The Olsztyn Group in the Early Medieval Archaeology of the Baltic Region 2018046680, 2018049223, 9789004381728, 9789004264946

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The Olsztyn Group in the Early Medieval Archaeology of the Baltic Region

East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 General Editors Florin Curta and Dušan Zupka

VOLUME 52

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The Olsztyn Group in the Early Medieval Archaeology of the Baltic Region The Cemetery at Leleszki By

Mirosław Rudnicki

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Silver gilded brooch from cemetery of the Olsztyn Group in Burdąg, Szczytno district (graphic design by Mirosław Rudnicki). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Rudnicki, Mirosław, author. Title: The Olsztyn Group in the early medieval archaeology of the Baltic  Region : the cemetery at Leleszki / by Mirosław Rudnicki. Description: Leiden ; Boston, MA : Brill, [2019] | Series: East Central and  Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, ISSN 1872–8103 ; volume 52 |  Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018046680 (print) | LCCN 2018049223 (ebook) |  ISBN 9789004381728 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004264946 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Archaeology, Medieval—Poland—Szczytno (Województwo  Warmińsko-Mazurskie) | Cemeteries—Poland—Szczytno (Województwo  Warmińsko-Mazurskie)—History. | Balts (Indo-European  people)—Poland—Szczytno (Województwo Warmińsko-Mazurskie)—Social life  and customs. | Szczytno (Województwo Warmińsko-Mazurskie,  Poland)—Civilization. Classification: LCC DK4600.S943 (ebook) | LCC DK4600.S943 R83 2019 (print) |  DDC 943.8/32—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018046680

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1872-8103 isbn 978-90-04-26494-6 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-38172-8 (e-book) Copyright 2019 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Acknowledgments vii List of Figures, Tables and Plates viii 1 Selected Aspects of Physical and Nature Geography 1 2 The History and Current State of Research on the Olsztyn Group 4 2.1 Cultural Background 4 2.2 History of Research on the Olsztyn Group 7 3 Burial Customs 46 4 The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 63 4.1 Connections within the West Balt Cultural Circle 71 4.2 The Merovingian Circle 83 4.3 Scandinavia 105 4.4 The Danube Region 115 4.5 The Avars 119 4.5.1 The Slavs 129 4.6 Conclusions 149 5 The Cemetery in Leleszki 151 5.1 Site Location and Research History 151 5.2 The Source Materials 153 5.3 Catalogue 157 5.4 Analysis 165 5.4.1 Brooches 165 5.4.2 Bracelets 190 5.4.3 Pendants 194 5.4.4 Beads 197 5.4.5 Belt Fittings 198 5.4.6 Strap Ends 200 5.4.7 Spurs 204 5.4.8 Spindle Whorls 205 5.4.9 Knives 205 5.4.10 Pottery 205 5.5 Burial Rites 207 5.6 Chronology of the Site. Final Remarks 208

vi

Contents

6 The Olsztyn Group and the Galindians 211 Plates 218 Appendix 1: List of Archaeological Sites of the Olsztyn Group 227 Bibliography 231 Index 273

Acknowledgments Thank you to everyone who contributed to the creation of this book. In particular for valuable tips and access to sources: Prof. Claus von Carnap-Borhheim (Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie), Janis Ciglis PhD (National History Museum of Latvia), Prof. Florin Curta (University of Florida), dr hab. Mirosław Hoffmann (Museum of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn), Horst Junker (Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte Berlin-Archiv), Adam Mackiewicz, Prof. Magdalena Mączyńska (ret.), Prof. Wojciech Nowakowski (Warsaw University), Konstantin Skvortsov (Russian Academy of Science), Jarosław Sobieraj PhD (Museum of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn), dr hab. Paweł Szymański (Warsaw University), Horst Wieder (Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte Berlin-Archiv) Mirosław Rudnicki

The publication used research carried out by funding the National Science Centre Poland (Project No 2012/04 / S / HS3 / 00364)

Figures, Tables and Plates Figures 1.1 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6

2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 3.1 3.2 3.3 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8

The Masurian Lakeland and the location of the village of Leleszki 1 Georg Bujack (1835–1891), Otto Tischler (1843–1891), Adalbert Bezzenberger (1851–1922), Heinrich Kemke (1864–1941) 9 Workers during the excavations in Kosewo in 1908 11 Königsberg Castle, the building of the Prussia Museum 13 Königsberg Castle in 1945 17 The excavations at Fort III in Kaliningrad in 2000 22 Boxes with items and archives from the former Prussia Museum after being transported to the Altes Museum in 1990, Cardboard with finds from Perkau (former Friedland district) and Tenkieten (former Fischhausen district) in the former Prussia Museum 24 Area of the masurgermanische Kultur, Hypothetical migration route of Galindians in Late Antiquity 27 The Balt lands during the Migration period 29 Area of the Olsztyn Group 36 Pottery of the Olsztyn Group from cemeteries excavated in Tumiany and Kielary 44 Typical forms of graves of the Olsztyn Group in the cemetery excavated in Burdąg (district of Szczytno) 47 Tumiany (district of Olsztyn), reconstruction of horse bridles 55 Tumiany (district of Olsztyn), grave V: grave goods associated with horse 8 56 Balts in contacts between Scandinavia and south-eastern Europe 64 Distribution of brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 73 Distribution of the hollow stem cups in the area of the Olsztyn Group 74 Pottery from the cemeteries excavated in Netta (district of Ełk) and Kosewo (district of Mrągowo) 75 Distribution of disc rosette brooches in the area of the Olsztyn Group 81 Distribution of the late bow brooches of Southeast European origin (“Slavic” bow fibulae) in the Balt lands 82 Example of imitation of richly decorated Scandinavian bow brooches in the area of the Olsztyn Group 85 Cremation grave 62 in Kielary (district of Olsztyn), grave goods 87

Figures, Tables and Plates

ix

4.9 Distribution of brooches of the Mülhofen type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 88 4.10 Distribution of brooches of the Kosewo-Zdory/Kossewen-Sdorren type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 90 4.11 Bow brooches of West European origin from cemeteries of the Olsztyn Group excavated in Tumiany and Kielary (district of Olsztyn) 90 4.12 Kielary (district of Olsztyn), cremation grave 16, grave goods 93 4.13 Brooches of the Węgorzewo-Tumiany/Angerburg-Daumen type from Tumiany, grave 15a and Kosewo, grave 510 95 4.14 Brooches of the Kosewo/Kossewen type 96 4.15 Distribution of brooches of the Kosewo/Kossewen type in area of the Olsztyn Group 97 4.16 Tumiany (district of Olsztyn), cremation grave 90, grave goods 99 4.17 Grave 14 in Kosewo (district of Mrągowo) 101 4.18 Bow brooches from Stora Gairvide, Gotland 108 4.19 Selected bow brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type 110 4.20 The evolution of brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type into the Wólka Prusinowska type 111 4.21 Distribution of belt mounts with openwork ornament in the area of the Olsztyn Group 112 4.22 Kielary (district of Olsztyn), cremation grave 85, grave goods 113 4.23 Kosewo, cremation grave 365, grave goods 116 4.24 Distribution of eagle-headed buckles with rectangular plate of the Tisza type 117 4.25 The openwork disc from Kielary and its analogy from grave 320 in Zamárdi-Rétiföldek 120 4.26 Disc-brooches from the area of the Olsztyn Group and from Southern Europe 127 4.27 Distribution of trapeze-shaped pendants in the area of the Olsztyn Group 134 4.28 Artifacts found in the hoard from Kraków-Nowa Huta, Site 62a 135 4.29 Distribution of double-spiral pendants in the area of the Olsztyn Group 137 4.30 Artifacts found in the hoard from Cserkút, Hungary, and grave goods found in the cremation grave 32 in Kielary, district of Olsztyn 139 4.31 Distribution of bow brooches of thee Pietroasele type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 140 4.32 Distribution of bow brooches of the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 141 4.33 Distribution of bow brooches of the Pleniţa-Tumiany type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 142

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Figures, Tables and Plates

4.34 Distribution of bow brooches of the Sarmizegetusa-Kiskőrös type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 143 5.1. The location of the village of Leleszki on a German map from 1929 151 5.2 Sample pages from the inventory books of the former Prussia Museum 154 5.3 Sample pages from the archives of Kurt Voigtmann stored in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichtein Berlin 155 5.4 Sample pages from the archive of Feliks Jaokobson stored in the National Museum of the History of Latvia in Riga 156 5.5 Distribution of bow brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary/Lehlesken-Kellaren type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 166 5.6 Bow brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary and Wólka Prusinowska 168 5.7 Distribution of brooches of the Wólka Prusinowska/Pruschinowen Wolka type in the area of the Olsztyn Group 169 5.8 Brooches of the Csongrád type 172 5.9 Brooches of the Bremen-Mahndorf type 173 5.10 The development of the Schlusskreuzfibeln in the area of the Olsztyn Group 175 5.11 The distribution of Schlusskreuzfibeln in Europe 177 5.12 The distribution of Armbrustsprossenfibeln in the area of the Olsztyn Group 180 5.13 The distribution of disc-brooches in the area of the Olsztyn Group 186 5.14 The distribution of pelta-shaped pendants in the area of the Olsztyn Group 194 6.1 Caspar Hennenberger’s map of Prussia (1584) 214 6.2 The area of the Olsztyn Group and the hypothetical Galindian territory 216

Tables 3.1 3.2

List of features discovered at the cemetery of Kosewo I 49 Comparison of sizes of selected Olsztyn Group cemeteries 51

Plates 1 2

After the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, Kulakov, “Mogil’niki”, without scale 218 After the archive of Niels Åberg, Ots, Juga, and Szymański, “Über die Vorteile,” the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, the archive of Feliks Jakobson, Kühn, “Das Problem,” Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi 219

Figures, Tables and Plates 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

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After the archive of Feliks Jakobson, Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, the archive of Niels Åberg, without scale 220 After the archive of Feliks Jakobson, Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, the archive of Kurt Voigtmann 221 After the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, the archive of Feliks Jakobson, Kühn, “Das Problem” 222 After the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, the archive of Feliks Jakobson, Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi 223 After Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, F. Jakobson’s Archive, the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, without scale 224 After Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, F. the archive of Feliks Jakobson, the archive of Rudolf Grenz 225 The archive of Rudolf Grenz, the archive of Feliks Jakobson, BitnerWróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, Kühn, “Das Problem”, Bujack, “Ostpreussen”, without scale 226

Chapter 1

Selected Aspects of Physical and Nature Geography The Olsztyn Group developed in the area known as the Masurian Lakeland (Fig. 1.1). This area comprises the Olsztyn Lakeland to the west, the Mrągowo Lakeland in the middle, and the Great Masurian Lake district to the east. The Masurian Lakeland is a component of the East-Baltic Lakeland, which in turn is one of the four components of the western East European Plain. The Masurian Lakeland, and thus the area occupied by the Olsztyn Group, is situated in the young glacial landscape, embracing ca 30 percent of the area of present-day Poland.1 The landscape of the Masurian Lakeland was shaped during three stages (known as Pomeranian, Poznań, and Leszno, respectively) of the last glaciation.

figure 1.1 The Masurian Lakeland and the location of the village of Leleszki Map drawn by the author

1  Jerzy Kondracki, Geografia fizyczna Polski (Warszawa, 1988), p. 243.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004381728_002

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Chapter 1

It is mainly composed of hilly, rolling, and flat moraine uplands cut through by numerous glacial troughs, meltwater streams and valleys, and a large number of hollows and lakes. It is also characterized by the horizontal arrangement of its relief formed, among other factors, by the gradual withdrawal of the ice sheet, the differences in its accumulation, and the intensity of its oscillations. The terminal moraines are arranged latitudinally, whereas the ribbon of lake and valleys are arranged longitudinally.2 The hydrographic network was formed after the last glaciation. Its origin was determined by the processes of recession, i.e., melting and withdrawal of the ice sheet.3 The Masurian Lakeland is one of the regions of present-day Poland with the largest concentration of lakes per 100 km2: the lakes actually represent 45 percent (547 square miles) of the total area. Unlike the Pomeranian Lakeland, which has a greater number of lakes, lakes in Masuria are larger and with a greater volume of water.4 Studies of the oscillations of the water in the Masurian Lakeland have revealed that it reached its maximum level between 1500 and 1800.5 This was the time of intensive works aimed at increasing the water level in order to improve the defensive capability of some of the castles or to supply a sufficient amount of water to the watermills.6 Detailed examinations in Mikołajskie Lake indicate that around the early 1st century AD, the water was at 115.5 m above the sea level. It then reached 115 m above the sea level around AD 500—about one meter higher than its present-day level—and a maximum of 117.5 m above the sea level around AD 1000.7 The intensive drainage works and the construction of canals that took place in Eastern Prussia before the 18th century led to the lowering of the water plate in many Masurian lakes, and some of them were completely drained.8 The existence of numerous lakes and watercourses may have influenced the extent and intensity of the Olsztyn Group settlement, perhaps because its economy made extensive use of water resources. In fact, within the entire West Balt territory, the Olsztyn Group occupied the area with the largest 2  Sylwia Gilewska, “Rzeźba,” in Geografia Polski. Środowisko przyrodnicze, ed. by Leszek Starkel (Warszawa, 1991), pp. 282–285. 3  Kondracki, Geografia fizyczna, p. 106. 4  Irena Dynowska, “Obieg wody,” in Geografia Polski. Środowisko przyrodnicze, ed. by Leszek Starkel (Warszawa, 1991), pp. 349–350. 5  Karol Rotnicki, “Ewolucja rzeźby niżu,” in Geografia Polski. Środowisko przyrodnicze, ed. by Leszek Starkel (Warszawa, 1991), p. 147. 6  Max Töppen, Geschichte Masurens. Ein Beitrag zur preußischen Landes- und Kulturgeschichte (Leipzig, 1870), pp. 278–279. 7  Rotnicki, “Ewolucja rzeźby niżu,” pp. 147–148. 8  Jerzy Kondracki, Polska Północno-Wschodnia (Warszawa, 1972), p. 82.

Selected Aspects of Physical and Nature Geography

3

concentration of water reservoirs, and does not seem to have gone beyond its boundaries, even though there were clearly unoccupied territories to the south and to the west. The Masurian Lakeland is part of the Baltic Sea basin: water is transported to the sea by the Guber, Łyna, and Pregoła rivers, as well as by the Narew river and its tributaries. Several rivers served as lines of communication between the interior and the seashore, and thus must have played an important part in the local and supra-regional contacts of the Olsztyn Group. The Masurian Lakeland has zonal soils, which are characteristic for three quarters of the present-day territory of Poland. The soil type is determined mainly by the parent material, which produces either brown podzolic soils or podzols. The former soils are shaped by more compact parent materials (clays and clay soils), the latter by sands.9 The predominant soils in the Masurian Lakeland are brown-podzolic made from compact sedimentary rocks (gravel, sand, clay, dust and silt), brown earth podzolic made from clay sands and light tills, and podzols made from the residual compact sedimentary rocks (sandy and dusty). With its large concentration of lakes and post-lake hollows, the region also has hydrogenic and semi-hydrogenic soils surrounded concentrically by soils with increasingly lowered influence of groundwater, with the podzolic and brown-podzolic soils in the outermost circle. Such structures are known as “ring-zone” structures.10 The soil types found in any given area determine its agriculture. The increased soil quality allows for better farming, even if the techniques used are relatively primitive, which in turn allows a higher surplus, a greater affluence, and an increased population.

9  Zbigniew Prusinkiewicz, Renata Bednarek, “Gleby” in Geografia Polski. Środowisko przyrodnicze, ed. by Leszek Starkel (Warszawa, 1991), p. 378. 10  Prusinkiewicz, Bednarek, “Gleby”, p. 378.

Chapter 2

The History and Current State of Research on the Olsztyn Group 2.1

Cultural Background

The Olsztyn Group is part of the West Balt cultural circle. The latter was shaped in the Early Iron Age on the basis of the Lusatian culture, which occupied the lands between the Lower Vistula and the Nemunas rivers. At some point during the middle of the 1st millennium BC, the first sites of the West Balt Barrow culture appeared, which were different from those of Lusatian culture in terms of burial rites, settlement system, and pottery morphology. This phenomenon is related to the inflow of new population, most probably from the Middle Dnieper region, which was occupied at that time by the Milograd culture. The migration led not only to cultural changes visible in the archaeological material, but also to ethnic transformations that are responsible for the formation of the West Balts. The West Balt Barrow Culture has been subdivided into several groups. The dominant one in the area of the Masurian Lakeland was the so-called West-Masurian Group, which is related to the Pomeranian Group. That in turn gave rise to the Bogaczewo Culture, the immediate predecessor of the Olsztyn Group.1 The Bogaczewo culture was first recognized in 1982 by Wojciech Nowakowski, who thus replaced the earlier classification of prehistoric cultures based on the work of the German researchers active in the first half of the 20th century.2 The Bogaczewo culture emerged during the late, so-called Pre-Roman period (Phase A3) from the West Balt Barrow Culture in the region between the Iława Lakeland and the Nemunas River.3 Its appearance was probably spurred by the 1  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Korzenie Prusów. Stan i możliwości badań nad dziejami plemion bałtyjskich w starożytności i początkach średniowiecza,” Pruthenia 1 (2006), pp. 12–21. 2  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Kultura bogaczewska na Pojezierzu Mazurskim od schyłku młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego do starszej fazy późnego okresu wpływów rzymskich,” Ph.D. dissertation, Warsaw University (Warsaw, 1983). 3  W. Nowakowski has distinguished five horizons in the development of the Bogaczewo culture. More recent studies suggest that Horizon 1 may be subdivided into two parts, one embracing Phase A3–B1a, the other Phase B1b–B2a. See Piotr Iwanicki, Anna Juga-Szymańska, “Horyzont 1. kultury bogaczewskiej w świetle analizy wybranych typów zabytków,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Seminarium Bałtyjskie 1 (Warszawa, 2007), p. 59.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004381728_003

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“Latenisation” (the adoption of late Iron-Age cultural practices) coming from the south through the intermediary of the Przeworsk culture. Bogaczewo was the first culture formed in the West Balt Circle after the decline of the West Balt Barrow Culture, and the southern influence probably came from the so-called Nidzica Group of the Przeworsk Culture. That influence is especially visible in the military equipment found on Bogaczewo sites.4 Others have pointed out to the influence of the Oksywie culture.5 At its earliest stage, the Bogaczewo Culture occupied the Mrągowo Lakeland, the Great Masurian Lake District, and the western part of the Ełk Lakeland. At the beginning of the Roman Period, an increase in the number of sites and an expansion to the east can be observed, as a result of which the Bogaczewo Culture reached the eastern part of the Ełk Lakeland and the Suwałki Lakeland, occupying its maximum area in Phase B2/C1.6 Its influence extended farther east to the areas of southern Lithuania, which is evidenced by the finds with Bogaczewo Culture traits from such cemetery sites as Pažarstis, Zapsė, or Stanaičiai.7 The Bogaczewo Culture had two settlement zones—a western one, occupying the Mrągowo Lakeland and the Great Masurian Lake District, and an eastern one, occupying the Suwałki region, the Ełk Lakeland and the lands on the Upper Gołdapa River. In the eastern zone, the finds from

4  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Kultura przeworska a zachodniobałtyjski krąg kulturowy,” in Kultura Przeworska I ed. by Jan Gurba, Andrzej Kokowski (Lublin, 1994), p. 374; Wojciech Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae. Z badań nad pradziejami bałtyjskiego ludu z Pojezierza Mazurskiego (Warsaw, 1995), pp. 18–19; Die Funde, der römischen Kaiserzeit und der Völkerwanderungszeit in Masuren (Berlin, 1998), p. 14. 5  Jan Jaskanis, Jerzy Okulicz, “Kultura zachodniobałtyjska,” in Prahistoria ziem polskich, V: Późny okres lateński i okres rzymski ed. by Jerzy Wielowiejski (Wrocław/Warsaw/ Kraków/Gdańsk, 1981), p. 222. Jerzy Okulicz, “Grupy mrągowska i węgorzewska kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej a zagadnienia ‘Galindai i Sudinoi’ Ptolemeusza,” Rocznik Białostocki 14 (1981), p. 55. Having analysed the earliest military equipment of the Bogaczewo culture, Bartosz Kontny has demonstrated that this category of finds was influenced not only by the Przeworsk, but also by the Oksywie culture, although the impact of the former seems to have been stronger. See Bartosz Kontny, “Najwcześniejsze elementy uzbrojenia w kulturze bogaczewskiej w świetle zewnętrznych wpływów kulturowych,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Aanna BitnerWróblewska (Warsaw, pp. 73–111. 6  Paweł Szymański, “Ceramika kultury bogaczewskiej. Próba analizy na podstawie wybranych materiałów,” Barbaricum 6 (2000), p. 110. 7  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska and Gytis Grižas, “Ceramika kultury bogaczewskiej z południowej Litwy,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Seminarium Bałtyjskie 1 (Warsaw, 2007), pp. 261–276.

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Chapter 2

the earliest phase of the Bogaczewo Culture (Horizon 1a) are relatively rare. Their numbers increase in Horizon 1b and 2.8 In the Late Roman Period further changes took place in the western zone of the Bogaczewo Culture, which resulted in the formation of the Sudovian Culture, with different burial rites and pottery forms. The process, however, exceeded the reaches of the Bogaczewo Culture as it also embraced the Augustów Lakeland. The people of the Bogaczewo Culture built open settlements located near water reservoirs. Their economy was based on agriculture. The only burial rite they employed was cremation. The cremated remains were deposited both in urn and in pit burials. In both types of graves, remains of burnt timber have also been found. The graves were often covered with stones and some burials were placed on stone pavements. Besides ornaments, grave goods included weapons, a sharply marked difference from the Olsztyn Group. Such weapons typically include spear and javelin heads, as well as battle axes. Battle knives appear also during the Late Roman Period, often with decorated blades. No swords have been found among grave goods, but a few sword finds are never­ theless known from the area of the Bogaczewo culture. Most numerous are finds of glass beads and coins. However, there are no lavishly furnished burials in the Bogaczewo culture, and thus no burial-related markers of elevated social status. Social differentiation may nonetheless have existed within communities of the Bogaczewo culture. Finds of weapons in burials indicate the presence of a group of warriors, but little can be said about its organisation. Although the military equipment of the Bogaczewo Culture was strongly influenced by the Przeworsk Culture, the weapons found in Bogaczewo graves were clearly more modest than those of the highly militarized neighbours buried in Przeworsk cemeteries. During Phase D, the Bogaczewo Culture disappeared, but no satisfactory explanation has so far been advanced for that. Some have suggested rapid and mass emigration to the south, in the company of the Goths associated with the Wielbark Culture.9 Others have explained the decline of the Bogaczewo Culture as caused by the population of the Wielbark culture, who raided the Bogaczewo lands to obtain provisions and slaves needed for their southbound 8  Piotr Iwanicki, “Wschodnia strefa kultury bogaczewskiej w świetle materiałów archeolo­ gicznych. Zarys problematyki,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Seminarium Bałtyjskie 1 (Warsaw, 2007), pp. 142–145. 9  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Die Olsztyn-Gruppe (masurgermanische Kultur) in der Völker­ wanderungszeit. Das Problem ihrer chronologischen und territorialen Grenzen,” in Die spätrömischen Kaiserzeit und die frühe Völkerwanderungszeit in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ed. by Magdalena Mączyńska, Tadeusz Grabarczyk (Łódź 2000), pp. 168–180.

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migration. However, no historical or archaeological sources can confirm either one of those hypotheses. According to Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, the Bogaczewo Culture may have disappeared not because of demographic collapse (the physical disappearance of the population), but because of a radical change in burial rites. The majority of the Bogaczewo Culture materials come from cemeteries, but well-dated burial assemblages become rare towards the end of the Late Roman Period. There are, however, numerous stray finds from the early Migration Period. This may be because later burials were shallower and thus easily destroyed by plowing in more recent times, which further brought to the surface artifacts dated to Phase D.10 Many of those artifacts have been by means of metal detectors within the area of Bogaczewo cemeteries, as in the case of that excavated in Wyszembork. Since most Bogaczewo Culture sites were excavated before the widespread use of metal detectors, it is possible that stray finds were thus missed by excavators. At any rate, following the disappearance of the Bogaczewo Culture in the early Migration Period, the first sites of the Olsztyn group appeared during the third quarter of the 5th century. Before describing those developments, it is important to take a look at how this group came to be known to archaeologists interested in the early Middle Ages. 2.2

History of Research on the Olsztyn Group

The history of archaeological excavations in Masuria is closely connected with the history of archaeology in Eastern Prussia.11 Studies of the Olsztyn Group go back to the second half of the 19th century. At that time there were three 10  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Early Migration Period in the Mazurian Lakeland—phantom or reality?”, in Die spätrömischen Kaiserzeit und die frühe Völkerwanderungszeit in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ed. by Magdalena Mączyńska, Tadeusz Grabarczyk (Łódź, 2000), pp. 153–167. 11  Jerzy Okulicz, Pradzieje ziem pruskich od późnego paleolitu do VII w. n.e. (Wrocław/ Warszawa/Kraków/Gdańsk, 1973); Jan Jaskanis, “Cmentarzyska kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej z okresu rzymskiego. Materiały do badań nad obrządkiem pogrzebowym,” Materiały Starożytne i Wczesnośredniowieczne 4 (1977), pp. 239–250; Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Dzieje zainteresowań archeologicznych w Prusach przed 1945 rokiem,” in Antiquitates Prussiae. Studia z archeologii dawnych ziem pruskich, ed. by Jerzy Kolendo, Wojciech Nowakowski (Warszawa, 2000), pp. 9–22; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Three centuries of Balt archaeology in East Prussia,” Archaeologia Polona 42 (2004), pp. 65–102; Jacek Kowalski, “Chronologia grupy elbląskiej i olsztyńskiej kręgu zachodniobałtyjskiego V–VII w.),” Barbaricum 6 (2000), pp. 203–248; Mirosław J. Hoffmann, Dzieje archeologii Prus Wschodnich od początku XVIII wieku do 1920 roku (Olsztyn, 2013).

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academic societies in Eastern Prussia which made important contributions to prehistoric archaeology in the Baltic region. Before that, the area of western and southern Masuria only sporadically evinced scholarly interest. Among the first to draw attention to this region were Georg Andreas Helwing (1666–1748), who lived and worked in Węgorzewo (Angerburg), where he wrote his Lithographia Angerburica, published in 1717; his grandsons, Georg Christoph Pisański and Jakob Ludwich Pisański; as well as Christian Gabriel Fischer (1681–1751) and Christian Friedrich Reusch (1695–1742) from Królewiec (Königsberg).12 In the earliest research on the prehistory of the West Balt lands, and therefore of the Olsztyn Group, a crucial role was played by antiquarian societies. The Physikalisch-Ökonomische Gesellschaft zu Königsberg, the oldest antiquarian society in Eastern Prussia was established in Morąg in 1790.13 Beginning with 1860, the society had its own journal, the Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft,14 which published information about archaeological discoveries and reports from excavations. Although members of the Physikalisch-Ökonomische Gesellschaft zu Königsberg conducted very little field research on sites of the Olsztyn Group, one of them is particularly important in this respect: Otto Tischler (1844–1891), the librarian and custodian of the collection (Fig. 2.1.b). Tischler first distinguished three cultural zones in late antique and early medieval Eastern Prussia15 and established the basic phases of the Iron-Age chronology in the area,16 the basic premises of which, after elaboration by Kazimierz Godłowski,17 Jerzy Okulicz18 and Jacek Kowalski,19 are still valid.

12  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 7–9; Nowakowski, “Dzieje zainteresowań archeologicznych w Prusach”, pp. 9–13. 13  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 10. 14  The first volume of Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft for the year 1860 was published in 1861. 15  Otto Tischler, “Das Gräberfeld bei Oberhof, Kr. Memel,” Schriften der PhysikalischÖkonomischen Gesellschaft 29 (1888), p. 22. 16  Otto Tischler, “Ostpreussische Gräberfelder III,” Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft 19 (1879), pp. 159–269; Otto Tischler and Heinrich Kemke Ostpreussische Altertümer aus der Zeit der grössen Gräberfelder nach Christi Geburt (Königsberg 1902). 17  Kazimierz Godłowski, The Chronology of the Late Roman Period and Early Migration Periods in Central Europe (Kraków, 1970); and “Chronologia okresu późnorzymskiego i wczesnego okresu wędrówek ludów w Polsce północno-wschodniej,” Rocznik Białostocki 12 (1974), pp. 9–109. 18   Jerzy Okulicz, “Problem ceramiki typu praskiego w grupie olsztyńskiej kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej (VI–VII w. n.e.),” Pomorania Antiqua 13 (1988), pp. 103–133. 19   Jacek Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią okresu wędrówek ludów na ziemiach zachodniobałtyjskich (faza E),” in Archeologia Bałtyjska. Materiały z konferencji. Olsztyn,

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figure 2.1 a) Georg Bujack (1835–1891), b) Otto Tischler (1843–1891), c) Adalbert Bezzenberger (1851–1922), d) Heinrich Kemke (1864–1941) After Hoffmann, Dzieje archeologii

The first criticism of Tischler’s system came from Heinrich Kemke (Fig. 2.1.d), the president of the Physikalisch-Ökonomische Gesellschaft zu Königsberg, who assumed that the West Balt population adopted trends from other, more developed areas at a later date. Kemke therefore shifted forward in time the absolute chronology of the phases distinguished by Tischler. The development of the Olsztyn Group falls on Phase E, which Tischler had dated to the 5th and 6th centuries. Kemke, however, placed Phase E in the 7th and 8th century, and dated some materials even to the 10th century.20 Even though Kemke’s assumptions cannot be accepted any more, he may have been right on developments in the West Balt that were comparatively later that in the neighboring regions. Kemke excavated in 1900 the Roman-age and Migration Period cemetery in Bartlikowo (Bartlickh of, now in the Giżycko district).21 After Tischler’s death, archaeological excavations in the Masurian Lake­lands became the main concern of another antiquarian society, the Alter­tums­ gesellschaft Prussia, established in 1844. Beginning with 1875, the association published a journal entitled Sitzungsberichte der Altertums­gesell­schaft Prussia.22 The association made a very important contribution to the study of the Olsztyn Group. Its president between 1872 and 1891 was a doctor in 24–25 kwietnie 1988 roku, ed. by Jerzy Okulicz (Olsztyn, 1991), pp. 67–85; and “Chronologia grupy elbląskiej,” pp. 203–248. 20  Heinrich Kemke, “Kritische Betrachtung über Tichlers Periode E der ostpreussischer Gräberfeldzeit,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 13 (1914), pp. 1–57. 21  Heinrich Kemke, “Das Gräberfeld v. Bartlickshof,” Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft 41 (1900), pp. 108–134. On Kemke, see Mirosław Hoffmann, “Heinrich Kemke— pochwała archeologii muzealnej, czyli szkic o rzetelności i zaletach późnej miłości,” Światowit 47 (2006), p. 36. 22  The earlier reports of the association were published in the Altpreussische Monatschrift.

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Classical philosophy, Georg Bujack (Fig. 2.1.a). He initiated the enlarging of the Prussia Museum in Königsberg, which was located inside the crusader castle destroyed during the Second World War. In 1879, Bujack conducted the first regular excavations of an Olsztyn Group cemetery at Leleszki (Lehlesken, now in the Szczytno district).23 In 1882, he conducted excavations on other cemetery sites in Burdąg (Burdungen), Małszewo (Malshöfen) and Jagiełki (Friderikenhein), all three in what is now the Szczytno district.24 In the same year, he first attempted to gauge the area occupied by the cemetery at Tylkowo, which had been destroyed by the construction of the railway between Olsztyn and Szczytno.25 In 1890, he carried out excavations in Wyszka and Zdory, both in the Pisz district,26 as well as on the fortified site in Pasym, district of Szczytno.27 In 1887 the cemetery at Kosewo (Kossewen, now in the Mrągowo district) was discovered, and partly excavated in 1891.28 The methods of excavation were criticized by Feliks Ernst Peiser,29 a member of Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia, who continued research in Kosewo between 1907 and 1908. The cemetery known as Kosewo I is so far the largest prehistoric burial ground known from Masuria. More than 830 features dated to the Roman age and the Migrations

23  Georg Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen, Kr. Angerburg und zu Lehlesken, Kr. Ortelsburg,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 5 (1880), pp. 30–33; and “Ostpreussen. Königsberg. Museum der Alterthums-Gesellschaft Prussia,” in Katalog der Ausstelung Prähistorischer und Antropologischer Funde Deutschlands, ed. by A. Voss (Berlin, 1880), pp. 451–452. 24  Georg Bujack, “Vier Gräberfelder des sogen. Mittleren Eisenalters,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 9 (1884), pp. 146–152. 25  The collection of the finds from that site was handed over by the Bromberger BahnDirektion to the museum in Berlin and is at present stored in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in that city. 26  In 1889–1890 the excavations at Zdory were conducted by E. Hollack. 27  Georg Bujack, “Der runde Berg bei Passenheim,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 5 (1880), p. 70; and “Der Kuglacker Schlossberg und andere Wallberge,” Sit­ zungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 11 (1887), p. 90. For Pasym, see Romuald Odoj, “Wyniki badań grodziska z VI–VIII w. n.e. w Pasymiu pow. Szczytno, a problemy kultury mazurskiej,” Rocznik Olsztyński 7 (1968), pp. 113–150. 28  Max Weigel, “Das Gräberfeld von Kossewen, Kreis Sensburg, Ostpreussen,” Nachrichten über deutsche Altertumskunde 2 (1891), pp. 20–28. 29  Ortsakte “Kossewen” stored in Prussia-Museum Archiv at the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin, signature PM-A 1848/1–4.

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figure 2.2 Workers during the excavations in Kosewo in 1908. After Hoffmann, Dzieje archeologii

Period have been found there.30 In 1908, Peiser excavated two other cemeteries on the same site, now known as Kosewo II and III (Fig. 2.2).31 In 1893, after being prompted to do so by information received from a local school inspector, the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia delegated Johannes Heydeck to conduct excavations in Tumiany (Daumen, now in the district of Olsztyn district).32 Excavations on the site were also conducted in 1928 by Hans

30  The term “features” is meant to give justice to Peiser’s attempt to link stray finds to assemblages without bone remains (PM-A 1848/1). Nowakowski mentions a total of 854 graves from Peiser’s excavations. In Kurt Voigtmann’s archives, there is a file card with a description of grave No 854, but this number has a question mark next to it (added by Voigtmann). This may mean that Voigtmann was not sure whether the grave had actually been given the number 854. In Peiser’s excavation report, the last feature number is 811 (PM-A 1848/1; PM-A 1848/2). No sources, either archival or published, mention anything about features with numbers higher than that. 31  Volker Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln. Studien zu den Fernbeziehungen der völkerwanderungszeitlichen Brandgräberfelder von Daumen und Kellaren. Daumen und Kellaren, 2 (Neumünster, 2009), pp. 349–359. 32  Johannes Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen ein Rückblick auf den Anfang einer deutsch-nationalen Kunst,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 19 (1895), p. 41.

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Tiska33 and in 1930 and 1932 by Leonard Fromm34 Tumiany is therefore the most extensively excavated and published of all cemeteries attributed to the Olsztyn Group.35 The second best excavated and most extensively published site after Tumiany is the Kielary (Kellaren), in the district of Olsztyn district.36 The site was excavated by Emil Hollack in 1898 and by Adalbert Bezzenberger after that.37 Bezzenberger, a linguist, was the rector of Albertina, the university of Königsberg. After Bujack’s death, he also became the president of the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia (Fig. 2.1.c).38 The largest quantity of materials dated to the Late Migration Period was collected in the early 20th century, primarily because of the excavations carried out by Peiser and Hollack on a large number of multi-layered sites dated between the Stone Age and the early Middle Ages. Peiser, who replaced Bezzenberger as president of the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia, was one of the most active archaeologists in Masuria. He conducted excavations on several Roman-age and Migration-Period cemetery sites: Gąsior (Gonschor, district of Pisz) in 1904 and 1906,39 Kamień (Kamien, district of Pisz district) in 1906–1907,40 Zalec (Salza, district of Mrągowo) in 1909,41 33  Hans Crome, “Ausgrabungen und Besichtigungen im Jahre 1928,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 28 (1928), p. 376. 34  Leonard Fromm, “Reitergräber aus Völkerwanderungszeit,” Unsere Heimat 12 (1930), p. 118. 35  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” pp. 41–80; Feliks Jakobson, Die Brandgräber­ felder von Daumen und Kellaren im Kreise Allenstein, Ostpr. Daumen und Kellaren, 1 (Neumünster, 2009). 36  Emill Hollack and Adalbert Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren im Kreise Allenstein,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia, 21 (1900), pp. 161–195. In 1937 and 1938, during sand quarrying some 200 m to the south from the cemetery, a number of cremation burials were found. Rescue excavations were undertaken by Leonard Fromm, who discovered six graves in 1937 and another 15 in 1938. He called the area “Site 2.” As late as 1941, accidental finds of artifacts in Kielary were still reported. Fromm’s results were verified by Wolfgang La Baume who established that the 1898 finds and those from “Site 2” are from in fact from one and the same necropolis (Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 57). 37  Mirosław J. Hoffmann, “Adalbert Bezzenberger—archeolog, językoznawca, historik i etnograf,” Borussia 1 (1992), pp. 97–101. 38  Mirosław J. Hoffmann, “Otto Tischler—w stulecie śmierci,” Pomorania Antiqua 15 (1992), p. 331. 39  Emil Hollack, Erläuterungen zur vorgeschichtlichen Übersichtkarte von Ostpreuβen (Glogau/Berlin, 1908), p. 61; Martha Schmiedehelm, “Das Gräberfeld Gąsior,” Archaeologia Baltica 9 (1990), p. 10. 40  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 65. 41  Paweł Szymański, “Cmentarzysko kultury bogaczewskiej i grupy olsztyńskiej w Zalcu koło Mrągowa, na Pojezierzu Mazurskim,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), p. 158.

The History and Current State of Research on the Olsztyn Group

figure 2.3 Königsberg Castle, the building of the Prussia Museum From a 1919 postcard

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Onufryjewo (Onufrigowen, district of Mrągowo) in 1906–1907,42 Miętkie and Wawrochy (Mingfen and Wawrochen, both in the modern district of Szczytno) in 1912.43 Together Hollack, Peiser also excavated in Nikutowo (Nikutowen, district of Mrągowo) in 1901 and 1908,44 Muntowo (Muntowen, district of Mrągowo)45 in 1908,46 and in Spychówko (Klein Puppen, district of Szczytno district) in 1902–1904.47 He also continued Hollack’s excavations in Babięta (Babienten, 191348 and Stare Kiełbonki (Alt Kelbonken, 1908).49 A member of the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia since 1891, Hollack, whose profession was that of a simple teacher, was also a very active archaeologist.50 In 1899, he excavated the cemetery at Wólka Prusinowska (Pruschinowen Wolka, in the district of Mrągowo),51 where his work was later continued by Peiser. In addition, Hollack excavated in Koczek (Kotzek, district of Szczytno) in 1901–1902,52 Babięta (a cemetery earlier disturbed by private excavations)

42  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 107. 43  Felix Ernst Peiser, “Eine byzantinische Scheibenfibel,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertums­ gesellschaft Prussia 23 (1914), p. 373. Excavations at the cemetery of Miętkie had already been conducted in 1905 by a geologist, Johannes Behr. Kurt Voigtmann also excavated the so-called “Site 2” there, in 1938. See Wojciech Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde im Europäischen Barbaricum. Polen. Masuren (Warsaw, 2001), pp. 73–74 and 112. 44  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 105. 45  A trial survey was conducted in Muntowo by E. Hollack on July 22–24, 1904. See Wojciech Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich i z okresu wędrówek ludów w Muntowie, pow. Mrągowski,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), p. 193. 46  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 6; Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich,” p. 193. 47  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 73; Jaskanis, “Cmentarzyska kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej,” pp. 324–325; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 99. 48  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Tomasz Nowakiewicz, Aleksandra Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz, and Wojciech Wróblewski, “Treść i znaczenie odzyskanych ksiąg inwentarzowych dawnego Prussia-Museum,” in Archeologiczne księgi inwentarzowe dawnego Prussia Museum, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Aestiorum Hereditas, 1 (Olsztyn, 2008), p. 150. 49  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Dwa cmentarzyska z okresu wpływów rzymskich w Starych Kiełbonkach na Mazurach,” in Bałtowie i ich sąsiedzi. Marian Kaczyński im memoriam, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Grażyna Iwanowska, Seminarium Bałtyjskie 2 (Warsaw, 2009), pp. 406–409. 50  Mirosław J. Hoffman, “Emil Hollack—nauczyciel, historyk i badacz pradziejów ziemi mrągowskiej. W 80. rocznicę śmierci,” Mrągowskie Studia Humanistyczne 6–7 (2005), pp. 17–27. 51  Emil Hollack and Felix Ernst Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen (Königsberg, 1904), p. 6; Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 124; Hoffman, “Emil Hollack,” p. 20. 52  Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, pp. 11–12; Hollack, Erläuterungen, pp. 75–76.

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15

in 1889,53 Bronikowo (Bronikowen, district of Mrągowo) in 1901,54 Lasowiec (Sternwalde, district of Mrągowo) in 1901,55 as well as Miętkie in 190356 and Stare Kiejkuty (Alt Keykuth, district of Szczytno).57 Together with Bezzenberger, he also conducted excavation on the cemetery sites in Kielary58 and Machary (Macharren), both in the district of Mrągowo (1903–1904)59 as well as in Zdory in 1889,60 Stare Kiełbonki in 1899,61 and Spychówko in 1902–1903.62 Hollack is the author of Erläuterungen zur vorgeschichtlichen Übersichtskarte von Ostpreuβen, a gazetteer-cum-map of archaeological sites in Eastern Prussia. In his introduction to the publication of a Late Roman cemetery at Mojtyny (Moythinien), which he wrote together with Peiser, Hollack presented the first synthesis of the knowledge pertaining to what is now known as the Olsztyn Group.63 Mention should be made of Johannes Heydeck, a professor at the Albertina in Königsberg, who excavated a large part of the Tumiany cemetery, as well as the comparatively less known cemetery in Łabędziewo (Labendzowo).64 After Peiser’s death, president of the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia was Max Ebert (1879–1929), a prehistorian connected to the universities in Berlin, Riga, and Königsberg. After him, the office of president was occupied in 1926 by Wilhelm Gaerte (1890–1958), an archaeologist with training in Classical philology and German linguistics. He excavated in Sterławki Małe (Klein Sturlack, district of Giżycko) in 1927.65 During his term, in his time both the profile and 53  Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, p. 2; Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 9; Jaskanis, “Cmentarzyska kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej,” pp. 253–255. 54  Jaskanis, “Cmentarzyska kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej,” p. 261. 55  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 157; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 66. 56  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 99; Peiser, “Eine byzantinische Scheibenfibel,” p. 373. 57  Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, p. 19; Hollack, Erläuterungen, pp. 5–6; Katarzyna Barczyk, “Materiały z cmentarzyska w Starych Kiejkutach w zbiorach muzeów mazurskich,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), p. 61. 58  Hollack, Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” pp. 161–195. 59  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 96; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 71. 60  Emil Hollack, “Archäologische Erforschung Masurens in den Jahren 1899–1903,” Masovia 9 (1903), pp. 207–217; Erläuterungen, p. 149. 61  Nowakowski, “Dwa cmentarzyska,” pp. 406–407. 62  Hoffman, “Emil Hollack,” p. 20. 63  Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, pp. 36–38. 64  Johannes Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Loszeinen, Kreis Rössel und einige Funde aus dem Gräberfeld von Labenzowen,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 17 (1892), pp. 178–180. 65   Hans Crome, “Ausgrabungen und Besichtigungen,” p. 380; Małgorzata Karczewska, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich i wędrówek ludów w Sterławkach Małych w Krainie Wielkich Jezior Mazurskich. Rekonstrukcja na podstawie materiałów archiwalnych i zbiorów Muzeum Warmii i Mazur w Olsztynie,” in Archeologia ziem pruskich.

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the name of the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia journal changed. Now called Prussia, the focus of the journal now shifted to the ethnography of the Prussian lands. Gaerte’s contribution to the development of East Prussian archaeology was modest, but his term coincided with the strident ideological bias that became typical for the German under Hitler.66 Another antiquarian society, whose members contributed to the study of the Olsztyn Group, is the Verein für Kunde Masurens established in Giżycko in 1884 by a historian, Marcin Giersz (Martin Gerß, 1808–1895). After his death, the association was renamed “Masovia” and became a literary society. Despite that, members of the association conducted excavations in Bogaczewo-Kula in 191567 and Sterławki Małe in 1928.68 Until 1927, the association had its own journal, the Mitteilungen der Litterarischen Gesellschaft “Masovia”. In 1920s, a number of laws were adopted that regulated archaeological excavations. The Ausgrabungsgesetz of 1914 had already placed all excavations under the control of the Office of the Custodian for the Protection of Historical Monuments Vertrauensmann für kulturgeschichtliche Bodenaltertümer. The first official appointed to that position for Eastern Prussia was Max Ebert followed by Gaerte. Ebert’s collaborator for East Prussia within its pre-1918 borders was Kemke.69 The central archaeological institution for Eastern Prussia was the Prussia Museum in Königsberg (Fig. 2.3). The museum was located inside the castle built in 1255 and destroyed 690 years later (Fig. 2.4). This is the place where the majority of the artefacts were stored, not only from the excavations conducted by the Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia, but also from those conducted by other associations, as well as accidental finds. Some materials from Masurian excavations were stored either at local museums in the former Ostpreussen or in the Museum of Ethnology (Museum für Völkerkunde) in Berlin. Among other things moved to Berlin were finds from excavations at Olsztyn Group sites, such as those conducted by Max Weigel at Kosewo,70 the materials collected

Nieznane zbiory i materiały archiwalne. Ostróda 15–17.X.1998, ed. by Mirosław Hoffmann, Jarosław Sobieraj (Olsztyn, 1999), p. 239. The excavations at that cemetery continued in 1928 with Hans Meyer, a member of the literary association “Masovia.” 66  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 13. 67  Hans Kurt Hess von Wiechdorf, “Die Ausgrabungen an der Kullabrücke,” Mitteleilungen der Literarischen Gesellschaft Masovia 21–22 (1916), pp. 153–155. 68  Małgorzata Karczewska, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich,” pp. 239–276. 69  Nowakowski, “Dzieje zainteresowań archeologicznych,” pp. 14–15; Hoffmann, “Heinrich Kemke,” p. 37. 70  Weigel, “Das Gräberfeld von Kossewen,” pp. 21–22.

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figure 2.4 Königsberg Castle in 1945 After Frontovaia illiustracia 8 (106) of 1945

during the construction of the railway in Tylkowo,71 and some of the finds from Miętkie.72 Before the outbreak of the Second World War, excavations on Olsztyn Group sites were conducted in Waplewo (Waplitz), Chochoł (Friedrichsfelde), both 71  Bujack, “Vier Gräberfelder,” pp. 146–152. 72  Hubert Schmidt, “Ostpreussische Beiträge,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 38 (1906), pp. 456–457.

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in the district of Szczytno district (1917), and in Dłużec (Langendorf, district of Mrągowo), in 1925–1926. Moreover, Leonard Fromm, the then Voluntary Custodian of Antiquities in the Olsztyn district, investigated the cemetery and settlement sites in Odryty (Odritten) and Tumiany,73 while D. Vogt excavated the cemetery in Jakubowo (Jakobsdorf) in 1927.74 In 1928, Hans Tiska excavated a multi-layered cemetery site in Bartołty Wielkie (Groß Bartelsdorf, district of Olsztyn), which produced some Olsztyn.75 A now almost completely neglected cemetery was also excavated in Łuknajno (Lucknainen, district of Mrągowo).76 The hoard of silver ornaments found in Oterki (Klein Ottern, district of Kętrzyn)77 may also be attributed, with caution, to the Olsztyn Group. An imported glass goblet—a unique find for the Baltic lands—was found during those years in Popielno (Popielnen, district of Pisz). This is most likely the product of a Frankish workshop in northern Gaul, and may well be from a disturbed grave of the Olsztyn Group.78 The cemetery in Bogdany (Bogdainen, district of Olsztyn) was discovered in 1932, the associated settlement exactly 60 years later.79 Materials from a cemetery on an unknown location in the environs of Szczytno are known from Otto Wilhelm Heinrich Hein’s record now in the Gustav Lübcke City Museum in Hamm, Westphalia.80 Some have suggested that the site in question is Wólka, but there is no way to verify that.81 A cemetery excavated in Bogumiły (Bogumillen) and (wrongly) dated to the 3rd- and 73  Dieter Bohnsack, “Neue Bodenfunde”, Alt Preußen, 3/1 (1938), pp. 24–29. 74  Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 56. 75  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Das Gräberfeld Bartołty Wielkie (Groß Bartelsdorf) in Masuren. Ausgrabungen und Hoffnungen,” in Auf der Suche nach der verlorenen Archäologie, ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski and Martin Lemke (Warsaw, 2003), p. 101. 76  Kurt Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen’,” Alt-Preußen 6 (1941), no. 3, p. 64. 77  Mateusz Bogucki, “Znalezisko ozdób srebrnych z okresu wędrówek ludów z Oterek, koło Reszla, woj. Warmińsko-Mazurskie”, Światowit 15, Fasc. B (2002), p. 15; “Frühmittelälterliche Silberschätze und Münzen aus dem ehemaligen Ostpreussen im Licht von Archiwalien”, in Auf der Suche nach der verlorenen Archäologie, ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski, Martin Lemke (Warszawa, 2003), p. 17. 78  Hollack, Erläuterungen, p. 121; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 89; Teresa Stawiarska, “Czarka z okresu wędrówek ludów z Mazur,” in Słowianie i ich sąsiedzi we wczesnym średniowieczu, ed. by Marek Dulinicz (Warsaw/Lublin, 2003), p. 161. 79  Mirosław Hoffmann, “Wstępne wyniki badań cmentarzyska z późnej epoki brązu w Bogdanach, pow. Olsztyn, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie,” Światowit, 42 (1999), p. 70. 80  Otto Kleemann, “Völkerwanderungszeitliche Funde aus dem südlichen Ostpreußen,” in Documenta Archeologica. Festschrift für Wolfgang La Baume, ed. by Otto Kleemann (Bonn, 1956), pp. 71–78. 81  Jaskanis, “Cmentarzyska kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej,” p. 342.

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4th century may be also be attributed to the Olsztyn Group,82 just as that in Nerwik (Nerwigk), from which fragments of pottery are known that may be dated to the Migration Period. Similar pottery is known from Schönberg.83 Brief notes about archaeological discoveries (possibly) related to the Olsztyn Group are known from such journals as Alt Preuβen published in Königsberg, Unsere Heimat published in Olsztyn, Unser Masurenland published in Ełk, and the Masurischen Volkskallender. After World War II, excavations in Tumiany restarted in 1969–1971, with a team led by Krzysztof Dąbrowski.84 The excavations targeted both the cemetery and the nearby settlement.85 Materials linked with the Olsztyn Group were also found in the settlement of Paprotki Kolonia.86 Settlements were also excavated in Bartołty Wielkie87 and Frankowo,88 as well as in Ławny Lasek and Olsztyn-Jaroty. Particularly interesting results came out of the excavations of the fortified settlements in Pasym,89 Jeziorko,90 Staświny,91 and Szestno “Czarny 82  Dietrich Bohnsack, “Neue Bodenfunde,” Alt Preußen 2 (1937), no. 2, p. 30. 83  Dietrich Bohnsack, “Neue Bodenfunde,” Alt Preußen 3 (1938), no. 2, pp. 56–61. 84  Krzysztof Dąbrowski, “Archäologische Untersuchungen in Tumiany, Kr. Olsztyn,” Zeitschrift für Archäologie 9 (1975), pp. 265–280; and “Archaeological Investigations at Tumiany near Olsztyn,” Archeologia Polona 16 (1975), pp. 179–197. 85  Tadeusz Baranowski, Krzysztof Dąbrowski, Danuta Kowalczyk, and Katarzyna Meyza, “Sprawozdanie z badańwykopaliskowych w Tumianach, powiat olsztyński, w 1973 roku,” Rocznik Olsztyński 10 (1974), pp. 211–215; Tadeusz Baranowski, Krzysztof Dąbrowski, and Danuta Kowalczyk, “Badania wykopaliskowe w Tumianach, gmina Barczewo, w latach 1974–1975,” Barbaricum 6 (2000), pp. 268–270. 86  Maciej Karczewski, “Problem klasyfikacji kulturowej ceramiki naczyniowej z rozwiniętej fazy okresu wędrówek ludów z osady w Paprotkach Kolonii, stanowisko 41 w Krainie Wielkich Jezior Mazurskich,” in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska nowe źródła i interpretacje. Materiały z konferencji Białystok 23–24 września 2002 roku, ed. by Małgorzata Karczewska, Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 2004), pp. 136–138. 87  Barbara Balke, “Wyniki prac archeologicznych prowadzonych w miejscowości Bartołty Wielkie w latach 1969–1970,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 4 (1973), pp. 121–170. 88   Iwona Dąbrowska and Ryta Kozłowska, “Sprawozdanie z badań wykopaliskowych przeprowadzonych na terenie osady wczesnośredniowiecznej we Franknowie, pow. Biskupiec Reszelski w latach 1971–1973,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 3 (1973), pp. 345–352; Boško Babič, Iwona Dąbrowska, and Ryta Kozłowska, “Wyniki badań wykopaliskowych we Franknowie, woj. olsztyńskie w latach 1974–1975,” Barbaricum 6 (2000), pp. 271–272. 89  Odoj, “Wyniki badań na grodzisku,” pp. 113–150. 90  Jerzy Antoniewicz and Jerzy Okulicz, “Sprawozdanie z prac wykopaliskowych przeprowadzonych w latach 1951–1954 w Jeziorku, pow. Giżycko,” Materiały Starożytne 3 (1958), plates XIV–XVI. 91  Małgorzata Karczewska and Maciej Karczewski, “Grodzisko Święta Góra w Staświnach w Krainie Wielkich Jezior Mazurskich. Archeologia archiwalna i nowa,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 256 (2007), no. 2, pp. 147–148.

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Las,”92 all of which produced materials attributed to the Olsztyn Group. The settlement in Knis, Giżycko district may be also linked to the Olsztyn Group.93 In 1975 the cemetery at Wyszembork (Site 4a) was discovered where, besides burials from the Roman Period, features from the Late Migrations Period had been found.94 This site is one of the few comprehensively excavated cemeteries in Masuria. The excavations were conducted first by Jerzy Okulicz, then by Wojciech Nowakowski, and finally, by Paweł Szymański. Excavations in the region of Lake Salęt also produced materials attributed to the Olsztyn Group. These were found on the settlement sites in Wyszembork, Site I,95 IVb, V,96 and in Szestno, Site II “Ptasia Wyspa.”97 In 1977–1978 and 1980, the cemetery at Sterławki Wielkie, Giżycko district, was found in an area earlier disturbed by sand quarrying.98 In 1973, a cremation burial was accidentally found in Piecki. The associated grave goods included two bronze bow brooches of Werner’s class I D (PleniţaTumiany).99 The excavations conducted in 2006–2008 by the author of this book led to the discovery of eight burials (including an urn grave) of a disturbed cemetery.100 The possibility of another so-far unknown site at Popowo 92  Wojciech Wróblewski, “Czarny Las. Wczesnośredniowieczne grodzisko w Szestnie, woj. Olsztyńskie,” in Concordia. Studia ofiarowane Jerzemu Okuliczowi-Kozarynowi w sześćdziesiatą piątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski (Warsaw, 1996), pp. 227–228. 93  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Osiedla kultury bogaczewskiej—próba podsumowania stanu badań,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 51 (1990), p. 36. 94  Paweł Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy z okresu wpływów rzymskich w rejonie jeziora Salęt na Pojezierzu Mazurskim, Światowit, Supplement Series P: Prehistory and Middle Ages X (Warsaw, 2005), p. 15. 95  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Zur Problem der Besiedlungsfortdauer in der Masurischen Seeplatte im 1. Jahrtausend im Lichte von Forschungsergebnissen hinsichtlich der Mikroregion der Salęt-Seeufer,” Archaeologia Polona 19 (1980), pp. 49–69. 96  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 161. 97  Aleksander Bursche and Wojciech Nowakowski, “Osada z wczesnej epoki żelaza i okresu rzymskiego z ‘Ptasiej Wyspy’ na jeziorze Szestno, stan. II, woj. Olsztyński, e” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 45 (1980), p. 222. 98  Krystyna Lenarczyk, “Materiały z badań cmentarzyska w Sterławkach Wielkich,” Rocznik Białostocki 17 (1991), pp. 65–110. 99  Danuta Lempka and Wojciech Nowakowski, “Sprawozdanie z badań weryfikacyjnych, przeprowadzonych w powiatach Mrągowskim i Piskim w 1973 roku,” Rocznik Olsztyński 11 (1977), pp. 225–232; Mirosław Rudnicki, “Grób grupy olsztyńskiej z miejscowości Piecki, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), pp. 265–273. 100  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Wyniki badań na cmentarzysku z okresu wędrówek ludów w Pieckach, stanowisko I,” in Pogranicze trzech światów. Kontakty kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i bogaczewskiej w świetle materiałów z badań i poszukiwań archiwalnych ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski and Andrzej Szela (Warsaw, 2006), pp. 349–362.

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Salęckie, Mrągowo district, has been suggested by the discovery of a damaged bow brooch during a field survey.101 In recent years, the number of finds associated with the Olsztyn Group has increased considerably. Rescue excavations and archaeological supervisions brought about the discovery of the Olsztyn Group settlements at Linowo, Szczytno district, as well as Biskupiec Kolonia and Olsztyn-Brzeziny. Particularly interesting is the exceptionally rich settlement in Tałty, Site II near Mikołajki. It is one of the best researched settlement site dated to the Roman age and the Migration Period.102 Stray finds that may be connected with the Olsztyn Group have also discovered in Rańsk, Barczewko Kolonia, Bartążek, Wrócikowo, Kucbork, Nowa Kaletka, and probably Swobodna and Warkałki.103 In the late 1960s and in the 1970s, an attempt was made to locate sites dated to the Roman age and Migration Period that were known from the German excavations carried out before the Second World War.104 Similar investigations were conducted also in the 1990s by the Galindian Expedition of the Institute of Archaeology at the Warsaw University. The field survey carried out at that time brought many positive results.105 For example, investigations conducted at the cemetery site in Lasowiec, already discovered by German scholars, yielded rich finds.106 Mention should be made of an exceptional cult site dated to the Roman age and Migration Period and discovered in Czaszkowo, district of 101  Paweł Szymański, “Dwie zapinki znalezione w okolicach Mrągowa, woj. warmińskomazurskie,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 54 (2001), pp. 183–185. 102  The excavations at Linowo, Biskupiec Kolonia, Olsztyn Brzeziny, and Tałty were carried out by the “Archeo-Adam” firm. I would like to express my gratitude to Adam Mackiewicz, M. A., for giving me access to the materials from the excavations conducted by his firm, to Mariola Orzechowska, M. A., for her kindness and the possibility for working together with her on the materials from Site II in Tałty, and to Bartłomiej Kaczyński, M. A., for the possibility of studying the materials from the settlement in Olsztyn-Brzeziny. 103  Materials from those sites are in the collections of the Museum of Warmia and Masuria in Olsztyn. 104   Jerzy Głosik, “Komunikat o poszukiwaniach archeologicznych w okolicach jeziora Śniardwy,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 102 (1968), no. 4, pp. 671–672; Adam Waluś and Wojciech Nowakowski, “Sprawozdanie z weryfikacyjnych badań stanowisk archeologicznych w 1972 roku w południowej części pow. mrągowskiego i północnej części pow. Szczycieńskiego,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 121 (1973), no. 3, pp. 353–357; Lempka and Nowakowski, “Sprawozdanie z badań,” pp. 225–232. 105  Paweł Szymański, “Poszukiwania cmentarzysk z okresu wpływów rzymskich i z okresu wędrówek ludów znanych z dawnych badań na Mazurach,” in Antiquitates Prussiae. Studia z archeologii dawnych ziem pruskich, ed. by Jerzy Kolendo and Wojciech Nowakowski (Warsaw, 2000), pp. 237–246. 106  Tomasz Nowakiewicz and Aleksandra Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz, “Lasowiec (d. Stern­ walde), woj. warmińsko-mazurskie. Badania w roku 2010. Co zostało z ‘dużej’ nekropoli?” Światowit 49 (2001), pp. 225–227.

