of Denmark.124 Possibly one of the pre-​conquest elites who was connected to the nearby power centre, he became the progenitor of the Loyse vassal family, in this context remarkable for its coat of arms bearing a single lion’s paw –​the very similar Lode escutcheon featured three.125 Whether this was merely imitation (adapting to new social structures in the ideological sphere) or an allusion to patronage relations between the vassals (a political power network) is unknown, but native minor elites certainly could turn to major liegemen for furthering their goals. Considering that vassals were expected to garrison castles,126 they lived close together, and there was likely a lot of direct communication. Furthermore,

1 21 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, nos. 734a, 750a, 780a. 122 Liber census Daniae, p. 47r; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 771; Kersti Markus, ‘Misjonär või mõisnik? Tsistertslaste roll 13. sajandi Eestis,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 14 (2009), 3–​30, here pp. 22–​27. 123 Johannes, filius quondam Uldelempe sold his allod, which was most likely the proprios of Uillølemp known from the Liber census Daniae (p. 47r; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 835) to the monks –​Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vol. 3, no. 453a. 124 Liber census Daniae, p. 42r; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 766–​767. 125 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 877–​879. 126 Enn Tarvel, ‘Die Entstehung der grundherrschaftlichen und gutsherrschaftlichen Agrarstrukturen in Estland im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​1600. Einflussnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8), pp. 119–​122.

78 Kaljusaar some Estonian elite offspring must have even grown up with foreigners, since their fathers had relinquished them as hostages, in order to seal agreements made with the conquerors.127 The fact that these boys were eligible as guarantees for political arrangements ipso facto means their fathers held positions of power. Hence, returning from hostageship, the grown-​up progeny would have been accepted by the natives as local authorities, but they must have personally also grown close to many important Danes. While royal authorities benefited from having autochthonous allies, the former hostages themselves could obviously use these social networks to their advantage as well. Some Estonian hostages lived in the castle of Tallinn128 and were hence at the mercy of the Brethren of the Sword after 1227, but others may have been taken overseas to Denmark proper.129 Among them was perhaps Clemens Esto, a native-​born vassal, notable for his curious Christian name and the distinct ethnonym, perhaps to tell him apart from some Danish namesake during captivity.130 He held a rather large 34-​ploughland fief in Revala after 1238.131 Another example is Peter Tolk, enfeoffed with a total of 19 ploughlands in three different villages around Varbola. He is thought to have been an interpreter132 –​which is the meaning of the word tolk in Danish and Middle Low German and the word tõlk in Estonian –​a suitable function for a hostage who grew up among Danes. A certain analogy could be drawn with Tuvi Cols, who also held a fief at Varbola133 –​his name may be an Estonian one,134 and it is not impossible that he was another returning hostage. Both he and Peter Tolk were enfeoffed after 1238.135 Yet these are only the known crown vassals –​many

127 Kristjan Kaljusaar, ‘The Lives of Hostages and their Influence on the Conversion and Acculturation of Livonia and Prussia during the Baltic Crusades in the 13th Century,’ in Verbum movet, exemplum trahit. The Emerging Christian Community in the Eastern Baltic, ed. Marius Ščavinskas and Vasilijus Safronovas (Klaipėda, 2016) (Acta historica Universitatis Klaipedensis 33), pp. 23–​46. 128 Estonian hostages were kept in Tallinn in 1226: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 213–​ 214 §xxix.7. 129 For example, the Bishop of Riga sent the boys received as hostages from the Livs to Germany: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 15 §v.1. Young hostages were also sent to Germany from Prussia: Kaljusaar, ‘The Lives of Hostages,’ pp. 32–​33. 130 Selart, ‘New Faith and New Name,’ p. 188. 131 Liber census Daniae, p. 44v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 804–​805. 132 Liber census Daniae, p. 41v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 834. Cf. Wærner Tolk: Liber census Daniae, p. 48v. 133 Liber census Daniae, p. 41v (also p. 43v). 134 Valk, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds,’ pp. 363–​364; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 807. 135 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 688–​691.

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native elites could have weaved new power networks ‘below’ the level of the tenants-​in-​chief. 6

Fine Living in the Lower Stratum

From the list in Liber census Daniae, we also find a Herman Osilianus, possibly another participant of the Order’s campaign in 1227, or perhaps a later emigrant, but certainly of Saaremaa origin.136 The account of his holdings is curious: in the village of Karjaküla (Carias) he held one ploughland which had been received from the king, along with four ploughlands possessed without royal approval (absque rege) –​hence, a tiny allotment from the crown, supplemented by lands quintupling its size, which had somehow been acquired without royal authorisation.137 Herman appears to have made use of the tumultuous times and considerably expanded the authority originally given to him. Paul Johansen proposed that his one legally held ploughland was land designated to a village elder of some sort. A map from 1690 also shows how Karjaküla consisted of peasant dwellings forming the core of the settlement and a somewhat distant single farmstead standing separately.138 Pre-​crusade Estonian manorial estates are known to have often been positioned that way.139 It is also important to note that several vassals of the Order had previously held fiefs just north of Karjaküla, but they had all left or been expelled after Danish rule was restored.140 A likely scenario would have seen Herman installed during the Order’s rule as an ‘elder’ of Karjaküla and given the residence of the former leader –​ who had perhaps been killed during the conflicts. The rest of the (tithes from the) village, possibly along with other nearby lands, were enfeoffed to a more powerful vassal. The administrator would therefore be more familiar with the native way of life –​perhaps personally, considering the connections binding Saaremaa and Revala –​while tithes provided a livelihood for a prestigious fiefholder residing elsewhere. As the latter emigrated or was expelled upon the 1 36 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 746, Moora, Ligi, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung, p. 90. 137 Liber census Daniae, p. 44v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 822. 138 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 406. 139 Paul Johansen, Siedlung und Agrarwesen der Esten im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur estnischen Kulturgeschichte (Dorpat, 1925) (Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 23), p. 17. 140 Listed in a manner that does not connect them to specific villages: remoti Efrardus, Martinus, frater eius Jacob; remotus Conradus, Alexander: Liber census Daniae, p. 44v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 334–​335, 375–​376.

80 Kaljusaar restoration of Danish rule, Herman could have easily made use of his position to draw new revenue from the entire village. Herman’s case is also anomalous. He is the only tenant in the Liber census Daniae who (legally) held only a single ploughland in fief.141 One other person was enfeoffed with two ploughlands, and six men had been granted three.142 At face value, such variation seems insignificant, but for fiefholders it meant twice or three times as much income –​hardly a negligible difference. These minor tenants have been thought of as royal attendants or burghers of Tallinn. The latter interpretation seems somewhat unlikely, considering that fiefs of roughly 20 or 25 ploughlands were regularly granted to burghers, but enfeoffing lesser officials with such holdings does appear feasible –​and, to some extent, likens them to the ‘village elder’ Herman. The Liber census Daniae list is a fairly disorganised record, reporting not only what land division should have theoretically been like, but also how muddled the state of affairs really was –​and Karjaküla stands out as an odd case (even the employed phrase absque rege is very rare in the notes).143 Herman did possess one ploughland legitimately and was therefore recognised by the king, yet there are no other vassals of similar standing or character we know of. Could this be a case where a mostly hidden ‘lower layer’ of power networks could be observed, because the structures usually covering it in written sources have peeled away? Had it been common for the Danish crown to directly allocate fiefs of a single ploughland, then Herman would not have been the only recorded case; however, if that was not the practice, then what led to his tiny holding being noted as royally approved? The list in Liber census Daniae is concerned with only the top level of landholders, the vast majority of whom were crown vassals. Yet the king likely also confirmed the rights of minor local elites –​hence, Herman’s one legally held ploughland. During the Order’s rule, fiefs around Karjaküla appear to have been standardised enfeoffments of five ploughlands.144 Hence, 141 To be precise, two men named Johannes et Guthaescalk were jointly enfeoffed with two ploughlands (Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 784, 795), so there is actually at least a quantitative comparison. 142 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 765, 769, 795, 799, 810, 827, 832. 143 The only other occasion, this time absque domino rege concerns a certain Eilardus who held 10 ploughlands in that manner very close to Karjaküla, so, admittedly, this choice of words may have simply been occupying the redactor’s mind while covering this area. Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 130–​137. 144 Five former vassals of the Order (see footnote 140) are listed in an unspecific connection to three adjacent villages: Karjaküla (5 ploughlands), Engla/​Engæl (10 ploughlands), and Humala/​Humelo (10 ploughlands), worth a total of 25 ploughlands –​land division in the

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one can hypothesise Herman’s one legally owned ploughland along with the four illegal ones had formed one of them, but his tiny personal allotment would have normally been ‘covered’ by the higher-​level liegeman in the list. Unlawful acquisitions, however, brought him to the foreground next to crown vassals when the de facto situation was recorded. We might be able to observe something similar in another case. In the village of Raveliku (Rauelik), there were 18 ploughlands held by a certain Bertald Campanei,145 and the report then reads: et Uauae i.146 The latter could either refer to a small residence possessed by the vassal in a place called Vardja, known to have been located nearby at a later date, or perhaps to another landholder with a Finnic name similar to Wane, known from Henry’s chronicle.147 For whatever reason, the account might hence be alluding to an Estonian who held one ploughland in the village otherwise given in fief to Bertald Campanei. Adding to the speculation, in 1469, the tiny settlement of Vardja (meaning ‘warden’ or ‘custodian’), located next to Raveliku, is called Vennekull –​‘village of Venne’.148 Since it was originally made up of only a single ploughland, this may also have been a pre-​conquest manor, as in Karjaküla. Returning to the district of Ocrielæ in Revala, the case of Uillølemp should be revisited. The Liber census Daniae reports he held five ploughlands as proprios –​in all likelihood a small estate, possibly formed in pre-​conquest times.149 Similar minor Estonian elites may well have been numerous, but only visible in Ocrielæ, which was not designated for common enfeoffments that would have normally covered them in the list. Alternatively, in south-​eastern Harria, the king of Denmark apparently gave four ploughlands in the small village (or estate) of Aeli (Æilæs) in fief to an Estonian named Ropæ.150 While he, Herman Osilianus, and Uillølemp technically each possessed holdings on different legal

general area hints that each liegeman may have held a five-​ploughland fief. Liber census Daniae, p. 44v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 765, 774–​775, 793, 807, 814, 1238 map. 145 Probably a royal vassal from around Kampen in the Netherlands: Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 796–​797. 146 Liber census Daniae, p. 42v. 147 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 79 §xiv.8; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 660; Moora, Ligi, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung, p. 91. 148 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 660. ‘Vene’ could also mean ‘Russian’, but the connection seems very unlikely. 149 Liber census Daniae, p. 47r; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 271–​272, 835. 150 Liber census Daniae, p. 42v; Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 828. This confusing entry has been convincingly explained in: Moora, Ligi, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung, pp. 90–​91.

82 Kaljusaar grounds, their actual power extended over comparable territory and populations, which must have also led to a similar social standing. Such examples illustrate theories proposing how some pre-​ conquest Estonian elites must have retained authority in their local communities after the Livonian Crusades, perhaps acting as mediators of the new dominant culture.151 While more influential Estonians could become tenants-​in-​chief, those with lesser socio-​political status may have formed minor-​tier power networks. In the Late Middle Ages, farmsteads of up to five ploughlands were owned by the most affluent members of the rural peasantry, at least some of whom were granted their holdings in fief.152 Drawing any direct connections between such persons and the cases discussed here is a dubious enterprise, but there are evident consistencies linking thirteenth-​century lower-​stratum elites to the wealthy free peasants of the late medieval era. In a sense, establishing oneself as a middling link of a vertical power structure may be a solid socio-​political strategy in its own right. 7

Conclusion

Hostile Catholic expansion in the early thirteenth century first provided the Estonian elites of Revala and Harria with an opportunity to engage the age-​old plundering strategies against a truly dangerous foe. Native war-​chiefs, especially those based in the Lohu stronghold, likely benefited from this in terms of wealth and prestige, largely thanks to powerful allies, in particular the Rus’ princes. The crusading invasion of the king of Denmark in 1219 forced the Estonians to adapt a conciliatory approach, seemingly universally favoured by the leaders of Varbola, who consolidated their position under the aegis of the Danish monarch. In the latter half of the 1220s, however, Revala and Harria were brought under direct rule of the conquerors, forcing Estonian elites to re-​evaluate their socio-​political strategies again. The new power structures probably enabled some native warriors to acquire a more stable and affluent position in the feudal system than they had held in the somewhat more collectively led prehistoric Estonian society. Some members of the local elite who had been relinquished as hostages benefited from 1 51 Valk, ‘From the Iron Age to the Middle Ages,’ p. 284. 152 Evald Blumfeldt, Über die Freibauern in Jerwen zur Ordens-​und Schwedenzeit (Bonn, 1957) (Commentationes Balticae 3/​1); Herbert Ligi, ‘Talurahva sotsiaalne liigendus ja õiguslik olukord,’ in Eesti talurahva ajalugu, vol. 1, ed. Juhan Kahk (Tallinn, 1992), pp. 164–​ 179, here pp. 164–​165.

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the personal connections they established with the Danes, while others chose the patronage of more powerful liegemen, probably as sub-​vassals. Since comprehensive sources provide an overview of only the topmost layer of power networks, that of the tenants-​in-​chief, such vertical stratification hides the more modest elites from our view. Yet hints of some native authorities on the lower local level are woven through this blanket of text, and some examples of a possibly wide stratum of minor Estonian dignitaries can be observed.

Acknowledgements

The writing of this paper was supported by Estonian Research Council (put 1422).

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Mäll, Jaak, ‘Verwaltungsgeschichte und Christianisierung der Insel Ösel im 13. Jahrhundert,’ in Culture Clash or Compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist (Visby, 1998) (Acta Visbyensia 11), pp. 158–​166. Mann, Michael, The Sources of Social Power. Vol. 1: A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2012). Markus, Kersti, ‘Keskaegsed maavaldused –​uus allikas arhitektuuriuurijale,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 10 (2006), 3–​19. Markus, Kersti, ‘Kuhu kadus Hertele kirik? Mõtteid Harjumaa haldusstruktuurist 13. sajandil,’ Kunstiteaduslikke Uurimusi 1–​2 (2007), 9−26. Markus, Kersti, ‘Misjonär või mõisnik? Tsistertslaste roll 13. sajandi Eestis,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 14 (2009), 3–​30. Moora, Harri, and Herbert Ligi, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung der Völker des Baltikums zu Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts (Tallinn, 1970). Murray, Alan V., ‘The Sword Brothers at War: Observations on the Military Activity of the Knighthood of Christ in the Conquest of Livonia and Estonia (1203–​1227),’ Ordines Militares 18 (2013), 27–​37. Nazarova, Evgeniya L., ‘The Crusades against Votians and Izhorians in the Thirteenth Century,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 177–​195. Oad, Kristjan, ‘Lembitu. Juhtimiskunsti meistriklass vastsel Maarjamaal,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 23 (2017), 26–​48. Oad, Kristjan, ‘Structures and Centres of Power in Estonia in 1200 AD: Some Alternative Interpretations,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​ 13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 239−255. Orning, Hans Jacob, and Bjørn Poulsen, ‘Holding Royal Office and the Creation and Consolidation of the Elites in Scandinavia c. 1050–​1250,’ in Nordic Elites in Transformation, c. 1050–​1250. Vol. 1: Material Resources, ed. Bjørn Poulsen et al. (New York, 2019), pp. 212–​247. Pärn, Anton, ‘Die Rolle der Esten bei den Städtegründungen Westestlands,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12), pp. 109–​125. The Pskov 3rd Chronicle, ed. David Savignac (Crofton, 2016). Saks, Edgar V., Commentaries on the Liber Census Daniae. Studies in Mediaeval European History (Montreal, 1974). Schilling, Carl, Die lehn-​und erbrechlichen Satzungen des Waldemar-​Erich’schen Rechts (Mitau, 1879). Selart, Anti, ‘Balduin von Alna, Dänemark und Russland. Zur politischen Geschichte Livlands in den 1230er Jahren,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12), pp. 59–​74.

88 Kaljusaar Selart, Anti, ‘Die Eroberung Livlands (12. und 13. Jahrhundert),’ in Das Baltikum. Geschichte einer europäischen Region. Vol. 1: Von der Vor-​und Frühgeschichte bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, ed. Karsten Brüggemann et al. (Stuttgart, 2019), pp. 159−209. Selart, Anti, Livonia, Rus’ and the Baltic Crusades in the Thirteenth Century (Leiden, 2015) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 29). Selart, Anti, ‘New Faith and New Name? Crusades, Conversion, and Baptismal Names in Medieval Baltics,’ Journal of Baltic Studies 47 (2016), 179−196. Selart, Anti, ‘Post hoc oder propter hoc? Eroberung, Einwanderung und Gesellschaftswandel im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 154 (2018), 429−453. Selart, Anti, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43−66. Siig, Kristo, ‘Changes in the Network of Strongholds and Power Centres in Estonia,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 293–​325. Šnē, Andris, ‘The Emergence of Livonia: The Transformations of Social and Political Structures in the Territory of Latvia during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,’ in The Clash of Cultures on the Medieval Baltic Frontier, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnham, 2009), pp. 53–​72. Tamla, Ülle, ‘The Hillfort Varbola-​Jaanilinn and the Settlement at Jalase,’ in Estonia. Nature, Man and Cultural Heritage, ed. Tony Hackens et al. (Strasbourg, 1992) (Pact 37), pp. 145–​155. Tamm, Marek, and Anu Mänd, ‘Introduction: Actors and Networks in the Medieval and Early Modern Baltic Sea Region,’ in Making Livonia. Actors and Networks in the Medieval and Early Modern Baltic Sea Region, ed. Anu Mänd and Marek Tamm (London, 2020), pp. 1–​13. Tarvel, Enn, ‘Die Entstehung der grundherrschaftlichen und gutsherrschaftlichen Agrarstrukturen in Estland im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​ 1600. Einflussnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8), pp. 119–​122. Tõnisson, Evald, ‘Die Wallburg Warbola –​ein Zentrum im westlichen Estland. Aspekte zur militarischen, politischen und sozialen Funktion,’ in Europeans or Not? Local Level Strategies on the Baltic Rim 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist and Sven-​Olof Lindquist (Visby, 1999) (ccc Papers 1), pp. 173–​184. Tõnisson, Evald, Eesti muinaslinnad, ed. Ain Mäesalu and Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2008) (Muinasaja Teadus 20). Vahtre, Sulev, Muinasaja loojang Eestis. Vabadusvõitlus 1208–​1227 (Tallinn, 1990). Valk, Heiki, ‘The Fate of Final Iron Age Strongholds of Estonia,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles

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in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 333–​384. Valk, Heiki, ‘From the Iron Age to the Middle Ages: Local Nobility and Cultural Changes in Estonia in the 13th Century,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12), pp. 273–​292. Valk, Heiki, ‘Strongholds East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th/​14th Centuries: The Topic, Concepts, Research, and Terms,’ in Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24), pp. 81−114.

­c hapter 4

Livonian Economic Resources, 1200–​1350 Redistribution and Expansion Anti Selart In the thirteenth century, Crusaders from Germany and Scandinavia, military orders, and secular knights conquered and subjugated the territory of Estonia and Latvia, making way for the emergence of medieval Livonia, a conglomerate of ecclesiastic (bishoprics, Teutonic Order) and secular (Danish Duchy of Estonia) territories. Topics like the political history of the conquest, introduction of ecclesiastical structures, and emergence of urban life in Livonia have been investigated quite intensively,1 but the question as to how the life of the native majority really changed during this period has been answered less clearly. The thirteenth century was a period of rapid changes in the Baltic Sea region in general,2 and the developments taking place in Livonia during and after the crusades3 may not necessarily be seen as results of the conquest.4 The modern history-​writing, in contrast, has traditionally considered this period as the historical break caused by ‘outside’ factors, both in a positive and negative sense. While traditional German historiography of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries regarded it as a civilising and Christianising mission and the import of higher, western European and/​or German culture, for Estonian and Latvian authors, the conquest was the violent end to natural local development and disastrous foreign rule without any progressive effect.5 The focus 1 The Teutonic Order in Prussia and Livonia. The Political and Ecclesiastical Structures, 13th–​16th c., ed. Roman Czaja and Andrzej Radzimiński (Toruń, 2015); Das Baltikum. Geschichte einer europäischen Region. Vol. 1: Von der Vor-​und Frühgeschichte bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, ed. Karsten Brüggemann et al. (Stuttgart, 2018). 2 Michael North, The Baltic. A History (Cambridge, MA, 2015), pp. 28–​51. 3 Legacies of the Crusades. Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, vol. 1, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Kurt V. Jensen (Turnhout, 2021) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 11). 4 Anti Selart, ‘Post hoc oder propter hoc? Eroberung, Einwanderung und Gesellschaftswandel im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 154/​2018 (2019), 429–​453. 5 Sven Ekdahl, ‘Crusades and Colonization in the Baltic,’ in Palgrave Advances in the Crusades, ed. Helen J. Nicholson (Houndmills, 2005), pp. 172–​203; Ilgvars Misāns, ‘‘Wir waren immer ein Kriegerwolk’. Die Darstellung der ostbaltischen Kreuzzüge in der letti­ schen Geschichtsschreibung,’ in Lippe und Livland. Mittelalterliche Herrschaftsbildung

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_005

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of research has mainly switched from ‘clash’ to ‘compromise’ since the 1990s,6 but the social and economic history still has received much less attention compared to cultural and religious aspects. 1

Conquest and Change

The popular confrontation between ‘continuity’ and ‘change’ in history is based on a comparison of the situation ‘before’ to the situation ‘after’.7 In the Livonian case, the pre-​Crusade period can only be investigated retrospectively using the texts written later, as well as the archaeological sources. In many ways, the picture of Baltic pre-​Crusade societies has transformed in the recent decades.8 A result of the altered research is that the conquerors and their new subjects probably stood much closer to each other than traditionally supposed.9 This also means that taxes and duties in favour of the social elite

6

7 8

9

im Zeichen der Rose, ed. Jutta Prieur (Bielefeld, 2008) (Sonderveröffentlichungen des Naturwissenschaftlichen und Historischen Vereins für das Land Lippe 82), pp. 185–​207; Linda Kaljundi and Kaspars Kļaviņš, ‘The Chronicler and the Modern World. Henry of Livonia and the Baltic Crusades in the Enlightenment and National Traditions,’ in Crusading and Chronicle Writing on the Medieval Baltic Frontier. A Companion to the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, ed. Marek Tamm et al. (Aldershot, 2011), pp. 409–​456; Anti Selart, ‘Historical Legitimacy and Crusade in Livonia,’ in Crusading on the Edge. Ideas and Practice of Crusading in Iberia and the Baltic Region, 1100–​1500, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt (Turnhout, 2016) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 4), pp. 29–​53. Culture Clash or Compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–​1400 AD, ed. Nils Blomkvist (Visby, 1998) (Acta Visbyensia 11); The European Frontier. Clashes and Compromises in the Middle Ages, ed. Jörn Staecker (Lund, 2004) (ccc Papers 7); The Clash of Cultures on the Medieval Baltic Frontier, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnham, 2009). Cf. on relevant developments in Scandinavia: Nordic Elites in Transformation, c. 1050–​1200, vol. 1, ed. Bjørn Poulsen et al. (New York, 2019). Heiki Valk, ‘Estland im 11.–​13. Jahrhundert. Neuere Aspekte aus Sicht der Archäologie,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 57–​86; Marius Ščavinskas, ‘Some Notes on the Issue of the Development of Balt Society in the Ninth to the 13th Centuries in the Context of the Socio-​Political Structures of the Baltic Region,’ Archaeologia Baltica 19 (2013), 82–​101; Strongholds and Power Centres East of the Baltic Sea in the 11th–​13th Centuries. A Collection of Articles in Memory of Evald Tõnisson, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2014) (Muinasaja Teadus 24); Andris Šnē, ‘Religious and Social Identity in Latvia on the Eve and Early Stage of the Crusades,’ in Today I Am Not the One I Was Yesterday. Archaeology, Identity, and Change, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tartu, 2015) (Interarchaeologia 4), pp. 137–​150. Cf. Rasa Mažeika and Loïc Chollet, ‘Familiar Marvels? French and German Crusaders and Chroniclers Confront Baltic Pagan Religions,’ Francia. Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte 43 (2016), 41–​62.

92 Selart were in no way an innovation10 introduced by the Crusaders there. It is very probable that the medieval Livonian taxation units (groups of villages that paid taxes jointly, called wacke or pagast) were of native, pre-​conquest origin. The taxation units also allude to a degree of continuity in ownership relations and the taxation system between the pre-​conquest and post-​conquest eras.11 But the taxes now had additional addressees and became higher due to the new, mostly immigrant elite which had to be maintained. This challenge could be addressed by a simple redistribution of resources (taking them away from their previous owners), or –​in a long-​term perspective –​by rising productivity. Evald Blumfeldt, for example, believed that the existing farms could feed fewer peasants due to the increased duties at that time, and the productivity of newly established farms remained low for quite a long period, as well.12 In general, one can presume that the introduction of the new elite with much a more expensive lifestyle as a result of the Crusades entailed higher taxation and potentially stimulated the expansion of agrarian economy. The emergence of towns established a not totally unremarkable share of the population which did not produce all their food themselves and created the local agricultural market.13 Indeed, the towns rapidly became important economic agents themselves. Riga, established in 1201 by Bishop Albert of Riga, was the second ‘German’ town on the Baltic Sea after Lübeck; in 1350, Livonia had around 15 chartered towns and a number of market settlements. Trade and crafts enabled rapid growth of Livonian towns,14 and according to Friedrich Benninghoven, Riga already had approximately 2400 inhabitants in 1230 and roughly 6000–​ 7200 inhabitants in 1350.15 While redistribution was necessarily a result of subjugation, economic development essentially was not. The papal letters to Livonia and Prussia mandate that the neophytes must preserve their ‘freedom’ and should not be

10

11 12 13 14 15

In this way, for example: Enn Tarvel, ‘Die Wackeninstitution in Estland im 13.–​17. Jahrhundert,’ in Europeans or Not? Local Level Strategies on the Baltic Rim 1100–​1400 A.D., ed. Nils Blomkvist and Sven-​Olof Lindquist (Visby, 1999) (ccc Papers 1), pp. 285–​292, here pp. 290–​291. Valter Lang, ‘Die Wacke im vorzeitlichen und mittelalterlichen Estland. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der vorzeitlichen Bodennutzung und des Steuersystems,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 1 (2006), 7–​28. Evald Blumfeldt, ‘Keskaja agraarajalugu,’ in Eesti majandusajalugu, vol. 1, ed. Hendrik Sepp et al. (Tartu, 1937), pp. 33–​108, here p. 43. Inna Põltsam, ‘Söömine ja joomine keskaegses Tallinnas,’ Vana Tallinn 9 (1999), 9–​124. Cf. the contributions by Arvi Haak and Andres Tvauri in the present volume. Friedrich Benninghoven, Rigas Entstehung und der frühhansische Kaufmann (Hamburg, 1961) (Nord-​und osteuropäische Geschichtsstudien 3), pp. 99–​100.

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molested.16 One cannot accept them as an indication of the real and substantial enslavement of the local people in the thirteenth century, as they resulted from general missionary theory.17 Initially, ecclesiastical taxation provided the only substantial and permanent economic basis for the new power structures and hierarchy.18 In the 1200s, the first enfeoffments in Livonia actually meant that the bishop transferred the right to collect tithes to secular vassals. The history of Livonian agrarian development that is well grounded in the sources begins only at the end of the fifteenth century. This makes it difficult to date the changes: when the grain-​producing manors appear in written texts numerously after 1450, does this speak to the active emergence of manors precisely in this period, or does it merely reflect the increasing number of written texts at the end of the Middle Ages?19 In any case, what happened in Livonia between 1200 and 1350 outside towns and castles is documented very fragmentarily. Having farming of one’s own helped to secure the income of a corporation or nobleman. Some large farms already existed in the pre-​Crusade period.20 For example, Estonian Uillølemp had a property of 5 ploughlands21 in north 16

Vilho Niitemaa, Die undeutsche Frage in der Politik der livländischen Städte im Mittelalter (Helsinki, 1949) (Suomalaisen tiedekatemian toimituksia, sarja B 64), pp. 33–​35; Hartmut Boockmann, ‘Die Freiheit der Prußen im 13. Jahrhundert,’ in Die abendländische Freiheit vom 10. zum 14. Jahrhundert. Der Wirkungszusammenhang von Idee und Wirklichkeit im europäischen Vergleich, ed. Johannes Fried (Sigmaringen, 1991) (Vorträge und Forschungen 39), pp. 287–​306. 17 Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 1147–​1254 (Leiden, 2007) (The Northern World 26), pp. 177–​179; Anti Selart, ‘Slavery in the Eastern Baltic in the 12th–​15th Centuries,’ in Schiavitù e servaggio nell’economia europea. Secc. XI–​XVII, ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (Firenze, 2014) (Fondazione Istituto Internazionale di Storia Economica ‘F. Datini.’ Atti delle ‘Settimane di Studi’ e altri Convegni 45), pp. 351–​364, here pp. 362–​363. 18 Ivar Leimus, ‘Iura christianorum –​eine Floskel von Heinrich oder ein Mittel zur Unterwerfung der Heiden? Zur Bedeutung eines Begriffs in der Kreuzzug-​Rhetorik und in der Historiographie,’ in Der ‘Ungläubige’ in der Rechts-​und Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, ed. Ulrich Kronauer and Andreas Deutsch (Heidelberg, 2015) (Akademiekonferenzen 20), pp. 131−152; Marcia L. Colish, Faith, Fiction and Force in Medieval Baptismal Debates (Washington, 2014), pp. 254–​279. 19 Enn Tarvel, ‘The Influence of the Western Grain Market on the Agrarian Economy in North-​Eastern Europe in the 15th–​16th Centuries,’ in The Role of Feudal Peasantry in History, ed. Enn Tarvel (Tallinn, 1991), pp. 190–​202, here pp. 192–​193. 20 Herbert Ligi, Talupoegade koormised Eestis 13. sajandist 19. sajandi alguseni (Tallinn, 1968), pp. 24–​26; Enn Tarvel, Der Haken. Die Grundlagen der Landnutzung und der Besteuerung in Estland im 13.–​19. Jahrhundert (Tallinn, 1983), p. 81; Andris Šnē, ‘The Medieval Peasantry: On the Social and Religious Position of the Rural Natives in Southern Livonia (13th–​15th Centuries),’ Ajalooline Ajakiri 1–​2 (2008), 89–​100, here p. 94. 21 Latin uncus, German Haken –​taxation and land use unit in Livonia. In the thirteenth century, one ploughland corresponded to an average farmstead.

94 Selart Estonia in c. 1240.22 The recently established Livonian church had its own fields and crops as early as in the 1180s.23 Fields and estates of ecclesiastical institutions, military orders, and individual vassals are repeatedly mentioned in the thirteenth-​century written sources.24 One open question is their share compared to the peasants’ farmland and the origin of workers. The corvée remained limited to a few days of the year, or to field work seasons in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.25 The early manors were not large estates, and the main source of the lords’ income consisted of natural and monetary taxes of the peasants, as the fields of the manor itself played only a secondary role.26 The manors thus most likely used the forced labour of a small number of thralls (slaves), seasonally complemented by corvée workers. Still, the captives and slaves were an important ‘product’ of the military raids against heathens, but that does not necessarily mean that capturing slaves was the main goal of the frontier wars or that their delivery was necessary for economic development in Livonia.27 The first manors could have been established in former farmsteads,28 or used newly reclaimed fields. The cases of dispossession of natives are registered. In 1212 the conflict between the Brethren of the Sword and Letts started due to the fields and beehive trees near Cēsis.29 The royal vassals in

22

Paul Johansen, Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae (Reval, 1933), p. 272. Cf. also the contribution by Kristjan Kaljusaar in the present volume. 23 Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer, (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum ex monumentis Germaniae historicis separatim editi [31]), p 4, §i.10. 24 Sulev Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted Eestis XIII–​ XIV sajandil. Õppevahend ajaloo-​osakonna üliõpilastele (Tartu, 1966), pp. 66–​ 77; Ligi, Talupoegade koormised, pp. 94–​98; Herbert Ligi, ‘Mõisate rajamine,’ in Eesti talurahva ajalugu, vol. 1, ed. Juhan Kahk (Tallinn, 1992), pp. 212–​214; Indriķis Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1290–​1500 (Rīga, 1997), pp. 487–​483; Juhan Kahk and Enn Tarvel, An Economic History of the Baltic Countries (Stockholm, 1997) (Studia Baltica stockholmiensia 20), p. 33; Enn Tarvel, ‘Nädalategu,’ Tuna. Ajalookulturi ajakiri 2 (2010), 25–​29, here p. 29. 25 Tarvel, ‘Nädalategu,’ pp. 27–​29; Mihkel Mäesalu, ‘Agreements on the Acceptance of Christianity between Crusaders and Pagans in 13th-​Century Livonia,’ in Legacies of the Crusades, pp. 213–​237. 26 Enn Tarvel, ‘Die Entstehung der grundherrschaftlichen und gutsherrschaftlichen Agrarstrukturen in Estland im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​1600. Einflußnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8), pp. 119–​122, here p. 121. 27 Selart, ‘Slavery in the Eastern Baltic,’ pp. 352–​357. 28 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, ed. Friedrich G. von Bunge, vols. 1–​4 (Reval, 1853–​1859), here vol. 3 no. 101a. 29 Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, pp. 104–​105 §xvi.3, p. 111 §xvi.6; Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 18.

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Estonia pledged in 1281 that they would not remove Estonians from their old possessions either with threats, nor violently, nor entreating, nor for money.30 2

Agricultural Development

The proportion of extensive and intensive development of agriculture in medieval Livonia has been a question of debate. The typical point of view holds that the crusading conquest entailed no agricultural innovation.31 A central question in this regard is the time of introduction of the three-​field crop rotation.32 The open-​field system including the strip fields gradually came into use from the tenth century there, and the start of three-​field rotation has mostly been dated to the pre-​Crusade period, as well.33 However, several transition forms between the two-​and three-​field systems also existed.34 What can be proved is that in sixteenth-​century Livonia, the three-​field rotation was dominant both on peasant farms, as well on manors.35 In Scandinavia, the fully fledged two-​ or three-​field systems replaced earlier crop rotations from the twelfth or thirteenth centuries onwards,36 in north-​west Rus’ by the fifteenth century,37 and

30

Promiseruot insuper dicti vasalli nostri, quod Estones suos ab antiqua terra verbis comminatoriis, verberibus, prece vel pretio non amoveant: Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 475. The purpose of this stipulation was the issue that only the ‘old lands’ laid under the ecclesiastical taxation. 31 For example: Jorma Ahvenainen, Der Getreidehandel Livands im Mittelalter (Helsinki, 1963) (Commentationes humanarum litterarum 34/​2), p. 19; Ceļā uz latviešu tautu. On the Road to Becoming Latvian, ed. Vitolds Muižnieks (Rīga, 2016), p. 41. 32 Andres Tvauri and Santeri Vanhanen, ‘The Find of Pre-​Viking Age Charred Grains from Fort-​Settlement in Tartu,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 20 (2016), 33–​53, here pp. 47–​48. 33 Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted, pp. 17–​18 (formulated vaguely); Ēvalds Mugurēvičs, Viduslaiku ciems un pils Salaspils novadā (Rīga, 2008), p. 246; Ceļā uz latviešu tautu, p. 41; Andrejs Vasks, ‘The Pre-​History of Latvia (10 500 bce –​1200 ce),’ in Latvia and Latvians, vol. 2, ed. Jānis Stradiņš et al. (Riga, 2018), pp. 9–​39, here p. 32. 34 Valter Lang, Baltimaade pronksi-​ja rauaaeg (Tartu, 2007), p. 261. 35 Herbert Ligi, ‘Põllumajanduslik tootmine,’ in Eesti talurahva ajalugu, pp. 148–​163, here pp. 150–​151. 36 Mats Widgren, ‘Fields and Field Systems in Scandinavia during the Middle Ages,’ in Medieval Farming and Technology. The Impact of Agricultural Change in Northwest Europe, ed. Grenville Astill and John Langdon, (Leiden, 1997) (Technology and Change in History 1), pp. 173–​192, here p. 180; Nils Hybel and Bjørn Poulsen, The Danish Resources c. 1000–​1550. Growth and Recession (Leiden, 2007) (The Northern World 34), p. 200; Janken Myrdal, ‘Scandinavia,’ in Agrarian Change and Crisis in Europe, 1200–​1500, ed. Harry Kitsikopoulos (New York, 2012), pp. 204–​249, here p. 215. 37 Janet Martin, ‘Russia,’ in Agrarian Change, pp. 292–​329, here pp. 296–​297.

96 Selart in central Europe between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries.38 Besides the permanent fields in some Livonian areas, the swidden fields remained in use during the Late Middle Ages or even in the Early Modern period, depending on local natural conditions. The slash-​and-​burn cultivated rye could produce extraordinarily high yields, but only in the first year. It still helped to reduce the crop failure risks and to overcome the shortage of manure.39 The method needed significant manpower and enough forest and bushland to create a cycle of clearance and regeneration of at least 20 years. Increasing population density and a higher need for timber40 thus started to limit its use. Additional manpower and a great deal of firewood were needed for drying grain in a heated barn between harvest and threshing. In the Livonian climate, the crops needed this additional processing, which at the same time rendered Baltic grain well preserved and transportable. The grain-​drying barns are registered in Livonian written sources from the 1330s onwards; however, their introduction is dated to the pre-​Crusade period.41 In Estonia and north Latvia, the heated smoke cottage developed in the Late Middle Ages into a chimney-​less living house, which was simultaneously used for grain-​drying during the season.42 Leavened rye bread had already become common before the Crusades in this area. Its preparation required bigger and hotter ovens, with high heat-​ storing capabilities.43 A possible innovation of the thirteenth century was the mechanical mill, but its origin remains unclear.44 Both the Estonian veski and Latvian dzirnavas or patmalas are native words,45 not Low German loans which 38 39

Grzegorz Myśliwski, ‘Central Europe,’ in Agrarian Change, pp. 250–​291, here pp. 267. Liisi Jääts et al., ‘Tracing Fire Cultivation in Estonia,’ Metsanduslikud uurimused 53 (2010), 53−65; Liisi Jääts et al., ‘Fire Cultivation in Estonian Cultural Landscapes,’ in The Space of Culture –​the Place of Nature in Estonia and Beyond, ed. Tiina Peil (Tartu, 2011) (Approaches to Culture Theory 1), pp. 165−180, here pp. 168–​169, 175. 40 The first forest protection prescriptions in Livonia are known from the thirteenth century: Heldur Sander and Toivo Meikar, ‘Die Bedeutung des Gesetzes von König Erik VI. Menved von Dänemark aus dem Jahre 1297 für die Wälder der nahgelegenen Inseln vor Reval/​Tallinn (Estland),’ Archiv für Naturschutz und Landschaftsforschung 39 (2000), 253–​265. 41 Ilmar Talve, Den nordosteuropeiska rian. En etnologisk undersökning (Helsingfors, 1961) (Folklivsstudier 6), pp. 180–​182, 195, 292–​294. 42 Ain Lavi, ‘Rehielamu kujunemisloost arheoloogia andmetel,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 5 (2001), 47–​77, here pp. 63–​66. 43 Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, ‘‘Hääleib’, ‘saajaleib’, ‘ißeleib’ –​Eesti leivakultuurist 13.–​16. sajandil,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2012), 14–​27, here pp. 17–​19. 44 Cf. the contribution by Andres Tvauri in the present volume. 45 Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted, pp. 28–​30. Cf. Rafał Kubicki, ‘Water Mills and Rural Settlement in the Dominion of the Teutonic Order in Prussia,’ in Usus aquarum. Interdisziplinäre Studien zur Nutzung und Bedeutung von Gewässern im Mittelalter,

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are typical of post-​Crusade borrowings, and which dominate the Estonian and Latvian vocabulary of urban life.46 In Estonia and Latvia, like in many parts of Scandinavia,47 the wheel or mouldboard plough remained unknown in the Middle Ages. Several types of ard were in use.48 The iron ploughshare came into widespread use by the twelfth century.49 Potentially, the missing plough could have restrained agricultural progress,50 but even in central Europe, the ard remained in some use thorough the Late Middle Ages.51 The ard had its benefits when working with the often-​stony soils in Livonia. The amount of animal husbandry probably increased in the post-​Crusade period, and the proportions of the bred species changed,52 but its methods remained unaltered.53 The limit here, again, most likely consisted of the manpower needed

ed. Christoph Mielzarek and Christian Zschieschang (Köln, 2019) (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa 54), pp. 29–​50, here pp. 31–​32. 46 Paul Ariste, ‘Das Niederdeutsche im Estnischen,’ Советское финно-​угроведение [Sovetskoe finno-​ ugrovedenie] 8 (1972), 91–​ 99; Robert Hinderling, Die deutsch-​ estnischen Lehnwortbeziehungen im Rahmen einer europäischen Lehnwortgeographie (Wiesbaden, 1981). 47 Janken Myrdal, ‘The Agricultural Transformation of Sweden, 1000–​1300,’ in Medieval Farming, pp. 147–​171, here p. 156. 48 Gustav Ränk, ‘Die Hakenpflüge Estlands,’ Suomen Museo 62 (1955), 5–​42. 49 Lang, Baltimaade pronksi-​ja rauaaeg, p. 261; Mugurēvičs, Viduslaiku ciems, pp. 92–​95; Vasks, ‘The Pre-​History of Latvia,’ pp. 26, 32. 50 On the role of the new plough in Scandinavia cf.: Lars Agersnap Larsen, ‘The Early Introduction of the Moldboard Plow in Denmark. Agrarian Technology and the Medieval Elites,’ in Nordic Elites, pp. 80–​106. 51 Myśliwski, ‘Central Europe,’ p. 268. 52 Eve Rannamäe, ‘Dreitausend Jahre Schafe in Estland,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 12 (2017), 293–​306, here pp. 298–​302; Aleksander Pluskowski et al., ‘From the Convent to the Commandery: The Pivotal Role of the Environment in Defining the Medieval Baltic Ordensland,’ in Das Leben im Ordenshaus, ed. Juhan Kreem (Weimar, 2019) (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 81), pp. 55–​79, here pp. 66–​72. 53 Mark Maltby et al., ‘Farming, Hunting, and Fishing in Medieval Livonia: The Zooarchaeological Data,’ in Environment, Colonization, and the Baltic Crusader States. Terra Sacra I, ed. Aleksander Pluskowski (Turnhout, 2019) (Environmental Histories of the North Atlantic World 2), pp. 137–​173, here pp. 168–​169; Aleksander Pluskowski et al., ‘The Baltic Crusades and Ecological Transformation: The Zooarchaeology of Conquest and Cultural Change in the Eastern Baltic in the Second Millennium AD,’ Quaternary International 510 (2019), 28−43, here pp. 37–​39.

98 Selart to prepare hay for winter. A real innovation, however, was the economically significant sea fishing,54 a virtually unused resource in this area previously.55 There has been discussion about the importance of the ‘plundering economy’56 and booty for pre-​Crusade Estonian and Latvian peoples, especially in the coastal areas. After the subjugation, internal raiding and looting of the Swedish coast57 ended; however, native troops took part in the wars at the frontiers of Christian Livonia and seized their share of booty.58 The attempts to limit the right of shipwreck were not very successful on the Baltic Sea in the Middle Ages.59 While there was no substantial technical improvement in Livonian agriculture in the thirteenth century, the innovations at that time could still increase labour productivity60 more than land productivity. Novelties like gardens and fishponds remained limited to towns, monasteries, and manors.61 The main factor that dictated the limits of development most was likely to be the demography –​that is, the availability of manpower. The population of Estonia and Latvia on the eve of the Crusades has been estimated –​very 54

David Orton et al., ‘The Teutonic Order’s Role in the Development of a Medieval Eastern Baltic Cod Fishery: Evidence from Fish Bone Isotopes,’ in Ecologies of Crusading, Colonization, and Religious Conversion in the Medieval Baltic. Terra Sacra II, ed. Aleksander Pluskowski (Turnhout, 2019) (Environmental Histories of the North Atlantic World 3), pp. 223–​240. 55 Lembi Lõugas, ‘Fishing and Fish Trade during the Viking Age and Middle Ages in the Eastern and Western Baltic Sea Regions,’ in Cod and Herring. The Archaeology and History of Medieval Sea Fishing, ed. James H. Barret and David C. Orton (Oxford, 2016), pp. 111–​116, here p. 115; Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, ‘Fisch, Fischerei, Fischhandel und -​konsum im estnischen Gebiet vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 16 (2021), 22–​50, here pp. 25–​27; Pluskowski et al., ‘The Baltic Crusades and Ecological Transformation,’ p. 41. 56 Marika Mägi, In Austrvegr. The Role of the Eastern Baltic in Viking Age Communication across the Baltic Sea (Leiden, 2018) (The Northern World 84), pp. 192, 356. Cf. the contribution by Kristjan Kaljusaar in the current volume. 57 Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, pp. 215–​16 §xxx.1. 58 Mart Lätte, ‘Die militärischen Verpflichtungen der Landbevölkerung im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ in Estnisches Mittelalter. Sprache –​Gesellschaft –​Kirche, ed. Kadri-​Rutt Hahn et al. (Berlin, 2015) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 20), pp. 117–​143. 59 Vilho Niitemaa, Das Strandrecht in Nordeuropa im Mittelalter (Helsinki, 1955) (Suomalaisen Tiedeakatemian toimituksia B 94); Marina B. Bessudnova, ‘Береговое право средневекового Новгорода: в продолжение дискуссии [Beregovoe pravo srednevekovogo Novgoroda: v prodolzhenie diskussii],’ Новгородский исторический сборник [Novgorodskiĭ istoricheskiĭ sbornik] 15 (2015), 135–​147. 60 Myrdal, ‘The Agricultural Transformation,’ p. 165 uses this terminology. See also: Myrdal, ‘Scandinavia,’ p. 221. 61 Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted, p. 38; Ligi, Põllumajanduslik tootmine, pp. 153–​154.

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hypothetically –​at 250,000–​400,000.62 This means approximately 2.3–​3.6 people per sq. km. To compare, in around 1230, the population density of the Danish kingdom (without the Duchy of Estonia) was an estimated 17.31 people per sq. km. This value was still ‘quite modest’ compared, for example, with England in the eleventh century.63 In central Europe c. 1200, the population density varied between 4 and 13 people per sq. km and increased rapidly during the thirteenth century.64 The difference is remarkable. In general, the natural limits of clearance and extensive development of agriculture were never reached in medieval Livonia. Without any substantial technical innovation in agriculture, the population of Livonia, which can be estimated at 650,000–​ 700,000 in 1550, reached 860,000–​915,000 by the 1690s, regardless of severe setbacks during wars and famines.65 3

Land Clearance

It is striking that compared to Prussia, there is very little known about the active economic management66 of the Teutonic Order in Livonia. The reason for this could be that the sources of local and economic administration of the Order in Livonia are lost, with very few exceptions.67 The thirteenth-​century subjugation still stimulated extensive development. Sulev Vahtre suggested that the role of arable farming increased in Livonia during the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, and at least in Estonia, the switch towards more active land clearance took place in around 1250.68 This change was in line with similar developments in Scandinavia, where the extensive land clearance occurred, 62

Friedrich Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder. Fratres milicie Christi de Livonia (Köln, 1965) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 9), pp. 389–​395; Tiina Kala et al., Eesti ajalugu II: Eesti keskaeg (Tartu, 2012), p. 168. 63 Hybel, Poulsen, The Danish Resources, p. 128. 64 Myśliwski, ‘Central Europe,’ p. 258. 65 Heldur Palli, Eesti rahvastiku ajalugu aastani 1712 (Tallinn, 1996), pp. 31, 87; Enn Küng et al., Eesti ajalugu III: Vene-​Liivimaa sõjast Põhjasõjani (Tartu, 2013), p. 277; Muntis Auns, ‘Livonia and Latvians,’ in Latvia and Latvians, pp. 243–​279, here pp. 250–​254. 66 Jürgen Sarnowsky, Die Wirtschaftsführung des Deutschen Ordens in Preußen (1382–​1454) (Köln, 1993) (Veröffentlichungen aus den Archiven Preußischer Kulturbesitz 34). 67 Juhan Kreem, ‘The Archives of the Teutonic Order in Livonia: Past and Present,’ in Entre Deus e o rei: o mundo das ordens militares, ed. Isabel C. F. Fernandes (Palmela, 2018) (Coleção Ordens Militares 8/​1), pp. 57−65; Johannes Götz, ‘Das Archiv des livländischen Deutschordenszweiges. Eine archivgeschichtliche Untersuchung,’ in Die Kirche im mittelalterlichen Livland, ed. Radosław Biskup et al. (Toruń, 2019) (Ecclesia clerusque temporibus medii aevi 5), pp. 9–​77. 68 Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted, pp. 15, 23–​25.

100 Selart for example, in Denmark in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.69 The clearance potential is indicated by topographic border descriptions.70 The typical charters of territorial divisions listed provinces, castle districts, and villages.71 The border descriptions using natural objects like rivers or marked stones and trees indicate non-​cultivated land,72 and simultaneously they reveal the potential to make land usable. How it actually happened is reflected by few known regulations. Clearance was free in the urban precinct of Riga (Stadtmark) in the 1220s and 1230s. The settler had the right to eight tax-​free years. The Order of the Brethren of the Sword truly settled Selonians for land clearance there.73 The active exploitation of the territory by the town itself started a bit later in the fourteenth century. Due to the low quality of the soil, it mainly focused on beekeeping in the local pine forests instead of grain production.74 In some regions of Livonia, the beekeeping in forests remained important by the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; individual owners could possess hundred hives, which indicates the rather ‘industrial’ scale of this activity.75 Pollen analyses show that the human impact on vegetation –​the development level of agriculture –​was already quite intensive in some areas in the pre-​Crusade period. In the formerly more peripheral regions, the intensification started in the vicinity of towns and castles in the thirteenth century, and in the distant countryside in the fourteenth century.76 However, there were 69 70

Hybel, Poulsen, The Danish Resources, pp. 198–​200. Ülle Tarkiainen, ‘Trees for Marking Boundaries of Landed Properties in Premodern Estonia,’ Estonian Journal of Ecology 61 (2012), 51–​63, here pp. 53–​54. 71 Livländische Güterurkunden. Aus den Jahren 1207 bis 1500, ed. Hermann von Bruiningk and Nicolaus Busch (Riga, 1908), nos. 2, 4, 19, 21, 25, etc. 72 Livländische Güterurkunden, nos. 5, 7, 8, 32 etc. See also: Hans-​Werner Nicklis, ‘Von der ‘Grenitze’ zur Grenze. Die Grenzidee des lateinischen Mittelalters (6.–​15. Jhdt.),’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 128 (1992), 1–​29, here pp. 14–​19. 73 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 78, 87. 74 Livländische Güterurkunden, no. 7; August von Bulmerincq, ‘Die Besiedlng der Mark der Stadt Riga 1201–​1600,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 21 (1911–​1928), 201–​ 290, here pp. 208–​219, 271–​272; Ferdinand Linnus, Eesti vanem mesindus I: metsamesindus (Tartu, 1939) (Eesti Rahva Muuseumi Aastaraamat 12–​13), p. 170. 75 Linnus, Eesti vanem mesindus, pp. 133–​182. 76 Normunds Stivrinš et al., ‘Landscape Change in Central Latvia since the Iron Age: Multi-​proxy Analysis of the Vegetation Impact of Conflict, Colonization and Economic Expansion during the Last 2,000 Years,’ Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 24 (2015), 377−391; Laimdota Kalniņa et al., ‘Evidence of Human Impact and Vegetation Change during the Late Iron Age and the Medieval Livonian Period at Some Sites along the Lower Course of the River Daugava,’ in Ecologies of Crusading, pp. 129–​145; Aleksander Pluskowski et al., ‘From the Convent to the Commandery,’ pp. 64–​65; Normunds Stivriņs et al., ‘Palaeoecological Evidence of Crusades and Subsequent Impact on the Livonian Landscape,’ in Ecologies of Crusading, pp. 147–​152; Rowena Y. Banerjea et al., ‘Feeding the

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regional variations. In southern Latvia, which was heavily affected by wars, a portion of the population emigrated to Lithuania in 1280–​1290,77 and economic activity declined.78 By the end of the Middle Ages, this region was populated again, as well as several formerly virtually unused territories in Estonia (Hiiumaa Island, Alutaguse region, etc.).79 The comparison of numerous pre-​ Crusade archaeological monuments in the easternmost region of Latvia with the information of later written sources about the scarce population of this area also indicates depopulation. The time and reasons for this still remain unknown.80 Livonia lacked the immigration of peasants from Germany,81 which is often considered the central point in the general innovation processes of central and eastern Europe in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries.82 The issue is often crucial when comparing the settlement history in medieval Livonia and Prussia –​the latter attracted German peasant immigrants, which resulted in the Germanisation of old Prussians by the seventeenth century. Livonia also lacked the ‘German Law’ (ius theutonicum). As the latter actually meant the set of privileges of (mostly German) immigrants in east-​central Europe,83 there was no need for a similar institution in Livonia, because the priority of noble settlers was guaranteed by other means. There were still at least some attempts at

Crusades: Archaeobotany, Animal Husbandry and Livestock Alimentation on the Baltic Frontier,’ Environmental Archaeology 25/​2 (2019), 135–​150, here p. 147. 77 Ernestas Vasiliauskas, ‘Миграции земгалов в конце XIII века [Migrat͡sii zemgalov v kont͡se XIII veka],’ Arheoloģija un Etnogrāfija 24 (2010), 134–​146, here pp. 134–​136; Šnē, ‘The Medieval Peasantry,’ pp. 91–​92. 78 Alexander Brown, ‘Vegetation Change in Livonia: The Palynological Data,’ in Environment, Colonization, pp. 105–​135, here pp. 132–​133. 79 Enn Tarvel, ‘Asustus ja rahvastik,’ in Eesti talurahva ajalugu, pp. 136–​147, here pp. 136–​138. 80 Auns, ‘Livonia and Latvians,’ pp. 252–​253. See also: Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312). Quellen zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens, ed. August Seraphim (Königsberg, 1912), p. 204 §267–​274. 81 Hans Mortensen, ‘Warum fehlt die ordenszeitliche deutsche Bauernsiedlung im Baltikum?’ Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, phil.-​hist. Klasse (1944), 293–​298; Auns, ‘Livonia and Latvians,’ p. 248. 82 Landscapes and Societies in Medieval Europe East of the Elbe. Interactions Between Environmental Settings and Cultural Transformations, ed. Sunhild Kleingärtner et al. (Toronto, 2013) (Papers in Medieval Studies 23). 83 Benedykt Zientara, ‘Der Ursprung des ‘deutschen Rechts’ (ius Theutonicum) auf dem Hintergrund der Siedlungsbewegung in West-​und Mitteleuropa während des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts,’ Jahrbuch für Geschichte des Feudalismus 2 (1978), 119–​148, here pp. 120–​124. See also: Katalin Szende, ‘Iure Theutonico? German Settlers and Legal Frameworks for Immigration to Hungary in an East-​Central European Perspective,’ Journal of Medieval History 45 (2019), 360–​379.

102 Selart organised, ‘top-​down’ colonisation in Livonia.84 In 1261, the Livonian Teutonic Order invited peasants from Germany to resettle the devastated Curonia and promised them six tax-​free years,85 but the attempt had no traceable result. However, even in eastern Prussia, the immigration of German peasants started rather late. The foundation of new villages on the initiative of Teutonic officials is well documented in the Königsberg area, but the privileged peasants and locators were predominantly Baltic Prussians before 1400.86 There is no direct information about similar activities of the Teutonic Order or bishops in Livonia.87 However, the emergence of new villages in the thirteenth century is documented, especially in the holdings of monasteries, as well the increasing number of farmsteads.88 It is plausible that in similar cases, the creation of new villages occurred in the same way as in Prussian Sambia: native locators acted on behalf of ‘German’ lords. Still, it would be incorrect to declare that there was no peasant immigration in Livonia. Even if the first Swedes may have arrived on the Estonian coast before 1200,89 the major Swedish settlement probably started in the thirteenth century.90 The process could be supported by ‘German’ territorial lords and landowners, as the Swedish settlement areas were less suitable for agriculture, and the Swedes introduced new economic activities like sea fishing and dairy farming.91 In 1341, milk and fishery products dominated the fees of Swedish peasants of Ruhnu Island,92 and in the sixteenth century, butter and cheese characterised the peasants’ fees in the Swedish settlement areas.93 A similar process –​the establishment of new villages of Rus’ian

84 85

Myśliwski, ‘Central Europe,’ p. 265. in locis vacantibus, in quibus Curones apostate sunt occisi et alii profugi recesserunt: Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 362. 86 Grischa Vercamer, Siedlungs-​, Sozial-​und Verwaltungsgeschichte der Komturei Königsberg in Preußen (13.–​ 16. Jahrhundert) (Marburg, 2010) (Einzelschriften der Historischen Kommission für ost-​und westpreussische Landesforschung 29), pp. 167–​184. 87 Blumfeldt, ‘Keskaja agraarajalugu,’ p. 40. 88 Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted, pp. 23–​24. Cf. Šnē, ‘The Medieval Peasantry,’ p. 92. 89 Felicia Markus, Living on Another Shore. Early Scandinavian Settlement on the North-​ Western Estonian Coast (Uppsala, 2004) (Occasional Papers in Archaeology 36), pp. 194–​201. 90 Paul Johansen, Nordische Mission, Revals Gründung und die Schwedensiedlung in Estland (Stockholm, 1951) (Kungliga Vitterhets-​, historie-​och antikvitetsakademiens handlingar 74), pp. 116–​117. 91 Evald Blumfeldt, ‘Estlandssvenskarna historia,’ in En bok om Estlands svenskar, [vol. 1], ed. Edvin Lagman (Stockholm, 1961), pp. 64–​178, here pp. 90–​91. 92 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 805a. 93 Ligi, Talupoegade koormised, pp. 78–​79.

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fishermen and gardeners94 on a non-​agricultural coast –​took place at Lake Peipus.95 Groups of Votians from Novgorod Land established a couple of new villages and resettled some older villages in the Tartu bishopric between c. 1275–​1300,96 which indicates the organised peopling of the territory. 4

Production and Taxation

The medieval peasant economy did not aim at expansion; its main economic goal was reproduction. The necessity to produce more could have originated from the pressure of taxation.97 Selling agricultural products presupposed the existence of a market. Its presence before 1200 is unlikely, as the share of the non-​agricultural population was minimal. Simultaneously with the emergence of town life, the food supply increasingly started to gain importance. The Livonian trade privileges for merchants in the thirteenth century secured the unlimited right to travel anywhere in the country.98 The town of Riga explicitly complained in 1297 that during a conflict, the Teutonic Order stopped food delivery from peasant households of the Order’s territory.99 Lambertus Hoelempe, a Riga citizen of probably Livic origin, is an example of a merchant who at the end of the thirteenth century probably specialised in food trade between the city and nearby countryside.100 Grain –​predominantly rye and barley –​formed the main substance of taxation.101 A part of the collected corn was needed for usage by the manors, castles, and their people. In the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle from the 1290s, it was 94

In 1528, the Peipus-​region Russians were allowed to sell in Tartu from their boats: onions, horseradish, garlic, cabbage, and all kinds of seeds, except onion seeds. Generally, retail sale by Russians was prohibited: Akten und Rezesse der livländischen Ständetage, vol. 3, ed. Leonid Arbusow (Riga, 1910), no. 253 §8. 95 Gustav Ränk, Peipsi kalastusest (Tartu, 1934) (Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi kirjad 2), p. 11; Elena Salmina, ‘Fishing Settlements in the Pskov Region in the 16th Century (According to Archaeological Data and Written Sources),’ Environmental Archaeology 21 (2016), 402–​410. 96 Heiki Valk, ‘Die ethnischen Identitäten der undeutschen Landbevölkerung Estlands vom 13. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert,’ in Estnisches Mittelalter, pp. 55–​91, here pp. 74–​78. 97 Nicolas Schroeder, ‘Observations about Climate, Farming, and Peasant Societies in Carolingian Europe,’ The Journal of European Economic History 3 (2019), 189–​210, here p. 201. 98 Vilho Niitemaa, Der Binnenhandel in der Politik der livländischen Städte im Mittelalter (Helsinki, 1952) (Suomalaisen tiedeakatemian toimituksia B 76/​2), pp. 44–​46. 99 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 567 p. 711. 100 Niitemaa, Der Binnenhandel, p. 57. 101 Ahvenainen, Der Getreidehandel, pp. 22–​23.

104 Selart written that Paide was a good and rich Teutonic castle because it ‘feeds many other castles’.102 At the end of the thirteenth century, the Teutonic vogt of Paide in central Estonia really delivered grain to Kuldīga in Curonia. The grain –​barley, rye, and wheat –​was transported downstream to Pärnu, and further transport on the sea was organised by the Curonian side. The Teutonic possessions in Saaremaa also delivered food to Curonia.103 The war had ended in southern Curonia several decades later than in Estonia, and the southern part of the territory was strongly devastated; thus, the dependence on imported grain is understandable.104 A half century later, in 1341, the Teutonic Order’s Kuldīga Castle had an economy of its own, which possessed about 120 horses, 200 cattle, and 300 sheep. Its granaries in Kuldīga, Ventspils, Saaremaa, Pärnu, and Gotland contained 228.5 lasts105 of rye and barley. The castle stored hops and honey. It also possessed two ships with capacities of 100 and 14 lasts, respectively.106 All in all, substantial development had taken place there: the Gotland granary indicates that Kuldīga no longer depended on imported grain, but exported it.107 The grain trade in Livonia had already started in the thirteenth century.108 Its volume remains questionable; for example, the ‘Debtors’ Book of Riga’ (1286–​1352) only sporadically registers grain as an export good. The typical goods were wax and flax; they were at least partially of Livonian origin and not only imported from Rus’.109 But the majority of registered cases only mention the debt sum and does not provide information about the goods traded. The participants of trade in Riga included Teutonic vogts from Paide, Karksi,

102 Livländische Reimchronik, mit Anmerkungen, Namenverzeichnis und Glossar, ed. Leo Meyer (Paderborn, 1876), line 7525: sie spiset andere burge vil. 103 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 586. 104 Bernhart Jähnig, Verfassung und Verwaltung des Deutschen Ordens und seiner Herrschaft in Livland (Berlin, 2011) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 16), p. 195. 105 Last here: c. 2 tonnes. 106 Albert Bauer, ‘Die Wartgutsteuerliste der Komturei Goldingen,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 25 (1933–​1937), 109–​194, here pp. 182–​185; Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1290–​1500, pp. 129–​130. 107 Jähnig, Verfassung und Verwaltung, pp. 227–​229. 108 Liv-​ , Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 565; Ahvenainen, Der Getreidehandel, pp. 27–​35; Jüri Kivimäe, ‘Põllumajanduse turusidemed,’ in Eesti talurahva ajalugu, pp. 234–​250, here p. 235; Carsten Jahnke, ‘The Baltic Trade,’ in A Companion to the Hanseatic League, ed. Donald J. Harreld (Leiden, 2015) (Brill’s Companions to European History 8), pp. 194–​240, here pp. 214–​215. 109 Das Rigische Schuldbuch (1286–​1352), ed. Hermann Hildebrand (St. Petersburg, 1872), pp. li–​lv; Leonid Arbusow, ‘Die Frage nach der Bedeutung der Hanse für Livland,’ Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 7 (1944), 212–​239, here pp. 229–​230.

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and Saaremaa, as well persons with rural or small-​town origin names110 of places where participation in transit trade with Rus’ was unlikely: Jelgava, Lihula, Alempois, Haapsalu, and Tarvastu.111 Commercial interaction between Riga and central Estonia is indicated by Hildegerus de Witzensteyne112 (registered in 1286–​1290) and the Teutonic vogt of Paide (1301–​1302), both of whom traded in Riga.113 Unfortunately, their goods are not registered in sources. In the case of another inland merchant active in Riga (1288–​1307), Hermannus of Tarvastu, wax is mentioned as a good.114 Furs, wax, and honey also were the probable local export goods of Livonia in the pre-​Crusade times.115 Recent research additionally indicates that the bog iron ore production was voluminous enough there to make export possible, both before and after the crusading conquest. The iron production ended by the end of the fourteenth century, probably due to the import of better and cheaper Swedish iron.116 In c. 1370, however, the exports of Pärnu included rye and other crops apart from wax and flax.117 In 1387, the Cathedral Chapter of Riga estimated its yearly income from Dundaga Castle in north Curonia to be as high as 313 Riga marks or even more (c. 105 florins118). Honey and wax were the most valuable part of the income, but, again, it may have also depended on the special natural conditions of this wooded and sandy coastal region; thus, this account unfortunately does not present an ‘average’ picture (see table 4.1). The insight is still informative, however. 5

Income of the Clergy

That the new, non-​agricultural groups in Livonia needed food is just one side of the coin. Resources were also needed for the changed lifestyle, politics, war, and 1 10 111 112 113 114 115 116

The relations between origin, origin name, and family name are ambiguous, however. Das Rigische Schuldbuch, pp. 121–​151. Wittenstein is a Low German name of Paide. Das Rigische Schuldbuch, p. 151. Das Rigische Schuldbuch, p. 147, cf. nos. 1318, 1658. Vasks, ‘The Pre-​History of Latvia,’ p. 34. Jüri Peets, The Power of Iron. Iron Production and Blacksmithy in Estonia and Neighbouring Areas in Prehistoric Period and the Middle Ages (Tallinn, 2003) (Muinasaja Teadus 12), pp. 135–​ 136; Ragnar Saage et al., ‘Metallographic Investigation of Iron Blooms and Bars from the Smithy Site of Käku, Estonia,’ Fennoscandia Archaeologica 34 (2017), 46–​58, here pp. 55–​56. 117 Heinrich Laakmann, Geschichte der Stadt Pernau in der Deutsch-​Ordenszeit (bis 1558) (Marburg, 1956) (Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Geschichte und Landeskunde Ost-​ Mitteleuropas 23), pp. 156–​157. 1 18 Meaning here: Rhenish guilder.

106 Selart table 4.1 Yearly income of the Dundaga castle district, Curonia, 1387

Product

Volume

Value

honey wax

5 lasts, à 20 Riga marks 2 shippounds, à 13 Riga marks c. 10 lasts, à 3 Riga marks 20, à 24 Lübeck schillings 30, à 4 Lübeck schillings 16, à 23 Lübeck schillings 300, 45 Lübeck schillings for hundred (another copy of the text: 14 Lübeck schillings for one hundred)

100 Riga marks 26 Riga marks

corn oxen sheep pigs chicken

sea fish freshwater fish furs leasing of cows and oxen, sheep wool income of quarries and ‘the coast’ –​shipwrecking and amber collection are probably considered hay firewood, hunting, Wackenfest (regular common feast of peasants and their masters during the tax collection), other cash total

2000, 12 Riga marks for a thousand

30 Riga marks 13 1/​3 Riga marks 3 1/​3 Riga marks 10 1/​5 Riga marks 3 3/​4 (or 1 1/​5) Riga marks

25 Riga marks 15 Riga marks 24 Riga marks 15 Riga marks 10 Riga marks

500 cartloads, à 18 Lübeck pfennigs

20 4/​5 Riga marks 10 Riga marks

6 1/​3 Riga marks 313 Riga marks or more

sources: Liv-​, Esth-​ und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 1248, pp. 514–​ 516; Auns, ‘Livonia and Latvians,’ p. 259. 1 Riga mark =​ 36 Lübeck schillings; 3 florins =​ 1 Riga mark; 1 shippound =​ c. 160–​1 70 kg

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construction activities. The number and share of the new elite are unknown. Liber census Daniae registers 114 vassals in north Estonia in c. 1240.119 The Order of the Brethren of the Sword probably had a bit more than 120 knights, while the Livonian Teutonic Order counted no more than 200 in the thirteenth century.120 In about 1380, the Order had 25 commanderies and Vogteis there.121 In Livonia, five bishoprics were established with not very large cathedral chapters.122 In 1300, there were two monasteries, four nunneries, and four mendicant convents in Livonia, which is a remarkably low result. The scarcity of nunneries in particular points to the low number of lay nobles. In general, the share of ‘Germans’ in medieval Livonia has been estimated at about 10%, but this number includes the urban population.123 Unfortunately, income estimations are possible only in the case of the church and clergy. The central tax paid by bishops to the papal curia, the servitium commune, probably more or less adequately124 reflects their income in around 1300, when its amount became fixed, at least on the regional level. This shows that the economic condition of Livonian bishops was comparable with other sees in this area.125 The

1 19 Johansen, Die Estlandliste, p. 681. 120 Lutz Fenske and Klaus Militzer, Ritterbrüder im livländischen Zweig des Deutschen Ordens (Köln, 1993) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 12), p. 14; Jähnig, Verfassung und Verwaltung, pp. 127–​129. 121 Jähnig, Verfassung und Verwaltung, p. 262. See also: Ieva Ose, ‘Die mittelalterliche Burg als Wirtschaftszentrum. Einige Hinweise auf die mittelalterliche Burg als Wirtschaftszentrum im Territorium Lettlands während des 13. bis 16. Jh.,’ Castella Maris Baltici 11 (2015), pp. 153–​160. 122 Madis Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons and Challenge of the Reformation,’ Вестник Санкт-​ Петербургского университета. История [Vestnik Sankt-​Peterburgskogo universiteta. Istorii͡a] 64 (2019), 996−1013, here p. 1002: the average number of cathedral chapter members in Livonia was 10 or less, in Riga c. 12, in Curonia 0–​6. Cf. also the contribution by Madis Maasing in the present volume. 123 Kala et al., Eesti ajalugu, p. 174. 124 Cf. Ivar Leimus, ‘Saare-​Lääne piiskop –​rikkaim mees Liivimaal?’ Läänemaa Muuseumi Toimetised 6 (2002), pp. 7–​12. 125 The servitium commune of the Baltic Sea area bishops in the fourteenth century mostly varied in quite similar scale (in florins): Lund 4000, Kamień 2000, Saaremaa 1300, Pomesania 1100, Roskilde, Schleswig, and Uppsala 1000, Riga and Sambia 800, Chełmno 700, Schwerin 667, Linköping 660, Bremen and Havelberg 600, Tartu 500, Skara 470, Warmia 400, Lübeck 350, Tallinn 300, Strängnäs 266 2/​3, Västerås 250, Ratzeburg 233 1/​3, Turku 200, Odense 150, Curonia 100, Växjö 50. Source: Hermannus Hoberg, Taxae pro communibus servitiis ex libris obligationum ab anno 1295 usque ad annum 1455 confectis (Città del Vaticano, 1949) (Studi e testi 144).

108 Selart difference was that the territories of Livonian bishoprics were considerably larger.126 Archbishops of Riga Friedrich Pernstein (1304–​1341) and Engelbert Dolen (1341–​1347) lived mainly in Avignon at the papal curia. The territory of their bishopric in Livonia was in fact controlled by the Teutonic Order at this time, and the Order transferred to the archbishop roughly 1,000–​1,500 florins per year on average.127 All in all, at least Friedrich had a noble lifestyle: he had sufficient resources to amass his enormous library128 and to buy property in his homeland of Moravia.129 The sums correspond quite well with the papal estimation of the income of the Riga archbishopric in the 1390s. At that time, during the period when the archbishop and the majority of the canons were exiled (May 1391 –​September 1393), the clear profit of the archbishop and the cathedral chapter altogether was evaluated, ‘according to truthful information’ (prout veridica informatione), as high as 11,500 florins.130 This amounts to roughly 410 florins per month, or about 4930 florins per year. Livonian bishops had an income that befitted their rank. It was only later, in the first third of the fifteenth century, when the Saaremaa bishopric, which had the highest level of the servitium, was economically ruined and the bishops had trouble in paying their tax.131 This was a period of severe demographic crisis in 126 Atlas zur Kirche in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Heiliges Römisches Reich –​Deutschsprachige Länder, ed. Erwin Gatz (Regensburg, 2009), pp. 60–​61. 127 Kristjan Toomaspoeg, ‘Ühest Brugge kirstust, Riia peapiiskoppidest Avignonis ja arhiiviuuringutest Vatikanis,’ Vana Tallinn 28 (2017), 202–​224, here pp. 218–​219. 128 Zdeňka Hledíková, Svět české středověké církve (Praha, 2010), pp. 461–​475; Patrick N. R. Zutshi, ‘Frederick, Archbishop of Riga (1304–​1341), and his Books,’ in The Medieval Book. Glosses from Friends & Colleagues of Christopher de Hamel, ed. James H. Marrow (Houten, 2010), pp. 327–​335. 129 Zdeňka Hledíková, Počátky avignonského papežství a české země (Praha, 2013), pp. 55–​75; Anti Selart, ‘Livonsko a české země ve 14. století. Livland und die böhmischen Länder im 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Svět tajemných Baltů, ed. Libor Jan et al. (Brno, 2013), pp. 125–​130, here p. 126. 130 Liv-​, Esth-​und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 4, nos. 1349, 1352, 1357. Cf. a different calculation by Ivar Leimus, ‘Nõrk või tugev raha? Mündireformid ja nende põhjused Euroopas 15. sajandi alguses,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 2 (2014), 21–​32, here p. 26. See also: Ivar Leimus, ‘Liivimaa ordukäsknike jõukus –​müüt või tegelikkus,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 2 (2015), 83–​89. 131 Henrike Bolte, ‘Spätmittelalterliche Bistumsbesetzungen im Spiegel der kuria­ len Überlieferung: das Beispiel Livland,’ in Friedensnobelpreis und histori­ sche Grundlagenforschung. Ludwig Quidde und die Erschließung der kurialen Registerüberlieferung, ed. Michael Matheus (Berlin, 2012) (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 124), pp. 191–​204, here p. 200; Teresa Borawska, ‘Kaspar Schuwenpflug i jego rola w procesach polsko-​krzyżackich pierwszej połowie XV wieku,’ Zapiski Historyczne 79 (2014), 167–​188, here p. 183.

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Livonia,132 which could support the hypothesis that Livonian economic development in general was mainly limited by the scarcity of manpower there. The number of rural parishes in Livonia could be estimated at 150 in 1350.133 Although Livonian parishes remained territorially very large compared to central and western Europe, this value depended on economic conditions –​higher population density correlates with a tighter net of parish churches.134 An average parish included roughly 300 peasant households, and approximately 200 households can be considered as the minimum size of a parish in Livonia. In the first decades of the fourteenth century, the yearly incomes of vacant parishes were estimated between 2 and 9, mostly 4–​6 Riga weight mark silver.135 The equivalent incomes in Lübeck and Ratzeburg dioceses amounted to 10–​30 Lübeck mark coins, and the typical income was 10 marks.136 As 1 Riga weight mark then corresponded to 2⅔ mark of Lübeck coins,137 the sums in Livonia and north Germany are quite equal. Still, the papal collector Jacobus de Rota did not succeed in raising from Livonian clergy the Crusade tax in 1318 laid by the Council of Vienne. He estimated the total number of benefices in the Riga church province as high as 500,138 but the local clergy decisively protested against the taxation due to the ‘poverty and scarcity of the benefices’ and the ‘invasions of Saracens, heathens, and schismatics’.139

132 See also Ivar Leimus, ‘Die spätmittelalterliche große Wirtschaftskrise in Europa –​war auch Livland davon betroffen?’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 1 (2006), 56–​67. 133 Erkki Kuujo, Die rechtliche und wirtschaftliche Stellung der Pfarrkirchen in Alt-​Livland (Helsinki, 1953) (Suomalaisen tiedeakatemian toimituksia B 79/​2), pp. 35–​39. 134 Anti Selart, ‘Die Rolle des Deutschen Ordens bei der Entstehung der Pfarrorganisation in Livland,’ Ordines Militares. Colloquia Torunensia Historica 23 (2018), 43–​74; Anti Selart, ‘Miks on Eesti kihelkonnad nõnda suured?’ in Humanitaarteadused ja kunstid 100-​aastases rahvusülikoolis, ed. Riho Altnurme (Tartu, 2019), pp. 58–​66. Cf. Scandinavian data: Hybel and Poulsen, The Danish Resources, p. 118; Central Europe: Jan Hrdina, ‘Le strutture ecclesiastiche nell’Europa centrale durante il Grande Scisma d’Occidente (1378–​1415/​1417). Sullo sfruttamento dei registri pontifici per la comparatistica storica,’ Bollettino dell’Istituto Storico Ceco di Roma 8 (2012), 21–​51, here pp. 41–​43. 135 Johann Peter Kirsch, Die päpstlichen Kollektorien in Deutschland während des XIV. Jahrhunderts (Paderborn, 1894) (Quellen und Forschungen aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte 3), pp. 86–​88. 136 Kirsch, Die päpstlichen Kollektorien, pp. 95–​96. 137 Thanks to Ivar Leimus for his help with this calculation. 138 It is unknown whether the Prussian dioceses are included here or otherwise. 139 Ubaldo Mannucci, ‘Lettere di Collettori pontifici nel secolo XIV,’ Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte 27 (1913), 190–​ 201, here p. 198: propter paupertatem beneficiorum et paucitatem; propter infestationes et invasiones Sarracenorum et paganorum et scismaticorum.

110 Selart 6

Expenses: Stone Building

One of the most expensive innovations in post-​Crusade Livonia was stone building. The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia from the 1220s complements the story of building the Ikšķile castle and church by stonemasons from Gotland in the 1180s with the fable about heathen Semgallians who tried to pull the stone castle into the Daugava River with ropes.140 A similar story is repeated in an anonymous account of northern and eastern Europe from the 1250s, Descriptiones terrarum.141 The fable most likely emphasises the difference between local and newly introduced building cultures. Gotland, Polotsk, Pskov, and Novgorod were places in which stone building was flourishing in the twelfth century. Why was it not introduced in Livonia by local leaders before the conquest? The answer probably lies in the fact that the effort to pay for the works and create absent infrastructure (lime production, quarries) would still be too expensive. Building strongholds like Varbola in north Estonia, with its 580-​metre long and up to 7-​metre high mortar-​less stone rampart142 needed significant manpower but did not demand high qualification of workers. Ivar Leimus speculatively calculated the minimum construction cost of a rural parish church in thirteenth-​century Livonia as 17.5–​ 35 kg silver; at least half of that needed to be paid out in silver money.143 Pre-​Crusade Livonia probably lacked the concentration of resources needed for such large projects.144 At any rate, the amount of stone building in Livonia 1 40 Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, p.3, §i.6. 141 Marek Tamm, ‘Uus allikas Liivimaa ristiusutamisest. Ida-​Baltikumi kirjeldus Descriptiones terrarum’s (u 1255),’ Keel ja Kirjandus 44 (2001), 872–​884, here pp. 876, 883. 142 Evald Tõnisson, Eesti muinaslinnad (Tartu, 2008) (Muinasaja Teadus 20), pp. 196–​198. 143 Ivar Leimus, ‘Kui palju maksis kirik Liivimaal,’ in Sõnasse püütud minevik in honorem Enn Tarvel, ed. Priit Raudkivi and Marten Seppel (Tallinn, 2009), pp. 123–​137, here pp. 132–​135. 144 Secular stone building was an innovation everywhere in the Baltic Sea region. The first examples in Denmark date back to the twelfth century, in Gotland in the 1160s [Kersti Markus, ‘Die Christianisierung Livlands aus der Perspektive visueller Quellen,’ Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-​Forschung 64 (2015), 477−497, here pp. 487–​490], in Pskov Land in the 1300s [Aleksei I. Komech, Каменная летопись Пскова ХII–​начала ХVI века {Kamennai͡a letopis’ Pskova xii–​nachala xvi veka} (Moskva, 2003), p. 70], and in Novgorod at about the same time [Ilya Antipov, ‘First Secular Masonry Buildings of the Novgorodian Archbishop’s Court: Written Sources and Archaeological Data,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 23 (2019), 126–​145, here pp. 128–​131]. However, in Ladoga in Rus’ a stone castle building is mentioned already in 1116 [The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016–​1471, ed. Robert Michell, Nevill Forbes (London, 1914) (Camden Third Series 25), p. 9]. On the resources required for masonry building, see also: Klaus-​Joachim Lorenzen-​Schmidt, ‘Der Bau von steinernen Dorfkirchen in Holstein und Schleswig. Anmerkungen aus der Sicht eines Wirtschafts-​und Sozialhistorikers,’ Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Schleswig-​Holsteinische

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in the thirteenth century was extraordinary.145 In Saaremaa diocese alone, more than 20 parish and episcopal stone churches were built, and at least three or four stone castles between 1220 and 1340.146 It is not impossible that some resources for this activity came from outside Livonia, however.147 Riga and Tallinn had their town walls before 1300.148 The ‘construction boom’ continued in towns in the fourteenth century. An additional new and expensive technology introduced in the thirteenth century was the production of bricks.149 Construction needed a large amount of timber as well,150 and the new activities also needed manpower. Towns and castles needed workers who were removed from agricultural production anyway. 7

General Patterns: Rus’ Trade

The typical trade history of medieval Livonia concentrates on the trade with Rus’, which in this early period was dominated by luxury goods,151 and generally the interest in Rus’ian trade is considered to be a main reason for the Baltic Crusades, as well.152 Conversely, it is impossible to determine the proportions of high-​value and bulk goods in the Baltic Sea trade before the 1320s. The bulk

Geschichte 142 (2017), 7–​28. See also: Ivar Leimus, ‘Raha Eestis AD 1200. Margad, nogaatad ja oseringid,’ Tuna. Ajalookulturi ajakiri 4 (2002), 39–​46, here p. 45. 145 On the first stone castles, see also: Andris Caune and Ieva Ose, ‘Archäologische Zeugnisse der ersten Steinburgen des Schwertbrüderordens in Livland von 1202 bis 1209,’ in Pühakud, piiskopid, linnad ja linnused. Ajarännakud kesk-​ja varauusaega. Uurimusi Jaan Tamme auks, ed. Erki Russow and Valter Lang (Tallinn, 2018) (Muinasaja Teadus 27), pp. 53–​76. 146 Eesti arhitektuur, vol. 2. Läänemaa, Saaremaa, Hiiumaa, Pärnumaa, Viljandimaa, ed. Villem Raam (Tallinn, 1996). 147 Leimus, ‘Kui palju maksis kirik Liivimaal,’ p. 127 indicates this possibility. See also the contribution by Mihkel Mäesalu in the present volume. 148 Erki Russow, ‘Hansestadt Tallinn (Reval) und seine mittelalterlichen Befestigungen,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum VII: Die Stadtbefestigungen, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2010), pp. 693−713; Rivo Bernotas, ‘Estonian Small Towns in the Middle Ages: Archaeology and the History of Urban Defense,’ Ajalooline Ajakiri (2013), no. 3, pp. 265–​297. 149 Rivo Bernotas, ‘Brick-​Making in Medieval Livonia –​the Estonian Example,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 17 (2013), 139–​156; Kevin M. J. Hayward, ‘Resources for Castle Construction in Medieval Prussia and Livonia,’ in Ecologies of Crusading, pp. 35–​58. 150 Niitemaa, Der Binnenhandel, p. 58; Māris Zunde, ‘Timber and its Use from the Late Iron Age to the End of the Medieval Period in Latvia,’ in Ecologies of Crusading, pp. 25–​34. 151 Jahnke, ‘The Baltic Trade,’ pp. 200–​202. 152 For example: Mark R. Munzinger, ‘The Profits of the Cross: Merchant Involvement in the Baltic Crusade (c. 1180–​1230),’ Journal of Medieval History 32 (2006), 163–​185, here p. 185.

112 Selart goods trade should not be neglected due to the lack of sources alone. One should especially consider that the thirteenth century was a period of significant demographic growth, as well as the period of town life emerging everywhere in north Europe.153 The capacity of ships on the Baltic Sea is proven by the long-​distance trade in building stones and large carved stone items.154 The profit of the Rus’ trade in these centuries and its share in the Baltic trade in general are unanswered questions as well.155 The parallel to Rus’ is significant, considering general developments in the region. In Rus’, the thirteenth century has been called the time of crisis.156 In political history, the troubles have been traditionally linked to the Mongol invasion in 1237–​1240. However, recent research indicates that in many ways, the regression already started before the attack.157 In Novgorod, the twelfth century seems to be a period of economic growth. It is the only time in Novgorod’s medieval history when merchants appear as politically significant members of the town community.158 The twelfth century was a period of active church-​building activities in Novgorod159 and in Ladoga, especially the

153 Rolf Hammel-​Kiesow, ‘Lübeck and the Baltic Trade in Bulk Goods for the North Sea Region 1150–​1400,’ in Cogs, Cargoes, and Commerce: Maritime Bulk Trade in Northern Europe, 1150–​1400, ed. Lars Berggren et al. (Toronto, 2002) (Papers in Medieval Studies 15), pp. 53–​91, here pp. 57–​58. 154 Lars Berggren, ‘The Export of Limestone and Limestone Fonts from Gotland during the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,’ in Cogs, Cargoes, and Commerce, pp. 143–​180, here pp. 178–​179; Merike Kurisoo, Ristimise läte. Ristimiskivid keskaegsel Liivimaal (Tallinn, 2009) (Eesti kirikute sisustus 2), pp. 46–​48, 95–​106; Aivar Kriiska et al., ‘Carved Stone Fragment of Sanidine Trachyte from the Viljandi Castle,’ Baltic Journal of Art History 13 (2017), pp. 75–​86. 155 On the participation of smaller towns in the Rus’ian trade in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, see: Anti Selart, ‘Die kleinen Städte Livlands und ihre Rolle in der oder für die Hanse,’ in ‘Hansisch’ oder ‘nicht-​hansisch.’ Das Beispiel der kleinen Städte und Livlands in der Hanse, ed. Juhan Kreem and Jürgen Sarnowsky (Wismar, 2019) (Hansische Studien, 27), pp. 23–​42, here p. 33. 156 John Fennell, The Crisis of Medieval Russia, 1200–​1304 (London, 1993). 157 Русь в ХIII веке. Древности темного времени [Rus’ v XIII veke. Drevnosti temnogo vremeni], ed. Nikolai A. Makarov and Aleksei V. Chernetsov (Moskva, 2003). 158 Jörg Leuschner, Novgorod. Untersuchungen zu einigen Fragen seiner Verfassungs-​ und Bevölkerungsstruktur (Berlin, 1980) (Giessener Abhandlungen zur Agrar-​und Wirtschaftsforschung des europäischen Ostens 107), pp. 39–​41. 159 Pavel A. Rappoport, Русская архитектура Х–​ХIII вв. Каталог памятников [Russkai͡a arkhitektura X–​XIII vv. Katalog pami͡atnikov] (Leningrad, 1982) (Археология СССР. Свод археологических источников [Arkheologii͡a sssr. Svod arkheologicheskikh istochnikov] E1-​47), pp. 65–​75.

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1150s and 1160s.160 The twelfth century also appears as a period of prosperity in Polotsk and Smolensk, where a number of stone churches were built, as well.161 In contrast, in the first half of the thirteenth century, the settled territory of the town of Novgorod shrank remarkably.162 Imports from the south started to decline already in the last decades of the twelfth century. The same trend characterises the importing of cloth from the west.163 The number of birch-​ bark documents found in Novgorod increased dramatically during the twelfth century, and then dropped substantially between 1190 and 1230.164 Stone building activity in the Novgorod Land started to decline at the end of the twelfth century. The economic low lasted throughout the 1230–​1250s, and the definite recovery, according the building activity data, started only in the 1270s.165 In many regions of Rus’, including the areas outside the direct impact of Mongol invasion, the settlement pattern changed during the thirteenth century.166 All the data supports the assumption that the economic and societal change in the Baltic Sea area (or its eastern component) in the thirteenth century was a larger process not solely limited to areas directly affected by crusading conquest,

160 Heidi M. Sherman, ‘Staking the Novgorodian Frontier: Ladoga’s Twelfth-​ Century Churches as Landscape Markers,’ in Landscapes and Societies in Medieval Europe East of the Elbe. Interactions Between Environmental Settings and Cultural Transformations, ed. Sunhild Kleingärtner et al. (Toronto, 2013) (Papers in Mediaeval Studies 23), pp. 291–​315, here pp. 306–​308. 161 Rappoport, Русская архитектура, pp. 82–​101. 162 Mikhail I. Petrov, ‘ГИС ‘Средневековый Новгород’: состав, методы, результаты исследований [gis ‘Srednevekovyĭ Novgorod’: sostav, metody, rezultaty issledovaniĭ],’ Историческая информатика [Istoricheskai͡a informatika] 1–​2 (2015), 42–​49, here p. 48. 163 Elena A. Rybina, Торговля средневекового Новгорода. Историко-​археологические очерки [Torgovli͡a srednevekovogo Novgoroda. Istoriko-​ arkheologicheskie ocherki] (Velikii Novgorod, 2001), pp. 68–​71, 239–​240. 164 Jos Schaeken, ‘The Birchbark Documents in Time and Space –​Revisited,’ in Epigraphic Literacy and Christian Identity. Modes of Written Discourse in the Newly Christian European North, ed. Kristel Zilmer and Judith Jesch (Turnhout, 2012) (Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 4), pp. 201–​224, here pp. 216–​220. Cf. Jos Schaeken, Voices on Birchbark. Everyday Communication in Medieval Russia (Leiden, 2019) (Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics 43), pp. 28–​30: the rapid change in the number of the documents can partly be caused by local changes in the main excavation area. 165 David B. Miller, ‘Monumental Building as an Indicator of Economic Trends in Northern Rus’ in the Late Kievan and Mongol Periods, 1138–​1462,’ The American Historical Review 94 (1989), 360–​390, here pp. 368–​370; David B. Miller, ‘Monumental Building and its Patrons as Indicators of Economic and Political Trends in Ruś, 900–​1262,’ Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 38 (1990), 321–​355, here pp. 335–​337, 352. 166 Nikolai A. Makarov, ‘Русь в ХIII веке: характер культурных изменений [Rus’ v XIII veke: kharakter kul’turnykh izmeneniĭ],’ in Русь в ХIII веке, pp. 5–​11, here pp. 7–​8.

114 Selart and that the changes cannot be explained by political history alone. It would also be too simplistic to explain all changes of this type with the altering climate and famines (bigger famines and epidemics are registered in 1211–​12, 1215, and 1230).167 Vulnerability to environmental crises depended on local natural conditions and the social contexts of individuals. What is ‘favourable weather’ for agrarian production is determined by the art of production, and it is impossible to define the feature unambiguously.168 Rather, the economic and societal changes occurred in the whole Baltic Sea area, from Scandinavia to Rus’ in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, and, for example, the emerging Hanse trade was one part of this development. The fact also demonstrates the structural change, as no Livonian pre-​Crusade ‘proto-​urban’ centre (Jersika, Tērvete) developed into a medieval town.169 Thus, the coincidence of the recovery in Rus’ and the active rise of urban settlements in Livonia after the 1250s is probably not only a chronological one. Indeed, Rus’ was not the sole direction of Livonian trade. Even pagan Lithuania was an important trade partner, including the Teutonic Order, which succeeded in combining crusade and commerce.170 Overall, the first half of the thirteenth century seems to be a period of economic and social changes in the eastern Baltic region which cannot be connected to the events of political history alone. The place-​names registered in the birch-​bark documents figuratively indicate the reorientation of the Novgorod economy. In the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, they record other towns in Rus’, and, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, only places in Novgorod Land are traced. This indicates the increasing importance of landed estates of the aristocracy.171 Their products, 167 See: Heli Huhtamaa, ‘Climatic Anomalies, Food Systems, and Subsistence Crises in Medieval Novgorod and Ladoga,’ Scandinavian Journal of History 40 (2015), 562–​590; Marie-​Luise Heckmann, ‘Wetter und Krieg –​im Spiegel erzählender Quellen zu Preußen und dem Baltikum aus dem 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Piśmienność pragmatyczna –​ edytorstwo źrodeł historycznych –​archiwistyka. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Januszowi Tandeckiemu w sześćdziesiątą piątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. Roman Czaja and Krzysztof Kopiński (Toruń, 2015), pp. 191–​212. See also: Environmental and Cultural History of the Eastern Baltic Region, ed. Urve Miller et al., (Rixensart, 1999) (pact 57). 168 Schroeder, ‘Observations,’ pp. 189–​210. 169 Šnē, ‘The Medieval Peasantry,’ p. 90. 170 Rasa J. Mažeika, ‘Of Cabbages and Knights: Trade and Trade Treaties with the Infidel on the Northern Frontier, 1200–​1390,’ Journal of Medieval History 20 (1994), 63–​76. 171 Elena A. Rybina, ‘О содержании берестяных грамот с географическими названиями [O soderzhanii beresti͡anykh gramot s geograficheskimi nazvanii͡ami],’ in Новгородские грамоты на бересте (из раскопок 1984–​1989 гг.) [Novgorodskie gramoty na beresty (iz raskopok 1984–​1989 gg.)], ed. Valentin L. Ianin and Andrei A. Zalizniak (Moskva, 1993), pp. 344–​347.

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furs and wax, were probably increasingly traded to the west, and Livonia was integrated in this emerging trade system. In 1300, the trade and family network of merchants reaching from Westphalia to Livonia already existed,172 and merchants and craftsmen from Rus’ settled in Livonian towns, as well.173 8

Conclusion

In Scandinavia, the Viking Age and the centuries after it (800/​1000–​1250/​1350) were a period of significant economic expansion.174 Estonia and Latvia, the medieval Livonia, generally joined this development a bit later, but before the period of the Crusades. The main agricultural innovations of the time, especially three-​field rotation, were not unknown there, although the extent of their effective implementation is unknown.175 To speak of agricultural production, the new social order introduced in the thirteenth century changed and improved economic organisation and made production more effective. Of course, there were regional differences, both natural and political. While in the area of Riga, the ‘new’ order was established already by the 1200s, in southern and south-​eastern Latvia the conquest ended only a century later. To compare, in thirteenth-​century Wales, organisational changes like fixing personal land ownership, defining borders, and improved allocation of economic obligations facilitated a substantial increase in lords’ income.176 Fixing of taxes, fees, and duties was also the main point of agreements between native communities and the new rulers in Livonia.177 Fixing fees and fines was probably also a central reason for writing down the Livonian ‘peasant laws’178 in the thirteenth 172 Jahnke, ‘The Baltic Trade,’ pp. 218–​223; Anti Selart, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43–​66. 173 Anti Selart, ‘Russians in Livonian Towns in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,’ in Segregation –​Integration –​Assimilation. Religious and Ethnic Groups in the Medieval Towns of Central and Eastern Europe, ed. Derek Keene et al. (Farnham, 2009), pp. 33–​50. 174 Myrdal, ‘Scandinavia,’ p. 232. 175 Aleksander Pluskowski, ‘The Environmental Impact of the Conquest of Livonia,’ in Environment, Colonization, pp. 231–​253, here p. 245. 176 Rhys Jones, ‘Mann and Men in a Medieval State: The Geographies of Power in the Middle Ages,’ Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 24 (1999), 65–​78, here pp. 74–​75. Thanks to Kristjan Kaljusaar for directing me to this publication. 177 Mäesalu, ‘Agreements on the Acceptance of Christianity’. 178 Evgeniia L. Nazarova, ‘‘Ливонские правды’ как исторический источник [‘Livonskie pravdy’ kak istoricheskiĭ istochnik],’ Древнейшие государства на территории СССР. Материалы и исследования [Drevneĭshie gosudarstva na territorii sssr. Materialy i issledovanii͡a] 1979 (1980), 5–​218.

116 Selart and fourteenth centuries. A radical innovation in Livonia was town life. The urban economy produced a significant surplus, and urban people became a market for agricultural products. Still, the share of the urban population in Livonia remained low,179 even though the general development of urban centres before the demographic setbacks after c. 1350 was remarkably intensive and needed both material and human resources. Estonia and Latvia followed the general path of the high medieval economic and technical innovation in northern Europe. The dispersion of power and resources and a lack of ‘innovation-​carrying’ institutions (like religious orders, for example) caused a delay, but –​with the potential exception of towns –​ it is impossible to determine what happened in Livonia after the crusading conquest, and what was an immediate result of the conquest. In regard to economic resources and their redistribution, the taxes introduced by the new lords were significant, but not so high that they could finance the new system merely as a result of redistribution.180 The Teutonic Order, bishops, and other masters started to develop their territories. This consisted of enlarging the fields, but also of organisational features which improved the efficacy of taxation. The usual complaints regarding the poverty of Livonia often had the character of political argumentation, and one cannot consider them to be an accurate description of the situation. The income of individual members of the clergy, the only group where some comparison is possible, corresponded to their equivalent ‘colleagues’ in northern Europe. What was different was the territory: due to the low population density, the relatively large area of Livonia in total still had only limited wealth. These limits were set by the size of the population. The low starting point in 1200 affected the following development, and as the population resources in the entire area were also limited, immigration remained restricted to a few groups. It is certainly impossible to neglect the progress that occurred, and when considering urban life, it even can be called a boom –​but the demographic and other setbacks following the 1350s181 imposed limits upon these developments.

179 Inna Põltsam-​ Jürjo, ‘Grundzüge des livländischen Städtewesens im Mittelalter,’ in Stadtgeschichte des Baltikums oder baltische Stadtgeschichte? Annäherungen an ein neues Forschungsfeld zur baltischen Geschichte, ed. Heidi Hein-​Kircher and Ilgvars Misāns, 2nd ed. (Marburg, 2016) (Tagungen zur Ostmitteleuropaforschung 33), pp. 117–​135. 180 Cf. the contribution by Kristjan Kaljusaar in the present volume. 181 See: Selart, ‘Die kleinen Städte Livlands,’ p. 38–​39.

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Acknowledgements

The writing of this paper was supported by Estonian Research Council (project no. put 1422).

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Vahtre, Sulev, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted Eestis XIII–​XIV sajandil. Õppevahend ajaloo-​osakonna üliõpilastele (Tartu, 1966). Valk, Heiki, ‘Estland im 11.–​13. Jahrhundert. Neuere Aspekte aus Sicht der Archäologie,’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 57–​86. Valk, Heiki, ‘Die ethnischen Identitäten der undeutschen Landbevölkerung Estlands vom 13. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert,’ in Estnisches Mittelalter. Sprache –​Gesellschaft –​ Kirche, ed. Kadri-​Rutt Hahn et al. (Berlin, 2015) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 20), pp. 55–​91. Vasiliauskas, Ernestas, ‘Миграции земгалов в конце XIII века [Migrat͡sii zemgalov v kont͡se XIII veka],’ Arheoloģija un Etnogrāfija 24 (2010), 134–​146. Vasks, Andrejs, ‘The Pre-​History of Latvia (10 500 BCE –​1200 CE),’ in Latvia and Latvians, vol. 2, ed. Jānis Stradiņš et al. (Riga, 2018), pp. 9–​39. Vercamer, Grischa, Siedlungs-​ , Sozial-​und Verwaltungsgeschichte der Komturei Königsberg in Preußen (13.–​16. Jahrhundert) (Marburg, 2010) (Einzelschriften der Historischen Kommission für ost-​und westpreussische Landesforschung 29). Widgren, Mats, ‘Fields and Field Systems in Scandinavia during the Middle Ages,’ in Medieval Farming and Technology. The Impact of Agricultural Change in Northwest Europe, ed. Grenville Astill and John Langdon, (Leiden, 1997) (Technology and Change in History 1), pp. 173–​192. Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312). Quellen zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens, ed. August Seraphim (Königsberg, 1912). Zientara, Benedykt, ‘Der Ursprung des ‘deutschen Rechts’ (ius Theutonicum) auf dem Hintergrund der Siedlungsbewegung in West-​und Mitteleuropa während des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts,’ Jahrbuch für Geschichte des Feudalismus 2 (1978), 119–​148. Zunde, Māris, ‘Timber and its Use from the Late Iron Age to the End of the Medieval Period in Latvia,’ in Ecologies of Crusading, Colonization, and Religious Conversion in the Medieval Baltic. Terra Sacra II, ed. Aleksander Pluskowski (Turnhout, 2019) (Environmental Histories of the North Atlantic World 3), pp. 25–​34. Zutshi, Patrick N. R., ‘Frederick, Archbishop of Riga (1304–​1341), and his Books,’ in The Medieval Book. Glosses from Friends & Colleagues of Christopher de Hamel, ed. James H. Marrow (Houten, 2010), pp. 327–​335.

­c hapter 5

Missed Patronage?

Princely Support for Church Institutions and Military Religious Orders in Livonia Mihkel Mäesalu Medieval Livonia lay on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea, approximately within the territory of the contemporary republics of Estonia and Latvia. In contrast to the majority of medieval crusading regions, where kings and the secular nobility dominated the political scene and functioned as patrons for church institutions and holy orders, medieval Livonia lacked higher nobility. Territorial lordship in Livonia was in the hands of bishops and military religious orders, with the sole exception of the king of Denmark, who ruled the northernmost part of the region as duke of Estonia until 1346, but even he resided outside the region. The historians of the Livonian Crusades have largely disregarded donations of lands, goods, and rights in the German lands of the Holy Roman Empire and in Scandinavia to the Livonian church institutions and military religious orders during the thirteenth century. If these goods are mentioned at all, then it is only rather briefly.1 Works on the possessions of the church of Riga, the Order of the Brethren of the Sword, the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order, the Cistercian Abbey of Daugavgrīva, and the Riga Holy Spirit Hospital in Germany and Scandinavia are few, and they are often written by historians working on the history of those particular regions.2 Only the patronage of the 1 For example: Wolfgang Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser im Baltikum und in Finnland,’ Suomen kirkkohistoriallisen seuran vuosikirja 29–​ 30/​ 1939–​ 1940 (1941), 1–​ 286, here pp. 47–​ 50; Friedrich Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder. Fratres milicie Christi de Livonia (Köln, 1965) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 9), pp. 212–​214, 412–​414; Lore Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte des Zisterzienserklosters Dünamünde bei Riga (1205–​1305),’ Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 115 (2004), 65–​199, here pp. 115–​117, 120–​121; Bernhart Jähnig, Verfassung und Verwaltung des Deutschen Ordens und seiner Herrschaft in Livland (Berlin, 2011) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 16), p. 126; Lore Poelchau, ‘Das Zisterzienserkloster Dünamünde bei Riga (1205–​ 1305),’ Cistercienser Chronik. Forum für Geschichte, Kunst, Literatur und Spiritualität des Mönchtums 112/​2 (2015), 215–​232, here pp. 228–​229. 2 G. Ch. Friedrich Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen der Ritterorden Livlands und Preußens in Mecklenburg,’ Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_006

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king of Denmark and his vassals in northern Estonia to the Cistercian abbeys of Daugavgrīva and Kärkna (alias Valkena or Muuge) has been recently studied in the context of the crusade and the Christianisation of thirteenth-​century Livonia.3 This may be primarily for the reason that these abbeys received donations in Danish Estonia, which is usually regarded as part of medieval Livonia. The aim of the current contribution is to demonstrate that north German and Scandinavian princes and noblemen supported the Livonian Crusade and the Christianisation of its indigenous peoples not only by personally engaging in combat as crusaders, settling in Livonia as liegemen, or as brothers in the religious military orders, but also through donations of rights and goods. In order to evaluate the importance of these grants to the Livonian church institutions, one has to look at what the recipients actually did with their donations. We can clearly see that landed goods on the south-​western coast of the Baltic Sea and in Sweden were deemed important enough by the recipients of these grants to receive further investments. I would argue that these possessions outside of Livonia must have been valuable sources of revenue for Livonian religious institutions during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. A number of clerical and religious institutions were founded in thirteenth-​ century Livonia. There were five bishoprics, four of which held territorial lordships (Riga, Tartu, Saaremaa, and Curonia) on the same lines as the bishoprics of the Holy Roman Empire, and one (Tallinn) which did not –​not to mention (1849), 1–​56; G. Ch. Friedrich Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen und der Verkehr des Erzbisthums Riga in Meklenburg,’ Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14 (1849), 48–​69; G. Ch. Friedrich Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen des Klosters Dünamünde in Meklenburg,’ Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14 (1849), 70–​82; Hermann Hooweg, Die Stifter und Klöster der Provinz Pommern, vol. 2 (Stettin, 1925), pp. 148–​150, 674–​675; Brigitta Eimer, Gotland unter dem Deutschen Orden und die Komturei Schweden zu Årsta (Innsburck, 1966), pp. 53–​118; Clemens Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung des 13. Jahrhunderts im brandenburgisch-​mecklenburgischen Grenzgebiet (Berlin, 2002) (Studien zur Geschichte, Kunst und Kultur der Zisterzienser 15), pp. 37–​51 and 114–​121; Christian Gahlbeck, Zisterzienser und Zisterzienserinnen in der Neumark, (Berlin, 2002) (Veröffentlichungen des Brandenburgischen Landeshauptarchivs 47), pp. 89–​90, 177–​ 179, 666–​668, 778, 868, 948–​949, 963–​964; Peter Neumeister, ‘Krankow /​Wismar: Kommende S. Georg (Ordo Teutonicus /​Deutscher Orden, Livländischer Zweig),’ in Mecklenburgisches Klosterbuch. Handbuch der Klöster, Stifte, Kommenden und Prioreien (10./​11.–​16. Jh.), ed. Wolgang Huschner et al., vol. 1 (Rostock, 2016), pp. 421–​428. 3 Kersti Markus, ‘Misjonär või mõisnik? Tsistertslaste roll 13. sajandi Eestis,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 14 (2009), 3–​30; Kersti Markus, Visual Culture and Politics in the Baltic Sea Region, 1100–​1250 (Leiden, 2020) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 63), pp. 336–​349; Maja Gąssowska, ‘Die Zisterzienser im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ in Die Kirche im Mittelalterlichen Livland, ed. Radosław Biskup et al. (Toruń, 2019) (Ecclesia clerusque temporibus medii aevi 5), pp. 159–​182.

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those bishoprics (Selonia-​Semgallia and Vironia) which only existed for a limited time during the first half of the century and were later joined with other dioceses. Riga was elevated to an archbishopric in the middle of the thirteenth century, and its church province consisted of Prussia and Livonia, with the sole exception of the diocese of Tallinn, which belonged to the metropolis of Lund.4 As Riga was the oldest bishopric in Livonia and its first bishops were the initiators of Christianisation and Crusade in the area, it should not come as a surprise that this bishopric also received donations of rights and lands outside of Livonia. The Order of the Brethren of the Sword, founded in 1202 in Riga, was an instrumental agent in the Livonian Crusades up until the year 1237, when it was incorporated into the Teutonic Order. The Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order not only took over the role of the Brethren, but also became the leading organiser of the Crusades during the second half of the thirteenth century.5 Although, in general, the Teutonic Order received numerous grants from princes and noblemen in the Holy Roman Empire, some donations were specifically aimed at the Livonian branch, which formed two commanderies –​one in Mecklenburg and the other in Sweden –​outside of Livonia. At the same time, these two religious military orders also held the largest territorial lordship in thirteenth-​century Livonia. The monastic orders active in thirteenth-​ century Livonia were the Cistercians, who founded two male monasteries (Daugavgrīva and Kärkna) and three nunneries (Riga, Tallinn, and Lihula); the Dominicans, with three convents (Riga, Tallinn, and Tartu); and the Franciscans with one (Riga).6 Only the earliest of all of these monasteries (the Abbey of Daugavgrīva, founded in 1205–​08) received grants of lands and rights outside of Livonia. Finally, as towns established by the territorial lords of Livonia grew large, hospitals were founded there.7 Surprisingly enough, one of these hospitals –​the Holy Spirit 4 Andrzej Radzimiński, ‘Church Divisions of Livonia,’ in The Teutonic Order in Prussia and Livonia. The Political and Ecclesiastical Structures 13th–​16th Century, ed. Roman Czaja and Andrzej Radzimiński (Toruń, 2015), pp. 253–​288. 5 Friedrich Benninghoven, ‘Zur Rolle der Schwertbrüderorden und des Deutschen Ordens im politischen Gefüge Alt-​Livlands,’ Zeitschrift für Ostforschung 41 (1992), 161–​184; Axel Ehlers, ‘The Crusade of the Teutonic Knights against Lithuania Reconsidered,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 21–​44. 6 Kaspar Elm, ‘Christi cultores et novelle Ecclesie plantatores. Der Anteil der Mönche, Kanoniker und Mendikaten an der Christianisierung der Liven und dem Aufbau der Kirche von Livland,’ in Gli inizi del cristianesimo in Livonia-​Lettonia, ed. Michele Maccarone (Città del Vaticano, 1989) (Pontificio Comitato di Scienze Storiche. Atti e Documenti 1), pp. 97–​125. 7 Anu Mänd, ‘Hospitals and Tables for the Poor in Medieval Livonia,’ Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 115 (2007), 234–​270.

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in Riga –​also held a village in Mecklenburg, which it may have received from a donation. 1

The Church of Riga

The church of Riga received donations in two quite different areas: in the southern part of north Germany and in areas on the south-​western coast of the Baltic Sea. Almost all of the grants in the southern parts of northern Germany took place during the time of Bishop Albert of Riga (1199–​1229) and consisted of rights of patronage, along with some minor landed possessions (see map 5.1). The earliest known donation to the church of Riga was made by Philip of Swabia, king of the Romans (1198–​1208) in 1207, who promised to support Bishop Albert of Riga with a yearly payment of one hundred marks. This royal grant was made in conjunction with Albert taking his rights of lordship and his territories as a fief from Philip’s hand, thereby becoming his vassal and an imperial prince. As far as we know, the donation never materialised, probably because of Philip’s murder in June 1208.8 Bishop Albert did, however, receive rights of patronage to ten churches and chapels in the dioceses of Mainz and Halberstadt, listed in a papal confirmation from the year 1219, as donations in Germany.9 We do not know the donor for most of these grants. The only exceptions are the parochial church of Immenhausen and the chapels of Ippinghausen, Altendorf, and Herberge, which were granted by Count Volkwin of Naumburg. According to Friedrich Benninghoven, this Count Volkwin and Volquin, the master of the Order of the Brethren of the Sword (1209–​1236), may have been the same person. If this 8 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarium editi [31]), p. 47 §x.17; Friedrich Koch, Livland und das Reich bis zum Jahre 1225 (Posen, 1943) (Quellen und Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 4), pp. 22–​24; Dietmar Willoweit. ‘Livland, das Reich und das Rechtsdenken des Mittelalters,’ in Juristen werdent herren ûf erden. Recht –​Geschichte –​Philologie. Kolloquium zum 60. Geburtstag von Friedrich Ebel, ed. Andreas Fijal et al. (Göttingen, 2006), pp. 179–​ 188, here pp. 180–​181; Mihkel Mäesalu, Liivimaa ja Püha Rooma keisririik 1199–​1486 (Tartu, 2017) (Dissertationes historiae Universitatis Tartuensis 42), pp. 54–​57; cf. Andris Levans, ‘Das Imperium Romanum und Livland im Mittelalter: Zwischen verfassungsrechtlicher Wirklichkeit und Imagination,’ in Das Baltikum. Geschichte einer europäischen Region. Vol. 1: Von der Vor-​und Frühgeschichte bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, ed. Karsten Brüggemann et al. (Stuttgart, 2018), pp. 576–​619, here pp. 591–​595. 9 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 416 no. 3. The places were Immenhausen, Ippinghausen, Altendorf, Herberge, Hattenhasen, Altenstädt, Schmatzfeld, Harbke, Gemunde and Meinzenger.

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assumption is correct, then his donation must have taken place during the first years of the thirteenth century.10 A Hildebertus de Gemunde, who participated in a crusade to Livonia in the year 1209, may have been the donor of rights of patronage to Gemunde (Hannoversch Münden or Gemünden near Marburg).11 Between the years 1219 and 1229, the church of Riga obtained the rights of patronage to the Augustinian Abbey of Volkhardinghausen, perhaps as a donation of a member of the family of Gudenburg.12 During the same period, the monastery of Hasungen donated a Hufe13 of land in the village of Bründersen to the bishop of Riga, which was exchanged by the monastery for newly reclaimed land near the manor of Gershausen in c. 1228–​1229.14 The church of Riga also held a number of goods, tithes, and fiefs in the vicinity of the Augustinian Abbey of Riechenberg bei Goslar.15 These possessions are only known from the year 1393, but they were probably donated during the thirteenth century.16 Donations to the church of Riga on the south-​western shore of the Baltic Sea started around 1220 and continued until the end of the thirteenth century (see map 5.2). The earliest donations were granted by three princes, all of whom had participated in the Livonian Crusade.17 Heinrich Borwin i of Mecklenburg (1178–​1227) donated the village of Tatow to the church of Riga in 1224,18 Prince Vitslav i of Rügen (1221–​1249) granted six Hufen in the village of Gersdin to Bishop Albert,19 and Count Gunzelin iii of Schwerin (1228–​1274) donated the

10 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 412, 415–​416 nos. 2–​3, pp. 427–​428. 11 Astaf von Transehe-​Roseneck, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer des 13. Jahrhunderts. Eine genealogische Untersuchung (Würzburg, 1960) (Marburger Ostforschungen 12), p. 30; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 413. 12 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 416, 418 no. 8. 13 A Hufe in general corresponds to an average peasant farm. 14 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 413–​414, 417 no. 4. 15 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vols. 1–​14, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge et al. (Reval, 1853–​2020), here vol. 3, regest no. 1628 p. 201; Urkundenbuch des Hochstiftes Hildesheim und seiner Bischöfe, ed. Hermann Hooweg, vol. 6 (Hannover, 1911), no. 1206. 16 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 414. 17 Transehe-​Roseneck, Livlandfahrer, pp. 40–​41, 45, 98. 18 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 479; Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen und der Verkehr,’ pp. 56–​59. 19 Urkunden zur Geschichte des Fürstenthumes Rügen unter den eingeborenen Fürsten, ed. Carl Gustav Fabricius, vol 2, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1859), no. 31 p. 18; Codex Pomeraniae diploma­ ticus, ed. Karl Friedrich Wilhelm Hasselbach and Johann Gottfried Ludwig Kosegarten, vol. 1 (Greifswald, 1862), no. 249.

Missed Patronage?

map 5.1  Possessions of Livonian religious institutions in the southern parts of north Germany. ▲–​the church of Riga; △ –​the church of Riga, disputable location; ●–​the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order. Map drawn by Kristel Roog.

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rights of patronage to the church of Zittow.20 The Bishop of Schwerin allotted the episcopal tithe in the village of Tatow to the church of Riga in 1286.21 Bishop Albert gave his possessions in the village of Gersdin in the mainland part of the princedom of Rügen to the cathedral chapter of Riga. As the canons of Riga were Premonstratensians, they managed their goods collectively, similarly to other monastic communities.22 The canons invested in the development of their possessions in the princedom of Rügen by buying new villages and lands and clearing uninhabited lands, but they also received further donations. In 1237, Prince Vitslav i granted them with an additional six Hufen in the village of Gersdin.23 Prince Jaromar ii (1249–​1260) gave them the right to claim new farmland in the forests around the same village.24 In 1282, while Prince Vitslav ii (1260–​1302) of Rügen was in Riga as a crusader,25 he granted the cathedral chapter the right to exercise high justice in all of their possessions in the princedom. According to this charter, the predecessors of Vitslav ii had conferred the canons with the villages of Gerdsin, Wolfshagen, Lendershagen, and a part of Millienhagen.26 Not all of these had actually been donations. The village of Wolfshagen had been bought by the cathedral chapter with the permission of Vitslav i in 1230.27 Furthermore, the canons had bought the forest between Wolfshagen and the River Barthe from Prince Vitslav ii in 1266, who also allowed them to clear uncultivated lands until the border to Gerhardshagen and Millienhagen.28 In 1286, the bishop of Schwerin allotted the episcopal tithe over Millienhagen to the church of Riga.29 In 1299, the 20

21 22

23 24 25 26 27 28 29

Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vols. 1–​15 (Schwerin, 1863–​1890), here vol 1, no. 301; vol. 3, no. 1858; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 506b; vol. 6, regest no. 576b; Liv-​, Est-​, und Kurländische Urkundenregesten bis zum Jahre 1300, ed. Friedrich Benninghoven (Hamburg, 1959), no. 1325; Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen und der Verkehr,’ p. 65. Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 1859. Constantin Mettig, ‘Zur Verfassungsgeschichte des Rigaschen Domcapitels,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 12 (1880), 509–​537; Constantin Mettig, ‘Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des Rigaschen Domkapitels,’ Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Alterthumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands aus dem Jahre 1911 (1913), 386–​394. Urkunden zur Geschichte des Fürstenthumes Rügen, vol. 2, no. 31 p. 18; Codex Pomeraniae diplomaticus, vol. 1, no. 249. Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vols. 1–​8, ed. Robert Klempin et al. (Stettin, 1868–​1961), here vol. 2, no. 823. Transehe-​Roseneck, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer, p. 108–​109. Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1242; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 481a. Codex Pomeraniae diplomaticus, vol. 1, no. 184; Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 263. Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 3966. Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 1859.

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canons bought half of the village of Hövet from the brothers Preen,30 and may have bought the other half during the beginning of the fourteenth century.31 The purchase of Hövet had been planned already in 1282, when Prince Vitslav ii granted the cathedral chapter the rights to exercise high justice over this village if they gained possession of it.32 By 1333, the church of Riga had further obtained the village of Schuenhagen and a rent in the town of Richtenberg.33 By the end of the thirteenth century, the cathedral chapter of Riga had established a territorially concise complex of possessions in the mainland part of the princedom of Rügen. By 1263, they had founded granges in the villages of Gersdin and Wolfshagen34 and had also built a water mill in Wolfshagen by 1329.35 These possessions were administrated by one or two canons of Riga, who were seated in Wolfshagen.36 To the east, the lands of the canons of Riga bordered the territory of the Cistercian Abbey of Neuenkamp, with which they had a number of disagreements. The issues under debate were the exact course of the border, the right to collect the tithe on some of the villages belonging to the canons of Riga, and damages to pastures and fishing rights caused by the building of milldams. The resolution of these disagreements was so important to the cathedral chapter that the provost appeared more than once in person and on the spot to make arrangements with the abbot of Neuenkamp. Even the archbishop of Riga travelled to Wolfshagen in June 1286 to resolve a dispute of his canons with Neuenkamp.37 The bishop of Riga also already possessed the chapel of St. James along with rooms to accommodate guests, a graveyard, and a school in Visby on Gotland (see map 5.3) before the year 1225.38 Since this particular chapel is 30 31

Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 1911. Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 711b; Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2275. 32 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1242; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 481a. 33 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 8, no. 5093. 34 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 735; Urkunden und Copiar des Kloster Neuenkamp im Königlichen Staatsarchiv zu Wetzlar, ed. Ferdinand Fabricius (Stettin, 1891) (Quellen zur Pommerschen Geschichte 2), p. 22; Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 3959. 35 Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, p. 150. 36 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 1518; vol. 5, no. 2743; vol. 6, no. 3966; vol. 8, no. 5093; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 640a; Urkunden zur Geschichte des Fürstenthumes Rügen unter den eingeborenen Fürsten, ed. Carl Gustav Fabricius, vol. 4 (Berlin, 1859–​1869), no. 418, part 2 p. 20. 37 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, nos. 735, 811; vol. 6, nos. 4005, 4049, 4052; Urkunden und Copiar, p. 22–​23, 33–​34, 41; Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, pp. 148–​150. 38 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 73a.

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map 5.2  Possessions of Livonian religious institutions on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea. ▲ –​the church of Riga; ● –​the Order of the Brethren of the Sword and the Livonian Branch of the Teutonic Order; ● –​the Abbey of Daugavgrīva; ▲ –​the Holy Spirit Hospital in Riga. Map drawn by Kristel Roog.

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only mentioned in two sources from the thirteenth century, it is impossible to say anything certain on how the bishop of Riga had obtained it.39 Presumably, it was the chapel for the merchants sailing to Riga,40 and thus it may have been donated by these merchants. 2

The Order of the Brethren of the Sword and the Livonian Branch of the Teutonic Order

We have very limited knowledge of the possessions of the Order of the Brethren of the Sword outside medieval Livonia and no direct information on any donations to them in these areas. Furthermore, as the Brethren were incorporated into the Teutonic Order in the year 1237, along with all of their holdings, it is not always possible to determine which possessions of the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order outside Livonia were already held by the Brethren and which were acquired by the Teutonic Order after 1237. As far as we know, the Brethren of the Sword may have held a house with a courtyard in the town of Lübeck and certainly had two villages (Riepsdorf and Vorwerk bei Dassow) in the area surrounding Lübeck (see map 5.2).41 The house in Lübeck, on Burgstraße 20, is first mentioned as property of the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order in the year 1268, but it seems to have been already obtained by the Brethren possibly around 1220. Sadly, we do not 39

Hugo Yrwing, ‘Helge And och Sankt Jakob –​två medeltida Visbykyrkor,’ Fornvännen 77 (1982), 198–​211; Nils Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic. The Reception of a Catholic World-​System in the European North (AD 1075–​1225) (Leiden, 2005) (The Northern World 15), pp. 495–​496. See also: Kersti Markus, ‘The Church on the Borderland. The Impact of Crusading on the Architecture of Gotland and Livonia,’ in Crusading on the Edge. Ideas and Practice of Crusading in Iberia and the Baltic Region, 1100–​1500, ed. Torben Kjersgaard Nielsen and Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt (Turnhout, 2016) (Outremer 4), pp. 333–​364, here pp. 343–​344. 40 Paul Johansen, ‘Die Kaufmannskirche im Ostseegebiet,’ in Studien zu den Anfängen des europäischen Städtewesens (Sigmaringen, 1958) (Vorträge und Forschungen 4), pp. 499–​ 525, here p. 514. Cf. Carsten Jahnke, ‘Hansische Kaufleute und deren Religiosität außer­ halb ihrer Heimat,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 7–​41, here p. 19. 41 Walter Kuhn, ‘Ritterorden als Grenzhüter des Abendlandes gegen das östliche Heidentum,’ Ostdeutsche Wissenschaft. Jahrbuch des Ostdeutschen Kulturrates 6 (1959), 7–​70, here pp. 13–​14; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 212–​214; Klaus Militzer, Die Entstehung der Deutschordensballeien im Deutschen Reich, 2nd ed. (Marburg, 1981) (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 16), p. 164; Klaus Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg: Verfassung, Verwaltung und Sozialstruktur des Deutschen Ordens 1190–​1309 (Marburg, 1999) (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 56), p. 332.

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map 5.3  Possessions of Livonian religious institutions on Gotland and in Sweden. ▲ –​ The church of Riga; ● –​the Order of the Brethren of the Sword and the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order. Map drawn by Kristel Roog. For a detailed map of the goods of the Teutonic Order in Sweden consult Eimer, Gotland, p. 84 and the inside of the back cover.

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know if they had received the house as a donation or had purchased it from someone.42 The village of Vorwerk bei Dassow in northwestern Mecklenburg, near Travemünde, was already in the hands of the Brethren of the Sword in the beginning of the 1230s.43 It may have been the donation of a burgher of Lübeck, as Friedrich Benninghoven conjectured.44 By the fourteenth century, the Teutonic Order only owned a source of income from this village,45 which means that the Order did not administrate the village directly. The village of Riepsdorf in Wagria, in the county of Holstein, had been enfeoffed to brothers Luder, Johannes, and Henric von Qualen by the Order of the Brethren of the Sword. In January 1262, the brothers sold this village of eight Hufen to the bishop of Lübeck for 400 marks in coins. The provisor of the goods of the Teutonic Order in Slavia and Holstein had already given his agreement to the sale in October 1261, by selling the Order’s rights of lordship and ownership to the village to the bishop of Lübeck for 30 marks. The sale was finally confirmed by the master of the Livonian branch in August 1262.46 Friedrich Benninghoven presumed that the village had been donated to the Brethren of the Sword by the counts of Holstein, because Count Gerhard i of Holstein (1238–​1290) did not acknowledge its sale to the bishop of Lübeck and claimed the village for himself.47 Then again, the village may also have been granted to the Brethren by the von Qualen family instead, who then got it back from the Order as a fief. There are similar cases with the donations of lesser noble families to monastic institutions in north Germany.48 The count may have resisted the sale simply because he did not want the village to go into the hands of the bishop of Lübeck. Whomever the donor was, the Brethren of the Sword and the Teutonic Order certainly did not administrate this village directly. 42

Carl Friedrich Wehrmann, ‘Das Haus des Deutschen Ordens in Lübeck,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 5 (1888), 461–​464; Max Hoffmann, ‘Die Straßennamen der Stadt Lübeck,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 11 (1909), 215–​ 293, here p. 233; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 213. 43 Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 14–​16; Kuhn, ‘Ritterorden,’ pp. 13–​14; Militzer, Die Entstehung, p. 164; Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, p. 332. 44 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 213; cf. Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 15–​16. 45 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 14, no. 8254. 46 Urkundenbuch des Bisthums Lübeck, vol. 1, ed. Wilhelm Leverkus (Oldenburg, 1856) (Lübeckisches Urkundenbuch. Zweite Abtheilung 1), nos. 151–​52, 154, 159. 47 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 212; Urkundenbuch des Bisthums Lübeck, vol. 1, no. 254. 48 Gahlbeck, Zisterzienser, pp. 667–​668, 948–​949.

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A papal charter from the year 1213 confirmed any goods the Brethren of the Sword may in the future obtain on Gotland.49 Although the sources on these possessions are rather sketchy, we do know that the commander of Kuldīga had stored an amount of grain on Gotland in 134150 and that a certain Ruthwi of the curia of the knightly brothers of Christ had been buried in the Franciscan monastery in Visby during the fourteenth century.51 Therefore, it seems that the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order must have owned at least a house on the island of Gotland, which may originally have already been possessed by the Brethren (see map 5.3).52 In the fourteenth century, the Livonian Teutonic Order held seven villages (Klein-​Krankow, Gross-​Krankow, Petersdorf, Quaal, Harmshagen, Cimersdorf [now Meierstorf], and Gebekendorf) and eight Hufen in the village of Friedrichshagen in Mecklenburg, near the town of Wismar. These possessions –​along with income from Vorwerk bei Dassow –​formed the commandery of Krankow, first mentioned in the year 1268 (see map 5.2). At that time, the order certainly held the villages of Quaal, Petersdorf, and Klein-​Krankow, with the latter being the seat of the commander. Whether the other villages listed in fourteenth-​century sources had also been acquired by that time is unknown.53 This lack of information, along with the fact that the majority of the possessions of the commandery of Krankow formed a coherent whole, has led historians to presume that the Teutonic Order had sold some of the possessions of the Brethren of the Sword and used the proceeds to buy the villages which formed the commandery of Krankow.54 This hypothesis rests on a very narrow basis in sources. The sale of Riepsdorf is the only known alienation of 49

Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 30; Liv-​, Est-​, und Kurländische Urkundenregesten, no. 57. 50 Albert Bauer, ‘Die Wartgutsteuerliste der Komturei Goldingen,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 25 (1933–​1937), 110–​194, here pp. 183–​184. 51 ‘Necrologium Gotlandiæ Fratrum Minorum Visby,’ in Scriptores rerum Danicarum medii aevi, vol. 6, ed. Jacob Langebek and Peter Friderich Suhm (Hauniæ, 1786), pp. 557–​573, here p. 569. 52 Yrwing, ‘Helge And,’ pp. 207–​209. Cf. Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, p. 385. See also Blomkvist, The Discovery, pp. 495–​497 and Markus, ‘The Church on the Borderland,’ p. 344, who have disproved Yrwing’s claim that the Teutonic Order had built the Holy Spirit Hospital in Visby. 53 Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 18–​ 22; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 214; Militzer, Die Entstehung, p. 164; Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, pp. 333–​334; Neumeister, ‘Krankow /​Wismar,’ pp. 422–​425. 54 Kuhn, ‘Ritterorden,’ p. 14; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 213–​214; Militzer, Die Entstehung, p. 164; Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, pp. 333–​334; cf. Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 18–​22.

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a possession of the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order in the thirteenth century, which was moreover initiated by the von Qualen family and not by the Order. Therefore, it would be more reasonable to assume that the Brethren of the Sword, the Teutonic Order, or both had obtained the goods that formed the commandery of Krankow through a combination of donations and purchases. The Teutonic Order received numerous donations in the Holy Roman Empire during the thirteenth century, but as far as we know, only four of these grants were to the Livonian branch of the Order. Furthermore, the Order’s goods in the Empire were either administrated by the Master of Germany or directly by the Grand Master. The commandery of Krankow, subject to the Livonian Master, was the only exception to this rule in the thirteenth century. The earliest known donation to the Livonian branch outside of Livonia was made by William, king of the Romans (1247–​1256) in January 1252, when he granted them the rights of patronage to a church in Brücken and a chapel in Görmar, both in Thuringia (see map 5.1).55 There is no information on the Order having actually obtained the rights of patronage over St. Aegidus in Brücken,56 but in March 1252 Margrave Heinrich iii of Meissen (1221–​1288), who was also the Landgrave of Thuringia (1247–​1265), granted a church in Görmar to the Livonian Teutonic Order on the condition that the grant would take effect after the death of the current priest.57 The Livonian branch of the Order possessed St. Nicholas church in Görmar58 only until the year 1265, when the Grand Master allotted it to the nearby Teutonic Order convent of Mühlhausen Neustadt.59 55 56

57 58

59

Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, vol. 18: Die Urkunden Heinrich Raspes und Wilhelms von Holland, ed. Dieter Hägermann et al., (Hannover, 1989–​2006), no. 167. Marian Tumler, Der Deutsche Orden im Werden, Wachsen und Wirken bis 1400, mit einem Abriß der Geschichte des Ordens von 1400 bis zur neuesten Zeit (Wien, 1955), p. 151 claims that the Teutonic Order had in fact obtained the rights of patronage over Brücken, but the sources he cites do not confirm this. See also: Bernhart Jähnig, ‘Die Deutschordensballei Thüringen im Mittelalter,’ in Der Deutsche Orden und Thüringen. Aspekte einer 800-​jährigen Geschichte, ed. Thomas T. Müller (Mühlhausen, 2014) (Mühlhäuser Museen, Forschungen und Studien 4), pp. 19–​30, here p. 19 with a map of the possessions of the Teutonic Order in Thuringia. Urkundenbuch der Stadt Mühlhausen, vol. 1, ed. Karl Herquet (Halle, 1874), no. 122; Urkundenbuch der Deutschordensballei Thüringen, vol. 1, ed. Karl Heinrich Lampe (Jena, 1936), no. 121. Martin Sünder, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in der Reichsstadt Mühlhausen. Ein Überblick,’ in Der Deutsche Orden und Thüringen, pp. 83–​90, here p. 88; cf. Hartmut Boockmann, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in Mühlhausen,’ Sachsen und Anhalt. Jahrbuch der Historischen Kommission für Sachsen-​Anhalt 21 (1998), 9–​37, here p. 12. Urkundenbuch der Stadt Mühlhausen, vol. 1, no. 171; Urkundenbuch der Deutschordensballei Thüringen, vol. 1, no. 188; Boockmann, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in Mühlhausen,’ p. 12.

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The remaining two donations to the Livonian branch in the Empire came from the lords of Mecklenburg. Heinrich i the Pilgrim (1264–​1275 and 1299–​ 1302) donated the Church of St. Georg in Wismar to the Teutonic Order convent in Riga in February 1270. Furthermore, he granted the church of St. George with parochial rights (see map 5.2).60 This act of patronage was probably connected to Heinrich’s pilgrimage to Livonia as a crusader during the years 1267–​1268.61 The Livonian master may have subjected the church of St. Georg in Wismar to the commandery of Krankow at some point in time. When the Teutonic Order sold this commandery in 1355–​1356, the rights of patronage to this church reverted back to the dukes62 of Mecklenburg-​Schwerin.63 Heinrich ii the Lion, Lord of Mecklenburg (1287–​1329), granted a part of the castle he had built in 1311 in the town of Wismar to the commandery of Krankow, but he had to annul his donation because of resistance from the town council in 1328.64 The town of Wismar seems to have resented this donation for the reason that the lordly castle was not subject to the jurisdiction of the town.65 A year after Heinrich’s death, in March 1330, Wismar gave permission to the Teutonic Order to establish a convent of four brothers headed by a commander under the conditions laid out by the town council.66 This convent of the Teutonic Order was situated next to the church of St. George.67 The Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order received at least two donations of landed goods in the kingdom of Sweden, where they established the 60

Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1181; Liv-​ , Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 3043. See also Steve Ludwig, ‘Der Deutsche Orden –​Urheber des gerade geschlossenen Basilikachores der Wismarer St. Georgenkirche,’ in Die sakrale Backsteinarchitektur des südlichen Ostseeraums –​der theologische Aspekt, ed. Gerhard Eimer and Ernst Gierlich (Berlin, 2000) (Kunsthistorische Arbeiten der Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen 2), pp. 223–​232. 61 Transehe-​Roseneck, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer, p. 98; Anti Selart, Livonia, Rus’ and the Baltic Crusades in the Thirteenth Century (Leiden, 2015) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 29), p. 238. 62 Charles iv had raised the lords of Mecklenburg to dukes in the year 1348. See Steffen Schlinker, Fürstenamt und Rezeption. Reichsfürstenstand und gelehrte Literatur im späten Mittelalter (Köln, 1999) (Forschungen zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte 18), pp. 140–​151. 63 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 15, no. 9148. See also: vol. 14, no. 8508; Neumeister, ‘Krankow /​Wismar,’ p. 425. 64 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 7, no. 4934; cf. Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 729a (dated 1327). 65 Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ p. 24; Friedrich Techen, Geschichte der Seestadt Wismar (Wismar, 1929), p. 24. 66 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 8, nos. 5135–​5136; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, nos. 747a-​747b; Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ p. 24. 67 Neumeister, ‘Krankow /​Wismar,’ pp. 423–​425.

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commandery of Årsta in the beginning of the fourteenth century (see map 5.3).68 The earliest donation was made by Karl Ulfsson of the House of Folkung, who was killed as a crusader in Livonia in the battle of Durbe in June 1260.69 Karl Ulfsson’s donation of several estates and landed goods in Södermanland was to take effect after his death and is preserved only in a papal confirmation from the year 1262.70 The second donation was made by a noblewoman named Christina († 1294), who bequeathed a manor, a piece of land in Östergötaland, and 100 marks to her father Johan Elofsson and the Teutonic Order.71 Christina’s father was a brother of the Livonian Teutonic Order and the only member of this Order known from thirteenth-​century Sweden.72 Swedish inheritance laws allowed one’s relatives to lay claims on lands bequeathed to religious institutions. These claims were often resolved through negotiations, by giving the religious institution some other goods as compensation. This may be the reason why only some of the areas donated by Karl Ulfsson are listed among the possessions of the commandery of Årsta in 1467. Similarly, the manor of Sörby, bequeathed to the order by Christina, was not held by the commandery of Årsta in 1467. The order probably received some other landed goods in Östergötaland as compensation from the inheritors of Johan Elofsson. Although much remains unclear as to how the commandery obtained its possessions in Sweden, some of them may have come from other unknown donations, and it seems that it may have obtained some lands through claims on the inheritance of its Swedish members.73 Although the Order had difficulties in securing donations from the Swedish nobility, these 68 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 53–​118; Friedrich Benninghoven, ‘Gotland, Årsta und der Deutsche Orden. Kritische Betrachtungen zu einem Buch von Birgitta Eimer,’ Zeitschrift für Ostforschung 16 (1967), 354–​366; Christer Carlsson, ‘The Religious Orders of Knighthood in Medieval Scandinavia: Historical and Archaeological Approaches,’ Crusades 5 (2006), 131–​142, here p. 133; Christer Carlsson, ‘A New Chronology for the Scandinavian Branches of the Military Orders,’ in The Military Orders, vol. 4: On Land and by Sea, ed. Judi Upton-​ Ward (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 57–​62, here p. 58. 69 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 54–​55; Thomas Lindkvist, ‘Crusades and Crusading Ideology in the Political History of Sweden, 1140–​1500,’ in Crusade and Conversion, pp. 119–​130, here pp. 129–​130; Gustavs Strenga, ‘Remembering the Common Past: Livonia as a lieu de mémoire of the Teutonic Order in the Empire,’ in Livland –​ eine Region am Ende der Welt? Forschungen zum Verhältnis zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie im späten Mittelalter, ed. Anti Selart and Matthias Thumser (Köln, 2017) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 27), pp. 347–​370, here p. 358. 70 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 56–​57; cf. Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2741. 71 Svenskt Diplomatariums huvudkartotek över medeltidsbreven, url: riksarkivet.se/​sdhk (accessed 25.03.2020), nos. 1600–​1601. 72 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 63–​64. 73 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 56–​83, 115–​117.

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acts nevertheless enabled them to obtain a considerable amount of landed goods in Södermanland and Östergötaland. Furthermore, one cannot rule out the possibility that a portion of these goods was purchased. Lastly, the Teutonic Order in Livonia also held landed property in Linde in Denmark, which the Livonian master enfeoffed to Stigot Andersson of the influential Danish noble family of Hvide in July 1353.74 Since this property in Linde was the only possession of the Teutonic Order in the kingdom of Denmark, it is reasonable to assume that it had been obtained by a donation. The fact that the goods lay within the royal demesne of the Danish king may mean that it had been granted to the Order by a king.75 The lack of sources precludes pinpointing the exact time of the donation, as well as the donor, but we do know that in the year 1299 the Teutonic Order in Livonia made a transumption of a charter of King Erik of Denmark regarding the manor of Lyndell.76 Unfortunately, both the transumption and the original charter have perished; thus, we do not even know whether the charter in question had been issued by King Erik iv (1241–​1250), Erik V (1259–​1286), or Erik vi (1286–​1319). The matter is further complicated by the fact that there are several places called Linde in Denmark, none of which can be pinpointed as having belonged to the Teutonic Order.77 3

The Cistercian Abbey of Daugavgrīva

The Abbey of Daugavgrīva received several donations of lands on the south-​ western shore of the Baltic Sea (see map 5.2). The earliest known grants were in the county of Holstein. In 1224, the abbot of Daugavgrīva sold to the Augustinian Abbey of Neumünster two and a half Hufen of land in the village of Brachenfeld, which had been donated by Lady Thangbrigge, wife of Hugo 74 75 76

77

Diplomatarium Danicum, series 3, vol. 4, ed. Carl A. Christensen et al. (København, 1966), no. 43. Peter Friderich Suhm, Historie af Danmark, vol. 13 (Kjøbenhavn, 1826), pp. 286–​287; Paul Johansen, Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae (Reval, 1933), p. 486; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 212–​213. Carl Schirren, Verzeichniss livländischer Geschichts-​Quellen in schwedischen Archiven und Bibliotheken (Dorpat, 1868), p. 133 no. 171; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, regest no. 658b; Diplomatarium Danicum, series 2, vol. 5, ed. Franz Blatt and Carl A. Christensen (København, 1943), no. 83. I would like to thank Stefan Pajung for his help in endeavours to locate this particular Linde in Denmark, as well as for insightful discussions, as well as for pointing out Suhm’s history of Denmark.

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von Hildesheim.78 The latter may have been a merchant involved in trade between Lübeck and Riga.79 In 1248, Daugavgrīva sold a Hufe of land in the village of Quarnsted near Kellinghusen to the Augustinians of Neumünster,80 which they had also presumably obtained by a donation. The counts of Schwerin and Dannenberg granted Daugavgrīva 52 Hufen of land in the village of Siggelkow and 30 Hufen in the village of Zachow, near the town of Parchim, between the 1220s and 1238. This donation was repeated by margraves Johann i (1220–​1266) and Otto iii (1233–​1267) of Brandenburg in 1238, from whom the counts held these villages as fiefs.81 Count Heinrich ii of Dannenberg (1203–​1236) was killed in the battle of Saule (1236) during his crusade to Livonia, but a count of Schwerin appears as a crusader in Livonia only in the year 1267.82 The Daugavgrīva Abbey enlarged their possessions in the area by buying the village of Cruczen and six Hufen in the neighbouring village of Triczen from Berthold von Lengeden in 1264. As this nobleman held half of Cruczen as a fief from the counts of Schwerin and a quarter of the same village from the count of Dannenberg, the abbey requested confirmation for this act from both. Interestingly enough, Count Adolf i of Dannenberg (1245–​1266) chose to formulate his confirmation as a gift to the monastery.83 As Adolf’s gift took place on 15 May 1263, whereas the counts of Schwerin confirmed the sale on 13 December 1264,84 it may be that Adolf’s act took the form of a gift, because it preceded the actual sale of the village.85 Finally, the bishop of Havelberg granted Daugavgrīva the episcopal tithes from Siggelkow, Zachow,

78 79 80

81

82 83 84 85

Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol 1, no. 59; Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 304; Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser,’ p. 48; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 115. Enno Bünz, ‘Hugo von Hildesheim. Ein frühhansischer Fernhändler im Ostseeraum und der holsteinische Volksadel um 1200,’ Hansische Geschichtsblätter 113 (1995), 7–​25. Monumenta inedita rerum Germanicarum præcipue Cimbricarum et Megapolensium, ed. Ernestus Joachimus de Westphalen, vol. 2 (Lipsiæ, 1740), no. 35; Schleswig-​Holstein-​ Lauenburgische Regesten und Urkunden, ed. Paul Hasse, vol. 1 (Hamburg, 1886), no. 705; Bünz, ‘Hugo von Hildesheim,’ pp. 10–​11; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 115. Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 143, 161; Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 426; Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen des Klosters Dünamünde,’ pp. 75–​77; Gottfried Wentz, Das Bistum Havelberg (Berlin, 1933) (Germania Sacra. Erste Abteilung. Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Magdeburg 2), p. 257; Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 35–​40. Cf. Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ pp. 116–​117. Transehe-​Roseneck, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer, pp. 79–​80, 92. Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 990. Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 4, no. 2687. Cf. Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser,’ p. 49; Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 40–​41.

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and Tramnitz in 1270.86 The monks may also have owned a house subject to their grange in Siggelkow in the nearby town of Parchim, but this house is only known from the fourteenth century, when Siggelkow was no longer in the hands of the Abbey of Daugavgrīva.87 The village of Tramnitz (30 Hufen), along with Rägelin (also 30 Hufen) on the upper course of the river Chemnitz, had been donated to Daugavgrīva by brothers Johan and Gebhard, lords of Plotho at some time before the year 1232. These donations were repeated by the feudal lords of the Plotho in this area, the margraves of Brandenburg, in 1238.88 A papal confirmation from the year 1285 of donations to Daugavgrīva by the margraves of Brandenburg also lists the rights of patronage over a church in the village of Tramnitz and a mill in Tornow.89 The lords of Plotho seem also to have donated to the abbey uncultivated lands, where the Daugavgrīva monks may have founded the village called Dünamünde, which got its name from the name of the abbey (Dünamünde is the German name of Daugavgrīva). The abbey had established granges in all of these three villages, and the village of Dünamünde may have served as the centre of administration for this group of landed goods in the thirteenth century.90 Johann von Wittenberg and Johann von Perleberg donated the village of Rechis to Daugavgrīva in 1240. The precise location of this village is disputed; it has been placed somewhere in the march of Brandenburg,91 in Prignitz,92 or in the neighbourhood of Siggelkow and Zachow.93 Margraves Otto iv and Albrecht ii of Brandenburg bequeathed the village of Neetzka in the land of Stargard along with Lake Neetzka and a mill to the abbey in 1276.94 A later papal confirmation of Brandenburgian donations lists the village of Quedlinghe, along with

86

Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1217. See Wentz, Das Bistum Havelberg, pp. 47–​ 48 for the dating of the charter; cf. Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen des Klosters Dünamünde,’ pp. 79–​80. 87 Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen des Klosters Dünamünde,’ p. 75; Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 40–​41; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 120. 88 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 403, 477; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, nos. 125a, 155a; Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen des Klosters Dünamünde,’ pp. 70–​71; Wentz, Das Bistum Havelberg, p. 257; Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 114–​118; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 115. 89 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1306; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2755; Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, pp. 674–​675. 90 Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 116–​119. 91 Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, pp. 674–​675. 92 Wentz, Das Bistum Havelberg, p. 257. 93 Bergsted, Kirchliche Siedlung, p. 40. 94 Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, p. 697; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 117.

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rights of patronage to the local church, and a mill in Griop.95 Hermann Hooweg identified Quedlinghe with the village of Müdlinge (now deserted) in the diocese of Havelberg,96 but as the charter confirms Daugavgrīva’s rights of patronage in the dioceses of Havelberg and Kamień, and the remaining two churches mentioned were Tramnitz and Neetzka in the diocese of Havelberg,97 then Quedlinghe must have been somewhere in the diocese of Kamień. The abbey also held goods in three villages in Mecklenburg in the vicinity of Rostock in 1236.98 Furthermore, Daugavgrīva owned two plots with houses in the town of Lübeck, which they sold during the years 1297–​1298.99 The largest donations to the Abbey of Daugavgrīva were made by the dukes of Pomerania in the historic region of Dobra-​Zwierzynek [Daber-​(Neu-​) Schwerin in German]. According to a charter issued by Duke Bogislaw iv (1278–​ 1309) in 1284, his predecessors, Dukes Wartislaw iii (1219–​1264) and Barnim i (1226–​1278), had donated 800 Hufen of land, to which Bogislaw added further areas. A knight named Brunward had given the monastery 60 Hufen in the same region. The monastery had bought a further 400 Hufen from the heirs of a knight named Raven von Brüswitz during the time the land of Dobra was in the possession of the count of Schwerin.100 Altogether, Daugavgrīva seems to have possessed more or less the whole region of Dobra-​Zwierzynek by 1284.101 The history of Dobra-​Zwierzynek during the second half of the thirteenth century is rather sketchy, and even the exact borders of the lands are debatable. In 1257, the dukes of Pomerania gave 4,000 Hufen of land in the area adjacent to Dobra to Count Gunzelin iii of Schwerin, who seems to have obtained the land of Dobra soon thereafter. Gunzelin iii sought to give 800 Hufen in 95

Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1306; Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2755. Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, p. 674 and 693 has identified Griop with Gryfice (Greifenberg) in Pomerania, but since the papal charter only confirms the abbeys possessions in Tramnitz, Quedlinghe, and Neetzka, and the mill in Tornow lay close to Tramnitz, then the mill in Griop may have either been connected with the abbey’s possessions in Neetzka or in Quedlinghe. Furthermore, the mill near Gryfice had already been donated to the Abbey of Stolpe by the dukes of Pomerania at some point before the year 1305 (Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 4, no. 2267). 96 Hooweg, Stifter, vol. 2, pp. 674–​675. 97 Wentz, Das Bistum Havelberg, pp. 257–​259. 98 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 147a; Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser,’ p. 50; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 116. 99 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 214; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschiche,’ pp. 120–​121. 100 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1300. 101 Gahlbeck, Zisterzienser, pp. 177–​179. Cf. Hooweg, Stifter, vol. 2, p. 675; Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, p. 42. Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser’ and Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte’ do not mention these possessions for some reason.

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the land of Dobra to Daugavgrīva in exchange for the goods of the abbey in Siggelkow and Zachow, but the agreement was revoked by both sides on 25 October 1262.102 It seems that these were the same 800 Hufen that the abbey had received from Dukes Wartislaw iii and Barnim i of Pomerania. The problem is that we do not know if this donation by the dukes took place before or after Dobra came under the lordship of the count of Schwerin, nor how long Gunzelin iii actually possessed the area.103 By 1284, the Pomeranian dukes, without a doubt, considered the region to be theirs. Christian Gahlbeck has argued that it was Gunzelin iii who had originally vested Daugavgrīva with the 800 Hufen of land in Dobra-​Zwierzynek, and when Gunzelin withdrew politically from the region around 1262, then the dukes of Pomerania took it back under their lordship and confirmed the lands granted to Daugavgrīva.104 Then again, Gunzelin’s agreement with Daugavgrīva on lands in Dobra was revoked, and we have no knowledge of any donations by him to Daugavgrīva in Dobra. I would therefore argue that the abbey had received their 800 Hufen from the dukes of Pomerania. In any case, the abbey certainly must have held lands in Dobra during the time of Gunzelin’s lordship, for it was in this period that they bought 400 Hufen of land. As Dobra lay far away from all the other goods of the monastery, and there is no apparent reason for the abbey to start investing in this remote area before receiving any donations there, it would make sense to assume that the earliest donation to Daugavgrīva in the region of Dobra-​Zwierzynek was made by the knight Brunward. Of course, however, this attempt at placing the donations in chronological order remains nothing more than an educated guess.

102 Liv-​ , Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 349; Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 965. 103 The sons of Gunzelin iii still held claims to Dobra-​Zwierzynek in 1276, when the region was allotted to Gunzelin iv († 1283 or 1284), a canon of the cathedral chapter of Schwerin, in a settlement of his disputes with his lay brothers counts Helmold iii (1274–​1295) and Nikolaus i (1274–​1323) over their paternal heritage (Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1406). There is no knowledge of Gunzelin iv having ever actually possessed Dobra-​Zwierzynek. 104 Gahlbeck, Zisterzienser, pp. 177–​178, 184–​185, 963. Cf. Franz Engel, ‘Mannhagen als Landesgrenzen im nordostdeutschen Kolonisationsgebiet,’ Baltische Studien 44 (1957), 27–​48, here pp. 39–​47; Rudolf Benl, ‘Untersuchungen zur Personen-​und Besitzgeschichte des hoch-​und spätmittelalterlichen Pommern,’ Baltische Studien 71 (1985), 7–​45, here pp. 31–​36.

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The Holy Spirit Hospital in Riga

The hospital of the Holy Spirit was founded by Bishop Albert of Riga in 1220.105 This hospital held the village of Heiligenhagen in Mecklenburg (see map. 5.2), which they sold to two burghers of Rostock at some point before the year 1428.106 This village appears in historical sources for the first time in the year 1304, when a cleric of the indagio sancti spiritus is mentioned.107 The German form of this name, Hilgengeysteshaghen, is first attested in 1335.108 The village must have gotten its name from its owner, the Holy Spirit Hospital. Although much remains obscure, it is possible that this hospital in Riga had received a donation of land near Rostock in Mecklenburg, where they founded a settlement, which later grew into a village at some point during the thirteenth century. Furthermore, the village was the centre of a parish at least from the fourteenth century onwards.109 5

The Use of the Donations by Religious Institutions in Livonia

Livonian religious institutions had received rights of patronage to churches and chapels, as well as numerous landed goods in northern Germany and Scandinavia. Most of these goods seem to have functioned as sources of revenue to them. The biggest exception may have been the house of the Brethren of the Sword and the Teutonic Order in Lübeck, which was used for providing accommodation to knightly brothers and possibly also to crusaders en route to Livonia. This house remained in the possession of the Teutonic Order even after the secularisation of its Livonian branch in 1562.110

1 05 Mänd, ‘Hospitals,’ pp. 236–​240. 106 ‘Urkunden zur Geschichte des Erzbisthums Riga,’ ed. G. Ch. Friedrich Lisch, Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14 (1849), 248–​270, here nos. 60–​61. 107 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 5, no. 2964. 108 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 8, no. 5595; see also: vol. 10, no. 7067. 109 Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen und Verkehr,’ p. 61; August Rudloff, ‘Die meklenburgische Vogtei Schwaan,’ Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 61 (1896), 254–​364, here pp. 284–​287. 110 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 213; Juhan Kreem, ‘Die Lübecker in der Kommunikation des Deutschen Ordens im 16. Jahrhundert,’ in ‘Hansisch’ oder ‘nicht-​ hansisch’: das Beispiel der kleinen Städte und Livlands in der Hanse, ed. Juhan Kreem and Jürgen Sarnowsky (Wismar, 2019) (Hansische Studien 27), pp. 97–​110.

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The possessions of the church of Riga and the Teutonic Order (possibly already held by the Brethren of the Sword) on Gotland (see map 5.3) may have been important for both with regard to the yearly travels of clerics and crusaders, as well as for economic reasons. The sailing route from Riga to Lübeck went over Visby in the thirteenth century. Both the church of Riga and the religious military orders would have needed a place to accommodate travelling clerics and knightly brothers. The school attached to the chapel of St. James may have served as a place to educate priests and missionaries. Then again, it seems that the island had lost its importance to the church of Riga already by the second half of the thirteenth century. In the year 1272, the bishop of Linköping appointed a new priest to the chapel of St. James in Visby, because the archbishop of Riga had not filled the position in time.111 In the fourteenth century, the chapel fell into the hands of the Cistercian nunnery of Solberga on Gotland.112 The Teutonic Order used their goods on the island to store grain, which may have been produced in Livonia and deemed for export. When they lost their house on Gotland is, alas, unknown. The economic importance of the goods and rights in the southern parts of north Germany (see map 5.1) are difficult to ascertain, but rights of patronage to churches and chapels were probably used to provide sustenance to clerics involved in missionary activities in Livonia. Unfortunately, we do not have a great deal of direct evidence for this, but a certain Johannes plebanus de Munde who appears in Riga in 1240 may have been the pastor of Gemunde, whose rights of patronage belonged to the bishop of Riga.113 The Livonian Teutonic Order had certainly appointed Count Christian von Kirchberg the bishop of Lithuania (1253 to c. 1270) and a priest-​brother of the Teutonic Order as pastor of St. Nicholas in Görmar in Thuringia. The baptism of Grand Duke Mindaugas of Lithuania (king of Lithuania 1253–​1263) in 1251 and the founding of the bishopric of Lithuania in 1253 were carried out within the framework of a political alliance between Mindaugas and the Livonian Teutonic Order. Christian had great difficulties in establishing a functioning church in Lithuania, especially in regard to securing himself a steady income, because the lands donated to him by Mindaugas lay under the lordship of rival Lithuanian princes. For this reason, Christian left his see in 1257 and spent the remainder of his life acting as an auxiliary bishop in different German dioceses.114 It is reasonable to 1 11 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 429a. 112 Yrwing, ‘Helge And,’ pp. 205–​206; Blomkvist, The Discovery, p. 496. 113 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 413. 114 Rasa Mažeika, ‘When Crusader and Pagan Agree: Conversion as a Point of Honour in the Baptism of King Mindaugas of Lithuania (c. 1240–​63),’ in Crusade and Conversion, pp. 197–​214; Darius Baronas and Stephen C. Rowell, The Conversion of Lithuania: From

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assume that Christian was named pastor of St. Nicholas Church of Görmar in order to provide him with a steady source of income, but it remains unclear whether this took place before 1257 or later. We do not know how well the church of Riga actually managed to hold on to their goods and rights in these areas. As Bishop Albert of Riga travelled often between Riga and Rome, and personally preached the crusade in northern German lands before the year 1224, he would have had rather good opportunities to oversee his possessions and appoint priests to churches and chapels under his patronage. The bishops and archbishops of Riga did not travel around Germany thereafter and may have gradually lost their hold on the goods in the southern parts of north Germany. Maybe Bishop Albert of Riga relinquished his rights of patronage to the Abbey of Volkhardinghausen as early as 1228 or 1229,115 simply because he was not able to actually hold them. As Archbishop Johann von Sinten of Riga (1374–​1393, †1397) gave a number of the possessions of the church of Riga in the diocese of Hildesheim to the Abbey of Riechenberg near Goslar in 1393, he stated that they were too far away from Riga to actually administrate and some of them had already been occupied by others.116 Similarly, in 1444 the archbishop and the cathedral chapter of Riga gave their rights of patronage to the church of Immenhausen and to some other benefices in Hessen to Landgrave Ludwig i of Hessen (1413–​1458) on the grounds that these goods were simply too far away from Livonia.117 Since these rights and goods were given up without receiving any monetary compensation, they may not have actually been held by the church of Riga any longer. The importance of landed goods in the western parts of the Baltic Sea (see maps 5.2 and 5.3) are clearly evident from how the cathedral chapter of Riga, the Abbey of Daugavgrīva, and the Teutonic Order invested in these areas by clearing new farmland, building mills, and purchasing further lands. The value of these goods as a source of income came to the fore in the year 1333, when the canons of Riga pawned their possessions in the princedom of Rügen to the Abbey of Neuenkamp for 1,200 Stralsund marks. The debt to the abbey was to be paid with the income collected by the abbey from the pawned goods,118

Pagan Barbarians to Late Medieval Christians (Vilnius, 2015), pp. 79–​86; Selart, Livonia, pp. 200–​201; Boockmann, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in Mühlhausen,’ pp. 12, 25; Sünder, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in der Reichsstadt Mühlhausen,’ pp. 87–​90. 115 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 414, 418 no. 8. 116 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, regest no. 1628 p. 201; Urkundenbuch des Hochstiftes Hildesheim, vol. 6, no. 1206. 117 Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, p. 419 no. 10. 118 Pommersches Urkundenbuch, vol. 8, no. 5093.

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and by 1352, the possessions had come back into the hands of the cathedral chapter.119 The economic significance of the Teutonic Order’s goods in Sweden during the fifteenth century has even led historian Brigitta Eimer to reproach the Teutonic Knights for not following the ideals of a military religious order and focusing only on economic gain.120 Presumably, a large proportion of the income of the Abbey of Daugavgrīva came from their possessions in Germany.121 Even though the lands donated to the abbey were mostly of lesser quality for agriculture, sparsely settled by the indigenous Slavic peoples, and often not attractive to German settlers, the monastery still invested in the settlement and economic development of these areas.122 Livonian religious institutions usually sold only minor possessions that lay far from their other goods during the thirteenth century. The only exception was the sale of the villages Siggelkow and Cruczen, along with a grange, a water mill, and a fishpond to the Cistercian abbey of Reinfeld near Lübeck for 780 Lübeck marks in 1270 by the Abbey of Daugavgrīva.123 The abbey must also have sold (or relinquished?) the village of Zachow to Count Gunzelin iii of Schwerin at some point between 1270 and 1272, because the latter sold Zachow to Reinfelden in 1272.124 The fate of the fourth possession of Daugavgrīva in this area, half of the village of Trizcen, remains unclear.125 One can only speculate on the reasons behind the sale, but it may have been that Daugavgrīva was under some sort of pressure from Count Gunzelin iii, who had already sought to obtain the villages of Siggelkow and Zachow from the abbey before 1262. Additionally, Gunzelin’s stance towards supporting Livonian religious institutions may have had an abrupt change after his clash with the Teutonic Order in Livonia and the town of Riga. In December 1267, as Gunzelin was in Livonia as a crusader, Archbishop Albert Suerbeer of Riga (1245/​53–​1273) placed himself under his protection and handed the temporal possessions of the archbishopric over to Gunzelin for the remainder of Albert’s lifetime. The Teutonic Order considered this a threat to their political position in Livonia and reacted in late autumn of 1268 by capturing the archbishop and the provost of the cathedral

1 19 Hooweg, Stifter, vol. 2, p. 150. 120 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 110–​111. 121 Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 115. 122 Bergsted, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 27–​28, 49–​51, 113–​120, 201–​202. See also Wentz, Bistum Havelberg, pp. 258–​259. 123 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, nos. 1184–​1185. 124 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 1243. 125 Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen des Klosters Dünamünde,’ pp. 78–​80; Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser,’ pp. 49–​50; Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, pp. 38–​42; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ pp. 116–​117.

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chapter of Riga and expelling Gunzelin’s men from Livonia.126 Such a violation of the count’s honour may have prompted him to enact his disappointment on the Abbey of Daugavgrīva by coercing the monastery to move out of the area near Parchim. But, of course, this is just pure speculation, for we have no sources on the actual reasons for the decision to sell these goods.127 The remaining goods of the Abbey of Daugavgrīva on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea remained in their hands until the year 1313, when the General Chapter of the Cistercian Order acknowledged the sale of the monastery complex in Daugavgrīva to the Teutonic Order. The monks moved to Daugavgrīva’s landed goods in Danish Estonia, where they established the Abbey of Padise. The General Chapter gave the task of founding this new monastery to the Cistercian Abbey of Stolpe and allotted all the possessions of Daugavgrīva in the northern parts of the Holy Roman Empire to Stolpe.128 Quite possibly, the abbot and monks of Daugavgrīva had not taken the possibility of losing their goods in Germany into account when selling their monastery complex. Starting from the 1350s, Livonian religious institutions began to sell their goods on the western parts of the Baltic Sea area. One might assume that they no longer needed these possessions, since the situation in Livonia had stabilised and they could rely on income from their lordships on the spot.129 Then again, one does not simply sell landed goods which produce a profit just because one can manage without them. Maybe the sales had something to do with changes in economic conditions brought about by the Black Death, but this is a question which needs further research and cannot be answered here. Whatever the actual reasons were, these goods seem to have been monetised in situations when one was in need of coin, or in cases of political pressure from local authorities. In 1355–​1356, the Livonian master of the Teutonic Order sold the commandery of Krankow in Mecklenburg with all of its possessions, except the convent in Wismar and income from Vorwerk bei Dassow, to the Mecklenburgian nobleman Marquard von Stowe for 1000 marks of silver.130 The order’s convent

126 Paul Johansen, ‘Eine Riga-​Wisby-​Urkunde des 13. Jahrhunderts,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, 38 (1958), 93–​108; Selart, Livonia, pp. 238–​239. 127 Cf. Bergstedt, Kirchliche Siedlung, p. 49. 128 Hooweg, Die Stifter, vol. 2, pp. 674–​675; Schmidt, ‘Die Zisterzienser,’ p. 66; Poelchau, ‘Die Geschichte,’ p. 117; Kersti Markus, ‘Uus vaatenurk Padise kloostri asutamisele,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 1 (2015), 13–​26. 129 Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 27–​28; Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, p. 384. Cf. Jähnig, Verfassung, p. 126. 130 Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 13, nos. 8135, 8139; vol. 14, nos. 8196, 8213, 8254, 8578.

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in Wismar was sold to the town for 420 marks in 1356.131 Vorwerk bei Dassow was probably also sold at that time.132 Preliminary discussions on the sale of the commandery must have been held already by 1349, when the dukes of Mecklenburg promised Marquard von Stowe and his heirs that they would hold all the privileges and rights possessed by the commandery of Krankow in case they were to purchase it.133 The sources give no particular reason for the sale, but the Order may have needed a quick source of income after having spent 19,000 marks to buy the Duchy of Estonia from the Danish king in 1346.134 The cathedral chapter of Riga sold their possessions in the princedom of Rügen to the Abbey of Neuenkamp for 6,000 Stralsund marks in 1384.135 Negotiations on the sale must have been on-​going for some time, for the cathedral chapter had taken the effort to obtain a papal charter which gave them leave to sell these goods.136 The remarkable difference in the value of these goods when compared with the Teutonic commandery of Krankow is due to the difference between a mark of silver and a mark in coin, which was set to be 1 to 4.5 in the year 1373.137 This means that 6,000 Stralsund marks were equal to approximately 1,333 marks of silver. The reason for the sale again remains unclear. Perhaps the canons of Riga were in dire need of money, as they were engaged in two disputes over their landed goods in Livonia at the time.138 The church of Riga held on to their rights of patronage to the church of Zittow in the diocese of Schwerin until the year 1520, when they gave them over to the Antonine Abbey of Tempzin.139 The village of Tatow in Mecklenburg must also have been relinquished by the church of Riga at some point during the Middle Ages, for it was in the hands of a Mecklenburgian nobleman in the sixteenth century.140 The Teutonic Order sold their commandery of Årsta in Sweden in 1467 for 5,700 Rigan marks.141 The buyer was Erik Axelsson Tott, the riksföreståndare 1 31 132 133 134 1 35 136 137 138 1 39 140 141

Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 13, nos. 8192, 8226. Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 15–​16, 27–​30. Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 10, no. 6898. Lisch, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen,’ pp. 28–​29; Neumeister, ‘Krankow /​Wismar,’ p. 423; cf. Militzer, Von Akkon zur Marienburg, pp. 333, 384–​385. Urkunden und Copiar, pp. 50–​52. Urkunden und Copiar, p. 50. I would like to thank Ivar Leimus for providing this information. Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, nos. 1190–​1191, 1196, 1199–​1200, 1202–​ 1203, 1205, 1207. ‘Urkunden zur Geschichte des Erzbisthums Riga,’ no. 63. Lisch, ‘Die Besitzungen und der Verkehr,’ p. 59. Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 12, no. 482.

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(regent) of Sweden during the interregnum (1466–​67) between the second and the third reign of Karl Knutsson Bonde (1448–​1457, 1464–​1465, and 1467–​1470). Commander Gerhard von Walien of Årsta had become involved in the political quarrels in Sweden between the supporters of Christian i (king of Denmark 1448–​1481, Norway 1450–​1481, and Sweden 1457–​1464) and their antagonists during the 1460s. As Gerhard had sided with the camp of Christian i, his situation became rather precarious after the king was deposed in Sweden. It may even be possible that Erik Axelsson Tott had coerced the Teutonic Order into selling their commandery to him, as Eimer has presumed.142 Then again, the master of Livonia may have decided to sell the commandery precisely because of the unstable political situation in Sweden. Furthermore, the master may have needed the coin to settle the monetary demands made on the order by King Christian i.143 Whichever the case, the last known commander of Årsta, Gerhard von Walien, was reassigned as vogt of Põltsamaa in Livonia.144 6

Conclusion

The crusade and Christianisation of Livonia was supported by princes and noblemen of the northern parts of the Holy Roman Empire and the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark. Furthermore, their donations to Livonian institutions were not limited to the earlier phase of the Livonian Crusades during the first decades of the thirteenth century, but continued into the first half of the fourteenth century. The princes of Rügen, the lords of Mecklenburg, the counts of Schwerin and Dannenberg, and Karl Ulfsson, a Swedish nobleman of the Folkung family –​all of whom personally participated in the Livonian Crusades –​can be considered among the most important patrons of Livonian religious institutions. The dukes of Pomerania and the margraves of Brandenburg, who did not take part in the Livonian Crusade, were major supporters of the Abbey of Daugavgrīva, although several of the donations by the margraves of Brandenburg were actually just confirmations of grants by their vassals. Lower nobles and even merchants from northern Germany appeared as donors alongside princes and higher nobles. Kings showed rather limited interest in supporting the Livonian Crusades through grants. Of the emperors and kings of the Holy Roman Empire, only Philip of Swabia and 1 42 Eimer, Gotland, pp. 109–​111; cf. Carlsson, ‘Religious Orders,’ pp. 139–​140. 143 Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 12, nos. 614, 640. 144 Ritterbrüder im livländischen Zweig des Deutschen Ordens, ed. Lutz Fenske and Klaus Militzer (Köln, 1993) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 12), pp. 696–​697.

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William of Holland made grants to Livonian church institutions, and only one of these grants actually materialised. Although kings of Denmark made only one donation to a Livonian church institution in Denmark proper, they did in fact support the Cistercian monasteries in Livonia with grants in the duchy of Estonia. As such, the kings of Denmark clearly supported the crusade and Christianisation of Livonia on a much larger scale than any other monarchs. Livonian religious institutions held possessions in various parts of northern Germany and Scandinavia, but their goods on the south-​western coast of the Baltic Sea and in Sweden can be seen to have been the most important ones, as it was in these areas where these institutions made further investments by buying new goods and claiming land from uncultivated areas. These possessions outside of Livonia were important sources of revenue to Livonian religious institutions up until the middle of the fourteenth century –​and even until the 1460s in the case of Sweden. In conclusion, princely and noble patronage in the form of grants of lands and rights can be considered to have played a valuable part in financing the activities of crusade and Christianisation in thirteenth-​century Livonia.

Acknowledgements

Research for this paper was funded by the Estonian Research Council (project no. put 1422) and by the Carlsberg Foundation, ‘hm Queen Margarethe ii distinguished research fellowship on Danish-​Estonian common history.’ I would like to thank Stefan Pajung and Ivar Leimus for their helpful comments.

Bibliography

Baronas, Darius, and Stephen C. Rowell, The Conversion of Lithuania: From Pagan Barbarians to Late Medieval Christians (Vilnius, 2015). Bauer, Albert, ‘Die Wartgutsteuerliste der Komturei Goldingen,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 25/​1 (1933), 110–​194. Benl, Rudolf, ‘Untersuchungen zur Personen-​und Besitzgeschichte des hoch-​und spätmittelalterlichen Pommern,’ Baltische Studien 71 (1985), 7–​45. Benninghoven, Friedrich, ‘Gotland, Årsta und der Deutsche Orden. Kritische Betrachtungen zu einem Buch von Birgitta Eimer,’ Zeitschrift für Ostforschung 16 (1967), 354–​366. Benninghoven, Friedrich, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder. Fratres milicie Christi de Livonia (Köln, 1965) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 9).

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Benninghoven, Friedrich, ‘Zur Rolle der Schwertbrüderorden und des Deutschen Ordens im politischen Gefüge Alt-​Livlands,’ Zeitschrift für Ostforschung 41 (1992), 161–​184. Bergstedt, Clemens, Kirchliche Siedlung des 13. Jahrhunderts im brandenburgisch-​ mecklenburgischen Grenzgebiet (Berlin, 2002) (Studien zur Geschichte, Kunst und Kultur der Zisterzienser 15). Blomkvist, Nils, The Discovery of the Baltic. The Reception of a Catholic World-​System in the European North (AD 1075–​1225) (Leiden, 2005) (The Northern World 15). Boockmann, Hartmut, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in Mühlhausen,’ Sachsen und Anhalt. Jahrbuch der Historischen Kommission für Sachsen-​Anhalt 21 (1998), 9–​37. Bünz, Enno, ‘Hugo von Hildesheim. Ein frühhansischer Fernhändler im Ostseeraum und der holsteinische Volksadel um 1200,’ Hansische Geschichtsblätter 113 (1995), 7–​25. Carlsson, Christer, ‘A New Chronology for the Scandinavian Branches of the Military Orders,’ in The Military Orders, vol. 4: On Land and by Sea, ed. Judi Upton-​Ward (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 57–​62. Carlsson, Christer, ‘The Religious Orders of Knighthood in Medieval Scandinavia: Historical and Archaeological Approaches,’ Crusades 5 (2006), 131–​142. Codex Pomeraniae diplomaticus, ed. Karl Friedrich Wilhelm Hasselbach et al. vol. 1 (Greifswald, 1862). Diplomatarium Danicum. series 2, vol. 5, ed. Franz Blatt and Carl A. Christensen (København, 1943). Diplomatarium Danicum, series 3, vol. 4, ed. Carl A. Christensen et al. (København, 1966). Ehlers, Axel, ‘The Crusade of the Teutonic Knights against Lithuania Reconsidered,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot 2001), pp. 21–​44. Eimer, Brigitta, Gotland unter dem Deutschen Orden und die Komturei Schweden zu Årsta (Innsburck, 1966). Elm, Kaspar, ‘Christi cultores et novelle Ecclesie plantatores. Der Anteil der Mönche, Kanoniker und Mendikaten an der Christianisierung der Liven und dem Aufbau der Kirche von Livland,’ in Gli inizi del cristianesimo in Livonia-​Lettonia, ed. Michele Maccarone (Città del Vaticano, 1989) (Pontificio Comitato di Scienze Storiche. Atti e Documenti 1), pp. 97–​125. Engel, Franz, ‘Mannhagen als Landesgrenzen im nordostdeutschen Kolonisations­ gebiet,’ Baltische Studien 44 (1957), 27–​48. Gahlbeck, Christian, Zisterzienser und Zisterzienserinnen in der Neumark (Berlin, 2002) (Veröffentlichungen des Brandenburgischen Landeshauptarchivs 47). Gąssowska, Maja, ‘Die Zisterzienser im mittelalterlichen Livland,’ in Die Kirche im Mittelalterlichen Livland, ed. Radosław Biskup et al., (Toruń, 2019) (Ecclesia clerusque temporibus medii aevi 5), pp. 159–​182.

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Lisch, G. Ch. Friedrich, ‘Die Besitzungen und der Verkehr des Erzbisthums Riga in Meklenburg,’ Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14 (1849), 48–​69. Lisch, G. Ch. Friedrich, ‘Geschichte der Besitzungen der Ritterorden Livlands und Preußens in Mecklenburg,’ Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14 (1849), 1–​56. Liv-​ , Est-​ , und Kurländische Urkundergesten bis zum Jahre 1300, ed. Friedrich Bennighoven (Hamburg, 1959). Liv-​, Est-​und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, vols 1–​14, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge et al. (Reval, 1853–​2020). Ludwig, Steve, ‘Der Deutsche Orden –​Urheber des gerade geschlossenen Basilikachores der Wismarer St. Georgenkirche,’ in Die sakrale Backsteinarchitektur des südlichen Ostseeraums –​der theologische Aspekt, ed. Gerhard Eimer and Ernst Gierlich (Berlin, 2000) (Kunsthistorische Arbeiten der Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen 2), 223–​232. Mäesalu, Mihkel, Liivimaa ja Püha Rooma keisririik 1199–​ 1486 (Tartu, 2017) (Dissertationes historiae Universitatis Tartuensis 42). Mänd, Anu, ‘Hospitals and Tables for the Poor in Medieval Livonia,’ Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 115 (2007), 234–​70. Markus, Kersti, ‘The Church on the Borderland. The Impact of Crusading on the Architecture of Gotland and Livonia,’ in Crusading on the Edge. Ideas and Practice of Crusading in Iberia and the Baltic Region, 1100–​1500, ed. Torben K. Nielsen and Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt (Turnhout, 2016) (Outremer. Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 4), pp. 333–​364. Markus, Kersti, ‘Misjonär või mõisnik? Tsistertslaste roll 13. sajandi Eestis,’ Acta Historica Tallinnensia 14 (2009), 3–​30. Markus, Kersti, ‘Uus vaatenurk Padise kloostri asutamisele,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 1 (2015), 13–​26. Markus, Kersti, Visual Culture and Politics in the Baltic Sea Region, 1100–​1250 (Leiden, 2020) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 63). Mažeika, Rasa, ‘When Crusader and Pagan Agree: Conversion as a Point of Honour in the Baptism of King Mindaugas of Lithuania (c. 1240–​63),’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 197–​214. Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, vols 1–​15 (Schwerin, 1863–​1890). Mettig, Constantin, ‘Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des Rigaschen Domkapitels,’ Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Alterthumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands aus dem Jahre 1911 (1913), 386–​394. Mettig, Constantin, ‘Zur Verfassungsgeschichte des Rigaschen Domcapitels,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 12 (1880), 509–​537.

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ed. Anti Selart and Matthias Thumser (Köln, 2017) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 27), pp. 347–​70. Suhm, Peter Friderich, Historie af Danmark, vol. 13 (Kjøbenhavn, 1826). Sünder, Martin, ‘Der Deutsche Orden in der Reichsstadt Mühlhausen. Ein Überblick,’ in Der Deutsche Orden und Thüringen. Aspekte einer 800-​jährigen Geschichte, ed. Thomas T. Müller (Mühlhausen, 2014) (Mühlhäuser Museen, Forschungen und Studien 4), pp. 83–​90. Svenskt Diplomatariums huvudkartotek över medeltidsbreven, url: https://​riks​arki​vet .se/​sdhk. Techen, Friedrich, Geschichte der Seestadt Wismar (Wismar, 1929). Transehe-​Roseneck, Astaf von, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer des 13. Jahrhunderts. Eine genealogische Untersuchung (Würzburg, 1960) (Marburger Ostforschungen 12). Tumler, Marian, Der Deutsche Orden im Werden, Wachsen und Wirken bis 1400, mit einem Abriß der Geschichte des Ordens von 1400 bis zur neuesten Zeit (Wien, 1955). Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, vol. 18: Die Urkunden Heinrich Raspes und Wilhelms von Holland, ed. Dieter Hägermann et al. (Hannover, 1989–​2006). Urkunden und Copiar des Kloster Neuenkamp im Königlichen Staatsarchiv zu Wetzlar, ed. Ferdinand Fabricius (Stettin, 1891) (Quellen zur Pommerschen Geschichte 2). ‘Urkunden zur Geschichte des Erzbisthums Riga,’ ed. G. Ch. Friedrich Lisch, Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 14 (1849), 248–​270. Urkunden zur Geschichte des Fürstenthumes Rügen unter den eingeborenen Fürsten, ed. Carl Gustav Fabricius, vol. 2, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1859). Urkunden zur Geschichte des Fürstenthumes Rügen unter den eingeborenen Fürsten, ed. Carl Gustav Fabricius, vol. 4 (Berlin, 1859–​1869). Urkundenbuch der Deutschordensballei Thüringen, vol. 1, ed. Karl Heinrich Lampe (Jena, 1936). Urkundenbuch der Stadt Mühlhausen, vol. 1, ed. Karl Herquet (Halle, 1874). Urkundenbuch des Bisthums Lübeck, vol. 1, ed. Wilhelm Leverkus (Oldenburg, 1856) (Lübeckisches Urkundenbuch. Zweite Abtheilung 1). Urkundenbuch des Hochstiftes Hildesheim und seiner Bischöfe, ed. Hermann Hooweg, vol. 6 (Hannover, 1911). Wehrmann, Carl Friedrich, ‘Das Haus des Deutschen Ordens in Lübeck,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 5 (1888), 461–​464. Wentz, Gottfried, Das Bistum Havelberg (Berlin, 1933) (Germania Sacra. Erste Abteilung. Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Magdeburg 2). Willoweit, Dietmar, ‘Livland, das Reich und das Rechtsdenken des Mittelalters,’ in Juristen werdent herren ûf erden. Recht –​Geschichte –​Philologie. Kolloquium zum 60. Geburtstag von Friedrich Ebel, ed. Andreas Fijal et al. (Göttingen 2006), pp. 179–​188. Yrwing, Hugo, ‘Helge And och Sankt Jakob –​två medeltida Visbykyrkor,’ Fornvännen 77 (1982), 198–​211.