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figure 2.5 The excavations at Fort III in Kaliningrad in 2000 Picture from Konstantin Skvorcov’s collection

Mrągowo. This site, which functioned during the period of development of the Olsztyn Group is unique in the whole West Balt circle.107 At the early stage of their development, Prussian academic associations attracted the researchers who were interested in the prehistory of the Prussian lands and excavated the majority of the known prehistoric sites, although Bujack, Heydeck, Hollack, and Bezzenberger had no archaeological training. Their methods of excavation were very far from modern standards. However, many of problems, which the archaeologists of that time encountered—high cost of excavations, alcohol abuse by workers, greedy or uneducated owners of the land—are not unlike those of modern archaeologists in the same area.108 The Verification on some of the sites excavated by the German scholars in the 19th and early 20th centuries has sometimes revealed incompletely excavated burial109 or even intentionally abandoned (discarded) artifacts, particularly 107  Tomasz Nowakiewicz and Aleksandra Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz, “Czaszkowo, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie. Badania w roku 2010. Depozyt jeziorny czy miejsce kultu?” Światowit 49 (2001), pp. 179–181. 108  Hoffmann, “Emil Hollack.” 109  Tadeusz Baranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian w woj. Olsztyńskim,” Archeologia Polski 41 (1996), p. 68.

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pottery. In most cases, no field records were kept of the arrangement of features and the horizontal stratigraphy of the site. Materials were rarely, if ever described in detail and publications were often with no illustrations, which makes analysis very difficult. The majority of the pre-1944 finds that were in the Prussia Museum in Königsberg were destroyed or scattered at the end of World War II.110 The research perspectives considerably improved in recent years due to the “rediscovery” of the finds from the Prussia-Museum collection, which had survived the war. These were the numerous artefacts discovered in Fort III (Fig. 2.5), the former district of Quednau in Königsberg, now in the regional history and art museum in Kaliningrad,111 and the objects from the so-called Prussia Sammlung in the Museum für Vor-und Frühgeschichte in Berlin, which were brought there from the Prussia-Museum during the war (Fig. 2.6). Some of the finds were preserved in a former psychiatric clinic in Karolewo, Kętrzyn district, where they had been hidden by the Germans. After an accidental discovery, these materials were ordered and stored in the Masurian Museum (now the Museum of Warmia and Masuria) in Olsztyn. One should not forget here the activity of Jerzy Antoniewicz, a delegate of the Polish Ministry of Culture and Art who, besides preserving the finds from Karolewo, also saved the materials from small local museums in Masuria, Warmia and Powiśle.112 Numerous finds discovered in Eastern Prussia before 1945 and then scattered all around the world are now in private collections.113 110  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 14–15. 111  Christine Reich, “Die Prussia-Sammlung im Berliner Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte. Geschichte und Stand der Bearbeitung,” in Auf der Suche nach der verlorenen Archäologie ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski and Martin Lemke (Warszawa, 2003), pp. 109–114; Horst Junker and Horst Wieder, “Das neue Prussia-Fundarchiv in Berlin,” Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 8 (2003), no. 1, pp. 24–40; Anatoli Valujev, “Die Geschichte des Klin­ ingrader Bestandes der Prussia-Sammlung,” in Die Prussia Sammlung. Der Bestand im Museum für Geschichte un Kunst Kaliningrad, ed. by Philipp Adlung, Claus von CarnapBornheim, Timo Ibsen, and Anatoli Valujev (Schleswig, 2005), pp. 49–111; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Die wiedergewonnen archäologischen Archivalien für die ostpreußische Archäologie. Das Fundarchiv des Königsberger Prussia-Museums—Aussage eines Benutzers,” Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 14 (2009), no. 2, pp. 107–120. 112  Henryk Skurpski, “Muzeum Mazurskie w Olsztynie w latach 1945–1958,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 122 (1973), no. 4, p. 559. 113  As an example, one may mention the large number of finds from Tumiany in the so-called “Biriukov collection,” which is now in the hands of a private collector in Russia. Information about the collection came from Konstantin Skvorcov, M. A., an employee of the regional history and art museum in Kaliningrad. For the Biriukov collection, see also Mirosław Rudnicki, Konstantin E. Skvorcov, and Paweł Szymański. “Uwagi wstępne o kolekcji Biriukova, czyli o możliwości identyfikacji zabytków z dawnego Prussia-Museum w

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figure 2.6 a) Boxes with items and archives from the former Prussia Museum after being transported to the Altes Museum in 1990, b) Cardboard with finds from Perkau (former Friedland district) and Tenkieten (former Fischhausen district) in the former Prussia Museum After Christine Reich, Wilfried Menghin, “Prussia Sammlung w Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschihte w Berlinie,” Archeologiczne księgi inwentarzowe dawnego Prussia Museum, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Aestiorum Hereditas I (Olsztyn, 2008)

However, the unpublished archival materials originating from archaeologists that dealt with the Migration-Period sites in Eastern Prussia remain the Królewcu” in Ubi tribus faucibus fluenta Vistulae fluminis ebibuntur. Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn in memoriam, edited by Bartosz Kontny (Warsaw, 2015), pp. 585–600.

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most important source of information on the Olsztyn Group.114 The most important archives are those of the Prussia-Museum now in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin; the archive of the Swedish scholar Nils Åberg (1889–1957) in the “Antiquarian-Topographic Archive” of the Swedish National Heritage Board in Stockholm; the archives of the Latvian archaeologist Felix Jakobson (1896–1930) in the Latvian National Museum of History in Riga; the archive of Kurt Voigtmann (1881–1942), also known as Voigtmanns Kartei, which is now in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin; the archive of the Prussian archaeologist Carl Engel (1897–1947) in the Johann-Gotfried Herder Institute in Marburg; the archive of the Prussian historian Rudolf Grenz (1929–2000) in the Archäologisches Landesmuseum in Schleswig; and the archive of the Swedish archaeologist Carl Axl Moberg (1915–1987) now in the library of the University of Göteborg. Abundant and precious data about Migration-Period sites in Eastern Prussia may also be found in the files of the Estonian archaeologist Marta Schmiedehelm (1896–1981) stored in the Institute of Archaeology in Tallin.115 The photo files of the Prussia Photo Archiv in the Museum für Vor-und Frühgeschichte in Berlin, as well as the didactic collection created by Aarne Michaёl Tallgren for the University of Tartu and now in the Institute of Archaeology in Tallin are equally invaluable sources.116 Some interesting information may be found in the Vorgeschichtlichen Fundkartei des Kreises Lötzen created by Arthur Schmidt, the director of the former Vaterländische Gedenkhalle Lötzen. A copy of that archive is now shared between the Museum of Warmia and Masuria and the Museum of Flora and Fauna at the Boyen Fortress in Giżycko. The Museum of Warmia and Masuria also has the archives of Johann Heydeck (the so-called DepotHeydeck), Otto Tischler (Tischlers Zettelkatalog), Hans Schleiff and G. Vogt. Almost a 114  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Nowe materiały do badań nad znaleziskami importów rzymskich na dawnych ziemiach pruskich,” in Antiquitates Prussiae. Studia z archeologii dawnych ziem pruskich, ed. by Jerzy Kolendo, Wojciech Nowakowski, Warszawa 2000, pp. 207–235; Anna Juga-Szymańska, Archiwalia archeologiczne dotyczące kultury bogaczewskiej, in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Aanna Bitner-Wróblewska, Warszawa, pp. 121–137. 115  Anna Juga and Paweł Szymański, “Ceramika kultury bogaczewskiej i grupy olsztyńskiej z kartoteki Marty Schmiedehelm. Możliwości weryfikacyjne i poznawcze źródła archiwalnego,” in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska nowe źródła i interpretacje. Materiały z konferencji Białystok 23–24 września 2002 roku, ed by Małgorzata Karczewska and Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 2004), pp. 85–103. 116  Anna Juga, Miria Ots, and Paweł Szymański, “Über die Vorteile der Bildung einer ‘didaktischen Kollektion’. Materialien der Bogaczewo-Kultur und Olsztyn-Gruppe in Ajaloo Instituut in Tallinn (Estland)”, in Antyk i Barbarzyńcy. Księga dedykowana Profesorowi Jerzemu Kolendo, ed. by Aleksander Bursche and Renata Ciołek (Warsaw, 2003), pp. 205–218.

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decade ago, an exceptionally valuable archival source was published—the inventory books of the former Prussia Museum.117Although several of those sources have already been used for the studies on the Olsztyn Group, the information was not always exact.118 Ever since Jerzy Okulicz’s pioneering study of the Bogaczewo-Kula cemetery,119 archival materials have been successfully used to reconstruct Masurian cemeteries,120 such as those from Tałty,121 Zalec,122 Kamień,123 Leleszki,124 Kosewo,125 or Muntowo.126 Of some assistance in the study of the Olsztyn Group may also be the so-called archaeological maps containing information about the archaeological sites discovered in a given region. The most important one is the map of Eastern Prussia published by Emil Hollack in 1908127 and the “district” maps (the so-called Kreiskarten), particularly those for the former districts of Allenstein made by Leonard Fromm and W. Steffl,128 Sensburg made by J. F. G. von Hassel,129 and Ortelsburg made by Hans Tiska and W. Chuschel.130 117  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Tomasz Nowakiewicz, Aleksandra Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz, and Wojciech Wróblewski, Ocalona historia Prus Wschodnich. Archeologiczne księgi inwentarzowe dawnego Prussia-Museum (Warsaw, 2008). 118  Vladimir I. Kulakov, “Mogil’niki zapadnoi chasti Mazurskogo poozer’ia konca V–VIII vv (po materialam raskopok (1878–1938 gg.),” Barbaricum 1 (1989), pp. 148–275. 119  Jerzy Okulicz, “Cmentarzysko z okresu rzymskiego odkryte w miejscowości Bogaczewo na przysiółku Kula, pow. Giżycko,” Rocznik Olsztyński 1 (1958), pp. 47–116. 120  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich”, pp. 191–247. 121  Anna Juga-Szymańska, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich w Tałtach na Pojezierzu Mazurskim,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), pp. 91–147. 122  Paweł Szymański, “Cmentarzysko kultury bogaczewskiej i grupy olsztyńskiej w Zalcu koło Mrągowa, na Pojezierzu Mazurskim,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), pp. 153–190. 123  Izabela Szter, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich i z okresu wędrówek ludów Kamieniu na Pojezierzu Mazurskim,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 61 (2010), pp. 200–332. 124  In this book. 125  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Zabytki z kompleksu nekropoli w Kosewie, pow. mrągowski jako przykład rozwoju i kontaktów grupy olsztyńskiej w późnym okresie wędrówek ludów,” Ph.D. diss., University of Warsaw (Warsaw, 2010). 126  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów”, pp. 191–247. 127  Hollack, Erläuterungen. 128  Mirosław J. Hoffmann, “ ‘Kreiskarte Stadt- und Landkreis Allenstein’. Mapa archeologiczna L. Fromma, W. Steffela, 1:100000,” in Ziem Pruskich. Nieznane zbiory i materiały archiwalne, ed. by Mirosław J. Hoffmann and Jarosław Sobieraj (Olsztyn, 1999), pp. 191–198. 129  Izabela Melin-Wyczółkowska, “ ‘Kreis Sensburg’—mapa archeologiczna G. J. F. Hassela,” in Archeologia ziem pruskich. Nieznane zbiory i materiały archiwalne. Ostróda 15–17.X.1998, ed. by Mirosław J. Hoffmann and Jarosław Sobieraj (Olsztyn, 1999), pp. 177–179. 130  Jarosław Sobieraj, “Materiały archeologiczne w zasobach Wojewódzkiego Archiwum Państwowego w Olsztynie,” in Archeologia ziem pruskich. Nieznane zbiory i materiały

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figure 2.7 a) Hypothetical migration route of Galindians in Late Antiquity, b). Area of the masurgermanische Kultur After (a) Nowakowski, “Die Olsztyn-Gruppe”, (b) Engel, Aus ostpreuβischer Vorzeit

The phrase “Olsztyn Group” was introduced in 1973 by Jerzy Okulicz.131 The first to distinguish this as a particular, cultural phenomenon were Emil Hollack and Feliks E. Peiser, both of whom placed materials attributed to this group within their in Group III of the cemeteries dated to Phases D–E.132 In 1919, Nils Åberg introduced the phrase masurgermanische Kultur (“the Germanic culture of Masuria”), a name enthusiastically adopted by German scholars. Meanwhile, Carl Engel proposed the name westmasurische (galindische) Miniatur-kultur for the final part of the development of the masurgermanische

archiwalne. Ostróda 15–17.X.1998, ed. by Mirosław J. Hoffmann, Jarosław Sobieraj (Olsztyn, 1999), pp. 359–364. 131  In a discussion at the conference on West Balt pottery, which took place in Białystok between September 23 and 24, 2002, Okulicz called his own phrase Olsztyn Group “outdated”. See Jerzy Okulicz, “Discussion”, in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska. Nowe żródła i interpretacje. Materiały z konferencji Białystok 23–24 września 2002 roku, edited by Małgorzata Karczewska and Dariusz Karczewski (Białystok, 2004), p. 226. 132  Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, pp. 12–38.

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Kultur.133 Under his influence, perhaps, during the interwar period, the Olsztyn Group was also known as westmasurische Gruppe134 (Fig. 2.7.b) or westmasurische Kulturgruppe.135 After the war, when Eastern Prussia was divided between Poland and the Soviet Union, Polish scholars rejected the nationalistic overtones of the masurgermanische Kultur. Alternative terms were proposed, such as the Masurian136 or Old Prussian culture.137 However, Jerzy Okulicz’s suggestion prevailed, and the phrase Olsztyn Group was adopted in reference to a part of the West Balt cultural circle (Fig. 2.8).138 One of the most frequently discussed issues connected with the Olsztyn Group was its ethnic attribution. The first to tackle the problem was Johann Heydeck, who when publishing the results of his excavations in Tumiany attributed the cemetery to the Goths and explained the lack of weapons in graves as pointing to a peace-loving group that had settled in Masuria and had specialised in craftsmanship and production of metal ornaments.139 It is important to note in this context that Heydeck was not aware at that time that the absence of weapons is a characteristic feature burial assemblages attributed to the Goths. The German archaeologist Eduard Brenner also suggested that the materials from Tumiany and Kielary had a Germanic character. With that, he implied that the Masurian lands had been settled by a Germanic people from the North or from the Danube region.140 Such ideas have remained remarkable popular. For example, the Russian archaeologist Vladimir Kulakov still believes that western Masuria was settled in the mid-6th century by a group of Germanic peoples from the Danube region—the “Gepid-Lombards.”141 133  Carl Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter in Masuren,” Prussia. Zeitschrift für Heimatkundeund Heimatschutz 33 (1939), p. 49. 134  Carl Engel and Wolfgang La Baume, Kulturen und Völker der Frühzeit im Preußenlande (Königsberg, 1937), pp. 171–172. 135  Ernst Petersen, “Fragen der germanischen Besiedlung im Raume zwischen Oder und Weichsel in der Völkerwanderungszeit,” Mannus 28 (1936), pp. 19–65. 136  Odoj, “Wyniki badań grodziska,” p. 136; Maria Mączkowska, Olsztyn i okolice w pradziejach. Katalog wystawy (Olsztyn, 1974), p. 37. 137  Kazimierz Godłowki, “Okres wędrówek ludów na Pomorzu,” Pomorania Antiqua 10 (1981), p. 65. 138  Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki typu praskiego w grupie olsztyńskiej kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej (VI–VII w. n.e.),” Pomorania Antiqua 13 (1988), p. 103. 139  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” pp. 69–70. Most early medieval finds in the Baltic region were attributed to the Goths at that time. See Andres Tvauri, “Balti arheoloogia maailmaajaloo pöörises ehk gooti teooria saatus,” Eesti arheoloogia ajakiri 7 (2003), pp. 38–71. 140  Eduard Brenner, “Der Stand der Forschung über Kultur der Merowingerzeit,” Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Komission 7 (1915), p. 337. 141  Vladimir I. Kulakov, Prussy (V–XIII vv.) (Moscow, 1994), pp. 193, 213.

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figure 2.8 The Balt lands during the Migration period. 1. Dollkeim/Kovrovo Culture, 2. Bogaczewo Culture/Olsztyn Group, 3. West Lithuanian Group, 4. Lower Nemunas Group, Central Lithuanian Group, Samogitian Flat Cemeteries Group, 7. Semigallian Flat Cemeteries Group, 8. East Latvian Flat Cemeteries Group, 9. Sudovian Culture, 10. East Lithuanian Barrow Culture, 11. Elbląg Group After Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland

In his monograph dedicated to Eastern Prussia during the Migration Period, Nils Åberg maintained that the region had been occupied at that time by two Germanic cultural groups. One of them settled in the Sambia Peninsula: they were descendants of the Goths of the Roman age. The Germanic people to whom he attributed the masurgermanische Kultur settled in Masuria in the early or mid-6th century.142 Åberg left the specific tribal affiliation of those people open, although he pointed to “South European” and “South Russian” 142  Nils Åberg, Ostpreuβen in der Völkerwanderungszeit (Uppsala/Leipzig), p. 69.

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brooches in among grave goods, thus suggesting that the population settling the western part of Masuria in the Late Great Migration Period had come from those areas. Moreover, he explained the settlement crisis observable in Sambia in the 6th century by means of a conquest at the hands of the people of the masurgermanische Kultur. Lastly, he connected the final, decadent, phase of that culture with the Prussian people known from the medieval sources.143 Wilhelm Gaerte was also convinced about the Germanic character of selected materials from the Masurian burial grounds of the late Migration Period.144 However, he did not see those people as necessarily Germans. Instead, he put forward the idea that they were the descendants of local Galindians. According to him, the Balt inhabitants of Masuria had migrated south at the end of the Late Roman Period together with the Germanic tribes. They lived for a while in some area of the Danube region (Fig. 2.7.a), probably under the German leadership, and thus adapted elements of German culture. In ca. 500, their descendants returned to Masuria.145 Even though Gaerte’s idea has no support either in the historical or in the archaeological record, many have uncritically embraced it.146 On the basis of materials from Tumiany and Kielary, Carl Engel put forward another idea, to which both cemeteries were burial places of the members of a group of Ostrogoths returning from Italy,147 However, Engel later abandoned any ethnic labels for the population in the western part of the Masurian Lakeland during Phase E, and called for further research on the ethnic origins of the masurgermanische Kultur.148He still stressed its strong connections with the Gothic settlements in Ukraine,149 and allowed for the possibility that the inhabitants of Masuria were either a Germanic group or a group of Balts who had managed to obtain objects of Germanic origin by means of trade.150 Leonard Fromm, a scholar based in Olsztyn, similarly suggested that those populating the Olsztyn Lakeland in the Migration Period were Goths.151 Such ideas also influenced the research carried out after World War II. Jerzy Okulicz, for example, believed that he had identified Gothic features in the 143  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, pp. 69–70. 144  Wilhelm Gaerte, Urgeschichte Ostpreuβens (Königsberg, 1929), p. 260. 145  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, pp. 308–311. 146  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 20–22. 147  Carl Engel, Die Bevölkerung Ostpreuβens in vorgeschichtlicher Zeit (Gumbinnen, 1932). 148  Engel and La Baume, Kulturen und Völker, p. 175. 149  Carl Engel, “Die baltische Besiedlung Weiss- und Mittelrusslands in vorgeschichtlicher Zeit,” Litterarum Societas Esthonica, 1838–1938. Liber saecularis (Tartu, 1938), p. 3. 150  Carl Engel, Aus ostpreuβischer Vorzeit (Königsberg, 1935), pp. 97–98. 151  Leonard Fromm, “Die Goten im Kreise Allenstein,” Unsere Heimat 24 (1932), pp. 281–282.

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forms and decoration of the Masurian pottery, which he compared with finds from the Wielbark culture.152 It is of course possible that upon their arrival in the Olsztyn Lakeland, the people of the Olsztyn Group settlers found remnants of the Wielbark population, and adopted some elements of their material culture.153 However, there is nothing in the archaeological evidence that could confirm such an interpretation. Of all scholars dealing with this matter, Gerhard Körner was the most extreme. He believed that the masurgermanische Kultur was created by a group of Lombards returning from Italy. He based his hypothesis on finds of bow brooches with oval footplate, which were believed to be of Lombard origin, and on brooches related to the Elbe region.154 Kurt Voigtmann also noted clear Langobardian influence in the assemblage from Grave 55 in Tumiany.155 Ernst Petersen stressed the lack of uniformity of the materials previously discussed in terms of ethnic attribution, and believed that they showed a combination of elements with Germanic features of different origins. In that respect, he distinguished four groups of artifacts of south-Russian and Danubian (the Goths), Lombard, Frankish-Alamannic-Thuringian, and Scandinavian affiliation, respectively.156 He also drew attention to the Balt features of the pottery discovered in the assemblages of the masurgermanische Kultur. Finally, he suggested that an organization developed in the Masurian lands, possibly of diverse ethnic background (both Germanic and Baltic), which gained profits from the trade with amber. A German prehistorian, Gustaf Kossinna, identified the population inhabiting Masuria during the Late Migration period with an un-named tribe with strong links with the “central European” Germanic population and with the Black Sea region.157 Similarly, Franciszek Bujak believed that Masuria was inhabited by a group of Goths who had arrived there from Ukraine, where, 152  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 112. 153  Similarly, Jan Żak allowed for a possible post-Wielbark influence on the basis of hooked spurs from sites of the Olsztyn Group. The latest specimens of that type of spurs were known from the area of the Wielbark culture, e.g., from Bornice. See Jan Żak, “Ostrogi z zaczepami haczykowato odgiętymi na zewnątrz”, Przegląd Archeologiczny 11 (1958), pp. 88–105. 154  Gerhard Körner, Die südelbische Langobarden zum Völkerwanderungszeit (Hildesheim/ Leipzig, 1938), p. 21. 155  Kurt Voigtmann, “Zur Stilistik und Herkunft des Fundes Daumen (Ostpreussen) Grab 55,” Archaeologiai Értesitő 3 (1941), pp. 167–168. 156  Ernst Petersen, Der ostelbische Raum als germanisches Kraftfeld im Lichte der Bodenfunde des 6–8. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1939), p. 207. 157  Gustaf Kossinna, Germanische Kultur im 1. Jahrtausend nach Christus (Leipzig, 1932), p. 135.

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after Attila’s death, armed conflicts with the Bulgars had forced the Gothsto emigrate. After arriving in Masuria, they supposedly conquered the local population and created a social stratum of “noble landowners.”158 Unlike most other German scholars, Kurt Voigtmann opted for a Baltic origin of the settlement in the Masurian Lakeland during Phase E. He believed that what he called a galindische Mischkultur came into being as a result of trade and political processes, as well as combined influences upon the Baltic substratum.159 The Lithuanian archaeologist Eduard Šturms, in his analysis of the brooches from Masurian assemblages, also pointed out the predominant character of the Baltic, as opposed to the Germanic, the latter being found primarily in female burials. He believed that the Baltic crossbow brooches from male burials were a sufficient proof that the area was dominated by the local Galindians.160 Like Petersen, he also suggested that the source of the wealth of the local population was the trade in amber, the diluvial deposits of which were located near Szczytno and were mined as late as the 19th century.161 However, he did not establish whether the imported bow brooches arrived in Masuria through trade or as property of women of foreign origin. Šturms’ idea was developed on by Jerzy Antoniewicz, who thought that the imported objects were gifts to wives and daughters offered by warriors who had obtained them as plunder from military raids.162 The local, Baltic character of the population of the Olsztyn group, upon which Šturms insisted in his studies163 has been largely accepted by scholars.164 158  Franciszek Bujak, Wenedowie na wschodnich wybrzeżach Bałtyku (Gdynia/Bydgoszcz/ Szczecin, 1948), p. 45. 159   Voigtmann, “Neues zu den westmasurischen “Loch- und Fensterurnen” und eine Berichtigung”, Alt-Preußen 6 (1941), no. 3, p. 64. 160  Eduard Šturms, “Zur etnischen Deutung der ‘masurgermanichen’ Kultur,” Archaeologia Geographica 1 (1950). Pp. 20–22. 161  Eduard Šturms, “Die ethnische Deutung der ‘masurgermanischen. Kultur,” Contributions of Batlic University 31 (1947), p. 5. See also Max Toeppen, Historia Mazur. Przyczynek do dziejów krainy i kultury pruskiej. Według źródeł drukowanych i rękopiśmiennych przedstawił Max Toeppen, dyrektor gimnazjum w Kwidzynie (Olsztyn, 1995), pp. 37–38. 162  Jerzy Antoniewicz, review of “Die etnische Deutung der masurgermanischen Kultur” by E. Šturms in Contributions of Baltic University, 31 (1947), Sprawozdania PMA 4 (1952), nos. 3–4, p. 219. 163  Šturms, “Die ethnische Deutung,” p. 6; and “Zur etnischen Deutung,” p. 21. 164  Romuald Odoj, “Dzieje Prusów do czasów krzyżackich,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 107 (1970), no. 1, pp. 54–56; Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Zmierzch kultury bogaczewskiej i jej relacje z grupą olsztyńską,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (Warsaw, 2007), pp. 219–237.

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Even earlier, Polish researchers strongly opposed to the interpretation of the masurgermanische Kultur advanced by German scholars, noted the local Baltic burial customs, as well as the local forms of pottery.165 It should be noted that in sharp contrast to the tendency dominant in the Polish archaeology of that time to avoid the identification of archaeological cultures or culture groups with peoples known from the written sources, the Olsztyn Group was hastily and readily identified with the early medieval Galindians166 or Sasins.167 A particularly interesting hypothesis concerning the ethnic origin of the Olsztyn Group was put forward by the German archaeologist Herbert Kühn. He thought that the population of the group was made up of those Herules, who, according to Procopius of Caesarea, after being defeated by the Lombards and Gepids in 508, returned to Thule (which Kühn believed to be Scandinavia) in 512. To be sure, Åberg had already suggested a link between bow brooches of Danubian origin and the Herules.168 However, the theory was explicitly formulated by Kühn, who distinguished a group of bow brooches with Danubian and Dnieper affiliations which he linked to the Herulian immigrants.169 The question of the Herulian presence in north-eastern Poland was also tackled by Henryk Łowmiański, who rejected the possibility that the trek of the Herules went through Masuria, and suggested instead a route across Moravia and Schleswig.170 Despite its weakness, Kühn’s theory according to which the Olsztyn Group may be associated with the Herules made a strong comeback recently.171 Meanwhile, Jerzy Gąssowski proposed that the Olsztyn Group be associated with the Saxons, a group of which supposedly returned on the Continent from Britain. His main, if not only argument, was that the lands of the Prussians were known in medieval sources as Sasinia. The Sasin tribe was said to have occupied an area to the west from the Galidians, and Gąssowski identified

165  Antoniewicz, review of “Die etnische Deutung,” pp. 215–216; Józef Kostrzewski, “Koniec legendy o kulturze mazursko-germańskiej,” Z Otchłani Wieków 21 (1952), no. 3, pp. 105–106; Konrad Jażdżewski, Pradzieje Europy Środkowej (Wrocław, 1981), p. 604. 166  Jażdżewski, Pradzieje Europy, pp. 603–605; Jan Tyszkiewicz, Mazowsze północnowschodnie we wczesnym średniowieczu (Warsaw, 1974), p. 74. 167  Jerzy Gąssowski, Kultura pradziejowa na ziemiach Polsk: zarys (Warsaw, 1985), p. 274. 168  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 90. 169  Herbert Kühn, “Das Problem der masurgermanischen Fibeln in Ostpreussen,” in Documenta Archaeologica Wolfgang La Baume Dedicata, ed. by Otto. Kleemann (Bonn, 1956), p. 108. 170  Henryk Łowmiański, Początki Polski, vol. 2 (Warsaw, 1963), p. 308. 171  Andrzej Kokowski, Polska starożytna. Od trzeciego stulecia przed narodzeniem Chrystusa do schyłku starożytności (Warsaw, 2005), p. 519.

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that area with the territory of the Olsztyn Group.172 But he did not seem to have been aware of an alternative explanation, namely that of the medieval chronicler Gallus Anonymus, according to whom Sasinia was called so after the Saxons who moved into that area during the reign of Charlemagne (768–814).173 In reality, Sasinia (Sassen, in German) derives from the Prussian word for “hare” (“Sassins”) and has nothing to do with any foreign tribe.174 On the basis of numerous finds of bow brooches, he called “Slavic,” Joachim Werner suggested the influence of an East Slavic group, possibly the Antes, upon the Olsztyn Group. However, he doubted that any Slavs actually move into the area.175 Others identified Slavic elements in the Olsztyn Group pottery.176 So far, the problem of the direction and character of all those connections has not been satisfactorily solved. There are clearly several groups of materials of different origins. One of them has Frankish-Alemannic connections. It is also possible to distinguish artifacts with affiliations in the Middle Danube region (Goths or Gepids, but also, later, the Avars), the Slavic world (with references to the Prague and Pen’kivka cultures), Italy (Lombard), southeastern Scandinavia, and Byzantium. Moreover, materials from the Olsztyn Group contain references to cultures of the forest-steppe lands in the Upper Dnieper region and in Finland. However, it is difficult to define precisely the directions of the Olsztyn Group connections, because many of the artifacts in question are distributed over at large areas, with no possibility of pinning them down to a concrete cultural unit or a tribal group. The problem of the Olsztyn Group ethnic origins has been discussed more often in connection with artifacts of supposedly Germanic origin, and was therefore greatly influenced by nationalistic concerns. The debate between Polish and German archaeologists about the Germanic character of the 172  Gąssowski, Kultura pradziejowa, p. 274. 173  Gallus Anonymus, The Deeds of the Princes of the Poles II 42, edited by Karol Maleczyński and translated by Paul W. Knoll and Frank Schaer (Budapest/New York, 2003), pp. 194–195. 174  Gerhard Knietz, “Von Grenzen und Landwehren in der altpreußischen Landschaft Sassen,” Alt Preußen 4 (1939), no. 2, p. 45. 175  Joahim Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln des 7. Jahrhunderts,” in Reinecke Festschrift. Zur 75 Geburstag von Paul Reinecke am 25 September 1947, ed by G. Behrens (Mainz, 1950), pp. 167–168. 176  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 103–133; Wojciech Wróblewski and Tomasz Nowakiewicz, “Ceramika ‘pruska’ i ‘słowiańska’ we wczesnośredniowiecznej Galindii,” in Słowianie i ich sąsiedzi we wczesnym średniowieczu, ed. by Marek Dulinicz (Warsaw/ Lublin, 2003), pp. 166–181; Waldemar A. Moszczyński, “Naśladownictwo słowiańskiego wątku ornamentacyjnego na ceramice grupy olsztyńskiej z cmentarzyska w Tumianach,” in Hereditatem Cognoscere. Studia i szkice dedykowane Profesor Marii Miśkiewicz, ed. by Zbigniew Kobyliński (Warsaw, 2004), pp. 165–168.

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settlement in Masuria during Phase E appears to have been of a purely political nature. Polish archaeologists reacted to German attempts to attribute the archaeological record of Masuria to a Germanic population. Establishing the ethnic affiliation of the Olsztyn Group should however start with the written sources. In his Germania, Tacitus described the lands to the east from the Gutones (the Goths, now regarded as the population of the Wielbark culture) as inhabited by the Aesti. Despite a certain similarities to Germanic tribes, those people spoke a different language. A more detailed description of the Baltic settlement areas appears in Ptolemy’s Geographia, which mentions the Galindai and Sudinoi, two groups now associated with the Bogaczewo and Sudovian culture, respectively. In the early 14th century, Peter of Dusburg mentioned the Galinditae and Sudoviae living in the same areas as those mentioned by Ptolemy. This strongly suggests that West Balts continued to live in Masuria from the Roman Period to the late Middle Ages.177 Another problem associated with the Olsztyn Group is the exact area of its expansion. Ǻberg restricted it to three pre-war German districts of Eastern Prussia: Allenstein/Olsztyn, Sensburg/Mrągowo, and Ortelsburg/Szczytno.178 An attempt was made at distinguishing a separate “Galindian” cultural group occupying the Great Masurian Lakeland.179 The specific character of that area was also noted in the post-war literature.180 Although burial assemblages in that area are not as rich as in the western part, the Olsztyn Group settlement may have well extended as far as Lake Śniardwy (Fig. 2.9). The most characteristic cemetery in this region is Zdory, but so-called window urns, which are typical for the Olsztyn Group, have also been found in Łuknajno.181 This interpretation is now confirmed by excavations at the settlement in Tałty, Site II, near Mikołajki.182 While the western and southern border of the Olsztyn Group settlement area are relatively clear (as they coincide with the area abandoned by the population of the Wielbark culture), its northern and eastern limits (especially the boundaries separating the Olsztyn Group from the Dollkeim/Kovrovo and Sudovian cultures) are more difficult to establish.183 There are also doubts about the claim that there was an Olsztyn Group settlement near Reszel, even 177  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 25. 178  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 70. 179  Engel, Aus ostpreuβischer Vorzeit, pp. 98–99. 180  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 476. 181  Voigtmann, “Neues zu den westmasurischen ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen”, p. 64. 182  Unpublished excavations conducted in 2011 by the “Archeo-Adam” firm. 183  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Die Balten zwischen Weichsel und Memel zwischen 400 und 800 n. Chr. Ein Entwurfder Forschungsproblematik,” Archaeologia Baltica 5 (2000), pp. 16–17; Nowakowski, “Die Olsztyn-Gruppe”, pp. 168–180.

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figure 2.9 Area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

if artifacts evidently dated to Phase E have been discovered there.184 No evidence exist for supporting the expansion of the Olsztyn Group settlement as far to the northeast as Węgorzewo.185 Pottery with stylistic features typical for the Olsztyn Group is known from sites of the Sudovian culture.186 During Phase E, the Olsztyn Group clearly expanded to the west, into the Olsztyn 184  At Robawy near Reszel two sites with materials from Phases D–E have beendiscovered. Those materials include a fragment of a brooch of the Tumiany-Dour type. Finds from those sites were presented on January 14th, 2009, by I. Melin-Wyczółkowska, M. A., at the Balt Seminar in the State Archaeological Museum. 185  Wojciech Wróblewski, “ ‘ Wędrujące’ pogranicze. Południowa rubież osadnictwa pruskiego w okresie plemiennym (VII/VIII–XII/XIII w.),” in Pogranicze polsko-pruskie i krzyżackie, vol. 2, ed. by Kazimierz Grążawski (Włocławek/Brodnica, 2007), p. 37. 186  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’. Wpływ Gotów na obrządek pogrzebowy mieszkańców Suwalszczyzny w okresie wędrówek ludów?” Monumenta Studia Gothica 4 (2005), pp. 39–40.

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Lakeland, probably as a consequence of the disappearance of the earlier Wielbark population in that area.187 One should also consider the possibility of the Olsztyn Group penetrating the region of the Narew River188 during the 6th to 8th century, probably in search of amber deposits in the Piska, Kurpiowska, and Myszyńska Forests. Such a possibility is supported by hydronyms of Baltic origin.189 Before Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn’s work, there was no serious attempt at establishing a more precise chronology of the Olsztyn Group. Hollack or Åberg dated artifacts to the Migration Period, in general, or simply referred to the chronologically synchronous, Merovingian period. Some attempts at refining the chronology were made, however, by Feliks Jakobson. Okulicz-Kozaryn divided the Late Migration Period (Phase E) in Masuria into three phases— D3/E1 (450–525), E2 (525–600), and E3 (600–650/675).190 The Olsztyn Group flourished during Phase E2, also called the “Tumiany Phase.”191 The Russian archaeologist Vladimir Kulakov made another attempt at refining the chronology of the Olsztyn Group, which he extended into Phase F.192 He subdivided Phases E and F into numerous sub-phases, without however offering any justification for that, and his periodization has not been accepted. Using Okulicz’s framework, Jacek Kowalski divided Phase E2 into two periods: E2a (525–570) and E2b (570–600). He placed the chronological boundary between the two at 568, the year in which the Lombards left from Pannonia for Italy and the Avars occupied the Carpathian Basin. According to Kowalski, those events had a great impact on the nature of materials coming from the south into the territory of the Olsztyn Group. His periodization is therefore primarily based on imports, particularly bow brooches, with chronology known from other areas. Kowalski paid little, if any attention to artifacts of local origin.193

187  Waldemar Heym, “Die Blütezeit der altpreußichen Kultur,” Alt Preußen 3 (1938), no. 2, p. 44. 188  Tyszkiewicz used the tribal name “Galindians”. 189  Tyszkiewicz, Mazowsze, p. 74. 190  It should be noted that he initially placed the beginning of the late Migration Period in the 6th century, thus positioning the Olsztyn Group in the second period (Jerzy Okulicz, “Dzieje regionu mazursko-warmińskiego w I–VI w. n.e.”, Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie 1 (1970), pp. 47–48. 191  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 107–108. 192  Kulakov, “Mogilniki,” pp. 156–157. 193  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią, pp. 67–85; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 203–248.

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An attempt at sequencing the cemetery at Tumiany resulted in phases different from those proposed by Okulicz and Kowalski.194 However, that attempt was based only the finds from features excavated in 1969–1971, without taking into account the pre-war excavations. A different sequencing of the cemeteries excavated in Tumiany and Kielary was advanced by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska.195 The decline of the Olsztyn Group is not at all clear in the archaeological material. In its final phase, there are fewer grave goods and the ornament forms typical for the developed Phase E degenerate.196 When imports of bow brooches stopped, all the traces of supra-regional contacts disappear as well. With that, the possibility of dating assemblages becomes more difficulty. The end of the Olsztyn Group is thus associated with the lack of the archaeologically discernible assemblages that could dated with any degree of certainty after the 7th century. Although common opinion has generally prevailed that the Olsztyn Group ended in the mid-7th century, Wojciech Nowakowski has convincingly showed that the cemetery at Wólka Prusinowska continued into, the 8th century, which raises questions about the generally accepted scenario for the end of the Olsztyn Group.197 A date within the early 8th century is now assigned also to a number of penannular brooches that appear in some of the latest features of the Olsztyn Group.198 194  Tadeusz Baranowski and Waldemar A. Moszczyński, “Ornamentyka naczyń z zespołów grobowych datowanych zabytkami metalowymi,” in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska nowe źródła i interpretacje. Materiały z konferencji Białystok 23–24 września 2002 roku, ed. by Małgorzata Karczewska and Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 2004), p. 168. 195  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Problem genezy grupy olsztyńskiej w świetle periodyzacji cmentarzysk w Tumianach i Kielarach,” Acta Universitatis Lodziensis, Folia Archaeologica 25 (2007), pp. 69–92 and “Die Periodiesierung der Gräberfelder von Tumiany (Daumen) und Kielary (Kellaren). Ein Beitrag zur Diskussion über den Ursprung der OlsztynGruppe,” in Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, pp. 397–414. Worth mentioning here is the sequencing of the Tumiany cemetery by means of correspondence analysis in Florin Curta, “Slavic bow fibulae? Werner’s class I D revisited,” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57 (2006), pp. 438, 439, 441 and 446; and “A contribution to the study of bow fibulae of Werner’s class I G,” Arheologia Moldovei 29 (2006), pp. 97–98. For the sequencing of the cemetery in Kielary, see Florin Curta, “Werner’s class I C: erratum corrigendum cum commentariis,” Ephemeris Napocensis 21 (2011), pp. 68–69. 196  Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter,” p. 52; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 109. 197  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Schyłek grupy olsztyńskiej—próba nowego spojrzenia. ‘Nowe’ materiały z cmentarzyska w Wólce Prusinowskiej w powiecie mrągowskim,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 246 (2004), no. 4, pp. 414–416. 198  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska,” Zapinki podkowiaste w grupie olsztyńskiej—tropem archiwum Feliksa Jakobsona,” in Archeologiczne dziedzictwo Prus Wschodnich w archiwum Feliksa Jakobsona, ed. by Tomasz Nowakiewicz, Aestiorum Hereditas, 2 (Olsztyn, 2011), p. 555.

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Anna Bitner-Wróblewska believes that the end of the must be dated to phase F, first distinguished by Bezzenberger in 1897.199 Carl Engel had already advanced the idea of the Olsztyn Group ending in what he called the jüngste heidnische Zeitälter, which lasted from the end of the Migrations Period to the conquest of Prussia by the Teutonic Knights. Engel blamed Scandinavians for taking over the trade routes in the Baltic region, and the aggressive expansion of the Slavs, for the end of the Olsztyn Group.200 But, according to Jan Tyszkiewicz, the relations between the Balts and Slavs were peaceful and splate.201 Others claimed that during the Slavic-Baltic coexistence, the only forms of conflict must have been local skirmishes.202 The problem, however, is that the Slavic settlement in neighboring Mazovia was very sparse in the 7th century, and could not have therefore posed a threat to the West Baltic settlement. On the contrary, it was that settlement which appears to have expanded to the south and to the west.203 Another frequently discussed issue concerning the Olsztyn Group cemeteries is the unusually large number of brooches found in burial assemblages. There is no parallel in East Central Europe for such a large number of brooches. More often than not, this issue was discussed in relation to the ethnic attribution of both brooches and the Olsztyn Group. Johann Heydeck, for example, believed the bow brooches to be Gothic, and he also attached that ethnic label to crossbow brooches with rich relief ornament in animal style (the so-called Tumiany-type brooches).204 Bernhad Salin, a researcher specialising in the ornamental decoration of artifacts from the Migration period, was the first to notice that brooches from Tumiany and Kielary had good analogies in Frankish areas.205 However, he paid relatively little attention to those connections and to Masuria, in general. 199  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Die Periodiesierung,” p. 407 and “Zapinki podkowiaste,” p. 555. 200  Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter,” pp. 49–50. 201  Tyszkiewicz, Mazowsze, p. 75. 202  Łucja Okulicz-Kozaryn, Życie codzienne w czasach Prusów i Jaćwięgów w wiekach średnich (IX–XII w.) (Warsaw, 1983), p. 48. 203  Engel, Aus ostpreuβischer Vorzeit, p. 90, fig. 54; Wojciech Wróblewski, “Ziemie pruskie i jaćwieskie w okresie plemiennym (VII/VIII–XII/XIII wieku),” in Stan i potrzeby badań nad wczesnym średniowieczem w Polsce- 15 lat później, ed. by Wojciech Chudziak and Sławomir Moździoch (Toruń/Wrocław, 2006), p. 289, fig. 2. 204  Such brooches of this type are clearlyof Baltic origin, but a mould for such fibulae has been found in Helgö (eastern Sweden), which suggests that some specimens, including the one from the Alamannic cemetery in Altenerding (Bayern), may in fact have been made in Scandinavia. See Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland to Rogaland. East-West Connections in the Baltic Basin During the Early Migration Period (Warsaw, 2001), p. 189. 205  Bernhard Salin, Die altgermanische Thierornamentik (Stockholm, 1904), pp. 53–57.

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Günther Haseloff, however, attempted to distinguish a Masurian style of decoration connected with the so-called Animal Style I, for which a numberof analogies are known from southeastern Scandinavia and from Germany.206 More recent studies, however, have shown that the Haseloff’s “Masurian style” is an imitation of Scandinavian decorative patterns, and not the other way around.207 A Swedish researcher, Ture Algot Johnsson Arne, believed that the bow brooches found in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group had been obtained from the trade conducted by the population of the Masurian Lakeland with the Goths presumably established in the Middle Dnieper region of present-day Ukraine after the collapse of the Hunnic Empire in the mid-5th century. Arne believed that the power center of the Gohic polity in that area was the stronghold at Pastyrs’ke, not far from present-day Cherkasy.208 Arne’s fellow countryman, Niels Åberg, noted that, as a matter of fact, the brooches found in Masurian cemeteries pointed to many, different directions. On the basis of a style analysis, he distinguished two main groups, one with West European analogies, the other pointing to the Danube region and to Ukraine. Åbergdrew the first list of bow brooch finds from the West Balt areas.209 Bow brooches were also studied by Joachim Werner who, while examining a five-knobbed specimen from Dour, in the Hainaut province of present-day Belgium, distinguished a brooch type produced in Masuria, which he accordingly called the Daumen-Dour type.210 He believed this type to be the result of a combination of influences from eastern, northern, and western Germany. Werner also studied the numerous finds of brooches in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group, which have analogies in the Dnieper, advanced their first classification, and attributed them to the Slavs.211 Herbert. Kühn also advanced a classificatory scheme for brooches from the burial assemblages of the Olsztyn Group discovered before the World War II.212 Some of them correspond to Kühn’s much more complex classification of early medieval fibulae from Germany,213 but many others required a new typology, 206  Günther Haseloff, Die germanische Tierornamentik der Völkerwanderungszeit. Studien zu Salin’s Stil I (Berlin/New York, 1981), p. 538. 207  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 191–195. 208  Ture A. J. Arne, Det stora Svitjod (Stockholm, 1917), p. 26. 209  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, pp. 168–175. 210  Actually, Werner employed a longer name—the Dour-Daumen-Alt KossewenScheufelsdorf-Schönwarling group of fibulae. SeeJoachim Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel aus dem Hennegau,” Germania 29 (1951), pp. 58–62. The shorter name (the Tumiany-Dour type) was introduced by Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 67–85. 211  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” pp. 150–172. 212  Kühn, “Das Problem,” pp. 79–108. 213  Herbert Kühn, Die germanische Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit, I Teil, Rheinprovinz (Graz, 1965); Herbert Kühn, Die germanische Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit,

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including those that Werner had previously called “Slavic.” Unlike Werner, Kühn’s classification is based on general stylistic criteria, which make it rather imprecise. Whereas his typology of “German” brooches has been widely accepted, Kühn’s classification of the “Slavic” fibulae was not as popular as Werner’s As research on types of bow brooches known from Western Europe progressed, the his chronology and terminology were also revised.214 The American-Romanian archaeologist Florin Curta dealt with Masurian bow brooches with spiral decoration. He found that the brooches from the area of the Olsztyn Group had close links with the fibulae discovered in Transylvania, Walachia and Moldova.215 In his study of Werner’s I D group of “Slavic” brooches (the so-called “Pleniţa-Tumiany type”),216 on the basis of the analysis of stylistic features, Curta came to the conclusion that that group of brooches originated in Masuria, where they must have been produced by the population of the Olsztyn Group, and then exported to the central Dnieper and Danube areas.217 The “Slavic” brooches from the Olsztyn Group played an important part in studies of other researchers who dealt with that type of

II Teil, Süddeutschland (Graz, 1974); Herbert Kühn, Die germanische Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit, III Teil, Mitteldeutschland (Graz, 1981). 214  Joachim Werner, “Zu den Bügelfibeln aus den völkerwanderungszeitliches Gräberfeldern Maurens,” Germania 62 (1984), pp. 72–77; Holger Göldner, Studien zu rhein- und moselfränkischen Bügelfibeln, Marburger Studien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 8 (Marburg, 1987); Aleksander Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit im westlichen Frankreich (Mainz, 1998). 215  Florin Curta and Vasile Dupoi, “Über die Bügelfibel aus Piertroasele und ihre Verwandten,” Dacia, 328–39 (1994–1995), p. 234. 216  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” pp. 153–154. 217  Florin Curta, “Slavic bow fibulae? Werner´s class I D revisited,” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57 (2006), p. 446. “Slavic” brooches from the Olsztyn Group played a significant role in Curta’s other studies, such as The Making of the Slavs. History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500–700 (Cambridge/New York, 2001), pp. 247–275; “Werner’s class I H of ‘Slavic’ bow fibulae revisited,” Archaeologia Bulgarica 8 (2004), pp. 59–78; “Once again on bow fibulae of the ‘Pietroasele type” (Werner’s class I F),” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59 (2008), pp. 465–492; “Some remarks on bow fibulae of Werner’s class I C,” Slavia Antiqua 49 (2008), pp. 45–98; “A note on the ‘Slavic’bow fibulae of Werner’s class I J,” Archaeologia Baltica 12 (2009), pp. 124–136; “On the dating of the ‘Veţel-Coşoveni’ group of curved fibulae,” Ephemeris Napocensis 4 (1994), 233–265; “Female dress and ‘Slavic’ bow fibulae in Greece,” Hesperia 74 (2005), no. 1, 101–146; “A contribution to the study of bow fibulae of Werner’s class I G,” Arheologia Moldovei 29 (2006), 93–124; “Werner’s class I C: erratum corrigendum cum commentariis,” Ephemeris Napocensis 21 (2011), 63–110; “The Jägala fibula revisited, or remarks on Werner’s class II D,” Eesti arheoloogia ajakiri 16 (2012), no. 1, 26–69; as well as the synthesis in “‘Slavic’ bow fibulae: twenty years of research,” Bericht der römisch-germanischen Kommission 93 (2012), 235–342.

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dress accessories.218 It should be noted that such dress accessories found in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group do not have an exact chronology. Kowalski’s study was based on a rather general chronology of specimens found within the wide area between the Dnieper and the Danube. Assigning the respective brooch types to the chronological phases established for Masuria made some believe that some types of fibulae could be dated earlier dating in the Olsztyn Group than elsewhere, which was then interpreted as evidence that they may have originated from Masuria.219 So far, however, there is no evidence of that casting brooches similar to the “Slavic” fibulae had any tradition in the West Balt lands. This especially concerns the decorations in the form of bird heads, which is clearly derived from the traditions in the Danube region that have been associated to the Goths.220 This does not exclude the possibly, however, that some imitations produced in the Olsztyn Group area could reach distant places in Europe. Such is the case, for example of two brooches, both imitation of Werner’s class I C (the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type), discovered in a hoard hidden in Velyki Budky, a settlement site attributed to the Kolochin culture in Ukraine.221 Changes in the decorative style of bow brooches and the evolution of their forms has also been studied by Volker Hilberg, who noted the possibility that brooches produced in Masuria were “degenerated” imitations of imported models.222 He created the most comprehensive catalogue of bow brooches from the West Balt area. His is the most in-depth analysis so far of those dress accessories. By contrast, the local, West Baltic brooches of the crossbow type have received comparatively less attention. The first to discuss them was Niels Åberg.223 Anna Bitner-Wróblewska also dealt with a particular group, the richly decorated Type Tumiany, to which she attributed the value a high social status. In addition, she studies the more modest and schematically decorated type Mrągowo.224 Crossbow fibulae from the Baltic region have also been the subject 218  Christina Katsougiannopoulu, Studien zu ost- und südosteuropäischen Bügelfibeln (Bonn 1999); Uwe Fiedler, Studien zu Gräberfeldern des 6. bis 9. Jahrhunderts an der unteren Donau, Univrsitätforschungen zür Prähistorischen Forschungen 11 (1992). 219  Curta, “Slavic bow fibulae?” pp. 446 and 463. 220  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” pp. 164–165. 221   Valentina M. Goriunova, “Novy klad antskogo vremeni iz srednego Podneprov’ia,” Arkheologicheskie vesti 1 (1992), pp. 129–130. 222  Hilberg, “Studien,” p.  271; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 311–312; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 205–289. 223  Åberg, Ostpreuβen. 224  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Between Curonia and Bavaria. Animal-head brooches resulting from long-distance connections during migration period,” Archaeologia Baltica 4 (2000), pp. 181–197; Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland to Rogaland.

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of attention of the Lithuanian archaeologist Audronė Bliujienė225 and of the Russian archaeologist Vladimir Kulakov.226 The author of this book made the first attempt at classifying those crossbow brooches with cross-shaped foot and described their development.227 I have also dealt with some forms of disc brooches.228 Even less attention was paid to the pottery of the Olsztyn Group. Kurt Voigt­ mann first drew attention to urn vessels with square “windows” (Fensterurnen) or holes (Lochurnen) cut into the bdoy, as well as to vessels with notches on the rim (Gefässe mit Randausschnitt) (Fig. 2.10).229 One of the most characteristic vessel types for the Olsztyn Group, the so-called hollow stem cups,230 as well as pottery of supposedly Slavic type received some scholarly attention.231 Of some interest was also the pottery decorated with stamped ornaments.232 225  Audronė Bliujienė, “Baltų zoomorfinis stilius,” Lietuvos Archeologija 21 (2001), pp. 205–223; Audronė Bliujienė, “The main stylistic features of the Baltic crossbow brooches in the Migration Period,” Archaeologia Baltica 5 (2002), pp. 145–162; Sebastian Brather, “Die Armbrustsprossenfibel von Prützke. Eine baltische Fibelvariante und die frühen slawischen Brandgräber,” in … trans Albim fluvium. Forschungen zur vorrömischen, kaiserzeitlichen und mittelalterlichen Archäologie. Festschrift Achim Leube zum 65. Geburtstag, edited by Michael Meyer (Rahden, 2001), pp. 479–92; Bartosz Kontny and Paweł Szymański. “Bałtyjska zapinka z początku późnego okresu wędrówek ludów z Pucka,” in Ubi tribus faucibus fluenta Vistulae fluminis ebibuntur. Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn in memoriam, edited by Bartosz Kontny (Warsaw, 2015), pp. 333–50]. 226  Vladimir I. Kulakov, “Zverinogolovye fibuly baltov,” Sovetskaia arkheologiia (1991), no. 2, pp. 206–215.; Valdimir I. Kulakov, “Arbaletovidnye fibuly so zverinym ornamentom,” Slavia Antiqua 53 (2012), 131–63; Michel Kazanski, “Arbaletnye fibuly epokhi pereselenii narodov v iuzhnoi Galii i ‘severnyi sled’.” Arkheologicheskii sbornik 39 (2013), 197–209. 227  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen zur Entwicklung von Armbrustsprossenfibeln aus dem Territorium der Olsztyn-Gruppe. Erste Feststellungen,” in The Turbulent Epoch. New Materials from the Late Roman Period and the Migration Period, ed. by Barbara Niezabitowska-Wiśniewska, Marcin Juściński, Piotr Łuczkiewicz, and Sylwester Sadowski (Lublin, 2008), pp. 291–302. 228  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Eine Scheibenfibel mit Mittelbuckel aus dem masurischen Gräberfeld Leleszki und das Problem der späteren Stufe der Olsztyn-Gruppe,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2006), pp. 80–84. 229  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische Loch- und Fensterurnen,” pp. 36–46; Voigtmann, “Neues zu den westmasurischen ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen’,” p. 64. 230  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Studia nad ceramiką zachodniobałtyjską z okresu wędrówek ludów. Problem tzw. pucharków na pustych nóżkach,” Barbaricum 1 (1989), pp. 101–147. 231   Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 103–133; Wróblewski and Nowakiewicz, “Ceramika,” pp. 166–181; Moszczyński, “Naśladownictwo,” pp. 165–168. 232  Tadeusz Baranowski, “Ceramika ‘grupy olsztyńskiej’ z osady i cmentarzyska w Tumianach (uwagi wstępne), in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska od wczesnej epoki żelaza do początku ery nowożytnej. Materiały z konferencji w Białymstoku 14–16 maja 1997, ed. by Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 1998), pp. 283–292; Baranowski and Moszczyński, “Ornamentyka naczyń,” pp. 167–179.

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figure 2.10

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Pottery of the Olsztyn Group from cemeteries excavated in Tumiany and Kielary After Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

A few categories of artifacts also received special attention, such as scabbard mounts,233 particular forms of penannular brooches,234 bracelets,235 spurs,236 and pendants.237 233  Bruno Ehrlich, “Schwerter mit silberbeschlagenen Scheiden von Benkenstein, Kr. Elbing und einige west- und ostpreussiche vergleichstücke,” Prussia. Zeitschrift für Heimatkunde und Heimatschutz 29 (1931), pp. 16–46; Przemysław Urbańczyk, “Geneza wczesnośredniowiecznych metalowych pochew broni białej ze stanowisk kultury pruskiej,” Przegląd Archeologiczny 26 (1978), pp. 107–145. 234   Bitner-Wróblewska,” Zapinki podkowiaste,” pp.  548–561; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Zapinka podkowiasta i bransoleta mankietowa z Tylkowa—problem ciągłości kulturowej pomiędzy okresem wpływów rzymskich a późnym okresem wędrówek ludów na Pojezierzu Mazurskim,” in Słowianie i ich sąsiedzi we wczesnym średniowieczu, ed. by Marek Dulinicz (Warsaw/Lublin, 2003), pp. 141–146. 235  Nowakowski, “Zapinka podkowiasta,” 141–146. 236  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Ostrogi z haczykowatymi zaczepami odgiętymi na zewnątrz z obszaru grupy olsztyńskiej w świetle źródeł archiwalnych. Próba nowego spojrzenia,” in Pogranicze trzech światów. Kontakty kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i bogaczewskiej w świetle materiałów z badań i poszukiwań archiwalnych, ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski and Andrzej Szela (Warsaw, 2006), pp. 349–362; Mirosław Rudnicki, “Die Olsztyn—Gruppe (masurgermanische Kultur)—neue Forschungsmöglichkeiten am Beispiel von Studien zu Hakensporen,” Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 13 (2008), no. 1, pp. 44–49. 237   Mirosław Rudnicki, “Uwagi na temat niektórych form zawieszek z terenów grupy olsztyńskiej,” in Bałtowie i ich sąsiedzi. Marian Kaczyński im memoriam, ed. by Anna

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The Olsztyn Group has been the topic of several doctoral dissertations, only one of which has been published. Felix Jakobson, who had been preparing a study of the cemeteries at Tumiany and Kielary, drowned in the Dźwina River in 1930 without finishing his dissertation. Kurt Voigtmann, who finished his doctoral dissertation on a related topic, died of a severe illness in 1942. His dissertation disappeared and was not found despite Wolfgang La Baume’s efforts.238 Jacek Kowalski, who studied the chronology of the Olsztyn and Elbląg Groups, did not finish his work. He published a summary of his dissertation was published in the form of an article.239 The latest doctoral dissertations on the Olsztyn Group are those of Volker Hilberg who studied the contacts of the Olsztyn Group in the light of bow brooches, and the author of this book, who studied the artifacts from the cemeteries excavated in Kosewo.240 Bitner-Wróblewska and Grażyna Iwanowska, Seminarium Bałtyjskie II (Warsaw, 2009), pp. 421–436; Mirosław Rudnicki, “Zawieszki trapezowate z terenu grupy olsztyńskiej— świadectwo kontaktów ze Słowianami?” in Archeologia barbarov 2009. Hospodárstwo Germánov. Sídliskové a ekonomické štruktúry od neskorej doby laténskej po včasný stredovek. Zborník referátov z V. protohistorickej konferencie. Nitra, 21–25 septembra 2009, ed. by Ján Beljak, Gertrúda Březinová, and Vladimir Varsik (Nitra, 2010), pp. 669–686. 238  Šturms, “Die ethnische Deutung,” p. 1. 239  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 203–248. 240  Volker Hilberg, “Masurische Bügelfibeln. Studien zu den Fernbeziehungen der völkerwanderungzeitlichen Brandgräberfelder Daumen und Kellaren,” Ph.D. diss, Philips Universität in Marburg (Marburg, 2009); Rudnicki, “Zabytki.”