­c hapter 6

From Prehistory to History

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century Ivar Leimus 1

Introduction: The Assortment and Calculation of Money in Prehistory

During the Viking Age, in the area of Estonia and Latvia –​that is, in what is future Livonia –​the use of coins kept pace with corresponding developments in eastern and northern Europe. Starting in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, dirhams minted in the Islamic world were used as currency in today’s Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Poland, eastern Germany, Scandinavia, Finland, and the Baltic countries.1 In the late tenth century and early eleventh century, dirhams disappeared from circulation in Europe, and deniers of the Holy Roman Empire and England began to be used as currency in north and east Europe instead. The turn toward the west took place within a few decades –​in the lifetime of one single generation. This revolutionary change was caused by the economic, political, and ecclesiastical development in western Europe during the second half of the tenth century. The discovery of huge silver deposits in the Harz in Saxony in the 960s provided currency for both western European merchants and missionaries. Another reason for abandoning the use of dirhams was their increasingly small silver content.2 From the ninth to the eleventh centuries, so-​called weight-​based finance was prevalent in all of northern and eastern Europe, which means that coins were not counted, as was done in the countries that issued them (Münzgeldwirtschaft), but rather, they were weighed (Gewichtsgeldwirtschaft). Therefore, all forms of silver could be used for payment, including silver coins and ingots, jewellery, or pieces thereof (‘hacksilver’).

1 Ivar Leimus, ‘Millennium Breakthrough. North Goes West,’ in Past. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri. Special Issue on the History of Estonia (2009), pp. 7–​34. 2 Leimus, ‘Millennium breakthrough’; Peter Spufford, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1989), p. 74.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_007

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In the late tenth century, money also began to be minted on the periphery of Europe, in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Rus’.3 Minting lasted for a relatively short period in Sweden and Rus’ but continued regularly elsewhere. However, in Finland and the Baltic, where political development had yet to mature, only crude imitations intended for coin pendants were produced.4 Depending on the region, the influx of western silver coins into northern and eastern Europe ceased between the late eleventh century and early twelfth century.5 The Burge hoard from Lummelunda parish, Gotland, which was the last to be found in Sweden that was comprised of imported silver, dates from the 1140s.6 One of the reasons for the cessation of coin imports was the depletion of the Harz mines, which caused a silver crisis in Europe.7 On the other hand, the developing domestic market in west Europe also required monetary resources. Thus, locally minted coins had to satisfy the currency needs in Poland, Denmark, Norway, and in other regions. Sweden was the last country in which domestic coinage was resumed.8

3 For example: Tusindtallets Danske Mønter fra den kongelige Mønt-​og Medaillesamling, ed. Jørgen Steen Jensen (København, 1995); Brita Malmer, Den svenska mynthistorien: Vikingatiden ca 995–​1030 (Stockholm, 2010); Kolbjørn Skaare, Coins and Coinage in Viking-​Age Norway (Oslo, 1976); Maria P. Sotnikova, Древнейшие Русские монеты X–​XI веков. Каталог и исследование [Drevneĭshie Russkie monety x–​x i vekov. Katalog i issledovanie] (Moskva, 1995). 4 Tatjana Berga, ‘Grobe Nachahmungen westeuropäischer Münzen des 11. Jahrhunderts in Lettland,’ in Sigtuna Papers. Proceedings of the Sigtuna Symposium on Viking-​Age Coinage 1–​4 June 1989, ed. Kenneth Jonsson and Brita Malmer (Stockholm, 1990) (Commentationes de nummis saeculorum ix–​x i in Suecia repertis, Nova series 6), pp. 49–​53; Tatjana Berga, ‘Dirham Imitations as Pendants in Latvia,’ in Cultural Interaction Between East and West: Archaeology, Artefacts and Human Contacts in Northern Europe, ed. Ingmar Jansson, Ulf Fransson (Stockholm, 2007), pp. 171–​174; Mauri Kiudsoo, ‘Copper Imitations of West-​European Pennies of the 11th Century in Estonia,’ in Scripta varia numismatico Tuukka Talvio sexagenario dedi­ cata, ed. Outi Järvinen (Helsinki, 2008) (Suomen Numismaattisen Yhdistyksen julkaisuja 6), pp. 91–​97; Ülle Tamla and Mauri Kiudsoo, ‘The Silver Hoard from Kõue,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2013 (2014), 211–​220; Tuukka Talvio, ‘Coin Imitations as Jewellery in Eleventh-​Century Finland,’ Finskt Museum 1978, 26–​38. 5 Ivar Leimus, ‘Silver and Christianisation,’ in From Ore to Money, Mining, Trading, Minting. Proceedings of the Tallinn (2018) Conference, ed. Georges Depeyrot and Ivar Leimus (Wetteren, 2018) (Collection Moneta 202), pp. 63–​67. 6 Gert Hatz and Vera Hatz, Die deutschen Münzen des Fundes von Burge I, Ksp. Lummelunda, Gotland (tpq 1143): Ein Beitrag zur ostfälischen Münzgeschichte (Stockholm, 2001) (Commentationes de nummis saeculorum ix–​x i in Suecia repertis. Nova series 16). 7 Spufford, Money and its Use, p. 95; Leimus, ‘Silver and Christianisation,’ pp. 67–​68. 8 Kenneth Jonsson, ‘Från utländsk metall till inhemskt mynt: Myntningen i Sverige 995–​1995,’ Numismatiska Meddelanden 40 (1995), 43–​61.

166 Leimus The exception was the eastern Baltic (see the list of hoards, table 6.1), which continued to use foreign silver. However, in the 1150s, the flow of freshly coined silver from the west also stopped here. In Estonia we only know of one hoard, from Muraste, which was comprised primarily of new German bracteates that date back to the 1160s.9 The Padiküla hoard10 from the 1170s is next in the timeline, followed by those in Haapsalu11 and Vaida a decade later,12 which are all comprised primarily of old coins from the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. The situation differed in the Latvian area. Here, as a rule, the most recent hoards date back to the 1070s (t.p.q.13 1068).14 As an exception, the Krimulda hoard dates back to the last quarter of the eleventh century, but its provenance is uncertain.15 Allegedly, a hoard or part of a hoard recently sold on eBay that dates back to the early twelfth century also comes from Latvia, although it is more likely that these coins were actually found in Estonia.16 However, individual coins from the late eleventh century and early twelfth century have been found in Latvian graves.17 Over time, up until the last third of the twelfth century, new German silver deposits in Freiberg, near Meissen, started to be exploited.18 This boosted the European economy and provided resources for the German eastern expansion, 9

Ivar Leimus, ‘Muraste mündiaare –​unikaalne brakteaatide leid 12. sajandi keskelt,’ in Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tallinn, 2004) (Muinasaja Teadus 14), pp. 149–​156. 10 Arkadi Molvõgin, ‘Padiküla aarde mündid’, in Studia numismatica II: Festschrift Mihhail Nemirovitš–​Dantšenko 80, ed. Ivar Leimus (Tallinn, 2001) (Töid ajaloo alalt 3), pp. 173–​185. 11 Gareth Williams, ‘A Hoard from Estonia in the British Museum,’ in XII. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress, pp. 986–​989; Ivar Leimus, ‘Haapsalust Briti Muuseumi. Ühe Eestimaa hõbeaarde kauge teekond,’ Läänemaa Muuseumi toimetised 1 (1997), 74–​82. 12 Arkadi Molvõgin and Ivar Leimus, ‘A Unique Hoard from Estonia’, in Studia numismatica: Festschrift Arkadi Molvõgin 65 (Tallinn, 1995), pp. 103–​125; Ivar Leimus, ‘Einige Beiträge zur Bildungsgeschichte des Münzfundes von Vaida,’ in XII. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress, Berlin 1997: Akten –​Proceedings –​Actes, ed. Bernd Kluge, Bernhard Weisser (Berlin, 2000), pp. 923–​928. 13 Terminus post quem –​the oldest possible date of the youngest coin in the hoard. 14 Kristīne Ducmane, Anda Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā: monētu depozīti 1.–​20. gadsimtā (Rīga, 2009) (Latvijas Nacionālā Vēstures Muzeja Raksti 16), pp. 87–​89. 15 Tatjana Berga, ‘Coins of the Krimulda Ragana Hoard,’ in Krimuldas Raganas depozīts: Gaujas libiešu sudraba rotas un monētas, 10.–​13. gadsimts. Katalogs (Rīga, 2012), pp. 48–​90. 16 Ivar Leimus, ‘A New Estonian(?) Coin Deposit from the Early 12th c.,’ in Numismatics in the Centenary Year of the Baltic States (s.l., 2019) (Numismatica Baltica 2), pp. 39–​47. 17 Tatjana Berga, Монеты в археологических памятниках Латвии IХ–​ХII вв. [Monety v arkheologicheskikh pami͡atnikakh Latvii ix–​x ii vv.] (Riga, 1988), pp. 18–​19, 45–​48. 18 Spufford, Money and its Use, p. 110; Thomas Arnold, ‘Die Bedeutung der Münzstätte Freiberg –​daz silber gehort yn die muncze czu Friberg,’ in Die Münzstätte Freiberg von

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which targeted the Livs in the 1180s and the Estonians in the 1190s.19 Along with the merchants and missionaries, new silver also arrived on the east coast of the Baltic Sea, although not in volumes comparable to the Viking Age. This caused a change in the composition of the coin circulation in Estonia. Only one eleventh-​century denier was found in the hoard of 440 coins from the 1190s that was discovered in Tamse on the island of Muhu. All the remaining money was minted in the few decades before the hoard was hidden.20 It is true that single old coins were still in circulation during the early thirteenth century (for example, in the Kirimäe,21 Kumna22 and Mäetaguse23 hoards, from the 1200s, 1220s and 1230s, respectively); however, the number of them in any single hoard is not noteworthy. There are no hoards from the late twelfth century in Latvia. The Latvian hoards from the early thirteenth century do not include any older coins.24 However, a few dozen coins from the late twelfth century and early thirteenth century have been found in Latvian graves, as well as during the excavations of the Mārtiņsala castle, church, and settlement.25 The new coins mainly arrived in Livonia from Westphalia, Cologne, and Gotland, and to a lesser extent from England.26 Essentially, we are dealing with

den Anfängen bis zu ihrer Aufhebung 1556 durch Kurfürst August von Sachsen, ed. Hans Friebe and Christel Grau (Freiberg in Sachsen, 2007), p. 27. 19 Ivar Leimus, ‘Wann und woher ist der deutsche Kaufmann nach Livland gekommen. Eine numismatische Studie,’ in Delectat et docet. Festschrift zum 100 jährigen Bestehen des Vereins der Münzenfreunde in Hamburg, ed. Manfred Mehl (Hamburg, 2004) (Numismatische Studien 16), pp. 317–​332; Leimus, ‘Silver and Christianisation,’ pp. 69–​70. 20 Arkadi Molvõgin, ‘Тамзеский клад монет начала XIII века [Tamzeskiĭ klad monet nachala XIII veka],’ in Studia archaeologica in memoriam Harri Moora, ed. Marta Schmiedehelm et al. (Tallinn, 1970), pp. 126–​132. 21 Ivar Leimus, ‘Silver Hoard from Kirimäe, Läänemaa County,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2021 (forthcoming). 22 Evald Tõnisson, ‘Kumna hõbeaare,’ in Studia archaeologica, pp. 218–​225. 23 Richard Hausmann, ‘Der Silberfund von Mehntack in Estland,’ in Baltische Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte: Arbeiten des Baltischen Vorbereitenden Komitees für den XVI. Archäologischen Kongress in Pleskau 1914 (Berlin, 1914), pp. 158–​167. On the date of the hoard see: Ivar Leimus, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2009), 5–​22, here p. 7. 24 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, pp. 94–​95. 25 Berga, Монеты, pp. 48–​49; Tatjana Berga, ‘Mārtiņsalas pilī un ciemā atrastās monētas,’ in Ēvalds Mugurēvičs, Viduslaiku ciems un pils Salaspils novadā (Rīga, 2008), pp. 254–​262. 26 Arkadi Molvõgin, ‘Einige Probleme der Münzzirkulation in Estland in der zweiten Hälfte des 12. und im ersten Viertel des 13. Jh.,’ in Die Verbindungen zwischen Skandinavien und Ostbaltikum aufgrund der archäologischen Quellenmaterialien, ed. Aleksander Loit and Jüri Selirand (Stockholm, 1985) (Studia Baltica Stockholmiensia 1), pp. 123–​133, here p. 130; Berga, Монеты, pp. 48–​49; Berga, ‘Mārtiņsalas pilī,’ pp. 256–​260.

168 Leimus two types of coins. At the time, deniers, which on average weighed slightly more than 1 gram, were minted in Germany and England. However, the tiny Visby coins weighed less than 0.2 g.27 This means that that it was still impossible to calculate the sums of money by counting the coins, and the silver still had to be weighed. However, compared to previous times, a significant change had occurred in weighing money, resulting from the minting that began in Visby, Gotland, in the middle of the twelfth century.28 In the late twelfth century and early thirteenth century, according to the Visby accounting system, one approximately 200-​g silver mark was equivalent to four marks of coins. Such a system was valid in a wide commercial space, extending from Visby to Novgorod and Smolensk.29 Although money continued to be weighed, this mode of calculation was not identical to so-​called ‘classical’ Viking Age Gewichtsgeldwirtschaft. Value was no longer measured by weighing just any silver, but specific coinage. Therefore, if silver and its price –​weight mark and currency mark –​had previously been one and the same, silver now also acquired a specific price in money in the Baltic Sea area. 2

The Start and Development of Local Minting in Livonia During the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

As the result of the crusading conquest, a new, western-​European-​type political and administrative order was established in Livic lands and Estonia during the first decades of the thirteenth century. The territory was divided by its new overlords, and the first western-​style cities –​initially Riga, then Tallinn, and other, smaller ones –​were established. Medieval Livonia was a conglomerate of territorial lordships, which was comprised of the domains of the Brethren of the Sword (as of 1237, the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order), the bishoprics of Riga, Tartu, Saaremaa, and Curonia, and until 1346 also the duchy of Estonia subordinated to the Danish king.

27 28 29

Nanouschka Myrberg, Ett eget värde: Gotlands tidigaste myntning, ca 1140–​1220 (Stockholm, 2008) (Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 45), pp. 75–​78. Kenneth Jonsson, ‘The Earliest Coinage on Gotland and in the Baltic Countries,’ in XV. International Numismatic Congress Taormina 2015: Proceedings I, ed. Maria Caccamo Caltabiano (Roma, 2017), pp. 1128–​1132. Ivar Leimus, ‘Gotlands og Livlands aeldste mønthistorie belyst af middelalderlige love,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 4 (1998), pp. 59–​63.

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Here, all the rights of coinage –​that is, the right to determine the denomination, silver content and design of coins –​belonged to the territorial lords. As a crowned head, the Danish king wielded the right of coinage, and as a privilege of the princes of state (Reichsfürst), so did the bishops of Riga (starting in the early thirteenth century) and Tartu (starting in 1225). The Teutonic Order was granted the right of coinage by the Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick ii, in 1226. The bishop of Saaremaa declared his right of coinage in 1279. In Curonia, starting in 1252, the right of coinage was shared by the Teutonic Order (2/​3) and the bishop (1/​3).30 In 1211, the bishop of Riga granted the right to mint to merchants trading in Riga.31 The cities of Livonia did not have the right of coinage (jus monetae), but they had to make do with the right of minting (jus monetandi), that is, the practical execution of coinage, and thereby receiving a certain amount of revenue from the minting. Livonia’s first coins were minted in Riga, probably starting from the beginning of the thirteenth century,32 definitely by the bishop of Riga and then, probably, by the local merchants, too. After a pause, minting continued in Riga either in the 1230s or 1240s and apparently ceased shortly after the middle of the thirteenth century.33 It is possible that the reason for this was competition that developed amongst the city’s overlords, the archbishop, and the Teutonic Order.34 In Tallinn, coins were struck by the Danish king and his vicegerent around 1220; however, this minting was short-​lived and the output was small.35 30

31

32

33 34 35

Ivar Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen Livlands in der frühen Hansezeit. 13. Jahrhundert und erste Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ in Fernhandel und Handelspolitik der baltischen Städte in der Hansezeit, ed. Norbert Angermann and Paul Kaegbein (Lüneburg, 2001) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 11), pp. 41–​69, here p. 41; Ivar Leimus et al. Sestertsist sendini: 2000 aastat raha Eestis (Tallinn, 2018), p. 48; Leimus, ‘Silver Hoard.’. Ivar Leimus, ‘Einige Spekulationen über die münzberechtigte Autorität auf Gotland in der 2. Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts,’ in Riga und der Ostseeraum. Von der Gründung 1201 bis in die Frühe Neuzeit, ed. Ilgvars Misāns and Horst Wernicke (Marburg, 2005) (Tagungen zur Ostmitteleuropa-​Forschung 22), pp. 64–​75. Kristīne Pelda, ‘Дaтировка и определение некоторых спорных монет Латвии ХIII –​ первой половины ХVI века [Datirovka i opredelenie nekotorykh spornykh monet Latvii xiii –​pervoĭ poloviny xvi veka],’ Latvijas PSR Zinatņu Akadēmijas Vēstis 11 (1978), 46–​52, here pp. 46–​47; Ivar Leimus, ‘Once Again on Early Minting in Riga, Livonia,’ (forthcoming). Tatjana Berga, Rigas Peldu ielas 13. gs. monētu depozīts (Rīga, 2007). Andreas (sic!) Molvygin, ‘Über die Münz-​und Geldgeschichte Estlands vom Beginn der einheimischen Münzprägung bis zum II. Viertel des 15. Jahrhunderts,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Årsskrift 1969 (1970), 37–​65, here p. 49. Ivar Leimus, ‘Tundmatud brakteaadid Eesti 13. saj. alguse leidudes,’ Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Toimetised, Humanitaar-​ja Sotsiaalteadused 43 (1994), 456–​464; Ivar Leimus, ‘Udmøntningen i Tallinn 1219–​ 1346,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 5 (1995), 74–​81.

170 Leimus After a longer break, minting in Tallinn was resumed in the middle of the thirteenth century, and it gained momentum starting in 1265.36 The bishop of Tartu started to implement his right of coinage sometime in the middle of the thirteenth century, as well. Minting in Tartu also accelerated in the 1260s.37 The bishop of Saaremaa minted his coins, to a small extent, probably in Haapsalu, sometime at the turn of the fourteenth century.38 At the same time, the Teutonic Order, most probably in Riga, minted insignificant amounts and for a shorter period.39 However, joint minting by the Teutonic Order and the bishop of Curonia, which apparently started in Klaipėda immediately after the declaration of the right of coinage in 1252, seems to have lasted for a longer period.40 There were both economic and political reasons for starting to mint. The new cities that were developing needed money to function, and, in the long run, it was no longer feasible to rely on foreign coins of various weights, silver contents, and designs. Secondly, the minting of one’s own coins gave the territorial lords the opportunity to control the finances of their domains and receive income from this if necessary. Thirdly, one cannot underestimate the role played by coins in representation, information, and propaganda. During this period, the only coins minted throughout Livonia were bracteates –​thin, one-​sided, and very lightweight coins. For example, the weight of the Riga coins minted by Bishop Albert averaged between 0.14–​0.15 g,41 and those minted by Bishop Nicolaus only 0.125–​0.14 g.42 The Tallinn and Tartu bracteates weighed between 0.12–​0.13 g, sometimes less.43 Minting probably ceased in Tallinn in 1332, in connection with the power vacuum that developed at this time in Denmark. Tallinn thereby lost its mint lord.44 Around 1330, minting also ceased in Tartu for unknown reasons.45 The other mints in Livonia (except perhaps Curonia) had already ceased 36 37

Molvygin, ‘Über die Münz-​und Geldgeschichte,’ pp. 42–​45. Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ pp. 43, 55–​56; cf. Molvygin, ‘Über die Münz-​und Geldgeschichte,’ pp. 43–​44. 38 Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ p. 55. 39 Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ pp. 56–​57. 40 Ivar Leimus, ‘Monetary History of Courland: Some Speculations,’ Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 4 (2013), 37–​59; Tatjana Berga, Piltenes depozīts: Naudas apgrozība Kurzemē 13. gadsimtā (Rīga, 2014), pp. 60–​68. 41 Berga, Rigas Peldu ielas, pp. 45–​116; Leimus et al., Sestertsist sendini, p. 51. 42 Berga, Rigas Peldu ielas, pp. 45–​116; Leimus et al., Sestertsist sendini, p. 51. 43 Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ pp. 44–​45, 58–​59. 44 Ivar Leimus, ‘Beiträge zur Revaler älteren Münzgeschichte,’ in Moneta i kontakty mennicze w rejonie morza Bałtyckiego XIII–​XVIII w., ed. Adam Musiałowski (Toruń, 2002), pp. 69–​87, here pp. 72–​73, 76–​78. 45 Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ p. 58.

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activities. Initially, bracteate pennies from the so-​called Wendish towns in north Germany came into circulation in Livonia instead of the local coins.46 In the 1340s, the örtug, the first larger coin in the Nordic countries, which was worth 12 pennies,47 started to be minted in Visby and quickly became popular in Livonia, as well. However, in 1361, King Valdemar iv of Denmark conquered Visby and laid the merchants under a burdensome contribution. At the same time, the north German bracteates quickly became debased, and, consequently, were prohibited from being imported to Livonia in 1374.48 All of this significantly impacted the money supply in Livonia. Therefore, in 1363, the Livonian master of the Teutonic Order started minting örtugs in Tallinn, as did the bishop of Tartu at around the same time. In the Middle Low German language, the coins were called artig.49 Based on the monetary standard of the Pomeranian vinkenauge, a coin called the seestling,50 with 1/​6 the value of an artig, began to be struck in Tallinn, as well as the pfennig (1/​12 of an artig) in Tartu.51 In the 1390s, based on the example of the Lübeck pfennig, the so-​called lübische, three of which equalled an artig, began to be minted in both cities.52 3

The Regulation of Coin Circulation after the Beginning of Local Minting

If we disregard the first coins minted in Tallinn, which were based on the Danish standard and the coins of Curonia and struck according the Prussian standard, the Livonian monetary standard in the thirteenth and fourteenth

46 47 48 49 50 51 52

Leimus, ‘Beiträge,’ pp. 78–​80. Monica Golabiewski Lannby, ‘Makt, mark och penningar,’ in Myntningen i Sverige 995–​ 1995, ed. Kenneth Jonsson et al. (Stockholm, 1995) (Numismatiska Meddelanden 40), pp. 83–​107, here pp. 97–​99. Molvygin, ‘Über die Münz-​und Geldgeschichte,’ pp. 50–​51. Leimus, ‘Beiträge,’ p. 81; Michail Nemirowitsch-​Dantschenko, ‘Zur Datierung estländi­ scher Schatzfunde aus dem dritten Viertel des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Årsskrift 1981 (1982), 185–​188. Michail Nemirowitsch-​Dantschenko and Franziskus Pärn, ‘Seestlinge und Scherfe. Ein Beitrag zur Münzgeschichte Livlands,’ Norddeutsches Jahrbuch für Münzkunde und verwandte Gebiete 2 (1980), 71–​79. Ivar Leimus, ‘Vom Münzgebrauch in Livland, insbesondere in Dorpat in der 2. Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 2002), pp. 127–​132. Leimus et al., Sestertsist sendini, p. 54.

172 Leimus centuries usually followed that of Visby.53 This means that the local coins more or less weighed the same and contained the same amount of silver as the Visby coins, although they all featured different images. Therefore, for some time the coins of the local territorial lord, those of other territorial lords, and those of Visby of equivalent value were circulating in Livonia. Only the Curonia coins never reached other areas of Livonia.54 The contents of the Latvian and Estonian finds also differ. For example, only older Gotland coin groups, which were minted until around 1210 and 1220, respectively,55 are represented in the Latvian finds. On the other hand, the Visby coins that had been minted since around 122056 are totally missing from these hoards.57 The Peldu Street hoard in Riga is comprised almost completely of Riga’s own coins, which were minted from the 1230s to 1250s.58 Therefore, based on the homogeneity of the hoards in Riga and in its vicinity, the compulsory exchange of foreign coins for local currency may have been initiated as early as the beginning of the thirteenth century. The monetary history in Curonia developed somewhat differently. The first administrative centre did not develop –​nor did minting begin –​until 1252. Therefore, foreign coins, primarily deniers from Westphalia, were still in circulation during the middle of the thirteenth century.59 However, this picture is somewhat deceptive, because silver ingots, most of which were produced locally, were used if larger payments needed to be made in Curonia. For instance, in the Piltene find, which was hidden after 1252, they comprised

53

Leimus, ‘Gotlands og Livlands,’ pp. 59–​63; Ivar Leimus, ‘The Livonian Monetary Union (c. 1250–​1561),’ in Construction and Deconstruction of Monetary Unions. Lessons from the Past. Proceedings of the Warburg (2015) and Vienna (2017) Conferences, ed. Nathalie Champroux et al. (Wetteren, 2018) (Collection Moneta 201), pp. 5–​13, here p. 8. 54 Tatjana Berga and Armands Vijups, ‘Coinage of the Bishopric of Kurzeme,’ in Scripta varia numismatico, pp. 107–​120, here p. 107. 55 Lars O. Lagerqvist, Svenska mynt under vikingatid och medeltid samt gotländska mynt (Stockholm, 1970), pp. 75–​79, group xx–​x xi; Myrberg, Ett eget värde, p. 140 group i:1–​I:5 and Ib–​Ic. Recently, Kenneth Jonsson has conjectured that some of the coins that were thought to be Gotland money may also have been Riga money, see Jonsson, ‘The Earliest Coinage,’ pp. 1128–​1132. However, this does not fundamentally change anything. The merchants came from Gotland, and, since minting did not yet occur in Riga, the local money was Gotland money. 56 Lagerqvist, Sveska mynt, pp. 79–​81, group xxii; Myrberg, Ett eget värde, p. 140 group ii. 57 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, pp. 94–​96. 58 Berga, Rigas Peldu ielas, passim. 59 Peter Ilisch, ‘Rheinische und westfälische Münzen in Funden des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts aus dem Baltikum,’ in Monetary History of the Baltics in the Middle-​Ages (12–​16th c.), ed. Ivar Leimus (Tallinn, 2012) (Varia historica 6), pp. 47–​52.

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

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62.6% (325 g of 519 g) of the total weight of the hoard.60 Single German coins also arrived in Curonia later on, but it appears that this ceased in the early fourteenth century. In the fourteenth century, the assortment of coins circulating in Curonia started to resemble that in the rest of Livonia, if we disregard the small amounts of locally minted bracteates.61 In Tallinn, the compulsory exchange of foreign currencies did not apply to Visby coins until much later, sometime in the late thirteenth century. In any case, this must have occurred before the so-​called W-​bracteates were introduced in Visby, because they are almost totally missing from the Estonian finds. However, the exact timing for the minting of the W-​bracteates cannot be determined more precisely. Opinions range from the 1260s/​70s/​80s to 1288–​ 1290, although even the year 1299 cannot be ruled out.62 When it comes to Tartu, the contents of a leather money pouch63 found somewhere in Tartu County in the eighteenth century alludes to the fact that the compulsory exchange of foreign (but not other Livonian) currencies may already have been in force here in the middle of the thirteenth century. It definitely existed later, because Tartu coins predominate in the hoard discovered in Kambja, near Tartu, as well as in other deposits from the vicinity of Tartu.64 However, a differentiation must be made between the hoards found in the cities and in the countryside. The hoards from in and around cities are primarily comprised of local coins. On the other hand, the hoards from the countryside –​for instance from Koksi, Valjala parish, Saaremaa, and Loosi village, southeast Estonia –​contain a mixture of coins from Tallinn, Tartu, Gotland, and those from north Germany as late as in the early fourteenth century.65 All that mattered to their original owners was that the coins were silver. When the local minting in Livonia ceased in the 1330s, mandatory money exchange became obsolete. As mentioned above, the bracteates from the

60 Berga, Piltenes depozīts, pp. 69–​77. 61 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, pp. 96–​97. 62 Lagerqvist, Sveska mynt, pp. 79–​81; Nanouschka Myrberg, ‘The Hatched Cross: Gotlandic Coins of the 13th-​Century Baltic Sea Area,’ in Monetary History of the Baltics, pp. 180–​196, here p. 182; Ivar Leimus et al., ‘Watertight Sources: Unique Find from the Bottom of Tallinn Bay,’ in Shipwreck Heritage: Digitizing and Opening Access to Maritime History Sources, ed. Maili Roio (Tallinn, 2013) (Muinasaja Teadus 23), pp. 133–​164, here pp. 144–​145. 63 Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ pp. 44, 67. 64 Arkadi Molvõgin, ‘О классификации и датировке ранних брактеатов Тартуского епископства [O klassifikat͡sii i datirovke rannikh brakteatov Tartuskogo episkopstva],’ Eesti NSV Teaduste akadeemia Toimetised. Ühiskonnateadused 9 (1960), 278–​286; Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ pp. 46–​49. 65 Leimus et al, ‘Watertight Sources,’ p. 145.

174 Leimus Wendish towns and the Visby örtugs came into circulation (and ended up in hoards). The former of these were quickly debased and were prohibited in Livonia during the 1370s. The Visby örtugs mostly disappeared from circulation starting in the 1390s, probably due to large-​scale coin production in Tallinn and Tartu.66 4

Calculation of Money after the Start of Local Minting

Minting based on a local, uniform monetary standard did not automatically mean a transition from weighing money to counting money. As described above, the minted bracteates were so small and lightweight that, in the case of large sums, it was impossible to count them manually. Thus, in both Latvia and Estonia, thirteenth-​century scales and weights have been found that were used to weigh money.67 In the late thirteenth and first third of the fourteenth century, according to the Debtors’ Book of Riga (Schuldbuch)68 and the book that recorded the real estate transactions in Tallinn (Wittschopbuch), large amounts were paid in both silver ingots and coins.69 However, it should be stressed that ingots now were not simply any pieces of weighed silver like in former centuries, but they rather stood only for major denominations of the currency, necessary in bulky transactions. The Visby örtug introduced into the Baltic Sea area in the 1340s was the first coin that could be counted one-​by-​one. However, the bracteates still had to be weighed if paying larger amounts. It was not possible to count all the coins one-​by-​one until Livonia’s own artigs, seestlings, and, finally, lübisches were introduced, which could not have occurred until the last third of the fourteenth century. How did minting and the available assortment of coins change the population’s understanding of money? Starting with the early thirteenth century, hoards in Riga and its environs are comprised primarily of a single type of coins, either Gotland or local emissions.70 They do not contain jewellery. The same applies to Curonia. Here, too, the coins in the finds are primarily of the

66 Leimus et al., Sestertsist sendini, p. 54. 67 Berga, Piltenes depozīts, pp. 78–​81; Leimus et al., ‘Watertight Sources,’ pp. 138–​141. 68 The (partial) register of the credit transactions concluded in the city. 69 Hermann Hildebrand, Das rigische Schuldbuch (1286–​1353) (St. Petersburg, 1872); Leonid Arbusow, Das älteste Wittschopbuch der Stadt Reval (1312–​1360) (Reval, 1890) (Archiv für die Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands, 3. Folge 1); Leimus, ‘Beiträge,’ pp. 70–​75. 70 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, pp. 94–​96.

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

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same type. However, in Curonia the primary coin type found in the hoards was primarily the Westphalian denier until the end of the thirteenth century. Apparently, the native population in Latvia quickly accepted the perceptions of money of the merchants and citizenry who had immigrated from Germany and Gotland and conceived of it accordingly. It should be stressed that jewellery also totally disappeared from the hoards in Gotland after the start of local minting in the mid-​twelfth century.71 Thus, jewellery also forfeited its function as weight currency when minted –​so-​called ‘real’ –​money became available. As far as Estonia is concerned, based on the presence of jewellery in finds, Mauri Kiudsoo draws a line between prehistoric and medieval hoards in the late thirteenth to early fourteenth centuries.72 Although Kiudsoo does not specify how the perceptions of Estonian people may have changed, his approach allows us to conclude that whereas prehistorically weight was the basis for calculating and handling silver, this was no longer true in the Middle Ages. Indeed, as in earlier centuries, the hoards from the later twelfth and early thirteenth centuries in Estonia always contain other valuable items in addition to coins. These include silver jewellery and silver ingots and, sometimes, even bronze items.73 However, it should be noted that if the finds from the late twelfth century often include fragments of silver items that must have been weighed (Vaida, Haapsalu, Maidla),74 then starting from the early thirteenth century the silver jewellery in the hoards, at least when it comes to newer items, is (or, at least, has been when buried) mostly intact (e.g. Kirimäe, Pahkla, Muhu ii, Kostivere, Kumna).75 The only exception seems to be the Piila find, Kaarma parish, Saaremaa (t.p.q. 1212?).76 We also know of a series 71 Myrberg, Ett eget värde, p. 131. 72 Mauri Kiudsoo, ‘Estonian Medieval and Post-​medieval Hoards. Nature and Differences,’ in Monetary History of the Baltics, pp. 54–​65, here pp. 55–​56; Leimus et al., Sestertsist sendini, p. 162. 73 The only exception is one hoard comprised of 25 small Danish coins (tpq. 1202), which probably belonged to a Danish soldier or missionary, see Ivar Leimus, ‘Et fund af danske mønter fra Estland,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 2 (2014), 37–​39. 74 Molvõgin, Leimus, ‘A Unique Hoard from Estonia,’ p. 104; Leimus, ‘Haapsalust Briti Muuseumi,’ pp. 74–​82; Adolf Friedenthal, ‘Ein Verwahrfund aus dem Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts,’ Beiträge zur Kunde Estlands 13 (1927–​1928), 140–​144. 75 Leimus, ‘Silver Hoard from Kirimäe’; Mauri Kiudsoo and Ivar Leimus, ‘Hoards Discovered in 2007,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2007 (2008), 223–​227, here p. 223; Ülle Tamla and Mauri Kiudsoo, Ancient Hoards of Estonia (Tallinn, 2009), pp. 46–​47, 52–​53; Tõnisson, ‘Kumna hõbeaare’. 76 Ivar Leimus, ‘Väike lisandus Kaarma Piila hõbeaarde koosseisule,’ Saaremaa muuseum. Kaheaastaraamat 2017–​2018 (2019), 60–​67; Ilisch, ‘Rheinische und westfälische Münzen,’ p. 46.

176 Leimus of thirteenth-​century hoards in Estonia that are only comprised of jewellery.77 This could mean that beginning in the thirteenth century, silver items were no longer hidden because they were conceived as means of payment, that is, money, but rather because they were valuables. Otherwise, the items would have been broken up in order to adapt to a definite weight. However, in most cases, this did not occur. Thus, if the silver items found in hoards from the early thirteenth century are not currency, how should they be interpreted? Kiudsoo has convincingly demonstrated that the percentage of pendant coins and jewellery increased suddenly in the Early Modern Age finds in Livonia and became especially numerous when the Russian-​Livonian War broke out in 1558.78 From the late sixteenth century, there are even hoards comprised entirely of jewellery. Most of these finds contain possessions that were hidden by people who feared war. Therefore, should not the hoards from the early thirteenth century that include silver jewellery be interpreted on the same basis? Almost all finds of this kind –​that is, as many as can be identified according to the coins –​date back to the early thirteenth century, when a fierce fight against conquest by the Germans and the Danes was underway in Estonia. A series of finds –​for example, in the Lõhavere and Muhu hillforts –​are associated with the sieges of these fortresses in the second decade of the thirteenth century and in 1227, respectively.79 Two or three of the deposits discovered near the village of Angerja also resulted from the German campaigns in 1216.80 And even four hoards may have been left behind during the campaign in 1219 in the village of Tõrma, Vironia.81 The latest hoard, which contains jewellery, silver ingots, and coins (in addition to bronze bowls), is that from Mäetaguse, with the youngest coin minted between 1232 and 1234.82

77

For example: Evald Tõnisson, ‘Eesti aardeleiud 9.–​13. sajandist,’ in Muistsed kalmed ja aarded, ed. Harri Moora (Tallinn, 1962) (Arheoloogiline kogumik 2), pp. 182–​274; Ülle Tamla, ‘Varudi-​Vanaküla hõbeaare,’ Muinasaja Teadus 1 (1991), 154–​162; Ülle Tamla and Urve Kallaus, ‘Kaks hõbeaaret Angerja muinasasulast,’ in Loodus, inimene ja tehnoloogia. Interdistsiplinaarseid uurimusi arheoloogias, ed. Jüri Peets (Tallinn, 1998) (Muinasaja Teadus 5), pp. 230–​278. However, the lack of coins precludes the more precise dating of these hoards. 78 Kiudsoo, ‘Estonian Medieval and Post-​Medieval Hoards,’ pp. 60–​62. 79 Tõnisson, ‘Eesti aardeleiud,’ p. 201; Tamla, Kiudsoo, Ancient Hoards, p. 46. 80 Leimus, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad,’ p. 7. 81 Ülle Tamla, ‘A Hoard from the Prehistoric Settlement of Tõrma,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1998 (1999), 161–​166. 82 Hausmann, ‘Der Silberfund von Mehntack’; dating: Leimus, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad,’ p. 7.

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

177

The event that caused the Mäetaguse deposit to be hidden is unknown, but the fact remains that all the subsequent money hoardings in Estonia are comprised exclusively of coins. The same applies to the fourteenth century. The only exception is the Loosi hoard, which –​along with coins –​also includes silver breastplates, bracelets, and horseshoe brooches (all of which are whole and undamaged).83 However, on the basis of the location of the discovery of the hoard and other circumstances, this hoard can be interpreted as a sacrifice rather than a deposit. Thus, based on an analysis of the composition of the thirteenth-​and fourteenth-​century hoards in Estonia, it can be concluded that the age of weight currency ended here, as it did in what is today Latvia, in the early thirteenth century. Although Estonian hoards continue to contain jewellery until the 1230s, it cannot be considered to be weight currency, but rather, personal valuables hidden in fear of war. When the war ended and new stability and peace was established, the hoards were comprised of relatively smaller savings, lost money pouches, or individual coins as grave goods. They very rarely included larger collections of coins. However, all of these are amounts of coined money that were either lost or stored in the ground and not personal silverware. The reason for this phenomenon might have been the increased activity of German merchants in the Baltic Sea area around 1190.84 As a result, the Gotland accounting system (i.e. 1 silver mark =​4 monetary marks) spread to both Latvia and Estonia. Along with the foreign merchants and coins, a new understanding of money came to dominate in this area, which seems to have taken root during the early thirteenth century. Undoubtedly, coined silver continued to be weighed, but it now did so according to the system prevalent in the entire Baltic Sea area. When local currency began to be minted in Livonia, it was weighed according to the current monetary system: either 5 or 6 monetary marks per 1 weight-​based silver mark.85 Counting coins did not become the rule in Livonia until the local monetary system based on two or three different denominations developed in the last third of the fourteenth century.

83 84 85

Mauri Kiudsoo and Ülle Tamla, ‘Utike aare,’ in Etnos ja kultuur. Uurimusi Silvia Laulu auks, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2006) (Muinasaja Teadus 18), pp. 267–​300. Ivar Leimus, ‘Wann und woher,’ pp. 317–​333. Leimus et al., Sestertsist sendini, pp. 49–​51.

yes

yes

448

43

5

5+​2

440 123 25

Vaida

Haapsalu

Lüganuse Maidla Lõhavere stronghold Tamse Kirimäe West Estonia Pahkla

6

yes

14+​ 102

Muraste Padiküla

1

Foreign Local Silver coins coins ingots

Find

yes

yes yes

yes

yes

yes

yes

? yes

1208

1193 c. 1200 1202

1190

1190

c. 1180 or earlier

c. 1180 or earlier

c. 1160 1170

Other T.p.q. silver items

table 6.1 Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340.

Danish coins

Comments

Tõnisson, ‘Eesti aardeleiud,’ p. 201; Tamla, Kiudsoo, Ancient Hoards, p. 46 Molvõgin, ‘Тамзеский клад,’ pp. 126–​132 Leimus, ‘Silver Hoard’ Leimus, ‘Et fund af danske mønter,’ pp. 37–​39 Kiudsoo, Leimus, ‘Hoards Discovered in 2007,’ p. 223

Leimus, ‘Muraste mündiaare,’ pp. 149–​156 Molvõgin, ‘Padiküla aarde mündid,’ pp. 173–​185 Molvõgin, Leimus, ‘A Unique Hoard,’ pp. 103–​125; Leimus, ‘Einige Beiträge,’ pp. 923–​928 Williams, ‘A Hoard from Estonia,’ pp. 983–​ 989; Leimus, ‘Haapsalust Briti Muuseumi,’ pp. 74–​82 Friedenthal, ‘Ein Verwahrfund,’ pp. 141–​144

Source

newgenrtpdf

178 Leimus

34

15

Ikšķile

Koknese Mārtiņsala

Kostivere Kumna

13 18

Muhu 24 stronghold ii Muhu 11+​x stronghold i

8

Kaarma Piila

107 2

20

Foreign Local Silver coins coins ingots

Find

c. 1220 c. 1220 or 1228

1218

?

yes yes

1216

c. 1210? c. 1210

c. 1210?

1212?

yes

yes

Other T.p.q. silver items

table 6.1 Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340 (cont.)

Comments

Leimus, ‘Väike lisandus,’ p. 67; Ilisch, ‘Rheinische und westfälische Münzen,’ p. 46 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 94 no. 53 Myrberg, Ett eget värde, p. 129 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 94, no. 52; Berga, ‘Mārtiņsalas pilī,’ pp. 254–​262 Katalog der Ausstellung zum X. archäologischen Kongress in Riga 1896 (Riga, 1896), pp. 146–​147 Friedrich Kruse, Necrolivonica oder Alterthümer Liv-​, Est-​und Curlands (Dorpat, 1842), p. 19; Friedrich Kruse, Erläuterungen zu den Necrolivonica (Leipzig, 1859), p. 30, pl. 58 Tamla, Kiudsoo, Ancient Hoards, pp. 52–​53 Tõnisson, ‘Kumna hõbeaare,’ pp. 218–​225

Source

newgenrtpdf

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

179

Kadrina grave Curonia, Piltene Tartu environs Riga, Peldu Street Bay of Tallinn

Curonia, Laukmuiža

342

70

148

yes

8

7

8

80

24

4

yes

yes

yes

178

Riga, Church of the Holy Spirit Mäetaguse

1

Foreign Local Silver coins coins ingots

Find

yes

c. 1280

c. 1260

c. 1260

1252

c. 1250

c. 1240

1232

c. 1220?

Other T.p.q. silver items

table 6.1 Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340 (cont.)

Berga, Rigas Peldu ielas

Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ pp. 44–​45

Berga, Piltenes depozīts

Hausmann, ‘Der Silberfund von Mehntack,’ pp. 158–​167 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 95, no. 56; Ilisch, ‘Rheinische und westfälische Münzen,’ pp. 47–​48 Leimus, ‘Das Münzwesen,’ p. 43

Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 95, no. 57

Source

In a merchant’s Leimus et al., ‘Watertight Sources,’ trunk pp. 141–​144

In a leather pouch

Burial contribution

Comments

newgenrtpdf

180 Leimus

1

7

Curonia, Dundaga Liepaja

Riga, Cathedral cemetery

16

Otepää

59

73

yes

Vastseliina

4221+​

Kambja

36+​

8

Foreign Local Silver coins coins ingots

Tallinn, St Barbara Cemetery

Find

before c. 1330 before c. 1330 before c. 1330 before c. 1330 before c. 1330 before c. 1330

c. 1280

Other T.p.q. silver items

table 6.1 Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340 (cont.)

Initially a box full of coins

Comments

Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 96, no. 59 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 96, no. 58 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 95, no. 55

Molvõgin, ‘О классификации,’ p. 289

Vladimir Sokolovski, Aruanne arheoloogilistest uuringutest endisel Püha Barbara kalmistul 1. Uuringute tulemused (Tallinn, 1996) (unpublished manuscript in possession of Ivar Leimus) Molvõgin, ‘О классификации,’ pp. 278–​286 Tamla, Kiudsoo, Ancient Hoards, pp. 54–​55

Source

newgenrtpdf

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

181

15

1+​

50

21

16

Unknown location in north Estonia

Vaivara

Dunte

Araiši

Tartu St Mary’s Church

51

4+​

43

Foreign Local Silver coins coins ingots

Find

c. 1330

c. 1330

before c. 1330 (?) c. 1330

before c. 1330

Other T.p.q. silver items

table 6.1 Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340 (cont.)

Comments

Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 96, no. 60 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 97, no. 64 Hermann Eduard Hartmann, ‘Das vaterländische Museum zu Dorpat,’ Verhandlungen der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 6 (1870), 175–​177

Arkadi Molvõgin, ‘Неизданный клад прибалтийских брактеатов и полубрактеатов хiii –​первой половины хiv в. [Neizdannyĭ klad pribaltiĭskikh brakteatov i polubrakteatov xiii –​ pervoĭ poloviny xiv v.],’ in Сообщения Государственного Эрмитажа [Soobshchenii͡a Gosudarstvennogo Ėrmitazha] 19 (1960), 47–​49 Sitzungsberichte der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 1870 ([1871]), p. 75

Source

newgenrtpdf

182 Leimus

124

60

583

Lakstene

Gaiki

Lielgrote

1

1

550

212

Loosi Utike

c. 1340

c. 1340

c. 1340

c. 1340

c. 1330

222+​ 18+​ yes

c. 1330

Other T.p.q. silver items

112

Foreign Local Silver coins coins ingots

Tartu 5 Botanical Garden Valjala Koksi 335+​ 261+​

Find

table 6.1 Coins in Estonian and Latvian hoards, c. 1160–​1340 (cont.)

Source

Vladimir Sokolovski, Tartu botaanikaaia 118 mündi nimistu. (s.l., s.d.) (manuscript in Tartu City Museum) Originally Ivar Leimus, ‘W-​mønter fra Gotland –​ 3 poods (c. endnu en gang,’ Nordisk Numismatisk 49 kg) or about Unions Medlemsblad 2 (2004), 63–​68; 10,000 coins Molvõgin, ‘О классификации,’ p. 288 Possibly Kiudsoo, Tamla, ‘Utike aare,’ pp. 267–​300 sacrifice Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 96, no. 62 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 97, no. 67 Ducmane, Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā, p. 98–​ 99, no. 72

Comments

newgenrtpdf

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

183

184 Leimus

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Arbusow, Leonid, Das älteste Wittschopbuch der Stadt Reval (1312–​1360) (Reval, 1890) (Archiv für die Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands, 3. Folge 1). Arnold, Thomas, ‘Die Bedeutung der Münzstätte Freiberg –​daz silber gehort yn die muncze czu Friberg,’ in Die Münzstätte Freiberg von den Anfängen bis zu ihrer Aufhebung 1556 durch Kurfürst August von Sachsen, ed. Hans Friebe and Christel Grau (Freiberg in Sachsen, 2007). Berga, Tatjana, ‘Coins of the Krimulda Ragana Hoard,’ in Krimuldas Raganas depozīts: Gaujas libiešu sudraba rotas un monētas, 10.–​13. gadsimts. Katalogs (Rīga, 2012), pp. 48–​90. Berga, Tatjana, ‘Dirham Imitations as Pendants in Latvia,’ in Cultural Interaction Between East and West: Archaeology, Artefacts and Human Contacts in Northern Europe, ed. Ingmar Jansson and Ulf Fransson (Stockholm, 2007), pp. 171–​174. Berga, Tatjana, ‘Grobe Nachahmungen westeuropäischer Münzen des 11. Jahrhunderts in Lettland,’ in Sigtuna Papers. Proceedings of the Sigtuna Symposium on Viking-​Age Coinage 1–​4 June 1989, ed. Kenneth Jonsson and Brita Malmer (Stockholm, 1990) (Commenta­ tiones de nummis saeculorum ix–​xi in Suecia repertis, Nova series 6), pp. 49–​53. Berga, Tatjana, ‘Mārtiņsalas pilī un ciemā atrastās monētas,’ in Ēvalds Mugurēvičs, Viduslaiku ciems un pils Salaspils novadā (Rīga, 2008), pp. 254–​262. Berga, Tatjana, Монеты в археологических памятниках Латвии IХ–​ХII вв. [Monety v arkheologicheskikh pami͡atnikakh Latvii IX–​XII vv.] (Riga, 1988). Berga, Tatjana, Piltenes depozīts: Naudas apgrozība Kurzemē 13. gadsimtā (Rīga, 2014). Berga, Tatjana, Rigas Peldu ielas 13. gs. monētu depozīts (Rīga, 2007). Berga, Tatjana, and Armands Vijups, ‘Coinage of the Bishopric of Kurzeme,’ in Scripta varia numismatico Tuukka Talvio sexagenario dedicata, ed. Outi Järvinen (Helsinki, 2008) (Suomen Numismaattisen Yhdistyksen julkaisuja 6), pp. 107–​120. Ducmane, Kristīne, and Anda Ozoliņa, Latvija Eiropā: monētu depozīti 1.–​20. gadsimtā (Rīga, 2009) (Latvijas Nacionālā Vēstures Muzeja Raksti 16). Friedenthal, Adolf, ‘Ein Verwahrfund aus dem Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts,’ Beiträge zur Kunde Estlands 13 (1927–​1928), 140–​144. Golabiewski Lannby, Monica, ‘Makt, mark och penningar,’ in Myntningen i Sverige 995–​ 1995, ed. Kenneth Jonsson et al. (Stockholm, 1995) (Numismatiska Meddelanden 40), pp. 83–​107. Hartmann, Hermann Eduard, ‘Das vaterländische Museum zu Dorpat,’ Verhandlungen der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 6 (1870), 175–​177. Hatz, Gert, and Vera Hatz, Die deutschen Münzen des Fundes von Burge I, Ksp. Lummelunda, Gotland (tpq 1143): Ein Beitrag zur ostfälischen Münzgeschichte (Stockholm, 2001) (Commentationes de nummis saeculorum ix–​x i in Suecia repertis. Nova series 16).

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185

Hausmann, Richard, ‘Der Silberfund von Mehntack in Estland,’ in Baltische Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte: Arbeiten des Baltischen Vorbereitenden Komitees für den XVI. Archäologischen Kongress in Pleskau 1914 (Berlin, 1914), pp. 158–​167. Hildebrand, Hermann, Das rigische Schuldbuch (1286–​1353) (St. Petersburg, 1872). Ilisch, Peter, ‘Rheinische und westfälische Münzen in Funden des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts aus dem Baltikum,’ in Monetary History of the Baltics in the Middle-​ Ages (12–​16th c.), ed. Ivar Leimus (Tallinn, 2012) (Varia historica 6), pp. 47–​52. Jonsson, Kenneth, ‘The Earliest Coinage on Gotland and in the Baltic Countries,’ in XV. International Numismatic Congress Taormina 2015: Proceedings I, ed. Maria Caccamo Caltabiano (Roma, 2017), pp. 1128–​1132. Jonsson, Kenneth, ‘Från utländsk metall till inhemskt mynt: Myntningen i Sverige 995–​ 1995,’ Numismatiska Meddelanden 40 (1995), 43–​61. Katalog der Ausstellung zum X. archäologischen Kongress in Riga 1896 (Riga, 1896). Kiudsoo, Mauri, ‘Copper Imitations of West-​European Pennies of the 11th Century in Estonia,’ in Scripta varia numismatico Tuukka Talvio sexagenario dedicata, ed. Outi Järvinen (Helsinki, 2008) (Suomen Numismaattisen Yhdistyksen julkaisuja 6), pp. 91–​97. Kiudsoo, Mauri, ‘Estonian Medieval and Post-​medieval Hoards. Nature and Differences’, in Monetary History of the Baltics in the Middle-​Ages (12–​16th c.), ed. Ivar Leimus (Tallinn, 2012) (Varia historica 6), pp. 54–​65. Kiudsoo, Mauri, and Ivar Leimus, ‘Hoards Discovered in 2007,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2007 (2008), 223–​227. Kiudsoo, Mauri, and Ülle Tamla, ‘Utike aare,’ in Etnos ja kultuur. Uurimusi Silvia Laulu auks, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 2006) (Muinasaja Teadus 18), pp. 267–​300. Kruse, Friedrich, Erläuterungen zu den Necrolivonica (Leipzig, 1859). Kruse, Friedrich, Necrolivonica oder Alterthümer Liv-​, Est-​und Curlands (Dorpat, 1842). Lagerqvist, Lars O., Svenska mynt under vikingatid och medeltid samt gotländska mynt (Stockholm, 1970). Leimus, Ivar, ‘Beiträge zur Revaler älteren Münzgeschichte,’ in Moneta i kontakty mennicze w rejonie morza Bałtyckiego XIII–​XVIII w., ed. Adam Musiałowski (Toruń, 2002), pp. 69–​87. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Einige Beiträge zur Bildungsgeschichte des Münzfundes von Vaida,’ in XII. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress, Berlin 1997: Akten –​Proceedings –​ Actes, ed. Bernd Kluge and Bernhard Weisser (Berlin, 2000), pp. 923–​928. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Einige Spekulationen über die münzberechtigte Autorität auf Gotland in der 2. Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts,’ in Riga und der Ostseeraum. Von der Gründung 1201 bis in die Frühe Neuzeit, ed. Ilgvars Misāns and Horst Wernicke (Marburg, 2005) (Tagungen zur Ostmitteleuropa-​Forschung 22), pp. 64–​75. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Et fund af danske mønter fra Estland,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 2 (2014), 37–​39.

186 Leimus Leimus, Ivar, ‘Gotlands og Livlands aeldste mønthistorie belyst af middelalderlige love,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 4 (1998), 59–​63. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Haapsalust Briti Muuseumi. Ühe Eestimaa hõbeaarde kauge teekond,’ Läänemaa Muuseumi toimetised 1 (1997), 74–​82. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Läänemere kristlikud paganad,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2009), 5–​22. Leimus, Ivar, ‘The Livonian Monetary Union (c. 1250–​1561),’ in Construction and Deconstruction of Monetary Unions. Lessons from the Past. Proceedings of the Warburg (2015) and Vienna (2017) Conferences, ed. Nathalie Champroux et al. (Wetteren, 2018) (Collection Moneta 201), pp. 5–​13. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Millennium Breakthrough. North Goes West,’ in Past. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri. Special Issue on the History of Estonia (2009), 7–​34. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Monetary History of Courland: Some Speculations,’ Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 4 (2013), 37–​59. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Das Münzwesen Livlands in der frühen Hansezeit. 13. Jahrhundert und erste Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ in Fernhandel und Handelspolitik der baltischen Städte in der Hansezeit, ed. Norbert Angermann and Paul Kaegbein (Lüneburg, 2001) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 11), pp. 41–​69. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Muraste mündiaare –​unikaalne brakteaatide leid 12. sajandi keskelt,’ in Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tallinn, 2004) (Muinasaja Teadus 14), pp. 149–​156. Leimus, Ivar, ‘A New Estonian(?) Coin Deposit from the Early 12th c.,’ in Numismatics in the Centenary Year of the Baltic States (s.l., 2019) (Numismatica Baltica 2), pp. 39–​47. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Once Again on Early Minting in Riga, Livonia,’ (forthcoming). Leimus, Ivar, ‘Silver and Christianisation,’ in From Ore to Money, Mining, Trading, Minting. Proceedings of the Tallinn (2018) Conference, ed. Georges Depeyrot and Ivar Leimus (Wetteren, 2018) (Collection Moneta 202), pp. 63–​67. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Silver Hoard from Kirimäe, Läänemaa County,’ in Archaelogical Fieldwork in Estonia 2021 (forthcoming). Leimus, Ivar, ‘Tundmatud brakteaadid Eesti 13. saj. alguse leidudes,’ Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Toimetised, Humanitaar-​ja Sotsiaalteadused 43 (1994), 456–​464. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Udmøntningen i Tallinn 1219–​ 1346,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 5 (1995), 74–​81. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Väike lisandus Kaarma Piila hõbeaarde koosseisule,’ in Saaremaa muuseum. Kaheaastaraamat 2017–​2018 (2019), 60–​67. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Vom Münzgebrauch in Livland, insbesondere in Dorpat in der 2. Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 2002), pp. 127–​132. Leimus, Ivar, ‘Wann und woher ist der deutsche Kaufmann nach Livland gekommen. Eine numismatische Studie,’ in Delectat et docet. Festschrift zum 100 jährigen

Money in Livonia in the Thirteenth Century

187

Bestehen des Vereins der Münzenfreunde in Hamburg, ed. Manfred Mehl (Hamburg, 2004) (Numismatische Studien 16), pp. 317–​332. Leimus, Ivar, ‘W-​mønter fra Gotland –​endnu en gang,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 2 (2004), 63–​68. Leimus Ivar, et al. Sestertsist sendini: 2000 aastat raha Eestis (Tallinn, 2018). Leimus, Ivar, et al., ‘Watertight Sources: Unique Find from the Bottom of Tallinn Bay,’ in Shipwreck Heritage: Digitizing and Opening Access to Maritime History Sources, ed. Maili Roio (Tallinn, 2013) (Muinasaja Teadus 23), pp. 133–​164. Malmer, Brita, Den svenska mynthistorien: Vikingatiden ca 995–​1030 (Stockholm, 2010). Molvõgin, Arkadi, ‘Einige Probleme der Münzzirkulation in Estland in der zweiten Hälfte des 12. und im ersten Viertel des 13. Jh.,’ in Die Verbindungen zwischen Skandinavien und Ostbaltikum aufgrund der archäologischen Quellenmaterialien, ed. Aleksander Loit and Jüri Selirand (Stockholm, 1985) (Studia Baltica Stockholmiensia 1), pp. 123–​133. Molvõgin, Arkadi, ‘Неизданный клад прибалтийских брактеатов и полубрактеатов ХIII –​первой половины ХIV в. [Neizdannyĭ klad pribaltiĭskikh brakteatov i polubrakteatov XIII –​pervoĭ poloviny XIV v.],’ Сообщения Государственного Эрмитажа [Soobshchenii͡a Gosudarstvennogo Ėrmitazha] 19 (1960), 47–​49. Molvõgin, Arkadi, ‘О классификации и датировке ранних брактеатов Тартуского епископства [O klassifikat͡sii i datirovke rannikh brakteatov Tartuskogo episkopstva],’ Eesti NSV Teaduste akadeemia Toimetised. Ühiskonnateadused 9 (1960), 278–​286. Molvõgin, Arkadi, ‘Padiküla aarde mündid’, in Studia numismatica II: Festschrift Mihhail Nemirovitš–​Dantšenko 80, ed. Ivar Leimus (Tallinn, 2001) (Töid ajaloo alalt 3), pp. 173–​185. Molvõgin, Arkadi, ‘Тамзеский клад монет начала XIII века [Tamzeskiĭ klad monet nachala XIII veka],’ in Studia archaeologica in memoriam Harri Moora, ed. Marta Schmiedehelm et al. (Tallinn, 1970), pp. 126–​132. Molvygin, Andreas [! Arkadi], ‘Über die Münz-​und Geldgeschichte Estlands vom Beginn der einheimischen Münzprägung bis zum II. Viertel des 15. Jahrhunderts,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Årsskrift 1969 (1970), 37–​65. Molvõgin, Arkadi, and Ivar Leimus, ‘A Unique Hoard from Estonia’, in Studia numismatica: Festschrift Arkadi Molvõgin 65 (Tallinn, 1995), pp. 103–​125. Myrberg, Nanouschka, Ett eget värde: Gotlands tidigaste myntning, ca 1140–​ 1220 (Stockholm, 2008) (Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 45). Myrberg, Nanouschka, ‘The Hatched Cross: Gotlandic Coins of the 13th-​Century Baltic Sea Area,’ in Monetary History of the Baltics in the Middle-​Ages (12–​16th c.), ed. Ivar Leimus (Tallinn, 2012) (Varia historica 6), pp. 180–​196. Nemirowitsch-​Dantschenko, Michail, ‘Zur Datierung estländischer Schatzfunde aus dem dritten Viertel des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ Nordisk Numismatisk Årsskrift 1981 (1982), 185–​188.

188 Leimus Nemirowitsch-​Dantschenko, Michail, and Franziskus Pärn, ‘Seestlinge und Scherfe. Ein Beitrag zur Münzgeschichte Livlands,’ Norddeutsches Jahrbuch für Münzkunde und verwandte Gebiete 2 (1980), 71–​79. Pelda, Kristīne, ‘Дaтировка и определение некоторых спорных монет Латвии ХIII –​первой половины ХVI века [Datirovka i opredelenie nekotorykh spornykh monet Latvii XIII –​pervoĭ poloviny XVI veka],’ Latvijas PSR Zinatņu Akadēmijas Vēstis 11 (1978), 46–​52. Sitzungsberichte der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 1870 ([1871]). Skaare, Kolbjørn, Coins and Coinage in Viking-​Age Norway (Oslo, 1976). Sokolovski, Vladimir, Aruanne arheoloogilistest uuringutest endisel Püha Barbara kalmistul 1. Uuringute tulemused (Tallinn, 1996) (manuscript in possession of Ivar Leimus). Sokolovski, Vladimir, Tartu botaanikaaia 118 mündi nimistu. (s.l., s.d.) (manuscript in Tartu City Museum). Sotnikova, Maria P., Древнейшие Русские монеты X–​XI веков. Каталог и исследование [Drevneĭshie Russkie monety X–​XI vekov. Katalog i issledovanie] (Moskva, 1995). Spufford, Peter, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1989). Talvio, Tuukka, ‘Coin Imitations as Jewellery in Eleventh-​Century Finland,’ Finskt Museum 1978, 26–​38. Tamla, Ülle, ‘A Hoard from the Prehistoric Settlement of Tõrma,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1998 (1999), 161–​166. Tamla, Ülle, ‘Varudi-​Vanaküla hõbeaare,’ Muinasaja Teadus 1 (1991), 154–​162. Tamla, Ülle, and Urve Kallaus, ‘Kaks hõbeaaret Angerja muinasasulast,’ in Loodus, inimene ja tehnoloogia. Interdistsiplinaarseid uurimusi arheoloogias, ed. Jüri Peets (Tallinn, 1998) (Muinasaja Teadus 5), pp. 230–​278. Tamla, Ülle, and Mauri Kiudsoo, Ancient Hoards of Estonia (Tallinn, 2009). Tamla, Ülle, and Mauri Kiudsoo, ‘The Silver Hoard from Kõue,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2013 (2014), 211–​220. Tõnisson, Evald, ‘Eesti aardeleiud 9.–​13. sajandist,’ in Muistsed kalmed ja aarded, ed. Harri Moora (Tallinn, 1962) (Arheoloogiline kogumik 2), pp. 182–​274. Tõnisson, Evald, ‘Kumna hõbeaare,’ in Studia archaeologica in memoriam Harri Moora, ed. Marta Schmiedehelm et al. (Tallinn, 1970), pp. 218–​225. Tusindtallets Danske Mønter fra den kongelige Mønt-​og Medaillesamling, ed. Jørgen Steen Jensen (København, 1995). Williams, Gareth, ‘A Hoard from Estonia in the British Museum,’ in XII. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress, Berlin 1997: Akten –​Proceedings –​Actes, ed. Bernd Kluge and Bernhard Weisser (Berlin, 2000), pp. 986–​989.

­c hapter 7

The Legal Status of Women in Livonia, 1200–​1400 Vija Stikāne The changing legal status of women during the first centuries of Christian Livonia is characterised by the impact of both canonical and secular law. The Christianisation of natives cannot be seen apart from their simultaneous subjugation to the secular power. For example, when the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia from the 1220s describes the establishment of the new secular power after the Christianisation of the Livs of Turaida in 1207/​1206, the chronicler claims that before these events there was a vacuum in the field of law in the Liv society, and that the establishment of secular Christian law occurred after the Livs themselves had requested it.1 During the thirteenth century, secular law has been occasionally mentioned in connection with the society of the Livonian natives. This law is named either after the ethnic groups or just the ‘law of the neophytes’, ‘common law of the land’, ‘law of the pagan times’, or simply ‘general habits, statutes, and law’.2 In the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, these customary laws of the Livonian rural people were written down as the ‘peasant law’ (Bauerrecht). In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,

1 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarium editi [31]), pp. 46–​47 §x.15. 2 ius neophitorum (1238): Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, ed. Arveds Švābe (Rīga, 1937–​1940), no. 228; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge, vols. 1–​6, (Reval, 1853–​1873), here vol. 6, regest no. 174b; paganismo […] consuetudines (1254): Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 395; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 271; Osiliani ius suum (1255): Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 422; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 285; vol. 3, regest no. 22; in Livonia, Estonia, Samblandia, Prussia, Semigallia […] omnes immunitates, quibus uti consueverunt, priusquam converterentur ad fidem (1224): Preussisches Urkundenbuch. Politische Abtheilung, vol. 1/​1, ed. Rudolf Philippi (Königsberg, 1882), no. 52; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 112; Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 104; cf. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2750 (1274); rechte und der gewohnheiten des landes to Letland und to Eistland (1272): Liv-​, esth-​ und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 430; Livesche Rechte (1267): Liv-​, esth-​ und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 405; comune jus terre (1282): Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 477; statuta et jura (1284): Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 490; Livonibus et Lettonibus […] ordinatores et statute: Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, ed. Ēvalds Mugurēvičs (Rīga, 2005), pp. 70–​71.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_008

190 Stikāne the statutes, based on German legal traditions, were given to newly founded towns, and the law of the vassals or knights (Ritterrecht) was codified. 1

The Canon Law and Marriage

The baptism of medieval Livonia was seen from the viewpoint of men –​in the papal letter of Pope Gregory ix (1236), it is stated that the newly baptised Livonians will keep their wives who had been married before baptism.3 At first the decision to be baptised was possibly taken individually, but later deals and agreements were made by the male leaders on behalf of the whole community. In the eastern Baltic there is only information about Marthe, the wife of the Lithuanian King Myndowe, who allegedly influenced her husband’s decision to convert to Christianity.4 Still, it is possible to find clues about the special support of missionaries by local noblewomen in the land of the Livs. Notably, a Liv woman was buried next to the church of Ikšķile in a very carefully made dolomite plate coffin (­figure 7.1). She was buried according to the Christian custom in the west-​east direction, but she had clothes typical of native women, jewellery from bronze and silver, and a knife in an ornamented leather sheath. Parts of her necklace were pendants made from coins, which provides the opportunity to date the burial, so supposedly this woman belonged to the first Christian congregation of Ikšķile. Very similar stone coffins have been found in Visby in the church of Saint Hans. In the cemetery next to the church of Ikšķile more than 600 burials have been researched, but no similarly impressive female burial has been found in this cemetery or in any other medieval cemetery in Livonia.5 3 Preterae supradicti neophiti libere primas uxores suas retineant, quas ante baptismi gratiam acceperint, hiis dumtaxat exeptis, quas habere prohibet lex Divina (Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, p.185, no. 207; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 145). 4 Livländische Reimchronik, ed. Leo Meyer (Paderborn, 1876), lines 6432–​6586. 5 Andris Caune, ‘Mūra šķirsti Ikšķiles un Rīgas viduslaiku kapu iekārtojumā,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 2 (2000), 143–​164, here p. 146. Marika Mägi, by compiling information from archaeological and architectural heritage, had come to the conclusion that the native elite of Saaremaa, including women, had in the thirteenth century possibly financed the construction of a church. This building, which would serve as a crypt for the noble family, would also create impressive superiority over other clans and would ensure long-​lasting memory. The late-​thirteenth-​century church of Karja has two figures (­figure 7.2) on its console –​a man and woman –​who, according to their clothes, could be Saaremaa natives of a high social status: Marika Mägi, At the Crossroads of Space and Time. Graves, Changing Society and Ideology on Saaremaa (Ösel), 9th–​13th centuries AD (Tallinn, 2002) (ccc Papers 6), pp. 138–​157.

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­f igure 7.1  Dolomite plate coffin of a Liv woman from Ikšķile churchyard (c. 1200) in the exhibition at Daugava Museum salaspils municipality, latvia, photo by aivars siliņš, 2019

An episode in the chronicle of Henry of Livonia shows the unfavourable attitude of the Liv women of Turaida towards baptism at the end of the twelfth century: the persistent women were initially against the wish of a sick man to be baptised by the Cistercian monk Theoderich.6 While this may be seen as only a small moralising story, the resistance to baptism could also be explained by the fact that their marriages were not in conformity with Canon Law –​by converting to Christianity, their previously established marriages could expire as well. The letter of Pope Innocent iii (1201) recommends for the sake of the mission to accept pre-​Christian marriages which would normally be incompatible with the Christian law. It also indicates the fundamental incompatibility of Levirate marriages7 and canonical norms.8 The habit to marry a stepmother, widow of a brother, or other persons in first, second, third or fourth degree of kinship, including in-​laws, is also mentioned in a treaty of Christburg 6 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 4–​5 §i.10. 7 James A. Brundage, ‘Christian Marriage in Thirteenth-​Century Livonia,’ in James Brundage, The Crusades, Holy War and Canon Law (Aldershot, 1991) (Variorum Collected Studies Series 338), pp. 313–​320, here p. 316. 8 Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, pp. 23–​24, no. 33; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 13.

192 Stikāne (Dzierzgoń) between native Prussians and the Teutonic Order (1249), as the former now prohibited such habits.9 There are also out-​of-​wedlock and illegal relationships among Christians mentioned. After complaints about an insufficient number of clergymen, however, Pope Innocent iv permitted the ordination of those who were born out of wedlock (except those men who were conceived through incest, adultery, or clerics) in 1248 in Livonia and Prussia.10 In the chronicles of the Baltic Crusades, little information has been given about women of the local elite: there are no mentions of women participating in political decisions and no women from the local people of Livonia have been named. The status of the women was tightly connected to both ancestry and their role in the hierarchy of power, which the women gained by marriage.11 In-​law relations were an important factor in creating military and political alliances in the region.12 The native female elite mentioned in the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, albeit anonymously, is regina of Jersika, the wife of the Jersika rex. She became a hostage in 1209, and her release was one of the conditions of the peace treaty. She was the daughter of the Lithuanian nobleman Daugeruthe, and her husband had a military alliance with the Lithuanians; on some occasions, he even led the united army of Lithuanians and Letts.13 Estonians, when rebelling in 1223, took back their wives, which had been sent away under Christianity –​because their previous marriages were not accepted under Canon Law.14 There could be different causes –​not only in-​law relations, but also blood relatives that were too close, polygamy,15 or bigamy. 9 10

Preussisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1/​1, no. 218; Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 309. Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no.302; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 200. 11 The men of the elite based their status partly on their power, partly on their ancestry, see: Andris Šnē, ‘Stammesfürstentum und Egalität. Die sozialen Beziehungen auf dem Territorium Lettlands am Ende der prähistorischen Zeit (10.–​12. Jh.),’ Forschungen zur baltischen Geschichte 3 (2008), 33–​56, here p. 48. 12 Manfred Hellmann, ‘Die geschichtliche Bedeutung des Großfürstentums Litauen,’ in Manfred Hellmann, Beiträge zur Geschichte des östlichen Europa im Mittelalter. Gesammelte Aufsätze (Amsterdam, 1988), pp. 321–​346; Anti Selart, Livonia, Rus’ and the Baltic Crusades in the Thirteenth Century (Leiden, 2015) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–​1450 29), pp. 35–​37; Tore Nyberg, ‘Skandinavien im Ostseeraum in der Zeit vom 12. bis 14. Jh.,’ in Die Christianisierung Litauens im mitteleuropäischen Kontext, ed. Vydas Dolinskas (Vilnius, 2005), pp. 37–​60, here p. 49; William Urban, ‘The Frontier Thesis and the Baltic Crusade,’ in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–​1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 45–​71, here pp. 50–​51. 13 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 113 §xvii.3–​4; p. 22 §vii.5; pp. 69–​71 §xiii.4; p. 122 §xvii.9. 14 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 191 §xxvi.8. 15 Nils Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic. The Reception of a Catholic Word-​System in the European North (AD 1075–​1225) (Leiden, 2005) (The Northern World 15), p. 537.

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Bigamy was mentioned in the Christburg treaty, and Polish and Scandinavian nobles had concubines,16 as well as the Estonians of Saaremaa.17 In Livonia some burials from the earlier pre-​Christian period18 can be interpreted as burials of concubines or slave women, but that was not a typical case. However, the instability of marriages appears to have been normal. Marriages were ended, husbands changed wives, and sometimes wives ran away. Some historians believe that to be an old custom of pre-​Christian times, especially in Estonian lands.19 In the ruling family of Lithuania in the middle of the thirteenth century, marriage did not last a lifetime, either: there were divorces and recurrent marriages, including marriages with a sister of the wife. For neophyte rural people of Livonia in the thirteenth century, divorce was still quite an accepted custom as well. The rights of abandoned women and children were registered in the so-​called Lettish Law (also known as Latgallian Law and the Peasant Law of the Riga archbishopric). If a husband ran away from his wife (divorced), he lost all his land and property, which was subsequently administrated by his sons and daughters.20 The possibility of lawful divorce was detailed for the peasants21 and nobility22 of Läänemaa according to the legal texts created at 16 17 18 19

20

21

22

Jan Rüdiger, Der König und seine Frauen. Polygynie und politische Kultur in Europa (9.–​ 13. Jahrhundert) (Berlin, 2015) (Europa im Mittelalter 21); Maria Koczerska, ‘Recht der Frau, Ostmitteleuropa,’ in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 4 (München, 1989), pp. 861–​862. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 215–​217 §xxx.1–​3. Elvīra Šnore, Kivtu kapulauks (Rīga, 1987), p. 33; Mati Mandel, Läänemaa 5.–​13. sajandi kalmed (Tallinn, 2003), pp. 41, 238–​240. Marika Mägi ‘On the Mutual Relationship between Late Prehistoric Saaremaa and the Livs,’ in Rituals and Relations. Studies on the Society and material Culture of the Baltic Finns, ed. Sari Mäntylä (Helsinki, 2005) (Suomalaisen tiedeakatemian toimituksia. Humaniora 336), pp. 187–​206. Evgeniia Nazarova, ‘‘Ливонские Правды’ как исторический источник [‘Livonskie pravdy’ kak istoricheskiĭ istochnik],’ Древнейшие государства на территории СССР. Материалы и исследования [Drevneĭshie gosudarstva na territorii sssr. Materialy i issledovanii͡a] 1979 (1980), 5–​218, here pp. 171–​185; Leonid Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 23 (Riga, 1924–​1926), 1–​144, 634–​645, here p. 38. About divorce, see: Vilho Niitemaa, Die undeutsche Frage in der Politik der livländischen Städte im Mittelalter (Helsinki, 1949) (Suomalaisen tiedeakatemian toimituksia B 64), pp. 114, 129; Carl Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechtlichen Satzungen des Waldemar-​Erich’schen Rechts (Mitau, [1879]), p. 408. Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ p. 76 §2–​3: Wer es auch, dasz sich das weib mit dem manne nicht kondt vertragen, und nicht zusammen bleiben wollten, und dasz man sie scheiden muste durch redtlich sache, so soll er ihr folgen lassen alles, was sie von hausz gebracht hat. Were es aber seine schult, dasz er sie nicht haben wolte, so soll er ihr dazu geben die handt trewe, die er ihr gelobet hat. ‘Livonian Mirror’ (Livländischer Rechtspiegel) rules that in the case of divorce the property should be divided equally (wert ein man mit rechte van sinem wive gescheiden, so schollen

194 Stikāne the end of the fourteenth century. The unstable marriages and bigamy of rural people of Livonia were especially targeted by the church and territorial lords in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.23 The Catholic Church took control over the institute of marriage from the twelfth century onwards. Lawful marriage, postulated by the church, was contracted by both sides without coercion and out of their own free will.24 This raised the status of a woman and contributed to the progress of inheritance rights, even if it protected only the legal wife and her rights.25 Especially important is the ban on the buying and stealing of brides, as well as enforced marriage. A woman who was kidnapped or sold could complain, and the ecclesiastical court could acknowledge such marriage as void, but the court did not have to believe a woman complaining of a forced marriage if she had lived in this marriage for 18 months.26 In the Baltic Sea region the influence of the Canon Law on the family traditions is seen later than in the western parts of the Latin Christian world, and the canonical norms had an impact on the lower classes in rural society especially late.27 Archbishop of Riga Henning Scharfenberg (1424–​1448) adjusted these decretals for the conditions of Livonia.28 Only beginning in the fifteenth century did a campaign appear in

se delen to rechte half unde half): Altlivlands Rechtsbücher. Zum Theil nach bischer unbenutzten Texten, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge (Leipzig, 1879), pp. 151–​152 ch. iii.45 §1–​ 2. The Livonian Mirror was compiled in the Saaremaa bishopric under the influcence of the Sachsenspiegel and the Goslar Town Law. See: Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechtlichen Satzungen, pp. 226, 320, 408–​410; Leo Leesment, ‘Über das Alter des Livländischen Rechtsspiegels,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny-​ Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Germanistische Abteilung 50 (1930), 171–​179, here p. 175. 23 Akten und Rezesse der livländischen Ständetage, vols. 1–​3, ed. Oskar Stavenhagen et al. (Riga, 1907–​1938), here vol. 3, no. 118 §4. 24 Paul Mikat, Dotierte Ehe –​rechte Ehe. Zur Entwicklung des Eheschließungsrechts in fränki­ scher Zeit (Opladen, 1978) (Rheinisch-​ Westfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Geisteswissenschaften. Vorträge 227), p. 10. 25 Mikat, Dotierte Ehe, pp. 10–​15; Jörg Wettlaufer, ‘Beilager und Bettleite im Ostseeraum (13.–​ 19. Jahrhundert). Eine vergleichende Studie zur Wandlung des Eheschließungsrechts im Spätmittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,’ in Tisch und Bett: Die Hochzeit im Ostseeraum seit dem 13. Jahrhundert, ed. Thomas Riis (Frankfurt am Main, 1998) (Kieler Werkstücke A 19), pp. 81–​127. See also: Ruth Mazo Karras, ‘The History of Marriage and the Myth of Friedelehe,’ Early Medieval Europe 14/​2 (2006), 119–​151. 26 Sanita Osipova, Viduslaiku tiesību spogulis (Rīga, 2004), p. 201. 27 Maija-​Liisa Heikinmäki, Die Gaben der Braut bei den Finnen und Esten, vol. 1 (Helsinki, 1970), p. 32; Lizzie Carlsson, ‘Das Beilager im altschwedischen Eherecht,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 75 (1958), 349–​352. 28 Jānis Lazdiņš, ‘Die Entstehung und Entwicklung des Eherechts in Lettland,’ Latvijas Universitātes Raksti. Juridiskā Zinātne 719 (2007), 76–​90, here pp. 79–​80.

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Livonia against the ‘non-​Christian’ tradition of stealing brides in rural areas, with severe punishments for this practice.29 Even if the canonical norms demanded the woman’s agreement to the marriage, in reality the duty and the rights of the relatives to marry off their daughter was much more important, even without her consent. A lawful marriage was legally protected. Adultery was penalised by severe punishment as a serious crime, especially in towns. According to the statutes of Riga and the 1229 treaty between the Smolensk prince and the merchants of Riga and Visby, if a man was caught with the wife of another man, he could be killed or made to pay a heavy fine –​10 silver marks or 10 silver grivna.30 The guilty wife could be held imprisoned and fed only bread and water as long as her husband wished.31 The town of Tallinn also had a death penalty for adultery until the fifteenth century.32 In the codices of Livonian peasant law, adultery is not mentioned as a crime. This may be related to the letter of Innocent iii (1201), where the neophytes were subject to lower penalties for fornication, adultery, homicide, and perjury.33 Inheritance rights were connected to lawful marriage and legal birth. Those born out of wedlock could not be witnesses in court, nor could they join any fraternities or inherit any property.34 Being born out of wedlock was as dishonourable as being of socially low descent: the statutes of the bakers’ guild of Riga (1393) forbade marriage to women who were non-​German or born out of wedlock (unecht oder unteutsch geboren).35

29 30 31

32 33 34 35

Heinrich Bosse, ‘Der livländische Bauer am Ausgang der Ordenszeit bis 1561,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 24/​4 (1933), 292–​511, here p. 418; Niitemaa, Die undeutsche Frage, p. 233. Grivna –​Rus’ian silver ingot used as a currency. Die Quellen des Rigischen Stadtrechts bis zum Jahr 1673, ed. J. G. Leonhard Napiersky (Riga, 1876), p. 177; Smoļenskas–​Rīgas aktis: 13.gs.–​14.gs. pirmā puse: Kompleksa Moscowitica-​ Ruthenica dokumenti par Smoļenskas un Rīgas attiecībām, ed. Aleksandrs Ivanovs and Anatolijs Kuzņecovs (Rīga, 2009) (Vēstures avoti 6), pp. 381, 519. The Gotland Law (c. 1220) mentions the death sentence for discovered adultery with a married Gotlandic woman: Christine Ingegerd Peel, An Edition of the Gutnish Manuscripts of Guta Lag with Introduction, Translation, Commentary and Glossary. University College London. Degree of PhD (2006) (unpublished manuscript available at: https://​discov​ery.ucl.ac.uk/​id/​epr​int/​ 1445​365/​1/​U592​685.pdf), pp. 145, 265. Eugen von Nottbeck, Die alte Criminalchronik Revals (Reval, 1884), p. 23. super fornicatione, adulterio, homicidio, periurio, et aliis criminibus, consideratis circumstantiis omnibus, et presertim novitate Livoniensis ecclesie: Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 33. Schragen der Gilden und Ämter der Stadt Riga bis 1621, ed. Wilhelm Stieda and Carl Mettig (Riga, 1896), p. 295 no. 30. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 950 §58; no. 1276 §19; no. 1305 §7.

196 Stikāne

­f igure 7.2  Adultery scene in Karja parish church, Saaremaa, Estonia, c. 1300. The figures wear native clothes photo by Stanislav Stepashko

2

Baptism and Christian Burials

The local people, upon becoming Christian, also committed to accept Christian rites.36 The agreement between the Bishop of Curonia and the Master of the Livonian Branch of the Teutonic Order determined in 1252 that all newly baptised boys and girls had to be confirmed and had to start to pay church taxes at the age of fourteen.37 Archaeological research shows that largely already by the thirteenth century most of the newly baptised women were buried according to Christian customs. The orientation of the burials became typically Christian, and the formerly practised cremation nearly disappeared. Some peculiarities characteristic of Livonia can also be observed: the dead were mostly buried in dress, only rarely in shrouds. Pre-​Crusade burial customs were sometimes observed, mostly in remote areas or among groups with special legal status. Thus, the cremation of women in Curonia could indicate their belonging to

36 37

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 191 §xxvi.8. Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 252. The territorial ordinances for Livonia in 1422 provide confirmation at the age of 20: Akten und Rezesse, vol. 1, pp. 261–​265, no. 299 §4.

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the group of native vassals.38 Burials in Siksälä, south-​east Estonia, could also probably be seen as representing a special group with their own status, as there is an influence from the ‘old’ customs –​including women and men buried in different orientations.39 In the south-​east of Livonia it is also possible to see the influence of their pagan neighbours: the Lithuanians.40 There is no information from the period of Christianisation, but later on, it is mentioned in a few cases that women occasionally administered the sacrament of baptism. The statutes of the church province of Riga in 1428 still gave the rights to administer baptism not only to priests, but also to the parents of the infant. Statutes also decreed that both fathers and mothers needed to be taught how to administer the rites of baptism, and that all infants must be baptised. If a child’s health was especially weak, mothers were allowed to administer baptism in their own language.41 According to the canonical norms, the infant could be baptised by a midwife as well –​if she was taught how to do it. We do not know how often these emergency baptisms occurred, but information about women who administered emergency baptisms in rural societies occurred even after the end of the Middle Ages.42 A breach of the canonical norms, which was attributable directly to women, was the killing of newborns. It was classified as a redeemable sinful offense. As a habit, sometimes done by pagans, it was mentioned in the treaty of the surrender of Saaremaa Estonians in 1241.43 Women of Saaremaa had to pay a fine (three oserings44) for the killing of a newborn. The guilty mother also had to suffer physical punishment in the churchyard for nine Sundays. This special repentance of sins was the punishment meted out by the Church, next to anathema, damnation, and pilgrimage.45 From the thirteenth to fifteenth 38

Andris Šnē, ‘The Emergence of Livonia: The Transformation of Social and Political Structures in the Territory of Latvia during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,’ in The Clash of the Cultures on the Medieval Baltic Frontier, ed. Alan V. Murray (Farnharm, 2009), pp. 53–​71, here p. 70. 39 Silvia Laul and Heiki Valk, Siksälä. A Community at the Frontiers. Iron Age and Medieval (Tallinn, 2007), pp. 41–​44. 40 Vitolds Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence of Two Traditions in the Territory of Present-​Day Latvia in the 13th–​18th Centuries: Burial in Dress and in a Shroud,’ in The Archaeology of Death in Post-​medieval Europe, ed. Sarah Tarlow (Warsaw, 2015), pp. 88–​110. 41 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 7, pp. 481–​482 no. 690 §25. 42 Stanislavs Škutāns, Documenta historiam Livoniae australis illustranta (München, 1972) (Acta Latgalica 4), p. 286; Heinrihs Strods, ‘Latviešu zemnieku 17. gs. dzīves veida un tradīciju apskats,’ Arheoloģija un Etnogrāfija 9 (1970), 89–​112, here p. 97. 43 Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 245. 44 Osering –​silver ingot of ca. 100 g. 45 Lutz E. von Padberg, Die Christianisierung im Mittelalter (Darmstadt, 2006), p. 154. The Gotland Law stipulated that if a free woman was found guilty of having killed a child,

198 Stikāne centuries the attitude toward the killing of newborns changed –​the notion that the soul of an un-​baptised child goes directly into the claws of the devil made the Church pay more attention to newborns and their mothers. According to Lübeck Law, the killing of a newborn from the fifteenth century was punishable with fire; the books of the court bailiff of Tallinn from the fifteenth century actually mention three cases when women were burned for killing newborns.46 3

Women and the Secular Law of Livonia

The specific legal status of women is stated quite similarly in the legal codices of different social groups in Livonia. These laws mostly talk about the rights of inheritance. Laws sometimes detail the rights of a woman to file a complaint by herself and stand before the court by herself. A specific crime against women –​ rape –​is also specified. The lay judges of local rural people (Rechtsfinder) kept their role until the sixteenth century. Could there be a place for women in public structures? In Lithuania there are some mentions of the ‘old wives’ with societal significance and prestige in rituals.47 In the Prussian law code of Pomesania (Iura prutenorum, 1340), the wife of the court official (kamerersche) performed some public duties when the case was related to females.48 Women in Livonia were subjected to legal guardianship because of their gender,49 and only a few isolated cases gave the opportunity for a woman to file the complaint herself and to swear a court oath (both her own and together with others). As the oath was one type of evidence, this right to an oath gave women the right to be a witness, complainant, and defender of her own material interests. The right to an oath was given to a widow in the Livonian Knightly then she was fined three marks ‘as soon as it comes before the parishioners […] If the case comes before the general assembly, and if she is then found guilty, she incurs a fine of twelve marks to the general assembly. If she has no money to pay, then she must go into exile’ (Peel, An Edition of the Gutnish Manuscripts of Guta Lag, p. 121). 46 Nottbeck, Die alte Criminalchronik Revals, p. 28. 47 Rasa Mažeika, ‘Nowhere Was the Fragility of their Sex Apparent: Women Warriors in the Baltic Crusade Chronicles,’ in From Clermont to Jerusalem: The Crusades and Crusader Societies 1095–​1400, ed. Alan V. Murray (Turnhout, 1998) (International Medieval Research 3), pp. 229–​248, here pp. 242–​243. 48 Vladimir Pashuto, Помезания. ‘Помезанская Правда’ как исторический источник изучения общественного и политического строя Помезании XIII–​XIV вв. [Pomezanii͡a. ‘Pomezanskai͡a Pravda’ kak istoricheskiĭ istochnik izuchenii͡a obshchestvennogo i politicheskogo stroi͡a Pomezanii xiii–​x iv vv.] (Moskva, 1955), pp. 76, 114, 167. 49 Friedrich Georg von Bunge, Geschichte der liv-​, est-​und curländischen Privatrechts (St. Petersburg, 1862), pp. 33–​34.

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Laws (Ritterrechte)50 and in the statutes of the town of Tallinn (1282),51 when it was necessary to prove their rights to a gift from the late husband (‘morning gift’, Morgengabe) or acquire rights to material lifetime support. In the towns, merchant women (Kauffrau, mercatrix) had more legal independence: they did not need a guardian in legal matters, and they themselves acted as witnesses and paid fines and debts.52 Several merchant women who owned a place in the market in Riga and Tallinn paid taxes for those places equally to men.53 Women who owned houses sometimes came to the city council because of property affairs by themselves, without a guardian.54 In some cases, women could give an oath in front of the court. In Tallinn in 1324, when the city council organised the collection of taxes for the building of the town wall, married women twice called twelve female witnesses (dominas) to confirm that their husbands had already paid their due.55 We can assume that these testimonies of twelve women were connected with a general tradition of the Baltic Sea region. Parallels with twelve female witnesses can be found in the Iura prutenorum, where a widow gave an oath together with eleven other witnesses (bidder frawen) about an injury, and in the Visby Law modified for Riga (1226–​1228).56 However, an institution of twelve male witnesses is typical in Scandinavian law and trade treaties, as well.57 Women could be punished for any crimes; however, in German lands, women were often spared because of their ‘womanly weakness’.58 In the Knightly Laws of Livonia there were exceptions listed when the death penalty was not applicable: age of minority; venerable age (over 60, when it was

50 51

Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 61, 78–​79. Tiina Kala, Lübecki õiguse Tallinna koodeks 1282. Der Revaler Kodex des Lübischen Rechts (Tallinn, 1998), p. 128. 52 Die Quellen des Rigischen Stadtrechts, p. 146; Kala, Lübecki õiguse Tallinna koodeks, p. 128. 53 Die Erbebücher der Stadt Riga 1384–​1579, ed. J. G. Leonhard Napiersky (Riga, 1888), p. ix; Tallinna märkmeteraamatud 1333–​1374, ed. Paul Johansen (Tallinn, 1935) (Tallinna Linnaarhiivi väljaanded 8), p. xlvi. 54 Das zweitälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval (1360–​1383), ed. Eugen von Nottbeck (Reval, 1890) (Archiv für die Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Curlands, iii. Folge 2), nos. 5, 8,18, 23. 55 Das älteste Wittschopbuch der Stadt Reval (1312–​1360), ed. Leonid Arbusow (Reval, 1888) (Archiv für die Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Curlands, iii. Folge 1), p. 24. 56 Pashuto, Помезания, p. 114 no. 2; Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, p. 93, no. 119 (xij vruwen, it sin vruwen edher iuncvruwen). 57 Cf. the examples regarding cases connected to women: Peel, An Edition of the Gutnish Manuscripts, pp. 466–​468; Die Quellen des Rigischen Stadtrechts, p. 38; Liv-​, esth-​ und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 7, no. 188. 58 Peter Schuster, Eine Stadt vor Gericht. Recht und Alltag im spätmittelalterlichen Konstanz (Padeborn, 2000), p. 223.

200 Stikāne legally possible to choose a guardian); mental illness; and pregnancy. Pregnant women could not be punished more than ‘by skin and hair’ (corporal punishment).59 According to German laws, until the end of the Middle Ages, women were not punished by hanging or breaking on a wheel. For theft, the Tallinn law demanded for males to be broken on a wheel, but women were buried alive. Such punishments were indeed practised in the town, as sources from the fifteenth and sixteenth century show.60 Compared with hanging, this was seen as a more honourable way to die, as the body was not put up for everyone to see.61 In German towns it is possible to find cases of drowning as a death penalty, which was also seen as merciful, because the body was exterminated by water or earth, not by the hand of the executioner.62 However, as seen by the attitude of the people of Tallinn around 1500, they believed beheading to be more merciful than being buried alive, and such a mercy was requested for a female thief by the citizens.63 4

Punishments for Crimes against Women

One crime that was especially connected to women was rape. The severe punishments for rapists show the special protection of women’s honour, and this crime was regarded as a particularly serious offence against the community. There is an opinion that the death penalty for rape in the Livonian law shows the influence of the Canon Law (both the Catholic and Orthodox churches),64 which was characteristic of the region of the Baltic Sea and Rus’.65 Over time, the penalty for rape became less severe. In the thirteenth-​century statutes of Riga and in the 1229 Smolensk treaty, rape of a free woman was punishable by beheading, but the death penalty could be replaced by a ransom of 40 marks in coins or 10 (or 5) silver marks.66 In the Haapsalu Law (1279), violence against a woman and rape, if she loudly called 59 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, p. 139. 60 Nottbeck, Die alte Criminalchronik Revals, pp. 52, 68–​69. 61 Schuster, Eine Stadt vor Gericht, pp. 223–​224. 62 Sibylle Malamund, Die Ächtung des ‘Bösen’. Frauen vor dem Züricher Ratsgericht im späten Mittelalters (1400–​1500) (Zürich, 2003), pp. 309–​310. 63 Nottbeck, Die alte Criminalchronik Revals, pp. 52, 68. 64 Nazarova, ‘‘Ливонские Правды’,’ p. 143. 65 Karl Wührer, ‘Die Schwedische Landschaftsrechte und Tacitus’ Germania,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 76 (1959), 1–​52, here p. 49. 66 Die Quellen des Rigischen Stadtrechts, p. 177; Smoļenskas–​Rīgas aktis, pp. 381, 394, 421, 519, 531, 565.

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for help and the perpetrator was caught, was punishable by death; another text of the Haapsalu Law (1294) demanded the death penalty for attempted rape, as well.67 However, court materials which deal with rape are rare in the Livonian period, and in the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries only a few are known in Tallinn, where men were also punished for attempted rape, and even servant women could raise a complaint.68 The ‘peasant laws’ demanded the death penalty for rape, either by beheading or by hanging.69 The Iura prutenorum demanded a double penalty if a man hit or injured a woman, but in the reverse situation a woman paid the penalty only once.70 This legal norm is characteristic in the wider region as well, and it seems that a double penalty for dishonouring a woman in words and in actions (beating, stealing, and murdering), especially at home, was typical to the customary law of the Baltic peoples in the fourteenth to seventeenth centuries. As a legal norm, it can be found in the much later Statutes of Lithuania,71 but it was also used in Mazovia, Lesser Poland, and northern Rus’. There is no information about such a tradition in Livonia.72 5

The Status of Women in Wartime

In wars, the children and women of enemies were taken as prisoners. Such raiding was carried out by local people –​Baltic and Finnic peoples, by the crusaders, and by the Orthodox Christian Pskovians and Novgorodians, as well as the neighbouring Lithuanians.73 Often, the place where victims were captured 67

Die Quellen des Rigischen Stadtrechts, p. 38; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 461. In Iura Prutenorum a woman had to prove the assault by blood and bruises, which she showed to the wife of court official (Pashuto, Помезания, pp. 122, 62). In Gotland Law the penalty for the rape of a Gotlandic lawfully married woman was execution; alternatively, offender could pay her full forty-​mark wergild. This was the same amount as would have been payable for killing a woman within her home territory (Peel, An Edition of the Gutnish Manuscripts, pp. 38–​39, 145, 268–​269). 68 Nottbeck, Die alte Criminalchronik Revals, pp. 23–​24, 60. 69 Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ pp. 35, 36, 54–​55. 70 Pashuto, Помезания, p. 144. 71 Ingė Lukšaitė, ‘Об обычае двойного выкупа за женщину по Литовскому праву [Ob obychae dvoĭnogo vykupa za zhenshchinu po Litovskomu pravu],’ Советская Этнография [Sovetskai͡a Ėtnografii͡a] 2 (1968), 114–​120; Koczerska, ‘Recht der Frau,’ pp. 861–​864. 72 Vija Stikāne, ‘Sievietes tiesiskais statuss viduslaikos un jauno laiku sākumā,’ Latvijas Vēstures institūta žurnāls 4 (2002), 35–​55. 73 Examples are: Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 50–​ 53 §xi.5, pp. 61–​ 65 §xii.6, p. 112 §xvi.8; Livländische Reimchronik, lines 5961, 6837, 9161, 1269–​1275, 1452–​1456,

202 Stikāne is highlighted in the sources: women, children, and livestock were taken in their homes and villages. The chronicle of Novgorod, while informing about the wars in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, uses the typical formula –​children and women were taken, and the town or castle was burned down. Remarkably, a completely different story describes the Mongol attack in Ryazan Land (1238), when the attackers did not show any mercy to the women.74 Female prisoners of war have been analysed together with the institution of slavery from the economical point of view.75 It was also a set way of raiding –​both Christians and pagans respected the lives of women and children in wartime.76 The stories of the capture of women in the Baltic Crusades have similarities to the tales about vengeance in the Old Testament.77 Christian chroniclers wrote about this approach to war differently –​sometimes valuing the respect for life78 and sometimes portraying it as a war of vengeance, during which all the men on the enemy side were killed.79

74 75

76

77 78

79

1665–​1667, 3315–​3319, 3762–​3764, 4251–​4271, 7046–​7050, 8040–​8044, 9148–​9164, 11255–​ 11256; Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, pp. 84–​85. Новгородская первая летопись старшего и младшего изводов [Novgorodskai͡a pervai͡a letopis’ starshego i mladshego izvodov], ed. Arsenii Nasonov (Moskva, 1950), pp. 4, 45, 74, 123–​124. Thorsten Capelle, ‘Beute,’ in Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, ed. Heinrich Beck et al., vol. 2 (Berlin, 1976), pp. 323–​331; John Gillingham, ‘A Strategy of Total War? Henry of Livonia and the Conquest of Estonia, 1208–​1227,’ Journal of Medieval Military History 15 (2017), 186–​214; Anti Selart, ‘Slavery in the Eastern Baltic in the 12th–​15th Centuries,’ in Schiavitù e servaggio nell’economia europea. Secc. XI–​XVII, ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (Firenze, 2014) (Fondazione Istituto Internazionale di Storia Economica ‘F. Datini’. Atti delle ‘Settimane di Studi’ e altri Convegni 45), pp. 351–​364. Marie-​Luise Heckmann, ‘Krieg und historische Erinnerung im Hanseraum,’ in Das Bild und die Wahrnehmung der Stadt und der städtischen Gesellschaft im Hanseraum im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit, ed. Roman Czaja (Toruń, 2004), pp. 115–​162, here p. 129; Sven Ekdahl, ‘Christianisierung –​Siedlung –​Litauerreise: Die Christianisierung Litauens als Dilemma des Deutschen Ordens,’ in Die Christianisierung Litauens im mitteleuropäischen Kontext, ed. Vydas Dolinskas (Vilnius, 2005), pp. 174–​205, here pp. 192–​193. Brundage, ‘Christian Marriage,’ p. 318 explains the capturing of women in the context of the crusaders’ attempts to hinder the levirate marriages, aiming for the extermination of the native elite families. The sparing of women in Livonia could be connected with the general attitude of both the Catholic and Orthodox churches towards war, which intended to save the non-​combatants: Heinz-​Günther Stobbe, Religion, Gewalt und Krieg: Eine Einführung (Stuttgart, 2010) (Theologie und Frieden 40), p. 245. Hans-​Hennig Kortüm, Kriege und Krieger 500–​ 1500 (Stuttgart, 2010), pp. 243–​ 244; Christopher Allmand, ‘War and the Non-​Combatant in the Middle Ages,’ in Medieval Warfare: A History, ed. Maurice Keen (New York, 1999), pp. 253–​272, here p. 271.

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The capture of women is mentioned several times in the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, attempting to connect it with a tradition of the Letts: girls ‘are the only ones to whom the armies show mercy in these lands’.80 In some episodes the author intimates that Christians do not kill women in war, but Livs and newly baptised Letts from Tālava in a raid also killed the women of the pagan enemy. It could be seen as though they are casting aside the old traditions and with full passion are fighting against pagans, but Henry explains it differently: ‘The Livs and Letts […] are more cruel than other people and are not able to act like a servant of the Gospel and to show mercy to their fellow servants.’81 Another episode is mentioned in connection with the siege of Tartu in 1224. Before the battle, the Crusaders’ leader Fredelhelmus called for intimidating the enemy: ‘in all castles which Livonians [Crusaders] had conquered before, the locals had been allowed to keep their freedom and life, wherefore the others are not in fear’, and after the siege the crusaders ‘immediately started to slaughter people, both men and several women, showed no mercy to them […] Afterwards they took Rus’ian weapons, clothes, horses and all the spoils of war which were in the castle, including the surviving women and children’.82 The Livonian Rhymed Chronicle from the 1290s shows even more clearly that if a castle was taken by storm, the lives of women were not spared.83 Crusaders did not show mercy on heretics or pagans, even non-​combatants, if there had been any resistance.84 In Livonia, however, women did not fight in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries, on any side, nor did they use weapons or defend themselves, even if a few episodes show the Christian women fighting with the grace of God.85 Some Estonian women, however, were called extremely angry (furiose mulieres) when they killed some Germans in 1343.86 80 81 82

83 84

85 86

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 65 §xii.6: puellas … quibus solis parcere solent exercitus in terris istis (cf. Num. 31:18). Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 61–​65 §xii.6; p. 119 §xviii.5: Lyvones et Letti, qui sunt crudeliores aliis gentibus, nescientes tamquam servus ewangelicus conservi sui misereri. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 203–​ 205 §xxviii.5–​6: in omnibus enim castris a Lyvonensibus hactenus expugnatis vitam et libertatem semper optinuerunt, et ideo ceteri nullos timores inde conceperunt … statim ceperunt interficere populum, tam viros quam mulieres quasdam, et non pepercerunt eid … post hoc tulerunt arma Ruthenorum et vestes et equos et spolia cuncta, que fuernat in castro, et mulieres adhuc superfluas et parvulos. Livländische Reimchronik, lines 5966–​5975, 6875, 8034–​8038, 11600. The value of women’s lives in the religious wars were quite low; for example, during the Stedinger Crusade in 1234 the army led by the archbishop of Bremen killed all the defenders of town, including women and children: Jens Schmeyers, Die Stedinger Bauernkriege. Wahre Begebenheiten und geschichtliche Betrachtungen (Lemwerder, 2004), pp. 136, 171. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, pp. 75–​77 §xiv.5, pp. 164–​167 §xxiii.9. Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, pp. 80–​81.

204 Stikāne 6

Women’s Rights to Fiefs

The oldest information about women inheriting fiefs comes from the privilege of Nicolaus, Bishop of Riga (1229–​1253), which was addressed to all the vassals of the bishop and included the regulations of fief inheritance, among them: ‘All sons inherit equally. If there are only daughters, they inherit as sons. If a vassal has both daughters and sons, then sons inherit and daughters are given a dowry, such as is due from the property. If all sons die, daughters can inherit the fief.’87 There are different opinions about this privilege among historians: it is thought to be dubious, even a forgery,88 and it is connected with the influence of the ministerial rights in Westphalia.89 The privilege was valid only in Curonia and only for a short time in the 1230s, when fiefs were granted to citizens of Riga.90 In 1258, those fiefs were taken over by the Teutonic Order. Nicolaus Busch thought that by doing so, the Order had cancelled the former rights of the vassals, including the right for both genders to inherit, and similar processes occurred in Saaremaa, as well.91 However, special inheritance rights were preserved in a few fiefs of the Order; the treaty with Semgallians in 1261 also mentions vassals who held their fiefs according to the special privilege (de jure gratia).92 The privilege of Nicolaus, contrary to the Knightly Law of Livonia, which was codified later, granted the right of a daughter to inherit a fief, and the larger rights to a widow if there were no children.93 In the first half and in the middle of the thirteenth century, territorial lords gave similar

87

Quicunque vero vir plures post se filios reliquerit, omnes uno eodemque iure in successione beneficii gaudeant, et si tantum filias reliquerit, idem ius in beneficio obtineant. Si autem filios et filias reliquerit, filii tantum beneficium optineant, ita tamen, ut sorores suas locent decenter et honeste; et si filii omnes moriuntur, beneficium·ad filias revertatur: Liv-​, esth-​ und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 111; Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 169. 88 Astaf von Transehe-​Roseneck, Zur Geschichte des Lehnswesens in Livland (Riga, 1903) (Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 18/​1), pp. 247–​258. 89 Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechtlichen Satzungen, p. 366. 90 Arveds Švābe, Livonijas senākās bruņinieku tiesības (Rīga, 1932), p. 158; Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, nos. 168, 199, 200, 361, 362. 91 Nicolaus Busch, ‘Das Kopialbuch aus dem XIV Jahrhundert im Kurl. Provinzialmuseum zu Mitau und der sogenannte Gnadebrief des Bischofs Nicolaus von Riga,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte 17 (1899), 377–​406, here pp. 398–​406. 92 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 344; Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechtlichen Satzungen, p. 128. 93 Vija Stikāne, ‘Правовой статус женщин в средневековой Латвии: наследственное право на землю [Pravovoĭ status zhenshchin v srednevekovoĭ Latvii: nasledstvennoe pravo na zemli͡u],’ Daugavpils Universitātes Humanitārās fakultātes XII Zinātnisko lasījumu materiāli: Vēsture 4/​2 (2003), 50–​55.

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privileges in the region of the Baltic Sea.94 Thus, in the Christburg treaty it was specified that the Prussian nobles could leave their property to their sons and daughters, although earlier there were traditions to leave property to sons only.95 A fief jointly granted to husband and wife is mentioned in 1240, when Mergardis, the widow of the knight Wigero, returned to her German homeland and sold her rights to the fief for 16 silver marks.96 Another case is a fief granted to knight Theoderich of Koknese and his wife Sophie, mentioned in 1269, when the archbishop of Riga granted the fief with agreement from Sophie to her second husband, Johannes of Tiesenhusen.97 A charter given by the archbishop in 1342 indirectly gives evidence about a custom of inheritance of both genders in this fief.98 In the beginning of the fourteenth century the direct involvement of women was limited, presumably because of the conflict between the archbishops and their vassals. With the stabilising of Livonian social structures and land management (fourteenth to fifteenth centuries), the inheritance rights of women changed to other forms, and to some extent these rights were diminished in favour of the male family members. In north Estonia the royal vassals received official confirmation of the so-​ called Feudal Law of Valdemar and Erik in 1315 (Waldemar-​Erichsches Recht). The statutes were codified, possibly already in 1241–​1248, and in their introduction there is a mention about these rights being custom rights, used in the bishoprics and in the lands of the Teutonic Order. From the 60 articles of this text, 21 have something to do with different kinds and cases of women’s inheritance. A similar concept of women’s inheritance was included in the so-​called Oldest Knightly Law of Livonia (Ältestes Livländisches Ritterrecht),99 which was codified in the fourteenth century or even earlier.100

94

Margret Wensky, ‘Die Frau in der städtischen Gesellschaft,’ in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 4 (München, 1989), p. 864. 95 Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 309; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1/​1, no. 218 p. 160. 96 Livländische Güterurkunden (1207–​1500) [vol. 1], ed. Hermann von Bruining, Nicolaus Busch, (Riga, 1908), no. 18; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 164; Senās Latvijas vēstures avoti, no. 237. 97 Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 31. 98 Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 65. 99 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 55–​94. 100 The norms of the Middle Livonian Knightly Law (Mittleres Livländisches Ritterrecht) and the Livonian Mirror were very close to the Sachsenspiegel and were adapted to Livonia later. However, there is an opinion that the Livonian Mirror was compiled in 1322–​1337 (Leesment, ‘Über das Alter des Livländischen Rechtsspiegels,’ pp. 171–​179).

206 Stikāne Overall, the laws of Livonian nobility did not accept the rights of women to hold fiefs –​a legal heir for a vassal in the bishoprics of Livonia was only a son.101 But in other articles, there are explanations that a daughter could be an heiress for her father, but she could not hold fiefs or pay homage. A widow could pay homage, give an oath, and accept a fief, but she could not sell her rights to a fief without acceptance from her lord. A woman with children could choose whether she would take a legal guardian or whether she would remain the fief-​holder and pay homage herself.102 Such rights were also seen in southern Germany, where there was a strong influence of Roman law, but they were not very typical of northern Germany.103 And, even if a woman became a female vassal, this status was lost when she remarried, because all the duties of the vassal were taken over by her husband. All the codices of the Knightly Law provided inheritance rights for a wife, daughter, and widow in fief (frawelike Gerechtigkeit). This inheritance was formulated as lifetime support, a dowry, and the morning gift (Morgengabe, the gift given by the bridegroom to the bride). The basic principle dictated that sons had the priority in inheriting a fief. However, in all of the laws of Livonian nobility, the inheritance share of daughters was a similar part to that of their brothers, usually a sum of money. Cases about how and when a daughter received her share of the inheritance and how her guardians should act are explained in detail.104 In the Feudal Law of Valdemar and Erik, there is also a case described when an unmarried daughter could get her share at the age of 16, if her father was dead but brothers or relatives were unwilling to marry her off and give her the dowry. Then the daughter could choose her own guardian and receive a part (equivalent in size to that of her brothers) of the fief set aside from the rest of the fief.105 In the case of a widow, the rights of inheritance were directly dependent on the existence of children (sons), as well as on mutual relations between her husband and the father in-​law.106 When there were minor-​aged sons, the 101 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 60, 76: De dochter darf nen gut entvangen unde nen manschop plegen (§15); De döchtere dorfen nen gut entvangen unde nene manschop don (§12.4). 102 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, p. 61. 103 Mariella Rummel, Die rechtliche Stellung der Frau im Sachsenspiegel-​Landrecht (Frankfurt am Main, 1987) (Germanistische Arbeiten zu Sprache und Kulturgeschichte 10), p. 65. 104 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 61, 65, 66, 74, 77, 82. 105 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, p. 66, § 42.1–​4. The Gotland Law says that if the father of a woman had died and her brother or brothers were not willing to arrange a marriage and a dowry for her, they were obliged to commit one-​eighth of their land to her (Peel, An Edition of the Gutnish Manuscripts, pp. 121, 278). 106 Transehe-​Roseneck, Zur Geschichte des Lehnswesens, p. 252.

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woman became a guardian for her children and paid homage, if the husband had received the fief himself (the brothers had already divided the inheritance of the father).107 When the children were grown up and married or when the widow married again, she received part of the fief, which was similar to the share of the children (daughters and mother divided equally) and also the movable property (varende have).108 If the son was dead, then the widow had to choose a guardian and received lifetime support or the morning gift –​or the widow’s share.109 If there were no children, the widow received lifetime support or the morning gift.110 The vassal women’s inheritance rules were quite similar in the bishoprics of Livonia. The woman’s part of the inheritance could be either money or real estate –​villages, estates, rights of fishing, beehive trees,111 or a part of a pledged estate, which would be payable as a percentage over a longer time. Women’s inheritance was extended by several privileges of the territorial lords. In 1329, the king of Denmark extended the rights of inheritance for the noblewomen of north Estonia: the inheritance of vassal daughters was henceforth inherited not by the brothers, but by her husband and children.112 In the second half of the fourteenth century, when north Estonia fell under the rule of the Teutonic Order, the inheritance of daughters of vassals was seen as right to a dowry and right for lifetime support, but not as the right to a share of a fief.113 The Teutonic Order considered the inheritance rights to be too extensive, and at first they did not want to accept women’s inheritance at all. Over the course of 50 years, neither side could agree with each other. Because of various reasons, ultimately the Order conceded to their vassals.114 Eventually, Konrad von Jungingen, the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order in 1397, simultaneously confirmed the earlier Feudal Law of Valdemar and Erik and gave extended rights of inheritance to the vassals of north Estonia. According to these, fiefs could be inherited by both sons and daughters, and fiefs of a childless vassal could be inherited by both male and female relatives until the fifth degree of kinship. It was local privilege which influenced feudal rights, as well as the relations between the classes and the lords of the land in the whole

1 07 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 59–​61, 76–​78. 108 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 57–​58, 64–​65, 74–​79. 109 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 62, 74. 110 Altlivlands Rechtsbücher, pp. 59, 63, 75, 78, 80. 111 Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 119 (1386). 112 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 737. 113 Transehe-​Roseneck, Zur Geschichte des Lehnswesens in Livland, p. 78. 114 Bunge, Das Herzogthum Estland pp. 241–​243.

208 Stikāne of Livonia, and served as an example for similar privileges in the bishopric of Tartu (1454) and the archbishopric of Riga (1457).115 7

Native Vassals

The most widespread type of a fief in the lands of the Teutonic Order in the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries outside of north Estonia was so-​called Mannlehen, where the heirs could be only direct male descendants. But certain natives also became involved in the feudal system.116 Natives were given fiefs and other types of land property according to the so-​called Liv117 and Curonian118 law, pointing out that their fiefs were free from taxes and corvée. In the historiography on these topics, the non-​German vassals are usually analysed as a narrow social group which existed in Livonia from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, alongside other groups of rural people, and had their own rights, duties, and way of life, partly tied to the social elite of the pre-​Crusade times. Even if there were a possibility that by receiving land as a fief and becoming a vassal the inheritance rights could be reduced to the male line, and the peasants in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries had greater rights of inheritance than non-​German vassals, it was still very possible that among the natives, both in the lands of Order and the bishops, women could take part in the inheritance of the fiefs until the end of the fourteenth century.119 Over time, the extended

1 15 Jüri Uluots, Grundzüge der Agrargeschichte Estlands (Tartu, 1935), pp. 61–​62. 116 Cf. the contribution by Kristjan Kaljusaar in the present volume. 117 Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, nos. 109 (1388, na liveschen rechtt), 124 (1380, na Lieveszhe rechten), 182 (1411, na Lyveschem rechte), 310 (1442, na Lieffeschen rechten), 320 (1466, na Lyvesschem rechte). 118 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 671 (1320, iure quo ceteri vasalli ordinis in Curonia possident bona sua), no. 753 (1333, sicut caeteri neophyte Curoniae bona sua feodalia sunt soliti possidere); vol. 4, no. 1408 (1396, iure pheodali libere in perpetuum possidendo); vol. 9, no. 535 (1439, broken fry, glike anderen frien Kuren); vol. 11, no. 610 (1456, na lengudeszrechte); vol. 12, no. 247 (1464, rechte als andere Kuren); Neue kurländische Güter-​ Chroniken. Kirchspiel Kandau, vol. 2, ed. Eduard von Fircks (Mitau, 1900), annex no. 1, p. 1 (1429, Kuerssche leengudesrechte). 119 Paul Johansen, Siedlung und Agrarwesen der Esten im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur estnischen Kulturgeschichte (Dorpat, 1925) (Verhandlungen der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 23), pp. 6–​11; Manfred Hellmann, Das Lettenland im Mittelalter. Studien zur ostbaltischen Frühzeit und lettischen Stammesgeschichte, insbesondere Lettgallens (Münster, 1954) (Beiträge zur Geschichte Osteuropas 1), p. 217; Astaf von Transehe, Das After-​Lehen in Livland (Mitau, 1898), p. 8; Arveds Švābe, Vecākās zemnieku tiesības (Rīga, 1927), p. 29.

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inheritance of free peasants was limited and in the fifteenth century it was not renewed with special privileges, as it was for other vassal groups.120 There are some situations when daughters or heirs of both genders were mentioned among the heirs to fiefs. In 1327, the Teutonic master renewed the fief of 1207 for Maneginte and his brother and their heirs of both genders in Mālpils.121 Daughters’ involvement in fief inheritance was present in the land around Ikšķile and Salaspils in 1446,122 and there is information even from the seventeenth century about the so-​called ‘queens of Salaspils’, perhaps tied to the old social elite.123 In the treaty of 1267 between Curonians and the Teutonic Order, heirs of a Curonian fief-​holder were meant to include the relatives until the fourth degree of kinship (in dem vyrden knie), so it is possible to assume that until the middle of the fourteenth century, the term ‘lawful heirs’ included the daughters and brothers as well. Gertrude, the daughter of Curonian vassal Jacobus Grimeke and wife of Kuldīga burgher Godekinus, had extended rights of inheritance (1352). Similar fiefs in Curonia were given by the Teutonic master in 1386 to the widow of vassal Bramhorn and others.124 8

Inheritance Rights of Free Rural Women

In the lands where German legal tradition dominated, especially the lands which were Christianised late, there was often a fee for marrying off a daughter, or the ‘share of a wreath’, which symbolised economic dependency. A tax for daughters’ inheritance (mercheta mulierum) was paid regarding the separation 120 Evgeniia Nazarova, История лейманов в Ливонии. Местное землевладение в Латвии и Эстонии XIII–​XVIII вв. [Istorii͡a leĭmanov v Livonii. Mestnoe zemlevladenie v Latvii i Ėstonii xiii–​x viii vv.] (Moskva, 1990), pp. 80–​81; Vera Matuzova and Evgeniia Nazarova, ‘Местные ленники в Пруссии и Ливонии в начале XIV в. (Проблема заимствования или параллельного развития) [Mestnye lenniki v Prussii i Livonii v nachale XIV v. (Problema zaimstvovanii͡a ili parallel’nogo razvitii͡a?)],’ Lituanistica 3 (1997), 35–​43; Heinrich Laakmann, ‘Zur Geschichte des Großgrundbesitzes im Erzstift Riga in älterer Zeit,’ Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Altertumskunde zu Riga. Vorträge zur Hundertjahrfeier am 6.–​9. Dezember 1934 (1936), 51–​62, here p. 58; Arveds Švābe, ‘Kuršu ķoniņi un novadnieki,’ in Arveds Švābe, Straumes un Avoti, vol. 1 (Rīga, 1938), pp. 115–​348, here p. 237. 121 Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 59. 122 Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 384. 123 August von Buchholtz, ‘Über die Kirchholmischen ‘Könige,’’ Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Altertumskunde zu Riga 1899 (1899), 119–​132; Ēvalds Mugurēvičs, Viduslaiku ciems un pils Salaspils novadā (Rīga, 2008), pp. 170–​172. 124 Indriķis Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1290–​1500 (Rīga, 1997), p. 452.

210 Stikāne of a woman’s share of inheritance from the rest of the family property during the marriage ceremony.125 From the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries in Lithuania, it was a special marriage payment (krienas, kryna, chrin).126 In Curonia and Livonia as a whole, it is unknown whether such a tax existed.127 According to ‘peasant laws’,128 women could inherit both land and farms, even if inheritance customs gave preference to male relatives. The basics of land inheritance in the Curonian Law are defined thus: If a man married a wife, then he could give her all the property, excluding arable fields, meadows and [beehive] woods. Sons have to provide for the dowry of the sisters, but, if there are no sons, all the property goes to the mother and the daughters. Unless the widow remarried, all the inheritance belonged to her and her daughters.129 In the Lettish (Latgallian) Law130 the rules differ: If a man takes a wife, then all his property goes to the wife. If a man separates from the wife, then he loses his arable fields and all his property which then will be managed by his sons and daughters. If the inheritance is not taken by a son, then it goes to daughters and mother. As long as widow stays a widow, she owns the inheritance together with daughters. If she remarries, then daughters and mother equally divide the inheritance.131 1 25 Koczerska, ‘Recht der Frau,’ pp. 861–​864; Osipova, Viduslaiku tiesību spogulis, pp.138–​139. 126 Juozas Jurginis, ‘Lietuvių šeima XIII–​XIV amžiais,’ in Iš Lietuvių kulturos istorijos, vol. 1 (Vilnius, 1958), pp. 248–​259. 127 Dividing inheritance was taxed. The 1492 charter for the peasants in Bauska decreed that a peasant needed to announce such division of the inheritance and then the nobleman got the best of the livestock (Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ pp. 105–​108). 128 Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1290–​1500, pp. 536–​537. 129 Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ pp. 39, 45–​47 (So enn mann enn wief nembt, der mach he all sien gohd tho kehren, sinder acker, wiesen und böhme. De söhns sallen de süstern berahden. Sint dar overst kiene söhns, so fält dat gantze gohd der mohder tho met den döchtern. So lange se sinder manne blifft, sall se dat ähre met den döchtern beholden). Cf. Nazarova, ‘‘Ливонские Правды’,’ pp. 171–​185. 130 Nazarova, ‘‘Ливонские Правды’,’ pp. 171–​185; Jānis Zemzaris, ‘Latvijas feodālisma perioda tiesību vēstures avoti V. Lāča LPSR Valsts bibliotēkas Rokrakstu fondos,’ in Latvijas PSR Valsts Bibliotēkas raksti 5 (1974), pp. 216–​233; Jānis Lazdiņš, ‘Paražu tiesības Latvijas teritorijā līdz XIII gadsimtam,’ in Latvijas tiesību avoti: Teksti un komentāri, vol. 1, ed. Edgars Meļķišs (Rīga, 1998), pp. 19–​45. 131 Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ pp. 36–​40 (Item ein man der ein wif nimbt, alle sine guter sall siner fruven volgen. Is dat he will von er wesen, so is he quitt acker und alles

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­f igure 7.3  Reconstruction of Curonian female dress from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Dundagas Laukmuiža burial no. 9) in the National History Museum of Latvia photo by Reinis Oliņš from the archives of the Latvian National Centre for Culture, 2017

The Peasant Law of Läänemaa paid attention to the property relations in the event of a legal divorce, mentioning the engagement jewellery or property gutes und sine sone und dochter besitten idt. Is dat dat erve nicht wegk nam de son, so vellet idt an die tochter und an die moder. Eine wedwe wulange sie wedwe blivet, mit den tochtern hevet sie erve. Is dat se sick verandert, so delen de dochter dat erve gelick mit der moder), cf. p. 46.

212 Stikāne (hand trew), which had to be given to the wife together with everything she had brought from her father. The law also covered the second marriage of a woman, the inheritance rights of children from different marriages, and a special widows’ support in the form of a morning gift. Widows rights are restricted and unclear.132 In Curonian Law the right of a man to give a gift to his wife (­figure 7.3) has to be understood indirectly: he could give his wife property (gift), with the exception of immovable property (siner acker, wiesen und böhme). A gift from a Curonian man to his bride could be money or jewellery, but it could also be a horse or a carriage, as in Swedish, Polish, and Prussian lands.133 It was also the same with the morning gift, which is deeply important in the Knightly Law of Livonia, as well. However, the morning gift was not very typical to rural society as a whole, and its inclusion shows the influence of the Canon as well as German law. In the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, the inheritance rights of daughters in the lands of the Baltic Sea were reinforced compared to male relatives. The Lettish Law has received special attention of historians in this respect. The equal inheritance of daughters and their brothers is explained as a later addition to these laws,134 as a general custom of what is today eastern Latvia, which is confirmed by folklore heritage,135 by emphasising the social character of the inheritance and the rights of the rural elite to grant the inheritance to their daughters for non-​German vassals, and by speaking about differences of inheritance in the eastern and western parts of Latvia in relation to the influence of Russkaya Pravda.136 Scholars have argued that from these norms it is possible to conclude that women in the Lettish (Latgallian) and especially Livic society137 had powerful economic positions. The new ‘European’ order destroyed these gender relations, but did not create anything new in its place.138 Other historians offer differing interpretations: they specifically see the strengthening 1 32 Bosse, ‘Der livländische Bauer,’ p. 416. 133 Heikinmäki, Die Gaben der Braut, p. 29; Pashuto, Помезания, p. 67; Schilling, Die lehn-​und erbrechtlichen Satzungen, pp. 395–​397. 134 Arbusow, ‘Die altlivländischen Bauernrechte,’ p. 27. 135 Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1290–​1500, pp. 531–​539. 136 Nazarova, ‘‘Ливонские Правды’,’ pp. 43–​47, 111; Leo Leesment, ‘Ливонская Правда [Livonskai͡a Pravda],’ Исторический архив [Istoricheskiĭ arkhiv] 7 (1951), 198–​206. 137 Marika Mägi, In Austrvegr. The Role of the Eastern Baltic in Viking Age Communication across the Baltic Sea (Leiden, 2018) (The Northern World 84), pp. 86–​88. Mägi agrees in general with Blomkvist, but she believes that the matrilineal descent system could predominatly characterise the Livs and other Finnic peoples. 138 Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, pp. 182–​187, 546.

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of women’s rights in the processes of Christianisation,139 which was directly aimed at the legal defence of women inside a lawful marriage. Separating the dowry as a legal inheritance of the daughter and the regulations of the inheritance share of a widow with a special morning gift showed the influence of Canon law on family life, marriage, and the material sustenance of a woman.140 That was important in the region of the Baltic Sea in the thirteenth century, but especially after the middle of the fourteenth century.141 The sources from the latter centuries of medieval Livonia show that in rural society the landholder was an adult, married man. Matrilocality still had some importance, as is seen from Curonian fourteenth-​century tax lists.142 If a woman (a widow) became the head of a household, she could represent her farm, pay the taxes, and receive and pay the fines. In northern Estonia, as the book of the hospital of St John of Tallinn shows, there were several peasant women among the taxpayers in the fifteenth century –​probably widows who headed their families.143 It is possible that the vast inheritance rights of women in the Lettish Law were used, but there is not documented proof of this. In comparison with Lithuanian and Prussian families, the status of Lettish women in the family was low.144 An important feature that characterised women in rural society was their high mortality.145 Hence, the number of individual widows 139 1 40 141 142

143 1 44 145

Iben Fonnesberg-​Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades 1147–​1254 (Leiden, 2007) (The Northern World 26), p. 235. See also: Niitemaa, Die undeutsche Frage, pp. 114–​115, 129. Agnes Arnórsdóttir, ‘Marriage in the Middle Ages. Canon Law and Nordic Family Relations,’ in Norden og Europa i middelalderen, ed. Per Ingesman and Thomas Lindkvist (Århus, 2001) (Jysk Selskab for Historie. Skrifter 47), pp. 174–​202. Here individuals often have their kinship status added to their names –​son on 16 occasions, brother on 3 occasions, and son-​in-​law (socer) on 3 occasions –​which could show that a son-​in-​law obtained some rights or inheritance from the family of his wife: Albert Bauer, ‘Die Wartgutsteuerliste der Komturei Goldingen,’ Mitteilungen aus der livländi­ schen Geschiche 25 (1933–​1937), 109–​194. Wanem Tallinna Jaani haigemaja wakuraamat 1435–​1507, ed. Paul Johansen (Tallinn, 1925) (Tallinna linna arhiiwi wäljaanded 2), pp. 9, 32, 33, 34, 36, 39, 41, 42. Jurginis, ‘Lietuvių šeima,’ pp. 249–​251. In the early period of Livonia, there still persisted in some areas a phenomenon the was typical of Lettish (Latgallian) lands from the tenth to thirteenth centuries, as seen by burials: the life expectancy of women was shorter than that of the men, and there were more men buried than women. There are different explanations as to why the burials of women were fewer. Men were involved in many military activities, but women often left the land, by marriage or by being taken captive. It is not impossible that there was some alternative kind of female burial or killing of newborn girls. In the rural society of Livonia from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, the average lifespan of women was lower than that of the men, because of the frequent complications of childbirth, malnutrition, and socio-​economic reasons; there are also high mortality rates at ages 15–​24, when a woman’s

214 Stikāne was low, and the inheritance rights in rural society, if compared to the other classes of Livonia, were probably not as important. As the burial customs show, the personal belongings –​jewellery –​was buried together with their owners before Christianisation, and the right of inheritance of personal belongings and movable property possibly started to develop only later on. 9

Enslaved Women

People taken captive in war later became enslaved persons –​thralls (drell, drelle).146 Theoretically, a Christian could not enslave another Christian, even a prisoner of war, but they were allowed to ask for ransom. The status of women and children who were taken captive in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries was still tied to their family members. Chronicles, when describing how women were taken captive, also give information about the duties of men of their kin, family, or community: to go and save the women and children or at least take vengeance for them, raiding the enemy lands, or to ransom them from captivity. Female servants in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries were legally tied to the house of their master and equated to slaves. The Riga Law decreed that a servant woman who was taken away had to be returned to her owners, if they could prove that she was their property. It was possible to buy servants from merchants, who delivered them from the neighbouring pagan lands. Enslavement was not always connected with a war, so the Haapsalu Law (1279 and 1294) demanded punishment –​ten silver marks –​if somebody sold abroad or enslaved a free woman or man. The female form of ‘thrall’, drellynne, was in this case also used.147 High-​born women were an item for trade, with hostages like the wife of the ruler of Jersika (1209), as well as the women from noble Lithuanian families in the fourteenth century.148 There were more women of lower status who became enslaved. Little is known about the fates of female captives who were sold abroad or brought from abroad. They were bought by town merchants first child was usually born. See: Gunita Zariņa, ‘The Social Status of Women in Latvia in the 7th–​13th Centuries, in the Light of Palaeodemographic Data,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 14 (2010), 56–​71; Andris Šnē, ‘Sievietes sociālais statuss Austrumlatvijas sabiedrībās aizvēstures beigās (7.–​12. gs.),’ Latvijas Vēsture 4 (2003), 5–​15, here p. 9. 146 Šnē, ‘The Emergence of Livonia,’ pp. 62–​64. 1 47 Die Quellen des Rigischen Stadtrechts, pp. 36, 39. 148 A wife and family of Lithuanian boyar Kanthalgus, as well as the wife and children of the noble Villegayle, were mentioned by a chronicler of the Teutonic Order as an outstanding loot of war (Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, pp. 146, 152).

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who sometimes travelled for these ‘goods’ –​even abroad. In 1300, there is mention of a merchant in Riga who bought enslaved women, and in 1375, a merchant of Narva who had sold a pagan woman to a citizen of Tallinn.149 The Teutonic Order maintained the use of labour by war prisoners, including women, in their estates even until the end of the fourteenth century –​pagan Lithuania was a never-​ending source for prisoners of war of both genders, as well as the lands of Orthodox Rus’.150 Female slaves could also exist on the farmsteads of local non-​German vassals.151 At the time, labour on farms was hard and intensive, and the manual grinding of the grain could even serve as a symbol for the very hard work of slave women. This is highlighted in the descriptions about the Crusades in the Middle East, but the people of Riga also knew this symbol, when they claimed that in 1298, the brothers of the Teutonic Order made the captive wives of their enemies grind the grain manually as slaves.152 At the same time, the status of so-​called ‘house slaves’ could be similar, as in Novgorod or in the families of Lithuanian noblemen, and slavery in general was not essential to the functioning of the Livonian economy.153 10

The Status of Urban Women

The rights of urban women in Livonia were based on the general principles of towns from the Baltic Sea region. The development of the town statutes of Riga was connected with Visby and Hamburg, but at the end of the thirteenth century, an independent Riga Law was created, which was used in several other Livonian towns for many centuries. Tallinn was granted the Lübeck Law in 1248. The public and inheritance rights of women in these statutes were similar and regulated in a quite detailed way. Women, despite beneficial inheritance rights, were subjected to guardianship and could not administrate their property (if it was more valuable than two and a half pfennings) without a permit from their guardian. The exception was merchant women, who could handle their property and pay their debts. All brothers and sisters equally inherited

149 Russich-​livländische Urkunden, ed. Karl E. Napiersky (St. Petersburg, 1868), no. 49; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 1111. 150 Niitemaa, Die undeutsche Frage, p. 44. 151 Arveds Švābe, ‘Kara dziesmas,’ in Latviešu tautas dziesmas, ed. Arveds Švābe et al., vol. 10 (Kopenhāgena, 1956), pp. 373–​378. 152 Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312). Quellen zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens, ed. August Seraphim (Königsberg, 1912), p. 105 §xix.116. 153 Selart, ‘Slavery in the Eastern Baltic,’ p. 357.

216 Stikāne the property of their parents, and they were heirs to each other as well, but the statutes of the town limited the daughters’ rights to handle their property. Daughters after reaching the age of marriage (14 years in Riga, 12 years in Tallinn) were still unable to use their inheritance and could do so only together with their legal guardian. After marriage, the husband became the guardian and was the only master of the movable belongings of the family, but when he handled real estate, he needed the permission of his wife. A widow had the same inheritance rights as a widower, but if she married again, she needed to separate her property from the property of her children, which was written down in the town books (Denkelbuch) by the town council. A woman always had the rights to lifelong support from the property of her late husband.154 The different types of women’s inheritance were formulated, as well. Jewellery and parts of moving property –​house belongings –​were inherited by the female line. This was quite important in the towns, especially among craftsmen, because the house belongings were partly also workshop belongings and included tools of the trade. The very important tools of beer brewing (together with the right to sell beer) were also part of the so-​called mothers’ inheritance. Over time, the legal conditions for women’s inheritance did not change, but from the fifteenth century onwards, the rights of women to handle their inheritance, especially that of the widows, were reduced.155 The husband still needed the agreement of his wife to sell the property of the family, but the husband’s right to handle the property of his wife –​the dowry, including real estate –​continued to grow. In the region of the Baltic Sea, women constantly travelled between the towns and over the sea. They not only arrived in the towns of Livonia, but they also left them. Thus, after the marriage ceremony in Riga of the merchant Hildebrandt Veckinghusen with Margaret Witte, he travelled in 1399 alone to Prussia and then to Lübeck, where in 23 August 1400, he was joined by his 16-​ year-​old wife. It is not known how Margaret went to Lübeck.156 As the Hanse served as an institution for the stable and safe transportation of goods, both by sea and land, the travel of women inside this space of trade and communication did not necessitate any advanced safety measures.

1 54 Kala, Lübecki õiguse Tallinna koodeks, p. 123. 155 Vija Stikāne, ‘Tirgotājsieva (Kauffrau) un rātskunga atraitne: Livonijas pilsētu sieviešu statuss 14.–​15. gadsimtā,’ in Vēsture: avoti un cilvēki, vol. 21, ed. Irēna Saleniece et al. (Daugavpils, 2018), pp. 358–​364, here p. 361. 156 Michail P. Lesnikov, Die Handeslbücher des Hansischen Kaufmannes Veckinghusen (Berlin, 1973) (Forschungen zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte 19), p. 12.

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One of the reasons why women from the towns of the Baltic Sea region went to some of the Livonian towns was for an inheritance. The heiress sent trustees with letters, but sometimes arrived herself, and her identity was confirmed by several witnesses or the town council of her native town.157 For example, in 1370, the town council of Herford in Westphalia recommended a father and a daughter as heirs for an inheritance in Tallinn,158 and in 1400, the bailiff of Raasepori, Finland, recommended a woman who wished to inherit the property of her sister in Tallinn.159 The wives of town council members and rich merchants (and especially widows), as companions of their relatives and sons, could also keep up with bills, receive goods, and contract debts while living on the family property and managing the storehouses. In 1417, the wives of two Soltrump brothers paid taxes every year to the town as citizens,160 as their husbands probably resided outside their hometown. The widowed mother of the brothers Veckinghusen, after the division of the inheritance in 1399, still lived in her house in Tartu for some time and kept her son’s goods in the storehouse, conducted correspondence herself, and took part in the trade deals.161 Merchant women were involved in local trade in the towns of Livonia at the town markets. In the fourteenth century in Riga and Tallinn, craftswomen (selling their produce) and widows of the council members were engaged in the trade and storage of goods, as seen from taxes regarding the selling-​places on the market and payments for rented properties of towns (warehouses).162 They used several shops on the market and rented the towers of the town wall as storage.163 Not only widows, but also daughters and wives of the council members, took part in the

157 Friedrich Georg von Bunge, Geschichte des Gerichtswesens und Gerichtverfahrens in Liv-​, Est-​und Curland (Reval, 1874), p. 124. 158 Manuscript in Tallinn City Archives, f. 230 n. 1-​i , s. 317 (Herford an Reval: bittet seinem Mitbürger Arnoldus Horegezak die Erbschaft auszulieferen, 28.10.1370). 159 Gotthard von Hansen, Katalog des Revaler Stadtarchivs (Reval, 1896), p. 294. 160 Tallinna kodanikkuderaamat 1409–​1624, ed. Otto Greiffenhagen (Tallinn, 1932) (Tallinna Linnaarhiivi väljaanded 6), p. 6. 161 Lesnikov, Die Handeslbücher, pp. 2, 10, cf. p. 523. 162 Die Libri redituum der Stadt Riga, ed. J. G. Leonhard Napiersky (Leipzig, 1881), p. 253, no. 60, p. 211, no. 28, p. 715, no. 429. 163 Das älteste Wittschopbuch der Stadt Reval, p. 116, nos. 716, 718; Tallinna märkmeteraamatud, nos. 92, 106, 510–​514, 540; Das drittälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval (1383–​1458), ed. Eugen von Nottbeck (Reval, 1892) (Archiv für die Geschichte Liv-​, Esth-​und Curlands. iii. Folge 3), p. 3 no. 16.

218 Stikāne deals with the market square shops, which was recorded in the registers of the real estate of the town.164 In the real estate book of Riga from 1388 until 1413, widows managed the cases of real estate selling or restitution alone, but after 1413, the situation changed. In this year, legal guardianship (tutor) over an adult woman was mentioned for the first time.165 In Tallinn, widows already had guardians or trustees in the fourteenth century, but women’s inheritance was not taxed. The main role of the guardians was played in the dividing of inheritance. The division was written down in town council books. When four sons of the merchant Veckinghusen and their mother divided the inheritance in Tartu (1399), the mother committed to send a letter to the town council of Riga and register this deal in the Riga town book.166 When marrying the daughters off, the bride had rights to jewellery, as well as the bridal bed, which had an important place in confirming a legal birth.167 Thus, the town council of Gadebusch, Mecklenburg, reported that it was confirmed with the witnesses that Gretchen Whitte, who had died in Tallinn, was born to her father and his lawful wife in a marriage bed (echte ghetekt uth eynem Erlyken brůtbedde) (1400).168 The town council of Duisburg confirmed to Tallinn that a citizen of the town, Heinrich Wetsel, and his sister Cäcilie were siblings of Rüdiger Wetsel, who had died in Tallinn, born in a ‘real free bed’ (van enen echten vryen bedde geboiren) (1413).169 Similar letters were typical of the fifteenth century. The marriage or bridal bed was an important contribution of a woman to married life, and it was mentioned in Tallinn and Riga as an inheritance of the daughter when she reached the age of marriage.170 Treaties with the guardians of underage girls of the urban elite also mention that the girl would be provided for and supplied with the appropriate clothes 164 Das älteste Wittschopbuch der Stadt Reval, p. 20, no. 153; Das zweitälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval, p.105 no. 668, p. 12 no. 38. 165 Die Erbebücher der Stadt Riga 1384–​1579, nos. 479, 487, 494, 529, 546, 579, 587, 648, 660, 672, 704, 707, 709, 714, 733, 771, 773, 781, 782, 829, 830, 833, 834. 166 Lesnikov, Die Handeslbücher, p. 2. 167 Wettlaufer, ‘Beilager und Bettleihe,’ pp. 81–​127; Das drittälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval, nos. 683, 751, 762, 847; Revaler Regesten: Testamente Revaler Bürger und Einwohner aus den Jahren 1369–​1851, ed. Roland Seeberg-​Elverfeldt (Göttingen, 1975) (Veröffentlichungen der niedersächsischen Archivverwaltung 35), no. 9. 168 Manuscript in Tallinn City Archives, f. 230 n. 1-​i , s. 472 (Bürgermeister und Rat der Stadt Gadebusch bestätigen für ihre Kollegen zu Reval, 06.04.​1400); Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 4, no. 1504. 169 Revaler Urkunden und Briefe von 1273 bis 1510, ed. Dieter Heckmann (Köln, 1995) (Veröffentlichungen aus den Archiven Preussischer Kulturbesitz 25), p. 149 no. 97. 170 Das drittälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval, nos. 683, 751, 762, 847; Revaler Regesten, no. 9.

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and jewellery when she reached the age of marriage. Appropriate clothing that demonstrated her marriageability consisted of the inherited (or newly manufactured) jewellery, a silver belt, and outerwear, and the bride often wore expensive bonnet jewellery before the wedding.171 Some of the town’s homeowners were craftsmen, which from the fourteenth century were partially united into craft guilds. Women were allowed to have the sphere of housekeeping, but the living space was not separate from the workspace in the towns, as the public and private spheres were united and concentrated in housekeeping itself. There was a tradition that by marrying the daughter of a craftsman, a man could become a master of the trade. Among the cobblers of Riga, it was even a requirement, which possibly shows that a part of the tools of the trade were inherited by daughters.172 Similarly, the guilds of beer brewers demanded marriage only inside the guild, because the tools of the trade were usually inherited by the oldest daughter.173 In Livonian towns of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, women were rarely independent craftswomen. They operated in spheres that were traditionally ‘womanly’ –​manufacturing of clothing and jewellery and food preparation. At the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth century, among the craftswomen in Riga there was a goldsmith, a needle-​maker, a money-​changer, a weaver, a belt-​maker, and a butcher.174 The manufacturing and selling of clothing constituted a female sphere in Riga, as well. The Statutes of the Goldsmiths Guild of Riga (1360) did not decree any limitations to women and mentioned female traders of belongings or clothing, who, unless they were part of the Goldsmiths Guild, were forbidden to sell items of gold or silver.175 In fourteenth-​century documents from Tallinn, there are mentions of a bathhouse lady, female weavers, a decorator and painter of signs, a beer brewer, and a bowl turner. In 1334, there were five women jewellery-​makers –​ brass masters and tin casters. They were mentioned in the list of taxpayers and books of real estate registration only in connection with their trade, not with their family status.176 Traditionally, the trade of manufacturers and sellers of 1 71 Revaler Regesten, nos. 3, 9; Heikinmäki, Die Gaben der Braut, p. 32. 172 Schragen der Gilden, no. 103 §5, 6, 8, 9. 173 Paul Johansen and Heinz von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch in mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Reval (Köln, 1973) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 15), pp. 210–​211. 174 Das Rigische Schuldbuch 1286–​1352, ed. Hermann Hildebrandt (St. Petersburg, 1872), nos. 1015, 349, 1397, 1412, 1408, 104; Die Erbebücher der Stadt Riga 1384–​1579, no. 197; Die Libri redituum, p. 76 no. 562. 175 Schragen der Gilden, no. 30 §16. 176 Küllike Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised XIV sajandil, vol. 2 (Tallinn, 1980), pp. 46–​102.

220 Stikāne peasant jewellery –​ettekenmekere –​included a significant share of Estonians, as well as Germans and Swedes.177 Such jewellery was used also in Tartu and Pärnu.178 The persistent positions of women in woodworking in Tallinn could partly be explained by the fact that women were involved in the manufacturing of wooden utensils, spinning wheels, looms, and other household items.179 Judging by the names of the male woodworkers, the masters of the trade at the end of the Middle Ages were non-​Germans and all lived in approximately one part of the town. There are Swedish names alongside Estonian ones. It is possible that among the non-​German or Swedish artisans, women had greater opportunities to run artisans’ workshops themselves.180 Sewing and handicrafts, like weaving, were also an ordinary occupation of women from various social classes, and it could also be a source of profit. In the fourteenth century there are mentions of a seamstress in Tallinn181 and a female cloth cleaner in Riga,182 but no mention after the fourteenth century –​ as the Statutes of the Tailors of Riga (1400) strengthened the trade rights of men.183 The Statutes of the Cloth Cutters (Leckenscherer) of Riga decreed in 1383 that a widow could continue the trade of her late husband only for a year and a day. If she was not married after a year, she had to leave the trade.184 In 1402 there was a female shoemaker in the town of Riga; she paid rent to the town –​four marks per year.185 This craftswoman (or craftsman’s widow) was, according to Wilhelm Stieda, the only craftswoman who was mentioned in Riga in the fifteenth century.186 Several trades acquired their written statutes at the end of the fourteenth century and developed as a closed group –​for 1 77 Johansen, von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, p. 199. 178 Ain Mäesalu, ‘Das Handwerk in der Stadt Tartu vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V: Das Handwerk, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2006), pp. 473–​482, here p. 475; Heinrich Laakmann, Geschichte der Stadt Pernau in der Deutsch-​Ordenszeit (bis 1558) (Marburg, 1965) (Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Geschichte und Landeskunde Ost-​Mitteleuropas 23), p. 202; Johansen, von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, p. 200. 179 Das zweitälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval, p. 16, no. 78; Das drittälteste Erbebuch der Stadt Reval, p. 110 no. 559, p. 81 no. 859. 180 Johansen, von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, p. 185. 181 Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised, p. 60. 182 Die Libri redituum, p. 15 no. 235. 183 Schragen der Gilden, no. 92. 184 Constantin Mettig, Zur Geschichte der rigaschen Gewerbe im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Riga, 1883), appendix no. 1. 185 Die Libri redituum, p. 762 no. 561. 186 Schragen der Gilden, p. 84.

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example, the trade of shoemaker in Riga: anyone who was born into the family of a shoemaker (daughters as well) was accepted as a member. Anyone who married a daughter of a shoemaker had to become a shoemaker himself.187 Women were weavers and bathhouse attendants –​shameful trades, according to the Statutes of the Holy Spirit Guild of Riga (1252),188 as well as the Statutes of Furriers (fourteenth century) of Riga. In the fourteenth century, female weavers were mentioned as independent craftswomen numerous times in Tallinn –​in connection with their trade, without specifying their family status. There is much information and vast historiography about the trade of linen-​weavers in Riga. There were guild sisters and female apprentices (knepesche) and women working independently (suster, de dar arbeidet up sick sulvest).189 Klaus Arnold has concluded that in the region of the Baltic Sea, there were only a few trades which accepted independent women –​namely, linen-​weavers in Hamburg and Riga and small-​scale merchants in Lüneburg.190 There also were paid female workers, which could be hired for a limited period of time. The Statutes of the Holy Spirit Guild of Riga (1252) decreed that it was possible to hire a woman who could care for a sick brother of sister of the guild.191 In the rules of blacksmith apprentices of Riga (fourteenth century), there is also a similar clause.192 The money economy developed quickly in the towns, which affected the legal status of female servants as well, and in Tallinn in the fourteenth century, servant women could already file complaints to the bailiff of the town. These complaints could be about the master or mistress, as well. In 1347, a female servant with a bleeding arm complained that her mistress, the wife of shipmaster Keding, had bitten her. When a linen-​weaver chased his female servant with a knife and wounded her, he had to pay a fine of three marks.193 Servant women became more independent in Riga as well, and that made the town council feel uneasy –​the burspraken of Riga declared in 1376 that unmarried

1 87 188 189 190

Schragen der Gilden, nos. 69 §1, 3, 5, 10, 11, 13; 103 § 5, 6, 8, 9. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 242 §36. Schragen der Gilden, no. 69, §1, 3, 5, 10, 11, 13. Klaus Arnold, ‘Frauen in den mittelalterlichen Hansestädten Hamburg, Lübeck und Lüneburg –​eine Annäherung an der Realität,’ in Frauen in der Ständegesellschatft: Leben und Arbeiten in der Stadt vom späten Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit, ed. Barbara Vogel and Ulrike Weckel (Hamburg, 1991) (Beiträge zur deutschen und europäischen Geschichte 4), pp. 69–​88, here pp. 71–​72. 191 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 242 §13. 192 Schragen der Gilden, no. 9. 193 Nottbeck, Die alte Criminalchronik, p. 39 no. 98.

222 Stikāne female servants whose property was worth fewer than ten silver marks could not live independently.194 For different jobs paid by the town council, women were hired much less often than men. In 1372, while building a wall for the town of Tallinn, the town council paid for a great number of builders, mortar preparers, and others, but also for two women.195 Midwives were hired by the town council: a midwife (obsterix) in Tallinn was mentioned in 1330, and in 1333–​1337 a daughter and son of a midwife paid the town of Tallinn for a place of trade.196 There was also a midwife named Hinko (or Hinze) in the parish of St Nicholas in 1372–​1374.197 In the fourteenth century, the town council of Riga employed a midwife and granted her a room in the council house (1348–​1361).198 There are mentions of ‘loose women’ in Haapsalu (1279, lose wyffe) and Tallinn (1405, openbar los wif). It can be seen from other sources that by ‘loose’ they meant dishonoured women. The term lose wive had several meanings in the Livonian towns: a woman who lived outside marriage and had dishonoured herself; a woman outside a trade; a female employee for a limited time;199 and in the fifteenth century, a sex worker by trade. 11

Conclusion

The written historical sources only provide an opportunity to make unsafe assumptions about relations between pre-​Crusade law and the status of women in medieval Livonia. There is a possibility that women’s rights and social statuses varied among different ethnic groups before the Crusades. Finnic Livs and Estonians had a relative gender balance, but ethnic Balts, including Letts and Curonians, had a more patriarchal structure. Western and central areas of Livonia and northern Estonia in the thirteenth century had influences from the west, including Gotland, Denmark, and Sweden, while eastern areas had influences from eastern and southern neighbours, probably including Orthodoxy –​ not merely until the late twelfth century but even later, too. Assuming that the 1 94 Šterns, Latvijas vēsture 1290–​1500, p. 270. 195 Tallinna wanimad linna arweraamatud 1363–​1374. Die ältesten Kämmereibücher der Stadt Reval 1363–​1374, ed. Otto Greiffenhagen (Tallinn, 1927) (Tallinna linna arhiiwi wäljaanded 3), p. 60. 196 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 926; Tallinna märkmeteraamatud, nos. 92, 106, 193. 197 Küllike Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised XIV sajandil, vol. 1 (Tallinn, 1980), p. 99. 198 Die Libri redituum, p. 105 no. 49, p. 122 no. 146. 199 Johansen, von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, p. 283.

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status of a free woman in her family and kin was quite high, women’s rights were, however, limited. The status of women was not individual: women were not present as leaders of public structures or institutions, they were under the protection of men. The legal tradition of gender-​guardianship remained after Christianisation as well, with the exception of a few individual cases in rural communities of Scandinavian origin, where widows were taxpayers. In the towns, the merchant women had more legal independence. During the Crusades both the way of ruling the land and the legal status of different societal groups changed. Cities grew rapidly in the region, the feudal system appeared, and men and women from different classes of society migrated to Livonia, bringing their own views about the rights and duties of women with them, among other things. The influence of Catholic canon law on the legal status, marriage, and inheritance rights of women of the local neophyte societies brought about the biggest changes. This impact regarding legal marriage was rather low in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries and may be related to a papal letter (1201) that dealt with marriage arrangements among Livonian converts. The neophytes were subject to lower penalties for not respecting a legal Christian marriage. Only at the beginning of the fifteenth century did a campaign appear in Livonia against the ‘non-​Christian’ tradition of matrimonial habits of rural people (stealing brides, adultery). Perhaps one reason why Livonian rural peoples were called neophytes even at the end of the Middle Ages was precisely the deficit of legal marriage and legal births. Slavery and the use of war prisoner labour, including that of women, existed in Livonia even until the end of fourteenth century, as well. Women’s rights in the newly created Livonian cities were determined not only by the habits of the merchant community, but also by the influence of canon law, which corresponds to the general long-​term developments in the Baltic Sea region. The women of Livonian towns were like special-​status islands in their activities, rights, and opportunities for entrepreneurship, but they were closely tied with early Hanse towns in the whole region. In the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries, women’s rights in the public sphere of Livonian cities were obviously broader than later, when women’s rights to constantly pursue their property and position were limited in favour of male family members, under the influence of strengthened legal guardianship. The laws of German vassals and native peasants in Livonia express inheritance rights for a woman inside the family as a widow, daughter, mother, or sister under the system of legal guardianship. A woman had special legal protection, had no public duties, and her rights to independently manage her property, to start a family, and also take decisions individually were limited, but inheritance rights for women were significant enough. The local pre-​Crusade

224 Stikāne legal tradition had a part in shaping the post-​Crusade Livonian legal system by writing down the peasants’ laws, which were used in the courts of Livonia until the sixteenth century. However, the norms about inheritance rights for a daughter and widow show how the situation developed precisely at the time of the Crusades, when in the thirteenth century, the expansion of women’s rights of succession was common in the Baltic Sea region. One such instance was the privilege of Nicolaus, Bishop of Riga (1229–​1253): brothers inherit land and give sisters a dowry. If there are only daughters, they inherit as sons, and a widow owned the inheritance together with daughters. The Knightly Laws of Livonia, Lettish Law, and other legal sources show that women have the right to their share (Germ. Kopfteil) of their heritage, not only in cities but also in rural areas. The custom of inheritance among both genders in a fief in the archbishopric of Riga was limited at the beginning of the fourteenth century, and with the stabilising of Livonian social structures and land management (fourteenth to fifteenth centuries), the inheritance rights of women changed, and to some extent, these rights were diminished in favour of the male family members. Later, women’s inheritance was extended by several privileges of the territorial lord, and this happened earlier in northern Estonia. The local non-​German vassals and non-​German women in towns may have still preserved the pre-​ Christian traditions in their status and actions in many ways, but their legal status in the historical sources is scarcely mentioned.

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­c hapter 8

‘Local’ Characteristics of the Medieval Livonian Town Arvi Haak For most of their research history, the towns that emerged in medieval Livonia have been considered ‘imported’ or even ‘planted’ phenomena. Historical and archaeological arguments support this concept: for example, of the nine medieval towns in Estonia, none emerged in the place of a pre-​existing settlement, although several are founded next to an earlier hillfort.1 Although smaller settlements existed in the territory of Riga, Latvia,2 these cannot be considered important pre-​conquest centres. The town plan, internal organisation, and several dominant house types, inter alia, clearly follow the German model.3 However, there is also clear evidence that the emerging towns were multi-​ ethnic, and apart from immigrants of German origin also included the local population as well as, in some cases, immigrants of ethnic Rus’ian background.4

1 Anton Pärn, ‘Die Gründungsstädte am Beispiel Estlands –​Problemstellungen,’ in Gründung im archäologischen Befund, ed. Andreas Diener et al. (Paderborn, 2014) (Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Archäologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit 27), pp. 105−112, here pp. 105–​106. 2 Andris Caune and Ieva Ose, ‘Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Stadt Riga im 12.–​13. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum X: Vorbesiedlung, Gründung und Entwicklung, ed. Manfred Gläser and Manfred Schneider (Lübeck, 2016), pp. 497–​506, here pp. 499–​501. 3 Anton Pärn, ‘Die Gründungsstädte am Beispiel Estlands,’ pp. 105−112; Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, ‘Grundzüge des livländischen Städtewesens im Mittelalter,’ in Stadtgeschichte des Baltikums oder baltische Stadtgeschichte? Annäherungen an ein neues Forschungsfeld zur baltischen Geschichte, ed. Heidi Hein-​Kircher and Ilgvars Misāns, 2nd ed. (Marburg, 2016) (Tagungen zur Ostmitteleuropaforschung 33), pp. 117−136, here p. 119. 4 Anti Selart, ‘Russians in the Livonian Towns in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,’ in Segregation –​Integration –​Assimilation. Religious and Ethnic Groups in the Medieval Towns of Central and Eastern Europe, ed. Derek Keene et al. (Farnham, 2009), pp. 33–​50; Anti Selart, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43−66, here pp. 46–​47.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_009

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The archaeological study of ethnic groups in medieval towns of has been a problematic issue, both in Livonia5 and other areas.6 Although it is certain that there were local influences on the emerging medieval towns, tracking and especially defining them has been complicated. The existence of a multi-​ ethnic population, local raw materials, and significantly different climatic conditions make such contributions anticipated. From the perspective of material remains, this contribution focuses on a few features in the Livonian towns that may be considered ‘local’. Regarding material culture studies, the methodological viewpoint of much of the existing research on the issue in Livonia has been searching for parallels for certain construction and item types already known in the same area during the pre-​conquest period, or from studied rural sites of the medieval period (mostly settlement sites7 and village cemeteries).8 This presentation first follows the existence of the local stove type (in Estonian, mainly keris stoves, but also those with a clay vault, which are most common in Riga). This data is contextualised with information on the housing remains, especially that of log houses of crossbeam construction, and, finally, the information on the role of local artefact types in the medieval town. Although published evidence is included from all urban centres in medieval Livonia, the particular focus in this contribution is on Tartu, which is what the author is most familiar with. The relevance of the information and its interconnections are then discussed with regard to the possible Livonian peculiarities of the urban settlements in the eastern Baltic area.

5 Arvi Haak, ‘Problems of Defining Ethnic Identity in Medieval Towns of Estonia on the Basis of Archaeological Sources,’ in Today I Am Not the One I Was Yesterday. Archaeology, Identity, and Change, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tartu, 2015) (Interarchaeologia 4), pp. 13−27. 6 Siân Jones, ‘Historical Categories and the Praxis of Identity: The Interpretation of Ethnicity in Historical Archaeology,’ in Historical Archaeology: Back from the Edge, ed. Pedro P. A. Funari et al. (London, 1999) (One World Archaeology 31), pp. 219–​232; Sebastian Brather, ‘‘Slawische Archäologie’ und ‘ethnische Interpretation’ –​zur Rekonstruktion des frühen Mittelalters in Ostmitteleuropa,’ in The European Frontier. Clashes and Compromises in the Middle Ages, ed. Jörn Staecker (Lund, 2004) (ccc Papers 7), pp. 59–​71. 7 Ain Lavi, ‘Asulakohad 13.–​14. sajandi talurahvaehitiste ajaloo allikana,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 1 (1997), 84–​144; Ain Lavi, ‘Rehielamu kujunemisloost arheoloogia andmetel,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 5 (2001), 47–​77, here pp. 60–​63; Ain Lavi, ‘An Addendum to the Study of Smoke Cottages,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 9 (2005), 132–​155. 8 Heiki Valk, Rural Cemeteries of Southern Estonia 1225–​1800, 2nd ed. (Tartu, 2001) (ccc Papers 3).

234  1

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The Local Stove Types in Emerging Livonian Towns

During the last centuries before the crusading conquest, several examples of heat storage (keris) stoves have been documented in Estonia.9 The clay ovens are a local type as well, widespread in the Livic territory, but there is also evidence of them from some south Estonian centres.10 Both types appear in the forming medieval towns. The keris stove is considered typical to the eastern Baltic, or even more precisely, the Finnic population, and thus their appearance in the emerging medieval town has been repeatedly interpreted as evidence of the role of the local population in the town formation process.11 The construction of these ovens found in the urban context, although making use of the same principle, also included bricks.12 At the same time, the use of such ovens during the medieval period has been reported in the villages, where an increase in the oven size has been noted, but from the sixteenth century onwards also the use of bricks in the construction of the oven vault.13 As brick production started after the conquest, and mostly for the needs of urban construction,14 this can be interpreted as an urban influence on the countryside. Regarding Tartu, there is data on nine such ovens: an oven constructed of only granite-​type stones –​which could be associated with a log house of horizontal beams with corner posts –​has been found during excavations in the territory of the Botanical Garden. In addition, five stoves with walls of brick and the upper construction from granite-​type stones in the same area could not be associated with a particular building.15 A similar oven was also documented during excavations at the current plot of Rüütli Street 7, in building ix, dated 9 10 11

12 13 14 15

Evald Tõnisson, ‘Esiaja ahjud Eestis,’ Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia Toimetised. Ühiskonnateadused 30 (1981), 43–​56, here pp. 47–​51; Lavi, ‘An Addendum,’ pp. 147–​150. Tõnisson, ‘Esiaja ahjud,’ pp. 52–​53; Andris Caune, Жилища Риги XII–​XIV вв.: по данным археологических раскопок [Zhilishcha Rigi xii–​x iv vv.: po dannym arkheologicheskikh raskopok] (Riga, 1984), pp. 67–​69. E.g. Ain Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen im hansezeitlichen Tartu (Dorpat),’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 581–​594, here pp. 587–​589; Anton Pärn, ‘Die Rolle der Esten bei den Städtegründungen Westestlands,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby 2009) (Acta Vibyensia 12), pp. 109–​121, here pp. 115–​119; Ain Lavi, ‘Arheoloogia ja Eesti varasemate taluehitiste ajaloo uurimine,’ Eesti Vabaõhumuuseumi toimetised 3 (2015), 121–​138, here pp. 130–​131. Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ pp. 588–​589. Lavi, ‘Rehielamu kujunemisloost,’ pp. 60–​63. Cf. the contribution by Andres Tvauri in this volume. Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ pp. 583, 587–​590.

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to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century.16 Another keris stove, which presumably is medieval, was found from the southern suburb at the current plot of Küüni Street 7; in addition, there was a medieval log house with a pile of stones (both fieldstones and bricks), probably the remains of a stove.17 It is likely that the latter stove was also of similar type. Comparative examples from other Estonian towns include those from Tallinn, where these were excavated at Sauna Street.18 From this area, there were three keris stoves from different buildings, dated between the 1220s and c. 1400.19 An almost-​complete stove of a similar type has been excavated in New Pärnu, dating probably from the fourteenth or fifteenth century.20 Keris stoves have also been archaeologically documented in the emerging urban centre of Lihula, west Estonia (figure. 8.1).21 In Riga, two stoves of such construction have been unearthed.22 There is also one certain and one probable example from Viljandi, dating to the second half of the sixteenth century,23 but these were found from houses built in the paved street area and thus clearly originated from the early modern period. These might indeed show a new settlement ‘wave’ of rural population in the town. We have thus seen that although several of the examples of keris stoves from the medieval towns in Livonia were indeed constructed during the town formation period, this type remained in use significantly longer. The construction of the ovens was modified so that bricks were used, sometimes also for side walls, but most often for the oven vault. It has been suggested that the capability of the keris for heat storage, necessary in the significantly colder climate, 16 Peeter Piirits, Tartu Karuplats. 1994. a arheoloogiliste kaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1994) (unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn), pp. 29–​30. 17 Mare Aun, ‘Tartu keskaegse eeslinna kultuurkihist,’ in Tartu arheoloogiast ja vanemast ehitusloost, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 1995) (Tartu Ülikooli Arheoloogia kabineti toimetised 8), pp. 91–​99, here pp. 94–​95. 18 Krista Sarv and Vladimir Sokolovski, ‘Sauna tänav 10 hoovi arheoloogiliste kaeva­ miste noatuped,’ in Etnos ja kultuur. Uurimusi Silvia Laulu auks, ed. Heiki Valk (Tallinn, 2006) (Muinasaja teadus 18), pp. 319–​330, here pp. 320–​321; Lavi, ‘Arheoloogia,’ pp. 129–​131. 19 Annika Tiko, Keskaegsed majapidamised Tallinnas Sauna tn 8/​10 kaevamiste näitel. ma thesis (Tallinn, 2012) (unpublished manuscript, available at https://​www.etera.ee/​zoom/​ 9736/​view), pp. 29–​34. 20 Aldur Vunk, ‘Excavations in the New Pärnu Quarter of Artisans,’ in Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia toimetised. Humanitaar-​ja sotsiaalteadused 43 (1994), 60–​67, here p. 61, fig. 2. 21 Mati Mandel, Lihula muinas-​ja keskajal (Tallinn, 2000), p. 48, fig. 14. 22 Caune, Жилища, p. 67, fig. 50. 23 Andres Tvauri, ‘Archaeological Investigations in the Old Part of Viljandi,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1997 (1997), 81–​86, here pp. 83–​84; Arvi Haak, ‘Archaeological Investigations of the Castle Ruins, and at Pikk Street in Viljandi,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2001 (2002), 108–​116, here pp. 114–​115.

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­f igure 8.1  Keris stove with brick floor found in a German-​type storehouse in Lihula photo by mati mandel

was the reason for their prolonged usage. In such a case, these ovens can be interpreted as ethnic indicators only in the very first urban dwellings, and a systematic analysis of other construction remains as well as finds from the occupation layer would give a more complex picture of their context. Furthermore, it has been suggested that the inclusion of the heat storage element in the hypocaust ovens that were the main heating systems in several medieval houses, including castles and monasteries, may have originated from

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the eastern Baltic area.24 Although this theory may sound auspicious, a recent find from the monastery of Wedinghausen in Arnsberg, Westphalia,25 which was constructed after 1170 and probably already demolished before 1210, casts substantial doubt on that idea, as it predates the Crusades to the eastern Baltic area. Thus, although the knowledge of the benefits of a heat storage device may have an influence on the popularity of such ovens, these probably were not a local invention. There is another stove type presumably of local origin, namely, the clay oven (Estonian: pätsahi), which was mostly connected with baking bread. The pre-​ conquest examples include the southeast Estonian sites of Rõuge and Kääpa, as well as the Izborsk hillfort,26 but these have also been documented in medieval Tartu.27 In Haapsalu, the analysis of the building remains has proven the existence of log houses of local origin in the town, together with horseshoe-​ shaped ovens with a clay vault, typical of south Estonia,28 but also the territory of the Livic population, including Riga, where such ovens appear from the late twelfth to early fourteenth centuries.29 Thus, it is worth considering that their distribution, especially to west Estonia, may have been meditated by developments in Riga. At least in the study of certain architectural forms, connections between the lower reaches of Daugava and west Estonia have been pointed out.30 In Riga, archaeological excavations have revealed that the clay ovens remained in use also in the medieval period, but not later than the fourteenth century, and these were also utilised in the timber-​frame houses.31 It is also worth mentioning that a limited number of clay ovens has also been documented in a few settlement sites in central and northwest Estonia (Lehmja, 24

Andres Tvauri, ‘Late Medieval Hypocausts with Heat Storage in Estonia,’ Baltic Journal of Art History [1]‌Autumn (2009), 49–​78, here pp. 72–​73. 25 Wolfram Essling-​ Wintzer, and Ulrich Holtfester, ‘Eine hochmittelalterliche Warmluftheizung im Arnsberger Kloster Wedinghausen,’ Archäologie in Westfalen-​Lippe 2017 (2018), 115–​119. 26 Tõnisson, ‘Esiaja ahjud,’ p. 52–​53 fig. 1:c. 27 Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ p. 590. 28 Anton Pärn, ‘Über die Hausbauentwicklung in Westestland im 13 bis 15. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 595–​604; Anton Pärn, ‘Külaehitiste jäljed Haapsalu varases linnaehituses,’ in Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tallinn, 2004) (Muinasaja Teadus 14), pp. 269–​ 289; Pärn, ‘Die Rolle der Esten,’ pp. 113–​117; Anton Pärn and Erki Russow, ‘Kohalik või võõras? Ühe Haapsalu keskaegse hoone tõlgendusest,’ Läänemaa Muuseumi toimetised 18 (2015), 53–​70. 29 Caune, Жилища, p. 67. 30 Kaur Alttoa, ‘Haapsalu linnuse kujunemisloost: märkmeid ja märkusi,’ in: Läänemaa Muuseumi toimetised 17 (2014), 42–​63, here pp. 44–​46. 31 Caune, Жилища, pp. 67–​69, 100–​101.

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Olustvere, Keldrimäe) in fifteenth-​and sixteenth-​century contexts.32 The route by which these reached areas where earlier clay ovens have not been recorded remains to be ascertained. In addition, the existence of an open fireplace (Estonian: lee) in front of an oven has been shown to have a local origin.33 Among the medieval towns, these have been documented in Tallinn, Tartu,34 and Haapsalu. Based on the existence of such an oven with a fireplace in a fourteenth-​century house of timber-​ frame construction in Haapsalu, which also included construction elements typical to Gotland,35 their inclusion in the urban building tradition has been suggested. This has allowed investigators to point out synergy and practically viable solutions in the urban building tradition.36 2

The Use of Wood as a Construction Material

As previously mentioned, the first keris stoves were built in log houses connected to urban settlers of local origin. There are also examples of their inclusion in houses of differing construction that are unknown in the Estonian territory before the crusading period. However, the persistence of several wooden constructions, especially in the inland town of Tartu, deserves further consideration. Regarding the tradition of log houses in crossbeam construction, these have traditionally been associated with the eastern Baltic region and Rus’, yet they also persist in Scandinavia and in the Alpine region, where pine timber in particular is readily available.37 In most of the core territory of the Hanse, this is not the case. In Lübeck, by 2001, only four crossbeam constructions of uncertain function (possibly latrines) had been distinguished.38 More recently, nine houses of this type could be discriminated in the recent Gründungsviertel excavations, all of which could be dated from mid-​twelfth to the early thirteenth

32 33 34 35 36 37

Lavi, ‘Asulakohad,’ p. 111. Pärn, ‘Külaehitiste jäljed,’ pp. 279–​280. Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ p. 588. Pärn, ‘Die Rolle der Esten,’ pp. 116–​120; Pärn, Russow, ‘Kohalik või võõras,’ pp. 61–​64. Pärn, Russow, ‘Kohalik või võõras,’ p. 67. Ulrich Klein, ‘Zum aktuellen Forschungsstand des hoch-​und spätmittelalterlichen Holzbaus in Deutschland,’ Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Archäologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit 24 (2012), 9–​38, here p. 10, fig. 2. 38 Manfred Gläser, ‘Archäologisch erfaßte mittelalterliche Hausbauten in Lübeck,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 277–​305, here p. 279.

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century.39 What is more, from the early thirteenth century onwards, these were built of oak wood40 –​such a change in building material and probably also building traditions has no parallels in Livonia. The situation is very different in the current Polish territory. In Elbląg, approximately a dozen log constructions have been documented; these have been interpreted as auxiliary buildings.41 The number of such log constructions in Gdańsk, dated usually between the tenth and thirteenth centuries, is nearly 150.42 However, there is data of only two such houses from Kołobrzeg, presumably because the town was founded by German settlers, while this construction type is considered ‘early medieval Slavonic’ by Polish authors.43 The largest body of information available for the Livonian towns comes from Riga. By 2001, there existed information of nearly a hundred houses of this type.44 In 2011 and 2012, an additional 17 log houses were excavated in the so-​called Livic quarter, originating from two building phases dendrodated between 1207 and 1356.45 According to Andris Caune, such log houses were mostly used as dwellings, while the latter study also proved metalworking activities in at least one building,46 thus pointing out they could have had more functions. Besides Riga, there is evidence of approximately 40 similar houses from Koknese, the area later redesigned into an outer bailey of the castle.47 The numbers of investigated houses from present-​day Estonia are much smaller. Information regarding the four houses from Sauna Street in Tallinn 39

Dirk Rieger, ‘Die Holzgebäude des 12. und frühen 13. Jahrhunderts,’ in Die Ausgrabungen im Lübecker Gründungsviertel, vol. 1, ed. Manfred Schneider (Lübeck, 2019), pp. 166–​329, here pp. 178, 183. 40 Rieger, ‘Die Holzgebäude,’ p. 179. 41 Grażyna Nawrolska, ‘Domestic Architecture in Elbląg,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 473–​489, here pp. 475–​476. 42 Henryk Paner, ‘10th–​ 17th-​ century Domestic Architecture in Gdańsk,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 491–​509, here pp. 491–​494. 43 Marian Rębkowski, ‘Domestic Architecture in Medieval Kołobrzeg,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 511–​527, here pp. 515–​516. 44 Andris Caune, ‘Typen der Wohnhäuser Rigas im 12. bis 14. Jahrhundert aufgrund der archäologischen Ausgrabungen,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 551–​568; Caune, Жилища, pp. 34–​82; Andris Caune, ‘Jaunas atziņas par guļbūvju sienu izveidojumu Rīgā 13.–​14. gs.,’ Arheoloģija un Etnogrāfija 18 (1996), 62–​71. 45 Rowena Yvonne Banerjea et al., ‘A Multi-​proxy, Diachronic and Spatial Perspective on the Urban Activities within an Indigenous Community in Medieval Riga, Latvia,’ Quaternary International 460 (2017), 3–​21, here p. 5 figs 3, 4. 46 Caune, ‘Typen der Wohnhäuser,’ p. 552; Banerjea et al., ‘A Multi-​proxy, Diachronic and Spatial,’ pp. 10, 15–​16. 47 Ieva Ose, ‘Zeugnisse des mittelalterlichen Hausbaus in den Kleinstädten Lettlands,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III, pp. 569–​579, here p. 572.

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­f igure 8.2  Remains of log houses at the Botanical Gardens in Tartu photo by Ain Mäesalu

has already been published.48 In addition, there were early wooden dwellings at Harju Street, although their construction type has not been ascertained.49 In the case of Tartu, information about the house types up to 2000 has been summarised by Ain Mäesalu,50 while an overview of later discoveries is lacking. Apart from the two houses described by Mäesalu (figure. 8.2), we are aware of at least three from recent excavations (2004–​2007, 2014) at Ülikooli Street 14.51 In several cases, it may be suggested that the early dating of a few stove remains indicate demolished houses of this construction type. During most of the thirteenth century, the main urban house type in the German towns is the timber-​frame house. In the eastern Baltic, the investigated numbers, however, do not allow confirmation that it was also the case in this area. By 2001, 24 examples were known from Riga,52 while the evidence

48

Sarv, Sokolovski, ‘Sauna tänav 10,’ p. 321 (phase 3); Lavi, ‘Arheoloogia,’ pp. 129–​130; Erki Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 2 (2019), 10–​35, here p. 27. 49 Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ p. 21; Toivo Aus and Boris Dubovik, ‘Vorläufige Ausgrabungsergebnisse von der Harju-​ Straße in Tallinn,’ Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Toimetised. Ühiskonnateadused 38 (1989), 349–​354, here pp. 350–​351. 50 Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ p. 583. 51 Peeter Piirits, Arheoloogilised uuringud Tartu Ülikooli tn. 14 hoonealuses osas (Tartu, 2014–​ 2015) (unpublished manuscript in Tartu City Museum), pp. 30–​32. 52 Caune, Жилища, pp. 83–​114; Caune, ‘Typen der Wohnhäuser,’ pp. 555–​558.

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from Tartu53 and Tallinn,54 although both towns lack a detailed analysis of the issue, does not exceed ten. The earliest stone dwellings in all of these towns also originate from the second half of the thirteenth century.55 It is common knowledge that during the late medieval period the vast majority of the urban houses were built of stone –​either limestone, where available, or brick. In several cases, this transition took place during the fourteenth century.56 There are several regulations that prohibited new urban houses of wood –​with fire hazard as one of the oft-​cited reasons. In Tartu, there is no suitable natural stone available, so the main building material for medieval churches and urban houses was brick.57 The brick production site with a kiln from late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries has been investigated archaeologically,58 and during the sixteenth century, the town had its own brick manufacture.59 However, there are several examples that in Livonia things did not always go exactly the same way as shown above. In Tartu, as well as in Tallinn, there is evidence of a development where an initial timber-​frame house has been replaced by a log house of crossbeam construction at exactly the same spot: this is noticed at Ülikooli Street 14 in Tartu,60 as well as at Sauna Street excavations in Tallinn.61 According to Ain Lavi, such a development can be interpreted as

53

Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ p. 584–​585 mentions five; in addition, several are listed in the excavation report from another site: Toivo Aus, Tartu Rüütli ja Küütri tn. nurgakrunt. 1992. a. linnaarheoloogiliste kaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1993) (unpublished manuscript in Tartu City Museum), and one has been excavated at Ülikooli Street 14. 54 Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ pp. 27–​28. 55 Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ p. 586–​587, Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ p. 28; Caune, ‘Typen der Wohnhäuser,’ p. 558. 56 Heiko Steuer, ‘Der Beitrag der Archäologie zur Stadtgeschichtsforschung,’ in Stadtgeschichtsforschung: Aspekte, Tendenzen, Perspektiven, ed. Fritz Mayrhofer (Linz, 1993) (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Städte Mitteleuropas 12), pp. 173–​196, here pp. 181, 195; Georg Schmitt, ‘Vom Dorf zur Stadt. Der Städtebauliche Wandel Rostocks im 13. Jahrhundert,’ in 777 Jahre Rostock. Neue Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte, ed. Ortwin Pelc (Rostock, 1995) (Schriften des Kulturhistorischen Museums in Rostock 2), pp. 9–​20, here pp. 16–​19. 57 Rivo Bernotas, ‘Brick-​making in Medieval Livonia –​the Estonian Example,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 17 (2013), 139–​156, here pp. 146–​148. 58 Rünno Vissak, ‘Results of Archaeological Investigation at the SE Foot of Toomemägi, Tartu,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1999 (2000), 113–​120, here pp. 115–​119; Eero Heinloo, ‘Keskaegne Tartu Riia-​eeslinn ehitusjäänuste põhjal,’ Tartu Linnamuuseumi aastaraamat 13 (2007), 65–​76, here pp. 68–​70, fig. 4; see also Bernotas, ‘Brick-​making,’ pp. 143–​146. 59 Küllike Kaplinski, Väljavõtteid Tartu Rae XVI saj. protokollidest (Tallinn, 1980) (unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn), pp. 103, 146. 60 Piirits, Arheoloogilised uuringud, pp. 22–​25 (houses C and γ). 61 Sarv, Sokolovski, ‘Sauna tänav 10,’ p. 321 (phase 3); Lavi, ‘Arheoloogia,’ 129.