Chapter 3

Burial Customs The only burial rite of the Olsztyn Group was cremation. In that respect, the population of the Olsztyn Group was no different from the rest of the West Balt cultural circle in Phase E (Fig. 3.1). So far, no inhumations dated to the Migration period are known from Masuria. Some have assumed that the dominant form of burial for the Olsztyn Group was the urn cremation.1 Unfortunately, it is impossible for most cemeteries of the Olsztyn Group to assess the proportions between pit and urn cremations, largely because little, or no data exists in pre-war inventories or excavation reports about graves with no or few grave goods, to say nothing about the considerable loss of data as a consequence of scattered or destroyed field records. To be sure, such obstacles are also evident in the case of earlier cemeteries dated to the Roman age,2 primarily because of the lack of secure chronological markers from a considerable number of graves.3 The situation is particularly well illustrated in Kosewo. At Kosewo I, urn graves predominate (Fig. 2.2). Among the 728 recorded burials, 611 are urn cremations. Of all 124 burials dated to the Roman age, urn graves represent 59 percent (76 graves).4 Although it is of course impossible to make precise statements in that respect, it appears that the predominant burial rite in the Bogaczewo culture was cremation, a conclusion substantiated by observations on several, multi-layered cemetery sites in Masuria.5 However, pit cremations were predominant in at least two cemeteries—Wyszembork6 and Sterławki Wielkie.7 Most burials in Piecki are also pit cremations.8 1  Hollack, Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, p. 12; Jaskanis, Obrządek pogrzebowy, p. 140. 2  This concerns cemeteries from the eastern zone of the Olsztyn Group area, where sites known for the Bogaczewo culture, occupied in the Roman age, remained in use during the Migration Period. 3  For the state of research on the Masurian archaeological sites excavated before the World War II, see Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 7–9; Nowakowski, “Dzieje zainteresowań archeologicznych w Prusach”, pp. 9–13. 4  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” pp. 143–144. 5  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 393; Jaskanis, Obrządek pogrzebowy, p. 137. 6  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 88. There were 17 urns and 51 pit graves in Wyszembork (Szymański, “Cmentarzysko kultury”, p. 177). 7  Lenarczyk, “Materiały z badań,” pp. 65–110. 8  Seven pit graves and only one urn burial. However, the site has been considerably disturbed by village buildings. See Mirosław Rudnicki, “Grób grup olsztynskiej z miejscowości Piecki, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie,” Barbaricum 7 (2004), 265–73.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004381728_004

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figure 3.1 Typical forms of graves of the Olsztyn Group in the cemetery excavated in Burdąg (district of Szczytno) Photo by Urszula Wilkoszewska

In Kosewo I, of all 149 cremations dated with some degree of certainty to Phase E, the vast majority (140) were urn graves. Similarly, in Kosewo III, of all 250 cremations, 226 were urn graves. The same conclusion has been drawn on the basis of the situation on the multi-layered cemetery site nearby, at Muntowo.9 In Zalec, during Phase E, for every pit cremation there are 10 urn graves.10 Comparing sites near Kosewo is especially important, because there seems to be no locally specific burial customs, as the same is true for sites near Lake Probarskie—Wyszembork, Zalec, or Muntowo.11 A similar situation is documented in the western zone of the Olsztyn Group settlement area, at Tumiany, Kielary, and Leleszki. Urn burials should therefore seem to be predominant, but local variations certainly existed, as already suggested in the earlier literature.12 The future research may certainly bring more nuances to such a conclusion. The urns most typical for the Olsztyn Group are those with “windows” or holes. There were also many vessels with notches on the rim. The “window” urns have been so called because of rectangular cuts in their bodies carefully made before firing. Some of those cuts are further decorated, as in grave 90 in Kielary or grave 32 in Tuminary. In other cases, the “windows” are undecorated (Kielary, Grave XXVII), or carelessly made holes (grave 410 in Kosewo I or 9  Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko,” p. 216. 10  Szymański, “Cmentarzysko kultury,” p. 176. 11  On determining the extent of a settlement area based on the siting of cemeteries, see Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, pp. 153–155. 12  Jaskanis, Obrządek, p. 147. Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 477 was of the contrary opinion, namely that pit cremations were predominant.

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grave 109 in Wolka Prusinowska).13 The urns with holes are believed to be simplified variations of window urns. “Windows” are commonly cut into the upper part of the vessel, and most often are in shape of a pot. Vessels with prominent necks do not have windows, only holes, which are typically cut through the bottom part. Analogies for those vessels have been sought in Saxony on the lower Elbe, and in the early materials from the Anglo-Saxon cemeteries in East Anglia.14 Voigtmann found only isolated instances of vessels with holes in the row cemetery excavated in Irlmauth (near Regensburg), and in the Visigothic cemetery in Sante Leocadia in Portugal. A bucket-shaped urn with a lower in the lower part has been found in Elchdorf (Sambia Peninsula), a site attributed to the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture.15 Moreover, the forms of the Saxon analogies are very different from the urns of the Olsztyn Group.16 Their circular holes are usually located in the bottom part of the vessel, while holes in upper part are rare.17 Conversely, urns with holes in the bottom part are very relatively rare in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group (e.g., grave 207 in Wyszembork).18 It is difficult to explain how the population of the Olsztyn Group came to this peculiar practice and whence it adopted the idea of window or hole urns. It is important to note that very few materials in Masuria may be associated with the Saxons. Some connections may be established with the Saxon or Anglo-Saxon milieu in terms of brooch forms and pottery decoration elements. But those are insufficient to postulate a strong cultural influence capable of explaining the transfer of the custom of cutting windows or holes into cremation urns.

13  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen’,” pp. 44–45. 14  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 477; Gąssowski, Kultura pradziejowa, p. 284. 15  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen’,” p. 43. 16  Hole urns in the Saxon and Anglo-Saxon cemeteries have not yet received sufficient scholarly attention. There is no general study, and the basic publications are still those of the pre-war period:, Hugo von Buttel-Reepen, “Über Fensterurnen,” Oldenburger Jahrbuch 29 (1925), pp. 328–400; Hugo von Buttel-Reepen, “Über Fensterurnen II, Oldenburger Jahrbuch 31 (1927), pp. 231–259; Fritz Roeder, “Die sächsischen Fenstergefäße der Völkerwanderungszeit,” Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Komission 18 (1928), pp. 149– 187; Karl Waller, “Der Ursprung der säschsischen Fenstergefäße der Völkerwanderungszeit,” Mannus, 29 (1937), pp. 187–192; Thorsten Schunke, “Gräber des 4. und 5. Jahrhunderts aus Coswig, Ldkr. Anhalt-Zerbst,” Jahresschrift für mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte 80 (1998), pp. 119–164. 17  Roeder, “Die sächsischen Fenstergefäße,” p. 149. 18  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 163.

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Burial Customs Table 3.1

List of features discovered at the cemetery of Kosewo I

Kosewo I, number of features Max Weigel’s excavations, 1891 Urn cremations Pit cremations Feliks E. Peiser’s excavations, 1907–8 Urn cremations Pitcremations Undetermined cremation graves Stray finds (with inventory numbers) Other features

24 5 587 106 5 16 9 Sum

No data (minimum) Estimated total number of features (minimum)

752 82 834

Judging from the available sources, cremations in the late Migration Period were located at a lesser depth than the features from seem to have been shallower than those of the Roman age.19 Some are no deeper than 10 to 15 cm. Several excavation reports mention features appearing in the humus or just below it. This may explain the high rate of disturbance (by plowing) of cemeteries attributed to the Olsztyn Group, a situation clearly documented. in Kosewo I20 and Burdąg (the excavations of 2012 and 2013).21 The exception is no plate: in Kielary the graves are between 60 and 80 cm deep, while in Tumiany the depth even reaches 1 m.22 It is possible that earlier graves are shallower,

19  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen”, pp. 32–33; Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen”, p. 42; Hollack, Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, p. 13. 20  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” pp. 244–431. 21  Unpublished excavations of Mirosław. Rudnicki. 22  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 162; Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 42.

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for graves attributed to the last phase of the Bogaczewo culture (Phase D) are known to have been shallow as well.23 Some excavation reports contain valuable information about the pit fillings. Some graves had remains of the pyre in the filling, others had none. Remains from the pyre have been found with both urn and pit cremations, a phenomenon directly comparable to earlier burial customs of the Roman age and early Migration period. However, it is not possible to generalize from a few detailed observations, although the presence of pyre remains is regarded as characteristic of urn graves attributed to the Bogaczewo culture.24 By contrast, such remains are relatively rare on sites of the Olsztyn Group. Cemeteries of the Bogaczewo culture continued to be used by the Olsztyn Group in the eastern zone of its settlement area. Elsewhere—e.g., Kosewo III and Piecki—new cemeteries appear at different location. In some multilayered cemeteries, graves from Phase E do not superpose or disturb earlier burials, but that happened quite often in Kosewo I. The situation in the latter cemetery suggests that earlier graves from the Roman age were not marked on the surface. On most other sites, graves of the Olsztyn Group clustered outside the area occupied by graves of the Roman age or slightly overlapped it. In Wyszembork, the only well excavated and recorded cemetery in the eastern zone of the Olsztyn Group, graves from Phase E are separated from those of the Roman age, a distribution most visible by means of toposeriation.25 A similar layout was recorded in Muntowo26 and Zalec.27 It has been even suggested that is in Spychówko, graves of the Bogaczewo culture were separated from those of the Olsztyn Group by a stone pavement.28 This implies that earlier graves were still visibly marked on the surface at the time the graves of the Olsztyn Group were dug, or that the members of the Olsztyn Group remembered the limits of the earlier cemetery. Elsewhere in the eastern zone of the Olsztyn Group settlement area, graves of the Olsztyn Group only occasionally superpose those of the earlier period, e.g., in Miętkie.29 23  Anna Bitner–Wróblewska, “Early Migration Period in the Masurian Lakeland—phantom or reality?” in Die spätrömischen Kaiserzeit und die frühe Völkerwanderungszeit in Mittelund Osteuropa, ed. by Magdalena Mączyńska and Tadeusz Grabarczyk (Łódź, 2000), p. 161; Bitner–Wróblewska, From Samland to Rogaland, pp. 131–132. 24  In Wyszembork, 59 percent of all urn cremations dated to the Roman age produced remains of the pyre (Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 91). 25  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 113. 26  Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko,” p. 216 insists, however, that that is only a supposition. 27  Szymański, “Cmentarzysko kultury,” p. 178. 28  Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, p. 19. 29  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 476.

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Burial Customs Table 3.2 Comparison of sizes of selected Olsztyn Group cemeteries

Cemetery

Number of graves

Babięta/Babienten, cemetery I Babięta/Babienten, cemetery II Bartlikowo/Bartlickhof Bogaczewo/Kullabrücke Burdąg/Burdungen* Gąsior/Gonschor Jakubowo/Jakobsdorf Kamień/Kamien Kielary/Kellaren* Kosewo/Kossewen, cemetery I Kosewo/Kossewen, cemetery III* Leleszki/Lehlesken* Machary/Macharren Miętkie/Mingfen, cemetery I Miętkie/Mingfen, cemetery II Muntowo/Alt Muntowen Nikutowo/Nikutowen Onufryjewo/Onufrigowen Spychówko/Klein Puppen Stare Kiejkuty/Alt Keykuth Tumiany/Daumen* Wawrochy/Wawrochen Wólka Prusinowska/Pruschinowen Wolka* Zalec/Salza

at least 461 at least 300 440 443 at least 270** 425 at least 118 at least 145 at least 154 at least 834 253 44 at least 240 at least 865 at least 77 at least 257 437 at least 586 at least 301 at least 110 at least 300 at least 159 at least 179 ca 90

* Cemeteries established and functioning only in Phase E ** Bujack’s excavations yielded 69 graves. The verification excavations from 2012–2016 indicate over 230 graves

No reliable data exist regarding the number of graves from Phase E in those cemeteries that had been in use since the Roman age. It is therefore impossible to draw comparisons between the different populations using the same cemetery. However, the comprehensive analysis of the micro-region of Lake Salęt shows four settlements existed during Phase E, in addition to two cemetery sites, one certainly (Wyszembork Site IVa), the other probably used during that Phase (Popowo Salęckie). The size of the population using the cemetery at

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Wyszembork has been estimated for the Roman age, but not for the Migration Period.30 Elsewhere, there are either no reliable data on the exact number of cemeteries simultaneously in use, or the exact number of graves within one and the same phase in each cemetery. This is particularly true for the large cemeteries excavated in Kosewo and Miętkie. In the western part of the area occupied by the Olsztyn Group during Phase E, but large Kielary or Tumiany) and small cemeteries (Leleszki, Bartołty Wielkie, Waplewo) (Table 3.2) were concomitantly in use. However, it remains unclear how large was the area explored archaeologically on each site, and therefore the total number of graves (which would be the basis for demographic estimates) remains unknown. In Tumiany, for example, the excavations between 1969 and 1971 produced new burials, as well as horse graves. Similarly, new research in Lasowiec (formerly known as Sternwalde) and Burdąg have demonstrated the incomplete character of the previous excavations on those sites. Some of the urns found in graves of the Olsztyn Group were covered with bowl-shaped vessels placed upside down, a situation recorded in grave 44 in Leleszki,31 but also in Kamień32 and Zdory.33 Sometimes, hollow stem cups were used as lids, as in grave 269 in Kosewo I, grave 82 in Kosewo III, or in Wyszembork. In the latter case, the vessel found in Grave 202 is particularly interesting since it had a window-shaped hole.34 Lids could also take the form of plate-shaped vessels, a typical form of the late Migration Period in Masuria.35 A specimen from Kosewo had characteristic notches on the rim, a decoration otherwise typical for vessels used as urns in the later part of Phase E.36 Urns with lids are fairly common on sites of the Bogaczewo culture dated to the Roman age.37 By contrast, the use of such urns seems to have been only sporadic with the Olsztyn Group. Nonetheless, the custom suggests the continuity between the burial customs of the Roman age to the late Migration period. A very unusual case was recorded in Popielno (district of Pisz), where the lid was a glass bowl made in the 6th century somewhere in northern Francia.38 Besides a beaker of the Snartemo type Snartemo known from Kosewo, this is the 30  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, pp. 106–111. 31  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32. 32  Szter, “Cmentarzysko z okresu,” p. 248. 33  Hollack, Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, figs. 14, 17; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, figs 208a, p. 267. 34  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 85. 35  Szter, “Cmentarzysko z okresu,” p. 244. 36  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen’,” p. 39. 37  Hollack, Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, pp. 14–15; Jaskanis, Obrządek, p. 145. 38  Nowakowski, Corpus, p. 89; Stawiarska, “Czarka z okresu wędrówek ludów,” pp. 155–163.

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only entirely preserved, glass vessel known from the Olsztyn Group. Another unusual form of lid is the four-foot, hand-made clay vessel from Zdory,39 a unique occurrence within the entire area of the Olsztyn Group. A particularly interesting feature of the pit cremations is the presence of hollow stem cups.40 Some show traces of secondary burning suggesting that they may have been placed on the pyre (e.g., grave 1 in Piecki).41 In two cases— graves 190 and 321 in Kosewo I—the cups were used as urns. It remains unclear whether they ended up in pit graves as grave goods or otherwise played some obscure role in the pyre cremation.42 Stone cists and other constructions known from cemeteries of the Bogaczewo culture are now known from sites associated with the Olsztyn Group.43 However, not all graves covered with stones may be dated to the Roman age, even though no such grave has so far been convincingly and securely dated to Phase E.44 Some features on several sites of the Olsztyn Group cemeteries were definitely not grave, s but may have been associated with burial customs. For example, two features in Kosewo I are called Brandstelle by the excavator, Feliks E. Peiser. The word indicates that the filling of those features contained remained of burning. However, in the absence of any data regarding their respective size, it is impossible to establish whether those were remains hearths, pyres, or had some other function. No finds are recorded from any of these features. Features connected with the cemetery but not functioning as graves have also been found on other sites. However, in most cases, the pyres were clearly located outside the cemetery area. Features with what are probably remains of pyres have been discovered in Bartlikowo,45 Bogaczewo,46 and Wyszembork.47 The features discovered in Kosewo I were among the graves, which excludes the possibility that they were pyres. Instead, they may well have been hearths somehow connected with the burial customs. Remains of pyres are known from Wyszembork, but the site also produced oblong features containing 39  Hollack, Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, figs. 14, 17; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, figs 208a, p. 267. 40  Nowakowski, “Studia nad ceramiką,” pp. 101–147; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 110–113. 41  Rudnicki, “Grób grupy olsztyńskiej,” p. 269. 42  Rudnicki, “Grób grupy olsztyńskiej,” p. 269; Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 85. 43  Jaskanis, Obrządek, pp. 100–103. 44  No stone cists and no stone slabs are known from the so far most extensively excavated cemeteries in Tumiany, Kielary, Kosewo, Burdąg, and Wyszembork. 45  Kemke, “Das Gräberfeld v. Bartlickshof,” p. 109. 46  Okulicz, “Cmentarzysko z okresu rzymskiego,” pp. 110–111. 47  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, p. 95.

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traces of burning, animal bones, and fragments of pottery and metal artefacts. Those were probably features connected with burial customs of a yet unknown character.48 Features which were most probably hearths were also found in Zalec.49 Horses were buried in Masurian cemeteries both in the Roman age and in the Migration Period. They are a characteristic feature of the burial customs in the West Baltic area.50 There are more horse graves from sites of the Olsztyn Group than from those of the earlier Bogaczewo culture. Numerous horse graves are known from Tumiany (Fig. 3.2), Zalec, and Wyszembork. The Polish post-war verification excavations on the former site revealed that the German archaeologists did not dig deep enough, and therefore missed horse graves which were placed at a greater depth than the human remains (Fig. 3.3). In addition to entire skeletons, the excavations in Tumiany also revealed the custom of burying parts of the horse skeleton, a custom believed to be have been adopted under Avar influence.51 However, the burial of parts of a horse body was known in the West Baltic area since the Roman age, and appears on sites of the Bogaczewo culture.52 The custom may therefore be simply the continuation of an earlier tradition. There are no finds of weapons known from Masurian cemeteries dated to Phase E. The lack of weapons in graves is one of the most characteristic features of the Olsztyn Group. A conspicuous exception is grave 120 from Tumiany, which included a spearhead53 The long knife from grave 6 in Kielary in most likely not single-edged sword, but a simple knife.54 Bruno Ehrlich believed it to be a Kurzschwert,55 but this is most likely a tool, not a weapon. Nonetheless, the knife had with a scabbard with a richly decorated mount of silver, in itself a badge of high social standing. The grave in question also produced three 48  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 116–121. 49  Szymański, “Cmentarzysko kultury,” p. 117. 50  Jan Jaskanis, “Pochówki z końmi na cmentarzyskach protojaćwieskich z okresu rzymskiego wędrówek ludów,” Rocznik Białostocki 8 (1968), pp. 77–111; Anna Gręzak, “Groby koni na cmentarzyskach kultury bogaczewskiej,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (Warsaw, 2007), pp. 353–367. 51  Tadeusz Baranowski, “Awarowie na Mazurach” in Hereditatem Cognoscere. Studia i szkice dedykowane Profesor Marii Miśkiewicz, ed. by Zbigniew Kobyliński (Warsaw 2004), p. 163. 52  Jaskanis, “Pochówki z końmi,” p. 98; Jaskanis, “Obrządek pogrzebowy,” pp. 170–171; Gręzak, “Groby koni,” pp. 360–361. 53  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 62; Jakobson “Die Brandgräberfelder,” Plate 69. 54  Ehrlich, “Schwerter”, pp. 25–26; Urbańczyk, “Geneza”, p. 110. The knife is shorter and very different from seaxes known from various sites in Western and Northern Europe. 55  Ehrlich, “Schwerter,” p. 25.

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figure 3.2 Tumiany (district of Olsztyn), reconstruction of horse bridles After La Baume, “Altpreusisches Zaumzeug”

rivet spurs decorated with stamped decoration, a tutulus brooch, a late type of crossbow brooch, a “Slavic” bow fibula of Werner’s class I J (the Novi BanovciKielary type), and a silver fitting decorated with a scale ornament.56 However, the U-shaped fittings from found in graves 45 and 629 in Miętkie, grave 92 in Wólka Prusinowska and in Kosewo III may well be associated with weapons.57 The width of the specimen from grave 45 in Miętkie is 7,2 cm, that in grave 629 is 6,7 cm wide.58 In other words, those may well be chapes reinforcing sword scabbards.59 The absence of weapons from graves of the Olsztyn Group immediately brings to mind similar customs in cultures associated with the Goths.60 Some have gone as far as to take that to be an indication that the population of the Olsztyn Group was made up of Goths.61 However, weapons are also absent 56  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 169; Jakobson Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 110. 57  Marcin Gładki and Kamil Stokłosa,” Katalog zabytków,” in Kosewo. Archiwalne cmentarzysko z okresu wędrówek ludów Kossewen III. Badania w roku 2014, ed. by Agnieszka Jaremek (Warsaw, 2015), p. 126. 58  Felix Jakobson’s archives in the Latvian National Museum of History in Riga. 59  In his notes to grave 629 in Miętkie, Jakobson added the following remark net to the drawing of the U-shaped fitting: “Endebeschlag von Schwertscheide” (terminal mount of a sword scabbard). 60  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 61  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 70; Fromm, “Die Goten,” pp. 281–282; Bujak, Wenedowie, p. 45.

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Figure 3.3 Tumiany (district of Olsztyn), grave V: grave goods associated with horse 8 After Baranowski, “Pochówki koni”

from graves of the Bogaczewo culture dated to Phase D62 It remains unclear whether the absence of weapon deposition in that phase is due to a strong influence of the supposedly Gothic culture. To be sure, such an influence may explain the specific burial customs of the Sudovian culture.63 It should be also noted that during the late Migration Period, weapons were commonly deposited in grave of the Elbląg Group in the region of the Vistula Delta, as well as in cemeteries of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture in the Sambia Peninsula. By the time the Olsztyn Group came into being, the Wielbark culture (which is associated to the Goths) had long ceased to exist, so no influence from the latter’s burial customs could have possibly touched the Olsztyn Group. Remnants of the Wielbark culture in the Lower Vistula region that may be dated to the late Phase D (Bornice, Pruszcz Gdański) had only a very limited influence on the West Balt population. However, there is a striking similarity between the Wielbark culture and the Olsztyn Group, in that most artifacts from assemblages associated with both of them are of bronze. It is of course possible that the Olsztyn Group population encountered the remnants of the Wielbark culture in the region of the upper Łyna River. However, nothing indicates that the

62   Bitner–Wróblewska, “Early Migration Period,” p. 161; Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 63  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” pp. 33–42.

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Olsztyn Group as a group adopted the custom of not depositing weapons in graves as a consequence of those presumed, but definitely limited contacts. One solution to this problem has been the idea that the Balt population of the Bogaczewo culture migrated southwards with the Gothic tribes. After many years of cohabitation, their descendants returned to Masuria, where they established the masurgermanische Kultur. The southbound migration of the population of the Bogaczewo culture may have taken place at the end of the late Roman age and reached the Black Sea and the Lower Danube.64 Given that the archaeological evidence available so far suggests a concomitant abandonment of all burial sites of that culture in Phase D, this may well have been an organized movement of the population outside Masuria. Those who remained behind may have buried their dead in shallow graves, later destroyed by intensive plowing, which explains why the majority of the artifacts dated to the early Migration Period are from stray finds.65 The descendants of the migrants returned to Masuria after three or four generations abroad. They began to bury their dead following a practice that they had learned about the Goths, namely not to deposit weapons in graves. Although return migration is known from written sources—the Herules from the Carpathian Basin, the Saxons from Britain or Italy—no source mentions the return of West Balts who had gone to the south. Some have assumed that the return migration happened in two phases. First, a smaller group came to Masuria in the mid-5th century, followed by the rest of the population some 50 years later.66 This may be the migration mentioned in the Chronicle of the Prussian Masters, translated from German by Marcin Murinius and published in Toruń in 1582. In a paragraph describing the earliest history of the Prussian tribes, the author mentions a legend according to which a group of Germans arrived in the Prussian land and settled there after having fought in Italy: “The inhabitants of that land, the old Prussians, were simple people (as they were pagan). Later on, the Cymbrians, Getae or Gepids, tired of the long wars they had fought in Italy, came to those people who inhabited the wasteland, with all their equipment and belongings, and having befriended them began to settle there.”67 This text, although of no historical value, draws attention to the possibility that in the Prussians may have thought of themselves as descendants of a group of Germanic origin 64  Gaerte, Urgeschichte Ostpreuβens, pp. 308–311; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Kultura wielbarska a zachodniobałtyjski krąg kulturowy,” in Kultura wielbarska w młodszym okresie rzymskim, vol. 2, ed. by Jan Gurba and Andrzej Kokowski (Lublin, 1989), p. 121; Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 20–22. 65  Bitner–Wróblewska, “Early Migration Period,” pp. 153–167. 66  Nowakowski “Kultura wielbarska,” p. 121. 67  Marcin Murinius, Kronika mistrzów pruskich, edited by Zbigniew Nowak (Olsztyn, 1989).

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(Goths or Gepids) who had come to their land from the southern Europe. The letter of Theodoric the Great to the Aesti, most probably written in his name by Cassiodorus in 514–517 to thank them for gifts of amber, is a clear indication of contacts between the Baltic region and Italy.68 There are, however, no sources clearly documenting an emigration of Galindians and a return migration of their descendants to Masuria, which could explain the adoption of Gothic customs. There were undoubtedly contacts between the Balts in Masuria and the archaeological cultures associated with the Goths. During the Roman age, peaceful relations seem to have existed between those populations.69 It is therefore possible that some West Balts participated in the Gothic plundering expeditions to the south documented in the written sources of the 3rd century. However, such a participation may be invoked as argument for the adoption of Gothic burial customs only to a limited extent.70 The burial assemblages in Masuria that are dated to the late Migration Period are far richer than anything in the West Balt circle. In many cases, they include valuable dress accessories obtained from distant locations in Europe. This phenomenon has attracted the interest of archaeologists. Burial assemblages have thus been regarded as evidence of prosperity and long-distance contacts of the Olsztyn Group. The sources of that affluence, which is visible in burial assemblages, remains unknown. Among the most discussed pieces of evidence for long-distance contacts are bow brooches. In western and southern Europe these brooches were used to fasten gowns and jerkins. Numerous finds from inhumations in row-grave cemeteries in the Merovingian area allow the precise reconstruction of how they were worn. In Masuria, because of the cremation burials such as reconstruction is. According to Eduard Šturms, bow brooches are usually found in female graves.71 The basis for his conclusion was that brooches were often found together with other dress accessories or artifacts believed to be typically female, e.g., spindle whorls and glass beads. Šturms believed that men were buried with local, West-Baltic brooches, i.e., crossbow brooches decorated with rings of incised wire or so-called ladder

68   Jerzy Kolendo, “Napływ bursztynu z północy na tereny Imperium Rzymskiego w I–VI w. n.e.”, Prace Muzeum Ziemi 41 (1990), p. 97. 69  Nowakowski “Kultura wielbarska,” pp. 143–159; Jacek Andrzejowski and Adam Cieśliński, “Germanie i Bałtowie u schyłku starożytności. Przyjazne związki, czy wrogie sąsiedztwo,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (Warsaw, 2007), pp. 279–319. 70  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 71  Šturms, “Zur etnischen Deutung,” p. 21.

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brooches (Armbrustsprossenfibeln), and with and spurs.72 This interpretation was based on the state of research before World War II, when the anthropological analyses of bone remain from cremation burials were rare. Šturms’s ideas should now be verified by means of assemblages for which there is also proper sexing and ageing of the cremated remains. This is particularly necessary, given that most artefacts and bone remains from the pre-war excavations have by now been lost or scattered. It is difficult to establish social differences on the basis of grave form alone. Both pit and urn graves can have either rich or only a few grave goods. There is in fact little support for Łucja Okulicz-Kozaryn’s idea that separate cemeteries existed for the rich and the poor of the Olsztyn Group.73 Those cemeteries that pass for “rich,” e.g., Tumiany, Kosewo, and Kielary, include, in fact, both lavishly furnished burials and burials with no grave goods. Okulicz-Kozaryn also believed that cemeteries of the Olsztyn Group had special “sectors” for rich and the poor, respectively.74 With no published cemetery plans, it is very difficult to substantiate her idea. However, it is true that some cemeteries were decidedly poor, e.g., Wyszembork or Małszewo. No exact data exists for the total number of burials per grave in any given cemetery. Given the excavation methods employed in the pre-war period, as well as the absence of any anthropological analysis, it is no surprise that such considerations escaped the excavator’s attentions. In Kosewo, however, some concentrations of graves have been recorded, which may be clusters of family burials. Such concentrations have also been recorded in Leleszki,75 Wyszembork,76 and Burdąg.77 During the latest phase of the Olsztyn Group, few grave goods appear, and the artefacts appear to be degenerate imitations of earlier forms. This is especially evident for bow brooches, the decoration of which gets even more stylized and simplified, or even disappears altogether. Also, objects deposited in later graves are smaller that those of the earlier period. Carl Engel noted a similar phenomenon on recorded in the Nemunas region. He called the late phase the “westmasurische Miniaturkultur” and dated it to the “jüngste heidnische Zeitalter”, that is to the entire period between the Late Migrations and

72  Šturms, “Zur etnischen Deutung,” p. 21. 73  Łucja Okulicz-Kozaryn, Życie codzienne w czasach Prusów i Jaćwięgów w wiekach średnich (IX–XII w.) (Warsaw, 1983), p. 73. 74  Łucja Okulicz-Kozaryn, Dzieje Prusów (Wrocław, 1997), p. 137. 75  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” pp. 32–33. 76  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, plate XXXVI. 77  Unpublished excavations of Mirosław Rudnicki.

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the arrival of the Teutonic Knights in Masuria (7th to 13th century).78 While Engel’s chronology is of course outdated, his observations regarding the diminishing size of the grave goods remains valid. The decline of the Olsztyn Group is associated with the disappearance of burial customs that are archaeologically visible. This did not mean a move away from cremation, as that burial rite remained in use in Prussia well into the Middle Ages. According to the first written sources of the (late) Middle Ages, Prussians stubbornly stuck to cremation as the only burial rite they accepted.79 Changes in burial customs at the end of the Olsztyn Group may, however, have involved different ways of disposing of the cremated remains. Some have advanced the idea that, under Slavic influence, the population of the Olsztyn group abandoned burial in cemeteries.80 Rituals such as those mentioned in the Russian Primary Chronicle—urns with cremated remains placed on posts located at the crossroads—left no archaeological traces. However, it remains unclear what the actual ritual may have been that was perhaps responsible for the changes taking place in the late 7th century. Another possibility is that cremated remains were discarded inside strongholds—the so-called Czarny Las-type of burials.81 Analogies for this phenomenon are known from areas occupied by the Slavs.82 Yet another possibility of is that, much like in the case of the eastern Slav, the cremated remains were buried in settlements, under the floors of sunken-floored buildings or in cemeteries of the Alt-Käbelich type.83 Finally, one can think of Yatvingian (Sudovian) burial rites, which remains buried in layered cemeteries of the Burdyniszki type.84 As a matter of fact, layered

78  Engel, “Das jungste,” pp. 48–51. 79  Marcin Sabaciński, “Materiał osteologiczny z Szestna-Czarnego Lasu, stan. III, jako źródło informacji o pruskim stosie pogrzebowym,” Światowit 54 (2002), pp. 209–210. 80  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Schyłek grupy olsztyńskiej—próba nowego spojrzenia. ‘Nowe’ materiały z cmentarzyska w Wólce Prusinowskiej w powiecie mrągowskim,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 4 (246), p. 416. 81  Wojciech Wróblewski, “Ossa cremata. Obrządek pogrzebowy Galindów we wczesnym średniowieczu w świetle znalezisk na grodzisku w Szestnie-Czarnym Lesie,” Światowit 43 (2000), pp. 268–285; Sabaciński, “Materiał osteologiczny,” pp. 205–228. 82  Wróblewski, “Ossa cremata,” pp. 279–280. 83  Wojciech Wróblewski, Tomasz Nowakiewicz, and Mateusz Bogucki, “Terra desolata. Wczesnośredniowieczna Galindia w świetle badań mikroregionu Jeziora Salęt,” Studia Galindzkie 1 (2003), p. 64. 84  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Jaćwieskie cmentarzysko warstwowe (?) w miejscowości Burdyniszki na Suwalszczyźnie,” in Studia z dziejów cywilizacji: studia ofiarowane profesorowi Jerzemu Gąssowskiemu w pięćdziesiątą rocznicę pracy naukowe, ed. by Jerzy Gąssowski and Andrzej Buko (Warsaw, 1998), pp. 119–123; Wróblewski, Nowakiewicz, and Bogucki, “Terra desolata,” p. 64.

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cemeteries, (so-called Aschenplätze) have been recorded for later periods in the history of medieval Prussia.85 Be as it may, nothing indicates the physical disappearance (or elimination) of the population of the Olsztyn Group. True, the absence of any clear indications of an 8th-century occupation of the area may be interpreted as a sign that that population migrated somewhere else. Just how western parts of Prussia came to be occupied during the early Middle Ages is still unclear. The southwestern periphery of the West Balt circle was occupied by the Elbląg and the Olsztyn group, both of which covered only a small portion of the settlement area that in the 10th century exploded to reach the Chełmno Land and the Lower Powiśle. That the two groups played an important part in the history of that settlement area cannot, however, be doubted.86 It is theoretically possible that around 700, the population of the Olsztyn Group migrated to the west and abandoned its earlier cemeteries—a phenomenon not unlike that which had already taken at the end of the Late Roman Period with the Bogaczewo culture. During the Roman age western and central Masuria was occupied by the population of the Bogaczewo culture, which was still there at the beginning of the Migration Period. Meanwhile, the Wielbark culture people inhabited the Olsztyn Lakeland, but disappeared in the late Roman age. The Olsztyn Group emerges at the turn from Phase D3 to Phase E1, which may be dated to 450–475.87 That, at least, is the date of grave 14 in Kosewo, which is believed to be the earliest of the entire Olsztyn Group.88 During Phase E, considerable changes took place within the lands between the Vistula and the Nemunas rivers.89 Those changes brought about the formation of the Olsztyn Group. Its peak time may be placed chronologically in Phase E2, when the best known cemeteries were opened in Tumiany and Kielary,90 but also in Leleszki. At that time, a great number of artifacts (primarily bow brooches) came to Masuria from the Merovingian cultural circle, as well as from the Danube and Dnieper regions, a pattern of long-distance contacts that makes Masuria unique early medieval Europe. The concentration of

85  Wojciech Wróblewski, “Aschenplätze—the forgotten burial rituals of the old Prussians,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2006), 221–234. 86  Engel, Aus ostpreuβischer Vorzeit, figs. 54, 99; Wróblewski, “Ziemie pruskie,” p. 289 fig. 2; Wróblewski, “‘Wędrujące’ pogranicze,” pp. 39–58. 87  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 221–222; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 107. 88  Nowakowski, “Die Olsztyn-Gruppe,” p. 171. 89  Nowakowski, “Die Balten,” p. 13. 90  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 470; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 108.

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those artifacts indicating long-distance contacts allows the interpretation of the Olsztyn Group as a center of civilization.91 At the current stage of research, the Olsztyn Group seems to have begun to form during the second half of the 5th century on the basis of the Bogaczewo culture. Part of the West Balt cultural circle, the Bogaczewo culture most likely represents the material remains of a population of Balts. While the diversity of artifacts of foreign origin found on sites of the Olsztyn Group led archaeologists to speculation about foreigners actually visiting the lands occupied by the Olsztyn Group, it is more probable that, if so, then those were isolated incidents associated with trade or military activity, which triggered no significant changes in the ethnic structure of the Olsztyn Group.

91  Jerzy Okulicz, “Próba identyfikacji etnicznej ludów bałtyjskich w połowie pierwszego tysiąclecia naszej ery,” Barbaricum 1 (1989), p. 99.

Chapter 4

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period Numerous artefacts of foreign origin found among the Olsztyn Group materials illustrate the wide connections of the population in west and central Masuria. They include even objects that are truly exotic for this part of Europe, such as the eagle-headed belt buckle from grave 368 in Kosewo I1 or numerous variants of bow brooches. No analysis of the Olsztyn Group contacts in the late Migrations Period can overlook the earlier connections of Masuria with the rest of Europe. The early Migrations Period witnessed significant political and economic changes on the Continent, including the peripheral, West Balt areas. The central and eastern part of the Masurian Lakeland was occupied during the Roman age by the Bogaczewo culture. The western part of Masuria, where the Olsztyn Lakeland is located, was a northeastern borderland of the Wielbark culture. Although those were most likely two different ethnic groups (Baltic and Germanic, respectively) they interacted much like other Germanic groups.2 Both the Wielbark and the Bogaczewo cultures experienced a demographic collapse by the end of Phase C2. This has been interpreted as the sign of a southbound migration of the Wielbark culture population—Goths and Gepids—together with some Balts from the Bogaczewo culture area.3 During the Roman age, the West Balt area appears to have been quite prosperous presumably because of the amber trade along the so-called Amber Route connecting the Baltic sea shore in Sambia to the Roman port of Aquileia.4 Perceptible changes in the directions and character of the contacts of the West Balt areas took place during the early Migration Period (Fig. 4.1). First, amber exports to the Roman Empire ceased, no doubt because of diminishing demand.5 Second, a sharp decline of the settlement structure in Masuria 1  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 116 fig. 169; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 290 fig. 321. 2  Andrzejowski and Cieśliński, “Germanie i Bałtowie,” p. 309. 3  Heinrich Harmjanz, Volkskunde und Siedlungsgeschichte Altpreußens (Berlin, 1942), p. 19; Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 20; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Korzenie Prusów. Stan i możliwości badań nad dziejami plemion bałtyjskich w starożytności i początkach średniowiecza,” Pruthenia 1 (2009), p. 28. 4  Jerzy Wielowiejski, Główny szlak bursztynowy w czasach cesarstwa rzymskiego (Wrocław/ Warsaw/Kraków/Gdańsk, 1980), pp. 9–10; Jerzy Wielowiejski, “Bernsteinstraße und Bernsteinweg während der römischen Kaiserzeit im Lichte der neuren Forschung,” Münstersche Beitrage zur antiken Handelgeschichte 3 (1984), p. 77. 5  Kolendo, “Napływ bursztynu,” pp. 97–98. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004381728_005

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figure 4.1 Balts in contacts between Scandinavia and south-eastern Europe After Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln

was the direct result of the migration of the Goths. The route connecting the southeastern Baltic Sea with the Black Sea region occupied by cultures of the Gothic circle moved to the east, and thus crossed the lands inhabited by the Gołdap group of the Sudovian culture, as well as the Ełk Lakeland with a splate population. This is confirmed by finds of cicada brooches from grave 6 under barrow V in Czerwony Dwór,6 from Widryny7 and Łężany,8 the brooch of the Wiesbaden type from Stara Boćwinka,9 and the early specimens of sheet fibulae from Czerwony Dwór10 and Netta.11 Grave goods of the Gołdap group increased in number and quality during the advanced Phase D, an indication 6  Georg Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Rothebude, Kr. Goldap,” Sitzungsberichte der Altertums­ gesellschaft Prussia 10 (1885), pp. 20–29; Paweł Szymański, “Aus Archivfor­schungen. Erste Bemerkungen zum Baltischen Das Gräberfeld aus Völkerwanderungszeit in Rothebude, Kr. Goldap,” Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 13 (2008), no. 1, p. 87. 7  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 101. 8  Agata Wiśniewska, Łężany. Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich i wędrówek ludów na Pojezierzu Mrągowskim. Badania w sezonie 2013, (Warszawa, 2014), pp. 36–38. 9  Marcin Engel, Piotr Iwanicki, and Aleksandra Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz, “Sudovia in qua Sudovitae. The new hypotesis about the origin of Sudovian Culture,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2006), plate 9.1. 10  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Rothebude,” pp. 20–29. 11  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, Netta. A Balt Cemetery in Northeastern Poland (Warszawa, 2007), plate 30.12.

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of stronger links with the Sambian-Natangian areas than those of the Suwałki or Augustów groups of the Sudovian culture.12 At the same time, the Dollkeim/ Kovrovo culture was still flourishing not because of contacts with the Roman Empire, but because of the strong links with Scandinavia.13 Imports from the Danube area reached also the lands beyond the Nemunas River, as indicated by the belt-end fitting with double ends from grave 50 in Plinkaigalis,14 as well as by the artefacts from Taurapilis, Ziboliškė, and Sudota, all of which are dated to the beginning of the late Migration Period.15 The Olsztyn Group came into being at the end of phase D or at the beginning of Phase E, probably in the central part of the Masurian Lakeland, where materials from the early phase are most numerous. Only a few imported artifacts appear in this initial stage, but they still point to connections with western and southern Europe: glass beakers of the Snartemo type Snartemo from grave 14 in Kosewo I,16 grave 421 in Gąsior,17 and from Ławny Lasek,18 as well as the buckle from grave 594 in Kosewo.19 Moreover, there are clear links with the Sambian-Natangian areas occupied by the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, as illustrated by pseudo-ladder brooches (Schlusskreuzfibeln) or late forms of tongueshaped strap ends. Long-distance contacts intensified during Phase E. This may be connected with a crisis of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, the population of which may have been cut off from participation in the long-distance trade. At the present stage of research, it is impossible to establish definitely whether the crisis 12  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalszczyzna w okresie wędrówek ludów,” in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska od wczesnej epoki żelaza do początku ery nowożytnej. Materiały z konferencji—Białystok 14–16 maja 1997, ed. by Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 1998), p. 309. 13  Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland to Rogaland, pp. 121–127. 14  Vytautas Kazakievičius, “Plinkaigalio kapinynas,” Lietuvos Archeologija 10 (1993), p. 13; Renata Madyda-Legutko, “Zu den Beziehungen der lituanischen Gebiete zu dem mitteleuropäischen Barbaricum in der frühen Völkerwanderungszeit,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2006), p. 146; Audronė Bliujienė and Florin Curta, “Exotic lands, quixotic friends: Eastern Lithuania and the Carpathian Basin in the Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages (c. 380 to c. 620),” Medieval Archaeology 55 (2011), pp. 54–56. 15  Audrone Bliujienė, “Watershed between Eastern and Western Lithuania during the early and late Migration period,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2007), pp. 133–138. 16  Weigel, “Das Gräberfeld von Kossewen,” p. 22. 17  Schmiedehelm, “Das Gräberfeld Gąsior,” p. 87; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 52. 18  Izabela Melin-Wyczółkowska, “Osada kultury bogaczewskiej w Starych Kiełbonkach (Ławnym Lasku), stan. III, gm. Piecki,” in Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (Warsaw, 2007), p. 444. 19  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 114.

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of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture caused the prosperity of the Olsztyn Group, or the development of the Olsztyn Group severed the trade relations of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo in the late Migration Period. Changes in the political and ethnic situation in central Europe at the end of the Migration Period, connected with the disappearance of Germanic cultures and the progressing Slavic settlement, were also reflected in the West Balt areas. For the Olsztyn Group, however, it was only a change of trading partners. The disappearance of the Wielbark culture in the 5th century gave the Olsztyn Group an opportunity to derive profits from long-distance trade, which gave rise to its exceptional wealth.20 In the last quarter of the 6th century, there is a clear change in the character of artifacts coming to Masuria, which may be linked with the occupation of the Carpathian Basin by Avars and Slavs in the aftermath of the fall of the Gepid kingdom in 568.21 A large number of valuable imports that illustrate long-distance contacts have for a long time attracted scholarly attention, particularly from those trying to explain the origin of the Olsztyn Group or of its wealth. The most popular explanation is that based on trade in amber which, although not so popular during the Migration Period as in the Roman age, was still valued, as it is indicated by amber beads finds from row-grave cemeteries of the Merovingian circle and a few from early Avar cemeteries.22 Although there may have been disturbances along the amber route caused by political turbulence in central and southern Europe during the Migration Period and the earliest Middle Ages,23 there is no reason to question the importance the south-eastern Baltic Sea as the main supplier of amber. This is substantiated by the large hoard of amber artifacts found in Basonia, Lublin region and dated to the Migration period.24 The hoard may have been associated with trade.25 Amber objects 20  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 311–312; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 175. 21  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 84; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223. 22  Florin Curta, “The Amber Trail in early medieval Eastern Europe,” in Paradigms and Methods in Early Medieval Studies, edited by Felice Lifshitz and Celia Chazelle (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007), pp. 61–79. 23  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 492; Wielowiejski, Główny szlak bursztynowy w czasach cesarstwa rzymskiego (Wrocław/Warszawa/Kraków/Gdańsk, 1980), pp. 204–205. 24  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 70. 25  Przemysław Wielowiejski, “Skarb bursztynu z późnego okresu wpływów rzymskich odkryty w miejscowości Basonia, woj. Lubelskie,” Prace Muzeum Ziemi 41 (1990), pp. 101–134; Andrzej Kokowski,” Nieznana część skarbu bursztynu z Basonii,” in Terra Barbarica. Studia ofiarowane Magdalenie Mączyńskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Agnieszka Urbaniak, Radosław Prochowicz, Ireneusz Jakubczyk, Maksim Levada, and Jan Schuster, Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, Series Gemina, 2 (Łódź/Warszawa, 2010), pp. 309–314; Jerzy Wielowiejski, “Depositi dell’ambra sul territorio tra la parte media del

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 67

dated to the 6th century have been found in Classis, the harbour of Ravenna, and Theodoric the Great, king of the Ostrogoths, thanked the Aesti for shipments of amber in a letter written at some point between 514–517.26 To be sure, the letter imitates a passage from Tacitus’ Germania, written 400 year earlier.27 In Tacitus’ times (1st century AD), the name Aestii most probably referred to the population of the Sambia Peninsula, which is commonly associated with the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture.28 It is of course possible that the name may have been used as an umbrella-term for all Balts. However, as Theodoric’s letter concerns a gift of amber, the addressee must be also the supplier of amber— one of the West Balt tribes. In terms of the relative chronology of the West Balt area, the amber in question was sent with Balt envoys to Theodoric during Phase E1, exactly at the moment when the Olsztyn Group was coming into being in the aftermath of the demographic collapse that Masuria experienced in Phase D. This further suggests that the envoys whom the king of the Ostrogoths received were from the Sambia Peninsula, since the population of the nascent Olsztyn Group was most probably not in a position to be a partner in trade for Ostrogothic Italy. During Phase E, the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture was still prosperous and had a considerable standing in inter-regional contacts.29 This is demonstrated by such richly furnished, “princely” graves as those found in Warnikam, Kleinheide, Shosseinoe (grave 36), or Ligvino.30 Grave 1 in Warnikam and grave 36 in Shosseinoe stand out by means of numerous objects of gold and silver. Lavishly furnished graves appear in locations known for amber deposits. Those were most probably burials of local aristocrats who had made their fortunes in amber trade.31 Such graves do not appear in the later Migration Period, during which the Olsztyn Group flourished. It is therefore possible that during the 6th century, the population of the Olsztyn Group population occupied the Sambian-Natangian area and took over the profits in the amber trade. Danubio e il mar Baltico dal I secolo a. C. al V secolo d. C.,” Archaeologia Polona 25–26 (1987), pp. 77–79. 26  Kolendo, “Napływ bursztynu,” p. 97. 27  Kolendo, “Napływ bursztynu,” pp. 95–97; Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 83. 28  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 81–83; Wojciech Nowakowski, Das Samland in der römischen Kaiserzeit und seine Verbindungen mit dem römischen Reich und der barbarischen Welt (Marburg Warsaw, 1996), pp. 113–115. 29  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 330–343. 30  Konstantin N. Skvorcov, “‘The amber coast masters’: some observations on rich burials in the Sambian-Natangian culture ca AD 500,” in Inter Ambo Maria. Northern Barbarians from Scandinavia towards the Black Sea, ed. by Igor Khrapunov and Frans-Arne Stylegar (Kristiansand/Simferopol, 2013), pp. 352–364. 31  Skvorcov, “ ‘The amber coast masters’,” pp. 361–362.

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Besides amber, the wealth of the Olsztyn Group may have also derived from trade with corn, a surplus of which was supposed to have been obtained due to an advanced form of agriculture. The latter is indicated by farming implements found in the stronghold at Pasym, in the district of Szczytno district.32 However, due to the logistic problems involved in shipping the agricultural produce to distant places, it seems implausible that it could have been the source of the Masurian population’s affluence. Also developed was animal husbandry33 and the ability to manufacture and export honey and bees wax was mentioned.34 According to Jerzy Antoniewicz, late Migration-Period Masuriahad is a territorial community staging plundering expeditions to the northern Mazovian lowlands, which were crossed by migrating, multi-ethnical tribal groups. Profits may have also resulted from controlling the trade between the territories occupied by the Slavic and Prussian tribes.35 Anna Bitner-Wróblewska believed that during the late Migration Period, a trade route went through Masuria, which connected northern and southern Europe, and the local people got rich simply because of the incoming transit.36 Moreover, it is possible that some richly decorated artifacts reached Masuria as a result of the inter-regional contacts between local elites. It is often assumed that favorable conditions for political and trade contacts, such as the Olsztyn Group most obviously enjoyed, appeared after the disappearance of the Wielbark and Przeworsk cultures, when the Balts took over certain sections of the trade routes linking Scandinavia to the Danube and the Black Sea regions.37

32  Odoj, “Wyniki badań grodziska,” pp. 144–145; 33  Odoj, “Dzieje Prusów,” p. 57. 34  Charlotte Warnke, “Der Handel mit Wachs zwischen Ost- und Westeuropa im frühen und hohen Mittlelalter. Voraussetzungen und Gewinnmöglichkeit,” in Der Handel der Karolinger- und Wikingerzeit. Bericht über die Kolloquien der Kommission für die Altertumskunde Mittel- und Nordeuropas in den Jahren 1980 bis 1983, edited by Klaus Düwel (Göttingen, 1987), pp. 545–569; Wojciech Nowakowski, “The mysterious barbarians of Masuria: the riddle of the Olsztyn Group,” in Neglected Barbarians, ed. by Florin Curta, Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 32 (Turnhout, 2010), p. 47. 35  Antoniewicz, Review of “Die etnische Deutung”, p. 219. 36  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “The key problems of late Migrations Period in the Balt lands”, in Transformatio Mundi. The Transition from the Late Migration Period to the Early Viking Age in the East Baltic, ed. by Mindaugas Bertašius (Kaunas, 2006), p. 13. 37  Volker Hilberg, “Studien zu den Fernbeziehungen der völkerwanderungszeitlichen Brandgräberfelder von Daumen und Kellaren,” Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 8 (2003), no. 3, p. 273; Volker Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme und der überregionale Kulturaustausch in der Ostseeregion zur Merowingerzeit,” Bodendenkmalpfege in Mecklemburg-Vorpommern 51 (2004), p. 314; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 342.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 69

There is an additional possibility. The Olsztyn Group population may have participated in exporting furs and hides to the Mediterranean area.38 The use of furs and hides in southern Europe during the Migration Period is confirmed by many written sources, in which both rulers and warriors are mentioned as wearing them.39 This boom in the fur trade may have caused by new fashions in the “successor,” Germanic states established on previously Roman soil. In his Getica, Jordanes mentions imports of hides from Scandinavia, but there are also sources confirming that Gothic, Lombard, and Frankish elites loved furs and leather. In his letter of 476, Sidonius Apollinaris describes description the bodyguards of the Visigothic king Theoderic II as dressed in furs, while in another letter, the Visigothic King Sigismer appears dressed in a leather coat called rheno. Visigothic “senators” are also said to have worn leather attires.40 A new idea was put forward by Russian archaeologist Konstantin Skvorcov, who believes that the prosperity of the Olsztyn Group was based on trade with slaves, captives from raids in north-eastern and eastern Europe. The slaves were handed over to the Avars, in exchange for goods that appear on sites of the Olsztyn Group and the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture.41 Przemysław Urbańczyk proposed that artifacts of foreign style were made by itinerant artisans who produced objects according to fashions from their native lands.42 While the existence of itinerant artisans or jewellers is certain, it is difficult to explain why there was a demand for so many attractive objects in Masuria. No similar phenomenon is known for any culture or cultural group of the East and West-Balt Circle. How did all those finds reach the lands of the Olsztyn Group? Objects from the Merovingian circle are said to have arrived into the West Balt area via the North Sea, through the Danish Straits, and finally the Baltic Sea.43 It 38   Friedrich Mager, “Der Wald in Altpreußen als Wirtschaftraum,” Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 7 (1960), p. 282, Nowakowski, “The mysterious barbarians,” p. 47; Michel Kazanski, “Skandinavskaia mekhovaia torgovlia i ‘Vostochnoi put” v epokhu pereseleniia narodov,” Stratum+ (2010), no. 4, 1–111, especially 17–33; for Jordanes’ mention of the fur trade, see Petr V. Shuvalov, “Pelles sappherinae i Vostochnyi put’. K voprosu o politicheskoi istorii Balto-Skandii v V–VI vv.,” in Ladoga i Gleb Lebedev. Chteniia pamiati Anny Machinskoi, Staraia Ladoga, 21–23 dekabria 2002 g. Sbornik statei, edited by Dmitrii A. Machinskii (St. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo “Nestor-Istoriia”, 2003), pp. 73–108]. 39  Jerzy Kolendo, “Import futer z Barbaricum na tereny Cesarstwa Rzymskiego,” Przegląd Historyczny 87 (1996), pp. 265–269. 40  Kolendo, “Import futer,” pp. 268–269. 41  Konstantin N. Skvorcov, in press. 42  Urbańczyk, “Geneza,” p. 128. 43  Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” p. 62; Michel Kazanski, “Quelques objets baltes trouvés en Gaule, datés entre la fin du IV-e siècle et le VIII-e siècle. A propos des contacts

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is more difficult to decide where that route went next. Perhaps it went along the Pregoła and Łyna rivers to the Olsztyn Group area. It is, however, that the middle course of the Łyna river was navigable. Communication between the Masurian Lakeland and the Pregoła River may have been established along the Guber river.44 If there was indeed a sea route, then Scandinavians may have acted as intermediaries between the Balts and the merchants in Merovingian Gaul. Already in the early Migration Period Scandinavians were very active on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea, and their presence here may have intensified later, when they had an almost complete monopoly on the sea trade.45 Another trade route may have reached Masuria from the Upper Rhineland across Thuringia and Brandenburg to the Oder River.46 Its further course is difficult to determine; it may have led along the Oder to its mouth, and then along the coast of the Baltic and across the sea. Another branch may have crossed the middle course of the Oder, to Kuyavia and to the Vistula, then overland to Masuria. Long-distance connections of central Poland in the late Migrations Period result from such finds as a fragment of a bow fibula of the Bittenbrunn type from Dobre, in the district of Radziejów Kujawski; a buckle decorated in entre l’Occident et le rivage oriental de la mer Baltique,” Archéologie médiévale 21 (1991), 1–20; Michel Kazanski and Anna V. Mastykova, “Les contacts entre la Gaule du Nord et la côte sud-est de la mer Baltique durant l’époque des grandes migrations et au début de l’époque mérovingienne,” in Voies d’eau, commerce et artisanat en Gaule mérovingienne, edited by Jean Plumier and Maude Regnard (Namur: Ministère de la région wallone, 2005), pp. 115–32; Michael Kazanski and Anna V. Mastykova, “O morskikh kontaktakh estiev v epokhu velikogo pereseleniia narodov,” in Arkheologiia Baltiiskogo regiona, edited by Nikolai A. Makarov, Anna V. Mastykova and Aleksandr N. Khokhlov (Moscow/ St. Petersburg: Institut Arkheologii RAN/Nestor-Istoriia, 2013), pp. 97–112. 44  Wróblewski, Nowakiewicz, and Bogucki, “Terra desolata,” plate 6. 45  Henryk Machajewski, “Skandinavische Kulturelemente in West-Pommern in der Zeit vom IV. bis zum VI. Jahrhundert u. Z.,” in Contacts Across the Baltic Sea During the Late Iron Age (5th–12th Centuries). Baltic Sea Conference, Lund October 25–27, 1991, edited by Birgitta Hårdh and Bożena Wyszomirska-Werbart (Lund: Institute of Archaeology and Historical Museum, 1992), 15–26; Michał Kara, “Skandynawski skarb złotych przedmietów z przełomu starożytności i średniowiecza w miejscowości Wapno, woj. Pilskie,” Przegląd Archeologiczny 42 (1994), 73–108; Władysław Duczko, “Scandinavians in the southern Baltic between the 5th and the 10th centuries AD,” in Origins of Central Europe, edited by Przemysław Urbańczyk (Warsaw: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), pp. 191–211; and Mateusz Bogucki, “Before the Vikings. Foreigners in the lower Vistula region during the Migration Period and the origins of Truso,” In Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland, edited by Sławomir Możdzioch, Błażej Stanisławski and Przemysław Wiszewski (Wrocław: Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, 2013), pp. 81–111. 46  Hans-Ulrich Voß, “Fragment einer baltischen Armbrustsprossenfibel von Seetz, Kr. Perleberg,” Ausgrabungen und Funde 36 (1991), p. 300.

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71

the so-called Animal Style I from Konarzewo, in the district of Poznań; the grave goods from an inhumation discovered in Oszczywilk, in the district of Radziejów Kujawski; and finds of bow figulae from Radziejów Kujawski, Biskupin (district of Żnin),47 and Brzostowo (district of Piła).48 A fibula of the Tumiany-Dour type, so typical for the Olsztyn Group, was found in the Lower Vistula region.49 4.1

Connections within the West Balt Cultural Circle

The Olsztyn Group maintained lively contacts with its immediate neighbors within the West Balt circle. During the late Migration Period, there was a buffer, uninhabited zone between the Olsztyn Group and its northern neighbour, the population of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, which occupied Sambia, Natangia, and the northern part of Bartia.50 To the northeast was the Elbląg Group, which occupied the area between the Vistula Delta and the lower course of the Pasłęka River.51 To the east of the Great Masurian Lakeland was the Sudovian culture, which occupied the eastern part of the Ełk Lakeland and the Suwałki Lakeland.52 It is impossible to determine how far exactly did the Olsztyn Group go to the north and to east. At the current stage of research, it seems however that buffer zones separated the compact settlement of the Olsztyn Group from its northern and eastern neighbors. The buffer zone separating the Olsztyn Group from the Dollkeim/Kovrovo and Sudovian cultures was a 30 to 40 km-wide land strip, while the distance between the Olsztyn and the Elbląg Group was ca. 50 km. 47  Magdalena Mączyńska, “Schyłkowa faza kultury przeworskiej,” Kultura przeworska 4 (1999), pp. 25–53. 48  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Dwa znaleziska skandynawskich zapinek płytkowych z terenów północnej Polski,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 65 (2014), pp. 77–78. 49  Wolfgang La Baume, Urgeschichte der Ostgermanen (Danzig, 1934), p. 157; Petersen, “Fragen,” p. 63. 50  Nowakowski, Samland, pp. 2–4; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Nördlich der Olsztyn-Gruppe. Die völkerwanderungszeitlichen Gräberfelder an der mittleren Alle,” in Terra Barbarica. Studia ofiarowane Magdalenie Mączyńskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Agnieszka Urbaniak, Radosław Prochowicz, Ireneusz Jakubczyk, Maksim Levada, and Jan Schuster, Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, Series Gemina, 2 (Łódź/ Warsaw, 2010), pp. 423–429. 51  Okulicz, Pradzieje, pp. 471–472; Okulicz, “Próba identyfikacji etnicznej”; Nowakowski, “Die Balten,” p. 15. 52  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Z badań nad ceramiką zachodniobałtyjskąw okresie wędrówek ludów. Problem tzw. kultury sudowskiej,” Barbaricum 3 (1994), p. 229; Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalszczyzna,” p. 305.

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The populations of those cultures and cultural groups probably spoke mutually intelligible languages or dialects, which must have made direct contacts easy. Nothing indicates that the borders between the Olsztyn Group and its neighbors was a zone of “mutual fear,” to put it in Tacitus’ terms.53 On the contrary, it seems that the Olsztyn Group enjoyed friendly relations with the other West Balts, which may have led to the integration of the Olsztyn Group with the populations living in neighbouring areas. This is especially probable for the Sudovian culture.54 As a matter of fact, the Sudovian culture shows the greatest similarity with the Olsztyn Group. For example, some of the forms of the pottery from the barrow cemetery excavated in in Kamieńskie (township of Orzysz, in the district of Pisz) suggests influences from the Olsztyn Group.55 The same is true for some of the vessels found in barrows 1 and 3 from Czerwony Dwór, in the district of Olecko.56 Further contacts result from the close examination of burial rites, and artifacts. A bronze brooch of the Tumiany-Dour type has been found in the cemetery excavated in Bród Nowy,57 and its best analogies are known from grave 34 in Tumiany, grave 366 in Kosewo, from Jagiełki, and from Tylkowo.58 The Bród Nowy brooch may well have been brought from the area of the Olsztyn Group (Fig. 4.2.). Grave 6 under barrow 7 in Bilwinów, district of Suwałki was an urn cremation, the lid of which was a hollow stem cup.59 Such vessels are typical for Olsztyn Group ceramic assemblages60 (Fig. 4.3.). Moreover, the custom of covering the urns with cups is well 53  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 22; Wróblewski, “Ziemie pruskie,” p. 289. 54  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 22. 55  Jerzy M. Łapo, “Wandale poszukiwani, czyli kto zniszczył kurhan w Kamieńskich, stan. 1, gm. Orzysz, pow. piski, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie?”, in Ceramika zachodniobałtyj­ ska nowe źródła i interpretacje. Materiały z konferencji Białystok 23–24 września 2002 roku, ed. by Małgorzata Karczewska and Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 2004), p. 155. 56  Paweł Szymański, “Dwie zapinki z dawnego Rothebude i z Czerwonego Dworu. Kontakty tzw. skupienia gołdapskiego kultury sudowskiej,” in Pogranicze trzech światów. Kontakty kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i bogaczewskiej w świetle materiałów z badań i poszukiwań archiwalnych, ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski, and Andrzej Szela (Warszawa, 2006), pp. 369– 380; Paweł Szymański, “Aus Archivforschungen. Erste Bemerkungen zum Baltischen Gräberfeld aus der Völkerwanderungszeit in Rothebude, Kr. Goldap,” Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 13 (2008), no. 1, pp. 83–89. 57  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 58  Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” pp. 58–63; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 185–188. 59  Marian Kaczyński, “Sprawozdanie z badań wykopaliskowych w 1957 r. na cmentarzysku kurhanowym we wsi Bilwinowo, pow. Suwałki,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 27 (1961), p. 226. 60  Okulicz, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 110–112; Nowakowski, “Studia nad ceramiką,” pp. 101–123; Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 53–54.

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figure 4.2 Distribution of brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

documented archaeologically in Masuria in burial assemblages of the Olsztyn Group such as grave 269 in Kosewo I61 or grave 428 in Miętkie.62 Hollow stem cups have also been found on other sites of the Sudovian culture—Stara Boćwinówka (district of Gołdap),63 Netta,64 and Pietrasze65 (both in the district of Ełk district), and Czerwony Dwór (district of Gołdap).66 Although the hollow stem cups may have originated in the area (later) occupied by the Sudovian culture, the specimen from Czerwony Dwór, which is dated to the

61  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 295. 62  Information from the archive of Feliks Jakobson. 63  Karl Stadie, “Gräberfeld bei Alt-Bodschwinken, Kr. Goldap,” Sitzungsberichte der Alter­ tumsgesellschaft Prussia, 23 (1919), p. 435. 64  Bitner-Wróblewska, Netta, pp. 94–95. 65  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 261 fig. 202. 66  Unpublished materials from the excavations conducted in 2009 by Paweł Szymański, whom I would like to thank for granting me access to this information.

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figure 4.3 Distribution of the hollow stem cups in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

late Migration Period,67 has clear analogies in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group dated to Phase E. A fragment of a hollow stem cup is known from a multi-layered settlement of the Sudovian culture excavated in Niedrzwica, in the district of Gołdap.68 It is most probably from Masuria that the idea of decorating vessels with stamped ornaments came to the Suwałki region, while at the same time the Olsztyn Group population adopted began to decorate the pottery with finger impressions or pinched ornaments under the influence of the Sudovian culture.69 Sharply profiled, biconical vessels discovered on sites of the Olsztyn Group, for example in grave 42 in Kosewo, may have Sudovian origins,70 much like pear-shaped urns with cylindrical necks and everted rims, such as found 67  Nowakowski, “Studia nad ceramiką,” pp. 115–20. 68  Unpublished materials that were made available to me through the kind assistance of Piotr Iwanicki from the State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw. I would like to express my gratitude to him for granting me access to this information. 69  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Z badań nad ceramiką,” pp. 229–230; and “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 70  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 253.

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figure 4.4 Pottery from the cemeteries excavated in Netta (district of Ełk) (a–c) and Kosewo (district of Mrągowo) (d–f). After (a–c) Bitner-Wróblewska, Netta, (d–f) Rudnicki, “Zabytki”

in grave 107, 108, 118 and 16 in Kosewo I.71 The biconical urn from grave 42 in Kosewo is also similar to Sudovian vessels. Moreover, certain forms of hollow stem cups such as found in graves 35 and 180 in Kosewo I or in grave 219 in Kosewo III have good analogies in the cemetery of the Sudovian culture excavated in Netta, in the district of Ełk (Fig. 4.4.). A double-coin pendant was found in barrow 1 of the cemetery excavated in Bachanowo.72 Such pendants are relatively common finds from sites associated with the Olsztyn Group.73 While this type of ornament seems to have been adopted by the population of the Olsztyn Group through contact either with the early Slavs or with populations in the forest zone of the northeastern Europe, the specimen from Bachanowo was most likely brought from western Masuria.74 71  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” pp. 134–135. 72  Danuta Jaskanis, “Relikty kurhanowego cmentarzyska w Bachanowie w województwie suwalskim,” in Szkice prahistoryczne. Źródła-Metody-Interpretacje, ed. by Stanisław Kukawka (Toruń, 1999), p. 254. 73  Rudnicki, “Zawieszki trapezowate,” p. 681. 74  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” pp. 38–39.

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The influence of the Olsztyn Group on the Sudovian culture was most probably not limited to material culture. As mentioned earlier, the most characteristic feature of the burial customs of the Olsztyn Group is lack of weapons in graves. This is in contrast to the deposition of weapons in graves of the Bogaczewo culture75 which had earlier flourished on some of the same sites that have also produced materials of the Olsztyn Group. The lack of weapons in graves may be the result of Gothic influence, especially since the Olsztyn Group occupied the northeastern part of the territory of the Wielbark culture. If so, then the custom may have been then passed over to the Sudovian culture by the Olsztyn Group.76 Graves of that culture dated to Phase E do not contain weapons, in contrast to those dated to the late Roman period.77 By contrast, no discontinuity of weapon deposition has been noted in cemeteries of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture to the north, from the late Roman period to the early Middle Ages.78 The connections between the Olsztyn Group and the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture are slightly more difficult to establish, primarily because of the current state of research. The Polish post-war investigations in the Suwałki region have brought to light a number of sites with materials available for analysis. While many sites in Sambia, Nadrovia, and Natangia associated with the Dollkeim/ Kovrovo culture have been excavated after World War II, very few have been published. Comparisons, in fact, may be drawn only on the basis of archival sources and pre-war publications. Most scholars agree that relations between the two groups of the West Balt cultural circle were most probably peaceful. However, Niels Åberg believed that the crisis in Sambia, the archaeological correlated of which are burial with fewer grave goods and the abandonment of some cemeteries, was caused by the military intervention of the Masurian population that conquered Sambia in the early 6th century. He further used this as an explanation for the subsequent prosperity of the Olsztyn Group.79 However, current studies seem to contradict Åberg’s interpretation. There are in fact no signs of a domination of the Olsztyn Group over the population of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, 75  Jaskanis, Obrządek pogrzebowy, pp. 193–196; Nowakowski, “Kultura przeworska a zachodniobałtyjski krąg kulturowy,” Kultura przeworska 1 (1994), p. 374; Nowakowski, Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 18–19. 76  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” pp. 38–39. 77  Idem, “Suwalszczyzna,” p. 306. 78  Vladimir I. Kulakov, Drevnosti Prussov VI–XIII (Moscow, 1990), pp. 110–167; Konstantin N. Skvorcov, Mogil’nik Mitino V–XIV vv. (Kaliningradskaia oblast’). Po rezul’tatam issledovanii 2008 g. (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo OAO “Tverskaia oblastnaia tipografiia”, 2010). 79  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 70.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 77

although there certainly are indications of an influence from Masuria during the late Phase E. Raids from that region may have certainly taken place, which left no traces in the archaeological record. The prosperity of the Olsztyn Group was not the cause either of the demographic crisis recorded on Dollkeim/Kovrovo sites, or westward shift of that culture. Archaeologists agree that the Elbląg Group that appeared in Phase E in the lands between the Pasłęka River and the Vistula Delta is most likely the result of the westward migration of the population of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture.80 There are multiple similarities, if not downright derivative links between the two: identical forms of pottery and of ornaments, as well as burial customs (especially the custom of weapon deposition). The Elbląg Group occupied, in least in part, those lands that were previously occupied during the early Migration Period by the Wielbark culture. However, there seems to have been no contact between the earliest settlers of the Elbląg Group and remnants of the Wielbark Culture.81 The Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture also shifted the south, namely towards Masuria, as indicated by a group of cemeteries in the area of the Middle Łyna—Ardapy (formerly Ardappen), Bartoszyce (formerly Bartenstein), Dąbrowa (formerly Damerau), Nalikajmy (formerly Likeim), Parkoszewo (formerly Perkau), Poniki (formerly Groß-Poniken), Smolanka (formerly Landskron), and Sortławki (formerly Sortlack), all in the district of Bartoszyce; Lidzbark (formerly Heilberg) and Markaimy (formerly Markeim) in the district of Lidzbark. Materials indicating close connections with the Sambian-Natangian area have been found on all those sites.82 Connections between the Olsztyn Group and the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture are already noticeable in Phase E1. After that, the Olsztyn Group made its appearance in the central part of the Masurian Lakeland. The Dollkeim/ Kovrovo culture, on the other hand, was already in a process of slow decline that had started in the Roman age.83 During Phase E1, the population in the Sambia Peninsula still maintained intensive contacts with the Baltic sea shore, as indicated by the numerous finds of the early forms of bow ­brooches 80  Engel and La Baume, Kulturen und Völker, pp. 167–168; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 470; Kazimierz Godłowski, “Okres wędrówek ludów na Pomorzu,” Pomorania Antiqua 10 (1981), pp. 105– 106; Bartosz Kontny, “Trade, salt and amber. The formation of late Migration Period elites in the ‘Balti-Culti’area of northern Poland (the Elbląg Group)”, Archaeologia Baltica 17 (2011), p. 60. 81  Engel and La Baume, Kulturen und Völker, pp. 167–168; Kazimierz Godłowski, “Okres wędrówek ludów,” pp. 105–106. 82  Nowakowski, “Nördlich der Olsztyn-Gruppe,” pp. 423–429. 83  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Between Scania and Samland. From studies of stylistic Links in the Baltic Basin during the early Migration period,” Fornvännen 86 (1991), p. 228; BitnerWróblewska, From Samland to Rogaland, pp. 22–23.

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of the Pritzier-Perdöhl type, which originate from the Lower Elbe region.84 Perhaps the most impressive evidence of such contacts is a rich array of finds from Pervomaiskoe (Warnikam, in the Kaliningrad region) which include a golden disc-brooch decorated with almandines, most probably from the Rhineland, a cup of the Snartemo type or pottery of the so-called foederati type.85 Numerous gold and silver artifacts of Scandinavian origin, especially elements of horse trappings and saddle mounts made of silver sheet, are known from the area of were discovered in former Maulen.86 However, the best indication of contacts between the Masuria and the Sambia Peninsula during Phase E1 are the pseudo-ladder brooches (Schlusskreuzfibeln), of which several specimens are known from burial assemblages of the earliest phase of the Olsztyn Group. Such brooches originated in the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, as a variant of crossbow brooches with fully cast catchplates, the so-called Dollkeim/Kovrovo type.87 Pseudo-ladder brooches have been found on several sites of the Olsztyn Group, at Kosewo, BogaczewoKula, Bartlikowo, Dłużec, Tumiany, Spychówko, and Stare Kiejkuty, as well as on the settlement site recently excavated in Tałty. Similarly, necklaces of twisted wire and bronze wire bracelets with hook-shaped ends suc as found on sites of the Olsztyn Group area may be of Sambian origin.88 They definitely appear in large numbers in Masuria during Phase E1,89 but area known earlier in Sambia from assemblages dated to the late phase C or to phase D, such as graves 91a and 91b in Kovrovo (Dollkeim, in the region of Kaliningrad).90 Moreover, such dress accessories have also been discovered in the Wielbark culture. The most popular form of strap end found in assemblages from Masuria dated to Phase E—lancet-shaped strap ends—may also be of Sambian origin. Lancetshaped strap ends may have well derived from tongue-shaped strap ends of the Sambian type dated to Phase D, such as found in graves 140 and 164 in 84  Jan Bemmann, “Mitteldeutschland im 5. Jahrhundert. Eine Zwischenstation auf dem Weg der Langobarden in den mittleren Donauraum?” in Kulturwandel in Mitteleuropa. Langobarden—Awaren—Slawen. Akten der Internationalen Tagung in Bonn vom 25. bis 28 Februar 2008, ed. by Jan Bemmannn and Michael Schmauder (Bonn, 2008), p. 152. 85  Vladimir I. Kulakov, “Warnikam. Gräber pruzzischer Stammesführer,” Eurasia Antiqua 3 (1997), pp. 595–629; Skvorcov, “‘The amber coast masters’,” pp. 352–354; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 330–331. 86  Skvorcov, “‘The amber coast masters’,” pp. 352–354. 87  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, pp. 120–124. 88  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 288; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki”, pp. 122–123; Engel, “Das jüngsteheidnische Zeitalter,” p. 47. 89  The necklace from grave 12 in Miętkie, which is dated to the end of the late Roman ageis an exceptional find Nowakowski, Die Funde der römischen Kaiserzeit, p. 62. 90  Vladimir I. Kulakov, Dollkaim-Kovrovo. Issledovaniia 1879 g. (Minsk, 2004), p. 88.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 79

Kovrovo (Dollkeim),91 through the intermediary tongue-shaped forms with a middle enlargement, such as occasionally found on sites of the Olsztyn Group (e.g., Wyszembork).92 The Sambia Peninsula probably played an important part in the contacts of the West Balts with the Baltic seashore in the early Phase E. Bow brooches of the Pritzier-Perdöhl type discovered in eastern Masuria originate in the Lower Elbe region,93 but may have entered the Olsztyn Lakeland via the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, the sites of which produced the largest number of such brooches in the whole West Balt circle.94 That culture experienced a crisis during Phase E2,95 which may have given the Olsztyn Group an opportunity to take over the long-distance trade routes. The scarcity of imports dated to the later Phase E suggests that the settlement crisis in the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture was connected with a breakdown of the trade connections of that culture.96 During Phase E2, in fact, there are hardly any imports from the Sambian area among materials of the Olsztyn Group. A large number of artifacts have analogies in the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture or the Elbląg Group, but they were also typical for the entire West Balt circle. Such is the case, for example are, of the crossbow ladder brooches (Armbrustsprossenfibeln), of rings of notched wire, belt mounts with openwork ornament, as well as the above-mentioned, lancet-shaped strap ends.97 Bronze-bucket shaped pendants, such as found in graves 140 and 162 in Kovrovo (Dollkeim),98 are otherwise documented within a much larger area in the early Migration Period.99 The Dollkeim/Kovrovo materials from the later Phase E also include finds pointing to an influence of the Olsztyn Group, but their number is relatively small. Two vessels similar to hollow stem cups (a typical shape for the Olsztyn Group) are known from the cemetery excavated in Suvorovo (Zohpen). Their

91  Kulakov, Dollkaim-Kovrovo, pp. 94 and 101. 92  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, plate 9.11. 93  Kühn Die germanische Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit, II Teil, Süddeutschland pp. 869–879 believed that brooches of the Breitenfurt type Breitenfurt originated from the Elbe region. However, more recent studies indicate that some specimens, at least, may have derived from brooches of the Sikenica-Kiszombor type such as found in assemblages of the Danube region (Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 126–128). 94  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 127. 95  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 70; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 471; Nowakowski, “Die Balten,” pp. 14–15. 96  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 70. 97  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, pp. 122–127; Šturms, “Zur etnischen Deutung,” pp. 20–21; Okulicz, Pradzieje, pp. 482–483. 98  Kulakov, Dollkaim-Kovrovo, pp. 94 and 100. 99  Nowakowski, Samland, plate 107.

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analogies are the cups from grave 52 in Machary or grave 74 in Wawrochy.100 Both vessels found in Suvorovo have low stems and bulbous bowls with slightly everted rims. They are also decorated with engraved ornament in the form of horizontal and oblique grooves.101 Particularly interesting is the band of herringbone ornament on one of the vessels, because, although, quite popular in the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, such an ornament is quite rare on the Olsztyn Group. This suggest that a ceramic form was adapted to the tastes of the local population. Low stems (easier to produce) may also suggest that they were made by less adept potters. Unfortunately, the two vessels from Suvorovo are known only from drawings in the inventory books of the Prussia-Museum. This makes closer comparison with the Masurian materials difficult, but there can be no doubt about the connection. Another dress accessory found in Suvorovo (grave 442) is a disc—, rosette-brooch with a mounted metal sheet decorated in the repoussé technique.102 Such brooches are typical for assemblages of the Olsztyn Group dated to the late Phase E (Fig. 4.5), such as grave 534 in Kosewo,103 graves 35 and 78 in Tumiany,104 grave 20 I n Burdąg,105 grave 118 in Zdory, and graves 77 and 625 in Miętkie.106 Another disc-brooch with a mount of embossed metal sheet from Suvorovo has numerous analogies both in the Olsztyn and Elbląg Groups.107 The specimen from Holmogor’e (Kipitten, in the region of Kaliningrad) was found together with a buckle with long sides bent inwards and early stirrups of Čilinska’s type II.108 That disc-brooch may well be an import from the Olsztyn Group. A similar specimen was found in Vetrovo (Ekritten, in the region of Kaliningrad) in an urn grave underneath a large stone, at a depth of 0.5 m. The assemblage also included a buckle with a trapeze-shaped frame and a knife.109 A fibula with triangular head was found in grave 3 in Barvai (Barwen, district of Klaipėda, Lithuania). This is most lilkely a specimen of Thörle’s group IX 100  Nowakowski, “Studia nad ceramiką,” plate III. 101  Kulakov, Drevnosti, plates 12.1 and 23.4; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, pp. 426 and 444. 102  Kulakov, Drevnosti, Plate 21.8; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 143. 103  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 219. 104  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” pp. 48, 55; Jakobson “Die Brandgräberfelder,” plates 22.a and 78.a. 105  Bujack, “Vier Gräberfelder,” p. 150. 106  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 107  Kulakov, Drevnosti, plate 11. 108  Kulakov, Drevnosti, p. 63. For the classification of stirrups employed by Kulakov, see Zlata Čilinská, Slawisch-awarisches Gräberfeld von Nové Zámky (Bratislava: Vydavatel’stvo Slovenskej Akademie vied, 1966). 109  The archive of Feliks Jakobson.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 81

figure 4.5 Distribution of disc rosette brooches in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

B dated to the 7th century.110 The assemblage also included a necklace with hook-shaped ends and a bronze double-spiral pendant.111 While necklaces with hook-shaped ends were known during Phase E both in the Dollkeim/ Kovrovo culture and in the Olsztyn Group, the double-spiral pendant suggests a Masurian influence, for such ornaments appear in large numbers in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group dated to later part of Phase E2 and to Phase E3.112 This nicely dovetails with the relatively late dating of grave 3 from Barvai on the basis of the fibula with triangular head. To be sure, a double-spiral pendant from Bachanowo, in the district of Suwałki, may also be interpreted as an import from the Olsztyn Group.113 110  Stefan Thörle, Gleicharmige Bügelfibeln des frühen Mittelalters, Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie, 81 (Bonn, 2001), plate 41 and 42. 111  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 112   Rudnicki, “Grób grupy olsztyńskiej,” pp. 267–268; and “Zawieszki trapezowate,” pp. 673–675. 113  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści,” p. 39.

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figure 4.6 Distribution of the late bow brooches of Southeast European origin (“Slavic” bow fibulae) in the Balt lands Map drawn by the author

Contacts between the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture and the Olsztyn Group are also indicated by “Slavic” bow brooches (Fig. 4.6.). Such dress accessories appear on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, such Rzhevskoe (Linkuhnen, in the region of Kaliningrad), Šereitlaukis (Schreitlauken, near Šilutės, in Lithuania), Smolanka (Landskron, in the district of Bartoszyce) and Polessk (Löbertshoff, in the region of Kaliningrad).114 The largest number of such brooches found in East Central Europe are from sites of the Olsztyn Group.115 The specimens found on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture must have

114  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 433–436. 115  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” p. 156; Liudmil Vagalinski, “Zur Frage der ethnischen Herkunft der späten Strahlenfibeln (Finger—oder Bügelfibeln) aus dem Donau-KarpatenBecken (M. 6.–7. Jh.),” Zeitschrift für Archäologie, 28 (1994), p. 262; Katsougiannopoulu, Studien, Maps 1–3.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 83

therefore come from Masuria, where they have been interpreted as indication of intensive contacts with the Dnieper and Danube regions. A number of features have been associated with the influence of the burial customs of the Olsztyn Group on the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture. A bucketshaped urn found in Kulikovo (Elchdorf, in the region of Kaliningrad) has an intentionally made, circular hole in its lower part.116 This is apparently a hole urn, such as commonly found in cemeteries of the Olsztyn Group dated to the late Phase E, although the particular shape of the urn is typical for ceramic assemblages of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture. However, the influence of the burial customs of the Olsztyn Group upon the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture seems to have been much smaller than that on the Sudovian culture.117 It appears that the Sambian-Natangian areas were more resistant to Masurian influence than the Suwałki region, which may have been the result of the evident territorial distinctiveness of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture and its greater integration going back to the Roman age. 4.2

The Merovingian Circle

Beginning with the mid-5th century, the political situation in Central and East Central Europe changed dramatically. Defeated at the battle of Campus Mauriacus (perhaps Châlons) in 451, the power of the Huns rapidly declined and Attila’s “empire” collapsed after his death. The Huns had most likely controlled large parts of central and eastern Europe, including the Polish lands. Their influence is shown for example, in the rich burial from Jakuszowice (in the Holy Cross voivodship of southern Poland),118 the bronze cauldron from Jędrzychowice (in Lower Silesia, western Poland),119 an artificially deformed skull from Przemęczany (Lesser Poland),120 or the hoard from Świlcza (Subcarpathian voivodship, southeastern Poland) with ear-rings of the Hunnic type.121 The end of the Hunnic polity is commonly associated with the defeated 116  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen’,” p. 45. 117  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, pp. 70–72; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 480. 118  Kazimierz Godłowski, “Ziemie polskie w okresie wędrówek ludów,” Barbaricum 1 (1989), pp. 26–28. 119  Eduard Krause, “Der Fund von Höckricht, Kr. Ohlau,” Schlesiens Vorzeit in Bild und Schrift 3 (1904), pp. 46–50. 120   Marian Wawrzeniecki, “Poszukiwania zabytków przedhistorycznych w Królestwie Polskiem,” Materiały Antropologiczno-Archeologiczne i Etnograficzne 12 (1912), pp. 50–51. 121  Aleksandra Gruszczyńska, “Osada z okresu wędrówek ludów w Świlczy, pow. Rzeszów,” Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka Archeologicznego (1976–1979), pp. 103–129.

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inflicted upon Attila’s sons by a coalition of Germanic chieftains in the Battle of Nedao (454). Meanwhile, the Franks, who had until then appeared as allies of the declining Roman Empire settled in the Lower Rhine region, began to expand into northeastern and northern Gaul.122 It is precisely during this period, otherwise known as Early Merovingian (450/480–600) that the Olsztyn Group flourished.123 In other words, the rise of the Olsztyn Group coincided in time with the Frankish conquest of Gaul. The archaeology of the Early Merovingian period is primarily based on excavations of the so-called row-grave cemeteries. Only inhumations are known from those cemeteries, often in grave pits with a west-east orientation, arranged in rows.124 This type of burial appears, however, within a wider territory known to have been inhabited, besides Franks, by Alamans, Bavarians, and Thuringians, many of whom appear to have converted to Christianity.125 Because of the surprisingly similar material and spiritual culture, this larger area over which Merovingian kings exercised political control with various degrees of firmness has been labeled “Merovingian circle,” and largely coincides with the zone of row-grave cemeteries.126 During the 6th and 7th century a large number of artefact objects of clearly Frankish origin reached Masuria. Many of them are bow brooches with chip carved ornament. Most indications of contact with the Merovingian circle are known from the cemeteries excavated in Tumiany, Kielary, Kosewo, and Miętkie. This is also where most bow brooches of the Olsztyn Group have been found. Masurian bow brooches with West European parallels have been extensively studied,127 and attempts have been made at establishing the chronology 122  Bruno Krüger, “Die Franken bis zur politischen Vereinigung unter Chlodwig,” in Die Germanen, vol. 2, ed. by Bruno Krüger (Berlin, 1983), pp. 396–401; Herwig Wolfram, Die Germanen (Munich, 2007), pp. 106–108; Guy Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 303–310. 123  Herman Ament, “Zur archäologischen Periodisierung der Merowingerzeit,” Germania 55 (1977), p. 135. 124  Erdmute Schultze, “Grabsitte und Grabkult,” in Die Germanen, vol. 2, ed. by Bruno Krüger (Berlin, 1983), p. 173; Bonnie Effros, Merovingian Mortuary Archaeology and the Making of the Early Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003) and Guy Halsall, Cemeteries and Society in Merovingian Gaul. Selected Studies in History and Archaeology (Leiden: Brill, 2010). 125  Gerd Zuchold, “Die Herausbildung des Christentums,” in Die Germanen, vol. 2, ed. by Bruno Krüger (Berlin, 1983), pp. 280–285. 126  Joachim Werner, “Zur Entstehung der Reihengräberzivilization,” Archaeologia Geo­ graphica 1 (1950), pp. 23–31; Guy Halsall, “The origins of the Reihengräberzivilization: forty years on,” in Fifth-Century Gaul: A Crisis of Identity? edited by John Drinkwater and Hugh Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 196–207. 127  SeeÅberg, Ostpreuβen; Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel”; Kühn, “Das Problem”; Hilberg, “Studien”; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme”; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 85

figure 4.7 Example of imitation of richly decorated Scandinavian bow brooches in the area of the Olsztyn Group After Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln

of the Olsztyn Group on their basis.128 Such attempts, however, were not entirely successful. Their fundamental error was to take uncritically the Masurian artefacts as truly Frankish, Alamannic, or Lombard types in order to transfer their chronology to the Olsztyn Group. However, it appears that a large number of brooches discovered on sites of the Olsztyn Group are actually not imports, but imitations, often enriched with local elements.129 Differences between models and imitations may be detected in size (as the Masurian artifacts are actually smaller), decoration (imitations usually have a simplified form and schematic ornaments) and the raw material (in Masuria, bow brooches were typically made of copper-alloys) (Fig. 4.7). Classifying degenerated Masurian imitations according to stylistically coherent typologies of artifacts in Western Europe led to erroneous generalizations. The state of research on bow brooches 128  See Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki”; Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią”; Kowalski, “Chronologia.” 129  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 80; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 302; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 334–336.

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is sufficiently advanced at the moment to trace the stylistic changes and determine the degree of foreign influence on the local, West Balt production of those brooches. Two brooches were found in grave 62 in Kielary (Fig. 4.8). They are specimens of the Mülhofen type, with numerous analogies in the eastern part of the Frankish state.130 Such brooches served as models for Masurian imitations, known from grave 323 in Kosewo, grave 6 in Waplewo, grave 94 in Kielary, and grave 98 in Tumiany (Fig. 4.9). Only the brooches from Kielary could be dated with some degree of certainty to the mid-6th century.131 Three brooches related to the Kühn’s Mainz type are known from grave 42 in Leleszki,132 grave 116 in Tumiany,133 and from an unknown location in Eastern Prussia.134 Besides a cluster of finds in the area of Mainz, single specimens of such brooches have been found in Keszethely (western Hungary), and on a number of sites in eastern Germany, such as Altenhausen, and Rossow.135 The specimens found in Masuria are simplified variants of the type, i.e., specimens of the Brehmen-Mahndorf type. The brooch from Leleszki and that from the unknown location in Eastern Prussia are closer to that type, which is often found outside the eastern borders of the Frankish state. Such brooches are simplified in form and have schematic decorations. They are dated to the late 6th and early 7th century.136 Their distribution may suggest that there was an overland route from the middle Rhine to the Oder River across Thuringia and Brandenburg.137 The finds from Masuria should be dated to the early 7th century, on the basis of the fact that their decorations are considerably degenerated in comparison to the West European forms.138 A stray find from Kosewo I is a brooch with semi-circular head and oval footplate decorated with a schematic ornament related to Animal Style II, which is characterized intertwining bands and schematic zoomorphic ornaments. The Kosewo brooch has been classified as type Dattenberg,139 but it bears a considerably greater resemblance to brooches of the Andernach-Kärlich type. 130  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 308–309; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 410; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, p. 81. 131  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 309; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 266. 132  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32; Kühn, “Das Problem,” Plate 27. 133  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 61. 134  Tischler and Kemke, Ostpreussische Altertümer, plate 7.15. 135  Christian Pescheck, “Zur Bronzefibel von Altenhausen, Kr. Haldensleben,” Jahresschrift für mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte 72 (1989), pp. 173–183. 136  Göldner, Studien, p. 198; Voβ, “Fragment,” p. 301; Pescheck, “Zur Bronzefibel,” p. 186. 137  Voß, “Fragment,” p. 301. 138  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 284. 139  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 97.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 87

figure 4.8 Cremation grave 62 in Kielary (district of Olsztyn), grave goods After Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

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figure 4.9 Distribution of brooches of the Mülhofen type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

The latter is known primarily from sites in the Rhineland, such as Dattenberg, Engers, and Kärlich. Brooches of the Andernach-Kärlich are dated to the second half of the 6th and the early 7th century.140 The only East European finds of that type are those said to be from grave 86 in Selski (Kobjeiten, in the region of Kaliningrad).141 But the fibulae in question are most probably come from amateur excavations conducted in 1892 by the Queckenburg family in the row-grave cemetery in Niederbreisig in the Rhineland. Together with other artefacts, they have been auctioned in 1893 and in some way transferred to Königsberg, where they were “rediscovered” by Kurt Voigtmann.142

140  Göldner, Studien, p. 127. 141  Kurt Voigtmann, “Ein fränkisch-alamanischer Grabfund in Samland (Cobiejten Grab 86),” Alt Preußen 7 (1942), no. 1, p. 7. 142  Holger Göldner, “Ein Bügelfibelpaar vom Typ Andernach-Kärlich aus dem ehemaligen Ostpreussen?” Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 15 (1985), p. 246.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 89

The style of the Kosewo brooch betrays a distant imitation of the AndernachKärlich brooches in the Rhineland. As it is a stray find, nothing could be said about its chronology, although the brooch may be no earlier than the last quarter of the 6th century. A specimen of the Frankish type of fibulae known as Hahnheim has been found in Miętkie.143 Besides the shape, the basketweave ornament on the footplate suggests a direct connection to that type of brooches. The specimen, however, is still a distant imitation, as indicated by element of Masurian origin, such as the horse-ear-shaped projections on the footplate,144 which are otherwise typical for the Olsztyn Group.145 Fibulae of the Hahnheim type appear mainly between the Rhine and the Seine Rivers. Single specimens have also been found on the middle course of the Weser River and in Anglo-Saxon cemeteries in Britain. They have all been dated to the first half of the 6th century.146 The Miętkie specimen must nonetheless be dated to the second half of the 6th century at the earliest, i.e., during the late Phase E2, since it is not a true specimen of the Hahnheim type, but an imitation, pace Kühn.147 A number of brooches from Tumiany, Knis, grave 580 in Kosewo, Zdory and from unknown locations in Eastern Prussia may also be imitations of Frankish brooches148 (Fig. 4.10). The imitated type, in this case, is Weinheim, so called by Herbert Kühn to classify a number of specimens found within the vast area between the Weser and the Garonne Rivers.149 Kühn’s type, however, is illdefined, for specimens that he included into it are quite different from each other.150 To be sure, the brooches from Tumiany and from grave 580 in Kosewo (Fig. 4.11), are very similar to specimens from Friedberg and Hohfelden.151 The Masurian finds are most likely imitations of specimens from Rhineland, dated 143  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 268. 144  Although typical for the Olsztyn Group, the horse-ear-shaped projections are most probably has a decoration of south Scandinavian origin (Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 193–196). 145  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 88. 146  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit in der Rheinprovinz, p. 161; Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 202. 147  See Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 268. 148  Kühn, “Das Problem,” plate 26–27. 149  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, pp. 1027–1028. 150  Göldner, Studien, pp. 305–306. 151  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 298.

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figure 4.10

Distribution of brooches of the Kosewo-Zdory/Kossewen-Sdorren type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

figure 4.11

Bow brooches of West European origin from cemeteries of the Olsztyn Group excavated in Tumiany and Kielary (district of Olsztyn). a) stray find, b) Kielary, grave 62, c) grave 25 (23/1969), d) grave 82, stray find After Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 91

to the 560s.152 As their decorations and form are considerably degenerated, they may be dated with a considerable degree of certainty to the late Phase E2. An exceptional Masurian find is a bronze brooch of the Troyes type (Fig. 4.11.d) from grave 82 in Tumiany.153 Brooches of this type have headplates decorated with a characteristic bird-head motif. They are exclusively found in the Frankish heartland between the Rhine and Seine Rivers. The closest analogies to the Tumiany specimen are two brooches from Marchélepot in France.154 Brooches of the Troyes type are dated to the third quarter of the 6th century. They were most probably went out of fashion by the late 6th century.155 Brooches of the Sontheim type156 have a similar distribution and chronology. Their headplates are semi-circular with semi-circular knobs on the edges, while their and footplates are lens-shaped and decorated with intertwined bands (Fig. 4.11.e). In Masuria, a bronze, gilded specimen related to that type is a stray find from Tumiany.157 Joachim Werner cited it as analogy for the fibula from Nouvion-le-Comte,158 but later studies indicate other specimens as even closer analogies. The Tumiany specimen is in fact particularly similar to brooches from Sontheim, Oberhausen-Sterkrade, grave 7 in Blesme, and from Lucy,159 all dated to the first decades of the second half of the 6th century.160 According to Werner, the Tumiany brooch must have been manufactured somewhere in northern France.161 As there is no archaeological context, which could help with establishing its precise chronology, the brooch can be only broadly dated to Phase E2. During the Polish post-war excavations in Tumiany (1969–1972), a bronze brooch of the Soest type was found in grave 13 (Fig. 4.11.c).162 This particular class of brooches is dated relatively late, primarily because of the Animal Style II 152  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 306. 153   Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 56; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 151.a. 154  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 324. 155  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 256. 156  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 267 rejects Kühn’s name for the type (Sontheim), and defines it instead as “brooches with the elongated footplates decorated in the centre with the interwoven or (meandering ornament.” This in turn is part of a larger group of bow brooches with oval-shaped footplates. 157  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 67. 158  Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” p. 62. 159  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 306; Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 268. 160  Göldner, Studien, pp. 130–131; Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, pp. 267–268. 161  Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” p. 62. 162  Dąbrowski, “Archäologische Untersuchungen,” p. 278.

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decoration of the footplate, which is typical for artifacts dated to the Late Merovingian Period.163 Brooches of the Soest type are found mainly in the Middle Rhine region, where they are dated to the second half of the 6th and to the early 7th century.164 The closest analogies to the Tumiany specimen have been discovered in Gersheim, Würzburg, Mülhofen, and Soest.165 The stylistic analysis of the brooch suggests that it may well have been manufactured somewhere in the southeastern part of the Frankish kingdom during the last third of the 6th century.166 A bronze bow brooch was found in grave 16 in Kielary (Fig. 4.12), which is decorated a pair of bird heads on its headplate.167 The brooch may be classified as a specimen of the Eisleben type.168 Specimens of that type appear in Thuringia in assemblages dated between the late 5th and the first half of the 6th century.169 They have also been discovered in assemblages attributed to the Lombards on the Upper Elbe river. Following the battle on the Unstrut River (531), Thuringia was incorporated into the Frankish realm.170 Thus it is not possible to establish clearly whether the brooch discovered in Kielary left Thuringia before or after the Frankish take-over. Tongs-shaped bow brooches (Zangenkopffibeln) are also believed to be of Thuringian origin. One such brooch was discovered in grave IV of the Muntowo cemetery, an assemblage dated to the early Phase E.171 However, the foot of that brooch is considerably from that of other specimens of the type.172 The brooch may therefore be a local imitation.

163   Ament, “Zur archäologischen Periodiesierung,” p. 336; Helmut Roth, “Stil II— Deutungsprobleme. Skizzen zu Pferdmotiven und zur Motivkoppelung,” in Zum Problem der Deutung frühmittelälterlichen Bildinhalte. Akten des 1. Internationalen Kolloquiums in Marburg a. d. Lahn, 15. bis 19. Februar 1983, ed. by Helmut Roth, Veröffentlichungen der vorgeschichtlichen Seminars der Philips-Universität Marburg a.d. Lahn, 4 (Sigmaringen, 1986), p. 111. 164  Göldner, Studien, pp. 223–227. 165  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plates 307–309. 166  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 252. 167  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 172; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 122a. 168  According to Kühn. 169  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit. 170  Bertold Schmidt, “Die Thüringer,” in Die Germanen, vol. 2, ed. by Bruno Krüger (Berlin, 1983), p. 504. 171  Nowakowski, “Cmentarzysko z okresu wpływów rzymskich,” plate 6.5. 172  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plates 271–272; Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, plates 50–51.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 93

figure 4.12

Kielary (district of Olsztyn), cremation grave 16, grave goods After Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

Thuringian and Lombard associations have also been attributed to brooches of the Goether type, such as found Miętkie.173 The brooch in question was cast in bronze in a rather crude manner, and most probably is a local imitation, to be dated to the early part of Phase E2. An important of exceptional value is a gilded bronze brooch, a stray find from Tumiany.174 Its footplate has almandine cabochons, a unique feature for Masuria (Fig. 4.11.a). Because of very similar finds from grave 314 in Hüfingen, this is known as the Daumen-Hüfingen variant175 of a west Frankish group of brooches called Anguilcourt-le-Sart-Monceaux.176 While most brooches in that group are finds from Flanders and Picardy, the Daumen-Hüfingen variant appears primarily in the Alamannic regions, that is in modern Switzerland and Bavaria, where it most likely developed on the basis of imported Frankish forms.177 In Western Francia, brooches of that group are dated to the first half 173  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 293. 174  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 2; Jakobson “Die Brandgräberfelder,” plate 87. 175  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 212. 176  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 296. 177  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 216.

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of the 6th century, and they seem to have been most popular in the second quarter of that century.178 As the brooch from Tumiany represents a relatively late variant of the Anguilcourt-le-Sart-Monceaux type, it should be dated no earlier than the second or third quarter of the 6th century,179 i.e., within Phase E2.180 One more class of brooches should be mentioned at this point, namely the München-Aubing type, with its characteristic rectangular headplate with multiple knobs and a diamond-shaped footplate with relief decoration.181 Brooches of that type are known primarily from west German row-grave cemeteries. Some of them, however, have been found in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group. The specimens under catalogue numbers 85,8 and 85,11–13 come from grave 15a in Tumiany, grave 510 in Kosewo, grave 510, the neighbourhood of Węgorzewo, and an unknown location in Eastern Prussia.182 The decorations of those brooches have been studied by Volker Hilberg, who has demonstrated that they were most probably Masurian imitations of richly decorated Scandinavian brooches.183 In other words, they were most likely not west European brooches, and should therefore be regarded as a separate group— the Węgorzewo-Tumiany type (Fig. 4.13). In his München-Aubing type, Herbert Kühn included brooches made in a specific style that seem to make up a separate group.184 Those brooches were discovered in Kosewo, grave 2 in Babięta, and grave 40a in Kielary.185 They have rectangular headplates decorated with more than a dozen knobs (Fig. 4.14). The ornaments on the headplate refer to so-called East Prussian, Weinheim type.186 The footplate is diamond-shaped and decorated on the edges with small, horse ear-shaped knobs. One of the brooches has a decoration on the footplate that is similar to that of the Tumiany-Dour type. Another specimen has on the footplate a quadruple loop motif, which derives from the spiral ornament characteristic of the early brooches of the Csongrád type.187 The 178  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, pp. 296–298. 179  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 216. 180  Kowalski, Chronologia, p. 223. 181  The type was first identified as such by Herbert Kühn. 182  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 301. 183  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 30–305; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 182–185. 184  Kühn, “Das Problem,” pp. 96–97 classified those brooches as of the Anderlecht type. 185  Kühn, “Das Problem,” pp. 96–97. 186  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 268. 187  Volker Bierbrauer, “Die Dame von Ficarolo,” Archeologia Medievale 20 (1993), pp. 322–324; Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, pp. 550–551.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 95

figure 4.13

Brooches of the Węgorzewo-Tumiany/Angerburg-Daumen type from Tumiany, grave 15a (a–b) and Kosewo, grave 510 (c–d) After Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln

footplate ends with a terminal in the form of an animal head in Animal Style I, but otherwise similar to the Tumiany-Dour type. Kühn thought that brooches from Rittersdorf and Wiesbaden in the Rhineland were analogies of Masurian brooches believed to be of the Anderlecht type.188 The typology of the Rhineland brooches was later verified by Alexander Koch.189 Those brooches have ornaments typical of brooches of Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon origin. The stylistic features indicate, however, that they were most probably produced in northern France or in Belgium, under the influence of foreign styles of decoration.190 Lumping together the above-mentioned group of brooches from Kosewo, grave 2 in Babięta, and grave 40a in Kielary with supposedly “similar” brooches of foreign origin to obtain a single group, is an example of the kind of generalisations that lead to misinterpretations. Those brooches were most probably produced in the Olsztyn Group, as indicated by stylistic features typical for brooches made in the Masuria, or in other cultural zones, especially Scandinavia.191 Similar specimens have been discovered during a field survey in Popowo Salęckie192 and in Miętkie;193 no analogies are known outside the Olsztyn Group (Fig. 4.15). The degenerate specimens discovered 188  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 96. 189  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, p. 350. 190  Koch, Bügelfibeln der Merowingerzeit, pp. 350–353. 191  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 179–195. 192  Szymański, “Dwie zapinki,” pp. 183–185. 193  The archive of Feliks Jakobson.

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figure 4.14

Chapter 4

Brooches of the Kosewo/Kossewen type: a) Spychówko (district of Szczytno), b) grave 596 in Kosewo (district of Mrągowo), c) grave 430 in Kosewo, d) unknown location in East Prussia, e) Popowo Salęckie (district of Mrągowo), stray find, f) grave 8 in Miętkie (district of Szczytno), g) Nowa Boćwinka (district of Gołdap district), h) grave 28 in Kielary (district of Olsztyn), grave 28 After (a, g) Kühn, “Das Problem,” (b–d) Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, (e) Szymański, “Dwie zapinki,” (f) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (h) Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

in Pesochnoe (former Detlevsruh, in the Kaliningrad region), a cemetery of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, as well as in Mała Boćwinka (in the district of Gołdap), a barrow cemetery of the Sudovian culture, are most likely imitations of Masurian brooches.194 It is therefore appropriate to take the brooches from Kosewo, Babięta, and Kielary out of the München-Aubing type195 and

194  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 97. 195  Kühn, “Das Problem,” first included the Kosewo, Babięta, and Kielary brooches into his Anderlecht type, but Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland changed the classificationof those brooches to München-Aubing, in which he included also specimens without auniform style.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 97

figure 4.15

Distribution of brooches of the Kosewo/Kossewen type in area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

include them, together with the brooch from Popowo Salęckie, in a separate type—Kossewen/Kosewo.196 The second most numerous group of fibulae of the Olsztyn Group, after bow brooches, are disc brooches. Those dress accessories were usually made of bronze, but often covered with an embossed, sometimes gilded, sheet of silver. Brooches of that type are numerous in Tumiany, Kielary, Kosewo and Leleszki. They often imitate west European fibulae decorated with mounts of embossed metal sheet, such as found in Merovingian assemblages.197 The Masurian brooches undoubtedly derive from foreign models, for there are no local prototypes dated to the early Migration or the Roman periods. 196  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 187 regarded this group of fibulae as variant III of the Schönwarling type, despite obvious differernces. Indeed, the Schönwarling type included crossbow brooches with a short catchplate dated to the early Migrationperiod, (BitnerWróblewska, From Samland to Rogaland, pp. 34–41). 197  Margarete Klein-Pfeuffer, Merowingerzeitliche Fibeln und Anhänger aus Pressblech, Marburger Studien zur Vor- und Frühgeschte, 14 (Marburg, 1993).

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Disc-brooches appear in Phase E, namely at a time when the Olsztyn Group was already well established. They have not been found in assemblages of Phase E1, when the group was just coming into being. Especially interesting are two specimens from graves 90 and 110 in Tumiany,198 both of which have silver mounts each decorated with an equal-armed cross (Fig. 4.16). The details of decoration remind one of a specimen from Neuses (Germany).199 The west European disc-brooches decorated crosses are found mainly in the Upper Rhineland, where they may have carried a Christian symbolism. It has even been suggested that specimens discovered in the lands to the east of the river Rhine may be the material culture correlates of the activity of Frankish missions.200 Although there are no exact analogies for the Masurian finds, the connection with western Europe cannot be doubted. There is no reason to associate those dress accessories with a presumed Byzantine influences. While the symbolism of the cross motif my well be Christian, there is no indication of missionary activity among the Balts. Brooches made of embossed metal sheet were in fashion in western Europe during the 7th century.201 The pseudo-filigree loops on the Tumiany brooches may even derive from Frankish fibulae decorated with semi-precious stones and filigree, the so-called Filigranscheibenfibeln, which are dated to the late 6th and early 7th century. Taking into account the degeneration of the finds from the Olsztyn Group at the end of the 7th century, the Masurian specimens may be dated to the first half of the 7th century with a considerable degree of certainty. Thus the Tumiany brooches appear as the first objects decorated with Christian symbols that have been discovered in northeastern Poland. The bronze disc-brooch found in grave 1 in Miętkie has a mount of silver sheet decorated with small, concentrically arranged bosses and pseudo-filigree. This brooch is known only from archival sources. The only illustration maybe found in the unpublished files of the Latvian archaeologist Feliks Jakobson. The artifact was lost during World War II, much like many other finds from Eastern Prussia. The Miętkie brooch is related to a group of fibulae decorated with embossed metal sheet, themselves imitations of Filigranscheibenfibeln202 198  H  eydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 8; Jakobson “Die Brandgräberfelder,” plates 56a and 65a. 199  Jochen Haberstroh, “Ein merowingischer Friedhof an der fränkischen Ostgrenze in Neuses a.d. Regnitz,” Das Archäologische Jahr in Bayern, (1996), p. 147. 200  Klein-Pfeuffer, Merowingerzeitliche Fibeln, pp. 222–223. 201  Klein-Pfeuffer, Merowingerzeitliche Fibeln, p. 223. 202  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Eine Scheibenfibel mit Mittelbuckel aus dem masurischen Gräberfeld Leleszki und das Problem der späteren Stufe der Olsztyn-Gruppe,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2006), p. 83.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 99

figure 4.16

Tumiany (district of Olsztyn), cremation grave 90, grave goods After Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

of the early Merovingian period.203 One such fibula is known from Mertloch in the Rhineland.204 It seems that the Miętkie brooch may be also dated at the earliest to the first half of the 7th century, and thus linked to the latest phase of the Olsztyn Group, E3. Disc-brooches with a (shield-like) boss in the centreare also of Frankish origin. The specimens found in grave 39 and 88 in Zdory, grave XVIII in Kielary, grave 392 in Koswewo, and grave 24 in Leleszki are similar to Frankish brooches

203  Herman Ament, Siedlung und Gräberfeld des frühen Mittelalters von Mertloch, Künzerhof (Kreis Mayen-Koblenz) (Nürnberg, 1993), p. 49. 204  Klein-Pfeuffer, Merowingerzeitliche Fibeln, pp. 217–218.

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dated to the 7th century.205 The Masurian brooches are typical for assemblages of Phase E3 (600–650/675), a period of decline for the Olsztyn Group.206 That such brooches appear in Masuria indicates that contacts with western Europe were maintained in the first half of the 7th century, even after the inflow of bow brooches in Phase E2 stopped. Disc-brooches with small bosses, such as found in graves 429 and 586a in Miętkie may also be dated to Phase E3,207 They are similar to west European brooches with damascened decoration. That decoration, which consists of encrusting the iron surface with silver, was fashionable in the late Merovingian Period (between ca. 600 and 720).208 Although no artefact found in Masuriais decorated in that way, the form of those brooches undoubtedly derives from the west European models. Several other artifacts, besides the brooches, indicate contacts with the Franks and the Merovingian cultural circle. One of the most interesting is a glass goblet discovered in Popielno (district of Pisz).209 The goblet was used as lid for an urn. Besides the goblet from grave 14 in Kosewo,210 the Popielno specimen is the only completely preserved glass vessel found within the territory of the Olsztyn Group. Its glass thread decoration makes up a festoon ornament. The goblet was produced at some point between 450/490 and 550/560 in a Frankish workshop in northern France or in Belgium, which continued the tradition of Roman glass-making.211 The Kosewo goblet (Fig. 4.17), a specimen of the Snartemo type, was also made most likely in a Frankish workshop. It was discovered in a grave dated to Phase D3/E1, the earliest assemblage so far known for the Olsztyn Group.212 Two other glass fragment are known from assemblages of that group: one of 205  Kurt Böhner, Die fränkischen Altertümer des Trierer Landes, Germanische Denkmäler Völkerwanderugszeit, serie B, 1 (Berlin, 1958), p. 110; Herman Ament, Die fränkischen Grabfunde aus Mayen und der Pellenz (Berlin, 1976), p. 65. 206  Rudnicki, “Eine Scheibenfibel,” p. 82. 207  Rudnicki, “Eine Scheibenfibel,” p. 83. 208  Ament, “Zur archäologischen Periodisierung,” pp. 314–317; Max Martin, “Tauschierte Gürtelgarnituren und—beschläge des frühen Mittelalters im Karpatenbecken und ihre Träger,” in Ethnische und kulturelle Verhältnisse an der mittleren Donau vom 6. bis zum 11. Jahrhundert. Symposium Nitra 6. bis 10. November 1994, ed. by Darina Bialeková and Jozef Zábojník (Bratislava, 1996), p. 63; Markus C. Blaich, “Tauschierte Scheibenfibeln des 7. Jahrhunderts—ein Bildprogramm des austrasischen Adels?” Concilium medii aevi 8 (2005), p. 108. 209  Ebert, Truso, p. 74; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 89. 210  Weigel, “Das Gräberfeld von Kossewen,” p. 24. 211  Stawiarska, “Czarka,” p. 161. 212  Nowakowski, “Die Balten,” p. 16.

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figure 4.17

Grave 14 in Kosewo (district of Mrągowo). 1a–6a after Weigel, “Das Gräberfeld von Kossewen”; 1b–6b, 7, 8 after Nowakowski, Die Funde

them, most probably from a goblet of the Snartemo type, was found in grave 421 of the Gąsior cemetery;213 the other fragment was discovered in the Ławny Lasek settlement.214 Around the Olsztyn Group, glass goblets have been found on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture (the Warnikam cemetery215) and the Dębczyn Group (the cemetery in Dębczyn, district of Białogard).216 A large group of artifacts possibly derived from Frankish models is that of belt fittings. The most characteristic form is the shield-on-tongue buckle. The numerous specimens of that type of bucket that have been discovered in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group may be divided into buckles with oval-shaped, rectangular, or triangular plates. Shield-on-tongue buckles appear in large 213  Schmiedehelm, “Das Gräberfeld Gąsior,” p. 87; Nowakowski, Corpus der Römischen Funde, p. 52. 214  Melin-Wyczółkowska, “Osada kultury bogaczewskiej,” p. 444. 215  Ebert, Truso, p. 74. 216  Henryk Machajewski, Z badań nad chronologią dębczyńskiej grupy kulturowej w dorzeczu Parsęty (Poznań, 1992), p. 124.

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numbers in row-grave cemeteries in areas known to have been inhabited by Franks, Alamans, Burgundians, Thuringians, and Lombards, particularly during the earlier Merovingian period. They have also been found in Scandinavia. Specimens with triangular plates from areas occupied by the Saxons are treated as markers of Frankish influence,217 much like those from the Carpathian Basin occupied by the Avars in the late 6th century.218 The specimens from Masuria may also be associated with the Frankish influence in East Central Europe, which is otherwise documented by certain type of brooches. A shieldon-tongue buckle with a triangular plate was discovered in Tumiany, grave 141,219 together with a typically Baltic crossbow brooch with rings of notched wire. The assemblage included also a bronze belt loop, the form of which reminds one of the shield on the tongue of Merovingian buckles,220 another indication of a possibly west European origin. The assemblage may be dated to Phase E2. The Olsztyn Group assemblages also contain specific buckles with triangular plates and cross-shaped tongues. The cross-shaped tongues are characteristic of Masurian buckles of the late Migration period, and derive from buckles with tongues decorated with metopes of the type known as H 38–39 and characteristic for Phase D.221 The triangular plates most probably originated in Masuria under Frankish influence as they were very popular during the Merovingian period. They appear in Masuria as late as Phase E, but not earlier than shield-on-tongue buckles. A less common type are shield-on-tongue buckles with rectangular loops, such as found in grave 117 in Tumiany (together with a slim ladder brooch) and in Wyszembork. The Tumiany specimen may be dated to Phase E2, possibly to its earlier part, while no chronology may be established for that from Wyszembork, which is a stray find. However, the 217  Hans-Jürgen Haßler, “Kulturelle Einflüsse aus dem fränkischen Reich,” in Sachsen und Angelsachsen. Austellung des Helms-Museums. Hamburgisches Museumfür Vor- und Frühgeschichte. 18. November bis 28. Februar 1979, ed. by Claus Ahrens, Veröffentlichungen des Helms-Museums, 27 (Hamburg, 1978), pp. 169–170. 218  Csanad Bálint, Die Archäologie der Steppe. Steppenvölker zwischen Volga und Donau vom 6. bis 10. Jahrhundert (Vienna/Cologne, 1989), p. 181; Atilla Kiss, “Germanen in awarenzeitlichen Karpatenbecken,” in Awarenforschungen, vol. 1, ed. by Falko Daim (Vienna, 1992) p. 56; Max Martin, “Zu den tauschierten Gürtelgarnituren und Gürtelteilen der Männergräber von Kölked-Feketekapu A,” in Das awarenzeitlich gepidische Gräberfeld von Kölked-Feketekapu A, edited by Attila Kiss (Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 1996), pp. 345–61; and Lívia Bende, “Tausírozott diszű ővgarnitúra a pitvarosi avar temetőből,” Móra Ferenc Múzeum Evkönyve. Studia Archaeologica 6 (2000), 199–218. 219  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 5; JakobsonDie Brandgräberfelder, plate 73. 220  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 5. 221  Renata Madyda-Legutko, Die Gürtelschnallen der Römischen Kaiserzeit und derfrühen Völkerwanderungszeit im mitteleuropäischen Barbaricum, BAR International Series 360 (Oxford, 1987), plate 20.

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latter has good analogies in grave 1 of the cemetery excavated in Kleinlangheim222 as well as in grave 53 of the Lombard cemetery in Maria Ponsee. In the latter assemblage, the buckle was associated with a glass goblet with relief decoration, a so-called Rüsselbecher.223 Assemblages of the Olsztyn Group with such buckles maybe dated to Phase E2. The numerous glass beads found on Olsztyn Group sites may be also of west European origin. The most characteristic are beads with convex eyeshaped inlays and glass threads, some of them segmented. Such beads were most probably produced in workshops in Frankish Gaul and reached as far north as Finland.224 The beads from Tumiany and Kielary were most probably imported. While such beads are common on both sites, it is not possible to establish the exact number of imports. However, it is reasonable to believe that the beads found on those two sites are just a fraction of the quantity imported at that time. In addition to Frankish imports into the area of the Olsztyn group, there are indications of imports from the West Baltic region into the Merovingian cultural circle. A brooch of the Tumiany-Dour type was found in the cemetery excavated in the 1870s in Dour (Hainaut province, Belgium). The brooch is most likely an import from Masuria.225 Such brooches are known from Tumiany and Jagiełki, in the district of Szczytno.226 Another was discovered on the site of the barrow cemetery in Bród Nowy (district of Suwałki), and that brooch is also regarded as an import from the area of the Olsztyn Group.227 The same is true for the brooch found in Skowarcz, in the district of Pruszcz Gdański.228 The markedly Scandinavian elements of its decoration, however, suggest a foreign origin of at least some of the Tumiany-Dour brooches.229 In the Olsztyn Group, such brooches are dated to Phase E2a.230 222   Christian Pescheck and Hans-Jürgen Hundt, Das fränkische Reihengräberfeld von Kleinlangheim, Lkr. Kitzingen, Nordbayern, Germanische Denkmäler der Völkerwan­ derungszeit, serie A, 17 (Mainz, 1996), plate 1. 223  Ernst Lauermann and Horst Adler, “Die Langobardenforschung im norddanubischen Niederösterreich und im Tullnerfeld,” in Kulturwandel in Mitteleuropa. Langobarden— Awaren—Slawen. Akten der Internationalen Tagung in Bonn vom 25. bis 28 Februar 2008, ed. by Jan Bemmannn and Michael Schmauder (Bonn, 2008), pp. 299–308. 224  Ursula Koch, “Mediterrane und fränkische Glasprlen des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts aus Finnland,” in Studien zur vor und frühgeschichtlischen Archäologie. Festschrift für Joachim Werner zum 65. Geburstag, vol. 2, ed. by Georg Kossack and Günther Ulbert (Munich, 1974), pp. 495–520. 225  Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” pp. 59–60. 226  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 187. 227  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 228  La Baume, Urgeschichte, p. 157. 229  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 185–188. 230  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 76; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 222–223.