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the implementation of a local, more suitable building technique by the newcomers.62 Although tempting, there may be other interpretations, such as the combination of elements of differing origin by urban settlers,63 or new settlers habituating the site after a fire, resulting in re-​planned structures. In Riga and Tallinn, there is also evidence of a combination of timber-​frame and stone structures.64 In Tartu, there were wooden houses built after the mid-​fourteenth century, for example at Lutsu Street,65 but there is also little doubt from the protocols of the town council from the 1550s that wooden auxiliary buildings were present.66 Certainly, the abundance of wood in the surroundings had an impact; yet there might be other reasons, both cost-​related and also ideological. Here, it is important to note that the tradition of wooden constructions lasted up to the Livonian War (1558–​83). As late as 1555, the town council declared that wooden roofs should be banned in the town area.67 The existence of wooden houses in New Pärnu during the sixteenth century has also been noted in written sources,68 although it is difficult to establish the type of these buildings. Another construction type, traditionally built in the crossbeam technique in Tartu, is the cesspits or latrines.69 In spite the plethora of forms used for such constructions, in several towns there is evidence that from the fourteenth century onwards these were constructed of stone: from Visby from the thirteenth century,70 while in Greifswald, these fell out of use by the 1350s;71 in 62 63

Lavi, ‘Arheoloogia,’ p. 130–​131. This interpretation is suggested by Erki Russow on the housing development at Sauna Street, Tallinn: Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ pp. 27, 34. 64 Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ p. 28; Caune, ‘Typen der Wohnhäuser,’ pp. 564–​567. 65 Andres Tvauri et al. ‘Archaeological Excavations at the Courtyard of Lutsu Street 12, Tartu,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2016 (2017), 147–​154, here pp. 148–​150. 66 Kaplinski, Väljavõtteid, p. 85. 67 Kaplinski, Väljavõtteid, p. 154. 68 Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, Liivimaa väikelinn Uus-​Pärnu 16. sajandi esimesel poolel (Tallinn, 2009), p. 273. 69 Rivo Bernotas, ‘New Insights on the Changes of Townscape in 14th-​century Tartu,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 16 (2012), 153–​168; Arvi Haak, ‘Cesspits and Finds: Archaeological Study of Waste Management and its Social Significance in Medieval Tartu, Estonia,’ in Archaeologies of Waste: Encounters with the Unwanted, ed. Daniel Sosna and Lenka Brunclíková (Oxford, 2017), pp. 83−99. 70 Gun Westholm, ‘Two Towns: Sanitary Infrastructure in Visby and Tallinn,’ in Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, ed. Rünno Vissak, Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 2002), pp. 53–​66, here pp. 54–​55, 64–​65. 71 Heiko Schäfer, ‘Öffentliche Bautätigkeiten und Einrichtungen in Greifswald unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der archäologischen Quellen des 13. bis 15. Jahrhunderts,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV: Die Infrastruktur, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2004), pp. 263–​274, here pp. 271–​272.

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Stade, too, brick cesspits became dominant during the fourteenth century.72 In Lübeck, the change took place at approximately the same time, and cesspits of stone became absolutely dominant by approximately the year 1400.73 However, there are sporadic exceptions, as one cesspit of vertical logs, built between 1240 and 1350, remained in use until the seventeenth or eighteenth century.74 Also, in Deventer, cesspits were built of brick from the 1350s.75 A slightly later development took place in Rostock, where the brick latrines appeared during the sixteenth century.76 In Tartu, on the other hand, although the majority of the excavated latrines seem to have been constructed during the 1300s, they remained in use at least until the mid-​sixteenth century. Moreover, a few were additionally constructed –​some of logs, some of rectangular planks –​and we have evidence that these were of wood until the seventeenth century.77 Until now, there is no data of a single medieval latrine of stone from Tartu. Wood was also utilised in drainage systems, mostly investigated in suburban areas.78 It is beyond doubt that the choice of building material for the towns had to consider supplies and, preferably, material that could be obtained locally. Wood was richly available in Livonia and was used wherever possible until the end of the medieval period. In certain cases, it was also the local building techniques that were utilised, although usually for cesspits and auxiliary buildings rather than urban dwellings.

72 73

74 75 76 77 78

Torsten Lüdecke, ‘Die Infrasturktur der Stadt Stade –​ein Überblick,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV, pp. 197–​209, here pp. 199–​201. Manfred Gläser, ‘Die Infrastrukturen der Stadt Lübeck im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV, pp. 173–​196, here pp. 190–​192; Jörg Harder, ‘Aspekte der Infrastuktur,’ in Die Ausgrabungen im Lübecker Gründungsviertel, pp. 614–​782, here pp. 659, 674, catalogue 5.2 pp. 724–​741. Harder, ‘Aspekte der Infrastruktur,’ p. 654–​655. However, the type most widespread in Tartu, i.e. of horizontal logs (B.4 by Harder) has only one example (Kl 40) in these excavations. Thomas A. Spitzers, ‘Archaeological Evidence and Models on Waste-​disposal and the Infrastructure of Deventer,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV, pp. 117–​136, here pp. 120–​123. Ralf Mulsow, ‘Archäologische Quellen zur Infrastruktur der Hansestadt Rostock,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV, pp. 221–​235, here p. 231. Mare Aun, ‘Tartu vanalinna arheoloogilise uurimise tulemusi (VII kvartali IV kaevandi kesk-​ja idaosa põhjal),’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 2 (1998), 94–​144, here pp. 118, 132; Bernotas, ‘New Insights,’ p. 156 table 2. See also Haak, ‘Cesspits and Finds,’ pp. 89, 95–​96. Heinloo, ‘Keskaegne Tartu Riia-​eeslinn,’ pp. 70–​71.

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Personal Items versus Unified Urban Material Culture?

There has been and there can indeed be little doubt that in the beginning of the medieval period the settlers in the Livonian towns were of multi-​ethnic background. It is clear that during the medieval period, these differences were altered and diminished –​not only in Livonia, but also elsewhere in Europe, such as in Germany, for example, in the Wendish territory.79 Regarding archaeological material, it has been repeatedly stated that in the medieval town, ethnic traces could be most readily displayed in dress-​related artefacts.80 However, a closer look at archaeological finds from the emerging towns of medieval Livonia has revealed temporal changes, which seem to have taken place at approximately the same time in several centres. During the thirteenth century, certain item types, namely decorations with ethnic connotations, have been found from the urban contexts. A few of these follow local traditions, such as the tortoise brooches in Riga, which is a Livic-​type decoration (figure. 8.3: a). Only three of such brooches have been found from the town area.81 In Tartu, eleven of the penannular brooches (figure. 8.3: b; similarly, a type associated with indigenous population) found in the town area can be dated to the thirteenth century: one from the Cathedral cemetery;82 two from St. John’s; two from St. Mary’s; and six from urban plots in three separate regions (see figure. 8.4).83 Of these, the site just north of the market square is especially noteworthy, as it includes several item and construction types associated with thirteenth-​century German settlers. Thus, there seems not to have 79

80 81

82 83

E.g. Felicitas Schmieder, ‘Various Ethnic and Religious Groups in Medieval German Towns? Some Evidence and Reflections,’ in Segregation –​Integration –​Assimilation, pp. 15–​31, here pp. 19–​22; for archaeological traces in Rostock, see Ralf Mulsow, ‘Die spätslawische Besiedlung des Rostocker Altstadthügels,’ in Lübeck und der Hanseraum. Beiträge zu Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift für Manfred Gläser, ed. Alfred Falk et al. (Lübeck 2014), pp. 453–​466, here p. 461–​462. Haak, ‘Problems of Defining,’ pp. 21–​22; Russow, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ p. 34. Roberts Spirģis, ‘Late Liv Tortoise Brooches of the 12th–​13th Century from the Environs of Riga,’ in The Hansa Town Riga as Mediator between East and West, ed. Andris Caune and Ieva Ose (Rīga, 2009), pp. 175–​189, here pp. 181, 185–​186, fig. 6. A recent (2012) find from the Kalēju Street 33 excavations is not published –​personal comment from Roberts Spirģis. Heiki Valk, ‘Tartu toomkiriku kalmistust ja ümbruskonna varasemast asustusest,’ in Tartu arheoloogiast ja varasemast ehitusloost. Artiklite kogumik, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 1995) (Tartu Ülikooli Arheoloogia kabineti toimetised 8), pp. 59–​80, here pp. 71–​72, fig. 9. Mare Aun, ‘Tartu vanalinna arheoloogilise uurimise tulemusi,’ p. 130; Aivar Kriiska et al., ‘The Medieval and Modern Period Building Complex at 2 Lutsu Street in Tartu. Results of the Archaeological, Architectural Historical, Dendrochronological and Osteoarchaeological Research,’ Ajalooline Ajakiri 1 (2011), 3−40, here p. 25, fig. 10:13–​14; Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. A-​42: 1613; A-​43: without subnumber.

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been separate settlement areas in Tartu already during the town formation period in the thirteenth century. In addition, a few decorations found in Tartu can be associated with Rus’ian settlers, the majority of which can also be dated to the thirteenth century.84 These are mostly associated with the area in the northern part of the town connected to Rus’ian settlers, yet there is an example from the southern suburb.85 Apart from these, a few other decoration types appear only during the medieval period. Some of these have European parallels, such as the small round ‘Hanseatic’ brooches; a certain clearly distinguishable subgroup of these has been dated between 1200 and 1400,86 and such brooches have also been found in Latvian cemeteries.87 We know of 19 of these from Tartu (see figure. 8.3: c). However, the situation with decorations from the 1450s onward is more complicated, as similar forms of decorations remained in use until around the 1650s. Thus, a significant amount of such items may appear in the urban areas only during the Livonian War (1558–​1582) and the Polish–​Swedish Wars (1600–​ 1625).88 These include Late Medieval/​Early Modern period forms of penannular brooches,89 which exist both in the town and suburb, and contemporaneous round brooches. According to Heiki Valk, the number of local decoration types is minimal in urban cemeteries between 1300 and 1550.90

84

For Rus’-​related finds from Tartu, see Andres Tvauri, ‘Pihkva pottsepad Viljandis ja Tartus 13. sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 4 (2000), 21–​30, here pp. 24–​25. 85 Mare Aun, ‘Ehteleide keskaegse Tartu lõunapoolse eeslinna alalt,’ in Linnusest ja linnast, pp. 35–​56, here pp. 44–​45, fig. 6:3. 86 Heiki Valk, ‘A Subgroup of the ‘Hanseatic brooches’ in Estonia,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, [vol. 1], ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 1999), pp. 85−100, which lists the finds known until 1999. Since then, three have been unearthed from the southern suburb (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A-​126: 1650, 1942; A-221: 7516), one fragment from the cathedral cemetery (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A-​207: 1), and two from the churchyard of St. Mary’s (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A-​202: 1310, 1421). 87 Vitolds Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence of Two Traditions in the Territory of Present-​Day Latvia in the 13th–​18th Centuries: Burial in Dress and in a Shroud,’ in The Archaeology of Death in Post-​medieval Europe, ed. Sarah Tarlow (Warsaw, 2015), pp. 88–​110, here fig. 5.4:2. 88 Heiki Valk, ‘Grave Goods in Estonian Urban Churchyards: A Reflection of Different Traditions and Ideologies,’ in Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​ 1600. Einflussnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8), pp. 103–​112, here p. 108; Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence,’ pp. 96–​97, 105. 89 Valk, Rural Cemeteries, p. 42 (B-​complexes), pp. 44–​48. 90 Valk, ‘Grave Goods,’ pp. 106–​110; Heiki Valk, ‘On the Origins of Churches and Churchyards in Southern Estonia: The Evidence from Early Grave Finds,’ Baltic Journal of Art History 13 (2017), 99–​129, here p. 119.

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­f igure 8.3  Local brooches from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries found in Livonian towns: a –​tortoise brooch (archaeological collections of Latvian Institute of History, vi 278: 637), b –​penannular brooch, c –​‘Hanseatic’ brooch (both Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. tm A-​116: 15951, tm A-​40: 2819c) photos by Roberts Spirģis (a), and Arvi Haak (b, c)

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­f igure 8.4  Distribution of items with ethnic connotation in medieval Tartu: a –​excavated areas, b –​town wall, c –​moats, d –​River Emajõgi (drawing by Jaana Ratas).

While there can be little doubt regarding the influence of the ‘European’ fashion on local clothing, the question remains as to the extent to which local items were adopted by German-​speaking townspeople. According to Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, the clothing of the latter included some elements that were of local origin, especially warm trousers, mittens, and hats, but also accessories,

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such as necklaces and buttons.91 Krista Sarv has suggested that the local soft leather peasant shoes may have been worn as indoor footwear by all urban strata.92 Such footwear is also mentioned among goods sold in the Tallinn market in the second half of the sixteenth century.93 Still, there is little archaeological evidence to support that claim, as the few items identified in the urban context mostly concentrate on earlier layers and areas where a strong presence of people of local origin has been documented, such as Sauna Street in Tallinn.94 Although Andris Caune has stated that the living quarters of the ethnic groups in Riga could be distinguished,95 perhaps mostly because of the existence of Livic villages in the area prior to town formation, the development of a unified lifestyle, clothing, and housing tradition during the thirteenth century has also been suggested for Riga.96 A recent study of a medieval cemetery of St. Paul’s Church, dated to the thirteenth and fourteenth century, has been shown to include material interpreted as of Curonian and possibly Livic background.97 Vitolds Muižnieks, however, states that the tradition of wearing local jewellery in Latvia ceased by the fifteenth century.98 Muižnieks also claims that in the occupation layers of Riga, more jewellery associated with local origin appears than in urban cemeteries. Based on brooch types from Tartu, the opposite can be stated: the number of decorations from the urban layers is very small, especially between around 1300 and 1550, while a significant number has been found from suburban areas. It thus seems that 91

92 93 94

95 96 97 98

Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, ‘Eesti ala linnaelanike rõivastus 14. sajandi teisest poolest 16. sajandi keskpaigani,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 2 (2002), 22–​43, here p. 31; see also Paul Johansen and Heinz von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch im mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Reval (Köln, 1973) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 15), p. 395. Krista Sarv, ‘Arheoloogiline nahk kui infoallikas,’ in Linnusest ja linnast, pp. 333–​346, here p. 339. Johansen, zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, p. 396. Johansen and zur Mühlen suggest that these could have been used in gardens or fields. For Tallinn, the identified finds (15) originate from two excavations, namely Sauna Street and Town Hall Square, see Krista Sarv, ‘Medieval Leather Footwear from Tallinn,’ Archaeologia Baltica 6 (2006), 158–​164. In Tartu, the three identified medieval finds originate also in Town Hall Square (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A-​28) and a high-status cesspit at Küütri Street 1 (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. A-​162: 181, 195). Andris Caune, ‘Die Hauptergebnisse der archäologischen Forschungen in Riga in den letzten 50 Jahren (1938–​1989),’ Fennoscandia Archaeologica 7 (1990), 81–​95, here p. 93. Caune, Ose, ‘Die Entstehung und Entwicklung,’ p. 503. Andris Celmiņš, ‘Sv. Paula baznīcas kapsēta Rīgā,’ Senā Rīga. Pilsētas arheoloģija, arhitektūra un vēsture 6 (2009), 13–​36, here p. 31. Vitolds Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence,’ p. 95.

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this is not only a change in burial customs, as suggested by Muižnieks,99 but there were also changes to clothing worn in the urban areas, perhaps also in fastening methods. It has proven increasingly difficult to trace local inhabitants in the town area from the fourteenth century onwards. Although a few item types identified as ‘local’ exist both in the town and even more numerously in the suburbs, these are clearly less numerous than during the town formation period. Not only the churchyard but also urban deposits lack the item types well known in the rural cemeteries. Material traces may appear, indeed in different spheres. In the case of Riga, the property marks on net sinkers have been shown to indicate Livic fishermen, and the same may be said about markings on beehive-​trees.100 Although there is at least one net float with a property mark from Tartu,101 additional sources are necessary to discuss whether this mark could have had ethnic connotations. Until now, we must admit that most of the ‘non-​German’ goods listed by Paul Johansen and Heinz von zur Mühlen102 (although these were not restricted to urban areas) do not have exact archaeological parallels from the urban territories. 4

Discussion

What is the ‘Livonian’ character of the town that we are searching for? If we define it on the basis of local rural background, it is easy to end its existence somewhere in the fourteenth (Estonia) or early fifteenth century (Latvia), with a resurrection during the mid-​sixteenth century. Still, once we consider the Livonian town as a local development from diversified ‘sources’, we may have a rather different perspective. For a coherent analysis of the material remains in the Livonian medieval towns, it is necessary to include two tendencies of opposing directions. Firstly, there was certainly an inflow of rural population to the towns, bringing a certain number of ‘rural’ elements to the urban milieu. While this was the case for most of the medieval period, this phenomenon has been especially stressed for the decades of military campaigns from 1558 onwards. Thus, every local phenomenon that can be traced in urban material cannot be considered archaic. 99 Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence,’ p. 96. 100 Andris Caune, Rīgas lībieši un viņu īpašumzīmes (Rīga, 1998), pp. 47–​81. 101 Kätlin Jansons, ‘Märgid Tartu keskaegsetel puitesemetel,’ Tartu Linnamuuseumi aastaraamat 2009 (2010), 11–​37, here p. 33. 102 Johansen, zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, pp. 390–​405.

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On the other hand, the urban centres were also ecclesiastical and economical nodal points to the surrounding countryside, and thus additionally influenced the developments there –​be it the products of urban crafts designated to the rural population, or the use of building material (e.g. bricks) originating from the urban (and probably also manorial) workshops. There certainly were influences, and although the Livonian town may have been built according to a German design, not only the raw materials –​but also certain components –​ were local. To exemplify this, the local climate was the catalyst that necessitated a new solution to heating urban houses. Firstly, the local tradition of the keris stove, and, to a smaller extent, that of the clay stoves, made their way to the emerging towns, to be later replaced by the almost universal heat storage hypocaust. Construction-​wise, however, the actual stove part of the two is rather similar, although probably not a local development. The same idea was also repeated in the rural houses, where bricks were used for oven vaults –​much the same way as in the urban stoves. This was replaced by another innovation –​the tiled stove –​only during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Regarding house types, there seems to have been an even deeper symbiosis. While there is evidence of certain non-​local building types from clearly thirteenth-​century contacts, local types occur in the same plots only a few decades later, while no clear shift has been identified in the finds from these plots. It thus seems that several local features were integrated into the emerging urban pattern, with practicality dominating over connotations to ethnic group in several spheres. This might also be the reason behind the prolonged use of wooden constructions in several Livonian towns, such as Tartu and New Pärnu, while these quickly disappeared in others –​for instance, Tallinn. On the other hand, there is evidence that housing remains combine different traditions, be it the multi-​roomed log houses of Sauna Street in Tallinn, or the developments in Haapsalu. Additionally, in Riga, the timber-​frame houses utilised local clay stoves. The connection between (ethnic) identity and clothing may also seem self-​evident. The role of dress accessories in this process during the medieval period is much harder to assess. Regarding the analysis of decorations from rural, but especially urban cemeteries, it has been shown that their number clearly diminished from the 1300s to the 1550s in Estonia,103 while this was not the case in Latvia.104 The situation in urban churchyards, both in current

1 03 Valk, Rural Cemeteries, pp. 44–​54. 104 Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence,’ pp. 92–​97.

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Estonia and Latvia, was even more unequivocal: there were almost no medieval ornaments found.105 An analysis of the material from the excavations of the southern suburb of Tartu, however, has shown the presence of at least some decoration types in the suburban area.106 Thus, it seems that the recession of ‘local’ decorations is strictly confined to the walled town. This therefore leads to the question as to whether urban fashion also changed and had a stronger influence on the urban population of local origin earlier than expected. Perhaps the dressing habits were more influenced by the norms of the urban community than the ethnic background of its members? Finally, it is valid to ask how greatly eating habits in the town were affected by local traditions. While several imported products certainly made their way not only to coastal, but also to inland towns,107 it should be noted that according to archaeobotanist Ülle Sillasoo, the widespread consumption of wild fruit in the Livonian towns, especially berries, is a local peculiarity.108 Also noteworthy is the limited appearance of wheat in the archaeobotanical material, while the consumption of wheat bread is well known from written sources.109 Although rye was more widespread in northern Germany, and furthermore there is a possibility of underrepresentation of threshed cereals in urban deposits,110 the numbers of wheat finds from Livonian towns are remarkably low.111 While one reason might be the scarcity of using wheat at the household level, with its use mostly by professional bakers, perhaps the local rye bread was more widely consumed among the German-​speaking settlers.112 In an attempt to combine all the aforementioned categories, how could we describe the process of the gradual disappearance of local traits? During the 105 Valk, ‘Grave Goods,’ pp. 106–​110; Valk, ‘On the Origins of Churches,’ p. 119; Muižnieks, ‘The Co-​Existence,’ pp. 95–​96. 106 Aun, ‘Ehteleide,’ pp. 35–​56, the same can be said about the item collection of the nearby Riia 1 site (Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos A-​116, A-​122, A-​126). 107 Ülle Sillasoo, ‘Ecology and Food Consumption of Late Medieval Tartu, Estonia (14th–​15th Century),’ Medium Aevum Quotidianum 44 (2001), 6–​40, here pp. 32–​36. 108 Sillasoo, ‘Ecology,’ pp. 30–​31; Ülle Sillasoo and Sirje Hiie, ‘An Archaeobotanical Approach to Investigating Food of the Hanseatic Period in Estonia,’ in Medieval Food Traditions in Northern Europe. Papers from an International Research Project: The HANSA Network 2001–​2006, ed. Sabine Karg (Copenhagen, 2007) (Publications from the National Museum. Studies in Archaeology and History 12), pp. 73–​96, here pp. 89–​90. 109 Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, ‘‘Hääleib’, ‘saajaleib’, ‘ißeleib’ –​Eesti leivakultuurist 13.–​16. sajandil,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2012), 14–​27, here pp. 22–​24. 110 Almuth Alsleben, ‘Food Consumption in the Hanseatic towns of Germany,’ in Medieval Food Traditions, pp. 13–​37, here pp. 20, 22. 111 See also: Sillasoo, Hiie, ‘An Archaeobotanical Approach,’ here p. 80, ­tables 2–​6. 112 Põltsam-​Jürjo, ‘‘Hääleib’,’ p. 27 has reached similar conclusion based on written evidence.

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thirteenth century, a district of ethnic background could be traced in several medieval towns: at least, the existence of a Livic quarter in Riga and the Rus’ian quarter in Riga and Tartu, but also in Tallinn. While there are certain item types that support such conclusions, it is much harder to follow based on analysis at the household level, that is, the combination of house types, material remains, and any other sources. To exemplify this, the fourteenth-​century house in Haapsalu included traces of several ethnicities, while the same can be said about Sauna Street in Tallinn. The ‘German-​type’ timber-​frame house113 in the Rus’ian quarter of Tartu was constructed on top of the strata, which yielded a significantly Rus’ian-​looking find assemblage (figure. 8.5). While finds from the upper strata include references to several ethnicities, there are only two clearly distinguished items of western origin among the Rus’ian assemblage: a small fragment of glazed redware and a bone comb. Thus, it seems that the ethnicity of the residents cannot be automatically established based on existence of a certain house type or the presumed inhabitants of the area. In archaeological findings combinations of elements of different origins can be proven. Finally, it should also be added that apart from ‘local’ traits, the ‘German’ traits of the thirteenth century did not endure for the entire medieval period, as the urban environment changed all over Europe, not only in the eastern Baltic, and probably more remarkably than the rural areas. Methodologically, most of the discussion above relies on certain material items presumably reflecting ethnic origin, which can be termed ‘ethnic markers’.114 Hopefully the discussion above has shown that these were not static, and a combination of different markers is absolutely necessary for a better understanding of urban development, both in a particular area and on a wider scale. Finally, the quickly growing body of evidence on trace elements and a-​ DNA will very likely add additional arguments to the discussion. 5

Conclusions

The Livonian town was at once a phenomenon of extensive international contacts and a strictly static location. Local climatic conditions affected agriculture and available food resources, as well as housing and construction materials, clothing, and available cloth types. The medieval town developed from the input of several residents, including newcomers as well as

1 13 Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ pp. 584–​586. 114 For a critique of such approach, see Haak, ‘Problems of Defining,’ pp. 17–​22.

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­f igure 8.5  Distribution of several item types connected with ethnic groups in the excavation in the Botanical Garden of Tartu. Note the concentration of biconic spindle whorls near the brick house in the northern part of the area, and glass bracelets and penannular brooches near the timber-​frame house in the south, while both can be found in the yard area between these (drawing by Jaana Ratas, partially based on information published in Mäesalu, ‘Die Haustypen,’ fig. 5).

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the local population. Local workers had to be employed for the construction of ‘imported’ house types and probably also had to be accommodated. This resulted both in ‘mixed’ consumption patterns and in a need to accommodate preferences for certain imported items (for example, woollen cloth, stoneware vessels, Dielenhaus dwellings, etc.), with local building types. From this process, several ‘anachronisms’ appear in the Livonian towns until the mid-​ sixteenth century, such as numerous wooden auxiliary buildings and sanitary features, inter alia, while certain items of local origin, such as local mittens or the use of wild berries, suited the preferences of the urban community. On a more general level, we may state that the local component present in the medieval towns affected the lifestyle of the local ‘Germans’, with certain peculiarities reflected in much later periods for the Baltic German nation. Not all of these need to have archaeologically visible material traces, yet the extension of such roots and contacts may be confirmed by scientific analysis and comparative studies.

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by Estonian Research Council (grant no. PRG29).

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Lüdecke, Torsten, ‘Die Infrasturktur der Stadt Stade –​ein Überblick,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV: Die Infrastruktur, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2004), pp. 197–​209. Mäesalu, Ain, ‘Die Haustypen im hansezeitlichen Tartu (Dorpat),’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 581–​594. Mandel, Mati, Lihula muinas-​ja keskajal (Tallinn, 2000). Muižnieks, Vitolds, ‘The Co-​Existence of Two Traditions in the Territory of Present-​ Day Latvia in the 13th–​18th Centuries: Burial in Dress and in a Shroud,’ in The Archaeology of Death in Post-​medieval Europe, ed. Sarah Tarlow (Warsaw, 2015), pp. 88–​110. Mulsow, Ralf, ‘Archäologische Quellen zur Infrastruktur der Hansestadt Rostock,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV: Die Infrastruktur, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2004), pp. 221–​235. Mulsow, Ralf, ‘Die spätslawische Besiedlung des Rostocker Altstadthügels,’ in Lübeck und der Hanseraum. Beiträge zu Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift für Manfred Gläser, ed. Alfred Falk et al. (Lübeck, 2014), pp. 453–​466. Nawrolska, Grażyna, ‘Domestic Architecture in Elbląg,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 473–​489. Ose, Ieva, ‘Zeugnisse des mittelalterlichen Hausbaus in den Kleinstädten Lettlands,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 569–​579. Paner, Henryk, ‘10th–​17th-​century Domestic Architecture in Gdańsk,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 491–​509. Pärn, Anton, ‘Die Gründungsstädte am Beispiel Estlands –​Problemstellungen,’ in Gründung im archäologischen Befund, ed. Andreas Diener et al. (Paderborn, 2014) (Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Archäologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit 27), pp. 105−112. Pärn, Anton, ‘Külaehitiste jäljed Haapsalu varases linnaehituses,’ in Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tallinn, 2004) (Muinasaja Teadus 14), pp. 269–​289. Pärn, Anton, ‘Die Rolle der Esten bei den Städtegründungen Westestlands,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby 2009) (Acta Vibyensia 12), pp. 109–​121. Pärn, Anton ‘Über die Hausbauentwicklung in Westestland im 13 bis 15. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 595–​604.

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Pärn, Anton, and Erki Russow, ‘Kohalik või võõras? Ühe Haapsalu keskaegse hoone tõlgendusest,’ Läänemaa Muuseumi toimetised 18 (2015), 53–​70. Piirits, Peeter, Arheoloogilised uuringud Tartu Ülikooli tn. 14 hoonealuses osas (Tartu, 2014–​2015) (unpublished manuscript in Tartu City Museum). Piirits, Peeter, Tartu Karuplats. 1994. a arheoloogiliste kaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1994) (unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn). Põltsam-​Jürjo, Inna, ‘Eesti ala linnaelanike rõivastus 14. sajandi teisest poolest 16. sajandi keskpaigani,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 2 (2002), 22–​43. Põltsam-​Jürjo, Inna, ‘Grundzüge des livländischen Städtewesens im Mittelalter,’ in Stadtgeschichte des Baltikums oder baltische Stadtgeschichte? Annäherungen an ein neues Forschungsfeld zur baltischen Geschichte, ed. Heidi Hein-​Kircher and Ilgvars Misāns, 2nd ed. (Marburg, 2016) (Tagungen zur Ostmitteleuropaforschung 33), pp. 117−136. Põltsam-​Jürjo, Inna, ‘‘Hääleib’, ‘saajaleib’, ‘ißeleib’ –​Eesti leivakultuurist 13.–​16. sajandil,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 4 (2012), 14–​27. Põltsam-​Jürjo, Inna, Liivimaa väikelinn Uus-​ Pärnu 16. sajandi esimesel poolel (Tallinn, 2009). Rębkowski, Marian, ‘Domestic Architecture in Medieval Kołobrzeg,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum III: Der Hausbau, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2001), pp. 511–​527. Rieger, Dirk, ‘Die Holzgebäude des 12. und frühen 13. Jahrhunderts,’ in Die Ausgrabungen im Lübecker Gründungsviertel, vol. 1, ed. Manfred Schneider (Lübeck, 2019), pp. 166–​329. Russow, Erki, ‘Tallinna lätted,’ Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri 2 (2019), 10–​35. Sarv, Krista, ‘Arheoloogiline nahk kui infoallikas,’ in Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tallinn, 2004) (Muinasaja Teadus 14), pp. 333–​346. Sarv, Krista, ‘Medieval Leather Footwear from Tallinn,’ Archaeologia Baltica 6 (2006), 158–​164. Sarv, Krista, and Vladimir Sokolovski, ‘Sauna tänav 10 hoovi arheoloogiliste kaevamiste noatuped,’ in: Etnos ja kultuur. Uurimusi Silvia Laulu auks, ed. Heiki Valk (Tallinn, 2006) (Muinasaja Teadus 18), pp. 319–​330. Schäfer, Heiko, ‘Öffentliche Bautätigkeiten und Einrichtungen in Greifswald unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der archäologischen Quellen des 13. bis 15. Jahrhunderts,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV: Die Infrastruktur, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2004), pp. 263–​274. Schmieder, Felicitas, ‘Various Ethnic and Religious Groups in Medieval German Towns? Some Evidence and Reflections,’ in Segregation –​Integration –​Assimilation. Religious and Ethnic Groups in the Medieval Towns of Central and Eastern Europe, ed. Derek Keene et al. (Farnham, 2009), pp. 15–​31.

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Schmitt, Georg, ‘Vom Dorf zur Stadt. Der Städtebauliche Wandel Rostocks im 13. Jahrhundert,’ in 777 Jahre Rostock. Neue Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte, ed. Ortwin Pelc (Rostock, 1995) (Schriften des Kulturhistorischen Museums in Rostock 2), pp. 9–​20. Selart, Anti, ‘Russians in the Livonian Towns in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,’ in Segregation –​Integration –​Assimilation. Religious and Ethnic Groups in the Medieval Towns of Central and Eastern Europe, ed. Derek Keene et al. (Farnham, 2009), pp. 33–​50. Selart, Anti, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43−66. Sillasoo, Ülle, ‘Ecology and Food Consumption of Late Medieval Tartu, Estonia (14th–​ 15th Century),’ Medium Aevum Quotidianum 44 (2001), 6–​40. Sillasoo, Ülle, and Sirje Hiie, ‘An Archaeobotanical Approach to Investigating Food of the Hanseatic Period in Estonia,’ in Medieval Food Traditions in Northern Europe. Papers from an International Research Project: The HANSA Network 2001–​2006, ed. Sabine Karg (Copenhagen, 2007) (Publications from the National Museum. Studies in Archaeology and History 12), pp. 73–​96. Spirģis, Roberts, ‘Late Liv Tortoise Brooches of the 12th–​13th Century from the Environs of Riga,’ in The Hansa Town Riga as Mediator between East and West, ed. Andris Caune and Ieva Ose (Rīga, 2009), pp. 175–​189. Spitzers, Thomas A., ‘Archaeological Evidence and Models on Waste-​disposal and the Infrastructure of Deventer,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum IV: Die Infrastruktur, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2004), pp. 117–​136. Steuer, Heiko, ‘Der Beitrag der Archäologie zur Stadtgeschichtsforschung,’ in Stadtgeschichtsforschung: Aspekte, Tendenzen, Perspektiven, ed. Fritz Mayrhofer (Linz, 1993) (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Städte Mitteleuropas 12), pp. 173–​196. Tiko, Annika, Keskaegsed majapidamised Tallinnas Sauna tn 8/​10 kaevamiste näitel. ma thesis (Tallinn, 2012) (unpublished manuscript, available at https://​www.etera.ee/​ zoom/​9736/​view). Tõnisson, Evald, ‘Esiaja ahjud Eestis,’ Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia Toimetised. Ühiskonnateadused 30 (1981), 43–​56. Tvauri, Andres, ‘Archaeological Investigations in the Old Part of Viljandi,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1997 (1997), 81–​86. Tvauri, Andres, ‘Late Medieval Hypocausts with Heat Storage in Estonia,’ Baltic Journal of Art History [1] Autumn (2009), 49–​78. Tvauri, Andres, ‘Pihkva pottsepad Viljandis ja Tartus 13. sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 4 (2000), 21–​30. Tvauri, Andres, et al. ‘Archaeological Excavations at the Courtyard of Lutsu Street 12, Tartu,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2016 (2017), 147–​154. Valk, Heiki, ‘Grave Goods in Estonian Urban Churchyards: A Reflection of Different Traditions and Ideologies,’ in Der Ostseeraum und Kontinentaleuropa 1100–​1600.

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Einflussnahme –​Rezeption –​Wandel, ed. Detlef Kattinger et al. (Schwerin, 2004) (ccc Papers 8), pp. 103–​112. Valk, Heiki, ‘On the Origins of Churches and Churchyards in Southern Estonia: The Evidence from Early Grave Finds,’ Baltic Journal of Art History 13 (2017), 99–​129. Valk, Heiki, Rural Cemeteries of Southern Estonia 1225–​1800, 2nd ed. (Tartu, 2001) (ccc Papers 3). Valk, Heiki, ‘A Subgroup of the ‘Hanseatic brooches’ in Estonia,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, [vol. 1], ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 1999), pp. 85−100. Valk, Heiki, ‘Tartu toomkiriku kalmistust ja ümbruskonna varasemast asustusest,’ in Tartu arheoloogiast ja varasemast ehitusloost. Artiklite kogumik, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 1995) (Tartu Ülikooli Arheoloogia kabineti toimetised 8), pp. 59–​80. Vissak, Rünno, ‘Results of Archaeological Investigation at the SE Foot of Toomemägi, Tartu,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1999 (2000), 113–​120. Vunk, Aldur, ‘Excavations in the New Pärnu Quarter of Artisans,’ Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia toimetised. Humanitaar-​ja sotsiaalteadused 43 (1994), 60–​67. Westholm, Gun, ‘Two Towns: Sanitary Infrastructure in Visby and Tallinn,’ in Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 2002), pp. 53–​66.

Chapter 9

Advancement of Craftsmanship and Manufacturing in Medieval Livonia Andres Tvauri After the German-​Danish conquest at the end of the twelfth and in the thirteenth century, among the settlers that arrived in Livonia, which includes the area of modern Estonia and Latvia, were craftsmen both from Germany and southern Scandinavia. In order to find out if this brought about changes in local craftsmanship and what kind of change that might have been, this contribution will explore which professional branches of craftsmanship and craftsmen were represented in Livonia in the Middle Ages. Which changes were caused by immigration, and what kinds of changes occurred during the following centuries? What was the technological and organisational level of local craftsmanship and production in the Middle Ages by comparison with the rest of the Circum-​Baltic area? In medieval Livonia a craftsman was an apprenticed master whose occupation provided his livelihood and who, at the end of the Middle Ages, usually belonged to a craft guild. Occupations belonging to the sphere of service and transport were regarded as craftsmen, too. In the present study, which was written from the perspective of archaeology, craftsmanship is understood in a narrower sense. Archaeology studies the past by means of objects and preserved traces in the ground, yet the occupations related to service and transport are almost invisible archaeologically. In archaeology, craftsmanship is usually understood as non-​agrarian manufacturing as a whole. Craftsmanship can be divided into various sub-​categories based on the producer-​consumer relationship with different purposes and required skills, quality requirements, and production volumes: home craft in one’s household for personal use; customer production on direct orders; and market production.1 Only customer-​and market-​oriented professional production will be discussed below. Nevertheless, one has to admit that in the case of archaeological evidence of

1 Axel Christophersen, Håndverket i forandring. Studier i horn-​og beinhåndverkets utvikling i Lund c:a 1000–​1350 (Bonn, 1980) (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia. Series in 4° 13), pp. 14–​16.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_010

262 Tvauri craftsmanship and production, it is not always possible to determine the level of professionalism. 1

Crafts before the Crusading Conquest

There are almost no written records about the pre-​Crusade period in the area of contemporary Estonia and Latvia. The evidence of local craftsmanship consists mostly of products that are considered to be local. Craftsmen’s tools, production waste, and faulty products have been found mostly in hillforts and settlement sites, as well as tools in graves and hoards. Only a few iron production sites have been found from the pre-​Crusade period. In the twelfth century, there were no early urban centres there, the traditions of which could be adopted by medieval towns. Towns were a new phenomenon in this region. Tools and waste of household craftwork (mostly less sophisticated textile, leather, wood, and bone working) have been found during all the more thorough studies of hillforts and settlement sites. Evidence of professional metalwork has been found mostly in hillforts. Both in Estonia and Latvia, pottery was made before the conquest mostly for local needs. The vessels were often of high quality, but the production volume was rather modest. The sites of Livs on the Daugava River and Letts from the eleventh–​twelfth centuries yield large quantities of local potter-​wheel ceramics, which might indicate the existence of professional potters. However, it seems that the clay vessels produced in pre-​Crusade Estonia and Latvia represent customer manufacturing and not market sales.2 The manufacturing of metal jewellery is evidenced by numerous moulds from imported limestone,3 which were used to cast small pendants and studs. Studies show that they were used to cast tin objects.4 In the eleventh–​twelfth centuries, in addition to more 2 3

4

Andres Tvauri, Eesti hilisrauaaja savinõud (Tallinn, 2005) (Muinasaja Teadus 16), pp. 59, 122. Jānis Apals and Ēvalds Mugurēvičs, ‘Vēlais dzelzs laikmets (agrie viduslaiki) 800.–​1200. g.,’ in Latvijas senākā vēsture 9. g. t. pr. Kr. –​1200 g., ed. Ēvalds Mugurēvičs and Andrejs Vasks (Rīga, 2001), pp. 290–​377, here pp. 330–​331, fig. 231; Dagnija Svarāne, ‘Metālliešana un lejamveidnes Rīgā un Daugavas lejtecē dzelzs laikmetā un viduslaikos,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 9 (2018), 96–​120; Ragnar Saage, Metallitööpaigad Eestis 7.–​17. sajandil. Metalworking Sites in Estonia during the 7th–​17th Centuries (Tartu, 2020) (Dissertationes archaeologiae universitatis Tartuensis 10). Harri Moora, ‘Об оловянных украшениях и их изготовлении в Прибалтике [Ob olovi͡annykh ukrasheni͡akh i ikh izgotovlenii v Pribaltike],’ in Munera archaeologica Iosepho Kostrzewski quinquagesimum annum optimarum artium studiis deditum peragenti ab amicis, collegis, discipulis oblata, ed. Konrad Jażdżewski (Poznań, 1963), pp. 355–​363; Ragnar Saage and Sebastian K. T. S. Wärmländer, ‘Metal Residues in 5th c. BCE–​13th c. CE

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widespread types of jewellery, there were also some items that are not characteristic of the neighbouring areas. The majority of the jewellery found locally is standard and of high quality, which indicates mass production. Unfortunately, there is no local evidence that fibulae, bracelets, pins, and necklaces were locally made from copper alloy. It could well be that they were produced for the local market of some urban centre in the neighbouring areas (for example, in Novgorod, Pskov, or Sigtuna). The Estonian hoards from the following twelfth–​thirteenth centuries contain mainly silver jewellery that belongs to the local types,5 whereas the composition of the jewellery, which is considered local, varies considerably, and the silver content is usually lower than that of imported items. More sophisticated techniques, such as filigree, granulation, gilding, and coating with enamel and niello, occur only in foreign items,6 which shows a lower degree of specialisation in local metal jewellery than in the craftsmanship centres of the neighbouring countries such as Sigtuna and Novgorod.7 Tools constitute the main archaeological evidence of blacksmithing in Estonia and Latvia in the eleventh–​twelfth centuries. The largest hoard of blacksmithing tools was found in the Rauši settlement site on Dole Island of the River Daugava, which is a Livic settlement area, and is from the second half of the eleventh century.8 Two male burials of the mid-​eleventh century found in Raatvere cemetery in eastern Estonia have been regarded as blacksmith burials. One of the graves revealed a blacksmith’s hammer and tongs in addition to weapons, jewellery, and other tools. The other grave had a blacksmith’s hammer in addition to other objects.9 In the eleventh–​twelfth centuries, many weapons were used in Estonia and Latvia that are regarded as local production. Blacksmithing was advanced, which is proved by the fact that damascened spearheads were manufactured there.10 The production of knives, sickles, and Estonian Tools for non-​Ferrous Metal Casting,’ Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 19 (2018), 35–​51. 5 Ülle Tamla, Hõbeesemete valmistamistehnoloogia Eestist leitud 9.–​13. sajandi materjali põhjal. MA thesis (Tallinn, 1998) (Unpublished manuscript in the Library of Archaeological Collection of the Tallinn University). 6 Tamla, Hõbeesemete valmistamistehnoloogia, pp. 39–​43. 7 Saage, Metallitööpaigad Eestis, p. 42. 8 Elvira Šnore, ‘Raušu ciems Doles salas augšgalā,’ Latvijas Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis 6 (1991), 69–​87, here pp. 78–​81, fig. 10; Apals, Mugurēvičs, ‘Vēlais dzelzs laikmets,’ p. 329, fig. 229. 9 Ain Lavi, ‘Põhja-​Tartumaa rauatööst muinas-​ja varakeskajal,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 3 (1999), 35–​62, here pp. 50–​51. 10 Jüri Selirand, ‘Estnische Gruppe der nordeuropäischen Lanzenspitzen mit damasziertem Blatt,’ Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia toimetised. Ühiskonnateadused 24 (1975), 171–​186, here p. 186.

264 Tvauri axes has suggested that local blacksmithing reached a level comparable to the other Circum-​Baltic countries no later than in the ninth century, still being inferior to such craftsmanship centres as Ribe, Old Ladoga, and Visby.11 The level of specialisation was low –​blacksmiths usually operated as bronze casters, and some blacksmiths also made silver jewellery.12 The only category of manufacturing where items were made for consumers outside the local area was iron production, which took place in Saaremaa from the twelfth century until the beginning of the fourteenth century on an industrial scale. Judging by the slag heaps in the Tuiu region, about 2,000 tons of iron had been produced there during two centuries, which exceeds local iron consumption.13 Fragments of textile tools (spindle whorls, handloom parts, tablet weaving cards, etc.) have been found in large numbers in hillforts and settlement sites.14 It is impossible to assess on this basis whether the textile work in the twelfth–​thirteenth centuries was professional, and, if so, to what degree it was professionalised. In the Estonian and Livic areas, garments were decorated with spiral tube patterns. A chest containing jewellery, craftsman’s tools, and ready-​made spiral wire patterns of the thirteenth century, which was found at Lõhavere hillfort in southern Estonia,15 shows that more expensive garments were made in hillforts. It is unknown, however, whether they were made for sale or for personal use only. Although most household crafts were made in one’s household for personal use, there were also some professional craftsmen who were probably in the service of noblemen in hillforts and who manufactured consumer products that were not for the market.16 It is likely that there may have been many itinerant craftsmen. There were professional potters, garment-​makers, and blacksmiths who may have worked non-​ferrous metals. There may have also been

11

Jüri Peets, The Power of Iron: Iron Production and Blacksmithy in Estonia and Neighbouring Areas in Prehistoric Period and the Middle Ages (Tallinn, 2003) (Muinasaja Teadus 12), pp. 268–​270. 12 Harri Moora, ‘Käsitöö arenemisjärg Baltimail 12.–​13. sajandil,’ in Pronksiajast varase feodalismini. Uurimusi Baltimaade ja naaberalade arheoloogiast, ed. Harri Moora and Jüri Selirand (Tallinn, 1966), pp. 123–​128, here p. 125; Saage, Metallitööpaigad Eestis, pp. 41–​42. 13 Peets, The Power of Iron, pp. 99–​136. 14 Apals, Mugurēvičs, ‘Vēlais dzelzs laikmets,’ pp. 333–​334. 15 Silvia Laul and Ülle Tamla, Peitleid Lõhavere linnamäelt. Käsitöö-​ja ehtevakk 13. sajandi algusest (Tartu, 2014) (Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi kirjad 10). 16 Andres Tvauri, ‘Lõuna-​Eesti noorema rauaaja linnuste ja külade arheoloogilise leiumaterjali erinevused,’ in Keskus –​tagamaa –​ääreala. Uurimusi asustushierarhia ja võimukes­kus­ te kujunemisest Eestis, ed. Valter Lang (Tallinn, 2002) (Muinasaja Teadus 11), pp. 275–​300.

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tanners, shoemakers, and woodworkers; however, reliable archaeological evidence is absent. 2

The Sources of Medieval Craftsmanship

The first written record about Livonian craftsmen can be found in the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, written in the 1220s. According to the chronicle, Meinhard, the first bishop of Livonia, invited some stone-​cutters (lapicide) from Gotland to build the castle of Ikšķile around the year 1185.17 Nevertheless, there are only a few notes about craftsmanship and craftsmen in Livonia in the thirteenth century. For example, the Debtor’s Book of Riga has a record in 1288 about Jordanus, a tailor of Tallinn or from Tallinn (sartor Jordanus de Revalia), which is probably the first record of its kind.18 Medieval town archives are preserved only in Riga and Tallinn, and in-​depth studies of craftsmen are possible only for these towns. Sources from the fourteenth century already have notes about craftsmen of various specialities. In the thirteenth–​fourteenth centuries, three kinds of corporations emerged in northern European towns: guilds, religious-​charitable fraternities, and craft guilds. The earliest guilds were formed by seafarers and merchants; craftsmen joined them later.19 The most influential guild of the major towns in Livonia was the Great Guild; its membership included mainly married, large-​scale merchants who dealt mostly with long-​distance trade and who owned urban property.20 Craftsmen were members of the Small Guild in Riga,21 Tartu,22 and New Pärnu.23 Unlike the other Livonian towns, Tallinn probably witnessed the emergence of two ‘lesser’ guilds by in the thirteenth century, which in the course of time developed into St Canute’s Guild and St Olaf’s Guild. The choice

17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum ex monumentis Germaniae historicis separatim editi [31]), p. 3 §i.6. Küllike Kaplinski, Tallinn –​meistrite linn (Tallinn, 1995), p. 183. Anu Mänd, ‘Gildid,’ in Tallinna ajalugu, vol. 1: 1561. aastani, ed. Tiina Kala (Tallinn, 2019), pp. 229–​234, here p. 233. Anu Mänd, ‘Suurgildi teke, põhikiri ja liikmeskond,’ in Tallinna Suurgild ja gildimaja, ed. Tõnis Liibek (Tallinn, 2011), pp. 17–​53, here p. 32. Friedrich Benninghoven, Rigas Entstehung und der frühhansische Kaufmann (Hamburg, 1961) (Nord-​und osteuropäische Geschichtsstudien 3), pp. 93–​97. Mänd, ‘Suurgildi teke,’ p. 19. Inna Põltsam-​Jürjo, Liivimaa väikelinn Uus-​Pärnu 16. sajandi esimesel poolel (Tallinn, 2009), p. 268.

266 Tvauri of the patron saints shows that merchants, seafarers, and craftsmen of Danish origin and those who traded with Danish towns played an important role in the foundation of St Canute’s Guild. St Olaf’s Guild, on the other hand, was probably founded by merchants, seafarers, and craftsmen with a Swedish background or Sweden-​related commercial interests. The membership of St Olaf’s Guild included representatives of less prestigious crafts (building and transport, butchers, furriers, tanners, and coopers) who were mostly non-​Germans. The membership of St Canute’s Guild included small merchants, skippers, and masters of more sophisticated crafts.24 Craft guilds were occupational organisations of craftsmen. With the agreement of the guild masters, the city council confirmed the guild statutes, which established the training system for crafts and set the requirements for the background, training, and skills of prospective masters. It is not known when and in which order the craft guilds were established in Livonian towns. It is likely that they may have existed before their statutes were recorded. The first approved statutes were those of the goldsmiths’ guild in Riga in 1360. In the same century, statutes were approved in Riga for shoemakers (1375), coopers (1375), blacksmiths (1382), fullers (1383), bakers (1392), and furriers (1397). The statutes of tailors and shoemakers were approved at the end of the fourteenth century.25 In Tallinn, the first professional organisations of craftsmen appear in the sources in the 1330s. The first statutes there were issued to tailors in 1363–​1375, followed by goldsmiths (1393) and butchers (1394).26 Sources from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in Riga mention representatives of 90 occupations.27 The Tallinn city books mention 60 craft specialities in 1333–​1374 and in the fifteenth century almost 100.28 The number of crafts –​that is, craft specialisation –​in Livonian towns corresponds to the situation in Germany. The average and larger German towns also had 60–​100 craft specialities in the twelfth–​thirteenth centuries.29 The 24 Kaplinski, Tallinn, 52–​53; Mänd, ‘Suurgildi teke,’ p. 19. 25 Wilhelm Stieda and Constantin Mettig, Schragen der Gilden und Aemter der Stadt Riga bis 1621 (Riga, 1896), pp. 93, 112, 478, 528. 26 Voldemar Miller and Aleksander Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ in Tallinna ajalugu 1860-​ndate aastateni, ed. Raimo Pullat (Tallinn, 1976), pp. 89–​97, here p. 89. 27 Andris Caune and Ieva Ose, ‘Archäologische Erkenntnisse zum Handwerk in Riga. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des 13./​14. Jahrhunderts mit einem Ausblick auf das 17. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V: Das Handwerk, ed. Mafred Gläser (Lübeck, 2006), pp. 459–​471, here p. 461. 28 Küllike Kaplinski, ‘Tallinna käsitöölised 15.–​16. sajandil,’ in Eesti ajaloo probleeme, ed. Enn Tarvel (Tallinn, 1981), pp. 26–​35, here p. 27. 29 Põltsam-​Jürjo, Liivimaa väikelinn, p. 260 and the literature therein.

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number of craft guilds was related to the population and prosperity of towns.30 However, considering that in the mid-​sixteenth century nineteen towns with a population of 5000–​10,000 in the Low Countries had on average eleven craft guilds,31 it appears that the craftsmen of Riga and Tallinn were rather well organised. Also, Jüri Kivimäe has estimated on the basis of the number of craftsmen and craft specialities that in the Middle Ages, Tallinn was a town with well-​developed craftsmanship and craft organisation. However, when analysing the structure of local craft specialities, where transport and trade service specialities are well represented, he reached the conclusion that the proportion of craft production was small by comparison with other German Hanse towns. Craftsmen satisfied the needs of local people for everyday items and food or serviced long-​distance trade.32 In Riga, too, craftsmanship was a less important field of activity than trade. The craftsmen of Riga produced mostly for the local market or processed and packaged transit products.33 The merchants who governed Livonian towns were usually of German origin.34 By contrast, the background of craftsmen was much more diverse. Küllike Kaplinski made an effort to guess the origin of 214 Tallinn craftsmen who are mentioned in the fourteenth-​century records on the basis of their names. Of them, 159 or the majority had been born outside Livonia, mostly in Lower Saxony. Many craftsmen had arrived from Westphalia, northern Rhineland, Prussia, and also from Scandinavia, Finland, and the Low Countries. Among the natives, 46 were from northern Estonia, and 8–​9 from Latvia or southern Estonia.35 There were many Finns and Swedes in Tallinn, but very few in southern Livonian towns. Additionally, there are some written records about Rus’ian 30 Doris Bulach, Handwerk im Stadtraum. Das Ledergewerbe in den Hansestädten der südwestlichen Ostseeküste (13. bis 16. Jahrhundert) (Köln, 2013) (Quellen und Darstellungen Hansischen Geschichte 65), p. 29; Hubert De Witte, ‘Craft in the Town of Brugge: Archaeological Evidence, in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 115–​122, here p. 115. 31 Piet Lourens and Jan Lucassen, ‘Gilden und Wanderung: Die Niederlande,’ in Handwerk in Europa. Vom Spätmittelalter bis zur Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Knut Schulz (München, 1999) (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. Kolloquien 41), pp. 65–​79, here table 2. 32 Jüri Kivimäe, ‘Tallinn ja Hansa. Ühe ajaloolise struktuuri piirjooni,’ Looming 3 (1988), 376–​ 387, here p. 380. 33 Andris Celmiņš, Zemē apslēptā pilsēta. Izstāde par 1991.–​1997. gada arheoloģiskajiem atra­ dumiem Rīgā. A City Under the Ground. An Exhibition of Archaeological Finds from Riga, 1991–​1997 (Rīga, 1998), p. 21. 34 Anu Mänd, ‘Membership and Social Career in Tallinn Merchants’ Guilds,’ in Guilds, Towns, and Cultural Transmission in the North, 1300–​1500, ed. Lars Bisgaard et al. (Odense, 2013), pp. 229–​250, here p. 232. 35 Küllike Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised XIV sajandil, 2 vols (Tallinn, 1980), vol. 1 p. 92.

268 Tvauri craftsmen in towns. Medieval town-​dwellers, including craftsmen, were highly mobile; some masters stayed there only for a few years. Journeymen were even more mobile because several specialities required wander years or, to be more precise, journeymanship in Germany.36 This all meant that the organisation, products, and production techniques were very similar everywhere in Circum-​ Baltic towns. A peculiarity of Livonia was the ethnic and cultural differences that separated the social groups. The nobility, clergy, merchants, and one part of the craftsmen who represented more profitable specialities formed the ‘German’ group. The peasantry and representatives of less profitable and prestigious specialities were ‘non-​Germans’, that is, Estonians, Livs, or Latvians. In northern and western Estonia, Scandinavians held social positions between the Germans and the peasantry. In towns there was a clear division between German and non-​German crafts. In Tallinn, the ‘Germans’ constituted slightly less than half of the craftsmen.37 Even apprentices were required to have been born of honest parents; some statutes additionally mentioned ‘of free parents’.38 In Riga, membership of non-​Germans in craft guilds was prohibited no later than the last quarter of the fourteenth century. In Tallinn, this clause appears for the first time in the statutes of goldsmiths in 1393.39 Persons of German or mainly German origin were admitted to the craft guilds of goldsmiths, tailors, shoemakers, butchers, bakers, and blacksmiths.40 The relevant archaeological sources include manufacturing sites, equipment and tools, raw materials, semi-​ manufactured products, and waste, including faulty products. Also, the products themselves constitute a source of research unless they had been imported. Very few branches of craftsmanship and manufacturing required special buildings, such as smithies, mills, or glassworks. Archaeologically recognisable manufacturing sites exist only for those craft specialities where stationary equipment is used (pottery, blacksmithing, tanning). The most easily identifiable craft specialities are those where the manufacturing process involves pits in the ground or such equipment as tanning vats, kilns, and clay pits or sunken moulds for large metal objects. Even in such cases it is not always possible to determine the origin of the remains.

36 37 38 39 40

Anu Mänd and Erki Russow, ‘Käsitöö,’ in Eesti ajalugu II: Eesti keskaeg, ed. Anti Selart (Tartu, 2012), pp. 229–​250, here p. 249. Anu Mänd, ‘Käsitööliste ühiskondlik seisund ja päritolu,’ in Tallinna ajalugu I, pp. 249–​ 251, here p. 249. Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 90. Mänd, ‘Käsitööliste ühiskondlik seisund,’ p. 250. Inna Põltsam, Söömine-​joomine keskaegses Tallinnas (Tallinn, 2002), p. 39.

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For example, in the case of a sunken vat it is not always possible to determine whether it was used for tanning or cloth fulling or dyeing. Craftsman’s tools are extremely rare in the cultural layer of medieval towns. Usually only smaller tools have been preserved; they tend to be lost more easily, are less valuable, or broken.41 Such remains usually include fragments of ceramic crucibles and spindle whorls. Fragments of crucibles and moulds can be associated with specific craft specialities. In the case of most tools this is not so. For example, knives were used for very different purposes. Multi-​purpose tools can be associated with craftsmanship only in those cases when they are found in the cultural layer of a workshop or in a toolbox that contains other craft-​specific tools. Semi-​manufactured products may yield valuable information about production technology or work organisation. They may show some tool marks, which cannot be identified on a finished item or its part. Manufacturing waste includes mainly the waste that was left over from the semi-​product, the shaping or cutting out of the item or its part (pieces of wood, bone, sheet metal, leather, or textile). The most common archaeologically identifiable faulty products include those items that have melted during the firing of pottery, have become stuck to one another, clinkered, twisted, or swollen, as well as those items that were broken during burning or cooling, or were inadequately burned. Metalworking has left behind much less faulty work because the material could be reused. Most craftsmen used raw materials that had been processed from the perspective of manufacturing and sale into units of standard shape and size. Examples include metal bars, hanks, or textile of a certain width and length. The raw material was often packaged in certain ways and quantities, as well as marked. Raw materials, too, provide clues for manufacturing technology and the organisation of trade. Raw materials can be directly linked with craftsmanship only in those cases when they have been stored in the manufacturing site or its immediate vicinity. Products themselves provide the best picture of the technological level of craftsmanship and the masters’ skills. The study of the object and use of experimental methods provides data about raw materials and manufacturing technology. However, the study of local craftsmanship by means of products is more difficult because it is usually impossible to determine the manufacturing site. Master’s marks and proof marks became widespread only later. In the Middle Ages, craftsmen manufactured very similar products throughout 41

Frans Verhaeghe, ‘Industry in Medieval Towns. The Archaeological Problem,’ in Medieval Archaeology. Critical Concepts in Archaeology, vol. 3: Medieval Life, ed. Roberta Gilchrist and Gemma L. Watson (London, 2017), pp. 299–​323, here pp. 303–​304.

270 Tvauri the cultural space of northern Germany. The origin of some types of clay vessels is known because archaeologists have studied their manufacturing sites and the faulty products found there. The pottery manufacturing centre in Siegburg, Germany, is one such example. Unfortunately, such production places have not been found locally. It is true that a thirteenth-​century ceramic workshop was found in Viljandi, but the production of this site poses a problem because very similar vessels were manufactured in the Pskov region in Rus’.42 It is likely that the clothes and footwear, which in the Middle Ages were usually manufactured for a specific customer, may have been made mostly locally. There is almost no information about such craft specialities, the products of which were used up and are perishable. For example, there is no archaeological material in Livonia that could be associated with brewers or bakers. Chopping and cutting marks on bones could shed some light on the activities of butchers. There are some craft specialities whose products were used, but their manufacturers are not reflected in the written records or the find material in the form of manufacturing sites –​only some disposed production waste has been found. Examples include manufacturers of bone and horn objects. Without archaeological studies we would not be aware of a Pskov potter or potters who worked in Tallinn, Viljandi, and Tartu in the thirteenth century. In the case of many craft specialities, it is difficult or impossible to distinguish on the basis of archaeological remains between market production or professional craftsmanship and home craft made in one’s household for personal use. They are first and foremost those specialities that do not require a special workshop, equipment, or specialised tools. For example, the medieval cultural layer of towns often reveals sewing needles, thimbles, and scissors, but it is impossible to determine whether these tools were used to repair the garments of one’s own family or for professional sewing. In the case of a baker’s oven it is not clear either how to make a distinction between an oven used by a professional baker and an oven used by a housewife or a servant. Thus, archaeological sources do not enable us to establish the proportion of some craft speciality in a town or to compare craft specialities.

42 Andres Tvauri, ‘Loode-​ Vene päritolu slaavi keraamika Eestis 11.–​ 16. sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 4 (2000), 91–​119, here pp. 100–​102.

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Metalworking

The fifteenth-​century sources of Tallinn mention at least 15 different metalworking specialities.43 In Tallinn, the metalwork masters belonged to two craft guilds: goldsmiths and smiths. The vast majority of Tallinn goldsmiths had arrived from Germany, a smaller number from Scandinavian towns.44 In 1393–​ 1537, an applicant for the goldsmiths’ guild of Tallinn had to make a masterpiece (­figure 9.1) that included a gold ring, a pair of knife handles, and an engagement fibula adorned with hands.45 In the Middle Ages, fibulae with hands were widespread mostly in northern Germany and Denmark, but their production as a masterpiece was required when qualifying also for the goldsmiths’ guilds of Riga, Lübeck, Wismar, and Lüneburg.46 In Tallinn some masterpieces have survived from the sixteenth century.47 Despite their moniker, goldsmiths dealt mostly with the manufacturing of silver items, such as jewellery, various vessels, and church vessels and the engraving of seals.48 Also, a seal engraver is known to have worked in Tallinn in the fourteenth century.49 Few medieval goldsmiths’ products have survived for which there is reliable evidence that they were manufactured in Livonia. Usually the medieval objects are without a master’s mark, or the master who used it is unidentifiable.50 The earliest identifiable specimen of local goldwork is the monstrance of St Nicholas’ Church in Tallinn by Hans Ryssenberg the Elder, made in 1473–​1477. This object is 112 cm in height and was cast with an alloy of 88 per cent silver content, gilded and adorned with gems and enamel; the techniques employed include embossment, engraving, niello, and soldering. Its design is similar to other contemporaneous monstrances that have been preserved in Europe.51 Only around 18 pre-​Reformation communion cups are known from Estonia

43 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 156. 44 Anu Mänd, ‘Hans Holtappel, kullassepp,’ in Tiina Kala et al., Kümme keskaegset tallinlast (Tallinn, 2006), pp. 90–​120, here p. 119. 45 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 174. 46 Anne K. Scholz, Der Schatzfund aus dem Stadtweinhaus in Münster/​Westfalen und vergleichbare Schatzfunde des hohen und späten Mittelalters als archäologische Quelle (Mainz, 2018) (Monographien des Römisch-​Germanischen Zentralmuseums 144), p. 55, fig. 31. 47 Mai Raud, ‘Meisterstücke der Revaler Goldschmiede,’ Eesti Teadusliku Seltsi Rootsis aastaraamat 9 (1985), 45–​84. 48 Mänd, ‘Hans Holtappel,’ pp. 90–​92. 49 Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised, vol. 1 p. 54. 50 Ella Vende, Väärismetalltööd Eestis 15.–​19. sajandini (Tallinn, 1967), p. 13. 51 Anu Mänd, Kirikute hõbevara. Altaririistad keskaegsel Liivimaal (Tallinn, 2008) (Eesti kirikute sisustus 1), pp. 100–​109.

­f igure 9.1  Masterpiece by a Tallinn goldsmith from the beginning of the sixteenth century tallinn city museum collections, nos. 4255, 4256, 4257. photos by martin vuks

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272 Tvauri

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and Latvia.52 These objects suggest that the products manufactured in Livonia did not differ from the German tradition, which was prevalent everywhere in the Circum-​Baltic space. Sources from Tallinn mention jewellery-​makers (ettekenmaker) of Estonian origin who did not belong to craft guilds and manufactured mostly peasant jewellery.53 They appear in the sources in 1333 at the earliest and were even more numerous than goldsmiths.54 It could well be that most of them were former goldsmith journeymen who did not qualify for the rank of guild master.55 Masters of metalwork, who did not belong to the blacksmith’s guild, included decoration-​makers (pistemaker). They decorated harnesses and other leather items with studs, rivets, spangles, and wire stitches.56 They arrived in Livonia in the fifteenth century57 from the western Hanseatic towns and gradually ousted the jewellery-​makers who manufactured peasant jewellery. In 1462 the decoration-​makers of Tallinn were admitted to the saddlers’ guild,58 and it seems that by the first half of the sixteenth century they were mostly non-​Germans.59 The speciality of an armourer can be tracked in Tallinn since 1358; however, they did not belong to the blacksmiths’ guild. Nevertheless, the city council required a masterpiece from them, which included jambeaux, a pair of gauntlets, and armour.60 The crossbow-​maker, who was mentioned in Tallinn in fourteenth-​century documents, is a borderline case between metal-​and woodworking.61 The earliest record of an artillery master in the service of the city of Tallinn comes from 1396. There is no data of artillery masters being members of craft guilds. Many of them acted at the same time as artillery chiefs of the city and

52 Mänd, Kirikute hõbevara, pp. 63–​93. 53 Helmi Üprus, ‘Hõbehelmed ja eesti soost ehtemeistrid,’ Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat 1 (1947), 138–​156, here p. 152; Mai Lumiste, ‘Maal, puuskulptuur ja tarbekunst 13. sajandist kuni 16. saj. teise veerandini,’ in Eesti kunsti ajalugu, vol. 1, ed. Irina Solomõkova et al. (Tallinn, 1975), pp. 71–​83, here p. 82. 54 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 179. 55 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 177. 56 Artur Plaesterer, ‘Das Alt-​Revaler Gewerbe der Pistemaker,’ Beiträge zur Kunde Estlands 13 (1927–​1928), 1–​47, here p. 21. 57 Plaesterer, ‘Das Alt-​Revaler Gewerbe,’ p. 1. 58 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 180. 59 Jüri Kivimäe, ‘Antiqua Perona. Üks ununenud Eesti linn,’ Keel ja Kirjandus 2 (1985), 118–​ 120, here p. 119. 60 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 158. 61 Kaplinski, Tallinn, table 3.

274 Tvauri took their orders directly from the city council. Additionally, some seasonal foreign masters worked in Tallinn.62 The archaeological research of the medieval layers in Riga has revealed large quantities of iron slag,63 but so far there are no studies of smithies. On the other hand, an area for manufacturing non-​ferrous metals was found in the vicinity of the Riga Cathedral, which yielded fragments of moulds, molten metal, production waste, and a semi-​product of a horseshoe fibula.64 The remains of a possible fourteenth-​century smithy were found in Tallinn along Viru Street, which revealed remains of a kiln, slag, and fragments of a melting-​pot nozzle.65 The revealed fragments of a clay mould suggest that the workshop that manufactured copper alloy tripod pots was located in the first half of the fourteenth century in the area of the medieval suburb of Tallinn in the region of Roosikrantsi Street.66 The archaeological excavations revealed remains of a blacksmith’s forge, crucible fragments, some slag, blacksmith’s tongs, hammer, punches, fragments of a smelting crucible, and a limestone mould for casting small studs.67 The Kalamaja landfill in Tallinn from the second half of the fifteenth century has revealed some casting waste of a copper alloy tripod pot.68 Also, a suburban area of Tallinn along Maakri Street revealed a rubbish layer that developed in the course of copper casting; the charcoal that was found there dated from the fourteenth or the first half of the fifteenth century.69 In Tartu, the plot at Lossi Street 3 revealed the remains of at least three smithies from the thirteenth–​fifteenth centuries, which probably were wooden buildings with clay or board floors.70 The remains of two hearths were found, which revealed slag resulting from smelting tin and copper, charcoal, bricks 62 63

Leida Anting, Tallinna tulirelvameistrid ja relvad XIV–​XVI sajandil (Tallinn, 1967), pp. 15, 31. Andris Caune and Silvija Tilko, ‘Pētījumi Rīgā, Doma laukumā,’ Zinātniskās atskaites sesi­ jas materiāli par arheologu un etnografu 1988. un 1989. gada pētījumu rezultātiem (1990), 65–​71, here p. 66. 64 Celmiņš, Zemē apslēptā pilsēta, p. 21. 65 Anu Mänd, ‘Tsunftikäsitöö,’ in Tallinna ajalugu I, pp. 232–​247, here p. 242. 66 Ragnar Saage and Erki Russow, ‘Urban Casting Tools as Evidence for Transfer of Technology across the Baltic Sea in 13th–​17th Century Estonia,’ Medieval Archaeology 64 (2020), 330−353. 67 Juhan Kreem and Erki Russow, ‘Linnaruumi kujunemine ja asustuse iseloom,’ in Tallinna ajalugu I, pp. 85–​93, here p. 91–​92, fig. 79. 68 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909: 24168. 69 Ain Lavi, ‘Lisandeid Tallinna keskaegsele vasetööndusloole,’ in Loodus, inimene ja tehnoloogia. Interdistiplinaarseid uurimusi arheoloogias, ed. Jüri Peets (Tallinn, 1998) (Muinasaja Teadus 5), pp. 221–​229. 70 Romeo Metsallik, Tartu arheoloogiliste uuringute esialgseid tulemusi. MA thesis (Tartu, 1992) (Unpublished manuscript in Tartu University Library), pp. 153–​160.

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with glazed surfaces caused by heat, and fragments of smelting crucibles and their covers.71 It is possible that large bronze objects were cast here, such as cannons or church bells.72 A presumed metalworking workshop was found also in the backyard of Raekoja Square 2, which is about 50 metres to the east from the plot at Lossi Street 3. This location revealed the remains of a building with a frame construction of 32 m2 where the bottom of a clay kiln had survived. The pieces of copper oxide and metal suggested that copper alloys were smelted here. The clay pipes found in the same place show that bellows could have been used during smelting. The remains of the workshop are likely to have dated from the second half of the thirteenth century.73 A medieval smithy found in Haapsalu from the property at Jaani Street 4 revealed the remains of stone foundations of a wooden-​and clay-​frame building. Two dwelling rooms and a smithy in a separate room were cleaned out from the building, where the limestone bottoms of two non-​contemporaneous forges were found. Anton Pärn claimed that the earlier of the forges resembled a blacksmith’s forge that had been found in Göttingen in Germany and was dated from c. 1300.74 The more recent forge in Haapsalu dated from the end of the fourteenth century. The smithy revealed some slag, tongs, chisel, a wire or nail plate, hammers, and numerous broken metal items.75 Among metalworking devices, fragments of smelting crucibles are the most numerous; they have been found in Riga, Tallinn, and Tartu. Crucibles dating from the fifteenth–​sixteenth centuries have been found in Riga.76 In Tallinn a fourteenth-​century layer has revealed a crucible,77 together with a mould

71 Vilma Trummal, ‘Arheoloogiauuringutest Tartus Lossi tänaval,’ Stilus. Eesti Arheoloogiaseltsi Teated 2 (1992), 5–​34, here pp. 10–​12. 72 Peets, The Power of Iron, p. 180. 73 Metsallik, Tartu arheoloogiliste uuringute esialgseid tulemusi, pp. 134–​137. 74 Anton Pärn, ‘Külaehitiste jäljed Haapsalu varases linnaehituses,’ in Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks, ed. Arvi Haak et al. (Tallinn, 2004) (Muinasaja Teadus 14), pp. 269−289, here pp. 271–​276; Anton Pärn and Erki Russow, ‘Handwerk in den Kleinstädten Estlands im 13. bis 17. Jahrhundert im Spiegel der archäologischen Ausgrabungen,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 483–​ 496, here pp. 490–​492; Sven Schütte, 5 Jahre Stadtarchäologie: Das neue Bild des alten Göttingen (Göttingen, 1984), p. 37. 75 Pärn, ‘Külaehitiste jäljed,’ p. 275; Pärn, Russow, ‘Handwerk,’ p. 491, fig. 9. 76 Andris Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Rīgā laikā no 1969. līdz 1980. gadam,’ Arheoloģija un Etnografija 14 (1983), 86–​124, here fig. 21:7; Dagnija Svarāne, ‘Archaeological Evidence of Metalworking from Medieval Riga,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 2002), pp. 99–​108, here p. 99. 77 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6332: 545.

276 Tvauri for casting a bracteate pendant.78 In Tallinn, fragments of smelting crucibles have been found also in the suburban area from the thirteenth–​fourteenth-​ century layer.79 Tartu has revealed a medieval crucible,80 which contains greenish oxide. The study of a crucible fragment that was found in Tartu from a fourteenth-​century layer showed that it may have been used to cast brass.81 Limestone mould parts and their fragments for the casting of small items have been found in the thirteenth–​fifteenth-​century find context in Riga, Tallinn, Tartu, Viljandi, New Pärnu and in the castles of Riga and Daugavpils. The town of Riga has yielded moulds of pendants, studs, plaques, buttons, and tinklers,82 as well as a mould fragment of a circular fibula.83 Riga has revealed stud and plaque moulds that fully correspond to decorations that were widespread in Estonia.84 The study of moulds from Riga showed that they were used to cast tin and lead items.85 Tallinn has revealed a mould for casting a bracteate pendant86 and a fibula.87 In Tallinn, moulds have been found also in suburban areas. Rather than indicating casting in suburbs, those moulds had already been brought from the town core area in the Middle Ages along with other rubbish, or only in the Modern Age with soil removed from construction pits. Tartu has revealed a medieval button mould (figure. 9.2). One plaque mould was unearthed from the medieval layer of Viljandi.88 The assortment of the items manufactured in the moulds suggests that they are tools used by jewellery-​and decoration-​makers. Numerous medieval limestone moulds for

78 79 80 81

Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6332: 483. Kreem, Russow, ‘Linnaruumi kujunemine,’ p. 91, fig. 79. Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 45: 6. Arvi Haak et al., ‘Tartust leitud 13.–​14. sajandi emailmaalingutega klaaspeekrite element­ analüüside tulemustest,’ Tartu Linnamuuseumi aastaraamat 21 (2018), 55–​66, here p. 59. 82 Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Rīgā,’ fig. 21:18; Caune, Ose, ‘Archäologische Erkenntnisse,’ fig. 9; Dagnija Svarāne, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gs. lejamveidnes un tīģeļi,’ Arheoloģija un Etnogrāfija 17 (1994), 97–​105; Dagnija Svarāne, ‘Rīgas 15.–​17. gadsimta metāla kausējamie tīģeļia artrīsstūrainu augšdaļu,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 2 (2002), 172–​183. 83 Celmiņš, Zemē apslēptā pilsēta, no. 95. 84 Vitolds Muižnieks, Bēru tradīcijas Latvijā pēc arheoloģiski pētīto 14.–​ 18. gadsimta apbedīšanas vietu materiāla (Rīga, 2015) (Latvijas Nacionālā vēstures muzeja raksti 21), fig. 143:1–​4. 85 Svarāne, ‘Archaeological Evidence,’ p. 99. 86 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6332: 483. 87 Estonian History Museum archaeological collections, no. 20209 K 5894. 88 University of Tartu archaeological collections, no. 1991: 190/​3.

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­f igure 9.2  A stone mould for the manufacturing of buttons from Tartu tartu city museum archaeological collections, no. a 43: 430. photo by arvi haak

casting small pieces of jewellery and decorations have also been found in the towns of northern Germany.89 At least two wooden moulds for casting lead or tin items have been discovered in the context of Livonia in the Middle Ages. A wooden mould for casting small balls, which was found in Riga, was dated to the thirteenth century.90 The other wooden mould is from Tallinn in the fifteenth-​century context. Unfortunately, it is impossible to clarify what kinds of items could have been 89

90

Manfred Rech, Gefundene Vergangenheit –​Archäologie des Mittelalters in Bremen. Mit besonderen Berücksichtigung von Riga. Begleitpublikation zur gleichnamigen Austellung im Focke-​Museum /​Bremer Landesmuseum vom 19. November 2003 bis 28. März 2004 (Bremen, 2004) (Bremer Archäologische Blätter. Beiheft 3/​2004), fig. 155; Gunnar Möller, ‘Mittelalterlich–​frühneuzeitliches Handwerk in der Hansestadt Stralsund. Anmerkungen an Hand archäologischer und schriftlicher Quellen,’ in Handwerk –​Stadt –​Hanse. Ergebnisse der Archäologie zum mittelalterlichen Handwerk im südlichen Ostseeraum, ed. Ulrich Müller (Frankfurt, 2000) (Greifswalder Mitteilungen. Beiträge zu Ur-​und Frühgeschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie 4), pp. 161–​174, here p. 170; Heiko Schäfer, ‘Archäologische Quellen zum mittelalterlichen Handwerk in der Städten Mecklenburg-​ Vorpommerns,’ in Handwerk –​Stadt –​Hanse, pp. 53–​80, here fig. 12. Svarāne, ‘Archaeological Evidence,’ p. 101.

278 Tvauri cast with this mould. The mould revealed residual zinc and lead.91 In Tallinn, a layer from the second half of the fifteenth century has revealed pieces of cuttlebone (ossa Sepiae) of cuttlefish (Sepia officinalis).92 This Mediterranean material was used for making moulds in goldwork. Tallinn has revealed medieval hammers that may have been used in metalwork,93 iron blacksmith’s tongs,94 a file,95 and a brass brush with bristles.96 Haapsalu has revealed pliers and a chisel.97 Small copper alloy tweezers –​which have been found, for example, in Riga,98 Tallinn,99 and Tartu100 –​may have been used by goldsmiths.101 A ceramic muffle or a smelting hearth cover, which was used during the smelting of non-​ferrous metals, was found in Tartu (figure. 9.3). Semi-​ products show what items were manufactured. In Tallinn, two different locations have yielded two semi-​ products for casting tinklers (­figure 9.4).102 Such tinklers were widespread peasant decorations in Livonia in the thirteenth–​seventeenth centuries. One cannot rule out the possibility that Germany served as an example for making these tinklers; namely, a three-​ part stone mould, which dated from the second half of the thirteenth century, was found in Rostock.103 Copper alloy semi-​products of spiral rings104 were found from a fourteenth-​century cesspool in Tartu and from a rubbish dump in the vicinity of the town.105 Such rings were highly common peasant decorations in medieval Livonia. A find of about 500 sheet tin studs, semi-​ products, and sheet tin waste106 was revealed in a fourteenth-​ century waste box in

91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 1 02 103 1 04 105 106

Saage, Russow, ‘Urban Casting Tools.’ Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909: 18125. Kreem, Russow, ‘Linnaruumi kujunemine,’ fig. 79:2. Kreem, Russow, ‘Linnaruumi kujunemine,’ p. 91, fig. 79. Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6218: 2126. Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909: 12315. Pärn, Russow, ‘Handwerk,’ fig. 9. Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Rīgā,’ fig. 21:19. Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos 7909: 1008, 1933, 19614, 4783, 21999. Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. A 45: 3921; A 51: 638. Arvi Haak, ‘Metallitöö,’ in Pudemeid keskaegsest käsitööst Tartus, ed. Arvi Haak (Tartu, 2007), pp. 70–​78, here p. 72, fig. 1. Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6332: 680. Ralf Mulsow, ‘Archäologische Nachweise zum mittelalterlichen Handwerk in Rostock,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 285–​302, here fig. 13. Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. A 115: 951/​1–​3. Haak, ‘Metallitöö,’ fig. 5. Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 45: 3944/​8.

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­f igure 9.3  A ceramic muffle or a smelting kiln covering from Tartu tartu city museum archaeological collections, no. a 45: 1572. photo by arvi haak

Tartu.107 A fifteenth-​century landfill in Tallinn Kalamaja suburb revealed coiled copper alloy wire.108 Wire was used by decoration-​makers to adorn leather items (pistelwerk).109 West-​European drawings from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries depicted wire masters and their products; this shows that wire was marketed in coils similarly to the Tallinn finds.110 4

Textile Work

The written sources of Livonian towns contain numerous references to linen-​ weavers as early as the fourteenth century. Their names suggest that they were mostly of native origin.111 In towns, the weaving of woollen cloth was 107 Rünno Vissak, ‘Der Fundstoff aus den Holzkästen des VII. Quartals in Tartu,’ Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia toimetised. Humanitaar-​ja sotsiaalteadused 43 (1994), 71–​77, here p. 76, plate 30; Arvi Haak, ‘Metallitöö,’ fig. 4. 108 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos. 7909: 23193, 23219. 109 Plaesterer, ‘Das Alt-​Revaler Gewerbe,’ pp. 21–​24, 41. 110 Jochem Wolters, ‘Drahtherstellung im Mittelalter,’ in Europäische Technik im Mittelalter 800 bis 1400. Tradition und Innovation. Ein Handbuch, ed. Uta Lindgren (Berlin, 1996), pp. 205–​216, here figs. 4–​6. 111 Paul Johansen and Heinz von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch im mittelalterlichen und frühenzeitlichen Reval (Köln, 1973) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 15),

280 Tvauri

­f igure 9.4  A casting semi-​product of a tinkler from a medieval suburban area of Tallinn in Roosikrantsi Street tallinn university archaeological collections, no. 5777: 85. photo by jaana ratas

considered to be a German craft speciality.112 According to written sources, in Livonian towns garments were made mostly from Flemish and English broadcloth, which was fulled and finished locally. This was the job of fullers, who had their own craft guild in Riga.113 In Tallinn there was enough work only for a few fullers, whereby in 1413 the city council established the number of fullers as four masters, who were to be members of the tailors’ guild.114 The quality control and packaging of Rus’ian and local flax and hemp was the responsibility p. 183; Enn Tarvel, ‘Hansalinnana XIII sajandist Liivi sõjani,’ in Tartu ajalugu, ed. Raimo Pullat (Tallinn, 1980), pp. 27–​60, here p. 51; Kaplinski, Tallinn, pp. 216–​218. 112 Kaplinski, Tallinn, pp. 183–​184. 113 Stieda, Mettig, Schragen, p. 93. 114 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 184.

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of linen quality inspectors, which was regarded as a craft speciality in its own right.115 The raw material of ropes was hemp fibre, which was manufactured by hemp spinners. The earliest record of hemp spinners in Tallinn is from 1436, and ropers from 1352. Records about the export of hemp fibre made in Tallinn begin in 1369, when fibre was exported to Lübeck, Holland, Sweden, and Finland.116 Hemp-​spinning and rope-​making was a dirty and difficult job; therefore, suburban non-​Germans also practised this craft speciality in Tallinn.117 Tailors were first mentioned in Tallinn in 1312. Almost all the tailors there were Germans.118 Despite the fact that in the Middle Ages tailors made also headwear, three hatters were known in Tallinn as early as in the fifteenth century.119 Archaeological evidence of textile manufacturing and processing in Livonian towns is very scant. Many textile-​working tools were from wood (handlooms, tablet weaving cards), which is not preserved in the ground. Sewing accessories (scissors, needles, and thimbles) and bone needles are more numerous. However, they were usually everyday items that do not prove the existence of a tailor’s workshop.120 The towns have revealed few textile-​working devices, raw materials, and waste. Additionally, written sources indicate that most fabrics used in local Hanse towns had been imported.121 The existing sources suggest that the weaving of woollen fabrics was not an important branch of the economy in medieval Livonia.122 Special tools were already needed to process fibres. Wooden flax combs123 have been found in Tallinn. Similar items have been found in medieval layers, for example, in Bergen in Norway124 and Waterford in Ireland.125 Wool carding combs are long combs made out of a cattle metapode, which were used 1 15 Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 97. 116 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 137. 117 Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised, vol. 1 pp. 32, 138. 118 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 183. 119 Kaplinski, ‘Tallinna käsitöölised,’ table 1. 120 Riina Rammo, Tekstiilileiud Tartu keskaegsetest jäätmekastidest: tehnoloogia, kaubandus ja tarbimine (Tartu, 2015) (Dissertationes archaeologiae Universitatis Tartuensis 4), pp. 57–​58. 121 Riina Rammo, ‘Tekstiilitööd: vahendid, tehnikad, meetodid,’ in Pudemeid keskaegsest käsitööst, pp. 45–​52, here p. 45. 122 Rammo, Tekstiilileiud, p. 58. 123 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos 7909: 16627, 21517. 124 Ingvild Øye, ‘Crafts in Bergen from the 12th to the 18th Century,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 601–​618, here fig. 11. 125 Maurice F. Hurley, ‘Archaeological Evidence for Craft in Cork and Waterford 1100–​1500 AD,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 13–​25, here fig. 12.

282 Tvauri everywhere in medieval German and Circum-​Baltic towns. About fifty long combs have been found in Riga.126 They have also been found in Tallinn, Tartu, and New Pärnu, as well as in the tiny market town of Lihula.127 The fact that they were used to process wool is proved by the presence of sheep ectoparasites that have been found between the comb teeth in the Netherlands.128 A distaff used for spinning yarn was found in Tallinn. It is 73 cm in length, and there is a conical knob on top. It was found in a layer dating from the period between the mid-​fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century.129 Yarn was usually spun with a wooden spindle with an attached whorl in order to ensure even revolution. A medieval wooden spindle with a ceramic whorl was found in Riga.130 At least one object that can be interpreted as a spindle has been found also in Tartu. Its measurements and shape are very similar to other contemporaneous finds in the Circum-​Baltic area and elsewhere in Europe.131 Spindle whorls constitute the most numerous find category among the fabric manufacturing equipment in Estonia132 and Latvia because they were made from stone, clay, bone, and metal, which preserve well in the ground. A considerable number of spindle whorls have been found in Riga133 and Tallinn. At least 111 medieval spindle whorls from Tartu have reached archaeological collections.134 The disc-​shaped stone whorls found in Tartu and conical whorls made from the thighbone heads of cattle, horses, or elk were probably manufactured locally for personal use.135 Spindles and spindle whorl finds cannot be associated with professional craftsmanship. Spindle whorls from pink shale, which were found in Tartu, constitute an interesting

126 Silvija Tilko, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gadsimta kaula stāvķemmes,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheo­ loģijā un vēsturē 4 (2003), 74–​91. 127 Heidi Luik, Muinas-​ja keskaegsed luukammid Eestis (Tallinn, 1998) (Muinasaja Teadus 6), pp. 123–​134. 128 Jaap Schelvis, ‘Remains of Sheep Ectoparasites as Indicators of Wool Processing in the Past,’ in Ypres and the Medieval Cloth Industry in Flanders: Archaeological and Historical Contributions, ed. Marc De Wilde et al. (Zellik, 1998) (Archeologie in Vlaanderen Monografie 2), pp. 89–​100. 129 Peeter Talvar, ‘Archaeological Investigations in Tallinn at Viru Street 8 Site and the Area of Bastions,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2005 (2006), 219–​230, here p. 222, fig. 3. 130 Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Rīgā,’ fig. 44. 131 Riina Rammo, ‘Tartu kesk-​ja varauusaegsed kedraleiud,’ Tartu Linnamuuseumi aastaraamat 21 (2018), 13–​36, here p. 20; Riina Rammo and Jaana Ratas, ‘Värtnakedrad, lõputu töö ja naised keskaegses Tartus,’ Tutulus. Eesti arheoloogia aastakiri (2019), 22–​25, here fig. 7. 132 Rammo, Tekstiilileiud, p. 57. 133 Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Rīgā,’ figs. 8:1–​3, 9:12, 18:1–​7. 134 Rammo, ‘Tartu kesk-​ja varauusaegsed kedraleiud,’ table 1. 135 Rammo, ‘Tartu kesk-​ja varauusaegsed kedraleiud,’ pp. 21–​23.

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type of whorl. The rock that was used in manufacturing them can be found only in the area of Ovruch, Ukraine. Such whorls were widespread in the Rus’ areas in the tenth–​thirteenth centuries. Fifteen items have been found in the medieval context in Tartu; five of them were found in the area of the botanical gardens of the university. A Rus’ian district was located there, at the edge of the medieval town, in the mid-​thirteenth century. As for other medieval Estonian towns, such fragments have been found in the Kalamaja landfill in Tallinn, which dates from the last quarter of the fifteenth century.136 The same location has revealed other objects of Rus’ian origin; for this reason, one might suppose that this object reached Tallinn along with persons arriving from Rus’. In the second half –​or at the end –​of the thirteenth century, the double-​cone spindle whorl, which was decorated with concentric grooves, rarely glazed, and was made on the ceramic potter’s wheel, became the main whorl type in Tartu and the other Livonian towns. They have standard measurements, weights, and appearance. Among the medieval and early-​modern whorls from Tartu, their proportion is 55%. Large numbers of them have been found also from German towns; it is likely that at least a portion of them have been imported from Germany. In fact, these items are characteristic of German-​style urban culture, because they are rarely found in rural settlements. In addition to stone and ceramic spindle whorls, the medieval layer of towns has also yielded spindle whorls made from tin or lead.137 In order to spin different yarns, whorls of different weight were needed. A good example is a set of six whorls found in the ruins of a building destroyed by a fire in Tartu in the second half of the thirteenth or the first half of the fourteenth century. Five of them were ceramic, and one had been made from stone. The whorls had different weights: 10 g; 17 g; three of them about 25 g; and 43 g.138 Clay weights of vertical weaving looms provide evidence of fabric weaving in the archaeological find material. This kind of evidence was revealed in Tallinn together with fifteenth-​century finds.139 Charcoaled remains of a horizontal weaving loom, which dated from the thirteenth century, were found in Riga.140 These remains included some wooden pulley discs of a weaving loom,141 which have also been found in Tallinn in the context of the second 1 36 137 138 139 140

Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909: 3195. Rammo, ‘Tartu kesk-​ja varauusaegsed kedraleiud,’ pp. 26–​28. Rammo, Ratas, ‘Värtnakedrad,’ p. 25. Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6172: 56. Caune, Ose, ‘Archäologische Erkenntnisse,’ p. 465, figs. 6–​8; Andris Caune and Anne Zariņa, ‘Rīgas 13. gs. horizontālie aužamie stāvi,’ Latvijas PSR Zinātņu Akadēmijas Vēstis 2 (1990), 34–​49, here p. 37. 141 Caune, Ose, ‘Archäologische Erkenntnisse,’ figs. 8:1–​3.

284 Tvauri half of the fifteenth century.142 Remains of early horizontal waving looms from the eleventh–​thirteenth century are very rare in the Baltic Sea space –​apart from Riga, they have thus far been found only in Haithabu, Lund, Sigtuna, Gdańsk, and Novgorod.143 Scissors have been found in Tallinn,144 as well as in Tartu.145 There are two-​ part scissors, as well as spring scissors of various sizes. Although scissors were indispensable tools for tailors and leatherworkers, one cannot associate them only with these craft specialities. Medieval iron and brass sewing needles have been found in medieval layers in Tallinn in the fourteenth–​fifteenth-​century context.146 In sewing, copper alloy thimbles were also used; they have been found in large numbers in Riga147 and Tallinn in the fifteenth-​century layers.148 Unfortunately, in the case of sewing needles and thimbles, it is again impossible to distinguish between tools of professional craftsmen and those used in households for personal use. Bone needles with an eye have been revealed in Tallinn149 and Tartu.150 They were used for manufacturing items in the needle technique, mostly gloves and socks. In Estonia, such medieval items have been found mostly in rural cemeteries;151 it is likely that mostly rural people may have used them. Nevertheless, a fragment of a fourteenth-​century sock or a glove has been found also in Tartu.152 A supposed knitting needle has been found in Tallinn in the layer from the second half of the fifteenth century. It is a copper alloy wire 13.5 cm in length, which has been sharpened from both

1 42 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos. 7909: 16122, 21647. 143 Renata Windler, ‘Mittelalterliche Webstühle und Weberwerkstätten –​Archäologische Befunde und Funde,’ in Archäologie und mittelalterliches Handwerk –​Eine Standortbestimmung. Beiträge des 10. Kolloquiums des Arbeitskreises zur archäologischen Erforschung des mittelalterlichen Handwerks, ed. Walter Melzer (Soest, 2008) (Soester Beiträge zur Archäologie 9), pp. 202–​215, here fig. 4. 144 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos. 7909: 25702–​25712. 145 Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. A 51: 115/​4; A 116: 14583. 146 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos. 6332: 1654; 6426: 150; 7908: 3209, 3212, 11804. 147 Andris Celmiņš, ‘Arheoloģiskie izrakumi Rīgas Doma dārzā,’ Zinātniskās atskaites sesijas materiāli par arheologu 1994. un 1995. gada pētījumu rezultātiem (1996), 46–​49, here figs. 10: 23, 24. 148 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos. 7909: 52, 905, 1402. 149 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6172: 730. 150 Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, nos. A 126: 344; A 40: 4836; A 51: 492. 151 Jüri Peets, ‘Totenhandschuhe im Bestattungsbrauchtum der Esten und anderer Ostseefinnen,’ Fennoscandia archaeologica 4 (1987), 105–​116; Rammo, ‘Tekstiilitööd,’ p. 48. 152 Rammo, ‘Tekstiilitööd,’ p. 49, fig. 8.

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ends.153 A wooden netting needle that is used in making nets was found in Riga.154 A larger quantity of woollen cloth fragments was found in Tallinn from the plot at Viru Street 8,155 rubbish layers from Kalamaja in the second half of the fifteenth century, and the cesspits in Tartu, which date from the fourteenth century. In Tartu, numerous fragments of similar fabrics with straight cutting marks were found, which may have resulted from sewing garments or cutting waste during reworking.156 5

Leatherworking

In Tallinn, the earliest city council order concerning tanning is from 1360.157 Initially, the tanners of Tallinn belonged to the shoemakers’ guild.158 Shoemakers, furriers, and masters of other leatherworking specialities also dealt with tanning.159 Furriers have been mentioned in Tallinn since 1310. The preserved tax records from the end of the same century already mentioned dozens of furriers. Judging by the names, they were Germans or Swedes.160 Some Rus’ians were represented among the furriers of Riga at the turn of the thirteenth‒fourteenth centuries.161 Shoemakers in Tallinn were already mentioned in the city council books starting with the year 1312. Among the leatherworkers, shoemakers were the most numerous. In addition to Germans and Swedes, the membership of the shoemakers’ guild also included some Estonians.162 Clog-​makers were mentioned in the documents of Tallinn in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.163 The first written record about a saddler in Tallinn is from 1335.164 Footwear wore out and disintegrated quickly when used. Because footwear was manufactured according to the foot of the wearer until at least the sixteenth century, the footwear and fragments of it found in 1 53 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909: 6515. 154 Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskie pētījumi Rīgā,’ fig. 29:1. 155 Talvar, ‘Archaeological Investigations,’ p. 223. 156 Rammo, Tekstiilileiud, p. 37. 157 Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 96; Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 222. 158 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 211. 159 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 222. 160 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 189. 161 Das Rigische Schuldbuch (1286–​1352), ed. Hermann Hildebrand (St. Petersburg, 1872). 162 Kaplinski, Tallinn, pp. 210–​211. 163 Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised, vol. 2, table 3; Kaplinski, ‘Tallinna käsitöölised,’ table 1. 164 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 149.

286 Tvauri the medieval cultural layer of Livonian towns are, as a rule, local production. The medieval footwear of Tallinn represents the general footwear fashion of the Hanse area.165 Leather tanning consists of several stages, of which the most important is soaking in a tanning solution, which could take several months or years. Vats or pits with beam, stone, or brick walls were used for this purpose. In fact, tanning tanks constitute the main proof of tanning. In order to link a sunken vat with tanning, one has to find some tanning waste from the inside or the surroundings –​pieces of leather, hairs, lime, or tree bark.166 Medieval beam boxes have been found in Tartu, which had been used as latrines. In the case of the fourteenth-​century wooden boxes from the plot at Lossi Street 3, it has been supposed that they had never been emptied.167 Thus, one has to conclude that the boxes had originally been made for some other purpose –​for example, tanning.168 Also, a stripe of wool and hairs with numerous strips of leather 8–​15 cm in thickness were found in the immediate vicinity of one of the beam boxes in the excavating area of the so-​called seventh quarter of Tartu, which suggests that the boxes may have been used for tanning.169 Wooden boxes used for tanning have been found, for example, in Lübeck170 and in the Danish town of Århus,171 where they had been waterproofed with clay. As the boxes in Tartu were open and not caulked, the tanning liquid would have oozed out. Therefore, their use for tanning still remains questionable. The lower parts of at least two vertically placed vats 2 m in diameter were found in the

165 Krista Sarv, ‘Keskaegsetest jalatsitest Tallinna arheoloogilise materjali põhjal,’ Varia histo­ rica 1 (2006), 30–​42, here p. 39. 166 Rosita Nenno, ‘Gerberverfahren, Lederverarbeitung und Ziertechniken,’ in Europäische Technik, pp. 487–​492; De Witte, ‘Craft in the Town,’ p. 120; Janne Harjula, Before the Heels. Footwear and Shoemaking in Turku in the Middle Ages and at Beginning of the Early Modern Period (Turku, 2008) (Archaeologia Medii Aevi Finlandiae 15), p. 135. 167 Ain Mäesalu, ‘Über die Infrastruktur der Hansestadt Tartu (Dorpat) vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum, IV: Die Infrastruktur, ed. Manfred Gläser (Lübeck, 2004), pp. 397–​403, here p. 399. 168 Metsallik, Tartu arheoloogiliste uuringute esialgseid tulemusi, p. 139. 169 Mare Aun, ‘Tartu vanalinna arheoloogilise uurimise tulemusi (VII kvartali IV kaevandi kesk-​ja idaosa põhjal),’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 2 (1998), 94–​144, here pp. 99, 131. 170 Doris Mührenberg, ‘Das Handwerk in einer Hansestadt –​Archäologische Befunde und Funde aus Lübeck,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, pp. 83–​98, here p. 90. 171 Hans Skov, ‘Evidence of Craft in Århus between 800 and 1600 AD,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 651–​668, here fig. 17.

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­f igure 9.5  A blind blocking stamp made from bone from the Kalamaja landfill in Tallinn, which was used to adorn leather tallinn university archaeological collections, no. 7909: 15806. photo by jaana ratas

fourteenth–​sixteenth-​century layer in the backyard at Uus Street 9 in Pärnu.172 Because the same location also yielded a great deal of leatherworking waste, it is likely that it may have been a tanning vat.173 Leatherworking required knives, scissors, and awls; however, such tools were also used during other activities or in one’s household. A special double-​handle leatherworking knife has been found in Tartu.174 Leather was probably also cut with simple arched knives, which were also found in the medieval layer of Tartu.175 In Tallinn, a blind blocking stamp of bone with a fleur-​de-​lis image was found in the fifteenth-​century context (­figure 9.5), which had been used to decorate leather items. The waste that accompanies leatherworking is the most numerous archaeological evidence of leatherworking in medieval towns. Two kinds of waste were produced in leatherworking: firstly, the pieces cut from leather during tanning; and secondly, the leather that was left over after cutting out the parts of

172 Ulla Saluäär, Aruanne arheoloogilistest päästekaevamistest Uus tn. 9 hoovis (Pärnu linn) 2002. aasta sügisel (s.l., 2003) (Unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn), pp. 4–​5. 173 Margo Samorokov, Naha töötlemine keskaegses Uus-​Pärnus läbi kirjaliku ja arheoloogilise materjali. ma thesis (Tartu, 2012) (Unpublished manuscript in the Department of Archaeology, University of Tartu), p. 17. 174 Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 126: 110. 175 Krista Sarv, ‘Nahatöö ja nahkesemed,’ in Pudemeid keskaegsest käsitööst, pp. 53–​58, here p. 54, fig. 2.

288 Tvauri items.176 Medieval leather waste has been found in large quantities in Riga,177 Tallinn,178 Tartu,179 and Pärnu.180 Most of it was produced during the manufacture of footwear and tanning.181 6

Pottery

Potters manufactured ceramic vessels and stove tiles and made stoves, fireplaces, and chimneys. In the Middle Ages, there was no distinct borderline between pottery and masonry. Masons built hearths and chimneys in new houses, but potters were called to repair them in old houses.182 Craftsmen dealing with ceramic manufacturing were rarely mentioned in written medieval sources, however. Still, in Riga the written sources mentioned potters as early as the end of the thirteenth century.183 There is some data about the first tiled stoves in Riga from the mid-​fourteenth century184 and in Tallinn in 1481.185 The city books of Tallinn mention the first potters in the fourteenth century.186 The ceramic vessels, which were used in medieval Livonian towns, are characteristic of the Hanse region as a whole. Most potsherds represent imported ceramic vessels.187 Thus, one can study local clay manufacturing by focusing on manufacturing sites or faulty items. So far, a manufacturing site of medieval ceramic vessels has been found only in Viljandi, but faulty items have been 176 Quita Mould et al., Craft, Industry and Everyday Life. Leather and Leatherworking in Anglo–​Scandinavian and Medieval York (York, 2003) (The Archaeology of York. The Small Finds 16), pp. 3245–​3246. 177 Viktorija Bebre, ‘Ādas apavi Rīgā 13.–​14. gs.,’ Arheoloģija un Etnografija 14 (1983), 125–​141; Celmiņš, Zemē apslēptā pilsēta, p. 21. 178 Talvar, ‘Archaeological Investigations,’ p. 223. 179 Kärt Reest, Keskaegsed nahaleiud Tartust kolme leiukompleksi analüüsi põhjal. ba thesis (Tartu, 2012) (Unpublished manuscript in the Department of Archaeology, University of Tartu). 180 Samorokov, Naha töötlemine. 181 Endel Valk-​ Falk, ‘Arheoloogilised nahaleiud Tartu vanalinnast,’ in Tartu –​minevik, tänapäev, ed. Jüri Linnus (Tallinn, 1985), pp. 64–​70, here p. 69; Samorokov, Naha töötle­ mine, pp. 40–​41, 56, p ­ hotos 1–​2. 182 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 106. 183 Konrad Strauss, Die Geschichte der Töpferzunft vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit und die Kunsttöpfereien in Alt-​Livland (Estland und Lettland) (Basel, 1969), p. 77. 184 Strauss, Die Geschichte der Töpferzunft, p. 82. 185 Strauss, Die Geschichte der Töpferzunft, p. 140. 186 Tallinna märkmeteraamatud 1333–​ 1374. Libri de diversis articulis 1333–​ 1374, ed. Paul Johansen (Tallinn, 1935) (Tallinna linnaarhiivi väljaanded 8), p. 30 no. 329. 187 Erki Russow, Importkeraamika Lääne-​Eesti linnades 13.–​17. sajandil (Tallinn, 2006).

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found also in Tallinn and Tartu. In Tallinn the archaeological studies of the property at Sulevimägi Street 4/​6 yielded hundreds of faulty ceramic vessels manufactured with a simple potter’s wheel and faulty red-​burned vessels with glazed surfaces, which dated from the end of the thirteenth century or the beginning of the fourteenth century.188 The quantity of waste suggests that pottery was manufactured somewhere near the findspot. During the period when the workshop was in use, it was located outside the city wall.189 Small quantities of waste from ceramic vessels manufactured with a simple potter’s wheel –​bloated sherds –​have been found in the excavated area at Sauna Street 10, which, judging by the find context, dated from the fourteenth century.190 A bloated sherd of a clay vessel manufactured with a simple potter’s wheel191 was found in a suburb of Tallinn. The archaeological excavations in the old town area of Viljandi revealed a potter’s workshop that had operated in the mid-​thirteenth century.192 The area between Pikk Street and the city wall revealed the remains of four sunken potter’s stoves. The better-​preserved stove (­figure 9.6) consisted of a round-​shaped combustion chamber and a brick hearth 1.6 m in diameter next to it. The only preserved parts of the stove were underground, which were filled with ashes, pieces of charcoal, and fragments of the clay vault of the stove and ceramic vessels broken during firing. On the bottom of the combustion chamber were three bricks placed next to one another, which could support a clay floor or a metal grate with items to be fired. The preserved part of the hearth consisted of the ash box made from boulders and bricks joined with clay. In the middle were some bricks (on which the ash grate may have been placed). The pieces of the hearth vault revealed some holes, which are likely to have been made to observe the combustion process. The bottom of the combustion chamber yielded sherds of 20–​30 ceramic vessels. Also, a waste pit containing the faulty products of the same workshop was discovered near the studied stoves.193 The clay vessels manufactured with the simple potter’s wheel in the workshop in Viljandi were very similar to the clay vessels made in Pskov in the thirteenth 1 88 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6648. 189 Erki Russow, ‘Some Remarks on Medieval and Post-​Medieval Redware in Tallinn,’ in Pots and Princes. Ceramic Vessels and Stove Tiles from 1400–​1700, ed. Kirsi Majantie (Turku, 2007) (Archaeologia Medii Aevii Finlandiae 12), pp. 75–​80, here p. 76. 190 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6332: 1838. 191 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 5777: 324. 192 Andres Tvauri, ‘Pihkva pottsepad Viljandis ja Tartus 13. sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 4 (2000), 21–​30. 193 Heiki Valk, Viljandi Pikk tn. 6–​8 Noorte Huvikeskuse soojatrass (Tartu, 1992) (Unpublished manuscript in the Department of Archaeology, University of Tartu).

290 Tvauri century.194 Thus, these vessels were manufactured by a master or masters who had come to Viljandi from Rus’. Although the pottery in Viljandi operated in an area inside the medieval city wall, one should instead regard it as a workshop affiliated with the Teutonic Order’s castle in Viljandi. Namely, Viljandi received its town charter as late as in 1283.195 So far, the only pottery tool found from the pottery layer in Viljandi is a bone template that was used when shaping clay. A contemporaneous cultural layer left behind by Pskov masters can be found also in the northern corner of the medieval city of Tartu, in the area of the modern botanical gardens of the university. The pottery sherds found there originated from Pskov-​style vessels. The cultural layer in the botanical gardens with Rus’ian-​type finds has also revealed faulty clay vessels. One can conclude that a potter or potters from Pskov also conducted manufacturing operations in Tartu.196 When comparing the spread of pottery in medieval Livonia with Germany, one has to admit that pottery was a very small-​scale craft speciality there. For example, by 1986 the thirteenth-​century pottery manufacturing sites had been studied in Germany and western Europe in at least 36 towns. The number of the studied workshops was even higher because some towns had several workshops.197 At the same time, when comparing, for example, the pottery in Viljandi and the thirteenth-​century pottery manufacturing sites in Germany, one can see similarities both in their locations and manufacturing technology. In Lübeck, pottery stoves from the first half of the thirteenth century have been found in two locations in the peripheral area of the town.198 Their construction is similar to the stove in Viljandi. 7

Woodworking

In the fourteenth–​fifteenth centuries there was no distinction between the crafts of a carpenter and a joiner or cabinetmaker. Carpenters often made

1 94 Tvauri, ‘Pihkva pottsepad.’ 195 Livländische Güterurkunden. Aus den Jahren 1207 bis 1500, ed. Hermann von Bruiningk and Nicolaus Busch (Riga, 1908), no. 40. 196 Tvauri, ‘Pihkva pottsepad,’ pp. 22–​25. 197 Walter Janssen, ‘Handwerksbetriebe und Werkstätte in der Stadt um 1200,’ in Zur Lebensweise in der Stadt um 1200. Ergebnisse der Mittelalter-​Archäologie, ed. Heiko Steuer (Köln, 1986) (Zeitschrift für Archäologie des Mittelalters. Beiheft 4), pp. 301–​378, here pp. 326–​334. 198 Mührenberg, ‘Das Handwerk,’ pp. 86–​87.

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­f igure 9.6  Drawing of a pottery kiln from Viljandi. Drawing by Andres Tvauri.

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292 Tvauri less sophisticated furniture.199 The earliest record of a painter in Tallinn is from 1374.200 It could well be that sign-​makers, who were mentioned in the fourteenth-​century sources in Tallinn, could do carpentry and painter’s work.201 Glaziers were mentioned in Tallinn as early as in the fourteenth century.202 The first cooper was mentioned in a Tallinn town book in 1312.203 Turners worked in Tallinn in the fifteenth century at the latest.204 The fourteenth-​century documents mentioned four wheelwrights in Tallinn, with the earliest of them from 1370.205 Very few woodworking tools have been found because they could be reused or repurposed. The vast majority of woodworking tools, such as axes, knives, saws, and bits, were universal. They were used also in everyday life, and in the case of archaeological woodworking tools, it is usually impossible to ascertain whether they were used by a professional craftsman. Many axes have been found as occasional finds in the cultural layer of medieval towns, as well as in settlement sites and rural areas. A claw hammer with a nail plate in the rear section was revealed in Haapsalu. A saw blade was found in the same location.206 Medieval spoon bits have been found in Tallinn,207 Tartu,208 and Haapsalu.209 The worktop of a joiner’s bench was found in Tartu in the layer from the second half of the thirteenth century.210 Medieval cultural layers in Riga, Tallinn, Tartu, Viljandi, and Pärnu contain large quantities of pieces of wood and shavings, which usually constitute woodworking waste. However, thus far this material has not been removed. Until now, very little manufacturing waste of wooden items has reached archaeological collections. The thirteenth–​fourteenth-​century cultural layer in Riga has revealed blanks of wooden spoons,211 but it is impossible to ascertain whether these items were manufactured for personal use or for the market. Although 1 99 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 79. 200 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 96. 201 Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised, vol. 2 table 3. 202 Kaplinski, ‘Tallinna käsitöölised,’ table 1. 203 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 140. 204 Kaplinski, ‘Tallinna käsitöölised,’ table 1. 205 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 143. 206 Pärn, Russow, ‘Handwerk,’ fig. 10. 207 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6332: 276; 7909: 25747–​25755. 208 Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 51: 179. 209 Pärn, Russow, ‘Handwerk,’ fig. 10. 210 Ain Mäesalu, ‘Das Handwerk in der Stadt Tartu von 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert,’ in Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum V, pp. 473–​481, here pp. 477–​478, fig. 6. 211 Viktorija Bebre, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gadsimta grebtās koka karotes un kausi,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 2 (2000), 112–​129, here p. 123, fig. 4.

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turning leaves behind a lot of characteristic waste,212 which has been found, for example, in the medieval cultural layer in Novgorod,213 no such remains by Livonian turners have reached the archaeological collections. A presumed blank for turning a bowl –​a circularly hewed piece of wood –​is known from Lai Street in Tartu from the layer dating from the second half of the thirteenth century or the fourteenth century.214 8

Butchers, Bakers, and Brewers

Butchers are mentioned in the city council documents of Tallinn from 1315. The 1394 statutes of the craft guild restricted membership of the butchers’ guild only to Germans and Swedes; its 1509 version allows also non-​Germans to qualify for the master’s rank. The city council of Tallinn rented shops to butchers; the rent registers are available from the mid-​fourteenth century. The butchers purchased animals from the market or suburban villages and also grew them themselves. In Tallinn, each butcher was served by a certain animal-​slaughterer who was not a member of the craft guild. In addition, there were also offal cleaners and sellers.215 Animals were slaughtered in the homes of city dwellers, slaughterhouses, or yards. Medieval slaughterhouses or yards in Estonia and Latvia have not been studied. Animal bones constitute the only evidence of animal slaughter and carcass-​cutting. The composition of the bone material of a findspot enables us to determine whether it is food, slaughtering, or handicraft waste. The study of bone assemblages from the cultural layer of several medieval towns has revealed that they represent slaughtering waste. For example, the bones of meatless parts of the skeleton constituted 80% of 1927 mammalian bones and bone fragments in the fourteenth–​fifteenth-​century layer from the excavation area at Munga Street 2 in Pärnu.216 Unfortunately, in the case of such finds it is impossible to distinguish whether the slaughtering waste

212 Ulrich Müller, ‘Drechseln und Böttchern –​Holz verarbeitende Handwerke,’ in Archäologie und mittelalterliches Handwerk, pp. 169–​199. 213 Jon G. Hather, ‘Wood Turning Technology in Medieval Novgorod,’ in Wood Use in Medieval Novgorod, ed. Mark Brisbane and Jon G. Hather (Oxford, 2007) (The Archaeology of Medieval Novgorod 2), pp. 278–​294, here p. 283. 214 Rünno Vissak and Eero Heinloo, ‘Archaeological Investigations at Lai Street in Tartu,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2005 (2006), 111–​117, here p. 113, fig. 2. 215 Kaplinski, Tallinn, pp. 227–​229; Põltsam, Söömine-​joomine, p. 31. 216 Liina Maldre, ‘Koduloomad keskaegses Pärnus,’ Pärnumaa ajalugu. Vihik 1 (1997), 99–​122, here p. 101.

294 Tvauri resulted from animal slaughter for the purpose of meat marketing or whether the animals were slaughtered or cut in one’s household for personal use. Bakers were very busy in medieval Tallinn because –​for the considerations of fire safety –​city-​dwellers were not allowed to bake at home.217 The Tallinn bakers’ statutes stated that men who had descended from Estonian parents could not qualify for the master’s rank. Nevertheless, the names suggest that several members of the bakers’ guild were of Estonian descent from the fourteenth century.218 In Tallinn, the brewing licence for the sale of beer was granted by burghers’ rights. At the end of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the fifteenth century, the brewing licence was no longer granted to all the burghers. The revenue from selling beer was intended first and foremost for German burghers. When the Brewers’ Company was set up in Tallinn in 1438, the right to brew beer for sale was restricted to the members of the organisation. The guilds were allowed to brew beer themselves for their own need.219 Thus, in medieval Tallinn, beer was mostly brewed for personal use and local sale, which is different from many German Hanse towns, where beer was an important export good.220 Numerous bronze beer taps found in medieval towns are associated with brewing and beverage service. All of them have the same design –​ the handle of the tap valve has the shape of a rooster. Such taps were widespread everywhere in Germany and the Circum-​Baltic and North Sea areas in the fifteenth–​sixteenth centuries. In Tallinn, such taps and valves have been found in large quantities in the layer of the Kalamaja landfill from the fifteenth century.221 9

Bone and Horn Working

Data about bone workers has not been found in the written sources.222 Also, archaeological evidence of the manufacture of bone items is scarce –​mostly manufacturing waste has been found. Bone items were probably manufactured

2 17 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 230. 218 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 232. 219 Põltsam, Söömine-​joomine, pp. 49–​50. 220 Knut Schulz, Handwerk, Zünfte und Gewerbe. Mittelalter und Renaissance (Darmstadt, 2010), pp. 202–​206. 221 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 7909. 222 Heidi Luik, Luu-​ja sarvesemed Eesti arheoloogilises leiumaterjalis viikingiajast keskajani (Tartu, 2005) (Dissertationes archaeologiae Universitatis Tartuensis 1), p. 54.

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with the help of tools that were used for other work as well, such as woodworking.223 Large quantities of waste resulting from making bone and horn items has been found in Riga,224 including the semi-​product of a two-​sided bone comb from the fourteenth–​fifteenth centuries.225 Similar combs have been found in Tallinn, in Sweden, as well as from Russia.226 In Tallinn, bone-​ and horn-​working waste has been revealed from various locations from the fourteenth–​fifteenth-​century layers.227 It is likely that 24 pieces of horn-​ working remains found in an excavation area in Roosikrantsi Street in a suburb of Tallinn may have originated from the thirteenth–​fourteenth centuries.228 However, the evidence is so scant that it could well be waste resulting from a few hours of work of an itinerant craftsman.229 In Tartu, a bone die was found, which has sunken dots on one side only.230 It is difficult to say whether it is an unfinished item manufactured by a professional bone-​worker or if some gambler made the dice for personal use. In Tartu, some other bone-​and horn-​ working waste has also been revealed from the medieval find context; unfortunately, it is impossible to understand what kinds of items were manufactured.231 Some horn-​working waste has also been revealed in Viljandi from the thirteenth–​fourteenth-​century layer.232 Archaeological material suggests that there may have been professional manufacturers of bone items in Livonian towns. It could well be that the majority of the found medieval bone items (combs, styli, knife handles) had been imported.233

2 23 Luik, Luu-​ja sarvesemed, p. 49. 224 Celmiņš, Zemē apslēptā pilsēta, p. 21. 225 Silvija Tilko, ‘Rīgas 12.–​14. gadsimta viengabala kaula ķemmes,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 2 (2000), 101–​112, here fig. 3:1; Irēna Strēle and Silvija Tilko, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gadsimta saliktās divpusējās kaula ķemmes,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 3 (2001), 48–​76, here p. 54. 226 Tilko, ‘Rīgas 12.–​14. gadsimta viengabala kaula ķemmes,’ p. 106. 227 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, nos. 6426: 48, 49, 64; 6331: 36; 6332: 1117, 1108, 1732. 228 Heidi Luik and Liina Maldre, ‘Luutöötlemisest Tallinna eeslinnas, Roosikrantsi tänava piirkonnas, 13.–​17. sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 7 (2003), 3–​37, here pp. 29–​30. 229 Luik, Luu-​ja sarvesemed, p. 49. 230 Eero Heinloo, Kõrts keskaegses linnas. Näituse Poriveski kõrts kataloog (Tartu, 2011), p. 44, fig. 37; Tartu City Museum archaeological collections, no. A 51: 1281. 231 Luik, Luu-​ja sarvesemed, p. 54. 232 Museum of Viljandi, museum collections, no. Pikk 4 199 [without the main number]: 191. 233 Luik, Luu-​ja sarvesemed, p. 46.

296 Tvauri 10

Manufacturing of Glass Beads

The manufacturing of glass beads in Livonia is not reflected in the written sources either. Nevertheless, along the Riga city wall on Trokšņu Street, a 20-​ cm-​thick cultural layer from the end of the thirteenth century and the beginning of the fourteenth century was discovered, which had resulted from the manufacturing of glass beads. Faulty items and their shards, glass waste, raw material, and tools were revealed, as well as 1521 small beads 1.5–​3.5 mm in thickness, the majority of which were yellowish and greenish. Additionally, some metal sticks with glass around them were uncovered. Thus, beads were manufactured here by wrapping them around a stick. Glass had been melted in small bowl-​like cupel-​crucibles, 13 of which were found.234 Small glass beads were widespread among the Livonian peasantry in the thirteenth–​ sixteenth centuries. They were mostly used in embroidery, and less so in necklaces. In Tallinn, some evidence of manufacturing glass beads was found in the excavation areas at Sulevimägi Street 4 and 6. Scanty written sources suggest that in the fourteenth century there was a Rus’ian church in this area. Additionally, the thirteenth–​fourteenth-​century potsherds, which are characteristic of Pskov and Novgorod, provide evidence of Rus’ian settlement in this location. Similarly to Riga, yellowish glass beads and bowl-​like concave crucibles were found.235 Irregular glaze, which covered the inner and outer surfaces of potsherds, shows that the master used random vessels for melting the glass mass.236 Similarly to Riga, beads were manufactured in a suburban area, if not outside the city wall surrounding the town. Some bead fragments revealed from the Rus’ian quarter of medieval Tartu suggest that beads were also manufactured at this location in the thirteenth century.237 There is no data about the manufacture of glass in medieval Livonia –​it could well be that the Rus’ian craftsmen in Livonian towns manufactured beads from imported glass mass.

234 Andris Caune, ‘Arheoloģiskās liecības par stikla apstrādi Rīgā 13.–​14. gadsimtā,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 4 (2003), 45–​57; Caune, Ose, ‘Archäologische Erkenntnisse,’ pp. 461–​465. 235 Tallinn University Archaeological Collections, no. 6648. 236 Erki Russow, ‘Vene asustus Sulevimäel,’ in Tallinna ajalugu, vol. 1, p. 211, fig. 218. 237 Russow, ‘Vene asustus Sulevimäel’.

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297

Mills

Written data about medieval mills and archaeological remains can be found only in Riga, Tallinn, and Tartu. The earliest mills in Tallinn were Ülemiste mill and the mill of St John’s Hospital on the Härjapea River, which were probably established as early as in the first half of the thirteenth century.238 According to the records, around the year 1300, there were additionally 5–​6 mills on the Härjapea River, which did not belong to the town, but to the monasteries and hospitals.239 At the beginning of the fourteenth century, a canal was built from Lake Ülemiste to the town, which supplied the town’s wells and moats with water. The water flowing in the canal powered since 1349 at the latest the mills on the moat next to three town gates.240 The city of Tallinn also had a horsepower-​operated mill. Originally, the town mills were rented to millers by tender, but from the sixteenth century, they were operated as city enterprises run by city millers.241 There is written data about millwrights who built mills in Tallinn as early as in 1315. Usually, millwrights were invited from Germany for individual work, but the Tallinn City Council had also permanently employed such a person, at least for some period. In 1417, the Livonian master of the Teutonic Order requested the Tallinn City Council to send the local experienced master Bonnynghof to oversee the construction of the Order’s mill in Riga.242 12

Limestone Quarrying and Stonemasonry

Although the first buildings in towns were made from wood, the fourteenth century witnessed the trend of building towns from stone. Until the fourteenth century, wooden buildings were prevalent in Tallinn, but then the city council started to require the replacement of wooden houses by stone buildings.243 Construction was organised in Tallinn differently from German towns. There, larger buildings were built by itinerant companies who travelled from town to town, depending on customer orders. It is apparent that associations of

2 38 Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 97. 239 Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 97; Lilian Kotter, Tallinna rae finantsid 15. sajandil (1433–​1507) (Tallinn, 1999) (Tallinna Linnaarhiivi toimetised 4), p. 43. 240 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 82. 241 Kotter, Tallinna rae finantsid, p. 43. 242 Kaplinski, Tallinn, pp. 82–​83. 243 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 69.

298 Tvauri such itinerant master builders were significant in the construction of the earliest stone buildings in Livonia. In Tallinn, however, builders’ guilds were set up rather early. Stonemasons are mentioned in the Tallinn city books as early as the 1330s.244 The earliest record about a fraternity uniting Tallinn master builders, stonecutters, and bricklayers is from 1340; it existed as a craft guild as early as in 1369 or 1372.245 The city council approved the earliest statutes of the master builders’ and stonecutters’ guild of Tallinn in 1402.246 The guild united those craftsmen who cut limestone in quarries, as well as those who hewed building stones and the craftsmen who mixed lime mortar and laid stones into walls or vaults. Among the recorded names of Tallinn stonemasons and bricklayers, there were many Estonian names as early as in the fourteenth century. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Estonians and Swedes were already predominant among the representatives of this occupation.247 In Tallinn, limestone quarries were situated on the escarpment of limestone clint in Lasnamäe, situated approximately 2 kilometres from the medieval walled town. It could well be that in the thirteenth–​fourteenth centuries limestone was quarried also inside the town, from the Toompea cliff against Rüütli Street.248 The limestone quarry of Toompea Hill was revealed in the course of archaeological studies.249 The first data about quarried limestone appears in the account books of the Tallinn city council in 1333. They often also mention the site where limestone was used.250 It is likely that building stones and parts may have been already hewn in the limestone quarry. This is indicated, for example, by a sculpture found in a medieval limestone quarry in Gotland.251 No limestone products have been found in the Toompea quarry; nor have medieval limestone quarries been studied elsewhere in Estonia or Latvia.

2 44 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 63. 245 Kaplinski, Tallinna käsitöölised, pp. 117–​119. 246 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 63. 247 Ants Hein, ‘Tallinna hiliskeskaegne ehituskoolkond ja Oleviste kirik,’ Kunstiteaduslikke uurimusi 24/​3–​4 (2015), 86–​114, here pp. 90–​91. 248 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 26. 249 Monika Reppo, ‘The Bishop’s House and New Additions to the Study of the Limestone Quarry on Toompea Hill,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2018 (2019), 171–​184. 250 Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 70. 251 Barbro Sundner, ‘Building Stone as Archaeological Source Material,’ in Visions of the Past. Trends and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology, ed. Hans Andersson et al. (Stockholm, 1997) (Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 19), pp. 73–​90, here p. 77.

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299

Lime Burning

The production of construction lime was a skill that the conquerors brought to Livonia. In Riga, a lime kiln was mentioned for the first time in 1226. The lime kilns of Riga belonged to the town.252 The records of Tallinn mention construction lime for the first time as late as in 1341 and a lime kiln in 1360.253 In medieval Livonia, most of the data about lime manufacturing concerns Tallinn –​the town had the monopoly on the production and sale of lime. The account books of the city council, which recorded the revenue from lime sales, begin with the year 1432. Nevertheless, the proportion of the revenue from lime burning is small in the earnings of the city of Tallinn; for example, in the fifteenth century it formed only 4.6 per cent of the cash revenue. However, taking into consideration the expenses of lime production, it appears, for example, that in 1433–​ 1507 lime burning sustained a loss of 4.1 per cent. It seems that direct revenue from lime production was less important for the city council. The main purpose was to ensure the availability of lime for the construction of fortifications and churches in the town.254 In the fourteenth century, the town probably had only one suburban lime kiln. In 1433 at the latest, there were already two kilns and three kilns from 1454 at the latest. Usually, lime was burned twice a year in the city kilns –​in one kiln in autumn and in the other in spring. As a rule, lime was sold in the unslaked form; the sales of slaked lime were always recorded separately in the account books of the city council. Apparently, the customers slaked the lime themselves.255 The vast majority of lime was used locally in the city of Tallinn; only occasionally was there enough lime for export. 14

Manufacturing of Bricks and Roof Tiles

While in northern and western Estonia, limestone was the main building material of stone buildings, in the southern parts of Livonia boulders and bricks were used. Bricks were used first and foremost in south Estonia and Latvia to build castles, churches, and towns. Roof tiles were needed everywhere. Brick firing in Riga was mentioned for the first time as early as 1226. The city brickyard of Riga belonged to the town. It produced up to 10,000 wall bricks a year 2 52 Stieda, Mettig, Schragen, p. 13. 253 Kotter, Tallinna rae finantsid, pp. 45–​46. 254 Kotter, Tallinna rae finantsid, pp. 45, 48–​49. 255 Kotter, Tallinna rae finantsid, pp. 45–​47.

300 Tvauri and the same quantity of roof tiles.256 In Tallinn, there was already a brickyard in 1365, run by a joint enterprise of the town and three burgomasters to produce roof tiles and wall bricks, which was located at the seaside on the land belonging to the town. The town probably already purchased the owners’ rights by 1370. Bricks were burned under the supervision of a hired brick master, who had come from Germany.257 In German towns, too, brick burning was usually a branch of manufacturing that was organised by town authorities.258 In the Middle Ages, brick-​making was usually a temporary branch of manufacturing –​bricks were made for some building in the neighbourhood or at a location where suitable clay could be found. Because it was an activity with a fire hazard, which required a lot of space, bricks were usually produced in an area outside the city walls. The largest medieval brick-​burning site that has been studied to date in Estonia is located in Tartu. The brick-​production area lies immediately to the southeast of the area surrounded by the city wall that has been studied in the course of various excavations; today, it is located on both sides of Ülikooli Street in the stretch between Vallikraavi and Vanemuise streets. The remains of at least two brick kilns have been found here. One kiln was discovered on the plot at Kitsas Street 1. A kiln sunken in the natural clay ground259 was a massive combustion chamber laid from raw bricks, to which two parallel hearths 2.5 m in length and up to 1 m in width were attached from the east. The combustion chamber was 6.2 m in length and at least 4 m in width. The kiln had been preserved at a height of up to 1.5 m. The other kiln was revealed on the plot at Vanemuise Street 7. This one was also laid from bricks with a 6 × 5 m combustion chamber and several hearths measuring about 2 × 0.5 m at the front of several kilns.260 Remains of similar

2 56 Stieda, Mettig, Schragen, p. 14. 257 Aleksander Kivi, ‘Tallinna manufaktuuride ja tööstuste ajaloost,’ in Tallinn. Linna asustus-​ ja ehitusajaloolisi materjale seitsmes köites, ed. Eduard Alamaa and Aleksander A. Kivi, vol. 6 (Tallinn, 1966), pp. 120–​329, here pp. 143–​145; Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 96. 258 Rolf Sprandel, ‘Die Handwerker in den Nord-​Westdeutschen Städten des Spätmittelalters,’ Hansische Geschichtsblätter 86 (1968), 37–​62, here pp. 56–​57. 259 Mäesalu, ‘Das Handwerk in der Stadt Tartu,’ figs. 4–​5. 260 Mare Aun, ‘Tartu keskaegse eeslinna kultuurkiht Küüni tänava arheoloogilise materjali põhjal,’ in Tartu arheoloogiast ja vanemast ehitusloost, ed. Heiki Valk (Tartu, 1995) (Tartu Ülikooli Arheoloogia Kabineti toimetised 8), pp. 91–​97, here p. 95; Rünno Vissak, ‘Results of the Archaeological Investigations at the SE foot of Toomemägi, Tartu,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1999 (2000), 113–​120, here pp. 118–​119; Eero Heinloo, Tartu lõunapoolne eeslinn kesk-​ja varauusajal arheoloogia andmetel. BA thesis (Tartu, 2006) (Unpublished manuscript in the Department of Archaeology, University of Tartu), p. 36.

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medieval brick kilns have been found, for example, in Greifswald in northern Germany.261 Evidence of brick-​making also consists of deposits of faulty bricks on the plot at Kitsas Street 1 and the adjacent property at Ülikooli Street 6a. Here, a deposit of faulty bricks is on average 0.5 m, but in some places up to 1.2 m in thickness was discovered in an area of about 80 m2. It contained strongly over-​ or underburned and broken wall bricks. It could well be that the 30–​90-​cm-​ thick deposit of bricks and clay around the brick kiln on the plot at Vanemuise Street 7 was a layer of faulty products that resulted from brick-​making.262 The clay that was necessary to manufacture bricks was extracted in the immediate vicinity of the kilns in Tartu, where numerous clay pits could be found. Here, natural clay deposits outcropped right under a thin layer of sand.263 In this area at least one pit has been studied that was used to deposit clay on the plot at Vallikraavi Street 2. The hollow had an area of 45 m2, and the clay layer was up to 90 cm in thickness. The pottery fragments that were revealed from the clay layer were dated to the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.264 There are no written records about brick-​making in medieval Tartu. The earliest finds from the fill of clay pits date from the second half of the thirteenth century. The analyses of the radioactive carbon of the charcoal between the faulty bricks showed that the wood used for brick burning had grown in the mid-​thirteenth century. Thus, bricks were manufactured here in around 1300 and could have been manufactured here already before the city walls of Tartu were built. In addition to the previously described brick-​making district, a clay deposit of up to 85 cm in thickness was found at the opposite edge of medieval Tartu, in an area surrounded by the city walls, on the properties at Lai Street 11 and

261 Dirk Brandt and André Lutze, ‘Ein mittelalterlicher Kalk-​ /​ Ziegelhof am Ryck bei Greifswald,’ in Handwerk –​Stadt –​Hanse, pp. 99–​113. 262 Aun, ‘Tartu keskaegse eeslinna kultuurkiht,’ p. 92; Rünno Vissak, Tartus, Ülikooli t. 6a ehitusobjektil toimunud arheoloogiliste päästekaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1996) (Unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn), p. 9; Vissak, ‘Results of the Archaeological Investigations,’ pp. 116–​118; Heinloo, Tartu lõunapoolne eeslinn, p. 37. 263 Aun, ‘Tartu keskaegse eeslinna kultuurkiht’; Vissak, ‘Results of the Archaeological Investigations’; Heinloo, Tartu lõunapoolne eeslinn, pp. 34–​37; Rivo Bernotas, ‘Brick-​ making in Medieval Livonia –​the Estonian Example,’ Estonian Journal of Archaeology 17 (2013), 139–​156, here pp. 143–​146. 264 Rünno Vissak, Tartus Vallikraavi tn 2 teostatud arheoloogiliste päästekaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1994) (Unpublished manuscript in Tartu City Museum), pp. 6–​7; Vissak, ‘Results of the Archaeological Investigations,’ pp. 115–​116; Heinloo, Tartu lõunapoolne eeslinn, p. 35.

302 Tvauri 13. It contained charcoal and brick pieces, which seemed to have resulted from underburned bricks; thus, they could be regarded as production waste. Rünno Vissak, who supervised the excavations, supposed that a brick kiln might have been situated somewhere near the clay deposit in the second half of the fourteenth century and that clay had been extracted from the nearby slope of the Cathedral Hill. At the northern edge of medieval Viljandi, the plot at the modern Lossi Street 21 inside the city walls revealed drainage ditches, which had been dug in natural subsoil and were filled with faulty products of brick-​making. There were typical wall bricks as well as faulty roof tiles.265 The ditches were dug after the construction of the city wall; for this reason, the production waste must have originated from the fourteenth century.266 15

Rural Craftsmanship and Manufacturing

There are no written sources about rural medieval craftsmanship and manufacturing in Livonia, and archaeological data is very scant. For example, the only evidence of textile weaving and garment manufacturing is the spindle whorls and eyed bone needles found in medieval village sites. The study of the garment remains from the Siksälä thirteenth–​fifteenth-​century cemetery in the southeastern corner of Estonia suggests that rural people used fabrics and garments manufactured in households for personal use.267 In rural Estonian areas, two medieval smithies have been studied on Saaremaa Island. One of them is the Paatsa smithy, which had already been established before the Crusades. It had burned down several times and was then rebuilt in the same location. The smithies of Paatsa iii and iv, dating from the thirteenth century and from the end of the thirteenth century to the third quarter of the fourteenth century, respectively, had been built according to the pre-​Crusade tradition with a hollow blacksmith’s gorge on the ground.268 The most recent Paatsa smithy, dating from approximately 1325–​1400, had a larger

265 Andres Tvauri, ‘Archaeological excavations at Lossi 21, Viljandi,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2009 (2010), 157–​163, here p. 159, fig. 5. 266 Bernotas, ‘Brick-​making,’ p. 146. 267 Riina Rammo and Ave Matsin, ‘Textile Production in a Medieval Village in Siksälä (Estonia),’ in Aspects of the Design, Production and Use of Textiles and Clothing from the Bronze Age to the Early Modern Era, ed. Karina Grömer and Frances Pritchard (Budapest, 2015) (Archaeolingua Main Series 33), pp. 279–​288. 268 Peets, The Power of Iron, pp. 181–​188.

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raised forge, which may have been surrounded by timber curbing.269 It could well be that the blacksmiths of Paatsa were engaged in the enrichment of iron manufactured in the nearby Tuiu iron-​smelting district.270 Local iron smelting in western Estonia, northern Saaremaa, and north-​eastern and eastern Estonia continued also after the Crusades until the mid-​fourteenth century.271 The excavations at Käku in Saaremaa yielded four smithies that had been located in the same place; three of the earlier ones were log houses without foundations. The earliest one, a fourteenth–​fifteenth-​century smithy, had been built with a paved floor and a big, high forge. The smithy enriched raw iron, manufactured iron products such as edge tools, cast non-​ferrous products, and worked bone.272 The only evidence of post-​Crusade pottery manufacturing outside towns was revealed from the excavating area of a water and sewage pipe next to Võnnu church in southern Estonia. The church was originally built sometime in the thirteenth–​fourteenth centuries. Before the church was built, a pit had been dug of 150 cm in diameter and 80 cm in depth, where bloated sherds and broken pottery had been thrown.273 In Võnnu, Slavic Pskov-​style pottery was manufactured with a simple potter’s wheel, which is similar to the evidence from the mid-​thirteenth century in Viljandi and Tartu. It may come as a surprise that no medieval lime and brick kilns outside towns have been found or studied in Estonia and Latvia. In Livonia there were at least 105 rural stone churches by the mid-​sixteenth century274 and at least 150 stone castles,275 the construction of which required a vast amount of construction lime and bricks. Therefore, it is difficult to explain the absence of

269 Ragnar Saage, ‘Smithies and Forges around the North-​Eastern Baltic Sea from the 11th to the 17th Century AD,’ Historical Metallurgy 51 (2018), 13–​21, here p. 15. 270 Peets, The Power of Iron, pp. 181–​188, 352. 271 Peets, The Power of Iron, p. 84. 272 Ragnar Saage et al., ‘New Research Results from the Smithy Site of Käku in 2013–​2014,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2014 (2015), 193–​204, here pp. 195–​196. 273 Tõnno Jonuks, ‘Arheoloogilised uuringud Võnnu kiriku ümbruses,’ Tutulus. Eesti arheoloogia aastakiri (2019), 56. 274 Andris Caune and Ieva Ose, Latvijas viduslaiku mūra baznīcas 12. gs. beigas –​16. gs. sākums. Enciklopēdija (Rīga, 2010), p. 24; Voldemar Vaga, ‘Feodaalne killustatus. Gooti stiil. XIII sajandi algusest kuni XVI sajandi keskpaigani,’ in Eesti arhitektuuri ajalugu, ed. Harald Arman (Tallinn 1965), pp. 27–​200, plate x. 275 Armin Tuulse, Die Burgen in Estland und Lettland (Dorpat, 1942) (Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi toimetused 33); Andris Caune and Ieva Ose, Latvijas 12. gadsimta beigu –​17. gadsimta vācu piļu leksikons (Rīga, 2004) (Latvijas viduslaiku pilis 4).

304 Tvauri lime and brick production sites. For example, in Denmark, the remains of several hundred medieval brick kilns have been revealed.276 16

Product Consumption Areas and Export Products

The level of a town’s craftsmanship can be assessed on the basis of the size of the consumption area of its products. Basically, one can distinguish among four levels of craftsmanship: home craft made in one’s household; urban manufacturing for personal use; regional market-​oriented manufacturing; and manufacturing for long-​distance trade or export production. As a rule, the handicraft products of larger towns, such as Riga, Tallinn, and Tartu, spread regionally. Despite the fact that there is only occasional written data about custom-​ made handicraft items, one can see that the consumption area of first and foremost urban handicraft products from precious metal reached the wealthy consumer throughout Livonia.277 The jewellery found from the medieval wealth deposits and cemeteries in Estonia and Latvia enables us to claim that the local jewellery represents two schools: guild goldsmiths using pan-​European design techniques; and jewellers inspired by local traditions. While the former used mostly the casting technique and engraving, the products of jewellers were characterised rather by punching and twisting techniques.278 The 1495 Diet of Livonia discussed the problem of non-​German silversmiths who were competing with German craftsmen.279 However, there is a note from 1540 that the Cistercian monasteries of Padise and Kärkna, as well as some noblemen, hired craftsmen who are not members of craft guilds and ‘steal the bread from the table’ of the city masters.280 The jewellery manufactured by goldsmiths was used mostly by the German upper class; the peasantry used to wear less expensive products with a local flavour from jewellers. The archaeological finds related to non-​ferrous metalworking suggests that of peasant jewellery, at least circular fibulae were cast in Riga and Tallinn, and in Tallinn also bracteate pendants and tinklers. A semi-​product of a tinkler

276 Hans K. Kristensen, ‘The Production and Use of Bricks,’ in The Archaeology of Medieval Europe, vol. 1: Eight to Twelfth Centuries AD, ed. James Graham-​Campbell (Aarhus, 2007) (Acta Jutlandica. Humanistisk serie 79), pp. 230–​232, here p. 231. 277 Mänd, ‘Hans Holtappel,’ p. 113. 278 Kaalu Kirme, Eesti hõbe. 800 aastat hõbe-​ja kullassepakunsti Eestis (Tallinn, 2000), p. 56. 279 Vende, Väärismetalltööd, p. 30. 280 Adolf Friedenthal, Die Goldschmiede Revals (Lübeck, 1931) (Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen Geschichte 8), p. 33.

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from Saaremaa Island281 shows that in medieval Livonia, jewellery was also manufactured in rural areas. Both written and archaeological sources indicate that it is likely that in the Middle Ages the majority of peasant jewellery was manufactured in towns by jewellers and decoration-​makers. The craftsmen of medieval Livonian towns were highly mobile, and their products were similar to those in other towns with a German cultural background. Therefore, it is impossible or very difficult to study the spread of the products of a specific town outside the town by means of archaeological finds. Only the jewellery manufactured by jewellers and decoration-​makers for the local rural population did not spread outside Livonia. Both written and archaeological sources indicate that the craftsmen of Livonian towns manufactured for the local market or processed raw materials that were resold to western Europe.282 In Tallinn, the most important export articles from local raw materials by volume were hemp fibre, ropes, and carved stones.283 Carved stones were exported also to many Hanse area towns, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Finland.284 For example, in 1384 a consignment of 24 gravestones was dispatched from Tallinn to Lübeck; in 1410, Livonian gravestones are mentioned in Hardewijk in the Netherlands.285 In 1422, limestone products from Tallinn were used in the building of St Mary’s Church, the town gates, and a tower in Gdańsk.286 In the second half of the fourteenth century, mead was exported from Riga to Gdańsk, Elbląg, Königsberg, and other Prussian towns.287 17

Colonisation and the Spread of Innovation

At the beginning of the thirteenth century, craftsmen arrived in Livonia from Germany and Scandinavia, as well as Rus’. By the fourteenth–​sixteenth 281 Monika Reppo, Detektorileiud Kurevere, Läägi, Vedruka, Jööri, Kehila ja Liivanõmme külast Saaremaal. Expert opinion (Tallinn, 2019) (Unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn). 282 Caune, Ose, ‘Archäologische Erkenntnisse,’ p. 469. 283 Wilhelm Stieda, ‘Kabelgarn und Steine, zwei Revaler Ausfuhrartikel,’ Beiträge zur Kunde Est-​, Liv-​und Kurlands 7 (1910), 153–​208. 284 Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 92; Kaplinski, Tallinn, p. 71. 285 Stieda, ‘Kabelgarn und Steine,’ p. 184; Johansen, von zur Mühlen, Deutsch und Undeutsch, pp. 176–​177; Hein, ‘Tallinna hiliskeskaegne ehituskoolkond,’ pp. 92–​93. 286 Miller, Kivi, ‘Käsitöö,’ p. 92. 287 Vasilii Doroshenko, ‘Rīga laika posmā no 12. gs. beigām līdz 15. gs. 80. gadiem,’ in Feodālā Rīga, ed. Teodors Zeids (Rīga, 1978), pp. 35–​101, here p. 87.

306 Tvauri centuries, the organisation of local urban craftsmanship, as well as its technology and products, became very similar to that of German towns. Additionally, the craftsmanship-​related archaeological find material represents German town culture. Certainly one reason for the harmonisation of craftsmanship in Livonia and the German cultural space was the foundation of craft guilds and the dissemination of the wander years’ requirement for journeymen of most craft specialities since the fourteenth century.288 The only remains resulting from large-​scale professional craftsmanship in the rural areas originate from blacksmithing and iron manufacturing. The existing archaeological find material suggests that less sophisticated peasant jewellery was also manufactured in towns. Local-​tradition craftsmanship continued until the first half of the fourteenth century. The present data shows that local craftsmen did not move to towns, but local traditions of craftsmanship declined. In Livonia, the Crusades brought along political, social, and religious change, but this region had not been isolated earlier, either. In the twelfth–​thirteenth centuries, the entirety of northern Europe witnessed technical innovation and introduced products which would have also reached this region without the crusading conquest. Such post-​Crusade technological changes in Livonia are manifested, for example, in the casting of non-​ferrous metals. In the twelfth century, the entire region of northern Germany witnessed the development of casting of such kinds of metals.289 In the thirteenth century, pewter casting also received a pan-​European impact in connection with the introduction of new tin deposits, moulds, and products, which is manifested in the local archaeological material. The thirteenth–​fourteenth-​century stone moulds that were found in Tartu and Tallinn show new technological methods (gas channels and more sophisticated moulds previously seen), as well as types of objects that were unknown previously. In the course of the thirteenth century, ceramic ladles disappeared from the archaeological material, which were probably replaced by metal ladles, or crucibles were used for this purpose.290 Lead pegs were introduced in Germany in the eleventh–​thirteenth centuries for fixing the mould parts into position. In fact, moulds with pegs had been used already in the Viking Age, as shown by finds from Birka and Haithabu. Moulds with pegs can be 288 Knut Schulz, ‘Mobilität im Handwerk –​Wanderwege (Spätmittelalter),’ in Europäische Technik, pp. 503–​508, here p. 503. 289 Hans Drescher, ‘Zum Guss von Bronze, Messing und Zinn ‘um 1200’,’ in Zur Lebensweise in der Stadt um 1200. Ergebnisse der Mittelalter-​Archäologie, ed. Heiko Steuer (Köln, 1986) (Zeitschrift für Archäologie des Mittelalters. Beiheft 4), pp. 389–​404, here p. 390. 290 Saage, Russow, ‘Urban Casting Tools.’

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found also among the tenth-​century moulds from Kiev and twelfth-​century moulds from Novgorod.291 Dagnija Svarāne claimed that in Livonia, pegs were first introduced by Riga craftsmen.292 In Estonia, the earliest mould with pegs is from the Lõhavere hillfort, which was in use in the first quarter of the thirteenth century.293 Therefore, it seems that the introduction of pegs during the Crusades at the beginning of the thirteenth century is an innovation from the west.294 In addition, three-​part stone moulds appeared in the Livonian find material in the Middle Ages, which had been unknown previously in the pre-​ Crusade context.295 One of the most significant changes was the end of iron smelting in Saaremaa and northern Estonia by the beginning of the fourteenth century at the latest. It has been suggested that the decline of local iron smelting resulted from the combined effect of three causes: suppression of the St George’s Night Uprising (1343–​1345) in northern and western Estonia, followed by the plague and the arrival of inexpensive and high-​quality Swedish commercial iron on the market.296 The most significant Crusade-​related technological innovation in Livonia was stone buildings bonded with lime mortar, for which pre-​Crusade records are absent. The culture of stone building was exported from Germany in a ready-​ made form. Additionally, the first stone facilities –​castles and churches –​are related to the institutions introduced or exported by the invaders and immigrants. The fourteenth century witnessed a more large-​scale construction of towns from stone, which was also part of the ‘German’ cultural space. The buildings of the local peasantry were constructed from timber throughout the Middle Ages and even in more recent times. The use of waterpower was an innovation about which data is absent from the pre-​Crusade period.297 There was a watermill near Riga as early as in the 1220s; the first watermill in the Saaremaa bishopric operated in 1238 and at Koila on the Jägala River in northern Estonia in 1241 at the latest.298 2 91 Saage, Metallitööpaigad, pp. 67–​69. 292 Dagnija Svarāne, Pētījumi Latvijas seno metālu tehnoloģijā: 11.–​17. gadsimts (Rīga, 2013), p. 221. 293 Margit Keeman, ‘Tuhat aastat tinulisi Eesti aladel: kasutamine ja valmistamine,’ Studia Vernacula 8 (2017), 66–​93, photo 9. 294 Saage, Metallitööpaigad, p. 92. 295 Saage, Russow, ‘Urban Casting Tools,’ p. 340. 296 Saage, Metallitööpaigad, p. 98; see also: Tõnu Sepp, ‘Raua impordist keskaegses Eestis,’ Kleio. Teaduslik-​populaarne ajaloo ajakiri 4 (1991), 6–​10; Peets, The Power of Iron, p. 290. 297 Cf. the contribution by Anti Selart in the present volume. 298 Sulev Vahtre, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted Eestis XIII–​XIV sajandil (Tartu, 1966), p. 28.

308 Tvauri The technological changes in craftsmanship and manufacturing in Livonia are reflected in the archaeological material 100–​200 years after the Crusade. We do not know what the Livonian towns might have looked like without the German-​Danish conquest. Nevertheless, one can see that the main cause of changes was not the unification of Livonia with the ‘west’, where it had also been earlier, but it was rather the emergence of towns and the new organisation of craftsmanship, which emerged and also spread in Germany at about the same time as in Livonia.

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316 Tvauri Stieda, Wilhelm, and Constantin Mettig, Schragen der Gilden und Aemter der Stadt Riga bis 1621 (Riga, 1896). Strauss, Konrad, Die Geschichte der Töpferzunft vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit und die Kunsttöpfereien in Alt-​Livland (Estland und Lettland) (Basel, 1969). Strēle, Irēna, and Silvija Tilko, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gadsimta saliktās divpusējās kaula ķemmes,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 3 (2001), 48–​76. Sundner, Barbro, ‘Building Stone as Archaeological Source Material,’ in Visions of the Past. Trends and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology, ed. Hans Andersson et al. (Stockholm, 1997) (Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 19), pp. 73–​90. Svarāne, Dagnija, ‘Archaeological Evidence of Metalworking from Medieval Riga,’ in The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, vol. 2, ed. Rünno Vissak and Ain Mäesalu (Tartu, 2002), pp. 99–​108. Svarāne, Dagnija, ‘Metālliešana un lejamveidnes Rīgā un Daugavas lejtecē dzelzs laikmetā un viduslaikos,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 9 (2018), 96–​120. Svarāne, Dagnija, Pētījumi Latvijas seno metālu tehnoloģijā: 11.–​17. gadsimts (Rīga, 2013). Svarāne, Dagnija, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gs. lejamveidnes un tīģeļi,’ Arheoloģija un Etnogrāfija 17 (1994), 97–​105. Svarāne, Dagnija, ‘Rīgas 15.–​17. gadsimta metāla kausējamie tīģeļia artrīsstūrainu augšdaļu,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 2 (2002), 172–​183. Tallinna märkmeteraamatud 1333–​1374. Libri de diversis articulis 1333–​1374, ed. Paul Johansen (Tallinn, 1935) (Tallinna linnaarhiivi väljaanded 8). Talvar, Peeter, ‘Archaeological Investigations in Tallinn at Viru Street 8 Site and the Area of Bastions,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2005 (2006), 219–​230. Tamla, Ülle, Hõbeesemete valmistamistehnoloogia Eestist leitud 9.–​13. sajandi materjali põhjal. ma thesis (Tallinn, 1998) (Unpublished manuscript in the Library of Archaeological Collection of the Tallinn University). Tarvel, Enn, ‘Hansalinnana XIII sajandist Liivi sõjani,’ in Tartu ajalugu, ed. Raimo Pullat (Tallinn, 1980), pp. 27–​60. Tilko, Silvija, ‘Rīgas 12.–​14. gadsimta viengabala kaula ķemmes,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 2 (2000), 101–​112. Tilko, Silvija, ‘Rīgas 13.–​14. gadsimta kaula stāvķemmes,’ Senā Rīga. Pētījumi pilsētas arheoloģijā un vēsturē 4 (2003), 74–​91. Trummal, Vilma, ‘Arheoloogiauuringutest Tartus Lossi tänaval,’ Stilus. Eesti Arheoloogiaseltsi Teated 2 (1992), 5–​34. Tuulse, Armin, Die Burgen in Estland und Lettland (Dorpat, 1942) (Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi toimetused 33). Tvauri, Andres, ‘Archaeological excavations at Lossi 21, Viljandi,’ Archaeological Fieldwork in Estonia 2009 (2010), 157–​163. Tvauri, Andres, Eesti hilisrauaaja savinõud (Tallinn, 2005) (Muinasaja Teadus 16).

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Tvauri, Andres, ‘Loode-​Vene päritolu slaavi keraamika Eestis 11.–​16. sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 4 (2000), 91–​119. Tvauri, Andres, ‘Lõuna-​Eesti noorema rauaaja linnuste ja külade arheoloogilise leiumaterjali erinevused,’ in Keskus –​tagamaa –​ääreala. Uurimusi asustushierarhia ja võimukeskuste kujunemisest Eestis, ed. Valter Lang (Tallinn, 2002) (Muinasaja Teadus 11), pp. 275–​300. Tvauri, Andres, ‘Pihkva pottsepad Viljandis ja Tartus sajandil,’ Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri 4 (2000), 21–​30. Üprus, Helmi, ‘Hõbehelmed ja eesti soost ehtemeistrid,’ Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat 1 (1947), 138–​156. Vaga, Voldemar, ‘Feodaalne killustatus. Gooti stiil. XIII sajandi algusest kuni XVI sajandi keskpaigani,’ in Eesti arhitektuuri ajalugu, ed. Harald Arman (Tallinn 1965), pp. 27–​200. Vahtre, Sulev, Põllumajandus ja agraarsuhted Eestis XIII–​XIV sajandil (Tartu, 1966). Valk, Heiki, Viljandi Pikk tn. 6–​ 8 Noorte Huvikeskuse soojatrass (Tartu, 1992) (Unpublished manuscript in the Department of Archaeology, University of Tartu). Valk-​Falk, Endel, ‘Arheoloogilised nahaleiud Tartu vanalinnast,’ in Tartu –​minevik, tänapäev, ed. Jüri Linnus (Tallinn, 1985), pp. 64–​70. Vende, Ella, Väärismetalltööd Eestis 15.–​19. sajandini (Tallinn, 1967). Verhaeghe, Frans, ‘Industry in Medieval Towns. The Archaeological Problem,’ in Medieval Archaeology. Critical Concepts in Archaeology, vol. 3: Medieval Life, ed. Roberta Gilchrist and Gemma L. Watson (London, 2017), pp. 299–​323. Vissak, Rünno, ‘Der Fundstoff aus den Holzkästen des VII. Quartals in Tartu’ Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia toimetised. Humanitaar-​ja sotsiaalteadused 43 (1994), 71–​77. Vissak, Rünno, ‘Results of the Archaeological Investigations at the SE foot of Toomemägi, Tartu,’ in Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1999 (2000), pp. 113–​120. Vissak, Rünno, Tartus, Ülikooli t. 6a ehitusobjektil toimunud arheoloogiliste päästekaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1996) (Unpublished manuscript in the National Heritage Board, Tallinn). Vissak, Rünno, Tartus Vallikraavi tn 2 teostatud arheoloogiliste päästekaevamiste aruanne (Tartu, 1994) (Unpublished manuscript in Tartu City Museum). Vissak, Rünno, and Eero Heinloo, ‘Archaeological Investigations at Lai Street in Tartu,’ Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2005 (2006), 111–​117. Windler, Renata, ‘Mittelalterliche Webstühle und Weberwerkstätten –​Archäologische Befunde und Funde,’ in Archäologie und mittelalterliches Handwerk –​Eine Standortbestimmung. Beiträge des 10. Kolloquiums des Arbeitskreises zur archäologischen Erforschung des mittelalterlichen Handwerks, ed. Walter Melzer (Soest, 2008) (Soester Beiträge zur Archäologie 9), pp. 202–​215. Wolters, Jochem, ‘Drahtherstellung im Mittelalter,’ in Europäische Technik im Mittelalter 800 bis 1400. Tradition und Innovation. Ein Handbuch, ed. Uta Lindgren (Berlin, 1996), pp. 205–​216.

­c hapter 10

The Formation, Establishment, and Personal Networks of Livonian Cathedral Chapters, 1190–​1350 Madis Maasing Cathedral chapters in Livonia were founded from the end of the twelfth to the end of the thirteenth century. That was the same period when conquest and Crusades, which formed Livonia (a region comprising modern Estonia and Latvia), took place. In all of Catholic Europe, chapters had risen amongst the most important institutions by the thirteenth century: they had an important role in ecclesiastical administration, managed their own possessions, and most of them had obtained the exclusive right to elect bishops. They were also increasingly connected to pan-​European networks of the Catholic Church. Many of them adopted rules of religious orders and became part of their communication networks, and an increasing number of papal appointments in ecclesiastical offices also affected various chapters.1 The current contribution discusses the emergence and establishment of Livonian chapters during the first century and a half of their existence and has two main aims. Firstly, it provides an overview of the emergence of all six Livonian chapters (Riga, Tartu, Saaremaa, Curonia, Tallinn, and the short-​lived Semgallia) and observes indications for their actual functioning. Secondly, and centrally, it assesses the position of Livonian chapters and their members (canons) on the regional and interregional level (in Livonia, its neighbouring regions, and papal curia), mainly by analysing individual data of Livonian canons: their number; social and geographical background (including the proportion of Livonians2 and non-​Livonians); cumulations of 1 Rudolf Schieffer, Die Entstehung von Domkapiteln in Deutschland (Bonn, 1976) (Bonner Historische Forschungen 43); Brigide Schwarz, ‘Römische Kurie und Pfründenmarkt im Spätmittelalter,’ Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 20 (1993), 129–​152. 2 By ‘Livonians’ I mean those canons who were born or lived most of their life in Livonia. What their ethnic background may have been is virtually impossible to say. Cf. Tõnis Lukas, Tartu toomhärrad 1224–​1558 (Tartu, 1998), pp. 100–​101; Klaus Militzer, ‘Livländische Domkapitulare als Besucher europäischer Unversitäten,’ in Die Kirche im mittelalterlichen Livland, ed. Radosław Biskup et al. (Toruń, 2019) (Ecclesia clerusque temporibus medii aevi 5), pp. 183–​195.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2022 | DOI:1 0.1163/9789004512092_011

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multiple chapter seats (pluralisms); the networks and other means which helped an individual to become a canon; and the interplay of the chapters with powerful individuals and institutions (local bishops, papacy, and the Teutonic Order). It also points out similarities and differences among the chapters, and herewith touches upon the subject of the exclusivity of northern Estonia, a dominion of the king of Denmark until 1346: was the chapter of Tallinn and its canons, which operated within the Danish realm and did not have a say in secular rule, clearly different from the rest of the Livonian chapters and canons? To better estimate changing characteristics in the data about canons, the period observed is divided into two sections: firstly, the years 1202–​1315 (starting with the first known Livonian canon); and secondly, 1316–​1352, from the pontificate of Pope John xxii (1316–​1334), when regular papal appointments to clerical offices began all over Europe,3 to the pontificate of Clemens vi (1342–​1352), when dense material on Livonia in papal archives begins.4 To assess how typical or atypical Livonian chapters were in comparison with other chapters of the neighbouring regions, parallels with some other chapters that were founded during roughly the same period are drawn.5 One reason why the initial phase of Livonian chapters has not yet been studied extensively might be the fragmented nature of the information.6 Nevertheless, a good basis for analysing the personal information of Livonian

3 Per Ingesman, ‘Border Warfare between King and Pope in Late Medieval Denmark: A Case Study of Royal Politics towards Ecclesiastical Benefices and Papal Provisions c. 1350–​1525,’ in Denmark and Europe in the Middle Ages, c. 1000–​1525: Essays in Honour of Professor Michael H. Gelting, ed. Kersti Hundahl et al. (Farnham, 2014), pp. 215–​236, here pp. 227–​228. 4 Arthur Motzki, ‘Livonica aus den Supplikenregistern von Avignon (1342 Okt. 11–​1366 Mai 9),’ Mitteilungen aus der Livländischen Geschichte 21 (1911), 101–​172. 5 Adolf Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel im Mittelalter: 1160–​1400. Verfassungsrechtliche und personenstandliche Untersuchungen (Neumünster, 1988) (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Schleswig-​Holsteins 91); Margit Kaluza-​Baumruker, Das Schweriner Domkapitel (1171–​1400) (Köln, 1987) (Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 96); Mario Glauert, Das Domkapitel von Pomesanien (1284–​1527) (Toruń, 2003) (Prussia Sacra 1); Radosław Biskup, Das Domkapitel von Samland (1285–​1525) (Toruń, 2007) (Prussia Sacra 2); Kauko Pirinen, Turun tuomiokapituli keskiajan lopulla (Helsinki, 1956) (Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Toimituksia 58); Radosław Krajniak, Duchowieństwo kapituły katedralnej w Chełmży do 1466 roku. Studium prozopograficzne (Toruń, 2013); Bruno Pottel, Das Domkapitel von Ermland im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1911). 6 Most materials for chapters are from later centuries, and only archives of the chapters of Saaremaa and Riga have been partially preserved: Johannes Götz, ‘Das Archiv des livländischen Deuschordenszweiges. Eine archivgeschichtliche Untersuchung,’ in Die Kirche im mittelalterlichen Livland, pp. 9–​77, here pp. 9–​13.

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canons is laid by the data collection Livlands Geistlichkeit from Leonid Arbusow Sr. (1848–​1912),7 and there is much valuable information in Livonian source publications and studies of Vatican archives.8 There are also general overviews of the chapters of Tartu, Curonia, and Saaremaa,9 and studies about the early period of the chapter of Riga,10 as well as surveys about the origin of Livonian canons and constitutions of chapters.11

7

Leonid Arbusow [sen.], ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit vom Ende des 12. bis ins 16. Jahrhundert,’ Jahrbuch für Genealogie, Heraldik und Sphragistik 1900 (1902), 33–​80; 1901 (1902), 1–​160; 1902 (1904), 39–​134; 1911, 1912 und 1913 (1914), 1–​432. 8 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge et al., vols. 1–​11 (Reval, 1853–​1905); Liv-​, est-​und kurländsche Urkundenregesten bis zum Jahre 1300, ed. Friedrich Benninghoven (Hamburg, 1959); Livländische Güterurkunden (aus den Jahren 1207 bis 1500), vol. 1, ed. Hermann von Bruiningk and Nicolaus Busch (Riga, 1908); Leonid Arbusow [jun.], ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ Latvijas Universitātes Raksti 17 (1928), 285–​422; Leonid Arbusow [jun.], ‘II. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ Latvijas Universitātes Raksti 20 (1929), 475–​657; Leonid Arbusow [jun.], ‘III. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ Latvijas Universitātes Raksti. Filoloģijas un filosofijas fakultātes sērija 1 (1929), 65–​158; Leonid Arbusow [jun.], ‘IV. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ Latvijas Universitãtes Raksti. Filoloģijas un filosofijas fakultātes sērija 2 (1931), 279–​374; Motzki, ‘Livonica’; Hermann Hildebrand, Livonica, vornämlich aus dem 13. Jahrhundert, im Vaticanischen Archiv (Riga, 1887). 9 Lukas, Tartu toomhärrad; Erwin Hertwich, ‘Das kurländische Domkapitel bis 1561. Untersuchungen über die persönliche Zusammensetzung des Kapitels hinsichtlich der Herkunft und Laufbahn seiner Bischöfe und Domherren,’ in Die Domkapitel des Deutschen Ordens in Preußen und Livland, ed. Radosław Biskup and Mario Glauert (Münster, 2004) (Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ermlands. Beiheft 17), pp. 147–​ 267; Tõnis Lukas, ‘Die Domherren des Bistums Ösel-​Wiek 1228–​1563,’ in Saare-​Lääne piiskopkond. Artiklid Lääne-​Eesti keskajast, ed. Ülla Paras (Haapsalu, 2004), pp. 221–​244. 10 Theodor Kallmeyer, ‘Geschichte der Habits-​Veränderungen des rigischen Domcapitels, nebst Untersuchungen über streitige Gegenstände in Derselben, mit urkundlichen Beilagen,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 2 (1842), 197–​340; Constantin Mettig, ‘Zur Verfassungsgeschichte des rigaschen Domcapitels,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 12 (1880), 509–​ 537; Constantin Mettig, ‘Bemerkungen zur Geschichte des rigaschen Domkapitels,’ Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Alterthumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands 1911 (1911), 386–​394. 11 Hermann von Bruiningk, ‘Die Geburtsstandsverhältnisse in den livländischen Domkapiteln und Klöstern,’ Sitzungsberichte der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Alterthumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands 1908 (1909), 72–​90; Bernhart Jähnig, ‘Die Verfassung der Domkapitel der Kirchenprovinz Riga. Ein Überblick,’ in Kirchengeschichtliche Probleme des Preussenlandes aus Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, ed. Bernhart Jähnig (Marburg, 2001) (Tagungsberichte der Historischen Kommission für ost-​und westpreussische Landesforschung 16), pp. 53–​72.

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Founding and Establishment of the Chapters

The foundation and establishment of chapters depended mostly on general developments in a bishopric and a region. Sometimes chapters emerged and started to function almost immediately after the foundation of a bishopric (such as the chapters of Lübeck and Schwerin in the 1160s and 1170s), while in other cases, it took decades and many attempts to create a functional chapter (like in Finland and Prussia during the second half of the thirteenth century). In Livonia some chapters were even founded multiple times, and they also repeatedly changed their internal regulations, but by the end of the thirteenth century, they had divided clearly into two groups of regulated and secular chapters. Regular chapters followed a certain monastic rule –​in Livonia, either of the Augustinians, Premonstratensians, or of the Teutonic Order –​and observed monastery-​like common life (vita communis). In secular chapters, benefices of the canons were distributed between individuals who gradually adopted a lifestyle which resembled that of a wealthy nobleman. Those individual benefices also became “goods” that were traded in the papal “benefice market”.12 Subsequently, special attention is paid to some indicators signalling that a chapter had become functional, such as the ability to obtain and govern possessions, issue charters, and elect bishops. As the latter was one of the most important rights and tasks of a chapter, which clearly indicated whether they were independent actors, it is observed in a more detailed manner. The chapter of Riga was the earliest one in Livonia: a convent of Augustinian canons existed in Ikšķile in the 1190s,13 and around 1202, it was transferred to Riga.14 In about 1210, it adopted the regulations of the Premonstratensians.15 From that time on, it was certainly a functional chapter which participated

12

13

14 15

Gerhard Fouquet, Das Speyerer Domkapitel im späten Mittelalter (ca. 1350–​1540): adlige Freundschaft, fürstliche Patronage und päpstliche Klientel (Mainz, 1987) (Quellen und Abhandlungen zur mittelrheinischen Kirchengeschichte 57), pp. 31–​ 62; Schwarz, ‘Römische Kurie und Pfründenmarkt.’ In April 1193, the pope granted Bishop Meinhard of Ikšķile (or Livonia, 1186–​1196) rights to organise his associates as a cohabitant convent (Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 11) whose members were named in the Livonian Chronicle of Henry: Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum [31]), pp. 5–​6 §i.11; p. 17 §vi.3. Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, p. 17 §vi.2–​3. Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, p. 68 §xiii.3; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 56; Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 3; Mettig, ‘Zur Verfassungsgeschichte,’ pp. 512–​519.

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in the governance of the bishopric and signing of various treaties, and it obtained possessions.16 Additionally, the chapter of Semgallia (initially Selonia), which might have been founded at the end of the 1220s, adopted the Premonstratensian rule,17 but it had probably already ceased to exist by the end of the 1230s, as the ecclesiastic structure of the bishopric vanished about fifteen years before its incorporation into the emerging archbishopric of Riga in 1251.18 The third and last Livonian chapter that became regular was Curonia. Initially, there was a secular chapter that functioned in the 1250s but most likely ceased to exist about a decade later.19 The chapter was re-​established in 1290 as a regulated one whose members belonged to the Teutonic Order, just like the Prussian chapters of Chełmno, Pomesania, and Sambia.20 This chapter of Curonia was functional from the beginning onward.21 The chapters of Tartu, Saaremaa, and Tallinn were or became secular ones. The chapter of Tartu was founded in 1224 as a regulated convent of Augustinian canons and was probably functional by 1225,22 but it transformed into a secular chapter between 1234 and 1240.23 The Saaremaa chapter was founded in 1251 as 16

Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 21; vol. 6, no. 3012 (cf. Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 12); Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 162–​ 163 (cf. Liv-​, est-​und kurländsche Urkundenregesten, nos. 454, 457). 17 Hermann Hildebrand, ‘Zehn Urkunden zur älteren livländischen Geschichte aus Petersburg und Stockholm,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 12 (1880), 366–​80, here p. 369 no. 2; Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches 1198 bis 1448: Ein biographisches Lexikon, ed. Erwin Gatz (Berlin, 2001), pp. 727–​731; Max Perlbach, ‘Urkunden des rigaschen Capitel-​Archives in der fürstlich Czartoyskischen Bibliothek zu Krakau,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 13 (1886), 1–​23, here p. 13 no. 3; Hildebrand, Livonica, nos. 16, 21 §53; cf. Liv-​, esth-​ und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 153–​154; Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1901 (1902), p. 15; Jähnig, ‘Die Verfassung der Domkapitel,’ pp. 60–​61. 18 Cf. Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, pp. 128, 730–​31. 19 It is unclear whether there was a chapter already in the 1230s (Hertwich, ‘Das kurländische Domkapitel,’ pp. 166–​167; Jähnig, ‘Die Verfassung der Domkapitel,’ pp. 62–​63). See also: Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 241, 248–​250, 253, 373; Liv-​, est-​und kurländsche Urkundenregesten, no. 998. 20 These chapters were incorporated into the Teutonic Order in 1263, 1284, and 1285, respectively. Cf. Glauert, Das Domkapitel von Pomesanien, pp. 124–​133; Biskup, Das Domkapitel von Samland, pp. 70–​81; Krajniak, Duchowieństwo kapituły katedralnej, pp. 31–​36. 21 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 530–​534; Hildebrand, ‘Zehn Urkunden,’ p. 378 no. 9; Jähnig, ‘Die Verfassung der Domkapitel,’ pp. 64–​69. 22 Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, p. 206 §xxviii.8; Lukas, Tartu toomhärrad, pp. 38–​ 41; Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 12. The chapter was certainly functional by 1248, when it acted instead of the bishop (Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 3, no. 200a; cf. Liv-​, est-​und kurländsche Urkundenregesten, no. 601). 23 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21 §53, §38; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 164; Livländische Güterurkunden, vol. 1, no. 18.

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a secular chapter whose inner regulations followed the example of the chapter of Lübeck.24 Although the Saaremaa chapter was already functional in 1254, it is likely that it was firmly established only after 1279, when Haapsalu became the permanent centre of the bishopric.25 The chapter of Tallinn was founded decades after the foundation of the bishopric (1220 and again c. 1240), and only after a papal exhortation in the beginning of the 1260s. It became functional by the end of the 1270s or the beginning of the 1280s.26 The first Livonian bishops were named by external authorities (popes, archbishops of Bremen, and, in the case of Tallinn, also the kings of Denmark), but during the course of time, all chapters (except Semgallia) obtained and used their rights to elect bishops. The chapter of Riga had received this explicit right in 121027 and used it quite successfully from 1229 to the end of the thirteenth century: of five bishops and archbishops, four were elected, and although the pope annulled an election in 1295, he appointed the former archbishop-​elect to the see on his own authority.28 Due to the scarcity of sources, there are only two certain cases of episcopal elections by the chapter of Tartu, one by Saaremaa, and none by Curonia during the first sub-​period (1202–​1315).29 In 24

Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2731. There was a document from 1234 claiming that some chapter seats were already financed by about 1228 (ibidem, no. 2722), but there is no indication that a chapter actually existed then. 25 In 1254, the first canons were mentioned (Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2736). There are also papal charters from the 1260s and 1270s which confirmed the chapter’s privileges and possessions (ibidem, nos. 2739, 2748); Tiina Kala, ‘Über das Schicksal des Bistums Ösel-​Wiek,’ in Saare-​Lääne piiskopkond, pp. 177–​208. 26 Probably in 1263, the pope ordered the king of Denmark to found the chapter: Diplomatarium Danicum¸series 2, vol. 1, ed. Franz Blatt and Gustav Hermansen (København, 1938), no. 391. In 1277, the chapter received privileges for election of the bishop: Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 455; cf. Friedrich Georg von Bunge, Das Herzogthum Estland unter den Königen von Dänemark (Gotha, 1877), pp. 187–​ 89; Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, p. 639. In 1281, the first canons were mentioned by name: Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nos. 473–​474. 27 It is possible that the Augustinian convent of Ikšķile participated in elections of Livonian bishops in the 1190s, but the main decision was made by the archbishop of Bremen and his chapter: Fritz Schonebohm, Die Besetzung der livländischen Bistümer bis zum Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts (Riga, 1909), pp. 3–​13. 28 These elects were bishop Nicolaus of Riga (1229/​31–​53), and Rigan archbishops Johannes Lune (1273–​84), Johannes Vechta (1285–​94), and Johannes of Schwerin (1295–​1300). Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, pp. 643–​650; Schonebohm, Die Besetzung, pp. 19–​36. 29 Friedrich von Haseldorf (bishop of Karelia in 1267/​68 and of Tartu 1268/​69–​85/​88), was postulated by the chapter in Tartu and confirmed by the pope, see: Anti Selart, ‘Friedrich von Haseldorf, Bischof von Karelien,’ in Sõnasse püütud minevik in honorem Enn Tarvel, ed. Priit Raudkivi and Marten Seppel (Tallinn, 2009), pp. 79–​91. Additionally, Theoderich

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Maasing

Tallinn, canons tried to elect bishops in the 1290s and 1320s, but these attempts were unsuccessful, and apart from one papal nominee, the kings of Denmark continued to name the bishops of Tallinn as before.30 After 1346, the Teutonic Order continued episcopal nominations –​mainly in cooperation with the popes –​and only during the fifteenth century did the chapter enforce its election rights.31 During the course of the fourteenth century, the popes increasingly interfered in the elections of the bishops of Catholic Europe, which was also the case in Livonia. All the archbishops of Riga (who mostly resided at the papal curia in this period) were named by the popes then, as well as three bishops of Tartu, one of Saaremaa, and two of Curonia.32 However, the following procedure was more common: firstly, the chapter performed an election, but as the elect went to the curia to receive confirmation, the pope annulled his election and named him bishop himself –​just as had happened in Riga in 1295 and which also took place in some Prussian and northern German cases during the fourteenth century.33 Why did chapters continue to elect bishops when it was known they would be cancelled by the pope? Perhaps it could be seen as a compromise between the pope and the chapter: in this way, both the local and central level had some part in the creation of a bishop, which strengthened his legitimacy, as a firm support by the locals was often a prerequisite to secure the episcopal throne and to avoid conflicts.34 Only during the Great Schism (1378–​1417) does

30

31

32 33 34

von Vishusen (Vifhusen?, 1303–​12/​13) was elected by the chapter (Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, p. 147). In Saaremaa, Bishop Hermann (1262–​85) was elected by the chapter (ibidem, pp. 490–​492). Elects Johannes Tristevere († 1297/​98) and Johannes († 1320) died before the papal confirmation. Elect Otto (about 1322–​23) was transferred to Chełmno (1323–​49) (Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, pp. 305, 637–​640). See also: Niels Skyum-​Nielsen, ‘Estonia under Danish Rule,’ in Danish Medieval History. New Currents, ed. Niels Skyum-​Nielsen and Niels Lund (Copenhagen, 1981), pp. 112–​136. Klaus Neitmann, ‘Der Deutsche Orden und die Revaler Bischofserhebungen im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert,’ in Reval. Handel und Wandel vom 13.–​20. Jahrhundert, ed. Norbert Angermann and Wilhelm Lenz (Lüneburg, 1997) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 8), pp. 43–​86. Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, pp. 91–​93, 147–​50, 315–​18, 380–​82, 492–​97, 650–​55. This occurred three times both in Tartu and in Saaremaa, and five times in Curonia (Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, pp. 147–​50, 315–​18, 492–​97, 652). For Prussian and German bishoprics cf.: ibidem, pp. 90–​98, 181–​85, 253–​61, 389–​92, 565–​71, 679–​84. When a bishop was nominated against the will of the locals, he might have been unable to impose himself. See: Brigide Schwarz, ‘Alle Wege führen über Rom. Eine ‘Seilschaft’ von Klerikern aus Hannover im späten Mittelalter (1. Folge),’ Hannoversche Geschichtsblätter 52 (1998), 6–​87, here p. 12. Thus, compromises were also worked out elsewhere (Ingesman, ‘Border Warfare’).

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this procedure seem to have ceased and conflicts ensued.35 Also, the relatively high number of local canons who became bishops in Livonia in the first half of the fourteenth century (at least 10 of 19 cases and half of them from Tartu) indicates that chapters had established themselves as central institutions of Livonian bishoprics.36 2

Number of the Canons

In estimating the number of Livonian canons, one should begin with the question regarding how many of them could have been in a chapter simultaneously. Sometimes the number of chapter seats was fixed and then often limited to twelve (the number of the Apostles), such as in the founding charter of Saaremaa in 1251, and this seems to have remained more or less the same until the sixteenth century.37 In the founding charter for Curonia in 1290, the fixed number of seats was six, but the real number was later significantly lower, which meant that the Curonian chapter was probably the smallest not only in Livonia, but was also surpassed by all Prussian chapters.38 Often, the number

35 36

37

38

Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, pp. 149–​150, 380–​382, 654–​655. One of four archbishops of Riga was a canon of Riga (Fromhold von Vifhusen, 1348–​68), and one a former canon of Tartu (Engelbert von Dolen, 1341–​47). Two archbishops had been local canons already in the thirteenth century: Johannes von Lune and Johannes von Vechta. In Tartu, three of five bishops were local canons: Engelbert von Dolen (1323–​41), Wesselus Sperwen (1342–​44), and Johannes von Vifhusen (1346–​73). In Saaremaa, two of four were local canons (Hartung, 1310–​21, and Hermann Osenbrugge, 1338–​63), and one a canon of Tartu (Jakob, 1322–​38). In Curonia, two of four were local canons (Burkhard, 1300–​10/​22, Paul, 1322–​26). Additionally, three Livonian canons rose to bishop seats outside of Livonia between 1278 and 1349: Johannes von Vechta in Warmia (anti-​bishop 1278–​ 84), elect Otto of Tallinn became bishop of Chełmno, and provost Nikolaus of Saaremaa (extramarital son of King John of Bohemia and brother of Emperor Charles iv) became firstly bishop-​elect of Naumburg (1349–​50) and then patriarch of Aquileia (1350–​58). Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2731; Nicolaus Busch, Nachgelassene Schriften von Dr. phil h.c. Nicolaus Busch, Stadtbibliothekar zu Riga, ed. Leonid Arbusow (Riga, 1934), pp. 99–​100 no. 13; Madis Maasing, ‘Saare-​Lääne toomhärrad piiskop Peter Wetbergi ajal (1471–​91),’ Läänemaa Muuseumi toimetised 22 (2019), 37–​73, here p. 59; Madis Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons and Challenge of the Reformation,’ Вестник Санкт-​ Петербургского университета. История [Vestnik Sankt-​Peterburgskogo universiteta. Istorii͡a] 64 (2019), 996–​1013, here pp. 1003–​1005. Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, no. 530; Hertwich, ‘Das kurländische Domkapitel,’ pp. 177–​203. In the Prussian chapter of Chełmno, there were about 8–​11 seats; in Warmia 16–​24; in Pomesania 6–​12; and in Sambia 6–​10 (Glauert, Das Domkapitel von Pomesanien, pp. 194–​201; Biskup, Das Domkapitel von Samland, pp. 92–​103; Pottel,

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Maasing

of seats was not fixed and depended on the chapter’s political, social, and economic resources, and thus could change over the course of time.39 There is a general assumption that the number of seats in Riga and Tartu was initially twelve, and there were actually twelve canons known from Riga in 1239,40 while in Tartu, the number might have been significantly higher by 1360.41 In Tallinn, there were probably four seats in the 1290s, but by the fifteenth century, the number could have been increased up to twelve.42 For comparison, a similar development can be detected in the chapter of Turku in Finland.43 How many Livonian canons in total could be identified during the period of 1202 to 1352? This is complicated for various reasons,44 and one of the most serious ones is the papal interference. According to canon law and common tradition, new canons were usually appointed either by the chapter or by the bishop. But since the second half of the thirteenth century, papal reservations and nominations started to appear –​most commonly provision (confirmation of a clerical office) and expectation (privilege to obtain a seat after vacancy occurs). These could be obtained via supplications made by the applicant or their supporter.45 However, a papal nomination did not secure a seat, but only Das Domkapitel von Ermland, pp. 9–​11; Krajniak, Duchowieństwo kapituły katedralnej, pp. 29–​45). 39 For example, in Lübeck the number rose from 13 to 40 during 1160–​1337 (Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 22–​56) and in Schwerin from 10 to 34 during 1171–​1365 (Kaluza-​ Baumruker, Das Schweriner Domkapitel, pp. 27–​34). 40 Cf. Mettig, ‘Zur Verfassungsgeschichte’; Mettig, ‘Bemerkungen zur Geschichte.’ In 1521, the number in Riga was reduced from 12 to 8. 41 In Tartu, 24 villages were given to the chapter in 1224, which might hint towards 12 seats. Around 1360, there might have been 20 canons in the chapter and by 1500, 10–​12 (Lukas, Tartu toomhärrad, pp. 49–​52). 42 Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 1, nr 553; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 11, no. 624, p. 486. 43 Pirinen, Turun tuomiokapituli, pp. 42–​44, 174–​183. 44 Several persons are not explicitly stated as canons in the sources, but were previously considered as canons in the research literature (Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1911–​ 1913 (1914), pp. 253–​258, 296–​297, 304–​310, 322–​327, 336–​338). Here, only persons named as canons or where the context leaves no reasonable doubt are considered as such (cf. ­tables 10.7 and 10.8). Secondly, there are often multiple mentions of canons with identical names in one chapter, and it is hard to distinguish different persons. Here, such mentions are collected under one person for 2–​3 decades, if the sources did not state the opposite. Thirdly, there were domicellars –​younger chapter members who did not have full rights of canons, and who formed a queue for the ‘real’ chapter seats (Fouquet, Das Speyerer Domkapitel, pp. 33–​34). As the sources usually do not offer possibilities to distinguish domicellars, they are not treated here separately. 45 Cf. Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 82–​114; Lukas, Tartu toomhärrad, pp. 71–​76; Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 101–​110.