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A richly decorated crossbow brooch of the Tumiany type was found in grave 421 of the row-grave cemetery excavated in Altenerding.231 The name of the type is justified by no less than three other specimens known from that site of the Olsztyn Group.232 Those brooches have exceptionally rich forms, were often made of precious metals, and their relief ornament is usually zoomorphic. They may therefore have been status symbols. Although such brooches are of a clear Baltic tradition, a mould for casting brooches of the Tumiany type that has been found in Helgö (central Sweden) suggests that some specimens, such as, most probably, that from Altenerding, originated in Scandinavia.233 It is not possible to establish a more precise area of origin for the Frankish imports into the area of the Olsztyn Group. The distribution of analogies for Masurian finds does not indicate any local centres in the Merovingian cultural circle. Although almost all types of imports in the Olsztyn Group from the Middle Rhineland, that cannot be the area from which artifacts went directly to Masuria. Jan Żak has suggested that the Olsztyn Group had contacts with the region of the Main River, because that region produced spurs with hooked ends turned inside, which Żak believed to have been adopted from Masuria.234 However, the idea of Franks using that type of spurs because of contacts with the Olsztyn Group is rather dubious. It is more probable that the influence was in the opposite direction, and that the population of the Olsztyn Group adopted the spurs with hooked ends turned inwards, such as found in Wólka Prusinowska. At any rate, contacts between the Olsztyn Group and the Merovingian cultural circle may not have been particularly intensive, given that it is difficult to imagine the West Balts as important allies of the Franks. The small number of imports, and the absence of such artifacts as bow brooches with straight foot and semicircular headplate, most typical for the early Merovingian period, or belt fittings with damascened decoration, such as characteristic for the late Merovingian period, suggest that contacts, although long lasting, were of fleeting character. Those contacts were most likely not of commercial nature, as trade in the Baltic Sea region may have been conducted through the mediation of Scandinavians, much as in the North Sea region. 231  Joachim Werner, “Zur Verbreitung frühgeschichtlichen Metallarbeiten (WerkstattWanderhandwerk—Handel-Familienverbindung),” Antikvariskt arkiv 38 (1970), plate 9. 232  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 9; Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Between Curonia and Bavaria. Animal-head brooches resulting from long-distance connections during migration period,” Archaeologia Baltica 4 (2000), p. 194. 233  Anna Bitner-Wróblewska, “Between Curonia and Bavaria,” pp. 189–192. 234  Jan Żak, “Ostrogi z zaczepami haczykowato odgiętymi na zewnątrz,” Przegląd Archeologiczny 9 (1958), p. 100.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 105

4.3 Scandinavia The Olsztyn Group assemblages have produced also traces of contacts with Scandinavia. During Phase E, those contacts limited to the southeastern part of the Scandinavian Peninsula and to some islands (Bornholm, Gotland, Öland), and probably also the Danish archipelago. Those contacts are documented by some Scandinavian imports, but especially by imitations of Scandinavian ornaments and decorations. During Phase E1, contacts with Scandinavia were most likely limited. In that period, the Olsztyn Group was just coming into being, and probably was not an attractive partner. Settlements in western and central Masuria were re-emerging after the crisis of Phase D.235 It is possible that during Phase E1, communication routes were between southern Scandinavia and the Danube and Black Sea areas. However, Masuria had a very small part, if any, in those contacts.236 A comparatively greater role at that time had the region of the Vistula Delta, in which north-south contacts are much more noticeable. That area may have been inhabited by the population to which Jordanes refers as Vidivarians in his Getica.237 During Phase E, that population was associated with what is now known as the Elbląg Group, the contacts of which with Scandinavia were undoubtedly much closer than those of any other cultural unit of the West Balt Circle. Some forms of the lunular pendants found in the Olsztyn Group may be of the Scandinavian origin. This is the case of the lunular pendant with stamped decoration from grave 72 in Tumiany.238 Scandinavian lunular pendants are decorated with a similar ornament in the Sösdala style dated to Phase D. The Tumiany pendant may therefore be a local, West Baltic imitation.239 A similar pendant was found in Rõsna-Saare (Estonia), a site associated with the long barrow culture. The Estonian specimen is also regarded it as an imitation of Scandinavian pendants.240 Another one was found in grave 74 in Miętkie 235  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, p. 20; Bitner-Wróblewska, “Early Migration Period,” pp. 153–167. 236  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 311–113; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 157. 237  Godłowski, “Okres wędrówek ludów,” p. 112 and “Ziemie polskie,” p. 35. 238  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 54; Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 103; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 44. 239  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Uwagi,” p. 424. 240  Michel Kazanski, “La zone forestière de la Russie et l̀Europe centrale à la fin l̀epoque des grandes migrations,” in Die spatrömische Kaiserzeit und die frühe Völkerwanderungszeit in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ed. by Magdalena Mączyńska and Tadeusz Grabarczyk (Łódź, 2000), p. 422.

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together with a crossbow brooch of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo type.241 That grave 74 may in fact be dated to the end of the Bogaczewo culture. By contrast, the brooch from grave 72 in Tumiany, with which the lunula was associated, maybe one of the earliest proofs of the Scandinavian influence in the Olsztyn Group, and thus an indication that the assemblage should be dated to Phase E1.242 During Phase E, Masuria began to play a more important role in the contacts between the Danube and the Baltic Sea regions. The West Balt population associated with the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture expanded into the region of the Vistula Delta, which resulted into the rise of the Elbląg Group.243 During Phase E2, the Olsztyn Group become an important partner in the north-south contacts. It is possible that because of its expansion into areas previously inhabited by the population of the Wielbark culture, the Olsztyn Group population took over the inter-regional contacts of that culture. However, very few artifacts dated to Phase E2 may be interpreted as imports from Scandinavia. With their stamped ornament, the belt mounts from grave 10 in Waplewo244 and from the settlement in Tałty245 have close analogies in southern Scandinavia, which are dated to the Vendel period.246 A unique dress accessory is known from grave 76 in Kielary—a brooch made of a helmet ornament with zoomorphic decoration.247 Similar ornaments are known from grave 1 in Vendel and grave 7 (a boat burial) in Valsgärde. However, the most famous specimen is that from Mound 1 in Sutton Hoo (England). Helmet ornaments were also used as bridle mounts, as documented in Vallstenarum (Gotland). A date between the late 6th and the mid-7th century has been advanced for those zoomorphic ornaments.248 Horse trappings discovered in assemblage of the Olsztyn Group have also clear Scandinavian analogies. However, there are very few such artefacts, most likely because the pre-war excavations did not go sufficiently deep to reach horse burials that are typically at more than 1 m underground. During the postwar excavations conducted by Krzyszt of Dąbrowski in Tumiany, elements of

241  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 242  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Uwagi,” p. 424. 243  Engel and La Baume, Kulturen und Völker, pp. 167–168; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 470; Godłowski, “Okres wędrówek ludów,” pp. 105–106. 244  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 99. 245  Unpublished excavations of A. Mackiewicz (2010). 246  Birger Nerman, Die Vendelzeit Gotlands (Stockholm, 1969), plates 23–24. 247  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 164; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 307; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 198. 248  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 203.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 107

horse headgear have been found that are very similar to Scandinavian finds dated to the Vendel Period.249 Close connections with Scandinavia are also documented by the decoration of the bow brooches discovered in the Olsztyn Group. They are particularly noticeable in the typically “Masurian” brooches. Volker Hilbert’s stylistic analysis of bow brooches indicates that some elements of decoration of brooches of the Tumiany-Dour and Kosewo types are of Scandinavian origin. Horse ear-shaped knobs, which Åberg believed to be typical for the Olsztyn Group,250 are most likely of Scandinavian origin.251 Brooches of the Kosewo type, which are known only from assemblages of the Olsztyn Group, most probably derive from the East Scandinavian bow brooches with rectangular headplates and diamond-shaped footplates with geometric ornaments. A model for that type of brooches is known from an unknown location in Öland.252 Similarly, brooches of the Tumiany-Kosewo type have relief ornaments on the footplate that imitate the relief, zoomorphic decoration of the so-called nordische Stil I.253 Masurian brooches are in fact imitations of Variant A of that style, well-illustrated by such lavishly decorated, gilded silver brooches as that from Gummersmark (Zealand, Denmark).254 A bow brooch from a stray find from the Tałty settlement has Scandinavian analogies as well (Fig. 4.18.a). This brooch was found by metal detector during a field survey. It is made of bronze, 9.1 cm long and 5.5 cm wide. Its rectangular headplate has four knobs in the form of stylized animal heads. The headplate is decorated with relief ornaments, while the terminal at the end of the footplate is also shaped into a stylized animal head.255 249  There is an interesting technological similarity between the copper alloys of the artefacts from Tumiany and Spong Hill, which confirms the possibility of contact between Masuria and Anglo-Saxon England. See Zdzisław Hensel, “Elementy rzędów końskich z cmentarzyska w Tumianach, woj. olsztyńskie w świetle badań składu chemicznego,” Archeologia Polski 41 (1996), p. 132; Tadeusz Baranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian w woj. Olsztyńskim,” Archeologia Polski 41 (1996), p. 83. For possible Anglo-Saxon influences on the Olsztyn Group, see Okulicz, Pradzieje and “Problem ceramiki”; Jerzy Gąssowski, Kultura pradzie­ jowa na ziemiach polskich. Zarys (Warszawa, 1986), p. 264; Wojciech Nowakowski, “Zapinka podkowiasta i bransoleta mankietowa z Tylkowa—problem ciąglości kulturowej pomiędzy okresem wpływów rzymskich a późnym okresem wędrówek ludów na Pojezierzu Mazurskim,” in Słowianie i ich sąsiedzi we wczesnym średniowieczu, edited by Marek Dulinicz (Lublin/Warsaw, 2003), pp. 141–146. 250  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 88. 251  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 194–195. 252  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 195. 253  Salin, Germanische Tierornamentik, p. 214. 254  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 183. 255  Rudnicki, “Dwa znaleziska,” p. 74.

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figure 4.18

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Bow brooches from Stora Gairvide, Gotland (a) and Tałty, Mrągowo district (b). After (a) Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, (b) Rudnicki, “Dwa znaleziska”

The closest analogy for this brooch is a gilded bronze fibula from Stora Gairvide in Gotland (Fig. 4.18.b),256 the decoration of which, however, is more elaborate and more carefully executed. The evident similarity, but also the simplification of the ornament on the Tałty brooch suggests that it is in fact an imitation of the Gotland specimen.257 Individual elements of some brooches from the Olsztyn Group suggest Scandinavian influence. Numerous brooches of the Kosewo type with rectangular headplates and diamond-shaped footplates have terminals in the form of animal heads, but also symmetrically distributed, small knobs in the form of horse ears, four on either side of the footplate. Those are typical for brooches of the Olsztyn Group.258 Craftsmen in the Olsztyn Group borrowed freely both the ornaments and the forms of Scandinavian bow brooches. They thus produced lavishly decorated brooches, such as those from grave 37 in Tumiany259 and grave 109 in 256  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 192. 257  It is worth mentioning thattraces of metallurgy and ornament production have been found in the Tałty settlement—castingmoulds, crucibles, and smelting furnaces. 258  The stray find of a brooch from Öland is interesting, asit seems to have been the model for the Masurian brooches of the Kosewo type. 259  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 49; Die Prussia Sammlung. Der Bestand im Museum für Geschichte un Kunst Kaliningrad, ed. by Philipp Adlung, Claus von CarnapBornheim, Timo Ibsen, and Anatoli Valujev (Schleswig, 2005), pp. 100–101.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 109

Babięta.260 Those brooches are different from their Scandinavian models (fibulae with four knobs in the form of animal heads, such as that from Stora Gairvide in Gotland261), but nonetheless share some elements with them.262 The current stage of research indicates a considerable influence of the Scandinavian artisans on the Masurian craftsmanship, particularly in bow brooch production.263 That influence is responsible for a uniquely Masurian decorative style (masurgermanisch Stil). Because of the brooch of the Tumiany type from Alternerding, that of the Tumiany-Dour from Dour, or the brooch from Stora Gairvide, an earlier generation of scholars believed that Masurian brooches were exported to Scandinavia and the Merovingian cultural circle. However, recent studies suggest that the “Masurian” brooch types were most likely of Scandinavian origin. This is confirmed by the find of a mould for casting brooches of the Tumiany type—a typically Baltic fibula—on the settlement site in Helgö (eastern Sweden). The brooch from grave 421 in Altenerding was found with the skeleton of a woman believed to be of Scandinavian origin. Moreover, casting moulds have been found in Helgö for making various bow brooches with ornaments similar to those of brooches from the Olsztyn Group. The ornaments in those casting moulds are simplified versions of those on Scandinavian brooches. It thus seems probably that the Scandinavian craftsmen produced both richly decorated brooches for the more affluent customers, and simplified, cheaper versions—the former for Scandinavia and the Merovingian cultural circle, the latter for the “Baltic market.” It is also possible that brooches were made by travelling craftsmen who both produced and distributed their wares in a given area.264 That at least results from the discovery in Dour of a brooch of the Tumiany/ Daumen-Dour type. Such brooches were considered typical for the Olsztyn Group (Fig. 4.19), since they have been found primarily in Masuria, with a few specimens in neighboring areas, as those of Skowarcz (district of Pruszcz 260  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 87; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, plate 4. 261  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 191–195. 262  This is the basis for the earlier idea of a “Masurian-German” animal style illustrated by such finds as the brooches from grave 37 in Tumiany and grave 109 in and Babięta. See, for example Greta Arvidsson, “Folkvandringstindes praktspänner,” Gotlandskt arkiv 22 (1950), pp. 14–15; Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” p. 60. 263  It should be noted that bow brooches are particularly numerous in the Olsztyn Group during Phase E2 (525–600), the heyday of that group. That suggests the adaptation of foreign fashions, perhaps as a result of the presence of foreigners in Masuria. There are no earlier traces of casting bow brooches in Masuria that could be dated, as in other areas of Europe, to the first half of the 5th century. 264  Karen Høilund Nielsen, “The real thing or just wannabies. Scandinavian-style brooches in the fifth and sixth centuries,” in Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe. Thirteen International Studies on Early Medieval Mobility, ed. by Dieter Quast (Mainz, 2009), pp. 105–106.

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figure 4.19

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Selected bow brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type: a) Dour, Belgium; b) grave 34 in Tumiany, district of Olsztyn; c) grave 373 in Kosewo, district of Mrągowo; d) grave 217 in Tumiany. After (a) Werner, “Eine ostpreussische Bügelfibel,” (b–d) Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln

Gdański) or Bród Nowy (district of Suwałki), both interpreted as evidence of contacts with the Olsztyn Group. Volker Hilberg has demonstrated that some of the stylistic elements of those brooches are of Scandinavian origin. The brooch from Dour is considerably larger than any of the specimens found in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group, and it is also much more carefully made. This may suggest that it was produced specifically for someone in the Merovingian circle, who expected a product of higher quality than those accepted by people in the Baltic area. Imported brooches of various origins were copied in the Olsztyn Group. The imitations gradually diverged from their models, and as a result new brooch types were formed, a process illustrated by the appearance of brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary type,265 such as those from Kosewo or Wólka Prusinowska (Fig. 4.20). Some of the local products may have been exported to other areas. The Scandinavian influence is also apparent on cast bird-shaped brooches (Vögelfibeln), such as found in grave 27 in Zdory, grave 148 in Miętkie, graves 27, 43, 52, 82, 108, and 112 in Wólka Prusinowska, and grave 15 in Kielary.266 All those brooches have analogies in Scandinavia, especially on the Baltic islands of Bornholm and Öland. In the North, relief representations of birds appear on other objects, such as pins. Bird-shaped brooches are dated in the 265  According to Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 97, those brooches belonged to histype Dattenberg. However, the fibula from Dattenberg is classified as of the Andernach-Kärlich type. Moreover, one of the brooches of the so-called Dattenberg type is in fact a specimen of the Goethe type. A new terminology has been suggested, which also rejected the possibility that Masurian brooches originated from the Rhineland. 266  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 100; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 122.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 111

figure 4.20

The evolution of brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type into the Wólka Prusinowska type Pictures of brooches after Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln

Olsztyn Group to Phase E3, and were undoubtedly artifacts of foreign origin, for they have no relation to earlier bird-shaped brooches known from assemblages of the Masłomęcz Group or the Sântana de Mureş-Chernyakhov culture of the late Roman period. It is, however, possible that some specimens originated in southern Europe. Similar brooches are particularly numerous in Lombard Italy, where they have been interpreted as symbols of Christian identity.267 Belt mounts with openwork ornament, which are common in burial assemblages of the Olsztyn Group (particularly from Tumiany, Kielary, and Leleszki), may also be of Scandinavian origin (Fig. 4.21). Openwork ornaments are usually T—or cross-shaped, or stepped. Such mounts were typically made 267  Volker Bierbrauer, “Fibel als Zeugnisse persönlichen Christentums südlich und nördlich der Alpen im 5. bis 9. Jh.,” Acta Paehistorica et Archaeologica 34 (2002), pp. 210–215; Tivadar Vida, “Local or foreign Romans. The problem of the late antique population of the 6th–7th centuries AD in Pannonia,” in Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe. Thirteen International Studies on Early Medieval Mobility, ed. by Dieter Quast (Mainz, 2009), pp. 241–243.

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figure 4.21

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Distribution of belt mounts with openwork ornament in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

of bronze, with inserts of pressed silver or bronze sheets (gewaffelte Blech) underneath, to create a visual contrast and a shiny appearance for the belt (Fig. 4.22). Belt mounts with openwork ornament are known from many other areas of the eastern Baltic Sea, from Estonia to western Lithuania, but also from Gotland and Uppland in eastern Sweden.268 A few specimens have been discovered in row-grave cemeteries, e.g. in grave 25 in Mainz-Finthen,269 as well as in Anglo-Saxon England.270 In the West Baltic area, belt mounts with openwork ornament are common in the Elbląg Group, for example at Nowinka or at Elbląg-Żytno. They also appear on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, such as Suvorovo (former Zohpen, in the region of Kaliningrad), where they 268  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 115–116; Nerman, Die Vendelzeit, plate 31–32. 269  Gundula Zeller, Die fränkischen Altertümer des nördlichen Rheinhessen, Germanische Denkmäler Völkerwanderugszeit, serie B, 15 (Stuttgart, 1992), plate 92. 270  Stanley West, A Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Material from Suffolk, East Anglian Archaeology, 84 (Ipswich, 1998), p. 21.

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figure 4.22

Kielary (district of Olsztyn), cremation grave 85, grave goods After Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

are dated to the Phase E (second half of the 6th century), at the earliest. The earliest specimen known so far is that from a male burial under barrow 2 in Högom (eastern Sweden), which is dated to the early 6th century.271 The idea of belt mounts with openwork ornaments may therefore have spread from

271  Per H. Ramqvist, Högom. The Excavations 1949–1984, Archaeology and Environment 13 (Umeå/Stockholm/Kiel, 1992), plate 75.

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Scandinavia to the Baltic region, was adopted by, and was particularly popular with the population of the Olsztyn Group population.272 “Boss-like” disc-brooches,273 such as found in graves 6 and 64 in Kielary,274 grave 5 in Waplewo, or in Spychówko275 are called sso because of each being decorated with a riveted boss. Brooches of a similar disc shape and decoration are known from Sweden, Norway and Finland. Especially close analogies those from the Swedish Lapland.276 The relief-decorated brooch from Waplewo may be an imitation of richly decorated Scandinavian disc-brooches. They may have originated from the silver brooch from Gotland.277 The influence of the Scandinavians on the production and distribution of ornaments in the Baltic Sea region during the late Migration Period appears to have been quite strong. A particularly important role was that of the crafts— and trade-centre in Helgö (eastern Sweden), where numerous moulds for casting bow brooches and brooches of the Tumiany type have been discovered.278 It seems that Scandinavian merchants played a decisive role in the adoption of foreign ornaments by the West Balts. They may have acted as intermediaries in the contacts between the Olsztyn Group and the Merovingian circle. This may be confirmed by the discovery of a richly decorated relief brooch of the Tumiany type in Altenerding, Bavaria, as well as the brooch of the Tumiany-Dour type from Dour. Particularly beautiful, luxury artifacts were made by Scandinavian artisans and then distributed by Scandinavian merchants, who travelled to the southern Baltic shore. These activities may have also served as economic foundation for the Scandinavian settlement on the southeastern shore of the Baltic Sea, and the establishment of Viking-age emporia, such as Truso or Grobiņa. An evident proof of the Scandinavian presence on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea in the 6th century are finds such as the bow brooch of the GottlandÖland type from Biskupin (district of Żnin),279 the Scandinavian brooch from 272  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 269–271. 273  The specimen from grave 6 in Kielary is defined as “bell-shaped” in Hollack, Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 169. 274  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” pp. 169 and 180; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 110 and 157. 275  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, pp. 284–285. 276  Salin, Altgermanische Thierornamentik, pp. 89–90. 277  Salin, Altgermanische Thierornamentik, p. 89 fig. 212. 278  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Between Curonia and Bavaria,” p. 189. 279  Józef Kostrzewski, “Ślady osadnictwa z okresu rzymskiego i wędrówek ludów na półwyspie biskupińskim,” in Gród prasłowiański w Biskupinie w powiecie żnińskim. II Sprawozdanie z prac wykopaliskowych w latach 1936 i 1937 z uwzględnieniem wyników z lat 1934 i 1935, ed. by Józef Kostrzewski (Poznań, 1938), plate 49; Wojciech Wróblewski and Anna BitnerWróblewska, “Znad Dniepru czy z Gotlandii. Kontrowersje wokół fibuli z Biskupina,”

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Radziejów Kujawski,280 the golden necklace in Radosiewo,281 and especially the hoard of gold from Wapno (district of Wągrowiec), which includes gold rings and gold bracteates of Mackerprang’s type C.282 4.4

The Danube Region

The Olsztyn Group also maintained contacts with the population in the Danube region, as illustrated by find from Kosewo, Tumiany, Kielary, and Miętkie. The earliest find be speaking Danube connections is the buckle from grave 594 in Kosewo I. Similar finds are known from cemeteries excavated in the land north of the Middle Danube. The Kosewo buckle decoration has analogies in grave 16 of the Ártánd-Kisfarkasdomb cemetery, as well as in Hódmezővásárhely, both dated to Phase D2/D3, i.e., from 430/44 to 470/480.283 That chronology overlaps with the date accepted for grave 594 in Kosewo I on the basis of the pseudo-ladder brooch (Schlusskreuzfibel) dated to Phase E1. The gilded silver bow brooch from grave 246 in that same cemetery is a specimen of the Csongrád type, popular mainly in the Upper and Middle Danube region.284 Most probably it was that particularly brooch that spurred numerous imitations, such as discovered on the cemetery sites of Tumiany, Kielary, and Kosewo. Another possibly imported specimen of that type was discovered in grave 23 in Leleszki, and its possible imitations were found in grave 94 in Tumiany and grave 73 in Miętkie.285 All those brooches have good analogies in assemblages in the Tisza region that have been attributed to the Gepids.286 A Gepid connection is also betrayed by the eagle-headed buckle from grave 368 in Kosewo I (Fig.4.23), with several analogies in the Tisza region (Fig. 4.24). Those in Hereditatem Cognoscere. Studia i szkice dedykowane Profesor Marii Miśkiewicz, ed. by Zbigniew Kobyliński (Warsaw, 2004), pp. 150–153. 280  Lidia Gabałówna and Andrzej Nowakowski, “Wczesnośredniowieczna osada na st. 5 w Radziejowie,” Prace i Materiały Muzeum Archeologicznego i Etnograficznego w Łodzi 11 (1964), pp. 233–296. 281  Petersen, Der ostelbische Raum, pp. 70–71. 282  Petersen, Der ostelbische Raum, p. 60; Morgens Bellmann Mackeprang, De nordiske guld­ brakteater, Jysk arkælogisk selkabsk skrifter, 2 (Arhus, 1952), pp. 47–52. 283   Jaroslav Tejral, “Neue Aspekte der frühvölkerwanderungszeitlichen Chronologie im Mitteldonauraum,” in Neue Beiträge zur Erforschung der Spätantike im Mitteldonauraum, ed. by Jaroslav Tejral, Herwig Friesinger, and Michel Kazanski (Brno, 1995), p. 347. 284  Bierbrauer, “Die Dame von Ficarolo,” pp. 322–324. 285  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 311–313; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 101–103. 286  Bierbrauer, “Die Dame von Ficarolo,” pp. 322–324.

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figure 4.23

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Kosewo, cremation grave 365, grave goods according to PMF-000279

buckles have been found mainly on cemetery sites in southeastern Hungary, but isolated specimen is also known from Knin, in Croatia.287 As the Kosewo buckle was found together with a late form of a ladder brooch, the assemblage in grave 368 may be dated to the early Phase E2.288 This is therefore an import from the Gepid area on the eve of its conquest by the Avars. A Crimean289 or Byzantine290 origin for the artifact from grave 368 in Kosewo is unlikely. The knife scabbard discovered in grave 553a in Kosewo also indicates a Danubian influence. Made of bronze, it was decorated aurepoussé. The 287  Margit Nagy, “Die gepidischen Adlerschnallen und ihre Bezihungen,” Budapest régiségei 36 (2002), p. 371. 288  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 222; Mirosław Rudnicki, “Zespół zabytków z grobu 368 w Kosewie. Uwagi ponad 100 lat po odkryciu,” in Terra Barbarica. Studia ofiarowane Magdalenie Mączyńskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Agnieszka Urbaniak, Radosław Prochowicz, Ireneusz Jakubczyk, Maksim Levada, and Jan Schuster, Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, Series Gemina, 2 (Łódź /Warsaw, 2010), p. 449. 289  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 117; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 285. 290  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 480.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 117

figure 4.24

Distribution of eagle-headed buckles with rectangular plate of the Tisza type After Nagy, “Die gepidischen Adlerschnallen”

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decoration is similar to that on the scabbard found in Elbląg on a site of the Elbląg Group.291 The so-called baluster-like ornament on the Kosewo scabbard may also be found on Avar-age artifacts.292 Przemysław Urbańczyk’s dating of the Kosewo scabbard to the 7th century may to some extent be correlated with the chronology of brooches of Leleszki-Kielary type dated to the second half of the 6th or the early 7th century.293 The Danubian associations are also noticeable in other finds from the Olsztyn Group. The earliest is the pair of bronze bow brooches from graves 81 in Kielary,294 which are most probably imitations of brooches of the Sikenica-Kiszomboror Cífer-Pác/Sokolnice types.295 Given the simplification of the decoration, it is difficult to determine the type unequivocally. However, there are marked concentrations of such brooch types in the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin, especially within the Gepid territory. In that territory, such fibulae are dated to the late 5th and early 6th century.296 The brooches from grave 81 in Kielary were discovered together with a buckle with a crossshaped tongue, and with a spiralic ring.297 The assemblage may be dated with a great deal of certainty to the earlier part of Phase E2. The influx of materials from the Danube region stopped in the third quarter of the 6th century, most probably because of political changes. In 568 the Lombards under King Alboin, defeated the Gepids and then moved to Italy. The Gepids came under Avar rule.298 The arrival of the Avars and of the Slavs into the Carpathian Basin definitely marked great political changes. Those were most likely the circumstances under which the character of the materials arriving to Masuria from that region changed.

291  Ehrlich, “Schwerter,” p. 23. 292  Urbańczyk, “Geneza,” p. 128. 293  Urbańczyk, “Geneza,” p. 128. 294  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 182; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 169. 295  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, p. 182. 296  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 89–90. 297  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 169. 298  Istvan Bóna, A ľaube du Moyen Age. Gépides et Lombards dans le basin des Carpates (Budapest, 1976), pp. 99–100; Achim Leube, “Langobarden,” in Die Germanen, vol. 2, ed. by Bruno Krüger (Berlin, 1983), pp. 592–593; Peter Stadler, “Avar chronologyrevisited and the question of ethnicity in the Avar Khaganate,” in The Other Europe in the Middle Ages. Avars, Bulgars, Khazars and Cumans, ed. by Florin Curta (Leiden/Boston, 2008), p. 66.

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4.5

The Avars

Materials of the Olsztyn Group from the later part of Phase E include a small number of artifacts linked with the Avars, a Turkic group from Central Asia.299 Those people established contacts with the Olsztyn Group most probably in the third quarter of the 6th century300 after occupying the Carpathian Basin in 568, following the Gepid defeat at the hands of the Lombards and the latter’s emigration from Pannonia. The connections between the Olsztyn Group and the Avars were initially thought to be indicated by two finds: a fitting decorated with a scale ornament from grave 6 in Kielary,301 and a miniature stave bucket from Miętkie.302 However, recent studies have shed light on more objects that are most probably the result of Avar influence. One of the most characteristic artifacts of Avar origin found in the Olsztyn Group is the openwork disc from Kielary, a stray find published by Emil Hollack (Fig. 4.25). The disc had a diameter of 3, 5 cm, but unfortunately no data exists on the material of which it was made. Although published several times, the artifact is now lost.303 Wilhelm Gaerte believed to be a pendant.304 Jerzy Okulicz, on the contrary, thought that it was a disc brooch.305 That such

299  Bálint, Die Archäologie der Steppe, pp. 150–151. 300  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 81; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 223–224. 301  This fitting is particularly important because while truly related stylisticallyto Avar belt sets, most Avar-age analogies (cast belt mount with scale ornament) are dated to the first half of the 8th century, e.g., the specimens in grave 59 of the cemetery excavated in Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár. See Josef Zábojník, “Seriation von Gürtelbeschlaggarnituren aus dem Gebiet der Slowakei und Österreichs (Beitrag zur Chronologie der Zeit des awarischen Kaganats,” in K problematike osídlenia stredodunajskiej oblasti vo včasnom stredove­ ku, ed. by Zlata Čilinska (Nitra, 1991), p. 248; Iren Juhász, Awarenzeitliche Gräberfelder in der Gemarkung Orosháza (Budapest, 1995), p. 66. 302  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 289; Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 81; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 223–224. Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 488, believed the bucket from Miętkie to be of West European origin. The true origin of this artifact maybe established by analyzing the decoration of the metal mountsof the bucket, but unfortunately the artefact was lost. The simplified drawing published by Wilhelm Gaerte does not show the ornaments well. It is worth to note, however, that miniature stave buckets are often found on Avar-age cemetery sites, especially in children’s graves. See Sarolta Szatmári, “Das Gräberfeld von Oroszlány und seine Stelle in der frühawarenzeitlichen Metallkunst,” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae 33 (1980), 97–116; Éva Garam, “Avar kori faedények,” Archaeologia Cumanica 2 (2009), 79–100. 303  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 238; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 483; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 192. 304  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 238. 305  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 483.

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figure 4.25

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The openwork disc from Kielary (a–b) and its analogy from grave 320 in Zamárdi-Rétiföldek. (c) After (a) Gaerte, Urgeschichte, (b) Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, (c) Bárdos and Garam. Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld

differences in interpretations may be explained by virtue of the fact that the artifact in question is unique both in Masuria and in the West Balt circle. The closest analogies for the disc may be found on the Avar sites from the western Carpathian Basin. The Kielary specimen is particularly similar to openwork pendants of Garam’s type I C, such as found in Gyód, grave 116 in Jutas, as well as graves 605, 999, 1108, and 1274 in Tiszafüred-Majoros306—all sites dated to the Late Avar age, namely to the 8th and early 9th century.307 These ornaments, however, made their first appearance in the Early Avar age, for they

306  Éva Garam, “Spätawarenzeitliche durchbrochene Bronzescheiben,” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae 32 (1980), p. 164. 307  Garam, “Spätawarenzeitliche durchbrochene Bronzescheiben,” pp. 174–175.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 121

have been found in graves 320, 467, and 472 in Zamárdi-Rétiföldek308 A similar ornament is also known from the 7th-century, Martynivka hoard,309 which includes various elements typical of the Slavic, Finnish, Byzantine and steppe nomad culture.310 The Martynivka artifact was most probably used as a strap connector for the horse gear. The find from grave 517 in in Zamárdi-Rétiföldek311 allows the understanding of the function of those discs. They were used as strap connectors used by women for chains suspended from the belt, to which were attached small knives, ornaments, or objects of personal hygiene. Such a function is also confirmed by ethnographic observations in Finland.312 Decorative discs with openwork ornament were also used for suspending objects in western Europe, as indicated by finds from row-grave cemeteries of the Merovingian period.313 According to Éva Garam, despite the similar function, those artifacts were different from those in Avar-age assemblages. Circular discs with openwork ornament found at Avar sites in the Carpathian Basin and the Dnieper area are believed to originate from the Saltovo-Mayaki culture in the northern Caucasus regions, and their eastern distribution is said to have reached the Upper Kama river.314 Peter Stadler is of a different opinion: openwork pendants from the Avar—and Merovingian-age assemblages are an element of the material culture of the early Middle Ages. In the Carpathian Basin, such artifacts appeared as early as the second quarter of the 6th century, that is slightly earlier than in Western Europe. Interestingly, the discs with openwork ornament, such as that found in Kielary, are believed to have been used by Germanic women both in the Merovingian cultural circle and in the Avar Khaganate. No such artifacts are known from graves of Avar women.315 The 308   Edith Bárdos andÉva Garam, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld in Zamárdi-Rétiföldek (Budapest, 2009), plates 36, 59, and 67. 309  Liudmila V. Pekars’ka and Dafydd Kidd, Der Silberschatz von Martynovka (Ukraine) aus dem 6. und 7. Jahrhundert (Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 1994), plate 39.1. 310  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” pp. 168–170; Igor O. Gavritukhin and Andrei M. Oblomskii, Gaponovskii klad i ego kul’turno-istoricheskii kontekst, Ranneslavyanskiy mir, 3 (Moscow, 1996). 311  Bárdos and Garam, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld, plate 67. 312  Gyula László, “Adatok az avarság néprajzához,” Archaeologiai Értesitő 2 (1940), p. 189. 313  Dorothee Renner, Die durchbrochenen Zierscheiben der Merowingerzeit. Kataloge vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer, 18 (Mainz, 1970). 314  Garam, “Spätawarenzeitliche durchbrochene Bronzescheiben,” pp. 174–175. 315  Peter Stadler, “Ethnische Verhältnisse im Karpatenbecken und Beziehungen zum Westen zur Zeit des Awarischen Khaganats im 6. und 7. Jahrhundert,” in Kulturwandel in Mitteleuropa. Langobarden—Awaren—Slawen. Akten der Internationalen Tagung in Bonn vom 25. bis 28 Februar 2008, ed. by Jan Bemmannn and Michael Schmauder (Bonn, 2008), pp. 671–674.

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problem of openwork pendants has been recently discussed by Jozef Zábojník in connection to a disc fragment found in Suchohrad (Slovakia). According to him, Germanic pendants with openwork ornament may have sometimes been adopted by the Slavs. This is supposedly shown by the Lombard find from Suchohrad, which is associated to the Slavic settlement presumably taking place after 568, namely after the area was abandoned by the Lombards.316 It should be mentioned that such pendants appear to have developed in parallel and independently within the Merovingian circle and in the Avar Khaganate, with forms typical for each cultural zone.317 No matter where the origin of such pendants is to be found, the Kielary specimen is similar only to finds from the territory of the Avar Khaganate. The most numerous group of finds in the Olsztyn Group that may be associated with the Avars are iron or bronze buckles with narrowed loops, often without plates.318 Some specimens with trapeze-shaped or rectangular loops are of similar origin. Such buckles are known from Avar-age cemeteries in the Carpathian Basin319 and neighboring sites in the vicinity, such as BřeclavPohansko.320 In the Olsztyn Group, buckles of this type have been found in grave 10 in Kosewo I (Max Weigel’s excavations), but also in Tumiany, Miętkie, Wólka Prusinowska, and Zdory.321 They occur only in assemblages date to the late Phase E, which coincides in time with the Avar influence upon the Olsztyn Group.322 Buckles with narrowed loops, similar to the Masurian specimens, have also been found in the east Balt area. In Latvia, as Jānis Ciglis has shown, they appear as late as the 8th century.323 It is not possible to decide whether they were adopted in that region through contacts with the Olsztyn Group. 316  Josef Zábojník, “Zur Problematik der Zierscheiben des frühen Mittelalters,” in Terra Barbarica. Studia ofiarowane Magdalenie Mączyńskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Agnieszka Urbaniak, Radosław Prochowicz, Ireneusz Jakubczyk, Maksim Levada, and Jan Schuster, Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, Series Gemina, 2 (Łódź/Warsaw, 2010), p. 504. 317  Stadler, “Ethnische Verhältnisse,” pp. 671–674. 318  Avar-age buckles with narrowed loop and without plate are commonlymade of iron, and specimens made of bronze are very rare. 319  Éva Garam, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld von Kisköre (Budapest, 1979), plate 28; Zlata Čilinská, Frühmittelalterliches Gräberfeld in Želovce (Bratislava, 1973); Atilla Kiss, Avar Cemeteries in County Baranya (Budapest, 1977). 320   Naďa Profantová, “Awarische Funde aus den Gebieten nördlich der awarischen Siedlungsgrenzen,” in Awarenforschungen, ed. by Falko Daim, vol. 2 (Vienna, 1992), plate 11.10. 321  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 322  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 81; Kowalski, “Cronologia,” pp. 223–224. 323  Jānis Ciglis, “V–IX amžiaus diržų sagtys Rytų Latvijoje,” Archaeologia Lituana 7 (2007), p. 168.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 123

An exceptional buckle, which is most probably of Avar origin, is the bronze specimen from grave XIII (horse 23) in Tumiany. The buckle has a stiff loop decorated with representations of griffins.324 Of Avar origin may also be the specimen from Grave X of the same cemetery.325 Analogies for that buckle are known from grave 339 in Nové Zámky,326 grave 617 in Alattyán,327 and grave Kisköre, Grave 203.328 Buckles with stiff loops appear in the Carpathian Basin already in the Early Avar age, as illustrated by the specimen found in grave 617 in Alattyán, which is very similar to that from grave X in Tumiany. The Alattyán buckle was found together with belt mounts made of metal sheet with no decoration, most typical for that period.329 Nonetheless, such buckles remained in use in the Carpathian Basin until the end of the Avar period.330 Bridle bits with cheek pieces made of antler, such as found in the horse grave II/1969 in Tumiany,331 are most probably of Avar origin.332 Similar finds are known from a horse burial in the cemetery of the Sudovian culture excavated in Przedbród (district of Suwałki),333 from grave 183 in Suvorovo (Zohpen, in the region of Kaliningrad),334 and from unknown site (possibly a cemetery) in

324  Baranowski, “Awarowie na Mazurach,” p. 160. 325  Baranowski, “Pochówki koni,” p. 105. 326  Zlata Čilinská, Slawisch-awarisches Gräbefeld in Nové Zámky, Archaeologica Slovaca— Fontes, 7 (Bratislava, 1966), p. 105. 327  Ilona Kovrig, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld von Alattyan (Budapest, 1963), plate 39. 328  Garam, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld, plate 28. 329  Kovrig, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld, plate 39; Falko Daim, “Das awarische Gräberfeld Leobersdorf, Niederösterreich (Vorbericht und belegungchronologische Analyse),” in Interaktionen der mitteleuropäischen Slawen und anderen Ethnika im 6.–10. Jahrhundert. Symposium Nové Vozokany 3.–7. Oktober 1983, edited by Peter Šalkovský (Nitra, 1984), p. 76; Zábojník, “Seriation,” p. 223. 330  Zábojník, “Seriation,” p. 239. 331  The cheek-piece from grave 25 in Tumiany (J. Heydeck’s excavations) was discovered together with a fragment of an iron object believed to be the loop of a buckle, and with horse teeth. The cheek-piece was most probably made of antler (or another organic material), much like that from grave III, horse 4 (Krzysztof Dąbrowski’s excavations), for which seeBaranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian,” p. 87. This is suggested by the construction elements of the bit, but no information exists aboutany remains of cheek-pieces being actuallyfound. 332  Dąbrowski, “Archäologische Untersuchungen,” p. 275; Baranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian,” pp. 82–84. 333  Nowakowski, “Die Balten,” p. 19. The grave produced a pair of spurs with hook-shaped ends turned inwards. 334  Wolfgang La Baume, “Altpreußisches Zaumzeug,” Alt Preußen 9 (1944), p. 18; BitnerWróblewska, “Archeologiczne księgi,” plate 227.

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the vicinity of Reszel.335 In the Carpathian Basin antler or bone cheek pieces have been found in the Avar-age cemeteries in Bratei (Romania),336 as well as Kölked-Feketekapu A and Tiszafüred (Hungary).337 All those finds may be dated to the Early Avar age, but such bits are also known from assemblages dated as late as the third quarter of the 7th century. In other words, those may coincide in time with the later part of Phase E, when an influx of objects of Avar origins may be noted in Masuria.338 Such cheek pieces are also known from 9th- to 10th-century assemblages attributed to the Magyars.339 In Masuria, bits have been typically found in horse graves such as grave VI, horse 11, and grave VIII, horse 14 in Tumiany.340 They have close analogies in the Avar-age assemblages in Hungary, such as grave B in Gyód.341 The bits are a good illustration of cultural influences from the Danube region.342 The Avars are believed to have introduced the stirrups in Europe, a device that revolutionized mounted combat techniques. Among many finds from Masuria which may be attributed to the Avars, there are no stirrups of the earliest variant (Čilinska’s type II).343 Stirrups of that kind, however, are quite common on sites in the Sambian-Natangian area. The earliest stirrups in 335  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Aneks: Trzy naczynia z Reszla w Zbiorach Muzeum Warmii i Mazur,” in Archeologia ziem pruskich. Nieznane zbiory i materiały archiwalne. Międzynarodowakonferencja pod patronatem wojewody olsztyńskiego, Ostróda, 15–17 X 1998, ed. by Mirosław. J. Hoffmann and Jarosław Sobieraj (Olsztyn, 1999), p. 24. 336  Ligia Bârzu and Radu Harhoiu, “Gepiden als Nachbarn der Langobarden und das Gräberfeld von Bratei,” in Kulturwandel in Mitteleuropa. Langobarden—Awaren— Slawen. Akten der Internationalen Tagung in Bonn vom 25. bis 28 Februar 2008, ed. by Jan Bemmannn and Michael Schmauder, Bonn (2008), p. 522. 337  Éva Garam, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld von Tiszfüred (Budapest, 1995), plates 175 and 207. 338  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 218. 339  Naďa Profantová, “Die frühslawische Besiedlung Bohmens und archäologische Spuren der Kontakte zum früh- und mittelawarischen sowie merowingischen Kulturkreis,” in Kulturwandel in Mitteleuropa. Langobarden—Awaren—Slawen. Akten der Internationalen Tagung in Bonn vom 25. bis 28 Februar 2008, ed. by Jan Bemmannn and Michael Schmauder (Bonn, 2008), pp. 153–154. 340  Baranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian,” pp. 95 and 100. 341  Kiss, Avar Cemeteries, plate 11. 342  A very interesting bit was discovered in grave III, horse 5 in Tumiany. The two iron cheekpieces in that assemblage were decorated with damascened ornament (Oexle’s type I), for which see Baranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian,” p. 88 fig. 10. This find has close analogies in the Alamannic areas of southwestern Germany. However, it should be noted that the discussed bits are said to have appeared in the Alamannic areas as a result of Danubian influences, for which see Helga Schach-Dörges, “Zur Pferdegrabsitte in der Alamannia während der frühen Merowingerzeit,” Germania 86 (2008), p. 725. 343  Čilinská, Slawisch-awarisches Gräbefeld, p. 191.

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the West Balt areas are those from Holmogor’e (former Kipitten, in the region of Kaliningrad) and Izhevskoe (former Widitten, in the region of Kaliningrad). The Izhevskoe stirrups have been found in an assemblage that some have dated to the first half of the 9th century.344 However, a much earlier date is possible, because of the circular plate decorated with a mount of embossed metal sheet, which has many analogies in finds from the Elbląg (Łęcze-Srebrna Góra345) and Olsztyn Groups. In both cases, similar plates are found on bow brooches dated to the later part of Phase E2 and to Phase E3. In the Izhevskoe assemblage buckles with omega-shaped loops and rectangular plates have been found, which are also numerous in the late phase of both the Elbląg and the Olsztyn Groups. It is also worth noting that the Izhevskoe assemblage included also an iron buckle with narrowed loop, which may be dated at the earliest to the late 6th century. It is thus possible that the Holmogor’e assemblage was also no later than the 7th century. Kurt Voigtmann dated the stirrup, which was supposedly found together with a ladder brooch in grave 6/1938 from Izhevskoe II, to the first half of the 8th century.346 Recent studies of materials from that site indicate that the stirrups from graves 6/1938 and 7/1938 may well be from the second half of the 7th century.347 According to Bernt von Zur Mühlen, stirrups appeared in the West Baltic areas only as a result of long-distance contacts in the first half of the 10th century between the Vikings and the area of modern Ukraine.348 It seems, however, that the earliest stirrup forms may have arrived into the West Balt area by the 7th century together with other materials from the Avar Khaganate in the Carpathian Basin.349 Nevertheless, it is difficult to explain why no such finds are known from the Olsztyn Group, where the traces of Avar influence are far more pronounced.

344  Bernt von Zur Mühlen, Die Kultur der Wikinger in Ostpreußen, Bonner Hefte zur Vorgeschichte, 9 (Bonn, 1975), p. 47. 345  Robert Dorr, Die Gräberfelder auf dem Silberberg bei Lenzen und bei Serpin, Kr. Elbing aus dem V.–VII. Jahrhundert nach Christi Geburt (Elbing, 1898), p. 20. 346  Voigtmann’s opinion on the date of the grave in Izhevskoe is said to have been in his lost doctoral dissertation (von Zur Mühlen, Die Kultur, p. 47). 347  Wojciech Nowakowski, “Die frühesten Steigbügel aus Preußen. Funde vom Gräberfeld Widitten II im Sammland,” in The Turbulent Epoch. New materials from the Late Roman Period and the Migration Period, ed. by Barbara Niezabitowska-Wiśniewska, Marcin Juściński, Piotr Łuczkiewicz, and Sylwester Sadowski (Lublin, 2008), pp. 196–203. 348  von Zur Mühlen, Die Kultur, p. 47. 349  Nowakowski, “Die frühesten Steigbügel,” pp. 196–203.

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It is also worth examining the style of the disc brooch from grave 57 in Wólka Prusinowska.350 The circular plate of that brooch is decorated on the edges with small knobs located one next to another, and, in the centre, with openwork ornament (Fig. 4.26.e). Disc-brooches appear frequently in Avar-age assemblages, most likely as a result of Byzantine and Germanic influences. The specimens decorated with pearl-like ornament on the edges are particularly characteristic. Such ornament was one of the most popular kinds of decoration in the Early and Middle Avar age.351 Avar assemblages also include mounts in the shape of circular openwork discs decorated with knobs on the edges, such as found in Kisköre352 or Želovce.353 The decorative style of the\Wólka Prusinowska brooch is most probably an imitation of brooches dated to the Early or Middle Avar age or of some other types of ornaments, such as mounts. The brooch from grave 78 in Kielary is similar in that respect: it was made from the nose guard decoration of a Scandinavian type of helmet.354 Brooches similar to the specimen from Wólka Prusinowska have been discovered on Avar-age cemeteries such as Keszthely, Keszthely-Alsópahók, and Keszthely-Fenékpuszta,355 as well as in the Slavic settlement excavated in Svržno-Černý Vrch, which produced pottery dated to the 7th–8th century.356 Avar influences may be also seen in the decoration of other disc brooches. Those from grave 599 in Kosewo (Fig. 4.26.i), or from grave 97 in Tumiany had mounts of metal sheet decorated with ornaments of small circular bosses arranged in a circle. Similar decorations are frequently found on disc brooches known from Avar-age sites, most numerous in the western part of the Carpathian Basin. The disc brooch from one of the two cemeteries excavated in 1912 in Miętkie has a unique form (Fig. 3.26a). This brooch had a mount of bronze sheet

350  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 297 fig. 238a. The disc of the brooch from grave 57 in Wólka Prusinowskawas published by Wilhelm Gaerte, was wrongly described as pendant. Feliks Jakobson’s files include a drawing of a disc brooch decorated with the disc published by Wilhelm Gaerte. 351  Bálint, Die Archäologie der Steppe, pp. 152–153. 352  Garam, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld. 353  Josef Zábojník, Slovensko a avarský kaganát, Studia Archaeologica et Medievalia, 6 (Bratislava, 2009). 354  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 198–200. 355   Éva Garam, “Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln,” Communicationes Archeologicae Hungariae, (1993), p. 113 fig. 8. 356  Profantová, “Die frühslawische Besiedlung,” p. 631 fig. 10.

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figure 4.26

Disc-brooches from the area of the Olsztyn Group (a, e, i, j) and from Southern Europe (c, d, f–h, k, l): a) stray find from Miętkie, district of Szczytno; b) grave 100 in Rifnik, Slovenia; c) grave 39 in Nocera Umbra, Italy; d) Güttingen, Switzerland, e) grave 57 in Wólka Prusinowska, district of Mrągowo; f) Keszthely-Alsópahok, Hungary; g) and h) Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, Hungary; i) grave 599 in Kosewo, district of Mrągowo; j) grave 97 in Tumiany, district of Olsztyn; k) Pécs-Gründler Street, Hungary; l) Pécs-Gyárvádos, Hungary After (a). Peiser, “Eine byzantinische Scheibenfibel”; (b, c, f–h, k, l) Garam, “Die Awarenzeitliche Scheibenfibeln”; (e), Gaerte, Urgeschichte; (i) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann; ( j) Ots, Juga, and Szymański, “Über die Vorteile”

decorated with a repoussé representation of a human head.357 The image refers to the imperial portrait on 6th-century, early Byzantine coins.358 The brooch itself is most probably an imitation of disc brooches with figurative representations known mainly from the Avar Khaganate in the Carpathian Basin359 and 357  An interesting detail is that remains of greenish-white enamel have been preserved on the brooch, which makes it unique in its group. 358  Peiser, “Eine byzantinische Scheibenfibel,” p. 373; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 484. 359  Garam, “Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln,” pp. 131–132.

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from Lombard assemblages in Italy.360 The model of the Miętkie brooch must therefore be sought among materials from the Danube region, while the origin of this type of dress accessory is in Byzantium.361 It is worth noting that openwork pendants and disc brooches such as those from the Olsztyn Group are primarily found in the western part of the Carpathian Basin, between Lake Balaton and the rivers Danube and Drava. During the early Avar period (568– 630), that are was inhabited by a Germanic population that survived the defeat of the Gepids by the Lombard-Avar alliance.362 The richly decorated knife scabbards found in graves 6363 and 46, as well from a stray find in Kielary, and in grave 103 and from a stray find in Tumiany, are believed to have Avar stylistic analogies.364 But similarly decorated scabbards for one-edged swords are known from sites of the Elbląg Group such as Elbląg-Żytno and Łęcze, as well as from sites of Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, such as Löbertshof (now in Polessk, region of Kaliningrad) or Smolanka (in the district of Bartoszyce).365 All those artifacts are regarded as evidence of Avar influence on West Baltic goldsmithing during the second half of the 7th century. Some believe that in the West Baltic areas Avar decorative motifs became were combined with Germanic elements of decoration of scabbards.366 It should be noted, however, that decorative elements of supposedly Avar origin (e.g., the baluster-like ornament) were in existence in the Baltic area at an earlier date during the Migrations period. They are attested, for example, on the metal mounts of drinking horns.367 The best-known specimens are those from graves 61, 80, and 332 in Plinkaigalis, and from Pašušvys.368

360  Cornelia Rupp, Das langobardische Gräberfeld von Nocera Umbra, Ricerche di Archeologia Altomedievale e Medievale, 31 (Borgo San Lorenzo, 2005), plate 59. The brooch with the bust portrait of an emperor from grave 39 of the Lombard cemetery is a rare find in Italy. The artifact is most probably the result of the influence from the western part of the Carpathian Basin, see Garam, “Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln,” pp. 131–132. 361  Garam, “Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln,” pp. 131–132. 362  Kiss, “Germanen,” p. 63; Stadler, “Ethnische Verhältnisse,” pp. 676–677. 363  This is the grave in which the mount with scale ornament discussed above have also been found. 364  Urbańczyk, “Geneza,” p. 128. 365  Ehrlich, “Schwerter,” pp. 23–25. 366  Urbańczyk, “Geneza,” pp. 128–129. 367  Mateusz Bogucki, “Symbolika ornamentów z litewskich okuć rogów do picia z okresu wędrówek ludów,” Światowit 43 (2000), pp. 26–34. 368  Vytautas Kazakievičius, “Motifs of animal decorative pattern on bindings of the 5th–6th century drinking horns from Plinkaigalis burial ground (Lithuania),” Finskt Museum 96 (1987), pp. 45–63.

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Some have attributed to the Avar influence the custom of quartering horses, which is recorded in the Tumiany cemetery.369 However, it is difficult to accept this idea, because remains of quartered horses have also been found in the West Baltic areas on sites dated as early as the Roman Period, including sites of the Bogaczewo culture that predated the Olsztyn Group settlement in Masuria.370 The custom recorded for the late Migration period may thus have be a continuation of an earlier tradition. 4.5.1 The Slavs The connections between the West Balt population and the Slavs have been a subject of many studies, which, however, in most cases, concerned the later phases of the early Middle Ages. At that time, the West Baltic area was inhabited by Old Prussians and Yatvingians, both groups known from the written sources.371 Much less attention has been devoted to the earliest contacts of the West Balts with the Slavs, which may have taken place already in the 6th and 7th century.372 This phenomenon may have already occurred at the end of the late Migration Period.373 The need to study such contacts became a research postulate.374 However, further studies were hindered by the paucity of materials connected with the early Slavs, by problems with precisely dating some categories of finds, especially the pottery which makes up the majority 369  Baranowski, “Pochówki koni z Tumian,” p. 163. 370  Jan Jaskanis, “Pochówki z końmi na cmentarzyskach protojaćwieskich z okresu rzymskiego wędrówek ludów,” Rocznik Białostocki 8 (1968), p. 98; Jaskanis, Obrządek pogrze­ bowy, pp. 170–171; Gręzak, “Groby koni,” p. 361. 371  See: Henryk Łowmiański, Początki Polski. Z dziejów Słowian w pierwszym tysiącleciu n.e., vol. 5 (Warsaw, 1973); Łowmiański, Prusy. Litwa, Krzyżacy (Warsaw, 1989); Jerzy Antoniewicz, “Niektóre dowody kontaktów polsko-pruskich we wczesnym średniowieczu w świetle źródeł archeologicznych,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 20 (1955), pp. 233–277; Wojciech Wróblewski, “The Slavs and the Old Prussians. Poland in the early medieval period”, in Worlds Apart? Contacts across the Baltic Sea in the Iron Age, ed. by Ulla Lund Hansen and Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (Copenhagen/Warsaw, 2010), pp. 185–212. 372  Wojciech Szymański, “Niektóre aspekty kontaktów słowiańsko-bałtyjskich w świetle wyników badań w Szeligach, pow. Płock,” Archeologia Polski 13 (1968), pp. 179–210. 373  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” p. 108; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 125; Wróblewski and Nowakiewicz, “Ceramika,” pp. 180–181. 374  Wojciech Szymański, “Trudne problemy poznawania starszych faz wczesnego średniowiecza,” in Archeologia i prahistoria polska w ostatnim półwieczu. Materiały z kon­ ferencji “Dorobek polskiej archeologii i prahistorii ostatniego półwiecza” w Puszczykowie koło Poznania (27–30 października 1997 r.), ed. by Michał Kołbusiewicz and Stanisław Kurnatowski (Poznań, 2000), p. 358; Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Dyskusja,” in Archeologia i prahistoria polska w ostatnim półwieczu. Materiały z konferencji “Dorobek polskiej arche­ ologii i prahistorii ostatniego półwiecza” w Puszczykowie koło Poznania (27–30 października 1997 r.), ed. by Michał Kołbusiewicz and Stanisław Kurnatowski (Poznań, 2000), p. 457.

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of collected artifacts, as well as by the lack of studies concerning West Balt materials. Another problem appears from sources for studies on the West Balt settlement in the late Migration period. Very few, well-dated artifacts are known from sites of the late Sudovian culture. The majority of the materials from sites of the Elbląg and Olsztyn groups and of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, which have been collected during the German excavations in Eastern Prussia, have been lost. Most of finds unearthed before 1944 had been stored in the Prussia Museum in Königsberg, which was destroyed at the end of World War II.375 In the 6th and 7th century, the early Slav cultures expanded considerably, embracing large areas of eastern, central and southern Europe.376 During that period the West Balts and the Slavs were not neighbors.377 The wave of the Slavic settlement linked with the Prague culture coming from Volhynia occupied Polesia, Little Poland, as well as Silesi.378 There does not seem to have been any interaction of those Slavs with the West Balt population. Another wave of Slavic settlement most probably originated in the region between the middle Pripet and the upper Dnieper rivers. Kazimierz Godłowski has suggested that the populations of the Kolochin and Tushemlia-Bancerovshchina cultures took part in that process.379 The settlement of the former did not reach beyond the Lower Pripet to the west, while sites of the Tushemlia-Bancerovshchina cultures reached only the Upper Neman river.380 More probable, however, is the influence coming from the Prague culture, and more precisely from its northwestern zone located on the lower and middle course of the Pripet River. The Prague culture interferes in that area with both the Kolochin and the Tushemlia-Bancerovshchina culture381 and is permeated by elements typical of those cultures.382 In that zone, strongholds have also been found, such as those from Khil’chica or Khotomel’, which came into being around

375  Nowakowski, “Die Balten,” p. 15. 376  Kazimierz Godłowski, Z badań nad zagadnieniem rozprzestrzenienia Słowian w V–VII w. n.e. (Kraków, 1979), pp. 57–58. 377  Wróblewski, “Ziemie pruskie,” p. 295. 378  Godłowski, “Ziemie polskie,” p. 37. 379  Godłowski, “Ziemie polskie,” p. 37. 380  Valentina S. Viargei, “Prazhskaia kul’tura v Belarusi,” in Archeologia o początkach Słowian. Materiały z konferencji, Kraków, 19–21 listopada 2001, ed. by Piotr Kaczanowski and Michał Parczewski (Kraków, 2005), p. 488 fig. 1. 381  Aleksandr A. Egoreichenko, “Zhalezny vek,” in Arkhealogiia Belarusi, vol. 2, ed. by Vadim I. Shadyra and Valenta S. Viargei (Minsk, 1999), pp. 392–393. 382  Rostislav V. Terpylovs’kyy, “Nasledie kievskoi kul’tury v V–VI vv.,” in Archeologia o początkach Słowian. Materiały z konferencji, Kraków, 19–21 listopada 2001, ed. by Piotr Kaczanowski and Michał Parczewski (Kraków, 2005), 395–400; Viargei, “Prazhskaia kul’tura,” pp. 494–499.

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AD 600.383 Those strongholds remind one of similar structures in Haćki or Szeligi.384 Studies on the development of the Prague culture in Belarus indicate that its earliest sites are those of the so-called Phase O,385 and that during the 5th to 7th century that culture moved up the Pripet River towards the valley of the Bug River. That was the settlement wave that most likely reached Podlasie, as well as eastern, Płock, and northern Mazovia.386 The location of the earliest Slavic sites in Mazovia suggests that groups of Slavic population most probably moved from what is now Belarus up the Pripet River towards the valley of the Bug, then along that river towards the Vistula387 and then along its down streamcourse.388 Until the late 7th century, the Slavic settlement most probably did not go very far beyond the Lower Drwęca river. The earliest sites on the lower course of that river—Lubicz, Żmijewo, Młyniec and Jedwabno—maybe dated to the second half of the 7th or the early 8th century, at the earliest.389 The Slavic infiltration towards the West Balt areas went along the water courses in the northern Vistula basin, but the process was slow. The Slavs reached the Upper Wkra River only in the 8th century.390 The Lubawa 383  Viargei, “Prazhskaia kul’tura,” pp. 488–489. 384  Wojciech Szymański, Szeligi pod Płockiem na początku wczesnego średniowiecza. Zespół osadniczy z VI–VII w. (Wrocław, 1967), pp. 233–234. 385  Igor O. Gavritukhin, “Khronologiia prazhskoi kul’tury,” in Etnogenez i etnokul’turnye kon­ takty slavian, ed. by Valentin V. Sedov, Trudy VI Mezhdunarodnogo Kongressa slavianskogo arkheologii, 3 (Moscow, 1997), p. 42. 386  Valentina S. Viargei and Igor Gavritukhin, “Prazhskaia kul’tura,” in Arkhealogiia Belarusi, vol. 2, ed. by T. U. Bialova (Minsk, 2011), p. 218. 387  According to Marek Dulinicz, the earliest Slavic sites in Mazovia (dated to the 6th– 7th century) areHaćki, Ogrodniki, Drohiczyn-Sowa/Kozarówka, Wirów, Niewiadoma, Izdebki-Wąsy, Krzesk, Tuchlin, Nieporęt, Wieliszew, Warszawa-Płudy, MiędzyborówŻyrardowa, Szeligi, Miszewko Strzałkowskie, Wyszogród, Brwilno, Maszewo, Kruszewo, Grodnia, and Cieślin. See MarekDulinicz, “Stan i potrzeby badań nad osadnictwem wczesnośredniowiecznym na Mazowszu (VI–X1 w.),” in Stan i potrzeby badań nad wczesnym średniowieczem w Polsce, edited by Zofia Kurnatowska (Wroclaw/Warszawa 1992) p. 247. 388  Viargei and Gavritukhin, “Prazhskaia kul’tura,” p. 218. 389  Wojciech Chudziak, “Stan i potrzeby badań nad wczesnym średniowieczem na ziemi chełmińskiej i dobrzyńskiej,” in Stan i potrzeby badań nad wczesnym średniowieczem w Polsce. Materiały z konferencji Ppoznań 14–16 grudnia 1987 roku, ed. by Zofia Kurnatowska (Poznań/Wrocław/Warsaw, 1990), p. 87; Wojciech Chudziak, Periodyzacja rozwoju wczesnośredniowiecznej ceramiki z dorzecza dolnej Drwęcy (VII–XI/XII w.) (Toruń, 1991), pp. 127–218. 390  Waldemar A. Moszczyński, “Rubież słowiańsko-bałtyjska nad Wkrą w VIII–XI wieku na podstawie ceramiki ze stanowisk w Nowym Dworze, Tarczynach i Trzcinie,” in Pogranicze polsko-pruskie i krzyżackie, ed. by Kazimierz Grążawski vol. 1 (Włocławek/Brodnica, 2003), pp. 83–112; Marek Dulinicz and Waldemar A. Moszczyński, “Grody pogranicza nad górną Wkrą—system czy chaos,” in Pogranicze polsko-pruskie i krzyżackie, ed. by Kazimierz Grążawski, vol. 2 (Włocławek/Brodnica, 2007), p. 65.