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327

gave the right for it, while chapters and bishops continued to appoint new canons, as well. This meant that there could be multiple contenders for some seats, and quarrels about its possession could last for a long time.46 With Livonian canonicates, it often remains unclear whether a papal applicant obtained his seat and incomes, and this leads to the question of whether one should count all persons with papal appointments as canons. Papal documentation often contains rich personal information about applicants, their supporters, and background, which provides a good opportunity to assess who had an interest in Livonian chapters and from which context. Thus, it seems wise to also include unsuccessful attempts and unclear cases into the analysis, while at the same time, making a distinction with the successful ones. Altogether, there were 52 individuals who obtained papal appointments for Livonian canonicates between the years 1264–​1352, but only 26 of them certainly or probably had the seats before 1352.47 The first two papal nominations occurred in 1264, but they had become regular by the 1320s. The majority of these nominations were to the chapters of Tartu and Saaremaa, while in Riga and Tallinn only one papal nomination is known. It is obvious that the number of nominations in any Livonian chapter was clearly less than in the larger north German chapters of Lübeck and Schwerin, but far more than in Turku.48 If all papal nominations are included, the total number of known canons is 220 (table 10.6), but if unreliable ones are removed, 194 remain (table 10.1). The number of known canons rises clearly over time: for 114 years of the first period, 0.9 canons per year are known; as for the 37 years of the second period,

46

Ingesman, ‘Border Warfare,’ pp. 227–​228, 231; Brigide Schwarz, ‘Klerikerkarrierien und Pfründenmarkt,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 71 (1991), 243–​265; Schwarz, ‘Römische Kurie und Pfründenmarkt.’ One of those long quarrels was from 1350 to 1361 over the dean’s seat in Tartu, and papal nominee Johannes Guilaberti was clearly unsuccessful (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 372, 410–​ 418; Arbusow, ‘II. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 556, 609–​610; Arbusow, ‘III. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 125, 128; Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 229–​230. 47 There were also seven canons who obtained Livonian chapter seats after 1352, which means that technically there were 33 successful cases. On the other hand, only 18 of those 26 successful canons obtained their first chapter seat in Livonia by a papal nomination, and there was actually a canon of Riga regarding whom it is unclear if his provision to a prior’s seat was successful; yet, he was certainly a canon of Riga (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 122–​123). 48 In Lübeck, there were 74 nominations from 1249–​ 1352 (Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 97–​ 102), in Schwerin 52 from 1264–​ 1352 (Kaluza-​ Baumruker, Das Schweriner Domkapitel, pp. 44–​46), and in Turku 6 from 1346–​52, see: Eero Matinolli, Turun tuomiokapitulin matrikkeli (Turku, 1976) (Turun Arkkihiipakunnan Tuomiokapituli 3), pp. 26–​27.

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the figure is either 3.2, or 2.6 if unreliable ones are removed. If one compares the number of known canons with other chapters, then Livonian figures are smaller than in Lübeck and Schwerin,49 but more or less on the same level as the Prussian ones,50 and certainly higher than in Turku.51 3

Social and Geographical Background

The sources usually do not reveal directly the geographical or social background of a Livonian canon. However, if his second name (byname) is known, it is often possible to assume the origin. In total, there is information about the background of 102 canons, and without unreliable papal nominations about 79 (table 10.2). A large majority of them are from the second period (1316–​52), when about 2/​3 of the canons’ background is known or can be assumed. There is relatively little background information for the canons of Riga and Curonia, but for other chapters it is known or can be assumed for more than half of their members, and during the second period for a clear majority.52 Livonian canons are divided by social background (­tables 10.3 and 10.4) into two main groups: nobility (mostly lower nobility)53 and urban dwellers (mainly 49 50 51 52

53

In Lübeck there were altogether 187 known canons from 1202–​1352 (Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 124–​132) and in Schwerin 126 (Kaluza-​Baumruker, Das Schweriner Domkapitel, pp. 177–​180. There were 56 known canons both in Chełmno and Pomesania, and 36 in Sambia (Glauert, Das Domkapitel von Pomesanien, pp. 388–​389; Biskup, Das Domkapitel von Samland, pp. 312–​13; Krajniak, Duchowieństwo kapituły katedralnej, pp. 99–​101). In Turku there were 17 known canons from 1291–​1352 (Matinolli, Turun tuomiokapitulin matrikkeli, pp. 25–​27). Cf. Liselotte Feyerabend, Die Rigaer und Revaler Familiennamen im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Herkunft der Bürger (Köln, 1985) (Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 7); Heinrich Julius Böthführ, Die rigische Rathslinie von 1226 bis 1876 (Riga, 1877); Friedrich Georg von Bunge, Die Revaler Rathslinie nebst Geschichte der Rathsverfassung und einem Anhange über Riga und Dorpat (Reval, 1874); Robert Arthur von Lemm, Dorpater Ratslinie 1319–​1889 und das Dorpater Stadtamt 1878–​1918  (Marburg, 1960) (Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Geschichte und Landeskunde Ost-​Mitteleuropas 48); Dick Wase, Invånarna i medeltidens Visby (1000–​1600) (Stockholm, 2019) (Acta orientalis 15); Astaf von Transehe-​Roseneck, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer des 13. Jahrhunderts. Eine genealogische Untersuchung (Würzburg, 1960) (Marburger Ostforschungen 12); Paul Johansen, Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae (Reval, 1933); Lukas, Tartu toomhärrad. Provost Nicolaus of Saaremaa could be considered a high noble; two canons originated from a ministerial family. Other ‘noble canons’ originated from vassal or knightly families whose legal and socio-​political position in Livonia was quite equal. See Astaf von Transehe-​Roseneck, ‘Zur Geschichte des Lehnswesens in Livland, Theil 1: Das Mannlehen,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 18 (1908), 1–​309.

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table 10.1 Number of canons in Livonia. Semgallia is left out (one member known in the period of 1202–​1315). Number left of the slash in a cell represents all canons, including all papal provisions; right of the slash without unreliable ones. The numbers of papal appointments appear in brackets. The sum of chapter seats (231/​200) and total papal nominations (55) is larger than that of canons because of pluralists who held multiple seats. The sum of successful nominations by chapters (24) is smaller than the total sum (26), as a few specific canons had unclear nominations in other chapters.

Periods

Together

Riga

Tartu

Saaremaa

1202–​1315 100 (2) /​98 55 17 (1) /​16 9 (1) /​8 1316–​1352 120 (50) /​96 (26) 20 (1/​0) 45 (34) /​27 (16) 44 (17) /​33 (6) 1202–​1352 220 (52) /​194 (26) 75 (1/​0) 62 (35) /​43 (16) 53 (18) /​41 (6)

Curonia Tallinn 11 8 19

7 14 (1) 21 (1)

town elite).54 This division is not unproblematic, as the border between the urban elite and lower nobility was virtually non-​existent, and many urban dwellers could obtain fiefs and become vassals, while some members of vassal families became burghers.55 However, it was mostly possible to decide if an individual canon belonged to one group or the other.56 The proportion of urban dwellers seems to have been larger than that of the nobility, which is similar to the situation in the sixteenth century,57 and in comparison with other chapters of the thirteenth–​fourteenth centuries, they seem to be most similar to the Prussian ones who had mixed origin, probably with more urban dwellers.58

54 55 56 57 58

At least two canons were sons of burgomasters of Riga, and many belonged to the families that were represented in the town councils. See also: Zwischen nicht-​Adel und Adel, ed. Kurt Andermann and Peter Johanek (Stuttgart, 2001) (Vorträge und Forschungen 53); Bruiningk, ‘Die Geburtsstandsverhältnisse,’ pp. 79–​83. Some bynames may represent either a noble or urban family (e.g., Crucow, Schutte/​ Sagittarius, Schwarte/​Niger); the social backgrounds of those were therefore considered unclear. Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons,’ p. 1003. Both the social and geographical background of Prussian canons is mostly unknown, but general analysis points to that conclusion: Glauert, Das Domkapitel von Pomesanien, pp. 274–​83; Biskup, Das Domkapitel von Samland, pp. 283–​93; Krajniak, Duchowieństwo kapituły katedralnej, pp. 70–​80. In Lübeck, local burghers clearly formed a majority and in Schwerin the neighbouring nobility (Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 117–​141; Kaluza-​Baumruker, Das Schweriner Domkapitel, pp. 101–​109).

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table 10.2 Livonian canons with known backgrounds. The number left of the slash represents the number of known backgrounds, and to the right the total number. Numbers without unreliable papal nominations are in brackets.

Period 1202–​1315 1316–​52

Total 20/​100 (18/​98) 82/​120 (61/​96)

Riga 11/​55 9/​20

Tartu

Saaremaa

4/​17 (3/​16) 37/​45 (21/​27)

1/​9 (0/​8) 31/​44 (21/​33)

1202–​1352 102/​220 (79/​194) 20/​75 41/​62 (24/​43) 32/​53 (21/​41)

Curonia Tallinn 1/​11 2/​8

3/​19

4/​7 12/​14

16/​21

How many canons were from Livonia, and how many from elsewhere? Many canons had bynames that were derived from place names, but as bynames gradually transformed into family names during the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries,59 the origin of a canon cannot be derived directly from it. This is especially true for merchant families, of whom many had spread over the entire Hanse area, and these merchants might have had multiple regional identities during their lifetime.60 Thus, if it was often not possible to verify from exactly which town a canon came, he was placed under the “Hanseatic” category. In other cases, geographical background could be quite directly derived from the bynames, like those of Livonian vassal families.61 Three brothers from the family of Vifhusen –​an influential Hanseatic family based mostly in Lübeck –​are also counted into that group as they had close blood or marital relations with Livonian vassal families (the Dolen, Rosen, and Wrangel families).62 Additionally, there are some canons that probably belonged to the local nobility.63 Some canons certainly or probably originated from Livonian 59 Feyerabend, Die Rigaer und Revaler Familiennamen, pp. 247–​77. 60 Anti Selart, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43–​66. 61 Names like: Albacuria (Wittenhove), Brakel(e), Dolen (3 canons), Harke, Koskul, Lechtes, Rastijerwe, Revalia, Rosen, Scherenbeke, Soie (Zoge), Ungaria (Ungern), Wesenberch, and Wrangel (2 canons). 62 Cf. Constantin Mettig, ‘Ueber die Familiennamen und die Herkunft des Erzbischofs Fromhold v. Vifhusen,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 12 (1880), pp. 486–​ 501; Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 114–​ 15, 118.; Arbusow, ‘II. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ 518, 524, 536; Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1900 (1902), pp. 74–​75; 1901 (1902), p. 151; 1911–​1913 (1914), pp. 55–​56. 63 Alen, Corbes (Corbis), Walmes, and Waschel(e). The fourth Vifhusen, canon Johannes of Tartu (1323–​28), was also put under this group, as one might assume a relation with three

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331

towns, but their number is clearly smaller than those who originated from vassal families.64 There were also eight canons of probable Livonian background whose social background is unclear. Four of them had a Livonian region as their byname, and three bore Estonian parish names: Hertele (probably Nissi), Soboles (Kodavere), and Tristevere (Kadrina). It is unclear if they originated from these parishes or if they had been priests there.65 Altogether, it was possible to detect 45 canons from Livonia, but without probable cases, 26 remain (table 10.5). This means that of all canons with known backgrounds, about 25–​45% were Livonians, and about 30–​50% from the period 1316–​1352, which is only a little bit less than in the sixteenth century.66 The first probable canon from Livonia could be the cleric Heinricus of the diocese of Riga in 1264, and the first certain Livonians were Gerhardus de Ungaria (1319) and Gerhardus de Rese/​Gygas (before 1320).67 Only five canons are certainly known to be from Danish Estonia. However, one could detect certain regional patterns, as three “Estonians” were in the chapter of Tallinn. However, the regional origin often remains unclear, especially due to the fact that many vassal families originally based in northern Estonia quickly spread all over Livonia.68 Of the groups originating outside of Livonia, canons of Hanseatic background dominate. But on the other hand, some canons which are counted here under the general Hanseatic category might have also been from Livonia. brothers. Provost Wedekinus of Riga was counted in as a probable vassal, as he might have been a relative of the vassal family of Buxhoeveden, as well as a relative of Bishop Konrad of Saaremaa (Busch, Nachgelassene Schriften, pp. 60–​62). 64 There were representatives of two burgomaster families of Riga: Las (2 canons) and Rese/​ Gygas. From Tallinn, there were two town council families: Colner and Krowel. One canon perhaps came from Pärnu or was already born in Tallinn (Perona/​Pernowe). Probably from Livonian towns were: Albus (Witte), Brilo, Hermanni, Medebeke, and Ostinchusen. 65 Cleric Heinricus of the diocese of Riga was only known by the first name; Swarte/​ Niger and Schutte/​Sagittarius (2 canons) have unclear social backgrounds; Mespole (Messepule) had a name of the region of Metsepole in the border area of Estonia and Latvia. Leonid Arbusow has supposed that Hermannus de Hertele was a parish priest (Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1911–​1913 (1914), p. 83), but actually there is no certain relevant information either for him or the other canons who had bynames referencing parishes. Additionally, a canon of Tallinn, Johannes de Revalia, was also called Johannes de Keghele or Heghele, which could indicate the parish of Keila (Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, no. 2786; Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 351). 66 Then, almost 50% of canons were from Livonia (Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons,’ p. 1003). 67 Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 39; Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 347; Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1911–​1913 (1914), pp. 168–​169, 223; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 22, no. 710. 68 Cf. Johansen, Die Estlandliste, pp. 677–​928.

332 

Maasing

table 10.3 The total number of canons in Livonia with known backgrounds and their social origin. In brackets, the number of canons without unreliable papal nominations are given, if it differs from the total number. An ‘unknown’ number represents canons whose social background was unclear or disputable, but about which some information regarding their geographical background was known.

Period

Known Nobles origin

Urban

Certain Probable 1202–​1315 20 (18) 1316–​1352 82 (61) 1202–​1352 102 (79)

3 22 25

2 6 8

Unknown

Total Certain Probable Total 5 (4) 28 (21) 33 (25)

1 25 26

7 18 25

8 43 (31) 51 (39)

7 (6) 11 (9) 18 (15)

There are also some canons from Germany, Prussia, and Scandinavia, while from other regions, there are only a handful.69 With Scandinavia, it is perhaps noteworthy that there were three canons from Denmark during the first period, but none after the 1310s, as in the second period both “Scandinavians” originated from Finland. Removing unreliable papal nominations does not alter the picture drastically, apart from Prussia and Scandinavia. If one observes known non-​Livonians by chapter, then it appears that the number was highest in Tartu and Saaremaa, but it was roughly the same as the amount of known Livonians there.70 In Tallinn, the number of non-​Livonians is smaller than those of Livonians,71 but in Riga and Curonia, non-​Livonians clearly surpass Livonians.72 Generally, the geographical background was in the initial period more varied than in the sixteenth century, when non-​Livonian canons originated, almost without exception, either from Germany or from Prussia.73 69 70 71 72 73

Of 9 canons from ‘non-​Hanseatic’ Germany, 4 were from Westphalia; 3 from Lower Saxony; and 2 from north-​eastern Germany (Magdeburg and Pomerania). There were 19 non-​Livonians of 63 canons in Tartu, and 15 of 53 in Saaremaa; and 15–​23 Livonians in Tartu and 10–​17 in Saaremaa. Without unreliable papal nominations, there were 11 non-​Livonians in Tartu and 12 in Saaremaa. Five non-​Livonians against 6–​10 Livonians of 21 canons. In Riga, there were 1–​6 Livonians against 12 non-​Livonians of 75 canons, and in Curonia 3 non-​Livonians and no known Livonians of 19 canons. Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons,’ p. 1003.

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

333

What was the background of people who obtained papal nominations in Livonia? Of the first two nominees from 1264, one might have been Livonian, and the other was from Denmark.74 The background for 45 of 50 papal nominees in the second period is known, and the largest group of them were Livonians (14–​23 canons), followed by Hanseatics (up to 10).75 Of 20 successful nominees whose background is known, 5–​8 of them were from Livonia, and up to 7 had Hanseatic backgrounds. Notably, no Prussian nominee was known to be successful before 1352, as was the case for Scandinavians.76 4

Cumulations inside and outside of Livonia

Cumulations of multiple chapter seats into the hands of one individual, a pluralist, became quite common along with papal nominations. While every pluralist was not a papal nominee, pluralists usually had to be in direct contact with the curia, as holding multiple ecclesiastical offices was forbidden by canon law, and a pluralist thus needed a dispensation. Many pluralists obtained multiple seats because their initial benefice was too meagre, but some were ambitious careerists who used their networks in curia to obtain a large number of lucrative benefices all over Europe.77 The number of cumulations in Livonian chapters is not high before 1352. Only ten such pluralists are known, and eight of them also had papal nominations. The first known Livonian cumulation is from 1324, when Johannes de Wesenberch, previously a canon of Tallinn, received a papal provision for the provost seat in Tartu. Moreover, he held a chapter seat in Aarhus, Denmark (from 1321), and was by the beginning of the 1330s also a canon of Saaremaa. He was certainly an exceptional pluralist, being the only one that was known

74 Hildebrand, Livonica, nos. 38–​39. 75 Additionally, there were 2 canons with Livonian nominations from Prussia, Turku, Bohemia, and Germany; and one canon from Denmark, the Low Countries, and southern France. The regional background of one papal nominee was unknown. Regarding social background, there were probably more urban dwellers than vassals (12–​22 against 14–​16). 76 There were 26 certain Livonian canons with provisions, but the origin of 3 is unknown, and it is unclear whether the provision for canon Heinricus Kopmann to the prior’s seat in Riga was successful. Of the successful ones, there were also 2 canons from Germany and Bohemia, and one from the diocese of Tournai. 77 Schwarz, ‘Klerikerkarrierien’; Schwarz, ‘Römische Kurie und Pfründenmarkt’; Kirsi Salonen and Jussi Hanska, Entering a Clerical Career at the Roman Curia, 1458–​1471 (Farnham, 2012), pp. 29–​32, 38–​102.

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Maasing

to have occupied seats in three different Livonian chapters before 1352.78 Of the remaining nine pluralists, seven had seats in Tartu and Saaremaa, and two in Tartu and Tallinn –​which means that every inner-​Livonian pluralist was a canon of Tartu.79 If uncertain papal nominations and cumulations that occurred later than 1352 are removed, five pluralists remain, and three of them were certainly from Livonia. The number of inner-​Livonian pluralists is certainly smaller than in the sixteenth century.80 There were far more Livonian canons who were pluralists due to a chapter seat or seats outside of Livonia –​25, to be precise, all of whom also had at least one papal nomination.81 It is often uncertain if Livonian canons really held their “external” chapter seats before 1352, and it is completely certain for only 7 pluralists, which means that with 2 pluralists that had seats only in Livonia, the total number of certain ones is 9. Of all pluralists, 9 of 27 were certainly and 2 probably from Livonia; while 3 of 9 certain pluralists were Livonians, and 1 probably. By chapter, almost 23 pluralists had a seat in Tartu, 12 in Saaremaa, and 3 in Tallinn. By the sixteenth century, the number of pluralists in Tartu and Saaremaa was virtually equal, the number in Tallinn had risen significantly, and there were pluralists in Riga and Curonia, as well.82 There are clearly more external chapter seats that are known to have been held successfully: in Lübeck, there were 3 successful cases of 6 attempts, in Warmia, 3 of 5, and in 8 chapters, 1;83 whereas in 7 chapters Livonian pluralists 78

Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1901 (1902), p. 137; 1911–​1913 (1914), p. 233; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, nos. 777–​778; Diplomatarium Danicum, series 2, vol. 8, ed. Adam Afzelius et al., (København, 1953), nos. 341–​342. He probably held the provost’s office in Tartu until 1328, when the bishop and chapter of Tartu achieved the annulment of it (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 357). Having 3 seats in Livonia was later quite common, in the period of 1471–​1522, there were up to 8 cases (cf. Maasing, ‘Saare-​Lääne toomhärrad’). 79 There were no known pluralists in Riga and Curonia. One case is somewhat unclear: Johannes de Molendino/​Molendinum was a canon of Riga 1323–​29; and there was a canon with the same name in Saaremaa 1330–​44. However, it is nowhere stated that this canon was simultaneously in both chapters, and a cumulation in Riga –​a regulated Premonstratensian c­ hapter –​seems highly unlikely. Finally, the name is certainly not uncommon, and thus the canons of Riga and Saaremaa are treated as different persons. 80 Even if one takes all 10 cases for the years 1316–​52, then the percentage is under 10% (a total of 120 persons are known). In 1522–​1566, more than a quarter of canons had inner-​ Livonian cumulations: Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons,’ p. 1005. 81 Altogether, there were 27 pluralists, as only 2 inner-​Livonian pluralists did not have seats outside of Livonia –​the same persons who also did not have any known papal nominations. 82 Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons,’ p. 1005. 83 In the chapters of Kamień and Turku, there was one successful case of two; one successful case out of one were found in: Aarhus, Olomouc, Prague, Schwerin, Verdun, and Włocławek.

335

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

table 10.4 Canons of Livonian origin and their social backgrounds. The figures in brackets represent the number of canons without unreliable papal nominations.

Period

Livonia certain prob.

1202–​1315 1316–​1352

1202–1​ 352

0 26

26

4 15

19

total 4 (3) 41 (31)

45 (34)

Nobles

Urban

certain prob. total

certain prob. total

0 20

20

1 5

6

1 25 (19)

26 (20)

0 6

6

Unknown

0 5

5

0 11 (8)

11 (8)

3 (2) 5 (4)

8 (6)

were unsuccessful or their success remains unclear.84 In addition to cathedral chapters, some Livonian canons also had seats in collegiate chapters, by which successful cumulations are known from Pomerania (Słupsk and Szczecin), Bohemia (Vyšehrad), and France (Narbonne).85 Six pluralists held or applied for more than one external seat, and three of them tried to obtain seats in four cathedral chapters: French curialist Johannes Guilaberti, who was successful only in one case (and failed in his only inner-​Livonian chapter in Tartu);86 the aforementioned Johannes de Wesenberch, who seems at least temporarily to have been successful in all 4; and Thidericus von Witinghe, who succeeded in at least 3.87

84

There were two unclear cases in Uppsala and one in Hildesheim, Lund, Schleswig, Utrecht, Verden, and Wrocław. 85 A collegiate chapter is instituted by an important church which was not a cathedral, but whose members followed more or less the same lifestyle as cathedral canons. However, they usually did not have an influential social or political role. See: Peter Moraw, ‘Über Typologie, Chronologie und Geographie der Stiftskirche im deutschen Mittelalter,’ in Untersuchungen zu Kloster und Stift (Göttingen, 1980) (Veröffentlichungen des Max-​ Planck-​Instituts für Geschichte 68), pp. 9–​37. There were no collegiate chapters in Livonia. Successful pluralists in collegiate chapters were: Engelbert von Dolen (younger) in Słupsk, Ludolfus de Flandria in Szczecin, Nikolaus of Luxemburg in Vyšehrad, and Johannes Guilaberti in Narbonne. 86 His was successful in Verdun. Unsuccessful or unclear cases were in Tartu, Lübeck, and Uppsala. Cf. fn. 46. 87 He was successful in Tartu, Lübeck, and Schwerin; his success was unclear in Verden: Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 332–​ 334; Kaluza-​ Baumruker, Das Schweriner Domkapitel, pp. 285–​286.

336 

Maasing

table 10.5 Regional background of canons originating outside of Livonia. The figures in brackets represent the number of canons without papal nominations that were unreliable.

Period

Hanseatic Germany Bohemia Prussia Scandinavia Other Unknown

1202–​1315 5 1316–​52 25 (21)

1202–1​ 352 30 (26)

5

6 3

9

0 2

2

0 5 (2)

5 (2)

3 (2) 2 (0)

5 (2)

0 2 (1)

2 (1)

2 2 (1)

4 (3)

Supportive Networks

For a successful career in the medieval Catholic Church, one needed to be free from physical, social, and other defects (which could be dispensed by the pope), have a reasonable amount of knowledge, and good relations and networks.88 By late medieval times, one of the indicators for sufficient knowledge was certainly higher education,89 but until the middle of the fourteenth century, information about the education of Livonian canons is very scarce and unreliable: there are only five canons since the 1320s who had certainly visited university.90 There are also questions about which kinds of contacts and

88 89 90

For in-​depth analysis for requirements in the fifteenth century, see: Salonen, Hanska, Entering a Clerical Career. Militzer, ‘Livländische Domkapitulare’; Madis Maasing, ‘Liivimaa toomhärrad reformatsiooniajastu alguskümnendeil,’ in Reformatsioon. Tõlked ja tõlgendused, ed. Piret Lotman (Tallinn, 2019) (Raamat ja aeg 16), pp. 11–​50, here pp. 30–​32. Nine canons had epithete magister (three in the thirteenth century), but it could have been only a title of courtesy for a man of great expertise, see: Klaus Wriedt, ‘Bürgertum und Studium in Norddeutschland während des Spätmittelalters,’ in Schulen und Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters, ed. Johannes Fried (Sigmaringen, 1988) (Vorträge und Forschungen 30), pp. 487–​523, here p. 488. Probably two canons had university degrees, as they were called magistri artium, a doctor decretorum, and a bachelor (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 356, 358; Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 113, 117, 124–​125, 128) from the 1320s to 1340s. Gerhard Hundebeke studied 1352 in Paris: Lari Ahokas, ‘Herman Hundebeken Testamentti,’ in Keskiaikaisen kosmopoliitin jälillä. Johannes de Dulmen († 1420), ed. Tuomas Heikkilä and Samu Niskanen (Helsinki, 2007) (Helsingin yliopiston Historian laitoksen julkaisuja 21), pp. 23–​64, here pp. 35–​36. Engelbert von Dolen and Hermann Osenbrugge might have studied in Bologna, but it remains unclear: Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1900 (1902), p. 63; 1901 (1902), p. 81.

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

337

networks the canons had, that is, local or over-​regional, including curial. By supplications for papal nominations, patronage networks are often revealed,91 but the relations could also have been more horizontal, which Brigide Schwarz described as “rope teams” (Seilschaften): one person achieved a solid position in a local church and then obtained positions there also for his peers (relatives, or men of the same regional or social background).92 A canon’s background certainly played a role in his career. One can see this, for example, with those ten canons who had multiple seats in Livonia: eight of them were Livonians, one probably, and it is possible that also the last one was born in Livonia.93 This is also obvious with many pluralists outside of Livonia: five of six pluralists in Lübeck had Hanseatic backgrounds, and at least two of them were certainly from Lübeck; three of five pluralists in Warmia were from Prussia themselves; and both pluralists in Turku originated from Finland. Moreover, there are also indications that many families that wandered outside their former home regions still preserved their connections with them, just like the Hanseatic families of the Warendorps and Hundebekes.94 Some families also seemed to form supportive “family networks” in a chapter, such as with six Vifhusens and three Dolens in the chapter of Tartu in the fourteenth century –​ especially as these families were interrelated. But perhaps more important than close family relations between these canons was the fact that there was a bishop of Tartu from both families.95 91 92 93 94

95

For premodern networks, cf.: Wolfgang Reinhard, Freunde und Kreaturen. Verflechtung als Konzept zur Erforschung historischer Führungsgruppen. Römische Oligarchie um 1600 (München, 1979) (Schriften der Philosophischen Fakultäten der Universität Augsburg 14). Schwarz, ‘Alle Wege führen über Rom.’ It is unclear whether Everhardus Swede was from Sweden or Livonia, but one Evehart Swede lived in Tartu at the end of the thirteen century (Selart, ‘Where Was the Home,’ p. 53). For example, canon Johannes Warendorp of Tartu was probably born in Livonia but had some connections in Lübeck and tried to obtain a chapter seat there (Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, p. 328). Pluralist Johannes Hundebeke de Dulmen, who was also a canon in Saaremaa in the 1390s and later bishop of Lübeck, had an especially broad family network from Westphalia to Finland: Ahokas, ‘Herman Hundebeken Testamentti’; Tuomas Heikkilä, ‘Tracing a Late Medieval Canonist: Johannes Hundebeke of Dülmen’s Eventful Career,’ in Sacri canones servandi sunt. Ius canonicum et status ecclesiae saeculis XIII–​XV, ed. Pavel Krafl (Praha, 2008), pp. 390–​97. The Vifhusens were: Johannes (elder) since 1323, Johannes (younger) since 1336 (bishop of Tartu 1346–​73), Theoderich since 1346, Gerhardus since 1360, Wilhelmus since 1371, and Fromhold in 1374. The Dolens were: Engelbert (elder) until 1323 (bishop of Tartu 1323–​41), Nicolaus since 1327, and Engelbert (younger) since 1342. Additionally, there were two Lubekes in the chapter of Riga, and one in Saaremaa. Two members of Las/​ Los, Warendorp and Wrangel were in Tartu, and Schutte/​Sagittarius in Saaremaa; and of

338 

Maasing

Altogether, it appeared to be possible to detect 37 canons who certainly had relations that helped to begin or further their careers. A significant majority of them (34) were from the years 1316–​52; and 33 cases were connected with papal supplications (31 from the second period). Twenty-​one of 37 cases are known to be successful before 1352 (18 from the second period). Eight of those 21 were from Livonia, 5 from a Hanseatic milieu, and 2 from Bohemia as well as from Westphalia. Eighteen of those 37 canons can be directly connected with Livonian bishops. Seven of them were their relatives: three brothers of a bishop rose to the office of provost –​the highest one in a chapter;96 four were named as their close relatives (nepos), including one brother named as nepos by another bishop;97 and two were named as a ‘blood relatives’ (consanguinus), including one that was also named as nepos.98 Seven others were their close co-​ workers: three were chaplains of Bishop Wesselus of Tartu (1342–​44), one a chaplain of Archbishop Fromhold von Vifhusen (1348–​68),99 two were named as “dear” or “beloved ones” (dilecti) by archbishops of Riga,100 and four canons received or applied for the chapter seat which had previously belonged to a newly elected bishop.101 Support from local bishops was effective: 13 of those Buxhoeveden/​Bekeshovede and Molendino/​Molendinum, one member was in Riga and the other in Tartu. 96 These were provosts Engelbert of Riga, and Rotmar and Theoderich von Vifhusen of Tartu. Engelbert and Rotmar were brothers of the bishops Albert of Riga and Hermann of Tartu; Theoderich was a brother of Bishop Johannes (younger) of Tartu, and also of Archbishop Fromhold of Riga, but was also named as nepos of Archbishop Engelbert von Dolen. Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1900 (1902), pp. 51, 59, 75; Heinrici chronicon Livoniae, p. 17 §vi.2, pp. 28–​29 §ix.6; Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ p. 118. 97 Nicolaus and Engelbert (younger) von Dolen were nepoti of Bishop Engelbert von Dolen (elder) (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 115, 121). Waldemar von Rosen was a nepos of Archbishop Fromhold von Vifhusen, while Fromhold’s brother Johannes (bishop of Tartu) named Rosen as his blood-​relative (consanguinus) (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 118, 137). Additionally, Bishop Engelbert von Dolen named Theodericus Vifhusen as his nepos (Arbusow, ‘ii. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 518; Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 114–​15). 98 Waldemar von Rosen, and Woldemarus de Wranghele who was a consanguinus of Bishop Johannes von Vifhusen of Tartu (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ p. 118). 99 Kestianus Loiteke, Heinricus Rastijerwe, Heinricus Sweym and Thidericus von Witinghe. Sweym had been the physician of Bishops Engelbert von Dolen and Wesselus Sperwen of Tartu. Witinghe was connected with Engelbert von Dolen, as he paid his annates in 1343 (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ p. 111; Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 304–​5). It is not completely clear whether the position of Rastijerwe as a chaplain of the archbishop helped him to rise to the seat in Tartu (Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 888). 100 Robertus de Bursa and Thidericus de Hamme (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 117–​18, 149–​50). 1 01 Johannes von Vifhusen (elder) and Johannes Las received 1323 provisions in Tartu for the former seats of the Bishop Jakob of Saaremaa, and 1324 Vifhusen also obtained a provision

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

339

17 received the seat before 1352, 4 thereafter, and only 1 case remains unclear. It is also known from later centuries that relatives and favourites of local bishops often occupied chapter seats.102 Connections with other church institutions were not that numerous. Two canons could be described as papal curialists, of whom one was successful in obtaining the seat in Livonia.103 The careers of some other canons in Livonia began also due to direct support from curia, but their exact relations with it remain unclear.104 Three canons were supported by bishops and churches outside of Livonia, and at least one of them succeeded before 1352.105 The Teutonic Order issued some supplications for Livonian canonicates, but none of these were known to have been successful before 1352.106 It seems that the Order rather tried to win over and foster careers of these canons who had already achieved a seat in a chapter.107 An exception was Curonia, where the canons themselves had to be members of the Order and were named largely after the

1 02 103

104

105

106

107

in Saaremaa (Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 6, nos. 2784, 2874; Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 350–​351). Johannes Schutte received the former seat of the bishop Hermann Osenbrugge in Saaremaa (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 355–​366). Archbishop Fromhold supplicated Heinricus dictus Kopmann for his own previous seat of the prior in Riga (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 122–​23). Maasing, ‘Livonian Canons,’ p. 1004. Johannes Montelongo resided in papal curia, received a seat in Saaremaa in 1323, was 1325 procurator of the bishop of Saaremaa, and died before September 1326 in curia (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 351–​352, 355; Busch, Nachgelassene Schriften, p. 103). Johannes Guilaberti was a papal legate in Scandinavia who unsuccessfully applied for the dean’s seat in Tartu 1350–​61 (fn. 46). For example, Wernerus de Alen received the former seat of Johannes Montelongo in Saaremaa (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 355; Liv-​, esth-​und curländisches Urkundenbuch, vol. 2, no. 758); Wesselus Wigheri de Bocholt received the former seat of Volquinus Ostinchusen in Tartu, who died in curia (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 357–​358). In 1321, the bishop and chapter of Aarhus confirmed creation of a new seat by Canon Brotherus for Johannes de Wesenberch (fn. 78). In 1347, Bishop Arnold of Pomesania issued a supplication for Andreas Koskul for a chapter seat in Saaremaa (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ p. 122), which he received by 1360: Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1901 (1902), pp. 2, 48. Bishop Johannes of Warmia supported Hermannus de Curia, a canon of Saaremaa, in Warmia (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 124–​125). The Grand Master issued a supplication for Gerhardus de Ungaria in Tartu, and for Johannes de Brunsberch, already a canon in Tartu, in Wrocław: Arbusow, ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ 1911–​1913 (1914), p. 223; Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 347). In 1360, the general procurator of the Teutonic Order issued a supplication for Nicolaus Kalis, who had applied for a canonicate in Tartu already in 1345 but received it only by 1363 (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 115, 147, 154). The Order supported candidates for provost seats in Riga (one c. 1305–​11; the other in 1316), and cooperated with lager group of canons of Riga (1316–​1317), as well as with a

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Maasing

will of the High Master, just like in Prussia.108 Some chapter seats were also obtained due to connections with other canons: the provost of Saaremaa, Nicolaus (of Luxemburg), secured two of his associates seats in Saaremaa after he became bishop-​elect of Naumburg;109 canon Tidemannus Ulfhardi of Turku obtained a provision for his brother Willekinus in Tartu in 1347;110 while influential and wealthy canon Brotherus Diaconus of Aarhus created a new seat in his chapter and presented the aforementioned Johannes de Wesenberch successfully there.111 There are also some cases when a canon received the seat of a previous canon, but his relation to him remains unclear.112 There was also support from secular rulers and individuals. Three kings issued supplications for Livonian canons: Philip vi of France (1328–​50) and John of Bohemia (1310–​1346) did so successfully, but the fate of the canon supported by Magnus Eriksson of Sweden (1319–​1364) remains unclear.113 Moreover, it is known that in 1338, Johannes de Wesenberch accompanied future Danish King Valdemar iv (1340–​1375), who in 1364 supplicated for canonicates in Tallinn, provost of Saaremaa (c. 1298–​1302). Cf. Johannes Haller, ‘Die Verschwörung von Segewold (1316),’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 20 (1910), 125–​ 168; August Seraphim, Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312). Quellen zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens (Königsberg, 1912), pp. xxiv–​xxv. 108 Hertwich, ‘Das kurländische Domkapitel,’ pp. 212–​223; Glauert, Das Domkapitel von Pomesanien, pp. 184–​194. 109 Johannes Schutte, who already was a canon of Saaremaa from 1339, and who was mentioned as chaplain of Nicolaus, became provost. Additionally, an associate of Nicolaus, cleric Jacobus Jacobi from the diocese of Prague, became an Saaremaa canon: Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 123, 126; Anti Selart, ‘Livonsko a české země ve 14. století. Livland und die böhmischen Länder im 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Svět tajemných Baltů, ed. Libor Jan et al. (Brno, 2013), pp. 125–​130. 110 Matinolli, Turun tuomiokapitulin matrikkeli, pp. 26, 28; Pirinen, Turun tuomiokapituli, pp. 50, 55. 111 Brotherus was royal vice-​ chancellor in 1311–​ 1312 and thereafter a canon in Aarhus: Diplomatarium Danicum, series 2, vol. 6, ed. Franz Blatt and Kåre Olsen (København, 1948), nos. 329, 331, 407, 413; series 2, vol. 7, ed. Franz Blatt and Kåre Olsen (København, 1956), nos. 105, 227; series 2, vol. 8, nos. 140, 156, 289, 341, 342; series 2 vol. 9, ed. Adam Afzelius and Gustav Hermansen (København, 1946), nos. 31, 222, 328, 377, 380, 383. 112 For example, Bernhardus de Holsesatia received the seat of Johannes de Revalia in Tallinn (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht, ,’ p. 352), Albertus Molenstrate had that of Thidericus von Witinghe (Arbusow, ‘ii. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 514, 608–​609), and Thidericus de Warendorp had that of Nicolaus von Dolen in Tartu (Arbusow, ‘[I.] Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 357). 113 Johannes von Wrangel had a supplication from the king of France for Tartu (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ p. 117). King John of Bohemia supported his son Nicolaus’ advancement in Saaremaa (Arbusow, ‘ii. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ p. 522); and the king of Sweden supported Gerhard Hundebeke, a canon of Turku, in Saaremaa (Arbusow, ‘ii. Römischer Arbeitsbericht,’ pp. 561–​562; Ahokas, ‘Herman Hundebeken Testamentti,’ pp. 35–​36).

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Tartu, and Saaremaa.114 Four canons were supported by dukes: three by Erich ii of Saxe-​Lauenburg (1338–​1368) and one by Barnim iii of Pomerania-​Szczecin (1344–​1368).115 There were also two supplications whose success remains unclear: from the vicecomes of Turenne and from nobleman Herbertus of Denmark.116 Although there are no known supplications from Livonian noblemen for chapter seats before 1352, the first one appears soon thereafter, in 1359.117 6

Conclusions

Observation of the foundation and establishment of Livonian chapters showed that they depended mostly on the position of and developments in the bishoprics. The chapters of Riga (initially Ikšķile) and Tartu were founded and established practically simultaneously with their bishoprics. The short-​lived chapter of Semgallia was founded perhaps a number of years after the bishopric, but it remains unclear whether it actually became functional. Establishment of Saaremaa and Curonian chapters was complicated, as ecclesiastical structures of these bishoprics were founded multiple times. The chapter of Tallinn was founded decades later than the bishopric itself, and the main reasons seem to be firstly the poverty of the bishopric, and secondly, the overwhelming influence of the Danish king. This seems to have diminished the role of the chapter, which also becomes evident in the episcopal elections, as other chapters had secured their leading situation by the beginning of the fourteenth century, at the latest, and were able to preserve it –​at least partially –​also during the Avignon papacy, when popes officially nominated most of the bishops. In Tallinn, however, the Danish king and later the Teutonic Order continued to appoint bishops until the fifteenth century. 114 In 1338, Wesenberch as scholastic of Saaremaa and canon of Aarhus accompanied Valdemar in Greifswald: Diplomatarium Danicum, series 2, vol. 12, ed. Franz Blatt and Carl A. Christensen (København, 1960), no. 82. For the supplications of Valdemar iv in 1364, see: Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 162, 164–​166. 115 Erich ii supported his chaplain Meinricus Mornewech, Albertus Molenstrate, and Thidericus von Witinghe in Tartu (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 113, 116). Duke Barnim iii of Pomerania issued applications for his familiar and cleric Ludolfus de Flandria in 1350, as he supported his career in the chapter of Kamień (Friederici, Das Lübecker Domkapitel, pp. 319–​320). 116 In 1350, the viceomes supported Nikolaus Kufus/​Kunus in Tartu (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 125–​126). In 1264, Herbertus issued a supplication for his son with the same name (Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 38). 117 Then, knight Bartholomeus Tiesenhausen issued multiple supplications for his brother and son, as well as two other clerics (Motzki, ‘Livonica,’ pp. 139–​140).

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Data about Livonian canons was also certainly different by chapter, but the differences in the richness of data were mostly caused by the percentage of the canons with bynames (whose backgrounds were mostly detectable) as well as papal nominations (as curial documents contain much information about background and networks). Thus, there was far less information about individual canons in the regulated chapters of Riga and Curonia because they were mostly known only by single name there and normally did not receive papal nominations (excluding one provision in Riga). These same two factors (names and nominations), along with a gradual rise in the amount of other source materials, were the most important reasons why there is far more information about the canons since the 1310s and 1320s than there is earlier: it was precisely then that the number of canons with two names surpassed those with a single name, and the steady growth of papal nominations also began. From that time onward, the best information was about the two largest secular chapters in Livonia –​Tartu and Saaremaa –​and they clearly surpassed the chapter of Riga, which had obviously had the best data and the highest number of known canons in the thirteenth century. For the aforementioned reasons, it is not surprising that background information about canons is known mostly for those from the fourteenth century. It seems that by social background, there were more canons from urban than noble families, and thus Livonian chapters could be seen as mixed chapters, probably somewhat similar to the Prussian ones (as in Lübeck, the Hanseatic element was clearly dominant, and in Schwerin, the local nobility). The largest geographical group, then, are the Livonians, who are followed by canons from Hanseatic families. As one could assume that at least some canons from the latter category actually originated from Livonia, it is possible that more than half of the canons whose background is known were locals, and in this case, there would be more canons from Livonians towns than from vassal families. However, if one assesses the number of certainly known Livonians, then here the figure of vassals is higher, and it seems that there is generally more data about them (i.e. family relations, external contacts with powerful patrons). The question as to when Livonians started to appear in local chapters is difficult to answer due to the lack of information for the thirteenth century. However, the first probable Livonian appeared as a papal nominee in the chapter of Saaremaa in 1264, and by the end of the 1310s, there were the first canons that were certainly from Livonia. Seemingly from the 1320s, at least according to the available data, Livonians spread in all three secular chapters (Tartu, Saaremaa, and Tallinn), and to a lesser extent also in Riga, while there are no known Livonians from Curonia. It might well be that the recruitment of locals was lower in regular chapters, as they might have used their interregional

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networks more for that (and Curonia was mostly recruited by the High Master in Prussia), but due to the lack of general information in regulated chapters it cannot be absolutely verified.118 The regional and personal networks of Livonian canons seem to be most dense in the Hanseatic area and northern Germany. In particular, connections with Lübeck should be emphasised: this chapter was already a role model for Saaremaa regulations in 1251; there was also the largest number of external cumulations; and there could have been quite many canons in Livonian chapters, as far more Hanseatic canons probably came from there, in addition to four verified individuals. Westphalia and Lower Saxony seem to be underrepresented amongst Livonian canons (when one remembers that most of the Livonian nobility and members of the Teutonic Order originated from there), but again, many Hanseatic canons might be directly from those regions (especially Westphalia). On the other hand, Pomerania seems to have had various connections with Livonia, apart from two canons of that background and possessions of the chapter of Riga there (which meant that some canons resided in Pomerania).119 There were also some cumulations (in the chapter of Kamień and some collegiate chapters), and at least one canon was supported by a Pomeranian duke. The importance of Lower Saxony is perhaps highlighted by the fact that even three canons had backing from the duke of Saxe-​Lauenburg. Especially during the first centuries of Livonia, one cannot forget the importance of Scandinavia, particularly in northern Estonia. However, there were only up to three canons from Denmark (two in Tallinn, one provided in Tartu), and they all appear in the first period. An explanation as to why there were no more Danes (at least no known Danes) could be that perhaps it was connected with the kingdom’s internal problems, which occurred from the 1310s to the 1340s. Danish interests were nevertheless present and continue after 1346 (e.g. Valdemar iv and his supplications in 1364 for Tallinn, Tartu, and Saaremaa). But in general, it seems that the social and regional background, as well as the networks of the canons of Tallinn, were the same as in other secular Livonian chapters, where networks within the Hanseatic region and especially between Livonian towns, as well as interconnectedness with Livonian vassal families, played an important role. If one observes the known career patterns, then it becomes quite clear that local bishops were very important supporters of either their relatives or co-​ workers. On the other hand, it seems that the Teutonic Order had either no

118 However, also in the sixteenth century, the number of foreigners was higher in Riga and Curonia than in other chapters (Maasing, ‘Liivimaa toomhärrad,’ pp. 22–​23). 119 Cf. the contribution by Mihkel Mäesalu in the present volume.

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opportunities or will to install its favourites into Livonian chapters, apart from incorporated Curonia. The same follows with the interest of the Order towards the nominations of Livonian bishops: only from the end of the fourteenth century did the situation change.120 And, although the percentage of papal nominations increased particularly in Tartu and Saaremaa, it should be noted that there were only two nominees that could be named as curialists; and most often Livonians and Hanseatic canons received the papal nomination. Thus, it might have been largely according to the approval of locals (and also the local chapter), except for a few cases (for example, Guilaberti). The data from career patterns and networks also seems to reveal that at least Livonian secular chapters (and especially Tartu and Saaremaa) were well established both on the local level, as well as in the networks of the Catholic Church by the second quarter of the fourteenth century, when the membership of Livonian canons clearly became more varied than before (although most canons were from Livonia or Hanseatic families, canons from Narbonne, Tournai, and Bohemia were also present), and a number of canons appeared who had truly far-​fetched relations in the Baltic Sea region or even beyond, such as Wesenberch, Witinghe, Nicolaus of Luxemburg, and Guilaberti –​and a few decades later also Johannes Hundebeke de Dulmen, who later became bishop of Lübeck. Finally, one could reiterate that there is detailed information about the canons’ background (which could be more comprehensively analysed) that starts generally with the second period observed here (1316–​52). Generally, it seems that the adaption of Livonian chapters took about a century: by the beginning of the fourteenth century, all five remaining chapters were certainly functioning, and four of them had also secured their participation in episcopal elections. From the 1320s, the chapters of Tartu and Saaremaa in particular had increasingly closer relations with the papal curia. Simultaneously, canons also had various relational networks around the Baltic Sea and beyond, especially within the Hanse. At the same time, the largest regional group of chapter members were local Livonians, who seem to have increasingly used those interregional networks (or at least there is more information about this than before). Thus, one could say that by the second quarter of the fourteenth century, Livonian chapters both belonged to the “normal” ecclesiastical institutions of the Catholic Europe, and were also increasingly “domesticated” as the share of locals seems to increase –​a fact that was also common in most of the European chapters. 120 Cf. Bernhart Jähnig, Verfassung und Verwaltung des Deutschen Ordens und seiner Herrschaft in Livland (Berlin, 2011) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 16), pp. 76–​98.

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345

Appendix: Livonian Canons 1202–​1352121

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. Individuals whose positions as Livonian canons were unclear before 1352 are presented in italics.

Name

Chapter

Origin

Comments

1202–​1315 1. Engelbertus (Buxhoeveden) 2. Johannes 3. Mauritius 4. Helias (Helyas) 5. Arnoldus 6. Daniel 7. Rotmarus (Buxhoeveden) 8. Theodericus 9. Heinricus 10. Hei(den) nricus 11. Jordanus 12. Lambertus 13. H. (Heidenricus?)

Riga (c. 1202–​09) Lower Saxony/​min Riga (1209/​ Wph? 10–​34) Riga (1211, 26–​31) Riga (1211, 26–​34) Riga (1211) Riga (1211) Tartu (1224–​34) Riga (1226) Riga (1226–​32) Riga (1230–​40) Riga (1231–​34) Tartu (1234) Semgallia (1234, 37)

Lower Saxony/​min

Provost, brother of B of Riga; Augustinian From Scheda, Premonstratensian Prior 1226–​31; 1225 perhaps envoy of B Albert of Riga in Rome Magister

Provost, brother of B of Tartu, Augustinian Cellarius Camerarius Cellarius Magister Prior; Augustinian Provost, only known member of the chapter; Premonstratensian

121 Abbreviations: ab –​archbishop; B –​bishop; b –​before; d –​died; dioc. –​diocese; H –​ Hanseatic (urban) background; hm –​grand master of the Teutonic Order; min –​ministerial; n –​nobility; ot –​Teutonic Order; p/​e –​papal provision/​expectation; u –​urban dweller; Wph –​Westphalia. Note: after 1210, all canons of Riga were Premonstratensians.

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

14. Volbertus 15. Arnoldus

Riga (1239) Riga (1239–​45/​ 46) 16. Ludolfus Riga (1239–​40) 17. Heinricus Riga (1239) 18. Heinricus Riga (1239) 19. Godescalcus Riga (1239) 20. Godescalcus Riga (1239) 21. Johannes Riga (1239–​45) 22. Lambertus Riga (1239–​40, 45, 51) 23. Hermannus 24. Meinhardus 25. Arnoldus 26. Hartwicus 27. Alexander

Riga (1239) Riga (1239) Tartu (1240) Riga (1245) Riga (1245, 51)

28. Willebrandus 29. Borchardus 30. Daniel 31. Hetzelinus

Tartu (1248) Tartu (1248) Tartu (1248) Curonia (1252–​53) Curonia (1253)

32. Johannes Hase 33. Hermannus 34. Petrus(?) 35. Gerhardus 36. M. 37. Johannes de Magdeburg 38. Hermannus 39. Johannes de Vechta/​Vacata

Provost Provost, –​1248? Prior Scolasticus Plebanus in Cubezele Custos Plebanus in St. Peter, Riga Cantor 1239–​40 camerarius, 1245 cellarius, 1251 procurator; could be different persons Sacerdos Sacerdos Dean Prior 1245 custos, 1251 sacrista; could be different persons Provost Dean Treasurer Provost (secular canon) Canon (secular canon)

Riga (1254–​63) Saaremaa (1254) Saaremaa (1254) Riga (1256) Riga (1259) Magdeburg? Riga (1263, 82) Riga (1263–​85?)

Comments

Wph?/​ u?

Provost Provost Dean G. (1264)? Prior Former Swordbrother, in Livonia since c. 1210 Prior 1266–​74/​78? provost, 1278–​ 85 anti-​bishop of Warmia, 1285–​94 ab of Riga

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

40. Hermannus

Riga (1263 –​ c. 68)

41. Martinus 42. Herbertus 43. G.

Riga (1263, 66) Tartu (1264) Denmark/​n Saaremaa (1264)

44. Heinricus 45. Mathias

Saaremaa (1264) dioc Riga?/​-​ Riga (1268–​1312)

46. Johannes de Riga (1269–​73) Lune 47. Conradus Riga (1269) Haverlant 48. Ludolfus Riga (1272, 94/​ 95) 49. Heinricus Riga (1272) 50. Heinricus Tartu (1276) 51. Conradus de Tartu (1281) Erne 52. Heinricus Tartu (1281, 86–​99) 53. Heinricus Tallinn Pozstock/​Rostok (1281–​1309) 54. Hermannus Tallinn (1281) de Hertele 55. Johannes Riga (1282) 56. Johannes Riga (1284–​94) 57. Leuderus Riga (c. 1285, 88) 58. Wedekinus Riga (1286–​1305)

H?

59. Johannes Oldenborgh 60. Otto

H?

Riga (1286–​89) Tartu (c. 1290)

u?

Herne?/​u?

Comments Killed by the Teutonic Order? Mentioned in 1312 (interrogation of Moliano) P/​e Dean, canon Gerhardus (1254)? P/​e 1312 witness in interrogation of Moliano Cellarius et sacerdos, 1273–​ 84 ab of Riga

Provost Provost

Magister; 1286–​99 dean, could be two persons Denmark? /​u? 1277 plebanus in Tallinn, 1309 dean Livonia?/​-​ Parish priest in Hertele? Provost, perhaps 1281–​88 Prior Prior? 1286 in Wulveshagen, 1289–​1305 provost, murdered; relative of Saaremaa B Konrad and the Buxhoevedens 1286–​89 in Wulveshagen Provost

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

61. Johannes 62. Borchardus

Curonia (1290) Curonia (1290–​1300)

63. Theodericus 64. Volradus 65. Helmoldus 66. Wynandus 67. Johannes de Colonia 68. Johannes de Ponte 69. Nicolaus 70. Petrus 71. Johannes de T(e)ristevere 72. Jacobus de Cimiterio 73. Johannes de Imbria/​Ymbria

Curonia (1290) Curonia (1290) Curonia (1290) Curonia (1290) Curonia (1290)

74. Johannes Persona 75. Johannes

Riga (1297/​98, 1312?) Tartu (1297–​99, c. 1309–​12) Tartu (c. 1298, 1322) Saaremaa (1298 –​c. 1302) Saaremaa (c. 1298) Riga (end of 13th c.) Tartu (c. 1300)

76. Jacobus 77. Johannes 78. Gerwil 79. Hermannus 80. Liberius 81. Bertholdus 82. Heinricus

Origin

Comments

Cologne?

Provost in May 1290; ot Provost 1290–​99, B of Curonia 1300–​11(/​20/​21?); ot Dean; ot Sacerdos; ot Sacerdos; ot Sacerdos; ot Sacerdos; ot

Riga (1294/​95) Riga (1294/​95) Tallinn (1294) Tallinn (1294–​ 97/​98) Tallinn (1294) Tallinn (1294–​ 1314/​15)

Curonia (1301–​12) Curonia (1301)

Livonia?/​-​

Denmark?

Dean Before 1298 dean and bishop-​elect of Tallinn 1314/​15 canon and plebanus of St. Olaf in Tallinn Mentioned in 1312 (interrogation of Moliano) Provost; could be two persons Could be two persons, 1322–​37 B of Saaremaa Provost, cooperating with ot against Saaremaa B Mentioned in 1312 (interrogation of Moliano) Mentioned in 1312 (interrogation of Moliano) Scholastic, procurator of the town of Riga Provost; ot Dean; ot

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

83. Johannes

Saaremaa (1302)

Origin

84. Hartungus

Saaremaa (1302–​10) 85. Heinricus de Riga (1304–​05) H Lubek 86. Mauritius de Riga (1305) Hude 87. Heinricus Riga (c. 1305–​11) 88. Herbordus/​ Tartu (1305–​14/​ Herboldus 19?) 89. Conradus Riga (1306–​12) Grubo/​Glubo/​ Rubro 90. Conradus Tartu (1309–​12) 91. Conradus 92. Johannes

Saaremaa (1309) Riga (1310)

93. Wiggerus 94. Johannes 95. Johannes

Riga (1310, 12) Riga (1310, 12) Riga (1311)

96. Hermannus

Riga (1311–​17)

97. Lutfridus

Riga (1311/​12–​26)

98. Gerhardus

Riga (1312 –​c. 16)

99. Johannes Friso

Tartu (1313)

H (Lübeck?)

Comments Scholaster, supporter of ot 1310–​21/​22 B of Saaremaa Murdered Murdered Provost Scholaster Perhaps canon since 1298, 1312 witness in interrogation of Moliano Dean; mentioned in 1312 (interrogation of Moliano) Custos Advocatus in Dundaga, Curonia 1310, 1312 in Wulveshagen 1310, 1312 in Wulveshagen Could be Johannes of Dundaga or of Wulveshagen, or a third person Cantor 1316–​17; cooperation with ot 1313–​23 prior, 16 provost-​ elect, 25–​26 provost, murdered; cooperation with, later against ot Provost, perhaps since 1311, 12 witness in interrogation of Moliano, d by 16 1313 in Lübeck

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

100. Johannes

Tallinn (1314–​15)

Origin

Comments Perhaps 1320 oeconomus

1316–​1352 101. Johannes de Riga (1316) Monasterio 102. Johannes Riga (1316–​17) Crucow 103. Godefridus Riga (1316–​17) de Waschele 104. Johannes de Riga (1316–​17) Colberg 105. Heinricus Riga (1316–​17)

H?

Provost-​elect, supported by ot 1316/​17 prior-​elect; cooperation with, later against ot Cooperation with ot

Pomerania? /​u?

Cooperation with ot

106. Florentinus Tartu (1316–​36) 107. Gerhardus Tartu (1319) Livonia/​n de Ungaria 108. Johannes de Tartu (1319); Prussia? /​u? Brunsberch Warmia (1319); Wrocław (1319) 109. Johannes Saaremaa (1319–​22) 110. Godefridus Saaremaa (1319) 111. Heinricus Saaremaa Langemann (1319–​22) 112. Conradus de Lubeke 113. Bertoldus Rese/​Gygas

Saaremaa (1319–​23) Saaremaa (b. 1320)

114. Conradus 115. Conradus

Riga (1320) Saaremaa (1320)

H Riga/​u

Cellarius; cooperation with ot 1316–​28 dean, 28–​36 provost Supplication of hm Canon of Warmia and Taru, supplication of hm for Wrocław Provost Dean 1298–​1312 chaplain in Saaremaa, witness in the interrogation of Moliano (1312) Son of burgomaster of Riga. Killed before 1320 in Riga Viceprior Dean

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

116. Johannes de Tallinn (1321); Estonia/​n Wesenberch Aarhus (1321–​ 38); Tartu (1324–​ 28); Saaremaa (1332/​33–​38) 117. Bernhardus de Co(n)sfelt 118. Paulus

Saaremaa (1322) H?

119. Otto

Tallinn (1322–​24?) Riga (1323) Riga (1323–​29)

Curonia (1322)

120. Heinricus 121. Johannes Molendinum/​ de Molendino 122. Thomas Riga (1323) 123. Engelbertus Tartu (1323) de Dolen (elder)

124. Johannes Tartu (1323) 125. Johannes Las Tartu (1323, 60, b. 63)

126. Ludovicus de Medebeke 127. Gerardus/​ Bernhardus Suerwerdina

n H?

Comments Until 1321 canon in Tallinn, received seat in Aarhus created by canon Brotherus (confirmed by local church); 1338 companion of junker Valdemar (Valdemar iv). 1322 –​c. 28 B of Curonia; ot 1322–​24 elect of Tallinn, 1324–​49 B of Chełmno Provost Identical with the canon of Saaremaa (1330–​44)?

Livonia/​n

Provost; 1323–​41 B of Tartu; 1341–​47 ab of Riga; 1304 studied in Bologna?

Livonia/​u

Provision for seat of scholastic 1323 (former seat of B Jacobus of Saaremaa); canon 1360; dean b. 1363; could be two persons

Tartu (1323); Livonia?/​u? Saaremaa (1330) Tartu (1323–​26)

1323 p/​e; 26 canon and plebanus of St. John in Tartu

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

128. Johannes de Tartu (1323–​28); Livonia?/​n? Vifhusen (elder) Saaremaa (1324)

129. Ludolfus

Saaremaa (1323–​30) 130. Thomas Saaremaa (1323) 131. Ludolfus de Saaremaa Livonia Albacuria (1323–​30) (Läänemaa?)/​ n 132. Johannes de Saaremaa Montelongo (1323–​26) 133. Conradus Curonia (1323) 134. Johannes de Tallinn (b 1324) Revalia 135. Gerlacus Hermanni 136. Johannes Reinkini/​Remkini 137. Heinricus 138. Bernardus de Holsesatia 139. Ludolphus 140. Gerhardus 141. Johannes de Warendorp

Tartu (1324)

Estonia/​n Riga?/​u?

Tartu (1324) Tallinn (1324) Tallinn (1324, 27)

Riga (1325–​39) Riga (1325) Tartu H (Livonia?) (1325 –​b 49), Lübeck (1329) 142. Heydenricus Tartu (1325, 40, Livonia/​n de Brakele b 52); Saaremaa (1329)

Comments P/​e for scholaster 1323, former seat of B Jacobus of Saaremaa; 24 p/​e in Saaremaa; vicar of Otepää; d 28 Provost Dean Brother of Segenboldo de Albacuria; hardly identical with provost Ludolfus Magister; curialist, 1323 p/​ e; 25 procurator of B of Saaremaa Scholaster; ot D b 1324; also known as Johannes de Heghele/​ Keghele P/​e P/​e; parish priest in Viru-​Nigula Dean 1324 p/​e for seat of Johannes de Revalia, 27 canon (Bernardus) Prior 1330–​36 custos, d b 49 as dean; 1329 p/​e in Lübeck 1325 p/​e in Tartu, 1329 in Saaremaa; 40 canon in Tartu, dean between 49 and 52, d b 52

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Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

Comments

Livonia?/​u?

Procurator of the ­chapter 1326; general vicar of ab 36–​38 Mediator between chapter and town of Riga 1326, d b 28 1331–​36 dean Theodericus

143. Marquardus Riga (1326–​42) 144. Volquinus de Ostinchusen

Tartu (1326 –​ b. 28)

145. Thidericus Swarte/​Niger 146. Johannes Brilo 147. Wernerus de Alen

Tartu (1326–​28, Livonia? 31–​36) Saaremaa H (1326–​36) Saaremaa (1326, Livonia?/​n? 32/​33)

148. Rotgherus Pleskowe

Saaremaa (1326) H

H (Livonia?)

1326 p/​e for Johannes Montelongo’s, 32/​33 canon P/​e for canonicate or other benefice in Saaremaa 1327 p/​e in Tartu, 47–​51/​52 treasurer, 47 p/​e in Lund; nepos of ab Engelbertus of Riga, son of Valdemar 1327 p/​e in Tartu, 33 canon, 36 scholaster; 29 p/​ e in Warmia, 31 canon; B of Tartu 1342–​44; Dr. decr. et magister P/​e

Prussia?/​u?

P/​e

H?

Magister; 1328 p/​e in Tartu, 38 p/​e in Utrecht

149. Nicolaus de Tartu (1327, Livonia/​n Dolen 47–​51/​52), Lund (1347) 150. Wesselus Sperwen de Chorum

Włocławek (1327), Tartu (1327–​42), Warmia (1329–​42) 151. Thidericus de Tartu (1327) Warendorp 152. Nicolaus Saaremaa (1327) Wormedithen 153. Everhardus Tartu (1328, 30), Sweden Saaremaa (1330) 154. Wesselus Tartu (1328–​45) Wigheri de Bocholt 155. Hermannus Riga (1329, 33) Tymmonis

Custos

Wph?

1329, 33 in Wulveshagen

354 

Maasing

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

156. Thidericus Saaremaa (1330) 157. Johannes de Saaremaa H? Molendino (1330 –​b. 44) 158. Wernerus Huno (Hunonis) 159. Hermannus de Iborch 160. Nicolaus de Pryscia/​Prus 161. Hermannus de Soboles 162. Arnoldus

Lübeck (1304–​ 41), Tartu (1331) Saaremaa (1332/​ 33) Saaremaa (1332/​ 33, 60) Saaremaa (1332/​ 33–​36) Riga (1333–​68)

Lübeck/​u

163. Gherardus de Lubeke 164. Johannes Zoge (Soie) 165. Johannes de Vifhusen (younger)

Riga (1333)

166. Hinricus Sweym(e)

Tartu (1336–​ Lübeck/​u 58), Lübeck (1342–​58) Tartu (1337–​63), H Schleswig (1346) (Lübeck?)

167. Meinhardus/​ Meynricus Mornewech 168. Gotfridus Perona 169. Heyno Hanevere 170. Arnoldus

H

Dean –​1344 dean, d b 1344; identical with canon of Riga (1323–​29)? Provost of Lübeck, p/​e in Tartu 1331 (unsuccessful)

Prussia?

Could be different persons

Livonia?

1326 chaplain in Saaremaa

H

Provost, perhaps from 1329 1333 in Wulveshagen

Tartu (1333, 60–​ Livonia/​n 63, b. 90) Tartu (1336–​46) Livonia/​n

Tallinn (1337–​50) Tallinn (1337–​65) Riga (1338)

Comments

Livonia/​u H (Hannover?)

1333 p/​e, 60–​63 canon, d b 90; could be two persons 1342–​46 scholaster, 1346–​ 73 B of Tartu; brother of ab Fromhold of Riga and canon Theoderich of Tartu Magister, physician; 1342 p/​e as scholaster in Tartu, 44 p/​e in Lübeck, d 58 1337 p/​e in Tartu, 46 canon and p/​e in Schleswig; support by Duke Erich ii of Saxe-​Lauenburg Dean 1337–​50 scholaster, 54–​65 dean Scholaster

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

355

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

171. Hermannus de Osenbrugge 172. Hinricus de Havel 173. Conradus de Gotingen 174. Johannes Lange 175. Thomas 176. Johannes Schutte/​ Sagittarius

Saaremaa (1338) H

177. Willekinus (Albus)

Tallinn (1339, 44) Livonia?/​u?

178. Vromoldus (Fromhold) de Vifhusen

Riga (1341–​48)

179. Hartungus 180. Kerstianus Loiteke

Saaremaa (1341) Tartu (1342–​52)

181. Thidericus de Witinghe

Tartu (1342–​ H (Lüneb?) 60?), Lübeck (1343–​60), Schwerin (1348–​ 60?), Verden (1352)

Curonia (1338)

Comments 1291 studied in Bologna? 1338–​63 B of Saaremaa Provost; ot

Curonia (1338)

Göttingen?

Dean; ot

Curonia (1338)

H?

Ot

Saaremaa (1339) Saaremaa Livonia? (1339 –​b. 78)

Livonia/​n

Dean 1339 p/​e for seat of B Hermann Osenbrugge; 49 p/​e for provost’s seat of Nikolaus Luxemburg; d b 78 1339 Willekinus, 44 W. Albus; very probably the same person Prior, brother of Johannes (B of Tartu) and Theodericus, ab of Riga 1348–​68 Canon and official 1342 p/​e, support by B Wesselus of Tartu; 52 canon 1336 notary; 42 p/​e in Tartu, 43 canon and p/​e in Lübeck, 48 p/​ e in Schwerin, 52 p/​ e in Verden; 60 dean in Lübeck, d; supported by B Wesselus of Tartu and Duke Erich ii of Saxe-​Lauenburg

356 

Maasing

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

182. Engelbertus Saaremaa (b Livonia/​n de Dolen 1342 –​44), Tartu (younger) (1342 –​b 64), Kamień (1344) 183. Johannes

Saaremaa (1342)

184. Gotfridus Krowel/​Kruel 185. Johannes Ronne

Tallinn (1342–​ Tallinn/​u 59); Tartu (1352) Tartu (1343–​46?), Prussia?/​u? Warmia (1346)

186. Albertus Molenstrate

Tartu (1343–​61)

187. Gerhard Blake 188. Nikolaus (Luxemburg)

Tartu (1343)

189. Thidericus de Vifhusen

Saaremaa (1344), Livonia/​n Lund (1345), Tartu (1346–​64)

190. Abraham 191. Nicolaus de Harke

Tallinn (1344) Tallinn (1344/​ 45 –​90), Tartu (1344/​45)

Prague (1342–​ 49), Saaremaa (1344–​49), Olomouc (1348–​49)

Comments Nepos of ab Engelbertus of Riga; 42 canon in Saaremaa, p/​e in Tartu; 44 p/​e in Kamień, 57 p/​e as archdean in Słupsk; d b 64 Provost, Johannes Schutte? 1352 p/​e for Tartu; d b 59

1336 notary; 43 p/​e in Tartu, 46 p/​e in Warmia, resigned claims in Tartu dio. Lübeck/​u 1343 p/​e in Tartu, 52 canon; supported by Duke Erich ii of Saxe-​ Lauenburg; bac. iur. can. u 1343 p/​e in Tartu Bohemia /​ princely family

Livonia/​n

1342 provost in Prague, coll-​stift in Vyšehrad, 44 p/​e in Saaremaa (provost), 48 dean in Olomouc, 49–​50 B-​nominee in Naumburg, 50–​58 patriarch of Aquileja; extramarital son of King John of Bohemia Brother of B Johannes de V. of Tartu; 44 p/​e in Saaremaa, 45 in Lund, 46 in Tartu, 50–​64 provost in Tartu 1344/​45 canon in Tallinn, p/​e in Tartu, son of Theodericus de Harke

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

357

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

192. Nicolaus Kalis

Tartu (1345, Warmia/​u? 60, 63), Warmia (1374), Hildesheim (1374)

193. Hermannus Saaremaa (1345–​ de Curia 50), Warmia (1350) 194. Th. Colner Tallinn (1345) Tallinn/​u 195. Johannes Eylhardi de Wrangel

Tartu (1346, 63)

Livonia/​n

196. Thidericus de Hamme

Tartu (1346–​69)

dio. Lübek/​u

197. Robertus de Tartu (1346–​55) dio. Tournai Bursa 198. Woldemarus Saaremaa (1346) Livonia/​n de Wranghele 199. Johannes Monetarii 200. Thidericus de Lechtes 201. Willekinus Wulfhardi

Tallinn (1346)

H

Tallinn (1346)

Livonia/​n

Tartu (1347), Turku (1363)

Finland/​u?

202. Hinricus de Tartu (1347–​48) Rastijerwe

Livonia/​n

Comments 1345, 60 p/​e in Tartu, 63 canon; 74 canon of Warmia, p/​e in Hildesheim and coll-​ stift of Stöckheim; 60 supported by ot; bac. art. Canon in Saaremaa, 1350 p/​e to deanery in Warmia; mag. art. Brothers were burghers of Tallinn 1346 p/​e in Tartu, support from King Philip vi of France; 63 dean; son of Eilhard 1346 p/​e in Tartu, 60 parish priest of Võnnu, 64 conflict over canonicate, 69 canon; mag. art., stud. iur. can. (1361) 1346 p/​e, support by ab of Riga; 55 resigned 1346 p/​e, supported by B Johannes de Vifhusen of Tartu, his relative

1347 p/​e in Tartu, supported by brother Tidemannus; 63 canon of Turku 1348 chaplain of ab Riga; 47 expectation of a benefice in Saaremaa

358 

Maasing

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

203. Andreas Koskul

Saaremaa (1347, Livonia/​n 60–​73)

204. Johannes de Riga (1348) Corbis/​Corbes 205. Johannes de Riga (1348–​54) Walmis/​Walmes 206. Heinricus Riga (1348) dictus Kopmann

Origin

Livonia?/​n?

1345/​46 reserv. clerical office in Saaremaa, 47 p/​ e, support by B Arnold of Pomesania; 60 canon, 67 treasurer, d 73 Oeconomus

Livonia?/​u?

Oeconomus 1348

Livonia?/​u?

Canon, 1348 p/​e for priory in Riga, by ab of Riga (success unclear) 1348 canon of Saaremaa and Tartu, additional p/​e in Tartu; 63–​73 treasurer, 73–​76 provost in Tartu, d b 79; nepos of ab Fromhold of Riga, his support P/​e in Saaremaa, supported by provost Nikolaus (1344–​49); 52 exchange of canonicate with Albertus de Puteo Provost; ot

207. Waldemarus de Rosen

Saaremaa (1348), Livonia/​n Tartu (1348 –​ b. 79)

208. Jacobus Jacobi

Saaremaa (1349–​52)

209. Wilhelmus

Curonia (1349–​50) Curonia (1349)

210. Wernerus Johannes 211. Johannes Guilaberti

212. Godefridus Kufus/​Kunus

Bohemia

Verdun (1349–​ dio. of 61?), Tartu (1350–​ Narbonne/​ n 61), Uppsala (1352–​61), Lübeck (1361) Tartu (1350)

Comments

Dean; ot Papal legate and curialist; 1350–​61 p/​e for dean’s seat in Tartu (unsuccessful); also in Uppsala and Lübeck; coll-​stifts in Narbonne and Kunzelsau (Würzburg) P/​e, support from vicecomes of Tourenne

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

359

Table 10.6 The 220 persons who were considered to be Livonian canons in the article. (cont.)

Name

Chapter

Origin

213. Jacobus Las Tartu (1350) Livonia/​u 214. Ludolfus de Saaremaa (1350–​ Visby/​u Flandria 68), Kamień (1350), Lübeck (1370–​76)

215. Gerhardus Scotten/​Schutte 216. Heinricus 217. Johannes de Scherenbeke

Saaremaa (1350) Livonia?

218. Gerhardus Hundebeke

Turku (1349–​52), Finland/​u Saaremaa (1352)

219. Albertus de Pluteus/​Puteo

Saaremaa (1352)

220. Gotfridus Mespol/​ Messepule

Saaremaa (c. Livonia? 1352?, 58, 60–​83)

Curonia (1350) Saaremaa (1351–​60)

Estonia/​n

Comments P/​e 1350 canon in Saaremaa, p/​e in Kamień and collegiate church of Szczecin; 1363 p/​e for deanery in Saaremaa, 70 canon of Lübeck, d 76; supported by Duke Barnim iii of Pomerania; in utriusquis iuris peritus Relative of Johannes Schutte? ot 1351 scholaster, 59–​60 canon; his brothers were vassals in Estonia 1352 p/​e in Saaremaa, supported by King Magnus of Sweden; studied in Paris Parish priest in Paistu, exchange for canonicate with Jacobus Jacobi, probably did not become a canon 1358 claimed that had applied for Jacobus Jacobi’s seat from c. 52 (or earlier); 60–​83 canon

360 

Maasing

table 10.7 Individuals who were presumed to be canons in ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ by Leonid Arbusow Sr, and who could possibly be, but cannot be verified as such, based on sources.

Name

Supposed chapter Comments

Alebrandus

Riga (c. 1200–​20)

Nicolaus de Nauen

Riga (–​1229)

Weizelus Riga (1245) Burchardus Riga (1245) Johannes de Sabele Curonia (1301) Jacobus Johannes Johannes Segenboldo de Albacuria Sifridus Brakel

Riga (1311) Tallinn (1320) Tallinn (1320, 24) Saaremaa (1323) Saaremaa (1323)

Friedricus Saaremaa (1323) Saewerdingk Fridericus Saaremaa (1323) Schillingk Wesselus Schillingk Saaremaa (1323) Johannes de Udenkule Arnoldus Nicolaus

Saaremaa (1323)

Gerhardus

Curonia (1326)

Johannes (i) Johannes (ii) Vigerus Langeside Heinricus de Wrangele

Curonia (1328) Curonia (1332) Riga (1338, 42) Riga or Tartu (1342)

Riga (1325) Riga (1325–​26)

Missionary priest in many Livonian parishes Canon of Magdeburg, B of Riga 1229/​31–​53 Canon of Münster Plebanus of St. Jacob in Riga Mentioned after dean of Curonia, but not directly as canon Supposed provost Elect of Tallinn Oeconomus of Tallinn Unclear if a canon or vassal of Saaremaa Unclear if a canon or vassal of Saaremaa Unclear if a canon or vassal of Saaremaa Unclear if a canon or vassal of Saaremaa Unclear if a canon or vassal of Saaremaa Unclear if a canon or vassal of Saaremaa Rector of St. Jacob in Riga Plebanus of St. Peter in Riga, procurator of the chapter of Riga Procurator of B of Curonia, ot; not mentioned as canon B of Curonia 1328–​31/​32; ot B of Curonia 1332–​54; ot Plebanus in Cubezele Bac. utriusque iuris, but not mentioned as canon

The Formation of Livonian Cathedral Chapters

361

table 10.7 Individuals who were presumed to be canons in ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ by Leonid Arbusow Sr, and who could possibly be, but cannot be verified as such, based on sources. (cont.)

Name

Supposed chapter Comments

Fridericus

Riga (1349, 63–​64?)

Konrad Wilsekule Johann Rurbeke

1349 Premonstratensian, envoy of ab of Riga, perhaps Fredericus de Sampleve (1363–​64 canon of Riga) Riga (before 1352) Before 1352 representative of chapter of Riga in Wulveshagen, Premonstratensian Riga (1352) 1352 representative of chapter of Riga in Wulveshagen

table 10.8 Individuals who were presumed to be canons in ‘Livlands Geistlichkeit’ by Leonid Arbusow Sr, but who cannot be canons, or it is very unlikely.

Name

Supposed chapter

Comments

Nicolaus

Saaremaa (1240/​41)

Jacobus Ludolphus

Tallinn (1294) Riga (1305/​19?)

Riga (1338) Tartu (1342)

Vices gerens of Saaremaa bishop, not mentioned as a canon; no Saaremaa chapter founded yet Actually Jacobus de Cimiterio Probably a secular official in town of Riga Actually, custos Conradus General vicar of ab of Riga 1323, plebanus of Koknese 1323, 26; never mentioned as canon Viceprior of Dominicans of Riga Actually, Thidericus de Witinghe

Tallinn (1344)

Actually, Gotfridus Kruel/​Krowel

Christianus Saaremaa (1309) Arnoldus Stoive Riga (1323, 26) Jacobus Heinricus de Witinge Gotfridus Bruel

362 

Maasing

Acknowledgements

The writing of this paper was supported by the Estonian Research Council (put 1422). I thank Mihkel Mäesalu for his advice and helpful discussion.

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Mettig, Constantin, ‘Zur Verfassungsgeschichte des rigaschen Domcapitels,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 12 (1880), 509–​537. Militzer, Klaus, ‘Livländische Domkapitulare als Besucher europäischer Unversitäten,’ in Die Kirche im mittelalterlichen Livland, ed. Radosław Biskup et al. (Toruń, 2019) (Ecclesia clerusque temporibus medii aevi 5), pp. 183–​195. Moraw, Peter, ‘Über Typologie, Chronologie und Geographie der Stiftskirche im deutschen Mittelalter,’ in Untersuchungen zu Kloster und Stift (Göttingen, 1980) (Veröffentlichungen des Max-​Planck-​Instituts für Geschichte 68), pp. 9–​37. Motzki, Arthur, ‘Livonica aus den Supplikenregistern von Avignon (1342 Okt. 11–​1366 Mai 9),’ Mitteilungen aus der Livländischen Geschichte 21 (1911), 101–​172. Neitmann, Klaus, ‘Der Deutsche Orden und die Revaler Bischofserhebungen im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert,’ in Reval. Handel und Wandel vom 13.–​20. Jahrhundert, ed. Norbert Angermann and Wilhelm Lenz (Lüneburg, 1997) (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission 8), pp. 43–​86. Perlbach, Max, ‘Urkunden des rigaschen Capitel-​ Archives in der fürstlich Czartoyskischen Bibliothek zu Krakau,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 13 (1886), 1–​23. Pirinen, Kauko, Turun tuomiokapituli keskiajan lopulla (Helsinki, 1956) (Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Toimituksia 58). Pottel, Bruno, Das Domkapitel von Ermland im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1911). Reinhard, Wolfgang, Freunde und Kreaturen. Verflechtung als Konzept zur Erforschung historischer Führungsgruppen. Römische Oligarchie um 1600 (München, 1979) (Schriften der Philosophischen Fakultäten der Universität Augsburg 14). Salonen, Kirsi, and Jussi Hanska, Entering a Clerical Career at the Roman Curia, 1458–​ 1471 (Farnham, 2012). Schieffer, Rudolf, Die Entstehung von Domkapiteln in Deutschland (Bonn, 1976) (Bonner Historische Forschungen 43). Schonebohm, Fritz, Die Besetzung der livländischen Bistümer bis zum Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts (Riga, 1909). Schwarz, Brigide, ‘Alle Wege führen über Rom. Eine “Seilschaft” von Klerikern aus Hannover im ppäten Mittelalter (1. Folge),’ Hannoversche Geschichtsblätter 52 (1998), 6–​87. Schwarz, Brigide, ‘Klerikerkarrierien und Pfründenmarkt,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 71 (1991), 243–​265. Schwarz, Brigide, ‘Römische Kurie und Pfründenmarkt im Spätmittelalter,’ Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 20 (1993), 129–​152. Selart, Anti, ‘Friedrich von Haseldorf, Bischof von Karelien,’ in Sõnasse püütud minevik in honorem Enn Tarvel, ed. Priit Raudkivi and Marten Seppel (Tallinn, 2009), pp. 79–​91.

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Selart, Anti, ‘Livonsko a české země ve 14. století. Livland und die böhmischen Länder im 14. Jahrhundert,’ in Svět tajemných Baltů, ed. Libor Jan et al. (Brno, 2013), pp. 125–​30. Selart, Anti, ‘Where Was the Home of the Livonian Merchant? Early Urban Mobility in the Baltics,’ Zapiski Historyczne 84 (2019), 43–​66. Seraphim, August, Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312). Quellen zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens (Königsberg, 1912). Skyum-​Nielsen, Niels, ‘Estonia under Danish Rule,’ in Danish Medieval History. New Currents, ed. Niels Skyum-​Nielsen and Niels Lund (Copenhagen, 1981), pp. 112–​136. Transehe-​Roseneck, Astaf von, ‘Zur Geschichte des Lehnswesens in Livland, Theil 1: Das Mannlehen,’ Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-​, Est-​und Kurlands 18 (1908), 1–​309. Transehe-​Roseneck, Astaf von, Die ritterlichen Livlandfahrer des 13. Jahrhunderts. Eine genealogische Untersuchung (Würzburg, 1960) (Marburger Ostforschungen 12). Wase, Dick, Invånarna i medeltidens Visby (1000–​1600) (Stockholm, 2019) (Acta orientalis 15). Wriedt, Klaus, ‘Bürgertum und Studium in Norddeutschland während des Spätmittelalters,’ in Schulen und Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters, ed. Johannes Fried (Sigmaringen, 1988) (Vorträge und Forschungen 30), pp. 487–​523. Zwischen nicht-​Adel und Adel, ed. Kurt Andermann and Peter Johanek (Stuttgart, 2001) (Vorträge und Forschungen 53).

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Baltic Crusades and Societal Innovation in Medieval Livonia Conclusion Christian Lübke The spread of Christianity throughout Europe appears as one of the crucial features of medieval history, and related to the eastern parts of the continent, the turn of the first Christian millennium is often interpreted as a kind of completion of the whole process. In this perception, some decisive stages along the way occurred in the ninth and tenth centuries, like the works of the ‘Apostles of the Slavs’, Saints Cyril and Methodius in Great Moravia; the personalisation of Christendom by the appearance of local dynastic martyrs like Saint Wenceslaus and Saint Ludmila in Bohemia; the foundation of the archbishopric of Magdeburg with its suffragan bishops in the regions of the Polabian Slavs east of the Elbe and Saale rivers; and the baptisms of Prince Mieszko i of Poland, King Stephen i of Hungary, and Grand Prince Vladimir of Kiev. The total completion of Christianisation seems to be symbolised by an event in the year 1000 –​the Roman emperor’s Otto iii pilgrimage to the body of the holy martyr Saint Adalbert, a man of Slavic origin, who was buried in Gniezno, Poland. There, Otto met the Polish prince, Bolesław the Brave, who welcomed him in a splendid ceremony, during the course of which the emperor symbolically made him a king.1

1 Celebrating the millennium of this event, there was a number of relevant publications, including the three-​ volume exhibition publication Europas Mitte um 1000, ed. Alfred Wieczorek and Hans-​Martin Hinz, 3 vols (Stuttgart, 2000); see also: Gerard Labuda, ‘Der ‘Akt von Gnesen’ vom Jahre 1000. Bericht über die Forschungsvorhaben und –​ergebnisse,’ Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae 5 (2000), 145–​188; Gerard Labuda, ‘Die Gründung der Metropolitanorganisation der polnischen Kirche auf der Synode in Gnesen am 9. und 10. März 1000,’ Acta Poloniae Historica 84 (2001), 5–​30; Polen und Deutschland vor 1000 Jahren. Die Berliner Tagung über den ‘Akt von Gnesen’, ed. Michael Borgolte (Berlin, 2002) (Europa im Mittelalter 5); Daniel Bagi, ‘Die Darstellung der Zusammenkunft von Otto iii. und Bolesław dem Tapferen in Gnesen im Jahre 1000 beim Gallus Anonymus. Ein Interpretationsversuch,’ Begegnungen –​Schriftenreihe des Europa Institutes Budapest 15 (2002), 177–​188; Gábor Klaniczay, ‘The Birth of a New Europe About 1000 CE: Conversion, Transfer of Institutional Models, New Dynamics,’ Medieval Encounters 10 (2004), 99–​129; Wolfgang Huschner, ‘Rom –​ Gnesen –​Quedlinburg –​Aachen –​Rom. Die Reise Kaiser Ottos III. im Jahre 1000,’ Zeitschrift

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368 Lübke There are two figurative representations produced in the tradition of Ottonian miniature paintings that prove the importance of these events.2 The first one (­figure 11.1) is a probable portrait of Otto iii with the accompanying image of four provinces in the shape of virgins bringing tribute (Gospels of Otto iii, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4453), between them the newly converted Sclavinia next to Gallia, Germania, and Roma. The second one (a part of the Liuthar Gospels from the Aachen Cathedral Treasury) seems to symbolise the emperor’s wishful thinking about the God-​ given political world order –​the emperor is shown in the centre of the presentation, and at the same time close to God, additionally accompanied by two kings who might be identified with the rulers of Poland and Hungary, Bolesław, and Saint Stephen (­figure 11.2). In the lower level of the picture two secular dignitaries with helmets, lances, and shields approach from the left, and two ecclesiastical dignitaries advance from the right. In light of Otto’s idea of a ‘renovation of the Roman empire’ (renovatio imperii Romanorum) with Rome as the ‘capital of the world’ (Roma caput mundi), these two pictures can be interpreted as visualising the integration of the newly converted eastern part of the world, the ‘lands inhabited by the Slavs’ (Sclavinia) into the one Christianised world, notwithstanding that in addition to the Slavs, some other linguistic and ethnic groups were living on these lands, like Hungarians or Balts. The events in Gniezno at Adalbert’s grave –​who, as a descendant from the Sclavinia, had met his death as a martyr while attempting to missionise the Baltic Prussians some years before –​may have been an impetus for Otto’s des Aachener Geschichtsvereins 113/​114 (2011/​2012), 31–​59; Przemysław Nowak, ‘Das Papsttum und Ostmitteleuropa (Böhmen-​Mähren, Polen, Ungarn) vom ausgehenden 10. bis zum Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts. Mit einer Neuedition von JL 9067,’ in Rom und die Regionen. Studien zur Homogenisierung der lateinischen Kirche im Hochmittelalter, ed. Jochen Johrendt and Harald Müller (Berlin, 2012) (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Philologisch-​Historische Klasse 19), pp. 331–​370; Roman Michałowski, The Gniezno Summit. The Religious Premises of the Founding of the Archbishopric of Gniezno (Leiden, 2016) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages 38). 2 For the first one see Konrad Hoffmann, ‘Das Herrscherbild im ‘Evangeliar Ottos III.’ (clm 4453),’ Frühmittelalterliche Studien 7 (1973), 324–​341; Gerhard Weilandt, ‘Das Huldigungsbild im Evangeliar Kaiser Ottos III. in seinem geschichtlichen Zusammenhang,’ Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 42 (1991), 535–​548; Das Evangeliar Ottos III. Clm 4453 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, ed. Florentine Mütherich and Karl Dachs (München, 2001). The second miniature is thoroughly discussed by Johannes Fried, Otto III. und Boleslaw Chrobry. Das Widmungsbild des Aachener Evangeliars, der ‘Akt von Gnesen’ und das frühe polnische und ungarische Königtum, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart, 2001); Johannes von Müller, ‘Wunderliche Übertragungen. Das Herrscherbild Ottos III. –​eine Deutungsgeschichte,’ Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 8 (2014), 73–​86; Stefan Heribert Huppertz-​Wild, Otto III., Adalbert von Prag und das Herrscherbild im Aachener Liuthar-​Evangeliar (Krefeld, 2018).

Changing Aliens, Changing Natives

­f igure 11.1  Otto iii and personifications of the provinces of the Empire. Gospels of Otto iii, c. 1000 bavarian state library, munich, clm. 4453, fol. 23 v–​2 4 r

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370 Lübke

­f igure 11.2 Otto iii accompanied by two kings and secular and ecclesiastical dignitaries. Liuthar Gospels, c. 1000 aachen cathedral treasury, g 25, fol. 16 r

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understanding of the world’s future after the year 1000. In reality, however, there existed an opponent who, possibly, was underestimated then, but soon proved his effective power: a confederation of Slavic communities (gentes) in the region at the southern coast of the Baltic Sea, between the rivers Elbe, Havel, and Oder appeared as a new factor on the stage of history. One decisive characteristic of these peoples called Lutici (or Liutizi) was their rigorous adherence to paganism, or –​better said –​to their own traditional religious conceptions, to their gentilism. This attitude was combined with vitriolic hostility to the Christian God who was not willing to tolerate the Slavs’ old gods besides him. And another feature was their fundamental hatred against princely rulers. Instead, the egalitarian society of the Lutici trusted in the authority of their public assembly (populus). The Lutici first appeared in the year 983 as the driving force of a great Slavic rebellion against the secular and ecclesiastical representatives of Christianity, mostly Saxons, in their homelands. The new religion had been imposed forcefully on the Polabian Slavs in the regions east of the Elbe and Saale Rivers, in the course of around half a century before, accompanied by the establishment of marches and bishoprics which were swept away after 983 and could only be reconstructed after the middle of the twelfth century.3

3 There is only one single monograph about the Lutici by Wolfgang Brüske, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Lutizenbundes. Deutsch-​wendische Beziehungen des 10. –​12. Jahrhunderts, 2nd ed. (Köln, 1983) (Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 3). The history of the Lutici up to the middle of the eleventh century is also dealt with in the form of regesta by Christian Lübke, Regesten zur Geschichte der Slaven an Elbe und Oder (vom Jahr 900 an), 5 vols (Berlin, 1984–​ 1988) (Giessener Abhandlungen zur Agrar-​und Wirtschaftsforschung des europäischen Ostens 131, 133, 134, 152); the entire work is now available online, at https://​www.osmi​kon .de/​metao​pac/​sea​rch?id=​BV04​5370​824&View=​osmi​kon; pdf-​download at https://​bibd​orm .bsb-​muenc​hen.de/​api/​v1/​mf/​pdf/​BV04​5370​824. See also: Christian Lübke, ‘Eine andere Folge der Christianisierung des östlichen Europa im 10. Jahrhundert: Entstehung und Wesen des Lutizenbundes,’ Trigon 7 (1997), 44–​55; Christian Lübke, ‘Forms of Political Organization of the Polabian Slavs (until the 10th century A.D.),’ in Origins of Central Europe, ed. Przemysław Urbańczyk (Warsaw, 1997), pp. 115–​124; Christian Lübke, ‘The Polabian Alternative: Paganism between Christian Kingdoms,’ in Europe Around the Year 1000, ed. Przemysław Urbańczyk (Warsaw, 2000), pp. 379–​390; Christian Lübke, ‘The Earliest Traces of Christianity among the Polabian Slavs,’ in The Dawning of Christianity in Poland and across Central-​Eastern Europe. History and the Politics of Memory, ed. Igor Kąkolewski et al. (Berlin, 2019) (Polish Studies –​ Transdisciplinary Perspectives 26), pp. 43–​56. About the revolt in 983 see: Wolfgang H. Fritze, ‘Der slawische Aufstand von 983 –​eine Schicksalswende in der Geschichte Mitteleuropas,’ in Festschrift der Landesgeschichtlichen Vereinigung für die Mark Brandenburg zu ihrem hundert­ jährigen Bestehen, 1884–​1984, ed. Eckart Henning and Werner Vogel (Berlin, 1984), pp. 9–​55; Lübke, Regesten, vol. 3, nos. 220–​224.

372 Lübke After the congress of Gniezno, Otto and his Polish ally Bolesław felt confident that they would prevail over the Lutici soon, the more so as other Christian princes like King Stephen in Hungary and Grand Prince Vladimir in the Kievan Rus’ secured glorious victories over the pagans. The triumph of Christianity under the leadership of newly converted princes seemed to be predetermined everywhere in barbarian Europe. But a number of months later, after Otto’s sudden death, history took another course: Otto’s successor Henry ii fell out with Bolesław and sought amity and military alliance just with the Lutici. That was a decision that freed the Lutici from the joint pressure of Christian powers and which allowed the temporarily enlarged existence of Slavic gentilism until the middle of the twelfth century, admittedly characterised by some new forms of coexistence under the rule of Christianised Polabian princes over communities who continued to live in their traditional pre-​Christian circumstances in the last decades. But soon after the Wendish Crusade (1147), the still-​pagan societies of the Wagrians, Abodrites, Rani (Slavs on the Isle of Rügen), Polabians, Hevellians, Lutici, Pomeranians, and others were ultimately subjugated by the Christian powers, in particular Germans and Danes, and their lands became the staging ground for an intensive process of resettlement, social restructuring and ethnic transition, in the course of which the Slavs (called ‘Wends’ by Germans) disappeared from the map within a few generations.4 4 The most thorough study about the Wendish Crusade is Friedrich Lotter, Die Konzeption des Wendenkreuzzugs. Ideengeschichtliche, kirchenrechtliche und historisch-​ politische Voraussetzungen der Missionierung von Elb-​und Ostseeslawen um die Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts (Sigmaringen, 1977) (Vorträge und Forschungen. Sonderband 23); see also: Eric Christiansen, The Northern Crusades –​The Baltic and the Catholic Frontier, 1100–​1525 (London, 1980), pp. 50–​ 72; Hermann Kamp, ‘Der Wendenkreuzzug,’ in Schwertmission. Gewalt und Christianisierung im Mittelalter, ed. Hermann Kamp and Martin Kroker (Paderborn, 2013), pp. 115–​138; Burnam W. Reynolds, The Prehistory of the Crusades. Missionary War and the Baltic Crusades (London, 2016), pp. 11–​27; about the concept of Germania Slavica see: Wolfgang H. Fritze, ‘Germania Slavica. Zielsetzung und Arbeitsprogramm einer interdisziplinären Arbeitsgruppe,’ in Germania Slavica, vol. 1, ed. Wolfgang H. Fritze (Berlin, 1980) (Berliner historische Studien 1), pp. 11–​40; Struktur und Wandel im Früh-​und Hochmittelalter. Eine Bestandsaufnahme aktueller Forschungen zur Germania Slavica, ed. Christian Lübke (Stuttgart, 1998) (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa 5); Christian Lübke, ‘Germania Slavica,’ in Deutsche und Polen –​Geschichte, Kultur, Politik, ed. Andreas Lawaty and Hubert Orłowski (München, 2003) (Beck’sche Reihe 1517), pp. 26–​33; Auf dem Weg zum Germania Slavica-​ Konzept. Perspektiven von Geschichtswissenschaft, Archäologie, Onomastik und Kunstgeschichte seit dem 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Sebastian Brather and Christine Kratzke (Leipzig, 2005) (gwzo-​Arbeitshilfen 3); Christian Lübke, ‘Germania Slavica. Die Entstehung eines historiographischen Konzeptes in der deutschen Geschichtswissenschaft,’ in The Reception of Medieval Europe in the Baltic Sea Region, ed. Jörn Staecker (Visby, 2009) (Acta Visbyensia 12), pp. 381–​396; Christian Lübke, ‘Germany’s Growth to the East. From the Polabian Marches to

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Regardless of the surprisingly long-​lasting success of a small region with only a limited demographic potency, the confederation of the Lutici gained relatively little attention in German historiography over a long period, particularly when compared with the high estimated successful colonisation of the new German east –​a Germania Slavica that was Germanised in a linguistic sense and restructured in the patterns of the new ‘German Law’ (ius theutonicum). Today, the process implemented by the ‘German Law’ that came into effect not only for ethnic Germans is perceived by researchers as ‘developing of the land’ (Landesausbau), thus adopting a term of the written sources (aedificatio or melioratio terrae).5 Actually, in the last few decades, it was mainly archaeology that produced much more knowledge about the preceding period of the Lutici that can be perceived as something like a prototype of the traditional, gentile Germania Slavica,’ in The Making of Medieval History, ed. Graham A. Loud and Martial Staub (York, 2017), pp. 167–​184; Jörg Hackmann, ‘From Germania Slavica to Slavia Germanica?’ Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 2 (2017), 122–​139. 5 This phenomenon has been traditionally labelled ‘German colonization of the East’ (Deutsche Ostkolonisation) or later ‘German settlement in the East’ (Deutsche Ostsiedlung), but actually the term Landesausbau is preferred by some German historians as a term that is in accordance with the medieval sources (aedificatio or melioratio terrae). See: Winfried Irgang, ‘Mittelalterlicher Landesausbau/​ Ostsiedlung,’ in Online-​Lexikon zur Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa, 2012 (https://​ome-​lexi​kon.uni-​oldenb​urg .de/​begri​ffe/​mittel​alte​rlic​her-​lande​saus​bau-​osts​iedl​ung); Matthias Hardt, ‘Landesausbau,’ in Handwörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 3, ed. Albrecht Cordes et al. (Berlin, 2016), pp. 416–​420; Klaus Zernack, ‘Zusammenfassung: Die hochmittelalterliche Kolonisation in Ostmitteleuropa und ihre Stellung in der europäischen Geschichte,’ in Die deutsche Ostsiedlung des Mittelalters als Problem der europäischen Geschichte, Reichenau-​ Vorträge 1970–​1972, ed. Walter Schlesinger (Sigmaringen, 1975) (Vorträge und Forschungen 18), pp. 783–​804; Klaus Zernack, ‘Der hochmittelalterliche Landesausbau als Problem der Entwicklung Ostmitteleuropas,’ in XVe Congrès International des Sciences Historiques, Bucarest, 10–​17 août 1980, Rapports II: section chronologique (Bucarest, 1980), pp. 144–​158; Peter Erlen, Europäischer Landesausbau und mittelalterliche deutsche Ostsiedlung. Ein struktureller Vergleich zwischen Südfrankreich, den Niederlanden und dem Ordensland Preußen (Marburg, 1992) (Historische und landeskundliche Ostmitteleuropa-​Studien 9); Adrienne Körmendy, Melioratio terrae. Vergleichende Untersuchungen über die Siedlungsbewegung im östlichen Mitteleuropa im 13.–​14. Jahrhundert (Poznań, 1995) (Prace Komisji Historycznej 48); Jörg Hackmann and Christian Lübke, ‘Die mittelalterliche Ostsiedlung in der deutschen Geschichtswissenschaft,’ in Historiographical Approaches to Medieval Colonization of East Central Europe. A Comparative Analysis against the Background of other European Inter-​ethnic Colonization Processes in the Middle Ages, ed. Jan M. Piskorski (New York, 2002), pp. 179–​217; Die bäuerliche Ostsiedlung des Mittelalters in Nordostdeutschland. Untersuchungen zum Landesausbau des 12. bis 14. Jahrhunderts im ländlichen Raum, ed. Felix Biermann and Günter Mangelsdorf (Frankfurt am Main, 2005) (Greifswalder Mitteilungen 7); Ostsiedlung und Landesausbau in Sachsen –​die Kührener Urkunde von 1154 und ihr historisches Umfeld, ed. Enno Bünz (Leipzig, 2008) (Schriften zur sächsischen Geschichte und Volkskunde 23).

374 Lübke communities’ resistance against the progressing power of Christianisation in the European Middle Ages.6 This is because what existed between the Elbe and Oder rivers in the late tenth to the twelfth centuries (followed then by the radical changes at all levels of life) is in a way similar to the conditions in the countries further east, in Prussia, Lithuania and Livonia, even if they were subjects of changes some decades later and in other circumstances. When talking about the transformation of Polabia and neighbouring countries like Pomerania and Silesia into Germania Slavica, with the help of colonisation (or Landesausbau) and German Law (inclusive of innovative town laws like the Magdeburg Law), one has to account for the fact that these features are conceived as decisive factors for the formation of east central Europe as a self-​contained historic area equipped with specific characteristics. In the long term, it is about Germania Slavica, Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland, which was also within the Polish-​Lithuanian Union. Admittedly, if such historic case examples like the gentilism of the Lutici found only slight interest in the eyes of historians, this is partly due to the complete lack of written evidence handed down by the indigenous population. But, at the same time, it must also be said that history was (and still is) written by the winners and those who held power, not by the losers who are observed rather under reservation of a negative connotation. It was Jürgen Petersohn, the author of a profound study about ‘The South-​Baltic Region in the Ecclesiastical and Political Play of Forces of the Empire, Poland and Denmark in the 10th to 13th centuries’7 who paid tribute to this fact by combining the pre-​Christian, pagan factor of the Polabian and Pomeranian Slavs, and likewise of the Balts, as the prevailing feature by visualising a ‘gentile wedge’, the tip of which seems to be driven straight into the heart of Christian Europe. It is time to overcome such an indifferent or even uniformly negative perception of pre-​Christian conditions, and this can be done by a thorough analysis of the change, thus providing an opportunity for the disclosure not only 6 Lutz E. von Padberg, Christianisierung im Mittelalter (Darmstadt, 2006); Christianization and the Rise of Christian Monarchy. Scandinavia, Central Europe and Rus’ c. 900–​1200, ed. Nora Berend (Cambridge, 2009); The Dawning of Christianity in Poland and across Central and Eastern Europe, ed. Igor Kąkolewski et al. (Berlin, 2020) (Polish Studies –​Transdisciplinary Perspectives 26); Christianity and War in Medieval East Central Europe and Scandinavia, ed. Radosław Kotecki et al. (Leeds, 2021); Mihai Dragnea, Christian Identity Formation Across the Elbe in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (New York, 2021) (Christianity and Conversion in Scandinavia and the Baltic Region, c. 800–​1600, 1). 7 Jürgen Petersohn, Der südliche Ostseeraum im kirchlich-​politischen Kräftespiel des Reichs, Polens und Dänemarks vom 10. bis 13. Jahrhundert. Mission, Kirchenorganisation, Kultpolitik (Köln, 1979) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 17).

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of the new features, but also of the older elements of life and their possible integration and persistence under the new circumstances. However, because of the diversity of gentes with their variety of ethnonyms, the history of the Polabian Slavs, like the past of the Balts and of the Finno-​Ugrians south of the Gulf of Finland, is not so easy to grasp –​with the consequence that it is perceived, first and foremost, as simply archaic and backward. Furthermore, Livonia, today the territories of Estonia and Latvia, was influenced by different neighbouring powers and cultures even more then Slavic Polabia –​the latter by Germans, mostly Saxons from the west, by Scandinavians, mostly Danes, from the north, and by west-​Slavic Pomeranians and Poles from the east, all of them representing the western, Roman-​Latin form of Christianity. In terms of economy, long-​distance trade and seafaring on the Baltic Sea had been predominant at the coast of the Lutician lands, accompanied by the existence of multi-​ethnic maritime trading sites which, however, became less important in the whole Baltic Sea area, when the influx of Arabic silver dried out.8 It was then in the twelfth century, obviously, that the prospect of winning land for the growth and profitable sale of grain motivated the powerful neighbours to conquer the lands of the pagan Slavs.9 Livonia, just as much or even more than 8

9

Johan Callmer, ‘Urbanization in Scandinavia and the Baltic Region c. AD 700–​1100. Trading Places, Centres and Early Urban Sites,’ in Developments around the Baltic and the North Sea in the Viking Age. The Twelfth Viking Congress, ed. Björn Ambrosiani and Helen Clarke (Stockholm, 1994) (Birka Studies 3), pp. 50–​90; Mateusz Bogucki, ‘Viking Age Emporia around the Baltic Sea –​a cul-​de-​sac of the European Urbanization,’ in Making a Medieval Town –​Patterns of Early Medieval Urbanization, ed. Andrzej Buko and Mike McCarthy (Warszawa, 2010), pp. 151–​166; Sunhild Kleingärtner, Die frühe Phase der Urbanisierung an der südlichen Ostseeküste im ersten nachchristlichen Jahrtausend (Neumünster, 2014) (Studien zur Siedlungsgeschichte und Archäologie der Ostseegebiete 13); Lucie Malbos, Les ports des mers nordiques à l’époque viking (VIIe–​Xesiècle) (Turnhout, 2017) (Haut Moyen Âge 27). About the influx of oriental silver into the Baltic Sea region see Csanad Bálint, ‘Einige Fragen des Dirhem-​Verkehrs in Europa,’ Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 33 (1981), 105–​131; Ingmar Jansson, ‘Wikingerzeitlicher orientalischer Import in Skandinavien,’ in Oldenburg –​Wolin –​Staraja Ladoga –​Novgorod –​Kiev. Handel und Handelsverbindungen im südlichen und östlichen Ostseeraum während des frühen Mittelalters. Internationale Fachkonferenz der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft vom 5.–​9. Oktober 1987 in Kiel (Mainz, 1988) (Bericht der Römisch-​Germanischen Kommission 69), pp. 564–​647; Dariusz Adamczyk, Silber und Macht. Fernhandel, Tribute und die piastische Herrschaftsbildung in nordosteuropäischer Perspektive (800–​1100) (Wiesbaden, 2014) (Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau. Quellen und Studien 28). The prospect of gaining land as a motivation for the fight against the pagans is well apparent in the appeal of the Archbishop Adalgot of Magdeburg from 1108 to various ecclesiastical and secular lords, published in Urkundenbuch des Erzstifts Magdeburg, part 1: 937–​1192, ed. Friedrich Israel (Magdeburg, 1937), no. 193; Latin Text with German translation by Winfried Schich and Jerzy Strelczyk, Slaven und Deutsche an Havel und Spree. Zu den Anfängen der Mark Brandenburg (Hannover, 1997) (Studien zur internationalen Schulbuchforschung 82), pp. 24–​29. Cf. the analysis of the political environment

376 Lübke Polabia, in pre-​Christian times consisted of a conglomerate of various ethnic units which were in contact in the coastal area with Scandinavians namely from Gotland and Sweden and since the late eleventh century from Denmark, and the inland merged into a transit zone with Rus’ arising out of a mixture of east-​Slavic and Swedish elements completed by Finno-​Ugrians and Balts in the north of the emerging Kievan principality.10 With respect to religious categories, Livonia, with its own pre-​Christian traditions, was located between Roman-​Latin and Greek-​Orthodox influences from west and east, and gentilist beliefs from the south, in the range of the Lithuanians who clung to their old beliefs until the late fourteenth century. The situation in Livonia became no less complicated when the change that stands in the centre of this book began to take effect by conquest and forced baptism at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. After the arrival of the first missionaries, crusaders primarily from Germany and Denmark appeared on the scene, led by the new Livonian bishops and the king of Denmark; military orders of the Brethren of the Sword and the Teutonic Order made war against the native communities that were socio-​political components of the Finnic Estonians and Livs or of the Baltic Letts, Curonians,

10

of the letter by Peter Neumeister, ‘Die slawische Ostseeküste im Spannungsfeld der Nachbarmächte (bis 1227/​ 1239),’ in Zwischen Reric und Bornhöved. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Dänen und ihren slawischen Nachbarn vom 9. bis ins 13. Jahrhundert, ed. Ole Harck and Christian Lübke (Stuttgart, 2001) (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa 11), pp. 37–​57. The development of the grain cultivation are primarily discussed by Matthias Hardt, ‘Subsistenz –​Vergetreidung –​Dörfer. Schritte auf dem Weg zur hochmittelalterlichen Kulturlandschaft in Ostmitteleuropa,’ in Tradition –​Umgestaltung –​Innovation. Transformationsprozesse im hohen Mittelalter, ed. Eike Gringmuth-​Dallmer et al. (Prag, 2014) (Praehistorica 32/​2), pp. 569–​583; Matthias Hardt, ‘Von der Subsistenzwirtschaft zur marktorientierten Produktion von Getreide: der hochmittelalterliche Wandel der Agrarstruktur in den westslawischen Gebieten,’ in Beiträge zum Göttinger Umwelthistorischen Kolloquium 2007–​2008, ed. Bernd Herrmann (Göttingen, 2008), pp. 87–​116; Matthias Hardt, ‘Von der Subsistenzwirtschaft zur marktorientierten Getreideproduktion. Das Beispiel der Germania Slavica,’ in Über die Grenzen und zwi­ schen den Disziplinen. Fächerübergreifende Zusammenarbeit im Forschungsfeld historischer Mensch-​Umwelt-​Beziehungen, ed. Thomas Meier and Petra Tillessen (Budapest, 2011), pp. 313–​328. See e.g. Omeljan Pritsak, ‘The Origin of Rus’,’ The Russian Review 36 (1977), 249–​273; Omeljan Pritsak, ‘The Perspective of the Slavs, Finns, and Balts,’ Journal of Baltic Studies 13 (1982), 185–​201; Carsten Goehrke, Frühzeit des Ostslaventums (Darmstadt, 1992) (Erträge der Forschung 277); Gleb Lebedev, ‘Slavs and Finns in Northwest Russia revisited,’ Fennoscandia archeologica 11 (1994), 89–​95; Gleb Lebedev, ‘A Reassessment of the Normanist Question,’ Russian History 32 (2005), 371–​385; Identity Formation and Diversity in the Early Medieval Baltic and Beyond. Communicators and Communication, ed. Johan Callmer et al. (Leiden, 2017) (The Northern World 75).

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Selonians, and Semgallians. Members of dominantly German immigrant noble families participated in the wars and provided an impetus for the immigration of more Germans. Concomitantly with these events, written sources began to crop up, but were distributed unevenly,11 because the native communities remained internally autonomous for a long time and were outside the realm of the written word. If once again comparing these findings with the situation in Polabia, after the conquest a substantial difference can be revealed. For, as a chronicle by a contemporary Saxon witness, priest Helmold of Bosau in Holstein, described only shortly after the defeat of the Slavs, the ‘whole area of the Slavs between the Baltic Sea and the Elbe River was turned into a land for Saxon settlement by the hand of God’.12 By this statement, Helmold must not have meant a complete exchange of populations, but a significant ethnic assimilation was initiated by the strong influx of migrants from the west who had already in the twelfth century settled down on about 50,000 farm sites in newly founded villages.13 This estimate relates to an imagined line from the Baltic Sea via Schwerin and Berlin to Dresden, and going up from here the phenomenon of the Landesausbau according to the German Law moved regularly further to the east. Depending on different locations and regions, this process included native people to a greater or lesser extent, situationally. In Livonia, however, far away from the potential settlers’ origin in Flanders, Frisia and Lower Saxony, the phenomenon of an extensive rural colonisation did not occur. But there were other places where the process of change was initiated and left its traces in written sources and in objects that can be found and analysed by archaeology. However, quite often the source information we can use comes only from later centuries. Additionally, many significant regional differences, natural and political, characterised the whole process, in the course of which a ‘new’ order was already established in the Riga area in the 1200s and in southern and south-​eastern Latvia only a century later, when the wars came to an end there. But no matter where or at what rate the change took place, it can be stated generally that what happened in medieval Livonia was not only an import of new features, but also a process of adaption, 11 12

13

See the introduction by Anti Selart in the present volume. Helmold von Bosau, Slawenchronik, ed. Heinz Stoob (Darmstadt, 1963) (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 19), pp. 380–​382: Omnis enim Slavorum regio … inter mare Balthicum et Albiam … nunc dante Deo tota redacta est veluti in unam Saxonum coloniam. Walter Kuhn, Vergleichende Untersuchungen zur mittelalterlichen Ostsiedlung (Köln, 1973) (Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 16), particularly the articles ‘Ostsiedlung und Bevölkerungsdichte’ and ‘Die Siedlerzahlen der deutschen Ostsiedlung’, pp. 173–​210 and pp. 211–​234, respectively.

378 Lübke integration, and acculturation. Changes were not only caused by pressure and violence, but they were rather facilitated if the new conditions were attractive to natives –​or, at least, for the native elite –​and, inversely, local features could be useful for the new arrivals if they were well adapted to the natural environment and the climatic conditions. The present volume is intended to describe this diversely varying process in the history of Livonia in the kind of an extensive inventory. Change is the common feature of the individual contributions of the volume: the change of political, social, religious, economic, ethnic, legal, visual, technological, linguistic, and lifestyle conditions. Of course, it is not possible to enumerate a considerable number of the single components of these fields within the scope of a summarising conclusion. Perhaps it may help to put oneself in the position of a ‘contemporary observer’, as a proposal a person who would be familiar with the changes manifested within the course of the Landesausbau in east central Europe. If assuming such a thirteenth-​century visitor’s position sailing to Livonia –​perhaps twice at a distance of some decades –​he would have been fully aware of the new political conditions, of the establishment of a new political and administrative order with some main principles already known from western and central Europe. The territory of Livonia was divided by new overlords in a conglomerate of territorial lordships that was comprised of the domains of the Brethren of the Sword (after their defeat in the battle of Saule they merged into the Teutonic Order in 1237), the bishoprics of Riga, Tartu, Saaremaa, and Curonia, and (until 1346) also the Duchy of Estonia subordinated to the Danish king. In addition, the newly established western-​style cities like Riga, Tallinn, and Tartu, and some other smaller towns played a significant role in the territory. One can only speculate as to how the stories about the Crusades and other fights were told then in different social contexts among the long-​distance traders between Lübeck and Novgorod and the immigrated individuals and groups like townspeople, knights of the military orders, clergy and priests, vassals of the territorial lords, on one side, and the natives on the other side, looking for their place in the new Livonian society. The chronicles by the priest and missionary Henry,14 by the anonymous author of the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle,15 possibly a person in service of the Teutonic Order, and by Hermann of Wartberge,16 14 15 16

Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer (Hannover, 1955) (Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi [31]). Livländische Reimchronik, mit Anmerkungen, Namenverzeichnis und Glossar, ed. Leo Meyer (Paderborn, 1876). Vartberges Hermaņa Livonijas hronika, ed. Ēvalds Mugurēvičs (Rīga, 2005).

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a priest and chaplain of the Teutonic master in Livonia, give only an impression of what was reported in the ecclesiastic and military institutions, while it can only be assumed that the stories told in the houses of the natives had a different tenor and dealt rather with dangerous fights against the crusaders –​ if not even at the crusaders’ side. Hence, the attitude towards the conquerors indicates two main strategies which were applied at that time –​clash or compromise, outstanding hostility or more conciliatory relations. Nonetheless, the willingness for consensual good behaviour could be recompensed by the new rulers, for example by fixing acceptable taxes, fees, and duties for native communities, by conceding local or regional autonomy and jurisdiction to members of the native elite who acted as allies, or by their favourable integration into the new feudal system.17 But those who travelled across the Baltic Sea to Livonia by ship received their first impression of the country with a view to the town of Riga or Tallinn, and it was the towns which, to a large extent, characterised the change that had be affected by the Crusades.18 Towns formed an undoubtedly innovative feature, and those which have been founded in the period of Landesausbau in east central Europe show their impressive planned features like chessboard patterns and big market squares till today. There is one visual representation of such a town from the second half of the fourteenth century that might refer to Riga –​the so-​called ‘Riga-​driver’s chairs’ in Stralsund St Nicholas’ Church, three panels of which deal with hunting and trading of furs in Rus’.19 But the fourth panel shows a Hanseatic merchant and a gatekeeper of a city that does not match medieval Rus’ian towns like Novgorod with the Hanseatic Peterhof, which was demonstrably surrounded by wooden bridles. In contrast, the town pictured in St Nicholas’ is enclosed by a stone wall and the houses are brick buildings with pointed gables, as were typical for Hanseatic cities in the Baltic Sea region. Of course, the wood carver’s artistic vision of an east Baltic town may have been imagined, but the chairs were produced for real existing Hanseatic merchants engaged in trade with Riga. In any case, Riga and Tallinn obtained their town walls before around 1300, and urban brick construction in Livonia had already started after the first conquests. In this way, stone buildings, including churches and castles, formed the most significant Crusade-​related technology innovation in Livonia.20 However, brick and stone construction 17 18 19 20

See the contribution by Kristjan Kaljusaar in the present volume. See the contribution by Arvi Haak in the present volume. Russen und Deutsche. 1000 Jahre Kunst, Geschichte und Kultur. Staatliches Historisches Museum, Moskau, 21.06.2012 bis 25.08.2012, Neues Museum, Berlin, 06.10.2012 bis 13.01.2013. Katalog (Petersberg, 2012), pp. 42–​48. See the contribution by Andres Tvauri in the present volume.

380 Lübke was not applied on a regular basis anywhere in Livonian towns, since there are some examples of timber-​frame houses and the implementation of the local, more suitable wooden building technique by the newcomers, like log houses. And another domestic feature of urban building’s equipment are typical keris stoves in Estonia which have been connected to urban settlers of local origin, as well as stoves with a clay vault used in Riga that are interpreted as evidence of the local population’s role in the town formation process.21 In Livonia, not only the outward appearance of the towns constituted a new element, but town life itself was a radical innovation, a phenomenon that combined the constant location with extensive international contacts. At the first glance, this characteristic seems to be the continuation of the Viking Age multi-​ethnic maritime emporia at the coasts of the Baltic Sea area, but these places had lost their importance already in the eleventh century, and in the twelfth century there were no early centres, the local tradition of which could be adopted by medieval towns. Nevertheless, multi-​ethnicity was a characteristic feature of the new towns which were governed by merchants of German origin. Apart from the German immigrants, towns included the local population as well as, in some cases, immigrants of ethnic Rus’ian background. On the other hand, the medieval town was a place where ethnic and cultural differences were altered and diminished, which is why, for example, for Riga the development of a unified lifestyle, clothing, and housing tradition during the thirteenth century has been suggested. Compared with large cities in Italy and France, the Livonian towns were still relatively small. The growth of Riga’s population is estimated from about 2,400 inhabitants in the year 1230 up to 6,000–​ 7,200 in the year 1350.22 However, the population growth came along with the growth of crafts in the towns and with trade, since the towns were not only centres of long-​distance trade, but they simultaneously became important economic agents in the domestic trade in which urban people were customers for agricultural products. Urban-​rural relations raise the question about which economic changes happened in the countryside. Just as with respect to the urban developments, there is a marked lack of earlier sources which, however, can be compensated for by later sources to some degree. Certainly, and in principle simultaneously to the economic and social change in the Baltic Sea area in the thirteenth century, Livonia was affected by the same phenomenon, as well. The expansion and intensification of the agrarian economy was stimulated step by step, albeit

21 22

See the contribution by Arvi Haak in the present volume. See the contribution by Anti Selart in the present volume.

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as a whole to a lesser extent then in east central Europe. This observation correlates not only with the emergence of the towns, but also with territorial lordship, ecclesiastical institutions and the castles of the military orders –​or, in general, with the growing taxation pressure with which a significant part of the rural population was burdened. It is true that the system of economic resource extraction before and after the Livonian Crusades requires further research, but obviously native elite individuals had a good chance to profit from the systematic changes and to expand their authority if they were able to get along with the conquerors who needed them for implementing the new system of administration and taxation –​and vice versa. A pre-​conquest native origin laid the basis for the Livonian taxation units. Also, already in the pre-​Crusade period, one popular type of rural settlement consisted of peasant dwellings and a somewhat distant single farmstead standing separately –​a type that can be found in a wholly developed form only much later. Possibly the heads of such settlement units were able to profit from the new kinds of vassalage relationships, such as, for example, the first enfeoffments by which the bishop of Livonia transferred the right to collect tithes to secular vassals shortly after 1200. Under the new conditions, the first manors were established by using newly reclaimed fields or former farmsteads. They were held by vassals who immigrated to Livonia from abroad, but native vassals were amongst them.23 An open question is still the time of the introduction of three-​field crop rotation that was dominant in Livonia in the sixteenth century. It must, however, be taken into consideration that several transition forms existed long before. Wax, flax, and furs were typical goods, and the cultivation of rye may be evidenced by the consumption of leavened rye bread. Grain-​drying barns can be verified since the pre-​Crusade period, too. Cultivation of grain was one of the main features of the medieval east central European Landesausbau, since the new towns, with an increasing number of people working in non-​ agricultural activity fields, needed the supply of this basic food. In Livonia, grain-​producing manors appear in written texts numerously only after 1450, but grain –​predominantly rye and barley –​formed the main substance of taxation much earlier, and a part of the collected corn was needed for usage by the manors, castles, and their people. The importance of grain is documented by the appearance of mechanical mills, the origin of which is somehow unclear, because while commonly loanwords were adopted for such imported technological innovations in Livonia, the mills were named by native Estonian and Latvian terms. Generally, Low German loan words are a typical phenomenon 23

See the contribution by Kristjan Kaljusaar in the present volume.

382 Lübke and dominate the Estonian and Latvian vocabulary –​at least of urban life. Moreover, the use of water power for mills is documented near Riga, in the Saaremaa bishopric, and in northern Estonia as early as the second quarter of the thirteenth century.24 Animal husbandry already existed and subsequently increased in the post-​Crusade period, though to an only limited degree, since supplementary manpower was needed to prepare hay for the winter. In general, low population density was a problem. It is estimated that in Livonia on the eve of the Crusades there only lived 2.3–​3.6 people per sq. km, compared, for example, with 17–​31 individuals in Denmark in the year 1230,25 or with the increase of the population density in the Polish historic landscape Mazovia from 4 to 8 individuals per sq. km.26 Organised peopling of the territory would have been an appropriate measure for the development of agriculture, but never achieved the size that characterised the colonisation in the Germania Slavica, in some parts of Poland, or in the Teutonic Order’s territory in Prussia. Livonia lacked the immigration of peasants from Germany, and when, exceptionally, in 1261 the Livonian Teutonic Order invited peasants from Germany and promised them six tax-​free years to resettle the devastated Curonia, no traceable results occurred. Additionally, a kind of interior colonisation is documented by the emergence of new villages in the thirteenth century, particularly in the holdings of monasteries, where native settlement organisers (locatores) acted on behalf of the ‘German’ lords. There are some other notable approaches for recruiting people from abroad, like groups of Votians from Novgorod who established a couple of new villages and resettled some older ones in the Tartu bishopric between ca. 1275–​1300. Likewise, in the thirteenth century, Swedes who were active in new economic patterns like milk processing and fishery, indicate some peasant immigration and settlement, possibly supported by ‘German’ territorial lords and landowners. The establishment of new villages of Rus’ian fishermen and gardeners can be observed on a non-​agricultural coast at Lake Peipus. Sea fishing obviously was a real innovation that was not in use before the Crusades.27 Finally, in the consideration of the rural conditions in Livonia after, or in the course of the Crusades, account must be taken of the change that concerned the religious conditions. Of course, Christianity had been already visualised 24 25 26 27

See the contribution by Anti Selart in the present volume. See the contribution by Anti Selart in the present volume. Historia Polski w Liczbach. Ludność, terytorium, ed. Andrzej Jezierski et al. (Warszawa, 1994), table 5, p. 23. See the contribution by Anti Selart in the present volume.

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in the towns and castles, particularly in the shape of churches built of stone –​ thus symbolising victory over the pagans. But the process of Christianisation of the whole country has been more complicated than the institutional evidence of the spread made it seem. Generally there were no poor preconditions for the encounter of the religions because in Livonia a kind of Christianity prior to Christianity already existed among the local nobility who incidentally had had opportunities to come into contact with individuals from distant countries or even travelled there.28 But comparison with neighbouring countries like Rus’ and Scandinavia shows that the foundation of bishoprics and baptising of the nobility did not bring about any profound changes to rural society. Thus, one must concede that there existed a phenomenon that is termed ‘double faith’ (dvoeverie) in Rus’, that indicates the coexistence of Christian symbols and saints’ names with traces of older, pre-​Christian beliefs. Even in the new villages established in east central Europe in the course of the Landesausbau, pagan relicts were banished –​at least superficially when a comprehensive parish organisation was established and a village priest controlled the peasants’ conduct related to the Christian teaching.29 It can be assumed that the establishment of Christianity in the Livonian rural territories did not differ, but, since the continuing existence of the old beliefs is a matter of mentality, it is difficult to prove. Certainly, inhumation prevailed, on the whole, while cremation disappeared, even if pre-​Crusade burial customs were sometimes observed, mostly in remote areas or among groups with special legal status. Christian values, at least partially, could be enforced by means of legal provisions, the change of which can be observed, as an example, related to the women’s legal status.30 There were some fundamental differences in this field between the various groups in Livonia in the pre-​Christian period –​a more 28 29

30

See the contribution by Tõnno Jonuks in the present volume. The fundamental study related to parishes was already published nearly a century ago by Heinrich Felix Schmid, ‘Die rechtlichen Grundlagen der Pfarrorganisation auf westslavischem Boden und ihre Entwicklung während des Mittelalters,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny-​ Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung 15 (1926), 1–​161; 17 (1928), 264–​358; 18 (1929), 285–​562; 19 (1930), 354–​671; 20 (1931), 202–​456. Most recently, research on the establishment and function of parishes has been carried out by Enno Bünz, see Die Pfarrei im späten Mittelalter, ed. Enno Bünz and Gerhard Fouquet (Ostfildern, 2013) (Vorträge und Forschungen 77); Enno Bünz, Die mittelalterliche Pfarrei. Ausgewählte Studien zum 13.–​16. Jahrhundert (Tübingen, 2017) (Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation 96). An interesting contribution to the question of the changes in daily life associated with the arrival of the conquerors is provided by Alicja Dobrosielska and Bogdan Radzicki, ‘Die Prußen und der Konflikt des Universums in der Zeit der Eroberung,’ Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-​Forschung 65 (2016), 321–​344. See the contribution by Vija Stikāne in the present volume.

384 Lübke patriarchal structure among the ethnic Balts including Letts and Curonians, and relative gender balance among the Finnic Livs and Estonians. In connection with the first Crusade actions, the new Christian authorities intended to win the native elites over to their plans of conquest, inter alia by establishing a legal framework for Livonia that took the older relationships into account. That is why Pope Innocent iii in 1201 mentioned in a letter that the neophytes were subject to lower penalties for some severe crimes that affected women, like fornication, adultery, homicide, and perjury. Another papal letter of Pope Gregory ix in 1236 ordered that newly baptised Livonians could keep their wives who had been married before baptism. Even marriage under the control of the Catholic Church became a factor for the protection of women. In accordance with Christian rules, marriage was to be contracted by both sides without coercion and out of the partners’ own free will. This stipulation should help to ban buying and stealing of brides, but still beginning in the fifteenth century, a campaign appeared in Livonia against the ‘non-​Christian’ tradition of stealing brides in rural areas, with severe punishments for this practice that was sanctioned by pre-​Christian secular law, the existence of which has been occasionally mentioned –​either according to the ethnic groups, or as the ‘law of the neophytes’, the ‘common law of the land’, the ‘law of the pagan times’, ‘general habits, statutes, and law’. In the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, these traditional laws of rural people became written down as the ‘Peasant Law’ (Bauerrecht). In contrast, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the law of the vassals or knights (Ritterrecht) was codified, and German legal traditions were given to the newly founded towns. The German origin of the law laid the semantic basis for a significant social, not ethno-​linguistic, division of the Livonian society into ‘Germans’ (Deutsche) and ‘non-​Germans’ (Undeutsche): the nobility, clergy, merchants, and one part of the craftsmen who represented more profitable specialities formed the ‘German’ group; the peasantry and representatives of less profitable and prestigious specialities were ‘non-​Germans’, that is, Estonians, Livs, or Letts. In northern and western Estonia, Scandinavians held social positions between the Germans and the non-​German craftsmen.31 The distinction between ‘Germans’ and ‘non-​Germans’ defined a dividing line between townsmen, and the affiliation to the urban guilds also indicated social differences. Guilds initially were communities of seafarers and merchants, and the Great Guild in Riga united married, large-​scale merchants who dealt mostly with long-​ distance trade and who owned urban property. In Tallinn, perhaps already by 31

See the introduction by Anti Selart in the present volume.

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the thirteenth century, two ‘lesser’ guilds had an ethnic background: St Canute’s Guild united craftsmen of Danish origin and with connection to Danish towns, and St Olaf’s Guild marked the Swedish background of the craftsmen and Sweden-​related commercial interests. Broadly speaking, the craftsmen32 usually originated outside Livonia, mostly in northern Germany (Lower Saxony, Westphalia, northern Rhine area), in the Low Countries, and Prussia, but also in Scandinavia and Finland, and there are some written records even about Rus’ians. In the fourteenth century, there is an interesting parallel to a regulation against the ‘Wends’ (people of Slavic origin) in some Germania Slavica towns that, however, is supported not by ethnic discrimination, but rather by an economic crisis, in the course of which urban craftsmen wanted to keep competitors away from the surroundings who tried to get root in the towns.33 In Riga, membership of non-​Germans in craft guilds was prohibited no later than the last quarter of the fourteenth century, and in Tallinn, this article appeared for the first time in the statutes of the goldsmiths in 1393. In the same year, statutes of the bakers’ guild of Riga forbade marriage to women who were non-​ German or born out of wedlock (unecht oder unteutsch geboren). The existence of the statutes of craft guilds is also suitable for the assessment of the Livonian towns compared with central Europe. Thus, in Riga, from 1360, eight drafts are documented: goldsmiths, shoemakers, coopers, blacksmiths, fullers, bakers, furriers, tailors, and, in Tallinn, butchers, as well. At the same time, in the Low Countries, there were eleven crafts on average, but larger German towns had 60–​100 craft specialities.34 This survey closes with an examination of an object that is commonly perceived as an element of economic history. It is about coins which –​compared with the Viking Age practice to value silver as the overall accepted means of payment according to weight in the Baltic Sea area –​began to fulfil an innovative function.35 This happened at approximately the same time as –​with input on European economy –​the beginning of profitable silver mining in Freiberg in Saxony. New coins mainly from Westphalia, Cologne, and Gotland, and to a lesser extent from England, appeared along with the merchants and 32 33

34 35

See the contributions by Andres Tvauri and Vija Stikāne in the present volume. Winfried Schich, ‘Zum Ausschluß von Wenden aus den Zünften nord-​und ostdeutscher Städte im späten Mittelalter,’ in Nationale, ethnische Minderheiten und regionale Identität in Mittelalter und Neuzeit, ed. Antoni Czcharowski (Torun, 1994), pp. 31–​51; Winfried Schich, ‘Zur Diskriminierung der wendischen Minderheit im späten Mittelalter: Die Ausbildung des ‘Wendenparagraphen’ in den Zunftstatuten nordostdeutscher Städte,’ Europa Regional 10 (2002), 57–​61. See the contribution by Andres Tvauri in the present volume (n. 29). See the contribution by Ivar Leimus in the present volume.

386 Lübke missionaries, who targeted the Livs in the 1180s and the Estonians in the 1190s, with the consequence that weighing silver ended in Livonia in early thirteenth century, while, however, a monetary economy penetrated the Livonian rural territories only by 1300. Livonia’s first coins were minted in Riga probably in the second decade of the thirteenth century –​definitely by the bishop of Riga and probably also by the local merchants. In principle, however, the right of coinage belonged to the territorial lords, who used it along with the consolidation of their lordship. There were political and economic reasons for starting to mint coins: the lords demonstrated and visualised their territorial claims and won the opportunity to control the finances, while the towns needed the money to function as an element of the entire exchange system. In addition, one cannot underestimate the role played by coins in representation, information, and propaganda. Ultimately, when coming back to the virtual observer of the circumstances in Livonia in the thirteenth century, he probably would have recognised a substantial number of elements of change that he knew already from the lands further west. However, in Livonia, they had a different manifestation, depending on the various configurations in different parts of the country. First and foremost, he would have missed the peasant migration from the west that characterisad the change in the west-​Slavic regions substantially. Distance, uncertainty of the military and political relations, presumed inhospitable conditions of climate and soil, and the territorial lords –​who still relied on the help from west36 –​and their lack of wealth may have slowed down this crucial factor. Secondly, as an observation interrelated with the former, he noticed the different circumstances in the countryside, the lack of the planned composition of newly constructed villages and, instead, the vassals’ manors that in a way continued the traditional conditions. And thirdly, our observer, who was accustomed to multi-​ethnic conditions, would have noticed that the towns were arranged differently –​functionally because of the lack of a planned mutuality with the peasants’ villages, ethnically because of the lack of highly privileged immigrant communities in towns with a roughly equal number of ‘Germans’ and ‘non-​Germans’, architecturally with respect to wooden dwellings aside from brick houses, and socially relating to the chances for local craftsmen who, admittedly, worked in the lesser-​respected crafts, whose guilds were restricted from the second half of the fourteenth century for ‘non-​Germans’. In connection with the political characteristic that Livonia was composed of a conglomerate of territorial lordships, and with the proximity to dangerous 36

See the contribution by Mihkel Mäesalu in the present volume.

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neighbours like the pagan Lithuanians or the orthodox Rus’, our visitor would have received an impression of Livonia’s peculiarity at that time.

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Index Aarhus, bishopric 333, 334n.83, 339n.105, 340, 340n.111, 341n.114 Åbo, Finland, see: Turku Abodrites, people 372 Adalbert, Saint 367, 368 Adalgot, archbishop of Magdeburg 375n.9 Adam of Bremen, chronicler 35, 48 Adolf i of Dannenberg, count 147 Aeli, village 81 Agelinde, hillfort 74n.107 Albacuria, family 330n.61 Albert de Osilia, nobleman 69, 71 Albert, bishop of Riga 69, 78n.129, 92, 133, 134, 136, 153, 169, 170, 338n.96, 381, 386 Albert Suerbeer, archbishop of Riga 154 Albertus Molenstrate, clergyman 340n.112, 341n.115 Albrecht ii of Brandenburg, margrave 148 Albus, family 331n.64 Alempois, district 105 Alen, family 330n.63 Alexander, nobleman 79n.140 Alps, mountain range 238 Altendorf, village 133 Alūksne (German: Marienburg), castle 13 Alutaguse, district 101 America 4 Andersen, Tyge, historian 57 Andreas Koskul, clergyman 339n.105 Angerja, village 64, 176 Aquileia, patriarchate 325n.36 Arbusow, Leonid Sr., historian 320, 331n.65 Århus, city 286 Arnold, bishop of Pomesania 339n.105 Arnold, Klaus, historian 221 Arnold, vassal 72 Arnoldus Horegezak, burgher 217n.158 Arnsberg, town 237 Årsta, commandery 145, 156, 157 Asae, nobleman 77 Avignon, city 108, 341 Baldwin of Aulne, papal legate 71, 72, 72n.97, 74 Baltic region passim 

Baltic Sea 1, 5, 14, 17, 18, 56, 90, 92, 98, 104, 107n.125, 110n.144, 111–​114, 130, 131, 133, 134, 146, 153, 155, 158, 167, 168, 174, 177, 194, 199, 200, 205, 212, 213, 215–​217, 221, 223, 224, 261, 264, 268, 273, 282, 284, 294, 344, 371, 374, 375, 377, 377n.12, 379, 380, 385 Barnim i of Pomerania, duke 149, 150 Barnim iii of Pomerania, duke 341, 341n.115 Barthe River 136 Bartholomeus Tiesenhausen, nobleman 341n.117 Bartlett, Robert, historian 5, 6, 10, 55n.2 Bauska (German: Bauske), castle 210n.127 Belarus 38, 164 Benninghoven, Friedrich, historian 61n.30, 92, 133, 141 Bergen, city 281 Berlin, city 377 Bernhardus de Holsesatia, clergyman 340n.112 Bertald Campanei, nobleman 81 Berthold von Lengeden, nobleman 147 Birka, settlement 306 Blomkvist, Nils, historian 5, 6, 212n.137 Blumfeldt, Evald, historian 92 Bogislaw iv of Pomerania, duke 149 Bohemia 333n.75, 333n.76, 335, 338, 344, 367, 374 Bolesław the Brave, king 367, 368, 372 Bologna, city 336n.90 Brachenfeld, village 146 Brakel, family 330n.61 Bramhorn, nobleman 209 Brandenburg, margraviate 148, 157 Bremen, archbishopric 107n.125, 203n.84, 323, 323n.27 Breslau, Poland, see: Wrocław Brethren of the Sword 1, 59, 68–​74, 71n.89, 76, 78–​80, 80n.144, 94, 100, 107, 130, 132, 139, 141–​143, 151, 152, 168, 376, 378 Brilo, family 331n.64 Brotherus Diaconus, clergyman 339n.105, 340, 340n.111 Brücken, village 143, 143n.56 Bründersen, village 134

394 Index Brunward, nobleman 149, 150 Burkhard, bishop of Curonia 325n.36 Busch, Nicolaus, historian 204 Buxhoeveden, family 331n.63, 338n.95 Cäcilie Wetsel, townswoman 218 Cammin, Poland, see: Kamień Caune, Andris, historian 239, 248 Cēsis (German: Wenden), town 94 Charles iv, emperor 144n.62, 325n.36 Chełmno (German: Culm), bishopric 107n.125, 322, 324n.30, 325n.36, 325n.38, 328n.50 Chemnitz River 148 Christburg, Poland, see: Dzierzgoń Christian i of Denmark, king 157 Christian von Kirchberg, bishop of Lithuania 152, 153 Christina, noblewoman 145 Cimersdorf, village 142 Clemens Esto, nobleman 78 Clemens vi, pope 319 Colner, family 331n.64 Cologne, city 167, 385 Conradus, nobleman 79n.140 Corbes, family 330n.63 Crucow, family 329n.56 Cruczen, village 147, 154 Curonia (Latvian: Kurzeme, German: Kurland), region 1, 35, 48, 70, 102, 102n.85, 104, 105, 172–​175, 196, 204, 208–​210, 208n.118, 212, 213, 222, 248, 376, 382, 384 Curonia (German: Kurland), bishopric 107n.122, 107n.125, 131, 168–​172, 196, 318, 320, 322–​325, 324n.33, 325n.36, 328, 332, 332n.72, 334, 334n.79, 339, 341–​344, 343n.118, 378 Cyril, Saint 367 Daber, Poland, see: Dobra Dagö, Estonia, see: Hiiumaa Dahlen, Latvia, see: Dole Dannenberg, county 147, 157 Danzig, Poland, see: Gdańsk Daugava River (German: Düna, Belarusian: Dzvina) 1, 34, 35, 46, 110, 237, 262, 263 Daugavgrīva (German: Dünamünde), abbey 77, 130–​132, 146–​150, 153–​ 155, 157

Daugavpils (Germany: Dünaburg), castle 276 Daugeruthe, nobleman 192 Denmark 1, 6, 35, 55, 61n.33, 63–​69, 66n.60, 66n.62, 67n.64, 68n.72, 71, 72, 77–​83, 90, 99, 100, 110n.144, 130, 131, 146, 146n.77, 155–​158, 165, 168–​171, 175n.73, 176, 207, 222, 261, 266, 271, 286, 304, 305, 308, 319, 323, 323n.26, 324, 331–​333, 333n.75, 341, 343, 372, 374–​376, 378, 382, 385 Deventer, town 243 Dobra (German: Daber), district 149, 150 Dobra-​Zwierzynek (German: Daber-​ Schwerin), district 149, 150, 150n.103 Dole Island (German: Dahlen) 263 Dolen, family 330, 330n.61, 337, 337n.95 Dondangen, Latvia, see: Dundaga Dorpat, Estonia, see: Tartu Dresden, city 377 Duisburg, city 218 Düna River, Latvia, see: Daugava Dünaburg, Latvia, see: Daugavpils Dünamünde, Germany, village 148 Dünamünde, Latvia, see: Daugavgrīva Dundaga (German: Dondangen), castle 105 Durbe (German: Durben), castle 145 Dygo, Marian, historian 6 Dzierzgoń (German: Christburg), castle 192, 193, 205 Efrardus, nobleman 79n.140 Eilardus, nobleman 80n.143 Eimer, Brigitta, historian 154, 157 Elbe River 367, 371, 374, 377, 377n.12 Elbląg (German: Elbing), city 239, 305 Elsæbe, noblewoman 76, 77 Engelbert of Riga, clergyman 338n.96 Engelbert von Dolen, archbishop of Riga 108, 325n.36, 336n.90, 337n.95, 338n.96, 338n.97, 338n.99 Engelbert von Dolen, clergyman 335n.85, 337n.95, 338n.97 Engla, village 80n.144 England 11, 70, 99, 164, 167, 168, 280, 385 Erich ii of Saxe-​Lauenburg, duke 341, 341n.115 Erik Axelsson Tott, nobleman 156, 157 Erik iv of Denmark, king 146 Erik v of Denmark, king 146

Index Erik vi of Denmark, king 146 Ermland, see: Warmia Estonia, Estonians passim  Evehart Swede, burgher 337n.93 Everhardus Swede, clergyman 337n.93 Falkenau, Estonia, see: Kärkna Fellin, Estonia, see: Viljandi Finland 14, 36, 45, 46, 164, 165, 217, 267, 281, 305, 321, 326, 332, 337, 337n.94, 385 Finland, Gulf of 56, 375 Folkung, dynasty 145, 157 Fox-​Davies, Arthur, historian 40 France 333n.75, 335, 340n.113, 380 Fredelhelmus, nobleman 203 Frederick ii, emperor 169 Freiberg, town 166, 385 Friedrich Pernstein, archbishop of Riga 108 Friedrich von Haseldorf, bishop of Tartu 323n.29 Friedrichshagen, village 142 Frisia, region 377 Fromhold von Vifhusen, archbishop of Riga 325n.36, 338, 338n.96, 338n.97, 339n.101 Fromhold von Vifhusen, clergyman 337n.95 Fulco, bishop of Estonians 48 Gadebusch, town 218, 218n.168 Gahlbeck, Christian, historian 150 Gdańsk (German: Danzig) 239, 284, 305 Gebekendorf, village 142 Gebhard of Plotho, nobleman 148 Gemunde, village 152 Gemünden, village 134, 152 Gerdsin, village 136 Gerhard Hundebeke, clergyman 336n.90, 340n.113 Gerhard i of Holstein, count 141 Gerhard von Walien, commander of Årsta 157 Gerhardshagen, village 136 Gerhardus de Rese (Gygas), clergyman 331 Gerhardus de Ungaria, clergyman 331, 339n.106 Gerhardus von Vifhusen, clergyman 337n.95 Germany 1, 2, 4, 5, 10, 11, 14–​18, 55–​59, 60n.26, 62n.38, 63, 64, 66–​70, 72, 78n.129, 90, 92, 96, 101, 102, 107, 109, 130,

395 131, 133, 141, 151, 155, 157, 158, 164, 166, 168, 171, 173, 175–​177, 190, 199, 200, 203, 205, 206, 209, 212, 220, 223, 232, 239, 240, 244, 247, 250–​252, 254, 261, 266–​ 271, 273, 275, 277, 278, 280–​283, 285, 290, 293, 294, 297, 300, 301, 304–​308, 324, 327, 332, 332n.69, 333n.75, 333n.76, 343, 372–​377, 373, 373n.5, 380–​382, 384–​386 Gersdin, village 134, 136, 137 Gershausen, manor 134 Gertrude, noblewoman 209 Gerzike, Latvia, see: Jersika Gniezno (German: Gnesen) 367, 368, 372 Godekinus, burgher 209 Goldenbeck, Estonia, see: Kullamaa Goldingen, Latvia, see: Kuldīga Görmar, town 143, 152, 153 Goslar, city 134, 153, 194n.22 Gotland Island 74, 104, 110, 110n.144, 137, 142, 152, 165, 167, 168, 172–​175, 172n.55, 172n.55, 177, 195n.31, 197n.45, 201n.67, 206n.105, 222, 238, 265, 298, 376, 385 Göttingen, city 275 Great Moravia, region 367 Gregory ix, pope 190, 384 Greifenberg, Poland, see: Gryfice Greifswald, city 242, 301, 341n.114 Gretchen Whitte, townswoman 218 Griop, village 149, 149n.95 Gross-​Krankow, village 142 Gryfice (German: Greifenberg) 149n.95 Gudenburg, family 134 Gunzelin iii of Schwerin, count 134, 149, 150, 150n.103, 154 Gunzelin iv of Schwerin, count 150n.103 Guthaescalk, nobleman 80n.141 Gwynedd, county 70 Gygas, family 331n.64 Haapsalu (German: Hapsal), town 105, 166, 170, 175, 200, 201, 214, 222, 238, 250, 252, 275, 278, 292, 323 Hænrich fan Anger, nobleman 64, 68, 77 Haithabu (Danish: Hedeby), settlement 284, 306 Halberstadt, bishopric 133 Hamburg, city 215, 221 Hannoversch Münden, village 134, 152

396 Index Hanse, league 18, 114, 216, 223, 238, 245, 267, 273, 286, 288, 294, 305, 330, 331, 333, 337, 338, 342–​344, 379 Hapsal, Estonia, see: Haapsalu Hardewijk, town 305 Härjapea River 297 Harke, family 330n.61 Harmshagen, village 142 Harria (Estonian: Harju, Harjumaa; German: Harrien), district 56, 57, 59–​69, 63n.43, 65n.53, 66n.60, 71–​74, 81, 82 Hartung, bishop of Saaremaa 325n.36 Harz, highland 164, 165 Hasungen, monastery 134 Havel River 371 Havelberg, bishopric 107n.125, 147, 149 Hedeby, Germany, see: Haithabu Heiligenhagen, village 151 Heinrich Borwin i, prince 134 Heinrich i the Pilgrim, prince 144 Heinrich ii of Dannenberg, count 147 Heinrich ii the Lion, duke 144 Heinrich iiiof Meissen, margrave 143 Heinrich Wetsel, burgher 218 Heinricus, clergyman 331, 331n.65 Heinricus Kopmann, clergyman 333n.76, 339n.101 Heinricus Rastijerwe, clergyman 338n.99 Heinricus Sweym, clergyman 338n.99 Helmold iii of Schwerin, count 150n.103 Helmold of Bosau, chronicler 377 Henning Scharfenberg, archbishop of Riga 194 Henric von Qualen, nobleman 141 Henry ii, emperor 372 Henry of Livonia, chronicler 8, 60–​62, 60n.27, 61n.30, 62n.39, 64, 64n.47, 65, 66n.59, 66n.60, 67, 81, 110, 189, 191, 192, 203, 265, 321n.13, 378 Herberge, village 133 Herbertus of Denmark Jr., clergyman 341n.116 Herbertus of Denmark Sr., nobleman 341, 341n.116 Herford, town 217, 217n.158 Herman Osilianus, nobleman 79, 80, 81 Hermann, bishop of Saaremaa 324n.29 Hermann, bishop of Tartu 338n.96 Hermann of Wartberge, chronicler 13, 378

Hermann Osenbrugge, bishop of Saaremaa 325n.36, 336n.90, 339n.101 Hermanni, family 331n.64 Hermannus de Curia, clergyman 339n.105 Hermannus de Hertele, clergyman 331n.65 Hermannus of Tarvastu, merchant 105 Hertele, byname 331 Hessen, region 153 Hevellians, people 372 Hiiumaa Island (German: Dagö) 101 Hildælempæ, nobleman 74–​77 Hildebertus de Gemunde, nobleman 134 Hildebrandt Veckinghusen, merchant 216 Hildegerus de Witzensteyne, merchant 105 Hildesheim, bishopric 153, 335n.84 Hinko, midwife 222 Holstein, region 141, 146, 377 Holy Land 55n.2 Holy Roman Empire 131, 132, 143, 144, 155, 157, 164, 169, 374 Hooweg, Hermann, historian 149 Hövet, village 137 Hugo von Hildesheim, nobleman 146 Humala, village 80n.144 Hundebeke, family 337 Hungary 368, 372, 374 Hvide, family 146 Iberian Peninsula 55n.2 Idumea, district 62n.38, 63n.43 Ikšķile (German: Üxküll), settlement 110, 190, 209, 265, 321, 323n.27, 341 Immenhausen, village 133, 153 Innocent iii, pope 191, 195, 223, 384 Innocent iv, pope 192 Ippinghausen, village 133 Ireland 55n.2, 281 Islamic world 30, 164, 375 Italy 380 Izborsk, castle 237 Jacob, nobleman 79n.140 Jacobus Grimeke, nobleman 209 Jacobus Jacobi, clergyman 340n.109 Jacobus de Rota, clergyman, 109 Jägala River 307 Jakob, bishop of Saaremaa 325n.36, 338n.101 Jaromar ii of Rügen, prince 136

Index Järsi, village 77 Jelgava (German: Mitau), castle 105 Jersika (German: Gerzike), settlement 114, 192, 214 Jerwia (Estonian: Järva, Järvamaa, German: Jerwen), district 67, 70, 74 Johan Elofsson, nobleman 145 Johan of Plotho, nobleman 148 Johann i of Brandenburg, margrave 147 Johann von Perleberg, nobleman 148 Johann von Sinten, archbishop of Riga 153 Johann von Wittenberg, nobleman 148 Johannes, bishop-​elect of Tallinn 324n.30 Johannes, bishop of Warmia 339n.105 Johannes, clergyman 152 Johannes, nobleman 80n.141 Johannes, son of Uillølemp, nobleman 77n.123 Johannes de Brunsberch, clergyman 339n.106 Johannes de Molendino, clergyman 334n.79 Johannes de Revalia (Keghele), clergyman 331n.65, 340n.112 Johannes de Wesenberch, clergyman 333, 335, 339n.105, 340, 341n.114, 344 Johannes Guilaberti, clergyman 327n.46, 335, 335n.85, 339n.103, 344 Johannes Hundebeke de Dulmen, clergyman 337n.94, 344 Johannes Las, clergyman 338n.101 Johannes Montelongo, clergyman 339n.103, 339n.104 Johannes of Schwerin, archbishop of Riga 323n.28 Johannes of Tiesenhusen, nobleman 205 Johannes Schutte, clergyman 339n.101, 340n.109 Johannes Tristevere, bishop-​elect of Tallinn 324n.30 Johannes Vechta, archbishop of Riga 323n.28 Johannes von Lune, archbishop of Riga 323n.28, 325n.36 Johannes von Qualen, nobleman 141 Johannes von Vechta, archbishop of Riga 325n.36 Johannes von Vifhusen, bishop of Tartu 325n.36, 337n.95, 338n.96, 338n.97, 338n.98

397 Johannes von Vifhusen, clergyman 330n.63, 337n.95, 338n.101 Johannes von Wrangel, clergyman 340n.113 Johannes Warendorp, clergyman 337n.94 Johansen, Paul, historian 64n.48, 69n.76, 72, 72n.100, 74, 79, 248n.93, 249 John of Bohemia, king 325n.36, 340, 340n.113 John xxii, pope 319 Jonsson, Kenneth, historian 172n.55 Jordanus, tailor 265 Kääpa, village 237 Kaarma (German: Karmel), parish 175 Kadrina (German: Tristevere), parish 331 Käku, village 303 Kaliningrad, see: Königsberg Kambja (German: Kamby), village 173 Kamień Pomorski (German: Cammin), bishopric 107n.125, 149, 334n.83, 341n.115, 343 Kampen, town 81n.145 Kanthalgus, nobleman 214n.148 Kaplinski, Küllike, historian 267 Karelia, region 14, 39, 323n.29 Karja (German: Karris), parish 190n.5 Karjaküla, village 79, 80, 80n.143, 80n.144, 81 Kärkna (or Muuge, German: Falkenau), abbey 131, 132, 304 Karksi (German: Karkus), castle 14, 104 Karl Knutsson Bonde, king 157 Karl Ulfsson, nobleman 145, 157 Karmel, Estonia, see: Kaarma Keava (German: Kedenpäh), hillfort 56, 64, 64n.47, 67 Keding, shipmaster 221 Keila (German: Kegel), village 331n.65 Keldrimäe, village 238 Kellinghusen, town 147 Kestianus Loiteke, clergyman 338n.99 Khurasan, region 41 Kiev, city 35, 307, 376 Kirchholm, Latvia, see: Mārtiņsala, Salaspils Kirimäe, village 167, 175 Kiudsoo, Mauri, historian 175, 176 Kivimäe, Jüri, historian 267 Klaipėda (German: Memel), town 170 Klein-​Krankow, village 142 Kodavere (German: Koddafer), parish 331

398 Index Koila, village 307 Koknese (German: Kokenhusen), town 239 Koksi, village 173 Kołobrzeg (German: Kolberg), town 239 Kolu, village 39, 40 Königsberg (modern: Kaliningrad), city 102, 305 Konrad, bishop of Saaremaa 331n.63 Konrad von Jungingen, Grand Master 207 Koskul, family 330n.61 Kostivere, village 175 Krankow, commandery 142–​144, 155, 156 Krimulda (German: Kremon), parish 166 Krowel, family 331n.64 Kukruse, village 35, 48 Kuldīga (German: Goldingen), town 104, 142, 209 Kullamaa (German: Goldenbeck), parish 74n.107 Kumna, village 167, 175 Kurland, Latvia, see: Curonia Läänemaa (German: Wiek, Latin: Maritima), district 74n.107, 193, 211 Ladoga (Staraya Ladoga), settlement 110n.144, 112, 264 Lambertus Hoelempe, burgher 103 Las, family 331n.64, 337n.95 Latvia, Latvians passim Lauenburg, duchy 343 Lavi, Ain, historian 241 Leal, Estonia, see: Lihula Lechtes, family 330n.61 Lehmja, village 237 Leimus, Ivar, historian 110 Lembitu, nobleman 60, 61, 61n.28, 63 Lemburg, Latvia, see: Mālpils Lendershagen, village 136 Ligi, Herbert, historian 64n.48, 69n.76 Lihula (German: Leal), castle 105, 132, 235, 282 Linde, manor 146, 146n.77 Linköping, bishopric 107n.125, 152 Lithuania 1, 13, 15, 44, 49, 101, 114, 152, 192, 193, 197, 198, 201, 210, 213–​215, 214n.148, 374, 376, 387 Lithuania, bishopric 152 Livonia, Livonians passim

Livs, people 1, 13, 59, 60, 62, 62n.39, 63n.43, 78n.129, 103, 167, 168, 189–​191, 203, 203n.81, 208, 212, 212n.137, 222, 234, 237, 239, 244, 248, 249, 252, 262–​264, 268, 376, 384, 386 Lode, family 74, 74n.108, 76, 77 Lõhavere, hillfort 39, 40, 176, 264, 307 Lohu, hillfort 56, 57, 57n.7, 61, 63–​68, 64n.47, 65n.55, 67n.64, 77, 82 Loone, hillfort 56, 57 Loosi, village 173, 177 Low Countries 267, 280–​282, 305, 333n.75, 377, 385 Loyse, family 77 Lübeck, city 69, 92, 139, 141, 147, 149, 151, 152, 154, 171, 198, 215, 216, 238, 243, 271, 281, 286, 290, 305, 330, 337, 337n.94, 378 Lübeck, bishopric 107n.125, 109, 141, 321, 323, 326n.39, 327, 327n.48, 328, 329n.58, 334, 335n.86, 335n.87, 337, 337n.94, 342–​344 Lubeke, family 337n.95 Luder von Qualen, nobleman 141 Ludmila, Saint 367 Ludolfus de Flandria, clergyman 335n.85, 341n.115 Ludwig I of Hessen, landgrave 153 Luik, Heidi, historian 40 Lummelunda, parish 165 Lund, city 284 Lund, archbishopric 107n.125, 132, 335n.84 Lüneburg, city 221, 271 Lutici, people 371–​375, 371n.3 Mäesalu, Ain, historian 41, 240 Mäetaguse, village 167, 176, 177 Magdeburg, city 332n.69, 374 Magdeburg, archbishopric 367 Mägi, Marika, historian 190n.5, 212n.137 Magnus Eriksson, king 340 Maholm, Estonia, see: Viru-​Nigula Maidla, village 175 Mainz, archbishopric 133 Mālpils (German: Lemburg), parish 209 Maneginte, nobleman 209 Mann, Michael, sociologist 57, 58, 58n.16, 60n.24 Margaret Witte, townswoman 216

Index Marienburg, Latvia, see: Alūksne Marquard von Stowe, nobleman 155, 156 Marthe of Lithuania, queen 190 Mārtiņsala Island (German: Kirchholm) 167 Martinus, nobleman 79n.140 Mazovia, region 201, 382 Mecklenburg, region 132–​134, 141, 142, 144, 144n.62, 149, 151, 155–​157, 218 Medebeke, family 331n.64 Mediterranean 10, 278 Meierstorf, village 142 Meinhard, bishop of Livonia 265, 321n.13 Meinricus Mornewech, clergyman 341n.115 Meissen, city 166 Melnikovo, see: Räisälä Memel, Lithuania, see: Klaipėda Mergardis, noblewoman 205 Mespole, family 331n.65 Methodius, Saint 367 Metsepole, district 331n.65 Mežotne (German: Mesothen), hillfort 39 Mieszko I of Poland, prince 367 Millienhagen, village 136 Mindaugas, king 152, 190 Mitau, Latvia, see: Jelgava Mohn, Estonia, see: Muhu Molendino, family 338n.95 Mongols, people 112, 113, 202 Moora, Harri, historian 64n.48, 69n.76 Moravia 108 Mstislav Mstislavich, prince 61 Müdlinge, village 149 Mühlhausen, town 143 Muhu Island (German: Mohn) 167, 175, 176 Muižnieks, Vitolds, historian 248, 249 Muraste, village 166 Muuge, Estonia, see: Kärkna Narbonne, city 335, 335n.85, 344 Narva, town 215 Naumburg, bishopric 325n.36, 340 Neetzka, village 148, 149, 149n.95 Neetzka Lake 148 Netherlands 81n.145 Neuenkamp, abbey 137, 153, 156 Neuhausen, Estonia, see: Vastseliina Neumünster, abbey 146, 147 Nicolaus Kalis, clergyman 339n.106

399 Nicolaus of Luxemburg, patriarch of Aquileia 325n.36, 328n.53, 335n.85, 340, 340n.109, 340n.113, 344 Nicolaus von Dolen, clergyman 337n.95, 338n.97, 340n.112 Nicolaus, bishop of Riga 170, 204, 224, 323n.28 Niger, family 329n.56, 331n.65 Nikolaus I of Schwerin, count 150n.103 Nikolaus Kufus (Kunus), clergyman 341n.116 Nissi, parish 331 Normans, people 11 North Sea 294 Norway 165, 281 Novgorod, city and region 39, 40, 61, 67, 103, 110, 110n.144, 112–​114, 168, 201, 202, 215, 263, 284, 293, 296, 307, 378, 379, 382 Oberpahlen, Estonia, see: Põltsamaa Ocrielæ, district 75, 77, 81 Odense, bishopric 107n.125 Oder River 371, 374 Odward von Lode, nobleman 76, 77 Olomouc, bishopric 334n.83 Olustvere, village 238 Ösel, Estonia, see: Saaremaa Östergötaland, district 145, 146 Ostinchusen, family 331n.64 Otepää (German: Odenpäh), hillfort 41, 63 Otto iii, emperor 367, 368, 372 Otto iii of Brandenburg, margrave 147 Otto iv of Brandenburg, margrave 148 Otto, bishop-​elect of Tallinn 324n.30, 325n.36 Ovruch, district 283 Paatsa, village 302, 303 Paderborn, city 72 Padiküla, village 166 Padise (German: Padis), abbey 77, 155, 304 Pahkla, village 175 Paide (German: Weißenstein), town 104, 105, 105n.112 Parchim, town 147, 148, 155 Paris, city 336n.90 Pärn, Anton, historian 275 Pärnu (German: Pernau), town 104, 105, 220, 235, 242, 250, 265, 276, 282, 287, 288, 292, 293, 331n.64

400 Index Pärnu River 104 Paul, bishop of Curonia 325n.36 Peipus Lake (Estonian: Peipsi) 103, 382 Pernau, Estonia, see: Pärnu Persia 41 Peter Tolk, nobleman 78 Petersdorf, village 142 Petersohn, Jürgen, historian 374 Philip of Swabia, king 133, 157 Philip vi, king 340 Piila, village 175 Piltene (German: Pilten), castle 172 Pliny the Elder, author 38, 39 Plothe, castle 148 Plotho, family 148 Polabians, people 372 Poland 35, 164, 165, 193, 201, 212, 239, 245, 367, 368, 372, 374, 375, 382 Polotsk (Belarusian: Polatsk), city 110, 113 Põltsamaa (German: Oberpahlen), castle 157 Põltsam-​Jürjo, Inna, historian 247 Pomerania, region 14, 149, 149n.95, 150, 157, 171, 332n.69, 335, 343, 372, 374, 375 Pomesania, region 198 Pomesania, bishopric 107n.125, 322, 325n.38, 328n.50 Prague, bishopric 334n.83, 340n.109 Preen, family 137 Prignitz, region 148 Prussia, region 13, 14, 15, 78n.129, 92, 99, 101, 102, 132, 171, 192, 198, 199, 201, 201n.67, 205, 212, 213, 216, 239, 267, 305, 321, 322, 324, 325, 325n.38, 328, 329, 329n.58, 332, 333, 333n.75, 337, 340, 342, 343, 368, 374, 382, 385 Pskov, city and region 1, 13, 63, 110, 110n.144, 201, 263, 270, 289, 290, 296, 303 Quaal, village 142 Qualen, family 141, 143 Quarnsted, village 147 Quedlinghe, village 148, 149, 149n.95 Raasepori (Swedish: Raseborg), castle 217 Raatvere, village 263 Rägelin, village 148 Raikküla, village 64 Räisälä (modern: Melnikovo), parish 39

Rani, people 372 Raseborg, Finland, see: Raasepori Rastijerwe, family 330n.61 Ratzeburg, bishopric 107n.125, 109 Raudkivi, Priit, historian 57 Rauši, village 263 Ravattula, church 36 Raveliku, village 81 Raven von Brüswitz, nobleman 149 Rechis, village 148 Reinfeld, abbey 154 Reinhard, Wolfgang, historian 11 Rese, family 331n.64 Reval, Estonia, see: Tallinn Revala (Rävala), district 56, 59–​61, 61n.35, 63, 64, 66, 66n.60, 67n.64, 68, 69, 71, 72, 74, 78, 79, 81, 82 Revalia, family 330n.61 Rhineland, region 267, 385 Ribe, town 264 Richtenberg, town 137 Riechenberg, abbey 134, 153 Riepsdorf, village 139, 141, 142 Riga, archbishopric 105, 107n.122, 107n.125, 108, 109, 131, 132, 136, 137, 152–​156, 169, 193, 197, 205, 208, 224, 319n.6, 320, 322–​324, 325n.36, 327, 327n.47, 328, 331n.65, 332, 332n.72, 333n.76, 334, 334n.79, 334n.79, 337n.95, 338, 338n.95, 339n.101, 339n.107, 341–​343, 343n.118 Riga, bishopric 59–​69, 60n.26, 62n.36, 62n.39, 66n.62, 130–​134, 136, 137, 139, 152, 153, 168, 169, 318, 321, 323, 326, 341, 378 Riga, city 59, 70, 92, 100, 103–​105, 111, 115, 130, 132, 133, 136, 139, 144, 147, 151–​154, 168–​ 170, 172, 172n.55, 174, 195, 199, 200, 204, 214–​222, 232, 233, 235, 237, 239, 240, 242, 244, 248–​250, 252, 265–​268, 271, 274–​278, 280, 282–​285, 288, 292, 295–​ 297, 299, 304, 305, 307, 321, 329n.54, 331n.64, 377–​380, 382, 384–​386 Robertus de Bursa, clergyman 338n.100 Rome, city 71, 153, 320, 368 Ropæ, nobleman 81 Rosen, family 330, 330n.61, 338n.97 Roskilde, bishopric 107n.125 Rostock, city 149, 151, 243, 278

Index Rotalia (Estonian: Ridala), district 60, 61, 61n.32 Rotmar, clergyman 338n.96 Rõuge, village 237 Rüdiger Wetsel, burgher 218 Rügen Island 136, 137, 153, 156, 157, 372 Ruhnu Island (German: Runö) 102 Rus’ 1, 7, 32, 34, 35, 37, 39–​43, 45, 61n.35, 62, 62n.39, 63, 82, 95, 102, 104, 105, 110n.144, 111–​115, 112n.155, 165, 195n.30, 200, 201, 203, 212, 215, 232, 238, 245, 252, 267, 270, 280, 283, 285, 290, 296, 305, 372, 376, 379, 380, 382, 383, 385, 387 Russia 38, 39, 81n.148, 164, 176, 295 Russow, Erki, historian 242n.63 Ruthwi, Gotlandian 142 Ryazan, town 202 Ryssenberg, Hans, goldsmith 271 Saale River 367, 371 Saaremaa Island (Latin: Osilia, German: Ösel) 6, 34, 59–​62, 60n.26, 61n.32, 64, 66n.60, 69, 69n.79, 71, 76, 79, 104, 105, 173, 175, 190n.5, 193, 197, 204, 264, 302, 303, 305, 307, 337n.95 Saaremaa (Latin: Osiliensis, German: Ösel-​ Wiek), bishopric 107n.125, 108, 111, 131, 168–​170, 194n.22, 307, 318, 319n.6, 320, 322–​325, 324n.29, 324n.33, 325n.36, 327, 332, 332n.70, 333, 334, 334n.79, 337n.94, 337n.95, 339n.101, 339n.103, 339n.104, 339n.105, 340–​344, 340n.107, 340n.109, 340n.113, 341n.114, 378, 382 Sagittarius, family 329n.56, 331n.65, 337n.95 Saha, village 74, 76, 77 Saks, Edgar, author 74n.108 Salaspils (German: Kirchholm), parish 34, 209 Sambia (German: Samland), region 102 Sambia (German: Samland), bishopric 107n.125, 322, 325n.38, 328n.50 Sanmark, Alexandra, historian 47 Sarv, Krista, historian 248 Saule, battle site 147, 378 Saxony, region 65, 164, 267, 332n.69, 343, 371, 375, 377, 377n.12, 385 Scandinavia 1, 7, 32, 37, 41, 42, 45, 47, 58, 72, 90, 91n.7, 95, 97, 99, 109n.134, 114,

401 115, 130, 131, 151, 158, 164, 193, 199, 223, 238, 261, 267, 268, 271, 305, 332, 333, 339n.103, 343, 375, 376, 383–​385 Scherenbeke, family 330n.61 Schleswig, bishopric 107n.125, 335n.84 Schuenhagen, village 137 Schutte, family 329n.56, 331n.65, 337n.95 Schwarte, family 329n.56 Schwarz, Brigide, historian 337 Schwerin, county 144, 147, 149, 150, 157, 377 Schwerin, bishopric 107n.125, 136, 150n.103, 156, 321, 326n.39, 327, 327n.48, 328, 329n.58, 334n.83, 335n.87, 342 Segewold, Latvia, see: Sigulda Selonia (Latvian: Sēlija), region 1, 100, 377 Selonia, bishopric 132, 322 Semgallia (German: Semgallen, Latvian: Zemgale), region 1, 110, 204, 377 Semgallia, bishopric 132, 318, 322, 323, 341 Siegburg, town 270 Siggelkow, village 147, 148, 150, 154 Sigtuna, town 263, 284 Sigulda (German: Segewold), castle 13 Siksälä, village 13, 197, 302 Silesia, region 374 Sillasoo, Ülle, historian 251 Skara, bishopric 107n.125 Slavia, region 141 Słupsk (German: Stolp), town 335, 335n.85 Smolensk, city 37, 38, 113, 168, 195, 200 Soboles, byname 331 Södermanland, district 145, 146 Soie, family 330n.61 Solberga, nunnery 152 Soltrump, urban family 217 Sophie, noblewoman 205 Sörby, manor 145 Spirģis, Roberts, historian 37–​39, 244n.81 Stade, town 243 Stargard, town 148 Stedinger, people 203n.84 Stephen i, king 367, 368, 372 Stettin, Poland, see: Szczecin Stieda, Wilhelm, historian 220 Stigot Andersson, nobleman 146 Stolp, Poland, see: Słupsk Stolpe, abbey 149n.95, 155 Stralsund, city 379 Strängnäs, bishopric 107n.125

402 Index Suhm, Peter Friedrich, historian 146n.77 Svarāne, Dagnija, historian 307 Swarte, family 331n.65 Sweden 98, 102, 105, 131, 132, 144, 145, 154, 156–​158, 165, 212, 220, 222, 245, 266, 267, 281, 285, 293, 295, 298, 305, 307, 337n.93, 340n.113, 376, 382, 385 Szczecin (German: Stettin), city 335, 335n.85 Tālava (German: Tolowa), district 203 Tallinn (Latin: Revaliensis, German: Reval), bishopric 107n.125, 131, 132, 318, 319, 322–​324, 326, 327, 331–​334, 340–​343, 340n.112 Tallinn (German: Reval), city 61n.33, 64–​ 66, 66n.60, 68, 70, 72–​74, 74n.105, 78, 78n.128, 80, 111, 132, 168–​171, 173, 174, 195, 198–​201, 213, 215–​222, 217n.158, 218n.168, 235, 238, 240–​242, 248, 248n.94, 250, 252, 265–​268, 270, 271, 273–​289, 292–​ 300, 304–​306, 331n.64, 378, 379, 384, 385 Tamse, village 167 Tartu (Latin: Tarbatensis, German: Dorpat), bishopric 13, 103, 107n.125, 131, 168–​171, 208, 318, 320, 322–​327, 323n.29, 324n.33, 325n.36, 325n.36, 326n.41, 327n.46, 332–​335, 332n.70, 334n.78, 335n.86, 335n.87, 337, 337n.94, 337n.95, 338n.101, 338n.95, 338n.96, 339n.103, 339n.104, 339n.106, 340–​344, 340n.112, 340n.113, 341n.115, 341n.116, 378, 382 Tartu (German: Dorpat), city 35, 132, 170–​ 174, 203, 217, 218, 220, 233, 234, 237, 238, 240–​245, 243n.74, 245n.86, 248–​252, 248n.94, 265, 270, 274–​276, 278, 279, 282–​290, 292, 293, 295–​297, 300, 301, 303, 304, 306, 337n.93, 378 Tarvastu (German: Tarwast), castle 105 Tatow, village 134, 136, 156 Tempzin, abbey 156 Tērvete (German: Terweten), hillfort 114 Teutonic Order 1, 13–​15, 17, 70, 90, 99, 102–​ 105, 107, 108, 114, 116, 130, 132, 139, 141–​ 146, 142n.52, 143n.56, 151–​157, 168–​171, 192, 196, 204, 205, 207–​209, 214n.148, 215, 290, 297, 319, 321, 322, 322n.20, 324, 339, 339n.106, 339n.107, 341, 343, 344, 376, 378, 382

Thangbrigge, noblewoman 146 Theoderich of Koknese, nobleman 205 Theoderich von Vifhusen, clergyman  337n.95, 338n.96, 338n.97 Theoderich von Vishusen (Vifhusen?), bishop of Tartu 324n.29 Theoderich, bishop of Estonia 191 Thidericus de Hamme, clergyman 338n.100 Thidericus de Warendorp, clergyman 340n.112 Thidericus von Witinghe, clergyman 335, 338n.99, 340n.112, 341n.115, 344 Thuringia, region 143, 143n.56, 152 Tidemannus Ulfhardi, clergyman 340 Tolowa, Latvia, see: Tālava Tõrma, village 176 Tornow, village 148, 149n.95 Tournai, bishopric 333n.76, 344 Tramnitz, village 148, 149, 149n.95 Travemünde, locality 141 Treiden, Latvia, see: Turaida Triczen, village 147 Tristevere, byname 331 Tristevere, Estonia, see: Kadrina Tuiu, village 264 Turaida (German: Treiden), castle 189, 191 Turenne, castle 341 Turku (Swedish: Åbo), city 333n.75 Turku (Swedish: Åbo), bishopric 107n.125, 326–​328, 327n.48, 328n.51, 334n.83, 337, 340, 340n.113 Tuvi Cols, nobleman 78 Ugandi (German: Ugaunien), district 63 Uillølemp, nobleman 75, 77, 77n.123, 81, 93 Ukraine 164, 283 Ülemiste Lake 297 Ungaria, family 330n.61 Uppsala, archbishopric 107n.125, 335n.84, 335n.86 Utrecht, bishopric 335n.84 Üxküll, Latvia, see: Ikšķile Vahtre, Sulev, historian 99 Vaida, village 166, 175 Valdemar ii, king 63, 66, 67, 68, 69, 79, 80, 82, 205 Valdemar iv, king 171, 340, 341n.114, 343 Valjala (German: Wolde), parish 173

403

Index Valk, Heiki, historian 245 Varbola, hillfort 57, 57n.10, 61, 64–​68, 65n.53, 65n.55, 66n.62, 67n.64, 72–​74, 72n.100, 78, 82, 110 Vardja, village 81 Västerås, bishopric 107n.125 Vastseliina (German: Neuhausen), castle 13 Växjö, bishopric 107n.125 Veckinghusen, urban family 217, 218 Ventspils (German: Windau), town 104 Verden, bishopric 335n.84, 335n.87 Verdun, bishopric 334n.83, 335n.86 Vienne, town 109 Vifhusen, family 330, 330n.63, 337, 337n.95 Viljandi (German: Fellin), town 67, 235, 270, 276, 288–​290, 292, 295, 302, 303 Villegayle, nobleman 214n.148 Viltina, village 34 Vironia (Estonian: Viru, Virumaa; German: Wirland), district 66n.60, 74n.107, 176 Vironia, bishopric 132 Viru-​Nigula (German: Maholm), parish 35, 36 Visby, city 137, 142, 142n.52, 152, 168, 171–​174, 190, 195, 199, 215, 242, 264 Vissak, Rünno, historian 302 Vitslav i of Rügen, prince 134, 136 Vitslav ii of Rügen, prince 136, 137 Vladimir of Kiev, grand prince 367, 372 Volkhardinghausen, abbey 134, 153 Volkwin of Naumburg, count 133 Volquin, the master of the Order of the Brethren of the Sword 133 Volquinus Ostinchusen, clergyman 339n.104 Võnnu (German: Wenden), parish 36, 303 Vorwerk bei Dassow, village 139, 141, 142, 155, 156 Votic Land 14, 103, 382 Vyšehrad, collegiate chapter 335, 335n.85 Wærner Tolk, nobleman 78n.132 Wagria (German: Wagrien), district 141 Wagrians, people 372 Waldemar von Rosen, clergyman 338n.97, 338n.98 Wales 70, 71, 115 Walmes, family 330n.63 Wane, nobleman 81 Warendorp, family 337, 337n.95

Warmia (German: Ermland), bishopric  107n.125, 325n.36, 325n.38, 334, 337, 339n.105 Wartislaw iii of Pomerania, duke 149, 150 Waschel, family 330n.63 Waterford, town 281 Wedekinus of Riga, clergyman 331n.63 Wedinghausen, monastery 237 Weißenstein, Estonia, see: Paide Wenceslaus, Saint 367 Wenden, Estonia, see: Võnnu Wenden, Latvia, see: Cēsis Wendish towns 171, 174 Wends, people 14, 244, 367, 371, 372, 372n.4, 374–​377, 385 Wernerus de Alen, clergyman 339n.104 Wesenberch, family 330n.61 Wesselus Wigheri de Bocholt, clergyman 339n.104 Wesselus, bishop of Tartu 325n.36, 338, 338n.99 Westphalia, region 115, 167, 172, 175, 204, 217, 237, 267, 332n.69, 337n.94, 338, 343, 385 Wiek, Estonia, see: Läänemaa Wigero, nobleman 205 Wilhelmus von Vifhusen, clergyman 337n.95 Willekinus, clergyman 340 William of Holland, king 143, 158 William of Modena, cardinal 64, 71, 74 Windau, Latvia, see: Ventspils Wirland, Estonia, see: Vironia Wismar, city 142, 144, 155, 156, 271 Witte, family 331n.64 Wittenhove, family 330n.61 Włocławek, bishopric 334n.83 Wolde, Estonia, see: Valjala Woldemarus de Wranghele, clergyman 338n.98 Wolfshagen, village 136, 137 Wrangel, family 330, 330n.61, 337n.95 Wrocław (German: Breslau), bishopric  335n.84, 339n.106 Yrwing, Hugo, historian 142n.52 Zachow, village 147, 148, 150, 154 Zittow, locality 136, 156 Zoge, family 330n.61 zur Mühlen, Heinz von, historian 248n.93, 249