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Land was also colonized by Slavs no earlier than the 8th century.391 Wojciech Chudziak has suggested that the Savic settlers appeared on the southwestern borders of the West Balt settlement area no earlier than the 8th century.392 It has been frequently noted that the earliest Slavic sites in the areas to the south of the West Balt settlement (e.g., Haćki and Szeligi) are similar to those from Belarus, but different from those in southern Poland.393 The process of Slavic settlement in northern Mazovia and Podlasie has not been sufficiently studied.394 There are very few sites that could be dated to the earliest phase of the early Middle Ages, and it is notoriously difficult to date them.395 At the current stage of research, it can only be said that there were few Slavs in the 6th and 7th century in Mazovia and Podlasie.396 The situation in central Poland was not very different, but scholars believe that the Slavic settlement in central Poland developed separately.397 At that time the cultures located in the southern part of the West Balt circle went through different development cycles. From the late 5th century onwards, the Sudovian culture was becoming markedly poorer. This phenomenon is most noticeable in the area of the so-called Gołdap cluster of rich graves with signs of long-distance contacts in the previous period (around the middle of the 5th century). However, that affluence disappeared in the late Migration period.398 As grave goods are very poor, it is 391  Kazimierz Grążawski, Ziemia lubawska na pograniczu słowiańsko-pruskim w VIII–XIII w. Studium nad rozwojem osadnictwa (Olsztyn. 2009), p. 96. 392  Wojciech Chudziak, “Ze studiów nad pograniczem słowiańsko-bałtyjskim we wczesnym średniowieczu. Problem przynależności kulturowej Pomezanii w IX–XI w.,” in Pogranicze polsko-pruskie w czasach św. Wojciecha. Materiały z konferencji, Elbląg 18–19 września 1997, ed. by Marek Jagodziński (Elbląg, 1997), pp. 81–98; Wojciech Chudziak, “Kształtowanie się podziałów plemiennych w strefie chełmińsko-dobrzyńskiej we wczesnym średniowieczu,” Archeologia Historica Polona 8 (2000), pp. 51–69. 393  Maria Miśkiewicz, Mazowsze wschodnie we wczesnym średniowieczu (Warsaw, 1981), pp. 32–33; Szymański, “Trudne problemy,” p. 358; Zbigniew Kobylińsk and Wojciech Szymański, “Pradziejowe i wczesnośredniowieczne osadnictwo w zespole kemów w Haćkach,” in Haćki. Zespół przyrodniczo-archeologiczny na Równinie Bielskiej, ed. by Janusz Faliński, Andrzej Ber, Zbigniew Kobyliński, and Anna Kwiatkowska-Falińsk (Białowieża/Warsaw, 2005), p. 36. 394  MirosławRudnicki, “Kontakty mezhdu zapadnym baltami i slavianami v VI–VII vv.: arkheologicheskie dannye,” Stratum+ (2014), no. 5, pp. 4–6. 395  Dulinicz, “Stan i potrzeby,” p. 247. 396  Szymański, “Mazowsze,” pp. 172–182. 397  Jerzy Sikora, Ziemie centralnej Polski we wczesnym średniowieczu. Studium archeologicznoosadnicze, Monografie Instytutu Archeologii Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 7 (Łódź, 2009), pp. 138–140. 398  Engel et al., “Sudovia in qua Sudovitae,” plate 11; Paweł Szymański, “Dwie zapinki z dawnego Rothebude i z Czerwonego Dworu. Kontakty tzw. skupienia gołdapskiego kultury sudowskiej,” in Pogranicze trzech światów. Kontakty kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i

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difficult to establish when exactly that culture ended.399 The case is different in western and central Masuria, where at the same time (namely, in the last quarter of the 5th century) the Olsztyn Group was formed, which would play a unique role in the West Balt circle during the 6th and 7th centuries.400 Some of the artifacts in the rich Olsztyn Group assemblages may be of Slavic origin. The most characteristic are metal sheet pendants, especially those of trapeze shape (Fig. 4.27). Such ornaments have been found in graves 30 and 38 in Tumiany, in Olsztyn-Brzeziny,401 in graves 23, 70, and 94 in Kielary, grave 24 in Leleszki, grave 462 in Miętkie, grave A in Kamień, and grave 84 in Gąsior.402 All known specimens are made of bronze, between 1.5 and 2.5 cm in width and between 2.5 and 3 cm in height.403 Those pendants are similar to those from the Prague and Penkivka cultures. The territorially closest analogies are those from Szeligi and Haćki.404 Close analogies for the Masurian specimens are known from a small hoard found in Kraków-Nowa Huta (Fig. 4.28), on a settlement site attributed to the Prague culture. That assemblage also included a buckle, a bronze rosette, a bronze ring and a fragment of a bronze plaque.405 The trapeze-shaped pendants in that assemblage have been interpreted as an influence from the Carpathian Basin,406 where there is a marked concentration of such finds.407 Analogous finds have been discovered in the Avar-age burial bogaczewskiej w świetle materiałów z badań i poszukiwań archiwalnych, ed. by Wojciech Nowakowski and Andrzej Szela (Warsaw, 2006), pp. 375–376. 399  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalszczyzna,” p. 309. 400  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Próba identyfikacji etnicznej,” p. 99. 401  Unpublished materials from the excavations conducted by the Archeo-Adam company. I would like to thank Bartłomiej Kaczyński, M. A., for the information about the pendant discovered during the excavations. 402  I would like to thank Izabela Szter, M. A., for informing me about this find. According to [please give the full first name] Schmiedehelm, [please provide the title of the article, the journal, and volume number] (1990), p. 30 (but see also [please give the full first name] Schmiedehelm, [please provide the title of the article, the journal, and volume number] (2011), p. 30), the pendants were found together with “burnt beads, perhaps decorated with gold sheet.” If such beads have indeed been found in that assemblage, the grave may well be dated to the late Roman Period. 403  Rudnicki, “Zawieszki trapezowate,” pp. 669–670. 404  Szymański, “Niektóre aspekty,” pp. 196–197; Kobyliński and Szymański, “Pradziejowe i wczesnośredniowieczne,” p. 59. 405  Elżbieta Dąbrowska, “Skarb ozdób brązowych z VI–VII w. na stanowisku 62a w Nowej Hucie-Mogile,” Archeologia Polski 29 (1984), p. 356 fig. 3. 406  Parczewski, Początki kultury, pp. 82–83. 407  Maria Comşa, “Bemerkungen über die Beziehungen zwischen der Awaren und Slawen im 6.–7. Jahrhundert,” in Interaktionen der mitteleuropäischen Slawen und anderer Ethnika im 6.–10. Jahrhundert. Symposium Nové Vozokany 3.–7. Oktober 1983, ed. By Peter Šalkovský (Nitra, 1984), 63–66; Bálint, Die Archäologie der Steppe, p. 88; Igor O. Gavritukhin,

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figure 4.27

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Distribution of trapeze-shaped pendants in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

assemblages of grave 166 in Allatyán,408 graves 1, 11, and 16 in Oroszlány I,409 grave 40 in Oroszlány II,410 and graves 6 and 17 in Pécs-Köztemető.411 The westernmost specimens are those recently found in a grave excavated in Großprüfening, as well as those from Straubing-Bajuwarenstraße.412 In both “Malen’kie trapecievidnye podveski s poloskoi iz pressovannykh tochek po nizhnemu kraiu,” Histarychna-arkhealagichny Zbornik 12 (1997), p. 54 fig. 2; Éva Garam, Funde byz­ antinischer Herkunft in der Awarenzeit vom Ende des. 6 bis zum Ende des 7. Jahrhunderts, Monumenta Avarorum archaeologica 5 (Budapest, 2001), p. 46; Aleksandr B. Suprunenko, Iaroslav V. Volodarets‘-Urbanovych and Iu. A. Pugolovok, “Kompleks kola ‘Martynivky’ z Poltavy (Poltavskyy skarb 2014 r.),” In Sclavenia terra 1 (2016), pp. 103–108. 408  Kovrig, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld, plate 14. 409  Agnes Cs Sós, “Bemerkungen zur Frage der archaologischen Nachlasses der awarenzeitlichen Slawen in Ungarn,” Slavia Antiqua 10 (1963), pp. 318–321. 410  Szatmári, “Das Gräberfeld von Oroszlány,” pp. 98–101. 411  Kiss, Avar Cemeteries, plate 34. 412   Hans Losert, Eichinger Wolfgang, “Ein merowingerzeitliches Brandgräberfeld östlichdonauländischer Prägung bei Großprüfening,” Das Archäologische Jahr in Bayern (2004), pp. 99–100.

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figure 4.28

Artifacts found in the hoard from Kraków-Nowa Huta, Site 62a. After Dąbrowska, “Skarb ozdób brązowych”

cases, those artifacts are dated to the second half of the 6th century and interpreted as signs of the Avar-Slavic influence coming from the Carpathian Basin (in which the pendants are dated to the Early Avar age, ca. 570 to ca. 630). Metal sheet, trapeze-shaped pendants with au repoussé decorations such as found in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group are frequently found in 7thcentury hoards of bronze and silver of the Middle Dnieper region (the so-called “group I” of hoards).413 However, those ornaments are of a different size: the upper part of the Masurian specimens is narrower, while the central part has no decoration. Masurian specimens are also conspicuously smaller than those from Ukraine. For example, the pendants from Olsztyn Group assemblages are half the size of those discovered in the Gaponovo hoard (3–4 cm wide, 5–6 cm high).414 There are also differences between the pendants from the Dnieper region and those from the Prague culture. The pendants from the Kraków Nowa Huta hoard are also smaller than specimens from the Middle Dnieper hoards. The former, however, are similar to those from the Olsztyn Group. It is possible that the larger and more ornamental pendants from Ukraine were models for the decorations discovered to the west and north-west in the areas settled by Slavs, or under the influence of the early Slav cultures, and in the West Balt area. Another marked concentration of trapeze-shaped pendants has been registered in the forest-belt cultures of the Upper Dnieper basin. These finds are 413  Gavritukhin, “Malen’kie trapecievidnye podveski,” p. 47. 414  Igor O. Gavritukhin and Andrei M. Oblomskii, Gaponovskii klad iego kul’turno-istoricheskii kontekst, Rannslavianskii mir, 3 (Moscow, 1996), p. 198 fig. 23.

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similar to those found in Masuria in terms of both shape and size. It is also possible that ornaments of that kind were adapted by the Masurian population at the end of the Migration period as a result of contacts with the forest belt cultures in Eastern Europe. There is an interesting hypothesis, according to which the Olsztyn Group may have functioned as an intermediary disseminating the discussed pendants from the Upper Dnieper to the Danube region.415 In grave 462 in Miętkie,416 grave 30 in Tumiany,417 grave 183 in Kosewo III,418 and grave 94 in Kielary,419 trapeze-shaped pendants have been found together with double-spiral pendants, which may also be attributed to contacts with the early Slavic cultures in the later part of Phase E2 (Fig. 4.29). This is substantiated by the association of double-spiral pendants with late forms of East European bow brooches, as in grave 462 in Miętkie,420 graves 30 and 74 in Tumiany421 or grave 8 in Kielary.422 That association is also documented for 7th-century hoards of the Martynovka type from the Middle Dnieper region. Much like in the case of the ornaments of metal sheet, double-spiral pendants from the Dnieper hoards are markedly larger than the Masurian specimens.423 The same is true in fact for brooches. Double-spiral pendants sporadically discovered on Merovingian sites such as Dettingen424 or Großprüfeningare interpreted in terms of Avar-Slavic influences from the Carpathian Basin.425 One specimen is also known from a hoard discovered in Lubniewice (Sulęcin district, western Poland).426 Beside the double-spiral pendant, that hoard assemblage also included a metal sheet, diamond-shaped pendant with close analogies in Szeligi427 grave 8 in Kielary.428

415  Gavritukhin, “Malen’kie trapecievidnye podveski,” p. 47. 416  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 231 fig. 15. 417  Heydeck, “DasGräberfeldvonDaumen,” plate 7. 418  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 676 fig. 3. 419  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 178. 420  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 231, fig. 15. 421  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 7. 422  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 45. 423  Gavritukhin and Oblomskii, Gaponovskii klad, figs. 19 and 194. 424  Dieter Quast, Die frühalamannische und merowingerzeitliche Besiedlung im Umland des Runden Berges bei Urach, Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Baden-Württemberg, 84 (Stuttgart, 2006), plate 18. 425  Losert and Szameit, “Ein merowingerzeitliches Brandgräberfeld,” p. 99. 426  Otto Kleeman, “Die Kolbenarmringe in den Beziehungen der Völkerwanderunszeit,” Jahresschrift fur Mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte 35 (1951), pp. 101–102. 427  Szymański, “Niektóre aspekty,” pp. 196–197. 428  Jakobson, “Die Brandgräberfelder,” plate 113–114.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 137

Figure 4.29

Distribution of double-spiral pendants in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

Double-spiral pendants appear in assemblages of the West Balt as early as the Late Roman period, e.g., in Baitai,429 Šernai (former Schernen),430 and remained in fashion well into the early Middle Ages, as documented in grave 144 in Pavirvyte, in Jauneikiai,431 or grave 96 in Palanga.432 In fact, such ornaments are found on the eastern Baltic coast in assemblages dated as late as the 12th century.433 The assemblage excavated in Lithuania at Šernai indicates that the double-spiral pendants decorated female bonnets, while in Masuria they were most probably part of necklaces. It is worth noting that necklaces with double-spiral and trapeze-shaped pendants along with glass beads are 429  Rasa Banyté-Rowell, “Baitų kapinyno dwiejų kapų chronologijos klausimu,” Archaeologia Lituana 1 (1999), pp. 69–71. 430  Adalbert Bezzenberger, “Gräbelfeld von Schernen, Kr. Memel,” Prussia 17 (1882), plate 13. 431  Ilona Vaškevičiūtė, Žiemgaliai V–XII amžiuje (Vilnius, 2004), p. 74. 432  Bliujienė, “Baltų zoomorfinis stilius,” pp. 218–219. 433  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 169.

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known both from Masuria (grave 183 in Kosewo III,434 grave 30 in Tumiany,435 or grave 462 in Miętkie)436 and the Carpathian Basin.437 Such ornaments are found also in the forest belt zone of the Upper Dnieper valley.438 Their presence in Masuria during the later part of Phase E2, together with a large number of materials with Slavic and Avar parallels, should suggest that the Dnieper or Danube region was the place of their origin, and not the West Balt area. It should be noted that the double-spiral pendant from the cemetery of the Sudovian culture excavated in Bachanowo439 is interpreted as an influence from the Olsztyn Group, not Lithuania.440 Olsztyn Group assemblages have also produced other metal sheet pendants with au repoussé decoration, which may be the result of Slavic or Avar-Slavic influence. Such is the case of the bronze, heart-shaped pendants with an ornament of convex circles found in graves 32 and 93 in Kielary.441 Similar ornaments are known from grave 22 in Waplewo (district of Szczytno).442 Heart-shaped pendants from Avar-age sites belong to a group of artifacts known as “finds of the Oroszlány type,” of supposedly Slavic origin.443 The closest analogies for the specimens from Kielary are those from Cserkút in Hungary (Fig. 4.30). That assemblage contained numerous female dress accessories, including two bow brooches of the Mülhofen type.444 These brooches are foreign to the Avar milieu, which makes it is difficult to accept the idea of the Cserkút assemblage having anything to do with the Slavs.445 Within the Carpathian Basin, heartshaped pendants are dated between the 530s and the mid-7th century.446 That nicely dovetails with the date of most “imports” of Avar and Slavic origin in Masuria.447 Similar pendants can be also found among the West Balts. A large 434  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 676. 435  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 7. 436  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 231 fig. 15. 437  Garam, Funde byzantinischer Herkunft, plate 24. 438  Aleksandr A. Egoreichenko, Drevneishie gorodishcha belorusskogo Poles’ia (VII–VI vv do n. e.-II v. n. e.) (Minsk, 1996), p. 136 fig. 4. 439  Danuta Jaskanis, “Relikty kurhanowego cmentarzyska w Bachanowie w województwie suwalskim,” in Szkice prahistoryczne. Źródła-Metody-Interpretacje, ed. by Stanisław Kukawka (Toruń, 1999), p. 254. 440  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Suwalscy ‘pacyfiści’,” p. 39. 441  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 135. 442  Rudnicki, “Uwagi,” p. 426. 443  Sós, “Bemerkungen,” p. 318. 444  Kiss, Avar Cemeteries, plate 2; Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 295. 445  Sós, “Bemerkungen,” p. 318. 446  Garam, Funde byzantinischer Herkunft, p. 46. 447  Kowalski, “Chronologia”, p. 223; Rudnicki, “Zawieszki trapezowate,” pp. 669–670.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 139

figure 4.30

Artifacts found in the hoard from Cserkút, Hungary (a) and grave goods found in the cremation grave 32 in Kielary, district of Olsztyn (b) After (a) Garam, “Funde byzantinischer Herkunft,” Kiss, Avar Cemeteries, (b) Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder

series of such ornaments, for example, has been found in graves 1, 4, 7, and 10 of the cemetery excavated in Jurgaičai (district of Šilutė, Lithuania).448 The most spectacular category of artifacts of supposedly Slavic origin discovered in the West Balt areas, however, are the late bow brooches of Joachim Werner’s groups I and II.449 Werner believed that those brooches appeared in the Balkans and the Danube regions as a result of the Slavic expansion of the 6th and 7th century, which is confirmed by numerous early Byzantine written sources. Such brooches appear in the Crimea on sites attributed to the Crimean Goths, as well as on Early Avar-age sites.450 The greatest cluster of finds of such dress accessories in the lands to the north of the Carpathian Mountains is in 448  Adolfas Tautavičius, Vidurinis geležies amžius lietuvoje (V–IX a.) (Vilnius, 1996), pp. 164– 165; Audronė Bliujienė, “A microregion between Šilutė-Priekulė and Švėkšna in western Lithuana or alternatively the Lamata land according to archaeological data,” Archaeologia Lituana 4 (2003), p. 126. 449  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” pp. 150–172. 450  Katsougiannopoulou, Studien, maps 1–4; see also Curta, “ ‘Slavic’ bow fibulae: twenty years of research,” p. 260 fig 21.

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figure 4.31

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Distribution of bow brooches of thee Pietroasele type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

the area of the Olsztyn Group (Fig. 4.31–3.34). It is worth mentioning that in Poland, “Slavic” bow fiblae appear primarily in the West Balt area, and only rarely in the rest of the country. For example, a fragment of a brooch of the Sarmizegetusa-Kiskörös type dated to the 7th century is known as a stray find from Łęki Wielkie (district of Grodzisk Wielkopolski, western Poland).451 That particular type does not appear in the West Balt area, only in the region between the Dnieper and Danube rivers.452 The brooch from Szeligi is not even part of the Werner’s “Slavic” bow brooches, but, as Wojciech Szymański has demonstrated, an imitation of Gepidic forms.453 This results among other things from the centipede-shaped knobs, which do not appear on any “Slavic” brooches, 451  Andrzej Krzyszowski, “Rytualne paleniska czy obiekty grobowe (?) z przełomu okresu ‘późnorzymskiego’ i wczesnych faz wczesnego średniowiecza w Wilanowie (stan. 12), gmina Kamieniec w woj. Wielkopolskim,” Slavia Antiqua 51 (2010), p. 192. 452  Katsougiannopoulou, Studien, map 2. 453  Szymański, Szeligi pod Płockiem, p. 35.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 141

figure 4.32

Distribution of bow brooches of the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

as well as from the diamond-shaped footplate with a pair of symmetrically arranged, circular knobs, not unlike those of “Gothic” brooches dated to the late 5th and early 6th century454 and of slightly later Gepidic brooches decorated with primitive stamped ornament (e.g., Szentes-Berékhat, grave 36 and 61).455 Another example of Gepidic affiliations is most probably also the fragmentary brooch from Kraków-Nowa Huta.456 By contrast, the brooches from Radziejów Kujawski and Biskupin are undoubtedly of Scandinavian origin.457 Werner linked the presence of those brooches in Masuria to trade, for he rejected the possibility of any physical presence of the Slavs in the West Balt 454  Volker Bierbrauer, Die ostgotischen Grab- und Schatzfunde in Italien, Biblioteca degli studi medievali, 7 (Spoleto, 1975), plates 1–82. 455  Dezső Csallány, Archäologische Denkmäler der Gepiden im Mitteldonaubecken (454– 568 u. Z.), Archaeologia Hungarica, 31 (Budapest, 1961), plate 68. 456  Parczewski, Początki kultury, pp. 78–79. 457  Parczewski, Początki kultury, pp. 79–82; Wróblewski and Bitner-Wróblewska, “Znad Dniepru,” pp. 153–154.

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figure 4.33

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Distribution of bow brooches of the Pleniţa-Tumiany type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

area.458 According to recent studies, those brooches cannot be attributed to any particular ethnic group.459 They represent different stylistic forms with specific shapes and elements of decoration. Most of them have semi-circular headplates with characteristic knobs and ornaments in the form of more or less schematic representations of eagle heads on the foot—or the headplate. Similar representations appear on the artifacts associated with the Goths of

458  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” p. 167. 459  Dan Gh Teodor, “Fibule ‘digitate’ din secolele V–VII în spaţiul carpato-dunăreanopontic,” Arheologia Moldovei 15 (1992), pp. 135–137; Vagalinski, “Zur Frage,” p. 294; Florin Curta, “Female dress and ‘Slavic’ bow fibulae in Greece,” Hesperia 74 (2005), p. 133; Curta, “Slavic bow fibulae?”, pp. 460–463; Katsougiannopoulou, Studien, pp. 78–83; Christina Katsougiannopoulou, “The Slavic bow brooches in Greece revisited. Some remarks on ethnicity and social status,” in Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe. Thirteen International Studies on Early Medieval Mobility, ed. by Dieter Quast (Mainz, 1999), pp. 219–230.

The Olsztyn Group Connections during the Late Migration Period 143

figure 4.34

Distribution of bow brooches of the Sarmizegetusa-Kiskőrös type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

the Migration period.460 Such continuity has been explained in terms of the survival and assimilation within the 6th- to 7th-century Penkivka culture of remnants of the 4th-century Sântana de Mureş-Chernyakhov culture.461 The Slavic character of the former culture has long been questioned especially on the basis of many of its typical artifacts being connected with the nomadic peoples of Eastern Europe and northern Caucasus,462 and to its relations to the Sântana de Mureş-Chernyakhov culture. 460  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” pp. 164–165. 461  Valentin V. Sedov, Slaviane Verkhnego Podneprov’ia i Podvin’ia, Materialy i issledovaniia po arkheologii SSSR, 16 (Moscow, 1970), pp. 68–69; Valentin V. Sedov, “Anty,” in Problemy sovetskoi arkheologii, edited by V. V. Kropotkin, G. N. Matiushin, and B. G. Peters (Moscow, 1978), pp. 171–173. 462  Oleg M. Prykhodniuk, “Ranneslavianskie kul’tury V–VII vv. i etnopoliticheskaia konsolidaciia slavian. Kategorii pamiatnikov, topografiia, planirovka,” in Slaviane iugovostochnoi Evropy v predgosudarstvennyi period, ed. by V. D. Baran, E. V. Maksimov, and

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Others have claimed that some “Slavic” brooches were produced in and distributed from Masuria.463 Those claims, however, are based on the on the rather unreliable dating of Masurian artifacts. According to those claims, the specimens found in Masuria are earlier than those from south-eastern Europe. Paradoxically, the current chronology of the Olsztyn Group is based, among other things, on the very dates established for the “Slavic” brooches, under the general assumption that they were imports.464 What is more, the ornaments of most brooches of this type that have been discovered on sites of the Olsztyn Group are simpler than those of the specimens found in the lands between the Dnieper and Danube, while the forms of some brooch types typical for the Olsztyn Group are the result of imitation of south-east European brooches. This is especially true for the specimens of the Sarmizegetusa-Kiskörös type. It is also important to note that no tradition existed in the Masuria of producing bow brooches similar in style to the “Slavic” fibulae, even though there is evidence of production of the artifacts imitating Frankish, Gothic, or Scandinavian models.465 It is of course possible that some types of “Slavic” brooches were imitated in Masuria and then distributed in other regions. A good example is the presence of clearly Masurian brooches in a hoard of bronze found in the Veliky Budky (Ucraine), a settlement site attributed to the Kolochin culture. The brooches in question are in fact Masurian imitations of the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type, and must have been obtained from the population of the Olsztyn Group.466 That contacts with the Olsztyn group reach far and wide is also indicated by the bow brooch of the Purda type accidentally found near Astramechiava (district of Brest, Belarus). The brooch is said to have been discovered on a probably Prague culture site.467 Equally spectacular is the ladder brooch found in the early Slavic cemetery excavated in Prützke,

B. V. Magomedov (Kiev, 1990), pp. 216–218; Terpylovs’kyy, “Nasledie kievskoi kul’tury,” pp. 396–398; Andrei M. Oblomskii, “Kievskaia kul’tura na fone etnokul’turnykh processov v lestostepnoi zone v III–V vv.,” in Pamiatniki kievskoi kul’tury v lesostepnoi zone Rossii (III-nachalo V v. n.e.), ed. by Andrei M. Oblomskii, Ranneslavianskii mir, 10 (Moscow, 2007), p. 51. 463  Curta, “Slavic bow fibulae?”, p. 463. 464  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 79–80; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223. 465  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 309–310; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 263–266. 466  Goriunova, “Novyi klad,” pp. 129–130. 467  Mirosław Rudnicki, “Uwagi na temat zapinek typu Purda,” in Materiały do Archeologii Warmii i Mazur, ed. by Sławomir Wadyl, Maciej Karczewski, and Mirosław Hoffmann (Warsaw/Białystok, 2015), pp. 149–154.

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near Potsdam (Germany).468 A fragment of a similar brooch was also discovered in Seetz, near Wittenberge (Germany), but the association of that find with a Slavic settlement is uncertain.469 Some archaeologists believe that the Slavs adopted from the Balts the spurs with hooks.470 Marek Dulinicz was skeptical about that, but mainly on the basis of underestimating the craftsmanship of the Balts and the scope of their contacts.471 Spurs with hook-shaped ends turned outside are numerous in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group dated to Phases E2b and E3.472 The proposed dating and origins of those spurs have inspired many doubts. In the Slavic areas they are dated to the mid-7th century, at the earliest.473 Besides the find with an uncertain context from Wyszembork,474 such spurs are known from the area of the Olsztyn Group primarily from the cemetery excavated in Wólka Prusinowska (district of Mrągowo).475 Astray find is also known from the vicinity of the town of Reszel, in the district of Kętrzyn.476 A spur of early style was found in grave 84 in Wólka Prusinowska together with a bow brooch of the Pritzier-Perdöl type, which in the West Balt areas is dated to the late 5th and early 6th century.477 In grave 37 of the same cemetery an iron hook spur was found together with the artifacts typical for Phase E3, i.e., 625–650/675, and one more spur is known from grave 41. Those spurs are different from the related finds in the Slavic areas, but they may have fostered the dissemination of this spur category among the Slavs, as suggested by Jan Żak and Lidia Maćkowiak-Kotkowska.478 The iron spur closest in style was found in the vicinity of Reszel,479 but the circumstances of its discovery, which would make it possible to establish its exact chronology, are unknown. According to the information in Feliks Jakobson archive, this find had traces of fire, which 468  Wilhelm Unwerzagt, “Zur Armbrustsprossenfibel von Prützke, Kr. Brandenburg-Land,” Ausgrabungen und Funde 5 (1960), pp. 145–147. 469   Hans UlrichVoß, “Fragment einer baltischen Armbrustsprossenfibel von Seetz, Kr. Perleberg,” Ausgrabungen und Funde 36 (1991), pp. 295–296. 470  Jan Żak and Lidia Maćkowiak-Kotkowska, Studia nad uzbrojeniem środkowoeuropejskim VI–X wieku. Zachodniobałtyjskie i słowiańskie ostrogi o zaczepach haczykowato zagiętych do wnętrza (Poznań, 1988), p. 138. 471  Marek Dulinicz, Kształtowanie się Słowiańszczyzny północno-zachodniej (Warsaw, 2001), p. 101. 472  Rudnicki, “Ostrogi,” pp. 355–356; Rudnicki, “Die Olsztyn-Gruppe,” pp. 47–48. 473  Szymański, Szeligi, pp. 230–260; Parczewski, Początki kultury, p. 101. 474  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 117. 475  Nowakowski, “Schyłek grupy olsztyńskiej,” pp. 407–417. 476  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 477  Jan Bemmann. “Mitteldeutschland,” p. 152. 478  Żak, Maćkowiak-Kotkowska, Studia, p. 138. 479  The archive of Feliks Jakobson.

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suggests that it was discovered at a cremation cemetery. Unfortunately, it remains unknown to which culture it may attributed. A Slavic influence upon the West Balt areas was also recorded for pottery production. Jerzy Antoniewicz claimed that some elements of vessels discovered in Tumiany should be linked with the Prague-type pottery. Prague-type pottery finds onsites of the Olsztyn Group was then studied by Jerzy OkuliczKozaryn. As typical features of that type he isolated pots with S-shaped sections, and the traces of sand on bottoms, both features attributed Slavs who settled within the area of the Olsztyn Group during the second half of the 6th century, and made pottery according to their own technology.480 The possible influence of the Slavic technology on the pottery production of the Olsztyn Group was also studied by Wojciech Wróblewski and Tomasz Nowakiewicz,481 who traced the gradual adaptation of technology and forms of Slavic vessels resulting in the formation of the standardized Prussian pottery of the early Middle Ages. That pottery was in many respects identical to vessels produced by the Slavs living in the neighborhood. Like Okulicz-Kozaryn, Wróblewski and Nowakiewicz believe that the Slavic influence in this regard began in the 2nd half of the 6th century.482 Vessels related to the Prague pottery are also occasionally found on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture (e.g., graves 28 and 166 in Mitino, in the region of Kaliningrad), in which they stand out as different from the pottery of local tradition.483 In the Elbląg Group vessels that may be related to the Prague type have been found on settlement sites in Dąbkowo, Nowiny, and Bogdany.484 Similarities with the Prague culture pottery have also been found in the decoration of some vessels of the Olsztyn Group. In grave 10 of the Tumiany cemetery,485 a belly fragment decorated with a band of engraved, poorly executed wavy lines was discovered.486 In the Migration Period such ornaments were unknown among the West Balts. They were, however, quite frequent on the hand made Slavic vessels dated to the 7th and 8th century.487 The other 480  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 125. 481  Wróblewski and Nowakiewicz, “Ceramika ‘pruska’,”, pp. 166–181; Wojciech Wróblewski andTomasz Nowakiewicz, “ ‘Pruzzische’ und ‘slawische’ Keramik im frühmittelalterlichen Galinden,” in Worlds Apart? Contacts across the Baltic Sea in the Iron Age, ed. by Ulla Lund Hansen and Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (Copenhagen/Warsaw, 2010), pp. 505–526. 482  Wróblewsk and Nowakiewicz, “Ceramika ‘pruska’,” pp. 180–181. 483  Skvorcov, Mogil’nik Mitino, plates 37 and 89. 484  Marek F. Jagodziński, “Archeologiczne ślady osadnictwa między Wisłą a Pasłęką we wczesnym średniowieczu. Komentarz do katalogu stanowisk,” in Adalbertus. Wyniki badań interdyscyplinarnych, ed. by Przemysław Urbańczyk (Warsaw, 1998), p. 170. 485  Krzysztof Dąbrowski’s excavations of 1969–1971. 486  Moszczyński, “Naśladownictwo,” p. 167 fig. 1. 487  Parczewski, Początki kultury, pp. 66–67.

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ornament found on the discussed fragment consists of oblique comb impressions and bands of parallel horizontal grooves. It was popular in the Olsztyn Group and suggests that the discussed vessel was most probably made in the local, West Balt, milieu. The decoration with wavy (or rather zigzag) lines is in this case interpreted as imitation of Slavic ornamental patterns.488 The tendency to imitate the discussed decorations is also manifest on a vessel fragment discovered in Jeziorko, district of Giżycko.489 The ornament, similar to a wavy line, in this case was made up of a series of burin picks. All those ceramic fragments may be dated between the late 6th and the 1st half of the 7th century.490 There is also evidence of the influence of the Olsztyn Group upon the Slavic population. Fragments of hollow stem cups and vessels decorated by means of the pinching technique and ornaments of alternating triangles have been found on an early Slavic settlement site in Wyszogród, in the district of Płock, namely in stratigraphic layers dated to the 7th century.491 According to Michał Parczewski, hollow stem cups appear in the early Slavic materials in the 6th century.492 The finds from Wyszogród have been interpreted as evidence of an influence from the Olsztyn Group.493 On the basis of stratigraphy, they are dated to the late 7th and early 8th century. The closest analogies may be found in the stronghold of Pasym, and they represent forms typical of the late Olsztyn Group or even slightly later, although the chronology of the Pasym finds (6th– 7th century494) allows a direct comparison with vessels from Wyszogród. The technology exchange and the ornamental similarities between the Balt population of Masuria and the Slavs inhabiting Mazovia in the late Migration period, as well as the well-visible traces of east-Slavic influences indicate that during this period, the Olsztyn Group was not isolated by the Slavic settlement in Mazovia.495 The evidence of mutual contacts is, however, scant and occurs in quite distant places. On the basis of such a small number of sources it is

488  Moszczyński, “Naśladownictwo,” p. 168. 489  Antoniewicz and Okulicz, “Sprawozdanie,” plate 14. 490  Moszczyński, “Naśladownictwo,” p. 168. 491  Waldemar Andrzej Moszczyński, “Ceramika grupy olsztyńskiej ze stanowiska 2a w Wyszogrodzie w woj. Płockim,” in Ceramika zachodniobałtyjska od wczesnej epoki żelaza do początku ery nowożytnej. Białystok 14–16 maja 1997, ed. by Maciej Karczewski (Białystok, 1998), pp. 297–299. 492  Parczewski, Początki kultury, pp. 65–66. 493  Moszczyński, “Ceramika,” p. 294. 494  Odoj, “Wyniki badań,” p. 133. 495  The idea was put first forward by Carl Engel, according to whom the aggressive expansion of the Slavs may have one of the reasons for the decline of the Olsztyn Group (Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter,” pp. 41–57.

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impossible to make definitive claims about the character and intensity of the contacts between the Slavs and the Olsztyn Group. The Slavic influence may be also noted in changes of settlement structures. Most settlements in the Olsztyn Group are open, much like in the earlier case of the Bogaczewo culture.496 Strongholds such as Pasym,497 Szestno,498 Staświny499 or Jeziorko500 seem to be related to the final phase of the Olsztyn Group. The change of settlement model must have occurred during the second half of the 7th century, the earliest date admitted for strongholds. In the early phase, strongholds were most probably not intensively used like those in the Pripet valley in Belarus. However, there is no indication that the West Balt strongholds were built as defense against the growing threat of the Slavs. The evidence shows that during the 6th and 7th centuries, the Slavs were no threat to the West Balt population. One can assume that in the borderlands, beyond which was a large zone with no settlements, peaceful relations were maintained and military activity was limited to local skirmishes. The buffer zone reducing contacts was most probably the forest belt in the region of the Narew River. Peaceful relations between the West Balts and the Slavs were the rule in the 6th and 7th centuries501 most likely because of the low demographic potential and low level of the material culture of the Slavs, who were therefore not an attractive target of aggression. According to Jerzy Antoniewicz, however, during the late Migration period armed groups from Masuria, which may be linked to the Olsztyn Group, used to attack people (including Slavs) migrating across the central Polish lowlands. Antoniewicz supported his theory with numerous bow brooches of various origins found on sites of the Olsztyn Group.502 In other words, the bow brooches were obtained by means of raids against those people. This idea was rightly criticized by Romuald Odoj, who pointed out that no bow brooch finds are known from Mazovia and central Poland.503 It is therefore possible that the Slavic influence reached the lands of the West Balts. The decline of the Olsztyn Group is connected with the disappearance of archaeologically identifiable burial rites. Such a change probably did 496  This is true for the western part of the Olsztyn Group., which moved during Phase E2 to the Olsztyn Lakeland, i.e., beyond the area previously occupied by the Bogaczewo culture. 497  Odoj, “Wyniki badań,” pp. 113–150. 498  Wróblewski, “Ziemie pruskie,” pp. 285–309; Wróblewski, “Ossa cremata,” pp. 268–285. 499  Małgorzata Karczewska and Maciej Karczewski, “Grodzisko Święta Góra w Staświnach w Krainie Wielkich Jezior Mazurskich. Archeologia archiwalna i nowa,” Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie 256 (2007), pp. 131–163. 500  Antoniewicz and Okulicz, “Sprawozdanie,” pp. 7–69. 501  Tyszkiewicz, Mazowsze północno-wschodnie, p. 74; Okulicz-Kozaryn, Dzieje Prusów, p. 222. 502  Antoniewicz, “Review,” p. 219. 503  Odoj, “Wyniki badań,” p. 141.

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not concern cremation per se, because the cremation rite is recorded in the region during the subsequent centuries of the Middle Ages. Moreover, the first written sources indicate that the Prussians did not use inhumation, and were very persistent in their preference for cremation. Lack of archaeologically visible burial rites was most probably due to the change in disposing of the cremated remains. It is possible that in the 7th century, the Slavic influence upon the Olsztyn Group population led to the adoption of Slavic burial customs with no fixed cemeteries.504 Layered graves in strongholds, of the Czarny Las type, are indeed associated with the final phase of the Olsztyn Group, perhaps under Slavic influence. This is documented archaeologically in the Szestno.505 Cremated human remains have also been found inside the stronghold at Pasym.506 But even more interesting tis the presence of such remains inside the stronghold in Haćki, mentioned above.507 Layered graves associated with the Slavic influence have also been found in Budryniszki in the Suwałki region occupied by the Sudovian culture.508 4.6 Conclusions More than 130 years of research on the Olsztyn Group509 have revealed considerable problems of interpretation. Many issues still demand detailed investigations. At least part of the problem is the pre-war methodology of research and the lack of publications for those times, but blame may also be placed on the changes in the modern political situation of Eastern Prussia, as well as the dispersal and destruction of the artifacts once stored in East Prussian museums, which occurred during World War II. However, new approaches have emerged in recent years, particularly because of a greater possibilities of studying archival materials that were opened by the excellent collaboration of Warsaw research centers with many foreign institutions, and because new opportunities

504  Nowakowski, “Schyłek grupy olsztyńskiej,” p. 416. 505  Wróblewski, “Ossa cremata,” pp. 279–281. 506  Odoj, “Wyniki badań,” p. 130. 507  Wojciech Szymański, “Beitrage zum Problem der Entstehung von Burgen bei Slaven,” Archeologia Polona 21–22 (1983), p. 95. 508  Nowakowski, “Jaćwieskie cmentarzysko,” pp. 119–123. 509  It may be assumed that the study of the Olsztyn Group began with the 1879 discovery and excavation, followed by the 1880 publication of the cemetery in Leleszki. The first recorded Olsztyn Group feature was grave 44 from that site, which was discovered in the spring of 1879, before regular excavations began.

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to analyze artifacts from former Eastern Prussia now in Polish, Russian, and German museums. New studies, based on broad analyses, allow the verification of many, sometimes quite imaginative hypotheses connected with the Olsztyn Group. The most important task of the future research is establishing a precise chronological system embracing all the Olsztyn Group materials, with particular attention to the local, West Balt, forms. Equally important is the detailed study of the pottery, which would make it possible to distinguish local, West Balt, traditions from possible outside influences. One of the questions regarding the Olsztyn Group that is still without an answer concerns the origin and sources of its wealth, which may have arisen as a result of socio-economic changes that cannot be explained by archaeological means. Another unsolved problem is the decline of the Olsztyn Group and its participation in the formation of the early medieval, Prussian tribal structures. One can only hope that the constant growth of archaeological sources will shed more light on those issues.

Chapter 5

The Cemetery in Leleszki 5.1

Site Location and Research History

The cemetery is located in the village of Leleszki, district of Szczytno (WarmiaMazovia voivodeship (formerly known as Lehlesken, Kreis Ortelsburg, Eastern Prussia), a little more than 15 miles to the east from Olsztyn, in the eastern part of the Olsztyn Lakeland. The exact location within the village perimeter is not known. What is known, however, is that the cemetery was on a hill to the south of the western limit of the village (Fig. 5.1) near Lake Leleskie, most probably immediately close to the buildings (dicht am Dorf ).1

figure 5.1 The location of the village of Leleszki on a German map from 1929 1  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 31.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004381728_006

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The cemetery was discovered in the spring of 1879 by the senior forester (Oberfőrster) Seehusen, during his work. At that time a vessel, an iron knife, a large circular glass bead, and two smaller cylindrical beads were found, in addition to bronze artifacts: 6 buckles, 8 tongue-shaped belt fittings, and a disc brooch with six pentagonal knobs around. All the artifacts are said to have been inside the vessel, which may indicate an urn with another ceramic pot placed upside down over it, as a lid. In October 1879, excavations started on top of the hill. The excavator was Georg Bujack, the president of the Alterumsgesellschaft Prussia at that time. The senior forester and vicar Skierlo from Pasym also participated in the excavations. Locals seem to have taken a great interest in the work of the archaeologists. Bujack cut a rectangular area, 18.5 m long from east to west and 24.7 m long from north to south. According to his descriptions, no grave plans were drawn. Their location was determined with respect to the central point of the trench, the so-called Mittelpunkt. Bujack discovered 45 graves, 37 urns and 8 pit burials, in addition to 3 modern graves of one adult and two children buried in coffins. The cremation graves were close to the surface, at a depth of 10–15 cm, which explains the destruction by plowing of many graves.2 Moreover, plowing was dispersed finds from destroyed graves over the entire area. No other excavations are known to have taken place in Leleszki.3 A field survey was conducted near the village in the 1980s for the Archaeological Record of Poland program.4 During that survey the potential location of the site was established, but no artifacts have been found to confirm it.

2  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. pp. 30–32; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” pp. 435–437. 3  Vladimir I. Kulakov claims that further excavations took place on the site. However, his claims are based on inventory data from the former PrussiaMuseum in Königsberg. Kulakov misread that data, which refer to sites other than Leleszki. Some of the artifacts that he attributed to Leleszki were undoubtedly from Tylkowo. Similarly, some artifact published in 2008 from a copy of the inventory books of the Prussia Museum, and believed to have from Leleszki (Bitner-Wróblewska Archeologiczne księgi, plates 47–48) are in fact from Tylkowo (the archive of Feliks Jakobson; Åberg, Ostpreussen; Kühn, “Das Problem,”). Other finds published in 2008 are of a dubious character, for they appear to be Plate early medieval pottery fragments and metal artifacts probably resulting from Bujack’s excavations in the Pasym stronghold (Bujack, “Der runde Berg,” p. 70; Bujack, “Der Kuglacker Schlossberg,” p. 90; Odoj, “Wyniki badań”, pp. 113–116). 4  Archeologiczne Zdjęcie Polski (AZP).

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5.2

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The Source Materials

The artifacts discovered during Bujack’s excavations went directly to the Prussia Museum in Königsberg. As a consequence, most were lost during World War II. A small number of artifacts are now in the local Museum of History and Art in Kaliningrad, and a few in private collections.5 Information about the Leleszki cemetery appears in many publications. The basic publication is Bujack’s brief excavation report, with details about the circumstances in which the cemetery was discovered and the excavations that he conducted on the site.6 Equally important is the catalogue of 1880 prehistoric exhibition in the then State Museum in Berlin. The catalogue contains a list of artifacts discovered in Leleszki, complete with information about the features in which they were discovered.7 In 1989, the Russian archaeologist Vladimir Kulakov published an article about the Masurian cemeteries from the Migration period. His publication was based on the inventory records of the Prussia Museum in Königsberg. Kulakov published the descriptions of burial assemblages and drawings of many artifacts from the site.8 Despite its considerable value as a source material, his article contains certain errors.9 Much more useful are the copies of the inventory books in the Prussia Museum published in 2008 (Fig. 5.2) together with the original drawings of the finds donated to the museum.10 The most important and valuable group of sources about finds from the Leleszki cemetery are the archival materials, namely the private files of the scholars who have studied the Migration period in Masuria: Kurt Voigtnmann, Feliks Jakobson, Niels Åberg, Rudolf Grenz and Carl Englel. Among them, the so-called Voigtmann Kartei (Voigtmann’s archive, now in the Museum für Vorund Frühgeschichtein Berlin) is perhaps the most important, because of the 5  I would like to express my gratitude to Konstantin Skvorcov for giving me access to the artefacts now in the collection of the local Museum of History and Art in Kaliningrad, as well as from the so-called “Briukov collection.” Thanks are also due to H. Junker and H. Wieder for giving me the possibility to study the archives, and permission for publishing the materials from the archive of the Prussia-Museum in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin. Finally, many thanks to Jānis Ciglis for permission to publish the materials from the archive of Feliks Jakobson now in the National Museum of History in Riga. 6  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” pp. 30–33. 7  Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” pp. 435–437. 8  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” pp. 184–186. 9  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 208. 10  Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plates 45–59.

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figure 5.2 Sample pages from the inventory books of the former Prussia Museum After Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi

large amount of information and the quality of his drawings (Fig. 5.3). Although still not published, those are well organized, contain detailed descriptions and precise drawings often made on plotting paper, as well as numerous photographs of artifacts. Another important source are the Jakobson’s files now in the National Museum of History (Latvijas Nacionālais Vēstures Muzejs) in Riga (Fig. 5.4). Jakobson was particularly interested in the archaeology of Masuria during the Migration period. His materials contain such important data as size and descriptions of artifacts with drawings of finds from Leleszki, which are even more precise than Voigtmann’s. However, the collection of the file cards regarding the cemetery at Leleszki is incomplete. Niels Åberg’s files are now in the “Antiquarian-Topographic Archive” of the Swedish National Heritage Board (Riksantikvarieämbetet, ATA) in Stockholm. They contain information only about those graves from Leleszki that produced brooches. Unfortunately, the drawings are schematic and imprecise. Those files were most probably compiled when Åberg began collecting materials for his Ostpreussen in der Völkerwanderunsgzeit published in 1919.

The Cemetery in Leleszki

figure 5.3 Sample pages from the archives of Kurt Voigtmann stored in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichtein Berlin

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figure 5.4 Sample pages from the archive of Feliks Jaokobson stored in the National Museum of the History of Latvia in Riga

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Rudolf Grenz’s files, now in the Archaeological Museum (Archäologisches Landesmuseum) in Schleswig, contain information about and photographs of graves 12 and 14. Finally, Carl Engel’s files, now in the Johann-Gotfried Herder Institute in Marburg contain information about the cemetery, which complements Bujack’s description of the site. A few surviving artifacts, previously in the collection of the Prussia Museum, are now in the collection of the local museum of history and art (Oblastnoi istoriko-khudozhestvennyi muzei) in Kaliningrad. Some are in private collections. 5.3 Catalogue Grave 1 No information. Grave 2 No information.11 Grave 3 No information. Grave 4—urn grave (?) 1. Fragment of a large vessel. 2. Two fragments of other vessels. Literature: the archive of Kurt Voigtmann. Grave 5 No information. Grave 6 No information. Grave 7—urn grave 1. Urn 2. Open, bronze wire ring of bronze broken into three pieces. It most probably had hook-shaped terminals; diam. 4.25 cm (plate I.1).

11  Bujack’s description of the assemblage from grave 2 (Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436) is the same as that that both Kurt Voigtmann and Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 186 give to grave 12. The confusion may have resulted from a misprint, as indicated by the fact that Bujack listed grave 2 after grave 7.

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Literature: the archive of Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 45. Grave 8 No information. Grave 9 No information. Grave 10 No information. Grave 11—urn grave (?) 1. Bronze, diamond-shaped disc-brooch, with the disc slightly damaged, 2.3 cm long, 1.6–1.7 cm wide (plate I.7a–b). 2. 2 belly fragments of a vessel decorated with horizontal bands of small lens-shaped stamped ornament (plate I.5–6). 3. Broken ring of bronze wire with hook-shaped terminals, 5.9–6.4 cm in diameter (plate I.2). 4. Most probably a fragment of a very poorly preserved bronze disc brooch.12 5. Fragments of an iron knife (plate I.3–4). Literature: the archive of Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 45. Grave 12—urn grave (?) 1. Urn. 2. Bronze belt buckle with a rectangular plate, M-shaped loop and a straight, undecorated tongue, 2.9 cm long, 1.6 cm wide (plate I.10a–b). 3. Two bronze brooches with heads in the shape of a circular disc with six radially arranged heart-shaped incisions, the foot has two wide transverse bars, the bar closer to the head is decorated with a band of stamped triangles; each brooch is 3.4 cm long (plate I.8a–b).13 4. Lancet shaped bronze strap end, 3.3 cm long, 1cm wide (plate I.11a–b). 5. Bronze spiral (plate I.9). 6. Multi-colored glass beads decorated with glass threads and convex eyes, plain glass beads (plate I.12a–b). Literature: the archives of Carl Engel and Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreus­ sen,” p. 436; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 186; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 46.

12  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen”, p. 32, mentions two diamond-shaped brooches, each 24, mm long. 13  One of the brooches is in the Museum of History and Art in Kaliningrad.

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Grave 13 No information. Grave 14—urn grave 1. Urn. 2. Bronze bow brooch with a quadrangular head-plate, foot ends with a “bearded man’s head”14 decorated on the whole surface, 4.3 cm long, 2.25 cm wide (plate II.1a–c). 3. Bronze bow brooch with a quadrangular headplate decorated on the whole surface, 4.1 long, 2.30 cm wide (plate II.2a–d). 4. 5 pelta-shaped bronze pendants with wide suspension eyes, impressed decoration, 3.2 cm long, 3.8 cm wide (plate II.3a–c). 5. Bronze belt buckle with a rectangular plate and a straight tongue, undecorated (plate II.4a–b). 6. Biconical clay spindle whorl with flat ends, 2.1 cm long, 3,5 cm in diameter (2.1 cm at the ends) (plate II.5). 7. 9 clay glazed beads yellow and orange-yellow in color, each 0.3 cm in diameter (plate II.6). Literature: the archives of Niels Åberg, Feliks Jakobson, and Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436; Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32; Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 171; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 186; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 45; Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 100. Grave 15—pit grave (?) 1. Pair of circular bronze disc crossbow brooches most probably decorated on the surface with silver metal sheet (?)15 (plate III.1a–b). 2. About 40 yellow glass beads with traces of burning. 3. 2 grey-white glass beads. Literature: the archive of Feliks Jakobson; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; BitnerWróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 45. Grave 16—urn grave 1. Urn. Only one fragment known (plate III.3). 2. Bronze bow brooch, decorated. Semi-circular headplate with five knobs, the footplate ends with an animal head; 7.3 cm long, 4.6 cm wide (plate III.2a–d). 3. 2 yellow glass beads (plate III.4). Literature: the archives of Niels Åberg, Feliks Jakobson, and Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436; Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 171; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 44.

14  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32. 15  This information is from Jakobson’s files, where it is accompanied by a question mark. It must therefore be treated as uncertain.

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Grave 17—urn grave (?) 1. Belly fragment of a vessel decorated with three horizontal grooves and a band of crossing grooves (plate III.5). Literature: the archive of Kurt Voigtmann; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 46. Grave 18—pit grave 1. Bronze crossbow brooch with a trapeze-shaped metope on the head and a transverse bar on the foot, one end of the spring axle decorated with a ring made of incised wire, 6 cm long, 5.2 cm wide (plate IV.3a–c). 2. Bronze buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and oval-shaped plate, undecorated, 4.6 cm long, 3.6 cm wide (plate II.1a–c).16 3. Undecorated lancet-shaped, bronze strap end, 5.5 cm long, the ferrule is 1.5 cm wide (plate IV.3a–c). 4. Undecorated lancetshaped, bronze strap end, 5.6 cm long, the ferrule is 2 cm wide (plate IV.4a–c). 5. Trapeze-shaped bronze mount with three rivets, decorated with stamped rectangles (plate IV.5a–c). 6. Damaged iron knife with a band-shaped, bronze scabbard mount (plate IV.6a–b). Literature: the archives of Feliks Jakobson and Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436; Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 171; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 47. Grave 19 No information. Grave 20 No information. Grave 21—pit grave 1. Bronze bow brooch with a semi-circular headplate decorated with five knobs, the surface of the brooch was most probably decorated, 6.45 cm long, 4.05 cm wide (plate V.1a–d).17 2. Bronze buckle with a rectangular plate and rectangular loop, the tongue not preserved, 3,7 cm long, the plate is 1.4 cm long, the loop is 2.2 cm wide (plate V.4a–c). 3. 5 rectangular bronze belt mounts decorated with stamped ornament at the edges. Mount A is 2.12 cm long,

16  In a private collection. 17  In a private collection.

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1.23 cm wide (plate V.2a–b); mount B is 3 cm long, 1.20 cm wide (plate V.3a–c); mount C is 2.7 cm long, 1.23 cm wide; mount D is 2.85 cm long, 1.23 cm wide; mount E is 2.34 cm long, 1.30 cm wide. 4. Flat, cylindrical glass bead yellow in color, 0.8 cm in diameter (plate IV.19a–b). Literature: the archives of Niels Åberg, FeliksJakobson, and Kurt Voigtmann; Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 436; Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 171; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 186; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 47; Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 98. Grave 22—urn grave 1. Urn. 2. Biconical clay whorl with flat ends, h. 1,2 cm, d. 2,6 cm (plate V.5). 3. Fragment of an iron knife (plate V.6). Literature: K. Voigtmann’s Archive. Grave 23—urn grave 1. bronze bow brooch type Csongrád, l. 7,70 cm, w. 4,30, 2. bronze bow brooch type Csongrád, l. 7,70 cm, w. 4,27 cm (plate VI.3a–c). 3. Bronze buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and relief plate almost triangular in shape, l. 6,0 cm, w. 3,0 cm (plate VI.2a–c). 4. Rectangular bronze belt mount, decorated, l. L. 4,10 cm, w. 2,10 cm (plate VI.4a–b). 5. personal hygiene implement, co-called Ohrlöffel with a suspension ring, l. ca 8,5 cm (plate VI.5a–c). 6. Lancetshaped bronze strap end decorated with stamped ornament at the edges, l. 6,90 cm, w.2,40 cm (plate VII.2a–c). 7. Glass beads (plate VI.6). 11. Two bronze spirals (plate VI.6). 12. Fragment of an iron knife (plate VI.7). 13. Urn. Literature: N. Åberg’s Archive; F. Jakobson’s Archive; K. Voigtmann’s Archive; Bujack, “Ostpreussen”, p. 436; Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen”, p. 32; Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 171; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 47, 48; Kühn, Die germanische Bügelfibeln III, p. 763. Grave 24—urnless (?) 1. Two bronze disc brooches concave in their central parts. One was most probably repaired (plate V.7a–b). 2. Trapezoid-shaped pendant with a suspension hole, made of a bronze plate, most probably undecorated (plate V.9a–b) 3. Double spiral bronze pendant with fragments of a chain (plate V.8a–b). 4. 7 fragments of a bronze chain and 10 single links (plate V.10). 5. glass beads (plate V.11) Literature: F. Jakobson’s Archive; Rudnicki, “Eine Scheibenfibel”; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 48.

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Grave 25—urnless 1. Rectangular bronze openwork belt mount (plate V.16). 2. 5 lancet-shaped bronze strap ends (plate V.12–15, 17). 3. 5 rectangular bronze belt mounts (plate V.18). Literature: Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 48. Grave 26 No information. Grave 27 No information. Grave 28—urn grave 1. Window urn.18 Literature: Kулаков, “Могильники”, p. 185. Grave 29 No information. Grave 30 No information. Grave 31—urn grave 1. Two disc-shaped, rectangular (?) bronze brooches, l. 1,9 cm, w. 1,2 (plate VII.2–3) 2. Bronze ring with hook-shaped terminals. (plate VII.1) 3. Urn (plate VII.4). Literature: Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen”, p. 32; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 49. Grave 32—urn grave 1. Urn. Literature: Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185. Grave 33–38 No information 18  The information that the hole urn was found in grave 28 comes from V. Kulakov. However, the picture he published most probably presents the urn from grave 44 (see: Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 239, fig. 23).

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Grave 39a—urn grave 1. Bronze crossbow brooch with a large, trapezoid-shaped metope on the head and a bar on the foot, l. 6,0 cm, w. 5,2 cm (plate VII.5a–c). 2. Rectangular undecorated bronze, belt mount, l. 3,60 cm, w. 1,24 cm (plate VII.6a–b). 3. Iron knife (plate VII.7a–b). 4. Urn. Literature: F. Jakobson’s Archive; K. Voigtmann’s Archive; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 49. Grave 39b—urn grave 1. Bronze band-shaped miniature bracelet (?) decorated with stamped ornament. D. 3,3–3,5 cm, w. of the terminals ca 1,42 cm, w. of the band in its central part 0,86 cm (plate VII.8a–9, 10, 11). 2. Glass beads (plate VII.12). 3. Rim fragment of a vessel (urn?) (plate VII.11). 4. Fragment of a bronze finger ring (plate VII.10). 5. Fragment of a bronze artefact (bracelet?) (plate VII.9) Literature: F. Jakobson’s Archive; K. Voigtmann’s Archive; Bujack, “Ostpreussen”, p. 437; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 49. Grave 40—urn grave 1. Urn. Literature: Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185. Grave 41 No information. Grave 42—urnless 1. Bronze bow brooch type Bremen-Mahndorf, l.5,52 cm, w.2,80 cm (plate VIII.1a–c). Literature: N. Åberg’s Archive; F. Jakobson’s Archive; K. Voigtmann’s Archive; Bujack, “Ostpreussen”, p. 437; Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 171; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 185; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 49, 48; Kühn, “Das Problem”, Plate 27. Grave 43 No information. Grave 44—urn grave 1. Hole urn with a bulbous belly, a straight cylindrical neck and a small circular hole in the place where the belly is the widest, h. 18 cm, d. of the bottom 10, d. of the belly at its widest 18,5 cm (plate IX.1a–b). 2. Bronze ladder brooch,

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undecorated, l. 6,60 cm, w. 6, 20 cm (plate VIII.2a–b). 3. 2 bronze plate-rivet spurs (plate IX.4,5). 4. 5 bronze buckles (plate VIII.3–8). 5. Fragments of an object made from bronze wire (plate VIII.10) 6. 1 large glass bead (plate IX.3). 7. 2 small cylindrical glass beads (plate IX.6). 8. 8 lancet-shaped bronze strap ends (plate X.9–12). 9. 2 rectangular bronze belt mounts (plate VIII.12–19). 10. 2 bronze rivet spurs. 11. 4 bronze buckles. It is known that two of them had cross-shaped tongues. 12. 3 rectangular belt mounts (plate IX.2, 7–9) 13. 2 bronze fitting-separator (plate VIII.20). 14. Bronze tutulus disc brooch with six plates at its circumference with depressions filled with grooved enamel, hinge construction, h. 1,10 cm, diam. 3,30 cm (plate VIII.11a–b).19 Literature: R. Grenz’s Archive; F. Jakobson’s Archive; K. Voigtmann’s Archive; Bujack, “Ostpreussen”, p. 437; idem, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen”, p. 32; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 284; Ebert, Truso, p. 80; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 184; BitnerWróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 49, 50; Nowakowski, Corpus der römischen Funde, p. 67. Stray Finds 1. Bow brooch type Pergamene-Tei, l. 3,60 cm, w. 1,85 cm (plate IX.1a–c).20 2. 3 cylindrical beads made of orange and yellow opaque glass (plate IX.13). 3. Double spiral bronze pendant (plate IX.14). 4. 4 bronze belt mounts (one drawing of a rectangular mount, dim. 2,3 × 0,8, is known. plate IX.11). 5. Fragment of a silver ring made from twisted wire (plate IX.12). 6. 2 pottery fragments—belly fragment decorated with stamped ornament and a rim fragment decorated with imprints of fingers (plate IX.17, 18). 7. Bronze coin of Marcus Aurelius. 8. 2 small bronze disc brooches. 9. 2 bronze boss-shaped brooches. 10. foot of a brooch with remains of fabric. 11. 4 bronze buckles. 12. 2 bronze pins. 13. Pendant made from bronze sheet. 14. Radiant pendant. 15. Bronze ring (closed). 16. Bronze ring (open). 17. Spiral bronze ring with a widened coil (plate IX.16). 18. Fragment of a bronze chain. 19. Bronze chain composed of ca 70 links. 20. 10 bronze chain links. 21. Bronze hat-shaped pendant, h. 2,00 cm, diam. ca 1,80 cm (plate IX.15) 22. 8 hemispherical glass beads. 23. Lump of melted yellow glass beads. 24. 30 hemispherical glass beads. 25. 20 beads made from opaque glass, some with convex eyes. 26. Long iron knife. 27. 3 bronze buckles. (plate IX.19–21) 28. Damaged buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and openwork plate decorated with stamped ornament (plate IX.22). 19  At present the artifact is part of a private collection. 20  The artifact is stored in the collection of the Istoriko—Chudożestviennogo Muziej in Kalinigrad.

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Literature: F. Jakobson’s Archive; K. Voigtmann’s Archive; Bujack, “Ostpreussen”, p. 437; idem, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen”, p. 32; Sture Bolin, “Funde römischer und byzantinischer Münzen in Ostpreußen”, Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 26 (1926), p. 223; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” 186; Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 51; Nowakowski, Corpus der römischen Funde, p. 67. 5.4 Analysis 5.4.1 Brooches At the cemetery of Leleszki, bow brooches were discovered in graves 14, 16, 21, 23, and 42, in addition to one stray find. Two brooches with rectangular head—and heart-shaped footplates were found in grave 14 (Plate II.1a–c, 2a–d). Volker Hilberg believed them to be imitation of the Mülhofen type.21 Their simplified form and decoration imitating the chip-carved ornament (Kerbschnittverzierung) of that type suggest that the artifacts from Leleszki were most probably produced in the area of the Olsztyn Group.22 As it seems, they were modeled after the brooch from grave 62 in Kielary, which was most likely imported.23 The brooches of the Mülhofen type are dated between the middle and the third quarter of the 6th century, and are found mainly between the Upper Danube and Lower Rhine. Single specimens are scattered between the Danube and the Sava rivers.24 Because the Leleszki brooches are imitations, they may thus be dated to the developed Phase E, but there is no reason to date them to Phase E3. A brooch of the Leleszki-Kielary type was discovered in grave 21 (Plate V.1a–d). Fibulae of that type are found only on sites of the Olsztyn Group, such as Babięta, Miętkie (grave 604), Kielary (graves 40a, 53, 73, and 90), Tylkowo, Kosewo (grave 533a), and Tumiany (grave 31) (Fig. 5.5). Herbert Kühn has classified the brooch in question as of his type Dattenberg, but the name is ill-suited to describe that group.25 Two other brooches are known from Burdąg.26 In the catalogue of Masurian brooches of that type, there is one from Dattenberg, which is in fact is of the Andernach-Kärlich type. Another brooch 21  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 100, classified those brooches as of the Neuwied type. 22  Hilberg, “Studien,” p. 272; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” pp. 308–310; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 257–267. 23  Hilberg “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 309. 24  Hilberg “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 312 fig. 15. 25  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 97. 26  Unpublished research of Mirosław Rudnicki (2014).

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figure 5.5 Distribution of bow brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary/Lehlesken-Kellaren type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

of that type in the catalogue is a specimen with rectangular headplate belonging to type Goethe, which was discovered in Mainz-Weisenau.27 This suggests that the type called Dattenberg is in fact a combination of styles typical for two other, distinct types. However, the form and decoration of the brooch type seem to have different origins, respectively, which results from the examination of the decoration on the stylistically earliest specimens, such as the artifacts from Babięta, grave 604 in Miętkie, grave 53 in Kielary, and Tylkowo.28 Those brooches have relief decoration on the footplate in the form of separate triangular or rectangular fields with shot engraved lines. Moreover, the footplates of the artifacts from Kielary and Miętkie are almost diamondshaped. Such stylistic features suggest that the decoration of those brooches was inspired by late brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type. The decoration of the headplates of the brooches from Babięta, and graves 40a and 53 in Kielary, 27  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 97. 28  Kühn, “Das Problem,” pp. 97–99.

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clearly refers to the ornaments found on the brooches of the Tumiany-Dour type from Tumiany or Kosewo. The change of the footplate from diamond to spindle shaped has been noted on several other bow brooches from the Olsztyn Group. In his study of the process of imitation of the Csongrád type, Volker Hilberg showed that the development of the decoration on the brooch from grave 23 in Leleszki was two fold. On one hand, it was based on the idea of creating a simplified imitation preserving all the distinctive features. On the other hand, the decoration of the model artifact was interpreted freely, with only some of its distinctive features being reproduced.29 Bow brooches found on sites of the Olsztyn Group often show the imitation of one or more brooch forms. This was most probably the result of a large number of models of different origins, and the creative freedom of the craftsmen. One can safely assume that model specimens and their imitations coexisted for a while, thus making it possible to synchronize the stylistically earliest brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary type with the late specimens of the TumianyDour type (Fig. 5.6). Even though the decoration of brooches of that type was rather modest, its analysis may be useful in distinguishing variants. The brooches collected by Kühn for his Dattenberg type represent two stylistic trends. One of them involves the specimens from Babięta, grave 31 in Tumiany, grave 604 in Miętkie, graves 40a, 53, 73, and 90 in Kielary, Tylkowo, grave 553a in Kosewo, and grave 21 in Leleszki. Those brooches have lens-shaped footplates and often relief decoration in the shape of triangular or rectangular fields separated by grooves intersecting at almost right angles. A similar decoration may be found on the headplates of some brooches, which are also relatively small and have five knobs each. Those knobs are usually uniformly oblong in shape. Some brooches are also decorated with stamped ornament, which sometimes cover seven the headplate knobs, as in the case of the pair of brooches from grave 604 in Miętkie. The footplates of those brooches usually have a very schematic decoration, each with a terminal resembling an animal’s head. The very schematic and degenerated style does not allow for any exact classification. This variant should have its own name, and the most appropriate seems to be “Leleszki-Kielary.” The second group comprises artifacts from graves 27 and 102 in Wólka Prusinowska, grave 37 in Zdory, Łuknajno, and two specimens from unknown sites in Eastern Prussia.30 Brooches of this group have relatively large headplates and small finger-like knobs, so their proportions are the reverse of those typical for specimens of the other group. The footplates of those brooches are 29  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 303. 30  Kühn, “Das Problem,” pp. 98–99.

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figure 5.6 Bow brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary (a–i) and Wólka Prusinowska (j–p) types: a) Babięta, district of Mrągowo; b) grave 604 in Miętkie, district of Szczytno; c) grave 40a in Kielary, district of Olsztyn; d) grave 53 in Kielary; e) Tylkowo, district of Szczytno; f) grave 90 in Kielary; g) grave 533a in Kosewo, district of Mrągowo; h) grave 73 in Kielary; i) grave 21 in Leleszki, district of Szczytno; j) grave 31 in Tumiany, district of Olsztyn; k) unknown location in Eastern Prussia; l) grave 102 in Wólka Prusinowska, district of Mrągowo; m) Zdory, district of Pisz; n) grave 27 in Wólka Prusinowska; o) Kielary; p) grave 24 in Tumiany, district of Olsztyn After Kühn, “Das Problem”

oval-shaped, each ending with a small, undecorated stud. The brooches are occasionally decorated with occasional stamps. Judging by the style in which those brooches were made, it seems that they were chronologically later than the Leleszki-Kielary type. A separate name for those brooches has been already suggested—“the Wólka Prusinowska type,”31 so it seems necessary to exclude 31  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 223–224.

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figure 5.7 Distribution of brooches of the Wólka Prusinowska/Pruschinowen Wolka type in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

them from the broad and heterogeneous group which Kühn called Dattenberg. The brooches of the Wólka Prusinowska type come in two variants: those with oval—and those with diamond-shaped footplates (Fig. 5.7). If the Kühn’s classification is rejected, then the Masurian brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary type appear as related to late, West European brooches of the Burghagel or Andernach-Kärlich types, both dated to the late 6th century.32 However, no brooch of the latter type has so far been discovered in the area of the Olsztyn Group (the assemblage with brooches of the Andernach-Kärlich type, which is sometimes believed to be from grave 86 of the cemetetery excavated in Selski [former Kobjeiten], in Sambia,33 most probably comes from the row-grave cemetery excavated in Niederbreisig, in the Rheinland).34 Despite the similar shapes, these two types of brooches have different ornaments. The 32  Koch, Bügelfibeln, pp. 262–267. 33  Voigtmann, “Ein fränkisch-alamanischer Grabfund,” p. 7. 34  Göldner, Studien, pp. 245–247.

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only specimen that resembles to some extent the Andernach-Kärlich type is the stray find from Kosewo III.35 As the number of well-dated assemblages is small, it is difficult to establish a precise chronology for the brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary type. The specimen form grave 553a in Kosewo was found in an urn which may be generally dated to the developed Phase E, together with a lancet-shaped strap end, bronze belt mounts, an undecorated buckle with an oval loop, a knife in a scabbard with richly decorated mounts, and glass beads.36 These elements may be also dated to the developed Phase E, but nothing prevents their later dating. In grave 31 in Tumiany, an undecorated brooch was found together with a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and a plate representing type Åberg Abb. 171.8,37 a lancet-shaped strap end, and a shield-on-tongue buckle with kidney-shaped loop and an oval-shaped plate,38 which may be dated to Phase E2. That assemblage includes also some undoubtedly earlier elements, such as two bronze brooches with transverse bars at the end of the foot and a buckle with a kidney-shaped loop and a metope on the tongue. It is possible that the assemblage was composed of artifacts from two graves or that it contained burials of two individuals with their respective grave goods: the earlier one had artifacts typical of Phase E1 and the later one grave goods dated to the developed Phase E2. The idea of two separate graves is substantiated by the discovery of two knives in grave 31. Two brooches from grave 604 in Miętkie were discovered together with one small yellow glass bead,39 and the fibula from grave 53 in Kielary, with a buckle with a trapeze-shaped loop and rectangular plate decorated with stamped ornament.40 Similar buckles are known from numerous Olsztyn Group assemblages dated to the developed Phase E2. In grave 73 from the Kielary cemetery, one such brooch was found together with belt mounts with openwork ornament, most typical for the later part of Phase E2 and for Phase E3. The case is similar in grave 90 of the same cemetery.41 In grave 21 from the Leleszki cemetery, the brooch of the discussed type was discovered together with a set of belt mounts decorated with stamped ornaments, a damaged, most likely 35  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 97. 36  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” plate XL. 37  Åberg, Ostpreuβen, p. 118 fig. 171. 38  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” pp. 47–48; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 16. 39  The archives of Feliks Jakobson. 40  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 151. 41  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” pp. 181–184; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 160.

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rectangular belt buckle, and a small, yellow glass bead similar to that from grave 604 in Miętkie. The assemblage may also be dated no earlier than the late part of Phase E2. The other known brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary type are stray finds or were discovered with no other grave goods.42 Judging from the available sources, brooches of the Leleszki-Kielary type may be dated to the late part of Phase E2. It is possible that the stylistically earliest specimens were produced at some point during the earlier sub-phase. Such a chronology dating support the idea that this type of brooch derives from the late fibulae of the Tumiany-Dour type, which may be dated to the developed Phase E2, at the earliest. The later variant, the Wólka Prusinowska type, is one of diagnostic artifacts for Phase E3.43 Two brooches of the Csongrád type have been found in graves 23 (Plate VI.1a–c)44 and 16, both imitations of that type (Plate III.2a–d). Those brooches appear in relatively modest numbers between the Maros River and the Upper Rhine. One specimen was found to the west of the Rhine River, in Brochon (France).45 Brooches of the Csongrád type are attributed to the eastern Germanic populations, especially to the Gepids, and indicate the region along the Tisza river as the center of distribution.46 Finds from the Alamannic cemeteries in Basel-Kleinhünningen and Basel-Gotterbarmweg (Switzerland) are in fact regarded as the result of east Germanic influence (Fig. 5.8).47 In the Olsztyn Group the stylistically earliest specimen of that type is most probably the gilded silver brooch from grave 246 in Kosewo, which served a model for local craftsmen who made the imitations found in graves 40 and 73 in Miętkie, grave 103 in Zdory, grave 504 in Kosewo.48 The headplate of Csongrádtype brooch is also known from the excavations at the settlement in Mikołajki, where it was a stray find. It should be noted, however, that the brooch from grave 246 in Kosewo has stylistic features typical of Scandinavian goldsmithing. Most probably it is therefore a local product, like the brooch of the Purda 42  Kühn, “Das Problem,” pp. 97–99. 43  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 81; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 218. 44  Bierbrauer, “Die Dame von Ficarolo,” pp. 322–324. 45  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, plate 266. 46  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, p. 763; Bierbrauer, “Die Dame von Ficarolo,” p. 324; Koch, Bügelfibeln, p. 223. 47  Max Martin, “‘Mixti Alamannis Suevi?’ Der Beitrag der alamanischen Gräberfeld am Basler Rheinknie,” in Probleme der frühen Merowingerzeit im Mitteldonauraum. Materialien des XI. internationalen Symposiums “Grundprobleme der frühgeschichtlichen Entwicklung im nördlichen Mitteldonaugebiet”, Kravsko, 16.–19. November 1998, ed. by Jaroslav Tejral (Brno, 2002), p. 216. 48  Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 302; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 94–100.

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figure 5.8 Brooches of the Csongrád type: a) grave 246 in Kosewo, district of Mrągowo; b) grave 504 in Kosewo; c) grave 23 in Leleszki, district of Szczytno; d) grave 90 in Tumiany, district of Olsztyn; e) unknown location, Hungary After Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland

type together with which it was actually found. The specimens from Leleszki may, however, be imports. Those brooches are slightly different in their stylistic elements from the specimen found in grave 246 of the Kosewo cemetery. They also served as inspiration for the local, Masurian, craftsmen, as indicated by the simplified imitations known from Tumiany.49 In the Carpathain Basin, brooches of the Csongrád type are dated to the late 5th and early 6th century,50 which is equivalent to Phase E1 in the Olsztyn Group chronology. However, it seems that the brooches from Leleszki should be dated to the early part of Phase E2, the period of a visible inflow of bow brooch imports into Masuria.51 Since there are no finds from Phase E1 in grave 23, there are no grounds for an earlier date of the two brooches. The fibula found in grave 42 (Plate VIII.1a–c) is an imitation of the BremenMahndorf type (Fig. 5.9).52 Such brooches have also been found in grave 116 in Tumiany,53 and at an unknown site in the Eastern Prussia.54 Besides one cluster of finds in the area of Mainz, single specimens have been discovered in Keszthely in Hungary and in eastern Germany (Altenhausen and Rossow).55 A fragment of a similar brooch was also accidentally discovered near Bolesławiec, 49  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 102. 50  Bierbrauer, “Die Dame von Ficarolo,” pp. 322–324; Koch, Bügelfibeln, pp. 223–224. 51  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 74; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 213. 52  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, pp. 1266–1272; Pescheck, “Zur bronze Fibel,” pp. 173–183. 53  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 61. 54  Tischler and Kemke, Ostpreussische Altertümer, plate 7. Two specimens come from an unknown site “in Warmia” and are now part of a private collection. 55  Pescheck, “Zur bronze Fibel,” pp. 173–183.

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figure 5.9 Brooches of the Bremen-Mahndorf type. a. Rossow, district Passewalk, b. Altenhausen, district Haldenseben, c. Kleinlangheim, district Kitzingen, grave 37, d. Bremen-Mahndorf, grave 1, e. “East Prussia”. a–d After Pescheck, Zu Bronzefibel, e. After Kühn, Germanische Bügelfibeln

in Lower Silesia.56 Brooches of this type represent a simplified variant of the Mainz type.57 The brooch from Leleszki and another two from an unknown site in Eastern Prussia resemble specimens discovered beyond the eastern border of the Frankish state. They have simplified forms and a schematic decoration. They are dated to the late 6th century and to the first half of the 7th century.58 Because of evident degeneration of the decoration in comparison to the West European forms, the brooches from Masuria should be dated to the first half of the 7th century.59 That chronology, converted into the conventional dating for the Olsztyn Group, is the equivalent of Phase E3. As grave 42 in Leleszki did not contain any other artifacts, it is however impossible to verify that chronology. A bow brooch (Plate IX.10a–c) of Werner’s Pergamon-Tei type is a stray find from Leleszki. Those brooches are so small, that Werner called them “miniature brooches,”60 and, as a rule, they are not decorated. In Masuria, besides the

56  Currently in a private collection. 57  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, pp. 1266–1272. 58  Bertold Schmidt, Die späte Völkerwanderungszeit in Mitteldeutschland. Katalog (Nord- und Ostteil), Veröffentlichungen des Landesmuseums für Vargeschichte in Halle, 29 (Halle, 1976); Göldner, Studien, p. 198; Voß, “Fragment,” p. 301; Pescheck, “Zur bronze Fibel,” p. 176. 59  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 284. 60  Werner, “Slawische Bügelfibeln,” p. 154.

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specimen from Leleszki, another was found in Tylkowo,61 a stray find just like that from Leleszki. Brooches of this type are widespread, especially at sites connected with the Pen’kivka and Prague cultures.62 The artifacts found in the Olsztyn Group make up the only separate cluster to the north of the Carpathian Mountains. On the basis of their stylistic features and co-occurrence with early Slavic pottery, it is assumed that they were used between the 2nd half of the 6th century and the mid-7th century.63 Some researchers also claim that they may be dated to the earlier time, i.e., the first half of the 6th century.64 Unfortunately, finds from the Olsztyn Group are stray finds and cannot be used to refine the chronology. However, they should be connected with the inflow of artifacts from Southeastern Europe to be dated to the late part of Phase E2 and Phase E3.65 In grave 39a, a bronze crossbow brooch was found (Plate VII.5a–c) with a developed trapeze-shaped metope on the head and a transverse bar on the foot. This is a late form of so-called Schlusskreuzfibeln (Fig. 5.10). The developed trapeze-shaped metope on the head, the wide bar at the end of the foot, and the knee-shaped bow are all indication that this brooch does not represent belong to the variants of Schlusskreuzfibeln dated to the earliest part of Phase E, but rather to those dated to Phase E2.66 Brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot are one of the earliest forms of crossbow brooches typical for the Olsztyn Group, which ultimately derive from the brooches of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo type frequently found in the West Balt area.67 This group of brooches clearly underwent a number of stylistic changes, which led to the appearance of ladder brooches, brooches with trapeze-shaped heads and feet, as well as hybrid forms typical for the developed Phase E.68 There were also visible changes in the length and proportions of the bow. The earliest specimens are slim and have semi-circular, elongated bows. Their heads are decorated with small, poorly marked-out metopes. The transverse bar at the end 61  Kühn, “Das Problem,” p. 88. Similar brooches havealso been found in grave 22 of the Waplewo cemetery, and in grave 13 of the Kielary cemetery (, Hilberg Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 407 and 498). There are no exact replicas of any of those fibulae. 62  Teodor, “Fibule ‘digitate’,” pp. 119–152; Vagalinski, “Zur Frage,” pp. 261–305; Florin Curta, “Werner’s class I H of ‘Slavic’ bow fibulae revisited,” Archaeologia Bulgarica, 8 (2004), pp. 59–78. 63  Vagalinski, “Zur Frage”, p. 276–278. 64  Fiedler, “Studien zu Gräberfeldern”, p. 56; idem, 2010, p. 245; Curta, “Werner’s class I H”, p. 67. 65  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią”, p. 78; idem, “Chronologia”, p. 223. 66  Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen”, pp. 291–302. 67  Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland, pp. 46–47. 68  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 122–127; Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” p. 297.

The Cemetery in Leleszki

figure 5.10

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The development of the Schlusskreuzfibeln in the area of the Olsztyn Group After Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen”

of the foot is usually slim and sometimes decorated with engraved x-shaped ornaments. With time, bows became clearly shorter and wider. The length and proportions of the brooches also changed. They became shorter and squatter. The metopes were more clearly marked, of rectangular or trapeze shape. The latest Schlusskreuzfibeln also had metopes between the foot and head, on one hand, and the bow, on the other, hence the name “ladder brooches.”69 The early, long, forms of Schlusskreuzfibeln are relatively rare in Olsztyn Group assemblages. They have been found, for example, in grave 90 in Miętkie,70 69  Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” pp. 296–297. 70  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 225 fig. 9.

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and in graves 2, 240, 326, 337, and 594 in Kosewo (Fig. 5.11). By contrast, such brooches are more numerous in the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture, e.g., in Bażyny (former Basien, in the district of Lidzbark), grave 11 in Grachevka (former Craam, in the Kaliningrad region), grave 19 in Pesochnoe (former Detlevsruh, in the Kaliningrad region), grave 119 in Kovrovo (former Dollkeim, in the Kaliningrad region), graves 21 and 38 in Soldatovo (former Friedrichstal, in the region of Kaliningrad), graves 11 and 31, former Kadigehnen (in the region of Kaliningrad), and grave 15 in Zelenogradsk (former Schlakalken, in the Kaliningrad region).71 This may suggest that Schlusskreuzfibeln originated in that area.72 Brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot are dated to Phase V of the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture, which embraces the earlier part of the Migration period.73 According to Jerzy Okulicz, such brooches are typical for the earliest part of Phase E, i.e., ca. 450/475–525.74 That chronology has also been supported by Jacek Kowalski.75 Niels Åberg, however, has dated the development of the Schlusskreuzfibeln to the early 6th century, and has derived them from the brooches with long feet decorated with small poorly markedout, cross-shaped metopes.76 He also noted the similarity between brooches with star-shaped foot and the specimen from grave 60 in Warnikam. Also similar are the brooches found in graves 42 and 49 on that site. The specimen from grave 60 was found together with tongue-shaped strap ends decorated with stamped ornament, so it may be the earliest dated brooch from the entire group. However, the specimen from Warnikam is quite unique. Another exceptional feature of Schlusskreuzfibeln is the short catchplate. It seems that they developed on the basis of brooches with massive catchplates of the DollkeimKovrovo type,77 because of their stylistic similarities. In graves 18 and 212 of the cemetery excavated in the former village of Eisliethen (now within the region of Kaliningrad), two brooches related to that type, with slightly marked-out metopes at the end of their feet, were discovered, and the specimen from grave 18 was accompanied by a damaged tongue-shaped strap end,78which allows a date within Phase D to be established for that assemblage. There is no reason to believe that Schlusskreuzfibeln began to develop in the early 6th century. Such a late dating suggested by Åberg would result in 71  The archives of Feliks Jakobson. 72  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 122. 73  Nowakowski, Das Samland, plate 107. 74  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 108. 75  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” p. 76; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 221. 76  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 120–124. 77  Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland, p. 50. 78  The archives of Feliks Jakobson.

The Cemetery in Leleszki

figure 5.11

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The distribution of Schlusskreuzfibeln in Europe After Kontny and Szymański, “Zapinka”

a relatively late chronology for the origin of ladder brooches.79 As already mentioned, forms preceding the appearance of the “classical” brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot may be dated to the developed Phase D. However, there are no grounds for a similar dating of the fully developed, early forms of Schlusskreuzfibeln. One of the earliest artifacts of that type, with a clear chronology is the silver brooch from grave 1 in Warnikam. The brooch was discovered together with two gold rosettes decorated with garnets, most probably produced in a workshop in Gaul,80 with two silver buckles with thickened loops and tongues decorated with large cross-shaped metopes, a massive spur with riveted pricks, and fragments of gold sheet decorated with embossed ornament.81 The buckle is a variant of Madyda-Legutko’s type H 38–39,82 dated to Phase D. The well marked-out metope on the tongue represents a form 79  Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” pp. 288–289. 80  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 105. 81  Kulakov, “Warnikam,” p. 599; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 316–317. 82  Madyda-Legutko, Die Gürtelschnallen, plate 20.

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preceding the so-called cross-shaped tongue typical for buckles of Phase E. Massive spurs with rivets occur on West Balt sites in assemblages of both the early and late part of the Migration period. The specimen from grave 1 resembles variant D of the Leuna type.83 The assemblage from that grave is dated to the second half of the 5th century,84 i.e., to the transition between Phase D and E. This illustrates the problem of distinguishing between those two phases, which Jerzy Okulicz first noted.85 There is no reason to date this assemblage to the mid-6th century.86 One of the earliest Schlusskreuzfibeln in Masuria is the brooch from grave 2 in Kosewo, which was found together with a buckle with thickened loop and a marked-out metope on the tongue.87 In its style, that buckle resembles the artifact from grave 1 in Warnikam. The assemblage may be dated to late Phase D. The brooch from grave 337 in Kosewo was discovered together with a massive rivet spur with a vertical hook, a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and a semi-circular plate, and another with thickened loop and marked-out metope.88 The spur has an analogy in the Olsztyn Group materials of Phase E, but there are also specimens dated to the later part of Phase D, e.g., Olsztyn, in the Częstochowa district.89 The buckle with a semi-circular loop is especially important for refining the dating. It has a tongue with a marked-out metope similar to the form typical for the late Migration period. The tongue is, however, decorated with a cross-shaped ornament, which is rather rare in the developed Phase E. It thus seems possible to date the assemblage from grave 337 in Kosewo to the early Phase E. In grave 769, a Schlusskreuzfibel was found together with a small buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and a kidney-shaped loop.90 The tongue of that buckle does not represent a fully developed form typical of Phase E2, and thus the whole assemblage may be dated to Phase E1. Another assemblage with a similar date is that from grave 90 in Miętkie, in which a massive brooch was found together with a buckle with a kidneyshaped frame and a tongue decorated with a massive cross-shaped metope.91 83  Ulrike Giesler, “Jüngerkaiserzeitliche Nietknopfsporen mit Dreipunkthalterung vom Typ Leuna,” Saalburg Jahrbuch 35 (1978), pp. 5–56. 84  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, p. 319. 85  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 106–107. 86  Kulakov, “Warnikam,” p. 614. For the date of grave 1 in Warnikam, see Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 316–317. 87  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 245. 88  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 308. 89  Jerzy Szydłowski, Trzy cmentarzyska typu dobrodzieńskiego (Bytom, 1974), plate 41. 90  The archives of Feliks Jakobson. 91  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 225 fig. 9.

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The latest, massive variants of brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot, which gave rise to the ladder brooches, were in fashion until the early part of Phase E2. In grave 68 of the Kosewo cemetery, two massive silver brooches with marked-out metopes at the junction of the foot and the bow have been found together with an eagle-headed buckle most likely brought from the Gepid areas92 and dated to the first half of the 6th century.93 At the beginning of Phase E, brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot began to develop along two different lines, one producing ladder brooches and the other, brooches with trapeze-shaped foot and head. The latter seem to have been derived from the fibula found in grave 27 of the Kielary cemetery. The specimen has a marked out trapeze-shaped head and a trapeze-like transverse bar at the end of the foot. Also, the decoration of the upper part of the foot is remarkable in its similarity to that on the brooches from grave 368 in Kosewo. The assemblage from grave 27 in Kielary comprises artifacts typical for the developed Phase E, characteristic of the fully formed Olsztyn Group, such as a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue, a lancet-shaped strap end, and a plate-rivet spur.94 The split development of the Schlusskreuzfibeln into two variants and the disappearance of those brooches in Phase E2 is confirmed by their absence from assemblages of the late Phase E, in contrast to ladder brooches and brooches with trapeze-shaped heads and feet. In grave 18 (Plate IV.2a–c) and 44 (Plate VIII 2a–b) bronze crossbow ladder brooches (Armbrustsprossenfibeln) have been found. Those brooches are the most frequent type of crossbow brooches in the Olsztyn Group and the West Balt circle95 (Fig. 5.12). The characteristic transverse bars are placed at the joint between the bow, the head, and the foot, as well as at the end of the foot. Ornaments of this type are numerous in the Balt areas extending along the southern coast of the Baltic.96 A few such specimens have been discovered to the west and south of the West Balt territory, e.g., in Prützke,97 Seetz98 (both in Brandenburg), as well as in Warsaw-Wawer.99 They derive from the late forms 92  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 117–118; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 236; Rudnicki, “Zespół zabytków,” pp. 445–447. 93  Nagy, “Die gepidischen Adlerschnallen,” p. 369. 94  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 133. 95  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 126; Hollack and Peiser, Das Gräberfeld von Moythienen, p. 36; Engel, Aus ostpreuβischer Vorzeit, p. 98; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 482. 96  Šturms, “Zur etnischen Deutung,” p. 20, fig. 1. 97  Unwerzagt, “Zur Armbrustsprossenfibel,” pp. 145–147. 98  Voß, “Fragment,” p. 296. 99  Tomasz Rakowski,” Znalezisko bałtyjskiej zapinki szczeblowej z warszawskiego Wawra,” Wiadomości Archeologiczne 64 (2013), pp. 227–228.

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figure 5.12

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The distribution of Armbrustsprossenfibeln in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

of brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot.100 Most probably the brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot disappeared in the earlier part of Phase E2 (525–570), probably in the middle of the 6th century,101 as ladder brooches and the brooches with trapeze-shaped heads and feet were coming into use. This is earlier than the date advanced by Niels Åberg.102 The early Schlusskreuzfibeln decoration of the end of the foot with the metopes in the shape of St Andrew’s cross disappeared in the mid-6th century as well. Brooches with large flat transverse ridges similar in their width to the length of the spring are considered to be diagnostic artifacts for the later part of Phase E2 and E3.103 Such brooches probably ceased to be used in Masuria in the late Phase E. The latest Masurian finds have pseudo-chords, e.g.,

100  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 126. 101  Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” pp. 297–298. 102  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 126–127. 103  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 80–81; Kowalski, “Chronologia”, p. 223.

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grave 80 in Tumiany,104 or grave 85 in Nowinka. In the Elbląg group, primitive ladder brooches cut out of metal sheet have been found, e.g., in grave 105 of the cemetery excavated in Nowinka,105 but such artifacts are so far absent from assemblages of the Olsztyn Group. Equally absent from Masuria are the latest, cast brooches, even though in the East Balt areas such forms survive well into the 9th century.106 The artifacts from Leleszki represent earlier stylistic forms than the latest ladder brooches, an indication that their chronology could be pushed as late as the developed Phase E2. The latest short and wide specimens occur most often with artifacts typical of the late phase of the Olsztyn Group, e.g., in grave 31 of the Tumiany cemetery, in which two specimens have been found together with a primitive rectangular brooch, a so-called Schnallenfibel.107 In grave 36 of that same cemetery, a ladder brooch was discovered together with a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and an openwork plate,108 which is a stylistically late variant, according to Niels Åberg.109 In grave 6 of the cemetery excavated in Kielary, a similar brooch was found together with an Avar-age strap end and a bow brooch of the Novi Banovci-Kielary type.110 According to Åberg the earliest ladder brooches have a marked-out transverse bar at the end of the foot, a trapeze-shaped metope on the head, and an only slightly marked-out metope at the junction between foot and bow. The later specimens have a clearly marked-out transverse ridge below the trapezeshaped metope on the head. The well-developed ladder brooches have four transverse ridges of similar length,111 usually not longer than the axle of the spring. As the transverse ridges on the bow developed, the form of the bow itself also changed. The earliest Schlusskreuzfibeln had narrow bows, semi-circular

104  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 50. 105  Bartosz Kontny, “Odwrotna strona medalu, czyli w kwestii konstrukcji zapinek szczeblowych słów kilka,” in Terra Barbarica. Studia ofiarowane Magdalenie Mączyńskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Agnieszka Urbaniak, Radosław Prochowicz, Ireneusz Jakubczyk, Maksim Levada, and Jan Schuster, Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, Series Gemina, 2 (Łódź/Warsaw, 2010), pp. 326–327. 106  Audrone Bliujienė, Vikingų epochos kuršių papuošalų ornamentika (Vilnius, 1999), pp. 93–96. 107  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 16–17. 108  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 23. 109  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 118, fig. 171. 110  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 110–111. 111  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 126.

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in shape, e.g., in grave 1 in Warnikam,112 or in Fürstenwalde.113 In later specimens the bow becomes more massive, but it is still semi-circular in shape, e.g., in graves 26 and 31 of the Tumiany cemetery.114 The bows of the early ladder brooches are bent at the right angles and the same is true for the later ladder brooches and massive brooches with trapeze-shaped feet and heads, e.g., in graves 18, 32, and 39 of the Tumiany cemetery,115 and in the massive crossbow brooches decorated with rings of incised wire. In the latter case, however, the bend in the bow is closer to the feet in contrast to crossbow brooches of the A 161–162 type, in which the bend in the bow is closer to the head.116 There are also changes in the cross-section of the bow. Earlier Schlusskreuzfibeln have bows with semi-circular cross-section, in ladder brooches, the cross-section is wide and relatively flat.117 The late form of bow in the crossbow brooches was probably formed by the end of the first half of the 6th century, at the time when late massive brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot had ceased to be used. In grave 86 of the Kielary cemetery, a brooch with poorly marked-out transverse ridge at the junction of the bow and the foot occur together with a spur with hookshaped ends turned outwards, and a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and plate similar in shape to a triangle.118 The plate is similar to variant 12 according to Åberg,119 which suggests a late date. Artifacts of a similar shape have been found in graves 22, 78, and 86 in Kielary,120 as well as in grave 23 in Leleszki,121 in which the buckle was accompanied by two bronze brooches of the Csongrád type dated to the 6th century,122 but also by beads decorated with colorful convex eyes and crisscrossing glass threads, which are of slightly later date.

112  Kulakov, “Warnikam,” p. 599. 113  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 274 fig. 15. 114  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 9 and 16. 115  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 6, 18, and 25. 116  Oskar Almgren, Studien über Nordeuropaische Fibelformen (Leipzig, 1923), plate 7. 117  Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” p. 297 fig. 3. 118  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 171. 119  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 118 fig. 171. 120  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 128, 164, and 171. 121  Bujack, “Ostpreussen,” p. 437; Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32. 122  Kühn, Die germanischen Bügelfibeln der Völkerwanderungszeit im Mitteldeutschland, p. 578; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 303; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 94–103.

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Such beads were produced in the Frankish area.123 They are typically found in Early Avar assemblages dated to the turn of the 6th and 7th century.124 In grave 117 of the Tumiany cemetery, an early brooch with transverse ridges was discovered. The assemblage contained also a shield-on-tongue buckle with a rectangular plate.125 Such buckles appeared in Masuria as a result of contacts with the Merovingian or south Scandinavian areas (Gotland126 and Kleinlangheim127). Buckles with rectangular plates are, in contrast, not numerous in Masuria. A specimen similar to that from Tumiany is a stray find from Wyszembork.128 Grave 41 of the Tumiany cemetery produced, a similar, slim ladder brooch found together with lancet-shaped strap ends and a buckle with a massive crossshaped tongue and oval-shaped plate decorated with stamped ornament.129 Lancet-shaped strap ends are typical for Olsztyn Group assemblages. Those in grave 41 are characteristic for the developed Phase E, while the buckle may have derived from buckles of Phase D that are numerous in central Europe. However, the Tumiany buckle has a cross-shaped tongue, which is typical for the West Balt Circle in Phase E. Its massive form suggests an earlier date. Moreover, the three massive rivets are typical for the late Migrations period. Most probably, the buckle from grave 41 is an example of long use of such dress accessories made in the style typical of Phase D. The buckle and the brooch may therefore be dated to the earlier part of the developed Phase E. A similar buckle discovered together with a brooch at the same stage of development was discovered in grave 26 in Tumiany. The assemblage consists also of a platerivet spur, a lancet-shaped strap end and a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue.130 That grave should be dated to the developed Phase E. In grave 78 of the Kielary cemetery, an early ladder brooch was found together with buckles with cross-shaped tongues and an exceptional brooch made from a zoomorphic ornament similar to Scandinavian helmet decorations dated to 123  Ursula Koch, “Mediterrane und fränkische Glasprlen des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts aus Finnland,” in Studien zur vor und frühgeschichtlischen Archäologie Festschrift für Joachim Werner zum 65. Geburstag, ed. by Georg Kossack, and Günther Ulbert, vol. 2 (Munich, 1974), p. 511. 124  Irén Juhász, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld in Szarvas-Grexa-Téglagyár, FO 68 (Budapest, 2004), p. 54. 125  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 68. 126  Nerman, Die Vendelzeit, plate 26. 127  Christian Pescheck, Das fränkische Reihengräberfeld von Kleinlangheim, Lkr. Kitzingen/ Nordbayern, Germanische Denkmäler der Völkerwanderungszeit, 17 (Mainz, 1996), plate 1. 128  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, plate 9. 129  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 27. 130  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 27.

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the late 6th and early 7th century.131 A similar brooch was found in grave 142 in Tumiany together with a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and a triangular plate,132 which in turn is similar to Frankish specimens, such as that from grave 195 in Kleinlangheim.133 Similar buckles with a triangular plate from row-grave cemeteries are dated to the second phase of the earlier Merovingian period (AM II), i.e., between 520/30 and 560/70.134 In the Olsztyn Group, which had very noticeable contacts with the Merovingian world, they should be probably dated to the third quarter of the 6th century, i.e., to the developed Phase E2. The analysis of the archaeological record shows that brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot disappeared in the earlier part of Phase E2 (525–570), probably around the mid-6th century,135 while at the same time ladder brooches and brooches with trapeze-shaped feet and heads came in fashion. This is earlier than Niels Åberg believed to have been.136 Gone in the mid-6th century were also metopes at the end of the foot, in the form of St. Andrew cross, which are typical for the early Schlusskreuzfibeln. This decoration goes back to the end of the Roman period and the early Migration period, when it appeared on metopes on the tongues of some buckles of MadydaLegutko’s Group H (38–39),137 as well as on some forms of brooches.138 The chronology of brooches with a transverse bar at the end of the foot and that of ladder brooches may be refined on the basis of access to new archival source materials and the considerable progress in the study on the Migration period in central and western Europe. Brooches with large transverse ridges similar in their width to the axle of the spring are among the diagnostic forms for the later part of Phase E2 and for Phase E3.139 Such brooches were out of fashion in Masuria during the late Phase E. The latest Masurian finds have pseudo-chords, e.g., grave 80 in Tumiany,140 but cast specimens which are known in the East Balt areas well into the 9th century,141 have not been so far found in Masuria. 131  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 164; Hilberg, “Die westbaltischen Stämme,” p. 307; Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 198–201. 132  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 74. 133  Pescheck, Das fränkische Reihengräberfeld, plate 46. 134  Ament, “Zur archäologischen Periodiesierung,” p. 336 fig. 20. 135  Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” pp. 297–298. 136  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 126–127. 137  Madyda-Legutko, Die Gürtelschnallen, plate 20. 138  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 122 fig. 173. 139  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 80–81; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223. 140  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 50. 141  Bliujienė, Vikingų epochos, pp. 93–96.

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Two unusual brooches have been found in grave 12 (Plate I.8a–b). The heads of those brooches have a disc-like, circular form with six droplet-shaped incisions arranged in a rosette. The foot has two broad, transverse bars. The brooches are decorated with triangular stamps. Distant analogies to those brooches are known from grave XXIX from Kielary142 and from Tumiany.143 The unique form of the Leleszki brooches makes the analysis difficult. It is possible that those artifacts are hybrids of ladder and disc-brooches. Their feet resemble the latest forms of ladder brooches dated to the late part of Phase E2, at the earliest. It is precisely during that phase that disc-brooches first appeared in Olsztyn Group assemblages. The Leleszki brooches may therefore be cautiously dated to Phase E2b, at the earliest, possibly also to Phase E3. In grave 15 two disc-brooches have been found that were most probably decorated with mounts of silver sheet (Plate III.1a–b). This is one of the most common type of brooches in the Olsztyn Group (Fig. 5.13). Similar specimens have been discovered in Tylkowo,144 graves 86, 95, 97, 104, 110, 137 in Tumiany, graves 10 and 18 in Kielary,145 grave 78 in Miętkie I B,146 grave 63 in Zalec,147 grave 392 in Kosewo I, and graves 41 and 215 in Kosewo III,148 as well as in Wólka Prusinowska149 and Burdąg.150 Such brooches are also known from assemblages of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, e.g., such as those from Vetrovo (former Ekritten),151 Suvorovo (former Zohpen), Kholmogor’e (former Kipitten),152 former Koddien (near Gvardeisk)—all in the region of Kaliningrad—or Vėžaičiai (former Weszeiten, in the Šilutė district of presentday Lithuania).153 They also appear in assemblages of the Elbląg Group, e.g., grave 76 in Łęcze,154 but are attributed to contacts with the Olsztyn Group.155 142  H  ollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld,” p. 195 fig. 76; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 282 fig. 223. 143  Marian Kaczyński,” Katalog,” in Die Balten. Die nördlichen Nachbarn der Slawen, ed. by Gerd Biegel and Jan Jaskanis, (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1987), p. 147 fig. 558. 144  Wojciech Nowakowski, Die Funde der römischen Kaiserzeit und der Völkerwanderungszeit in Masuren (Berlin, 1998), p. 108. 145  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 53, 59, 61, 65, 72, 116, and 124. 146  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 147  Szymański, “Cmentarzysko,” p. 166. 148  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” pp. 318, 390, and 420. 149  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 102. 150  Unpublished results of the excavations carried out in 2014 by the author of this book. 151  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 152  Kulakov, Drevnosti, plates 8 and 11. 153  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 102. 154  Dorr, Die Gräberfelder, p. 20 fig. 6. 155  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 101–102; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 276; Nowakowski, Od Galindai, p. 52; Nowakowski, Die Funde, p. 58.

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figure 5.13

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The distribution of disc-brooches in the area of the Olsztyn Group. Map drawn by the author

The brooches found in grave 15 have discs each made from a bronze sheet decorated with impressed ornaments. This ornamental technique appeared in Masuria in the late Migration period, most probably as a result of the West European influence. There are no forms in Masurian assemblages of the early Migrationor Roman period that could have served as models for those brooches. They first appear in the developed Phase E, the “golden age” of the Olsztyn Group. In most cases, the decorative plate was attached directly to the base, but sometimes the two plates are separated by an inset made of wood or antler.156 Sometimes circular discs decorated with mounts of metal sheet, similar in their form to brooches, were used as pendants, e.g., in Miętkie.157 Especially interesting in this respect are the disc-brooches from graves 90 and 110 in Tumiany, as well as from grave 647 in Miętkie. All have silver mounts

156  Szymański, “Cmentarzysko,” p. 166. 157  Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, plate 96.

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decorated with an equal-armed cross.158 In western Europe, such brooches, typically found in the Upper Rhine region, are believed to have a Christian significance. A few specimens discovered in the lands to the east of the river Rhine have even been associated with the activity of the Frankish missions.159 Even though it is difficult to find exact analogies among them for the Masurian specimens, the latter’s connection with western Europe is beyond doubt. However, there are no reasons to link such finds with missionary activities. A decoration similar to that on the brooches from Tumiany and Miętkie appears on a gold brooch decorated with filigree and almandines, which was discovered in arow-grave cemetery in Neuses.160 Most probably the Masurian specimens are imitations of Frankish fibulae, the Christian symbols of which were reproduced mechanically. There is so far no detailed chronology of those disc-brooches. In grave 38 of the Tumiany cemetery, the brooch was associated with a richly decorated brooch of the Tumiany type.161 This is probably one of latest burials in that cemetery.162 The brooch found in grave 90 in Tumiany was associated with a buckle with a narrowed loop, most typical for the final phase of the Olsztyn Group,163 The buckle may be of Avar origin, and a similar date may be advanced for the associated diamond-shaped pendants made of bronze sheet, which have good analogies in the early Slavic stronghold in Szeligi (district of Płock), where they have been found together with materials dated to the 7th century.164 The brooch from grave 18 in Kielary was found in an urn grave together with a simple bronze buckle and two bronze rings with tapering hook-shaped terminals,165 which are typical for Phase E3.166 The brooch from Kholmogor’e (former Kipitten) was discovered together with a buckle with narrowed loop and early spurs of Čilinska’s type II.167 The brooch from grave 63 in Zalec was

158  H  eydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 8; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 56 and 65; the archive of Feliks Jakobson. 159  Klein-Pfeuffer, Merowingerzeitliche Fibeln, pp. 222–223. 160  Haberstroh, “Ein merowingischer Friedhof,” p. 147 fig. 109. 161  Bitner-Wróblewska, From Samland, p. 84. 162  Bitner-Wróblewska, “Die Periodiesierung,” p. 398. 163  Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter,” p. 48; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 108–109. 164  Szymański, “Beitrage zum Problem,” p. 91; Parczewski, Początki kultury, pp. 82–84. 165  Hollack, Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 172; Jakobson, Die Brandgräber­ felder, plate 124. 166  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 124. 167  Čilinská, Slawisch-awarisches Gräbefeld, p. 191; von zur Mühlen, Die Kultur der Wikinger, p. 47; Kulakov, Drevnosti, p. 63.

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found together with an antler, double-sided comb (and its case), which is typical for the late Migration period and the early Middle Ages.168 Circular brooches with mounts decorated in the repoussé technique appear in western Europe in the 7th century.169 It is, however, possible that some forms of disc-brooches appeared in Masuria through contacts with the Carpathian Basin. Although disc-brooches are not known from assemblages linked to the culture of the nomads, they nonetheless appear on Avar-age cemetery sites as a result of the Byzantine and Germanic influences, particularly during the early Avar age.170 Taking into account the fact that the materials of the Olsztyn Group degenerated and then disappeared at the end of the 7th century, the Masurian disc-brooches cannot be dated earlier than the late 6th or the first quarter of the 7th century. Most probably they remained in fashion until the end of Phase E.171 In grave 24 there were two circular disc brooches decorated with a boss in the center (Plate V.7a–b). Brooches of that type are known from graves 333 and 442 in Kosewo I, grave 88 in Zdory, and grave XXVIII in Kielary. A few specimens have also been discovered on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, e.g., grave 41 in Beriozovka (former Naunienen) or grave 15 in Vetkino (former Siegesdicken),172 as well as in assemblages of the Elbląg Group, e.g., grave 34 in Nowinka.173 The appearance of those brooches in the West Balt areas is the result of Frankish influence. Brooches with bosses of Böhner’s type F are typically found on row-grave cemetery sites in assemblages dated to the 7th century.174 From the Frankish areas, such brooches reached the neighboring territories occupied by Alamanns, Bavarians, or Lombards.175 Some finds are also known 168  Sigrid Thomas, “Studien zu den Germanischen Kämmen der Römischen Kaiserzeit,” Arbeits- und Forschungsberichte zur sächsischen Bodendenkmalpflege 8 (1966), p. 210; Eugeniusz Cnotliwy, Rzemiosło rogownicze na Pomorzu wczesnośredniowiecznym (Wrocław/Warsaw/Kraków/Gdańsk, 1973), p. 195; Szymański, “Cmentarzysko,” pp. 170–171. 169  Klein-Pfeuffer, Merowingerzeitliche Fibeln, p. 223. 170  Garam, “Die awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln,” pp. 101–135. 171  Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter,” pp. 45–49; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 109. 172  Rudnicki, “Eine Scheibenfibel,” p. 82. 173  Bartosz Kontny, Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, and Mirosław Pietrzak, Nowinka site 1. The cemetery from the Late Migration Period in the northern Poland (Gdańsk/Warsaw, 2011), plate 23. 174  Kurt Böhner, Die fränkischen Altertümer des Trierer Landes, Germanische Denkmäler Völkerwanderugszeit, B1 (Berllin, 1958), p. 110; Ament, “Zur archäologischen Periodie­ sierung,” p. 135. 175   Marion Bertram, “Bronzescheibenfibeln mit Mittelbuckel,” in Merowingerzeit. Die Altertümer im Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, ed. by Marion Bertram (Mainz, 1995), p. 75.

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from Avar-age sites. In Masuria they may be regarded as an indication of contacts with western Europe during the 7th century, after the disappearance of bow brooches in Phase E2. This is true also for the Elbląg Group. In the Nowinka cemetery brooches with bosses are typical for the latest phase of the cemetery dated to the first half of the 7th century. In the Olsztyn Group, such brooches appear in Phase E3, i.e., during the decline. Some exceptionally decorated brooches, such as that from grave 442 in Kosewo 442 with a silver gilded disc decorated with filigree,176 indicate that neither interregional contacts, nor local craftsmanship in Masuria came to an abrupt end, as previously assumed. The evidence of interregional contacts at the end of the late Migration period is documented, for example, by finds from the Wólka Prusinowska cemetery.177 Another brooch form is represented by the diamond-shaped disc brooches from grave 11. Both are made of bronze (plate I.7a–b). Only the drawing of them survived. The plate of that brooch is decorated with three bands of small bosses along the edge.178 The central part of the plate, between the bands of bosses, is undecorated. The brooch has a rather primitive hinge construction. The pin is made of wire coiled at one end. The coiled end is attached to a piece of wire, which, in turn, is fastened to the plate. This may well be a so-called Schnallenfibel, that is a rectangular or hexagonal bow brooch with a simple hinge construction. Two more, miniature rectangular brooches are known from grave 31, but no precise drawings and only a brief description exist. Those brooches are among the latest artifacts found in the Olsztyn Group, and thus are dated to Phase E3. The disc brooch from grave 44 (plate VIII.11a–b) is one of the most interesting and best-known artifacts from the cemetery at Leleszki.179 It is made of bronze, has a hinge construction typical of artifacts found in the Roman provinces, and a relief conical disc (0.11–0.15 cm high, and 0.33 cm in diameter). On the edge of the disc there are six evenly distributed, pentagonal knobs, with pockets which originally held grooved enamel (plate IX.3a–c, X.1a–b). Sigrid Thomas has determined this to be a tutulus brooch with a relief disc.180 The brooch is one of the Roman imports discovered in Masuria. In the Roman provinces, such 176  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” p. 327. 177  Nowakowski, “Schyłek grupy olsztyńskiej,” pp. 407–417. 178  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32. 179  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 32; Ebert, Truso, p. 80; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 284; Nowakowski, Corpus, plate 1; Sigrid Thomas, “Die provinzialrömischen und germanischen Scheibenfibeln der römischen Kaiserzeit im freien Germanien,” Berliner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 6 (1966), pp. 162–163. 180  Thomas, “Die provinzialrömischenund germanischen Scheibenfibeln,” p. 163.

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dress accessories were in fashion at the beginning of the second half of the 3rd century, namely in the early Phase C1, according to the relative chronology in use in East Central Europe.181 However, the assemblage in grave 44 is clearly of a later date, namely within Phase E2. How could a Roman brooch from the Roman end up in a burial assemblage of the late Migration period? According to Georg Bujack, all finds from grave 44 were in one urn,182 and the homogeneity of the assemblage is unquestionable.183 More importantly, the brooch in question has wear traces, which suggests that is was actually used for the intervening 300 to 350 years. The brooch may have also been obtained by the population of the Olsztyn Group population from an earlier grave, accidentally disturbed and secondarily used as a kind of historical monument.184 Finally, it should be noted that ladder and disc brooches from the same chronological phase do not appear together in burial assemblages of the Olsztyn Group. If the brooch came from a disturbed grave of the Roman age, what was its cultural affiliation? The cemetery at Leleszki is within one area of the Olsztyn Group that, given the current state of research, does not seem to have been occupied during the previous period. In fact, it may have been a buffer zone separating the Wielbark and Bogaczewo cultures.185 The West Balt settlement connected with the Olsztyn Group began in this area as late as Phase E, moving westwards towards the Olsztyn Lakeland previously inhabited by the population of the Wielbark culture. The possibility of an earlier cemetery in Leleszki cannot be excluded, but there is no basis for determining its cultural affiliation. If the brooch came from an earlier, accidentally disturbed burial, it most probably came from the area of the Bogaczewo culture, and was later taken to the west by the migrating population of the Olsztyn Group. 5.4.2 Bracelets A miniature bronze bracelet was discovered in grave 39b (plate VII.8a–b). It is open, its terminals are flared and the wire from which it was made is 0,1 cm in diameter. In the same grave another specimen was found which, according to Kurt Voigtmann, was damaged by fire.186 Both bracelets were decorated with 181  Godłowski, The Chronology, pp. 95–96. 182  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” pp. 30–31. 183  Ebert, Truso, p. 80; Nowakowski, Corpus, 67. 184  Nowakowski, “Schyłek,” p. 411. 185  Adam Cieśliński, Kulturelle Veränderungen und Besiedlungsablaufe im Gebiet der WielbarkKultur an Łyna, Pasłęka und oberer Drwęca, Berliner Beiträge zur vor- und Frühgeschichte. Neue Folge, 17 (Berlin, 2010), Map 1, 6. 186  The archive of Kurt Voigtmann.

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a stamped ornament typical for the Olsztyn Group in the developed Phase E. Band-shaped bracelets are relatively rare in assemblages of that group. A wellpreserved specimen was discovered in Tylkowo.187 Two other specimens have been found in grave Ia in Kielary.188 Bracelet fragments are also known from graves 1 and 7 in Piecki189 and from Kosewo III.190 Such bracelet was popular in the Saxon milieu.191 Their foreign origin seems to be confirmed by relative scarcity of finds in Masuria, the neighboring areas, and the Bogaczewo culture which preceded the Olsztyn Group in the Masurian Lakeland. Well-dated artifacts were found in grave 1 in Piecki, together with a bow brooch of the Pleniţa-Tumiany type, and a hollow stem cup. The assemblage may be dated to the later part of Phase E2,192 and the same date may be advanced for the specimens from grave 39b in Leleszki. Graves 7 (plate I.1), 11 (plate I.2) and 31 (plate VII.1) produced bronze wire, open rings with hook-shaped terminals, each being 6.5 cm in diameter. According to Jerzy Okulicz, those were female dress accessories. He distinguished three types: carefully executed specimens made of silver or gold, twisted bronze (Phases D2–E1); bronze or silver rings made of flattened wire with tapering terminals (Phases E2 and E3); and rings made of of thin wire with tapering terminals (Phases E2–E3). According to Okulicz’s classification, the Leleszki specimens belong to the third group.193 These bracelets were rather small and they may well have been earrings. Similar ornaments, the so-called wire earrings, usually made of bronze or silver, are found in the Frankish and Alamannic areas, in which they are dated to the second half of the 7th century.194 According to Carl Engel, similar rings served as miniature necklaces in the latest phase of prehistory in the Prussia.195

187  Nowakowski, Die Funde, p. 108; Nowakowski, “Zapinka podkowiasta”, pp. 143–144. 188  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 196. 189  Rudnicki, “Grób,” p. 267. The bracelet fragment from grave 7 in Piecki was found during the excavations carried out by the author of this book in 2007. 190  Gładki and Stokłosa, “Katalog,” pp. 117–122. 191  Nowakowski, “Zapinka podkowiasta,” pp. 141–146. 192  Rudnicki, “Grób,” p. 270. 193  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 122–124. 194  Helmut Roth and Claudia Theune, “Zur Chronologie merowingerzeitlicher Frauengräber in Südwestdeutschland,” Archäologische Informationen aus Baden-Würtemberg 6 (1988), p. 32. 195  Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter”, p. 47.

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Similar ornaments have been found in graves 30a, 64 and 69 in Tumiany196 graves 7 and 19 in Kielary197 in Tylkowo198 and Zdory,199 in grave 392 in Kosewo,200 in Miętkie,201 and in grave 19 in Burdąg202 In all those assemblages, such bracelets typically appear together with artifacts dated to the developed Phase E, at the earliest. The presence of diamond-shaped disc brooches in grave 11 in Leleszki and in grave 19 in Burdąg suggests, however, a slightly later chronology, namely the end of Phase E2 and Phase E3. The ornaments in grave may be dated to the same period. The stray finds include a fragment of a ring of twisted wire (plate. IX.12). It also has hook-shaped terminals, but the state of preservation makes it impossible to establish the function of this artifact, which may have been part of a bracelet or a necklace. Its form seems to connect it with group 1 of necklaces with hook shaped terminals distinguished by Jerzy Okulicz.203 The same poor state of preservation makes it difficult to date this artifact, although it may well be Phase E. A similar artifact, most likely of Okulicz’s group 1, was found in grave 529 in Kosewo,204 in which it was associated with two bow brooches of the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type.205 However, those brooches indicate a date later than that advanced by Okulicz. In the Olsztyn Group, brooches of GâmbaşPergamon type may be dated to the later part of Phase E2, at the earliest. The twisted-wire ring from grave 18 in Kielary was found together with a plain-wire ring of similar size, and with a circular disc brooch.206 This assemblage is most likely of the same date. Another find thatmay be dated to the end of Phase E is the specimen from grave 67 in Kielary, which was discovered together with bronze pendants with double spirals, a buckle with a rectangular, elongated loop, and a Schnallenfibel.207 One more assemblage with a ring of twisted wire

196  H  eydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” pp. 47 and 54; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 12, 42 and 44. 197  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” pp. 170–172; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 112, 124, and 125. 198  Nowakowski, Die Funde, plate 2. 199  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 200  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” plate 31. 201  Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 291 fig. 232; Nowakowski, Die Funde, plate 19. 202  Unpublished excavations of the author (2012). 203  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 122. 204  Rudnicki, “Zabytki,” plate 36. 205  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 123. 206  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 172; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 124. 207  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 157.

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discovered together with late disc brooches is that from grave IX in Miętkie.208 There is no doubt, therefore, that those ornaments were in use until the end of Phase E. Another stray find was that of a spiral ring with hammered coils (plate IX.12). This is a specimen of Beckmann’s type IV.37, which first appeared at the end of the late Pre-Roman period. The earliest finds in Europe are from Phase A3/B1.209 It is impossible to establish whether those rings remained in use in Masuria from the Roman period, or appeared there in the Migration period as a result of some outside influence. The distribution in Europe of spiral rings with hammered coils dated to the Migration period is very broad—from the northern Black Sea region, across the Byzantine Empire, to the areas occupied by the Germanic states in central and western Europe. For that reason, it is not possible to determine the origins of the Leleszki find. In the Olsztyn Group, such rings are quite common and have been discovered in Stare Kiejkuty, Kosewo, Miętkie, Knis, and Burdąg.210 A series of similar rings was found in Kielary. In grave 4 an almost identical ring was discovered together with a lancet-shaped strap end, a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue, and a rectangular bow brooch with no known analogies.211 The decoration on its foot, however, reminds one of the Leleszki-Kielary type, which may indicate a date no earlier than the later part of Phase E2. The ring from grave 81 in Kielary was found in a similar assemblage together witha buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and a degenerate form of a bow brooch.212 In grave 33 an undecorated ring was found in an urn together with a primitive rivet spur,213 which may be generally dated to Phase E. A similar date may be advanced, on the basis of the urn, for the ring in grave 103. That from grave 93, which was discovered together with a bronze, heart-shaped pendant and beads with convex eyes, may be no earlier than the developed Phase E2.214 In graves 29, 50, 60, and 97 in Kielary, similar rings were found, but without any other artifacts. A silver ring, almost identical in form and decoration, was discovered in grave 53 in Stare Kiejkuty, but the only other artifact was an amber

208  Nowakowski, Die Funde, plate 19. 209   Christamaria Beckmann, “Metallfingerringe der römischen Kaiserzeit im freien Germanien,” Saalburg Jahrbuch 26 (1969), p. 45. 210  The archives of Feliks Jakobson and Kurt Voigtmann. 211  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 108. 212  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 167. 213  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 137. 214  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 177.

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Figure 5.14

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The distribution of pelta-shaped pendants in the area of the Olsztyn Group Map drawn by the author

bead. Another undecorated ring was found on a different cemetery on that same site, in grave 141.215 5.4.3 Pendants Five pelta-shaped pendants made of embossed bronze sheet (Plate II.3a–c) have been found in grave 14. Similar ornaments are known from grave 13 in Kielary, as well as from Burdąg and Kosewo (cemetery III).216 Those are most probably the late forms of lunula pendants sometimes found in Olsztyn Group assemblages (Fig. 5.14). The Leleszki specimen was associated with an imitation of the Mülhofen type of brooch, which may be dated to the developed Phase E2, at the earliest. The pelta-shaped pendant from grave 13 in Kielary was found together with a brooch similar to the Pergamon-Tei type,217 which

215  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 216  Rudnicki, “Uwagi,” p. 422. 217  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 119.

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should be dated to the later part of that phase or even later, for such brooches are diagnostic artifacts of Phase E2b.218 In grave 24 a bronze pendant in the shape of an elongated trapeze was discovered (Plate V.9a–b). In assemblages of the Olsztyn Group, such pendants appear in graves 30 and 38 in Tumiany, in Olsztyn-Brzeziny, in graves 23, 70, and 94 in Kielary, in grave 462 in Miętkie, in grave A in Kamień, and in grave 84 in Gąsior. Such pendants are clearly foreign forms in the Balt milieu. Their appearance in the Olsztyn Group may be the result of contacts with early Slavic cultures.219 The pendants in grave 24 from Leleszki were found together with two bow brooches with bosses in central parts, which may be dated to the late Phase E2, at the earliest. In grave 30 of the Tumiany cemetery, similar pendants were discovered together with a silver gilded brooch of the Pleniţa-Tumiany type, which cannot be dated earlier than the second half of the 6th, and no later than the mid-7th century.220 In the Olsztyn Group, such fibulae are dated to Phase E2b.221 The assemblage in grave 462 in Miętkieis dated by means of a pair of brooches of the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type, which is also dated between the second half of the 6th and the second half of the 7th century.222 In Masuria they are also diagnostic type of the later part of Phase E2.223 In grave 94 in Kielary, there was a bow brooch, an imitation of the Weinheim type.224 The form and poor decoration of that brooch suggest a relatively late date, possibly no earlier than the second half of the 6th century. The pendant from grave 23 in Kielary was discovered together with a late form of ladder brooch, an Armbrustsprossenfibel,225 which may be dated to Phase E3, i.e., between ca. 600 and 650/675.226 218  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 73–74; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 221. 219  Rudnicki, “Zawieszki trapezowate,” p. 681. 220  Curta, “Savic bow fibulae,” pp. 437–446. 221  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223; Mirosław Rudnicki, “Nowe odkrycie zapinki typu PleniţaTumiany z Piecek, pow. mrągowski na tle znalezisk z Polski północno-wschodniej,” in Archeologia Barbarzyńców 2008: powiązania i kontakty w świecie barbarzyńskim. Materiały z IV Protohistorycznej konferencji Sanok, 13–17 października 2008, ed. by Eduard Droberjar, and Maciej Karwowski, Collectio Archaeologica Ressoviensis, 13 (Rzeszów, 2009), pp. 610–611. 222  Florin Curta, “Werner’s class I C. Erratum corrigendum cum commentariis,” Ephemeris Napocensis 21 (2011), p. 67. 223  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 80–81; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” pp. 221–223. 224  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 178. 225  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 173 fig 64; Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 129. 226  Kowalski, “Z badań nad chronologią,” pp. 80–81; Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223; Rudnicki, “Bemerkungen,” pp. 296–297.

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A bronze double spiral pendant was found in grave 24 of the Leleszki cemetery (Plate V.9a–b), and another was a stray find. Ornaments of that type are quite frequent in the Olsztyn Group, and are most probably the result of contacts with early Slavic cultures in Phase E2 and E3.227 Some double spiral pendants have been discovered together with late forms of east European bow brooches, e.g., in grave 462 in Miętkie,228 graves 30229 and 74 in Tumiany, grave 8 in Kielary,230 and grave 1 in Piecki.231 All of them may dated to the later part of Phase E2, at the earliest. The situation is similar to that in 7th-century hoards, such as Martynivka in the Middle Dnieper region. Double spiral pendants have occasionally been found within the Merovingian milieu, e.g., in grave 2 in Großprüfening, where they are interpreted as the result of the AvarSlavic influence from the Carpathian Basin.232 Double spiral pendants are common in the east Balt area in assemblages dated to the late Roman period, e.g., in Baitai233 or Šernai (former Schernen, Lithuania),234 and remain in fashion until the early Middle Ages, as documented by such assemblages as grave 144 in Pavirvyte, Jauneikiai,235 or grave 96 in Palanga.236 Ornaments of that kind are said to have survived on the eastern Baltic coast well into the 12th century.237 It is interesting to note that in Šernai such pendants were used to decorate female bonnets, in contrast to the Masurian specimens which were most probably parts of necklaces. Many such ornaments have been found on sites in the forest zone of Eastern Europe, particularly in the Upper Dnieper region.238 Their appearance in Masuria during the later part of Phase E2, together with a number of other Slavic materials,239 suggests that those ornaments arrived from the Dnieper or the Danube areas, and not from the East Balt territory.

227  Rudnicki, “Zawieszki trapezowate,” p. 681. 228  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 231 fig. 15. 229  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 7. 230  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 45. 231  Rudnicki, “Grób grupy olsztyńskiej,” plate 1. 232  Losert and Szameit, “Ein merowingerzeitliches Brandgräberfeld,” p. 99. 233  Rasa Banyté-Rowell, “Baitu kapinyno dwieju kapu chronologijos klausimu,” Archaeologia Lituana 1 (1999), pp. 69–71. 234  Adalbert Bezzenberger, “Gräbelfeld von Schernen, Kr. Memel,” Prussia 17 (1882), plate 13. 235  Vaškevičiūtė, Žiemgaliai, p. 74. 236  Bliujienė, “Baltų zoomorfinis stilius,” pp. 218–219. 237  Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” p. 169. 238  Egoreichenko, Drevneishie gorodishcha, p. 136. 239  It should be also noted that the artifact from grave 102a in Tumianywas found together with a diamond-shaped pendant made of metal sheet, which had close analogies in Szeligi (Szymański, “Niektóre aspekty,” pp. 179–210).

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5.4.4 Beads A considerable number of beads have been found in Leleszki, of a wide variety. Unfortunately, many of them were not drawn, and the existing drawings were made carelessly or schematically, which makes it impossible to determine the type. Some of the specimens from grave 23 are double beads of black color (plate VI.6). They are decorated with yellow glass eyes. Such beads are common on sites of the Olsztyn Group, especially in Tumiany and Kielary. The beads with convex eyes from grave 23 are similar Tempelmann-Mączyńska’s type 373d, group XXIV, while the flat-eye bead in grave 23 is similar to her type 276b, group XXII.240 The latter also fits into Sasse and type 40 established on the basis of specimens from row-grave cemeteries in Germany.241 Equally common are circular eye beads, such as discovered in grave 12 (plate I.12a–b). They were decorated with crisscrossing glass thread and colorful convex eyes. Such ornaments were supposedly produced in the Frankish area and then disseminated all over Europe. They even reached Finland, as shown by finds from Vöyri-Gulldynt.242 It is interesting to note, however, that they were more popular in Bavaria than in the Frankish or Alemannic lands.243 They have also been often found in Early Avar-age assemblages such as those of the Szarwas-Grexa-Téglagyár244 or Szigetszentmiklós-Hároser cemeteries.245 It has been suggested that in the Avar milieu, eye beads may have served as amulets.246 In the Frankish-Alemannic areas, such beads are dated between ca. 570 and 720.247 Plain oval-shaped beads have been found in grave 23. They may be classified as of Sasse and Theune’s type 16, dated to the 7th century. Small cylindrical beads of Sasse and Theune’s type 22 dated to the second half of the 6th and to the early 7th century248 are also known from grave 21 and from stray finds. 240  Magdalena Tempelmann-Mączyńska, Die Perlen der römischen Kaiserzeit und der frühen Phase der Völkerwanderungszeit im mitteleuropäischen Barbaricum, RömischGermanische Forschungen, 43 (Mainz, 1985), plate 6, 13. 241   Barbara Sasse and Claudia Theune, “Perlen als Leitentypen der Merowingerzeit,” Germania 74 (1996), p. 202. 242  Koch, “Mediterrane und fränkische Glasprlen,” p. 511. 243  Koch, “Mediterrane und fränkische Glasprlen,” p. 508. 244  Juhász, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld, p. 85. 245  Sós, “Bemerkungen,” fig. 6. 246  Koch, “Mediterrane und fränkische Glasprlen,” pp. 508–509. 247  Joachim Werner, Münzdatierte austrasische Grabfunde (Berlin, 1935), p. 52; Koch, “Mediterrane und fränkische Glasprlen,” pp. 509–511; Sasse and Theune, “Perlen als Leitentypen,” p. 221. 248  Sasse and Theune, “Perlen als Leitentypen,” p. 202.

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In graves 14, 21, 23, 24, and 39b small, yellow beads were discovered, each about 5 mm in diameter, all made of opaque glass. Both the form and the size resemble beads of Sasse and Theune’s type 15, dated between ca 500 and 650/670.249 Carl Engel believed such beads to be typical for the final phase of the Olsztyn Group.250 Besides specimens from grave assemblages, no less than 50 stray finds of beads are known from Leleszki, some of which have convex eyes, in addition to a lump of molten glass beads. Unfortunately, no descriptions or illustrations are available. Only for beads with convex eyes can one assume that they most probably represented forms similar to specimens from graves 12 and 23. 5.4.5 Belt Fittings The buckle found in grave 18 (plate IV.1a–c) has an oval-shaped, almost circular plate, a kidney-shaped loop, and a tongue with a metope in the form of a transverse bar almost as wide as the loop. This looks in fact like a crossshaped tongue with an expanded metope. The buckle was attached to the belt with three rivets on the plate arranged in a triangle. There is no information about the artifact’s decoration. The Leleszki buckle is among the most common for the Olsztyn Group. Similar specimens are known from grave 94 in Zdory,251 and from graves 49 and 68 in Tumiany.252 The archaeological context in which those buckles have been found suggests a date within the developed Phase E2. In grave 18 of the Leleszki cemetery, the buckle was found together with an early ladder brooch, while grave 49 in Tumiany had a wide ladder brooch. Finally, grave 68 in Tumiany had a fragment of a brooch of the Gâmbaş-Pergamon type, which is typical for the latter part of Phase E2.253 There are no grounds to assume that this buckle variant was till in fashion in Phase E3. The buckle in grave 23 has an elongated plate with two semi-circular knobs on the loop and one circular knob near its end. It was made of bronze and had the characteristic cross-shaped tongue (Plate VI.2a–b). The form of the plate is similar to Åberg’s Variant 12254 According to Åberg, this is a relatively late variant. Such buckles have also been found in three graves of the Kielary cemetery—22, 78, and 86.255 At the present stage of research, it is difficult 249  Sasse and Theune, “Perlen als Leitentypen,” p. 221. 250  Engel, “Das jüngste heidnische Zeitalter,” p. 47. 251  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 252  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plate 32, 43. 253  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223. 254  Åberg, Ostpreussen, p. 118 fig. 171. 255  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 128, 164, and 171.

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to establish whether the form from grave 23 in Leleszki developed locally in Masuria from earlier, stylistically similar buckle, s or was inspired by West European influences. A buckle with a similar plate, but with an undecorated tongue was discovered in Dischingen (southwestern Germany) in a grave dated to the third quarter of the 6th century.256 The two buckles from grave 12 (plate I.10a–b) and 14 (plate II.4a–b) are alike. They have rectangular, undecorated plates fixed to the belt with two rivets, M-shaped loops, and straight tongues. Both are of bronze. Artifacts of that kind are quite common in the Olsztyn Group. Similar specimens are known from graves 15a, 67, 84, and 110 in Tumiany, as well as grave 1 in Kielary.257 Such buckles are often undecorated, but sometimes stamped ornaments may be noted on the plates like for example, on that of the specimen from grave 84 in Tumiany. Those buckles may be dated to the developed Phase E. No less than 6 buckles have been found in grave 44. Three of them have rectangular plates, kidney-shaped loops, and cross-shaped tongues (plate VIII.4, 6, 7). A stray find is of a similar form (Plate IX.21). The form is known from a great number of finds on other sites, especially Tumiany, Kosewo, Miętkie, and Kielary. The plates of those buckles have stamped decoration. It is not possible to decide whether that applies to the specimen from Leleszki as well. The buckles in question appear to have derived from similar buckles with a metope decorated with a cross on the tongues, a form popular in Phase D. Most probably in Phase E1 the metope gradually became more elaborate, leading to the appearance of buckles with cross-shaped tongues. Buckles with developed cross-shaped tongues were in fashion in the Olsztyn Group in Phase E. In Phase E3, the tongues with developed metopes were no more fashionable, and were replaced with and simple tongues, with no decoration. The specimen from grave 44 should be dated to the developed Phase E. The second group of buckles from grave 44 is characterized by rectangular plates and kidney-shaped loops. The tongues have no metopes (plate VIII.3, 5, 8). This form is also common in the whole Olsztyn Group. Buckles with undecorated tongues were common in Phase E2, but reached the greatest popularity in Phase E3. Their form changed in the process: in Phase E3 the kidney-shaped loops dropped in favour of rectangular, sometimes elongated forms with long sides curved inwards, as in the case of the specimens from graves 14 and 32 in

256  Gabrielle Graenert, “Longobardinen in Alamanien. Zur Interpretation mediterranen Sachgutes in südwestdeutschen Frauengräbern des ausgehenden 6. Janrhundets,” Germania 78 (2000), 436 fig. 9. 257  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 5, 43, 52, 65, and 119.

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Wólka Prusinowska.258 The artifacts from grave 44 in Leleszki may therefore be dated to the developed Phase E. The buckle from grave 21 has a rectangular plate. The loop is similar in shape to a square. The tongue has not been preserved (Plate V.4a–c). Buckles with square loops are rare in the Olsztyn Group. A similar specimen is known from grave 37 in Kielary, grave 37.259 It was found together with a slim ladder brooch. The simplified form of the buckle suggests that it was produced locally. The fact that it appear together with a brooch of the Leleszki-Kielary type makes it possible to date it to the later part of Phase E2. A damaged buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and an openwork plate was found as a stray find. The artifact was also decorated with stamped ornament (plate IX.22). Buckles of that type may be dated the later part of Phase E2 or perhaps later. Two crude bronze buckles, also stray finds, may be dated to that same period (plate IX.19–20). 5.4.6 Strap Ends Lancet-shaped strap ends have been discovered in graves 12 (plate I.11a–b), 18 (plate IV.3a–c, 4a–c), 23 (plate VI.3a–c), 25 (plate V.12–17), and 44 (plate VIII.12–19). All of them have characteristically widened strap holders fixed with one, two, or three rivets. The strap ends have narrowed contours in the middle and tapering ends. They are of different size and decoration. Their length ranges between 3.3 and 6.9cm, with the smallest from grave 12, and the largest from grave 23. Some of them were decorated (specimens from graves 23 and 25). Although different from one specimen to the other, the decorations most often consist of rows of stamped ornaments on the edges. This is the commonest type of strap ends in the Olsztyn Group, and it is believed to be a diagnostic form of the late Migration period.260 Bseides the Olsztyn Group, such strap ends appear on sites of the Elbląg Group and of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture. The lancet-shaped strap ends, which may be linked to the West Balt circle, are sporadically found outside its limits, for example in a rich warrior’s grave from the Lazdininkiai cemetery in western Lithuania, which also produced a set of belt mounts with openwork ornament.261 Such strap ends first appeared in the earlier part of Phase E2. There are no assemblages with such strap ends that could be dated earlier. The origin of 258  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 259  The archive of Feliks Jakobson. 260  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 98–99; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 283. 261  Audrone Bliujienė, Donatas Butkus, “VII a. pirmosios pusės karys iš Lazdininkų (Kalnaukio),” Archaeologia Lituana 3 (2002), p. 89 fig. 4.

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this category of finds remains to be established, but it is possible that lancetshaped strap ends derive from tongue-shaped strap ends, which are typical for the early part of the Migration period, especially on sites of the Dollkeim/ Kovrovo culture.262 During the developed Phase D, such strap ends began to narrow in the middle, but had no tapering ends. There are also some similarities in decoration and technology of production. A transition form between the tongue-shaped and the lancet-shaped strap ends is known from Wyszembork in Masuria, and is dated to the developed Phase E.263 Most lancet-shaped strap ends discovered on sites of the Olsztyn Group are not decorated, but there are also a few specimens richly decorated with stamped, engraved, or incised ornaments. One issue pertaining to those strap ends is the possibility that more than one may have been used for the same belt. Burial assemblages with multiple strap ends in the Olsztyn Group are clearly different from those in the Bogaczewo Culture, which preceded the Olsztyn Group in the central part of Masuria. The Olsztyn Group assemblages with more than one strap end appear in Phase E2. A good example is that of two strap ends found in an assemblage dated to the earliest phase of Olsztyn Group—grave 14 from Kosewo.264 The assemblage included also silver belt fittings and an imported glass beaker of the Snartemo type,265 which makes this grave unique for Phase D3/E1. The number of strap ends increases significantly during the developed Phase E, which may be the result of some external influence. In Phase E2, the Olsztyn Group was flourishing and many artifacts of various origins appear in assemblages of that age. The strap ends found in graves dated to that time may have been part of sets used for attaching spurs, which consisted of several straps connected with buckles. Such sets are also known from row-grave cemeteries in Western Europe. This interpretation is supported by the fact that the number of buckles is often the same as the number of strap ends. Sometimes the buckles are of the exactly same size. In grave 62 from Kielary, two pairs of strap ends of different size have been found together with two pairs of buckles of matching dimensions. The assemblage also contained two plate-rived spurs.266 There are also assemblages in which the number of strap ends is larger than that of buckles, as in Leleszki. Other assemblages include lancet-shaped strap ends, but no 262  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 98–99; Gaerte, Urgeschichte, p. 283. 263  Szymański, Mikroregion osadniczy, plate 11. 264  Max Weigel’s research. 265  One of three such glass vesselsdiscovered in the Olsztyn Group, besides the fragments from Gąsior and Ławny Lasek. 266  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 154 and 155.

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spurs. In such cases, it may be that rivet spurs were fastened to the shoes, or that the fastenings were not made of metal. In other cases, lancet-shaped strap ends may have been used as belt end fittings. In one case (grave 30 in Tumiany), a lancet-shaped strap end was used as a pendant suspended on a chain.267 Lancet-shaped strap ends may have been also used in straps for tying up leggings. Evidence of similar use is abundant in Western Europe during the Merovingian period. As the Olsztyn Group had strong connections with the Merovingian Circle, it is possible that the fashion came from that area. At any rate, the strap ends are not to be associated with Avar influences. Secondary straps attached to the belt are one of the most characteristic elements of the Avar-agedness. However, Avar-age sets in central Europe cannot be dated earlier than the third quarter of the 6th century, while in the Olsztyn Group sets of strap ends (including multiple specimens) appear in the late 5th century. Lancet-shaped strap ends are the most numerous category of finds from the Olsztyn Group. Similar fittings are found in other areas of Europe, on sites of different cultures, but their connections with the Masurian specimens are doubtful. Even though the chronology of the lancet-shaped strap ends is not fully elaborated, it seems that the form first occurred in Phase E1. There are no materials suggesting an earlier date. The lancet-shaped strap ends appear especially with materials from Phase E2, and went out of fashion by the end of Phase E. Lancet-shaped strap ends are found in the latest assemblages of the Olsztyn Group in Phase E3, but there are fewer than in the previous period. One feature allowing to establish the date of the artifacts from grave 25 in Leleszki, is the elongated shape with narrowed middle, and the stamped ornament, which occurred in the developed Phase E2, and especially during its later part. Rectangular belt mounts have been found in graves 21 (plate V.2a–b, 3a–c), 23 (plate VII.4a–b), 25 (plate V.18), 39a (plate VII.6a–b) and 44, and there is also a stray find (plate IX.11). Like lancet-shaped strap ends, they all are made of bronze, but of different size. The largest is 4.10 cm long and 2.10 cm wide; the smallest is 2.12 cm long and 1.23 cm wide. Some specimens (from graves 21 and 23) have stamped ornament on the edges. In Masuria, they first appeared in the Roman period, but those from the Olsztyn Group are different from specimens found on sites of the Bogaczewo culture, both in form (the Roman-age specimens are slimmer) and material (bronze or silver for the Olsztyn Group, iron for the Bogaczewo culture). It also seems that the manner in which the belts were decorated with mounts changed during the Migration period. Reconstructions of Roman-age belts suggest that the mounts were most often 267  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” plate 7.

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attached “vertically,” across the strap. In the late Migrations period the mounts were attached “horizontally’ and their width therefore matched that of the belt. This is indicated by the match between the size of buckle plates and that of the mounts’ shorter sides. In grave 18 a trapeze-shaped strap end was found (plate IV.6a–b). It was decorated with bands of quadrangular stamps and attached to the strap by means of three rivets. This artefact was most probably not a strap en, d but a scabbard mount dated to the developed Phase E. In grave 44 there was a rectangular fitting with single small vertical incisions on either side (plate IX.2, 9). Its style reminds one of finds from grave 52 in Tumiany, as well as graves 51 and XXVIII in Kielary.268 As it was found together with a ladder brooch, it should be dated to the developed Phase E. In grave 25, a rectangular belt mount was uncovered, which has an openwork decoration (plate V.16). Such artifacts appear in great numbers in assemblages of the Olsztyn Group from the later part of Phase E2 and from Phase E3. They are also found in the Elblag Group269 and in the Sambian-Natangian area.270 The openwork patterns are often T-shaped, cross-shaped, or step-like. The fittings were usually made from bronze and between the mount and the strap there often was an inset made of silver or bronze embossed sheet, which made the belt even more ornamental. Belt mounts with openwork decoration have been found in the Baltic Sea area, from the Estonian coast, across western Lithuania, all the way to Gotland and Uppland in eastern Sweden.271 Such belt fittings are also occasionally found on row-grave cemetery sites of the Merovingian Circle, e.g., in grave in Mainz-Finthen,272 and even in Anglo-Saxon Britain.273 In the West Balt area, belt mounts with openwork ornament appear in considerable numbers in the Elbląg Group, especially in Nowinka and Elbląg Żytno, as well as on sites of the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture, such as Suvorovo (former Zohpen, in the region of Kaliningrad), where they have been dated to the developed Phase E (the second half of the 6th century), at the earliest.274 The earliest specimens are those from a male grave under barrow 2 in Högom (eastern Sweden), which is dated

268  Jakobson “Die Brandgräberfelder,” plates 36, 150, and 212. 269  Ehrlich, “Schwerter,” p. 14 fig. 9; Kulakov, Drevnosti, plates 5 and 6. 270  Kulakov, Drevnosti, plate 19. 271  Åberg, Ostpreussen, pp. 115–117; Nerman, Die Vendelzeit, plates 30 and 31. 272  Gundula Zeller, Die fränkischen Altertümer des nördlichen Rheinhessen, Germanische Denkmäler der Völkerwanderungszeit, B 15 (Stuttgart, 1992), plate 2. 273  Stanley West, A Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Material from Suffolk, East Anglian Archaeology, 84 (Ipswich, 1998), p. 20 fig. 20. 274  Kontny, Okulicz-Kozaryn, and Pietrzak, Nowinka, pp. 95–97.

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to the early 6th century.275 It is most likely from that area that the idea came of using the openwork technique to decorate belt mounts. The idea then spread to the Baltic Sea region, and reached the Olsztyn Group as well.276 The fitting from grave 25 was found together with lancet-shaped strap ends with stamped ornament, which makes it possible to date them to the later part of Phase E2, at the earliest. 5.4.7 Spurs Four bronze plate-rivet spurs have been found in grave 44. Two of them have narrow, rectangular heel bands with iron pricks. The heel bands have four rivets, symmetrically arranged in pairs at either end of the heel band. The other two have tapering heel bands with two rivets symmetrically arranged at the ends. Plate-rivet spurs are the most popular category of spurs in the Olsztyn Group. In the West Balt Circle, they first appear in the Dollkeim/Kovrovo culture during Phase D277 and remained in use throughout Phase E, as attested, for example, in grave 226 in Mitino.278 This category of spurs may also be found in the Elbląg Group, but only during the developed Phase E, as in graves 45 and 131 in Nowinka,279 or in graves 19, 38, 50, 52, 60, 63, and 69 in Łęcze.280 There are no certain finds of rivet spurs in the Sudovian culture that could be dated to Phase E. In the Olsztyn Group, similar specimens have been found in graves 11, 32, 51, and 141 in Tumiany, graves 6, 27, 33, and 51 in Kielary, graves 162 and 172 in Spychówko, grave 208 in Stare Kiejkuty, grave 541 in Dłużec, grave 20 in Waplewo, as well as in Bogaczewo Kula, Tylkowo, and Wyszembork.281 The Leleszki specimens belong to group of finds dated to the developed Phase E, up to the end of the Migration period. They are clearly different from earlier spur forms—the groups D and E of the Leuna type—known from the West Balt area. The artifacts from grave 44 may be dated with a considerable degree of certainty to Phase E2. That date falls within the chronology proposed by Bartosz Kontny.282

275  Per H. Ramqvist, Högom. The Excavations 1949–1984, Archaeology and Environment, 13 (Umeå, 1992), plate 75. 276  Hilberg, Masurische Bügelfibeln, pp. 269–271. 277  Giesler, “Jüngerkaiserzeitliche Nietknopfsporen,” pp. 13–14, 52–54. 278  Skvorcov, Mogil’nik, plate 357. 279  Kontny, Okulicz-Kozaryn, and Pietrzak, Nowinka, p. 95. 280  Dorr, Die Gräberfelder, pp. 12–22. 281  Kontny, Okulicz-Kozaryn, and Pietrzak, Nowinka, p. 96. 282  Kontny, Okulicz-Kozaryn, and Pietrzak, Nowinka, p. 96.

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5.4.8 Spindle Whorls Two clay whorls have been found in Leleszki. One of them was found grave 14 (plate II.5), the other ingrave 22 (plate V.5). Both are barrel-shaped, with flat ends. The find from grave 14 was 2.1 cm tall, that from grave 22, only 1.2 cm. This form of spindle whorl is very common in the Olsztyn Group, so common that in fact they of little, if any chronological value. If one were to use the classification that Michał Parczewski worked out classification the neighbouring Slavic areas, the Leleszki whorls would be of his type Ia.283 5.4.9 Knives Iron knives were discovered in graves 11 (plate I.3–4), 18 (plate IV.6a–b), 39a (plate VII.7a–b), and 44 (Plate VIII.9). This category of finds is very common in the Olsztyn Group, in fact one of the most common elements in burial assemblages. The artifacts were poorly preserved, and it is difficult to make observations about differences in form or function. Nonetheless, those seem to have objects of everyday use. 5.4.10 Pottery There were many urns in Leleszki cemetery, but all pottery remains from that site—entire urns or ceramic fragments—have been lost, most probably during the World War II. The only illustrated urn is that from grave 44.284 That pot was once stored in the Prussia Museum, where it underwent gradual destruction. This is clear from the state of preservation of the pot recorded by consecutive researchers. In Voigtmann and Jakobson’s archives, as well as in one illustration from the Archaeological Institute in Tallin, the urn in question presents a fragment of the neck (plate XI.1a). In a photograph from Grenz’s archive, only the belly is visible (plate XI.1e). According to Voigtmann’s classification, the Leleszki find is a hole urn with bulbous belly, cylindrical neck and a circular hole in the widest part of the belly.285 The pot was decorated with two grooves around the belly, as well as semi-circular stamps at its widest diameter. Furthermore, the neck was decorated with three relief bands that were in turn decorated with alternating bands of stamped ornament and engraved crosses.

283  Parczewski, Początki, pp. 41–42. 284  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische Loch- und Fensterurnen,” p. 43; Kulakov, “Mogil’niki,” plate 23. 285  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische Loch- und Fensterurnen,” p. 40.

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Hole urns are very common in the Olsztyn Group. They are believed to have originated in Saxony, although they are in fact very different from finds in that region, both in form and in decoration.286 Pots like that in Leleszki are known from grave 58 in Wólka Prusinowska,287 and from Łuknajno.288 Similar vessels but without a hole in the belly are also known from graves 6 and 46 in Kielary.289 Kurt Voigtmann believed the urn from Leleszki to be the earliest of its kind.290 To be sure, inside it a ladder brooch was found, which may be dated to the developed Phase E2. In grave 6 in Kielary, another ladder brooch was found together with a similar urn, as well as an Avar-age belt mount, and a bow brooch on the Novi Banovci-Kielary type.291 All of them point to a date within the late part of Phase E2 and Phase E3.292 In grave 46 from Kielary, the urn belongs to an assemblage which also included a developed form of ladder brooch, a double-spiral pendant, and beads with convex eyes. Again, the most likely date for the assemblage is the later part of Phase E2, at the earliest. Besides the urn from grave 44, no other vessels are known from Leleszki. There are, however, drawings of vessel fragments from graves 11, 17, 39b, as well as stray finds. All fragments are typical of the Olsztyn Group. In grave 11 a belly fragment was discovered, decorated with three rows of small lensshaped stamps (plate I.3). This decoration often occurs in Phase E. Analogies are known from cups found on site 4 in Wyszembork and grave 132 in Piecki,293 and from a bowl found on site 2 in Szestno,294 The form and function of this pot are not known, but it may well have been from an urn. In grave 17, a fragment of a vessel with a bulbous belly was uncovered (plate III.4). It is decorated with three horizontal grooves and a band of engraved ornament with short crisscrossing grooves underneath. The best analogy is the urn from grave 44 in Leleszki, but a similar ornament is known from cups found in Wawrochy.295

286  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 477. 287  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische Loch- und Fensterurnen,” p. 36. 288  Voigtmann, “Neues zu den westmasurischen ‘Loch- und Fensterurnen,” p. 64. 289  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 110 and 148. 290  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische Loch- und Fensterurnen,” p. 40. 291  Jakobson, Die Brandgräberfelder, plates 110 and 111. 292  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 223. 293  Nowakowski, Studia nad ceramiką, plate 8; Rudnicki, “Grób,” plate 1. 294  Magdalena Fedorczyk, Wojciech Nowakowski, and Paweł Szymański, “Od epoki żelaza po schyłek okresu wędrówek ludów. Badania w 1995 r. zespołu osadniczego nad jeziorem Salęt koło Wyszemborka, gmina Mrągowo,” Światowit 41 (2001), 373. 295  Nowakowski, Studia nad ceramiką, p. 131.

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The rim fragment from grave 39b is decorated with seven horizontal grooves and a band of engraved herringbone ornament underneath (plate IX.1). This shard is from a vase-like vessel with an S-shaped section. Fragments of two other vessels have been found in Leleszki (plate XII.7, 8). One of them is a belly fragment decorated with a band of so-called “window” stamps and horizontal grooves. Such ornaments are believed to have resulted from contacts between the Olsztyn Group and the areas in Central Europe occupied by Gepids and Alamanns.296 However, the presence of this ornament in Masuria is more likely to be the result of broader inter-regional contacts most typical for the late Migration period.297 The other stray find of a vessel fragment is a piece of a rim with finger impressions, and belly decorated with two horizontal bands of pinched ornaments. A hollow stem cup was found in Leleszki, but no further details are known.298 Vessels of this type are known from many sites of the Olsztyn Group. They are the most characteristic pottery forms from Masuria in Phase E.299 5.5

Burial Rites

Urn cremation burials predominate in Leleszki—37 out of 45 burials mentioned by Georg Bujack.300 As for pit cremations, he distinguished between Aschenhaufen (cremations with remains of the pyre) and Knochenhaufen (cremations without remains of the pyre). In one case, the urn was covered with a smaller vessel turned upside down (grave 44). In the same grave the only window urn recorded on the site was found.301 In two cases, the urns (three of them?) were arranged in a “cloverleaf pattern.”302 These may have been family clusters. Predominantly urn burials are typical for the Olsztyn Group.303 Another characteristic feature of the burial rites of the Olsztyn Group is the lack of weapons. As it seems, the only exception is the spearhead from grave 120 in Tumiany.304 In respect, the Leleszki 296  Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 489. 297  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 110. 298  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 31. 299  Nowakowski, Studia nad ceramiką, pp. 101–147. 300  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 31. 301  Voigtmann, “Die westmasurische Loch- und Fensterurnen,” p. 40. 302  Bujack, “Das Gräberfeld zu Reussen,” p. 31: “… an zwei Plätzen hatten die Urnen solche Ausstellung zu einander erhalten, daß sie die Figur eines Klechblatts bildeten.” 303  Jaskanis, Obrządek pogrzebowy, p. 147; Okulicz, Pradzieje, p. 477. 304  Heydeck, “Das Gräberfeld von Daumen,” p. 62.

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cemetery is not different from others—there are no weapons among the grave goods. The majority of the graves on the site have been disturbed by plowing, because they were relatively shallow, located at a depth of between 10 and 45 cm. By contrast, in Kielary the graves were found at the depth of 60–80 cm.305 The difference may be explained in terms of the erosion of the hill on which the cemetery was located in Leleszki. 5.6

Chronology of the Site. Final Remarks

The cemetery in Leleszki is within the western part of the Olsztyn Group area, and was opened at some point during Phase E2.306 This is confirmed by metal artifacts, especially plate and crossbow brooches. The cemetery remained in use throughout Phase E3. It may have been abandoned at the time when archaeologically visible features of the burial rites disappeared from the area, namely at the end of the late Migration period.307 An especially interesting phenomenon observed in Leleszki is the presence of artifacts of clearly Roman origin,308 most likely originating in the Roman provinces. There is, however, no information, a possibly earlier site in the area, either of the Bogaczewo or of the Wielbark culture.309 Graves 16 and 23, in which bow brooches of the Csongrád type have been found, are most likely the earliest on the site. Grave 23 has also produced a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue. Another grave dated to the earlier phase 18, with a slim ladder brooch and a buckle with a cross-shaped tongue and an oval-shaped plate. Grave 39a with a variant of the brooch with a transverse bar at the end of the foot is probably of the same date. By contrast, grave 21 may be dated to the later part of Phase E2, because of the Leleszki-Kielary type of brooch, much like grave 25, with belt fittings decorated with stamped 305  Hollack and Bezzenberger, “Das Gräberfeld bei Kellaren,” p. 163. 306  Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” p. 108. Finds of Schlusskreuzfibeln from Tumiany suggest that the cemetery was already in use during Phase E1. 307  Kowalski, “Chronologia,” p. 224; Okulicz-Kozaryn, “Problem ceramiki,” pp. 108–109. 308  Among Roman artifacts from Leleszki, one may tentatively count stray finds of pins, which are otherwise very rare in the Olsztyn Group; a radiant pendant typical of the Bogaczewo culture; and the coin struck for Marcus Aurelius. However, the latter brings to mind the observation that no other Roman coins are known from any site of the Olsztyn Group. 309  Leleszki is located between the Wielbark and the Bogaczewo areas. In this context, it is worth mentioning a strongly profiled brooch from the nearby site in Tylkówko (Andrzejowski and Cieśliński, “Germanie i Bałtowie,” p. 292).

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ornaments and a belt mount with open-work ornament. Grave 39b with miniature band-shaped bracelets, and grave 44 with a hole urn and a ladder brooch, may be of the same date. Grave 14 may be generally dated to Phase E2 on the basis of the imitations of brooches of the Mülhofen type and of pelta-shaped pendants. A slightly later date, perhaps within the later part of Phase E2 and in E3, may be assigned to graves 7 and 11, both with rings with hook-shaped terminals. The same is true for grave 11 with a disc-brooch with diamond-shaped plate; for grave 42 with a bow brooch of the Bremen-Mahndorf type; and for grave 15 with a disc brooch decorated with a mount of metal sheet. To the latest part of Phase E may be dated i grave 12 with hybrid brooches combining the features of ladder and disc brooches, and 24 with boss-shaped brooches. The remaining features cannot be dated with any further precision than Phase E, in general (but probably not its earliest part). According to chronology elaborated for the Olsztyn Group by Jacek Kowalski, the graves from Leleszki may be dated as follows: Grave Chronology

14, 16, 18, 39a 17, 23 E2 E2a

21, 25, 28, 39b, 42, 44 E2b

7, 11, 15

24, 31

E2b/E3

E3

The remaining burials -dating undetermined

As some burials contained no grave goods whatsoever, and the source materials are not always complete, it is not possible to establish a firmer chronology of the cemetery. The available materials allow only the general assumption that the cemetery at Leleszki was not established before the developed Phase E. There are no finds that could be attributed Phase E1. Judging from the existing evidence, this looks very much like a cemetery with only one phase, which embraced the late Migration period. That is why it is difficult to compare Leleszki with the nearest cemeteries at Tylkowo (former Scheufelsdorf), Burdąg (former Burdungen), Małszewo (former Malschöwen), or Waplewo (former Waplitz), which are not well researched either. On the basis of the available sources, however, it seems that the cemetery at Leleszki was in existence at the same time as those on the neighbouring sites at Waplewo and Tylkowo. Leleszki is yet another cemetery of the Olsztyn Group, the advanced study of which was made possible by archival and museum sources. This involves a methodology that is very different from that applying to recently excavated sites. In many respects, archival and museum sources make the work of the archaeologist resemble that of a detective or a historian, and the results are often of an incomplete or inconclusive character. Despite the varying

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quality of the source materials and the limited number of analyzed features, the study of the Leleszki cemetery may be a step towards enriching the understanding of the Olsztyn Group, which is still the least researched among all archaeological and cultural groups of Baltic prehistory. The value of this study is also enhanced by the fact that Leleszki is the first site of the Olsztyn Group to have been excavated.

Chapter 6

The Olsztyn Group and the Galindians One of the important problems raised by research on the Olsztyn Group is its participation in shaping the structures of the Prussian tribes in the early Middle Ages. The Olsztyn Group occupied the area, which most probably became the land of the Galindians, the least known of all Prussian tribes. For many years it has been the subject of archaeological and historical research, and it still appeals to the imagination of the people currently living in Masuria. According to a legend written down in the early 16th century by a Saxon chronicler, Erasmus Stella (Johannes Stüler),1 the name of the Galindians derived from that of Galyndo, the eighth son of Wejdewut, the legendary king of the Prussians. Galyndo is said to have received from his father the lands between the upper Łyna River and the Great Masurian Lakes.2 This is therefore the area tentatively attributed to the Galindians. There are very few written sources concerning this tribe. The lack of information is probably linked to the early extermination of those people by neighbouring Poles, Yotvingians, and Scandinavians, long before the arrival of the Teutonic Knights. According to Peter of Duisburg, who wrote his Chronicle of the Land of Prussia in 1326, in the 13th century, the territories that had once belonged to the Galindina were a terra desolata (deserted or depopulated land).3 The name of the Galindians appears for the first time in the 2nd century in Ptolemy’s Geography. According to Ptolemy, the Galindian people (Γαλίνδοι) lived to the east from the Gytones (Goths) at the mouth of the Vistula river, and to the west from the Soudinoi. Archaeologists have therefore identified the Galindians with the so-called Bogaczewo culture that flourished in what is now north-eastern Poland during the Roman period, between the 1st and the 4th centuries.4 That archaeological culture is linked with the West Balt cultural circle, which stretched at that time between the Pasłęka and the Daugava 1  Grzegorz Białuński, Studia z dziejów plemion pruskich i Jaćwieskich, Rozprawy i Materiały Ośrodka Badań Naukowych im. Wojciech Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie, 179 (Olsztyn, 1999), pp. 136–138. 2  Marcin Murinius, Kronika, VIII. 3  Peter of Duisburg, Chronicle of the Land of Prussia, edited by Klaus Scholz (Darmstadt, 1984); Wróblewski, Nowakiewicz, and Bogucki, “Terra desolata,” pp. 157–158. 4  Nowakowski, Od Galindai do Galinditae, pp. 18–19; Nowakowski, “Retrospekcja w archeologii: Galindai/Galinditae oraz Soudinoi/Sudavitae w świetle źródeł historycznych i znalezisk archeologicznych,” Studia Galindzkie 1 (2003), 7–10.

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rivers. Ancient (Tacitus, Cassiodorus, Jordanes) and medieval (Einhard, Wulfstan) authors called the West Balts Aesti. As for Galindians, they are mentioned again in the 13th century. The first mention is in a papal financial record known as Liber censuum and referring Prussia in the aftermath of the crusade led in 1210 by the Danish king Valdemar II (1202–1241). Later, Pope Innocent IV mentioned the lands “que Galens dicitur” in his bull of May 19, 1253 for Duke Kazimierz of Kujawia (the son of Duke Konrad of Mazovia). A third source is a document of 1254 concerning the dispute between Duke Kazimierz and the Teutonic Knights, which mentions the Golens/Golenz Land. A king of the Galindians named Ysegups appears in the mid-14th century, with a power seat on Lake Niegocin.5 Peter of Duisburg, a member of the Order of St. Mary (Teutonic Knights), refers to those people as Galinditae. The accounts of the Teutonic Knights show the Galindians as particularly cruel among all Prussians. Peter of Duisburg and, following him, Martin Murinius, mention the mutilation of women and mass killing of little girls of their own tribe, as well as prominent war captives being burned alive on pyres together with their armor and horses. They are also said to have attacked the lands to the south, which were under the rule of the Piasts. According to the legend, one of such expeditions ended in the annihilation of the entire tribe. The legend is worth mentioning in this context, as it is one of the few sources that deal with the entire tribe. The Galindians gained so much importance and multiplied in such great numbers that their could not feed them all. Thus, like the Pharaoh, who, wishing to humiliate the people of Israel, told the midwives, “if you see that the baby is a boy is born, kill him, but if it is a girl, let her live,” [they] also deemed it a good idea to kill every new-born girl and to keep the boys alive for war. And when the women did not obey this regulation, because seeing the beauty of their new-born children, they had secretly hidden them, the men agreed to cut off all their wives’ breasts so that they could not feed any children. The women, angry about their contempt and the appalling decision, went to a woman who was considered in their country a saint and a seer, and who decreed rules for various issues in their country. They asked her to look at their case and protect them. The woman, commiserating with them, summoned the powerful from the whole land and told them: “Our gods want everyone to set off without weapons and 5  Białuński, Studia, pp. 136–143; Paul Milliman, “The Slippery Memory of Men”. The Place of Pomerania in the Medieval Kingdom of Poland, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450–1450, 21 (Leiden/Boston, 2013), pp. 47–52.

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armaments or any means of defence [in order] to wage war against the Christians. Hearing that, they obeyed her instantly, and everyone who could carry arms set off gaily to the neighbouring Christian land. Besides causing much damage there, they abducted a lot of people and animals as aloot. On they way back some of the captives secretly ran back to the Christians and informed them that the heathen army had no weapons or anything with which they could defend themselves. Encouraged by those words, the Christians sent a large troop after the Galindians, which attacked the defenseless enemy. When the Sudovians and other neighbouring tribes learnt about that, they invaded the land of the Galindians and took into long-lasting captivity the women, the children, and those who had been left behind, so that their land has remained depopulated to this day.6 If one assumes the continuity of the Galindian settlement in Masuria from antiquity to thee arly Middle Ages, then the heyday of that settlement may have been towards the end of the Migration period. During the second half of the 5th century, the Olsztyn Group appeared in Masuria. It formed on the basis of the Bogaczewo culture and expanded westwards in the 6th century. Finally, it occupied the lands between the upper Łyna River and the Great Masurian Lakeland, in other words the area hypothetically inhabited by the Galindians (Fig. 6.1). This cultural unit is one of the most interesting and least known from prehistory in the Polish lands, and a unique phenomenon in central-eastern Europe. The Olsztyn Group had very rich and wide contacts, confirmed by the large number of imported artifacts. The question about the sources of the wealth of the Olsztyn Group will remain open, but this may have well been the “Golden Age” of the Galindians. Legends of the great power of that tribe most probably refer to the times of the Olsztyn Group. On the map created by Caspar Henneberg in 1584 (Fig. 6.2), Galindia covers to a great extent the area occupied by the Olsztyn Group. Although the population of the Olsztyn Group should not automatically be regarded as ancestors of the early mediaeval Galindians, that population may have played an important role in creating that tribe, as it has been already suggested by several scholars. Wojciech Wróblewski believes that the origins of the southern Prussians tribes, including the Galindians, may be much more complicated. According to him, it is possible that between the 8th and the 9th century, Masuria was settled by a powerful group of nomadic people from Eastern Europe or Asia, and that that group had a strong influence on the local population. His main 6  Peterof Duisburg, Chronicle of the Land of Prussia, English translation by Sylwia Twardo.

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figure 6.1 Caspar Hennenberger’s map of Prussia (1584)

argument is the adoption in Masuria of the new elements of horse gear, changes in animal husbandry, and the appearance of stone statues, the so-called kamennye baby of Prussia.7 No information exists on conflict between the Galindians and the Piast state in the late 10th century. If relations were peaceful indeed, then that may have something to do with their common enemy—the Masovians. The situation changed during the reign of Bolesław Chrobry (992–1025) who led a successful expedition into Prussia in 1015, and most probably conquered Galindia for a brief period. The relations between the Prussians and the Piasts began to deteriorate in the 12th century. In 1107/08, 1110/11 and, probably, in 1115, Bolesław III Wrymouth (1107–1138) conducted retaliatory expeditions, which probably led 7  Wojciech Wróblewski, “Zagadkowy lud Bruzzi,” Materiały do Archeologii Warmii i Mazur 1 (2015), 295–310.

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to the conquest of Galindia. Bolesław IV the Curly (1138–1173) and Kazimierz II the Just (1166–1194) also led military operations against the Prussians. The 1166 expedition ended tragically when Kazimierz’s brother, Henry of Sandomierz, was killed.8 The intermittent armed conflicts with the Piasts must have weakened the Galindians, and ruined their economy, which made them vulnerable to attacks from the neighbouring Yatvingians. The 1210 crusade of the Danish king Valdemar II may have contributed to the crisis. In the early 13th century, the Galindians lost their regional importance, especially as a power able to resist the Teutonic Orde. However, Peter of Duisburg’s claim that their lands were then completely depopulated is exaggerated. Even though the Teutonic Knights eventually conquered Prussia, that conquest had been made possible by the Poles wearing out the Prussians with their repeated military expeditions.9 Gaining information about early medieval Galindia is considerably hindered by the scarcity of the archaeological sources. Although the Galindians had created monumental hillforts, such as Pasym, Szestno, Staświny, or Jeziorko, our knowledge about them is minimal. The hillforts were excavated by German archaeologists as early as the 19th century and by the Poles after World War II, but the results of those excavations have still not been fully published. The best-excavated hillfort is Szestno-Czarny Las, where work has been done by the Galindian Expedition of the Institute of Archaeology at the University of Warsaw. This relatively small hillfort was inhabited by a group of 20–30 people. It had a timber-and-earth rampart made of select oak logs (all the trees were about 70 years old). The hillfort was used from the late 9th century to the 940s, and was abandoned in dramatic conditions, documented archaeologically by the burning of the rampart and numerous arrowheads found in its eastern part. An especially interesting find is the collective cremation burial of 21 individuals deposited on a stone pavement.10 The excavations at Pasym (which also revealed traces of fire) have produced more information about the economy of the early medieval Galindians, which was based on agriculture. Three types of wheat, as well as barley, oats, and millet were grown near the site. Pigs, goats, sheep, and horses were bred, and the horses may have been used for meat as well, as shown by the broken and burnt bones. There is evidence of fishing, in the form of numerous finds of iron and bronze fishing hooks and fishing net weights, as well as many fish bones. Only 15 percent of all 8  Kazimierz Wiliński, Walki polsko-pruskie w X–XIII w., Acta Universitatis Lodziensis, Folia Historica, 15 (Łódź, 1984), pp. 90–173; Henryk Łowmiański, Prusy-Litwa-Krzyżacy (Warsaw, 1989), pp. 49–50. 9  Białuński, Studia, pp. 161–169. 10  Wróblewski, “Czarny las,” pp. 227–228; Wróblewski, “Ossa cremata,” pp. 268–285.

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figure 6.2 The area of the Olsztyn Group (1) and the hypothetical Galindian territory (2, 3). After (2) Łowmiański, Początki Polski, (2) Henneberger’s map of 1584 Map drawn by the author

faunal assemblages on the site represent wild animals, many of them small fur mammals.11 This and the numerous tools for leather and fur processing indicate that pelts may have been an object of exchange. This is further confirmed by Adam of Bremen, who, in the second half of the 11th century, knew that the Prussians from Sambia sold large numbers of marten pelts to foreign traders. The hillforts were probably local centres of power and places of refuge for the local population. They were also the seats of powerful men, who resided there together with their own retinues, which were strengthened with the men from the neighbouring villages, should such need arise. Although the hillforts had fortifications, they were usually also located on that were already naturally defended, such as lake headlands or bog elevations. Not much is known about the religious beliefs of the Galindians. According to Peter of Duisburg, the Prussians venerated deities representing the forces 11  Odoj, “Wyniki badań,” p. 133.

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of nature and celestial bodies, and they sacred groves, fields, and waters. The beliefs of the Galidians may not have been very different. Certainly, the horse played an important part in those beliefs. Numerous horse remains with traces of skinning have been found, as on the sacrificial site in Poganowo, in the district of Kętrzyn.12 The burial customs of the Galindians are also poorly known. They undoubtedly practiced cremation, like all other Prussians. In this context, cremation burials found inside hillforts are very interesting. At Szestno-Czarny Las, cremated human remains have been found on stone pavements.13 Most probably they were deliberately deposited there. Cremated human remains have also found been in the hillforts at Jeziorko14 and probably in Pasym.15 However, those finds cannot be treated as common burial rites. The archaeological sources are of no help in the understanding of Galindian garments and weapons. Those people were considered as a mighty and valiant tribe. Some even believe that the name comes derived from the Baltic word Galintvvey (“bringing death to the enemy”).16 In this respect, one should refrain from comparing the Galindians with the better known and richer Sambian-Natangians, whose warriors were buried with javelins, spears, axes, and bows. Possibly the richer Galindian warriors used swords. Both foot and horseback combat was known. Despite the long history of archaeological research in Masuria, little is known about the Galindian tribe and its relations with the Olsztyn Group are still unclear. The situation may change in the nearest future, primarily because of recent excavations on a number of archaeological sites dated to the early Middle Ages.

12  Mariusz Wyczółkowski, “Baba kamienna z Poganowa. Wczesnośredniowieczne miejsce kultu Prusów,” in Bałtowie i ich sąsiedzi. Marian Kaczyński im memoriam, ed. by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska and Grażyna Iwanowska, Seminarium Bałtyjskie 2 (Warsaw, 2009), pp. 622–623. 13  Wróblewski, “Czarny las,” pp. 227–228; Sabaciński, “Materiał osteologiczny,” pp. 205–228. 14  Antoniewicz and Okulicz, “Sprawozdanie,” p. 17. 15  Odoj, “Wyniki badań,” p. 130. 16  Białuński, Studia, pp. 144–145.

Plates

Plate 1

After (1, 5, 7a, 12a, 12b) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (2–4, 6, 9, 10b, 11b) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (8a, 10a, 11a) Kulakov, “Mogil’niki” (5, 6), without scale

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Plates

Plate 2

219

After (1a) the archive of Niels Åberg, (1b) Ots, Juga, and Szymański, “Über die Vorteile,” (1c, 2a, 3b) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (2b, 3a, 4b) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (2c) Kühn, “Das Problem,” (2d, 3c, 4a, 5, 6) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi

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Plate 3

Plates

After (1a, 2b) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (1b, 2d, 3–5) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (2a) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (2c) the archive of Niels Åberg (3, 5) without scale

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Plate 4

After (1a, 2a, 3a, 4a) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (1b, 2b, 3b, 4b, 5b, 6b) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (1c, 2c, 3c, 4c, 5a) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann

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Plate 5

Plates

After (1a, 2a, 3b, 4b, 19b) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (1b, 2b, 3c, 4c, 5, 6, 7b, 8a, 9a, 10–18) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (7a, 8b, 9b) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (1c) Kühn, “Das Problem”

223

Plates

Plate 6

After (1a, 2b, 3a, 5a) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (1b, 2a, 3c, 4b, 5c) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (1c, 3b, 4a, 5b, 6, 7) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi

224

Plate 7

Plates

After (1–4, 5c, 6b, 7a, 8b, 9, 10, 12) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (5b, 6a) F. Jakobson’s Archive, (5a, 8a, 11) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (1b, 2a, 3c, 4b, 5c). (4), without scale

225

Plates

Plate 8

After (1a, 3–10, 11a, 12–20) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (1b, 2b) F. the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (11b) the archive of Rudolf Grenz

226

Plate 9

Plates

(1a) the archive of Rudolf Grenz, (1b, 2–5) the archive of Feliks Jakobson, (6–9, 10c, 11, 14–16, 19–22) Bitner-Wróblewska, Archeologiczne księgi, (10a, 12, 13, 17) the archive of Kurt Voigtmann, (10c) Kühn, “Das Problem”, (18) Bujack, “Ostpreussen”. 1a, 1b, 17, 18, without scale

Appendix 1

List of Archaeological Sites of the Olsztyn Group (The numbers in the index correspond to those on maps) Locality (currently)

District German name (currently) of locality until 1938a

German name of locality since 1938

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Babięta Barczewko Kolonia Bartążek Bartlikowo Bartołty Wielkie Biskupiec Kolonia Bogaczewo

Mrągowo Olsztyn Olsztyn Giżycko Olsztyn Olsztyn Giżycko

Babenten No change

8 9 10 11 12

Bogdany Bogumiły Bronikowo Burdąg Chochół

Olsztyn Pisz Mrągowo Szczytno Szczytno

Bogatzewen Kullabrücke Bogdainen Bogumillen Bronikowen Burdungen Gut Friedrichsfelde

13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Czaszkowo Dłużec Franknowo Gąsior Jagiełki Jakubowo Jeziorko

Mrągowo Mrągowo Reszel Pisz Szczytno Mrągowo Giżycko

Zatzkowen Langendorf Frankenau Gonshor Friederikenhein Jakobsdorf Jesziorken

20 21 22 23

Kamień Kielary Knis Koczek

Mrągowo Olsztyn Giżycko Pisz

Kamien Kellaren Gneist Kotzeck

24 25

Kosewo Kucbork

Mrągowo Szczytno

Kossewen Kutzburg

Babienten Alt Wartenburg Bartlickshof Groß Bartelsdorf

District (Kreis) until 1945

Sensburg Allenstein Allenstein No change Lötzen No change Allenstein Rössel since 2.01.1928 Lötzen Reichensee No change Allenstein Brödau Johannisburg No change Sensburg No change Neidenburg since 1939 Ortelsburg Friedrichsfelde Eisenack Sensburg No change Sensburg No change Rössel Gonsher Sensburg No change Ortelsburg No change Senburg Lötzen since 1928 Preußenburg No change Sensburg No change Allenstein No change Lötzen since 1905 Johannisburg Waldersee Rechenberg Sensburg No change Ortelsburg

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004381728_009

228

Appendix 1

(cont.)

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57

Locality (currently)

District German name (currently) of locality until 1938a

German name of locality since 1938

District (Kreis) until 1945

Lasowiec Leleszki Linowo Ławny Lasek Łuknajno Machary Małszewo Miętkie Muntowo Nerwik Nikutowo Nowa Kaletka Odryty Olsztyn Onufryjewo Pasym Paprotki Kolonia Piecki Popielno Popowo Salęckie Purda Rańsk Rumy Spychówko (Spychowo) Stare Kiejkuty Staświny Sterławki Małe Sterławki Wielkie Swobodna Szczytno (the environs) Szestno Stawek (Tałty st. II)

Mrągowo Szczytno Olsztyn Mrągowo Mrągowo Mrągowo Nidzica Szczytno Mrągowo Olsztyn Mrągowo Olsztyn Olsztyn Olsztyn Pisz Szczytno Giżycko Mrągowo Pisz Mrągowo Olsztyn Szczytno Szczytno Szczytno

Sternwalde Lehlesken Leynau Lawnilassek Lucknainen Macharren Malschöwen Mingfen Muntowen Nerwigk Nikutowen Neu Kaletka Odritten Allenstein Onufrigowen Passenheim Paprodtken Peitschendorf Popiellnen Plaffendorf Groß Purden Rheinswein Rummen Klein Puppen

No change No change No change Zieglershuben No change No change Malshöfen No change Muntau No change No change Herrmannsort No change No change No change No change Goldensee No change Spirdingsblick No change No change No change No change No change

Sensburg Ortelsburg Allenstein Sensburg Sensburg Sensburg Neidenburg Ortelsburg Sensburg Allenstein Sensburg Allenstein Allenstein Allenstein Johanisburg Ortelsburg Lötzen Sensburg Johannisburg Sensburg Allenstein Ortelsburg Ortelsburg Ortelsburg

Szczytno Giżycko Giżycko Giżycko Olsztyn Szczytno

Alt Keykuth Stasswinnen Klein Stürlack Groß Stürlack Schwuben Ortelsburg

No change Eisermühl No change No change No change No change

Ortelsburg Lötzen Lötzen Lötzen Heilsberg Ortelsburg

Mrągowo Mrągowo

Seehesten Schöneberg

No change No change

Sensburg Sensburg

List of Archaeological Sites of the Olsztyn Group

229

(cont.) Locality (currently)

District German name (currently) of locality until 1938a

German name of locality since 1938

District (Kreis) until 1945

58 59 60 61 62

Tumiany Tylkowo Waplewo Wawrochy Wólka Prusinowska

Olsztyn Szczytno Szczytno Szczytno Mrągowo

Allenstein Ortelsburg Ortelsburg Ortelsburg Sensburg

63 64 65 66 67 68

Wólka Dymerska Wrócikowo Wyszembork Wyszka (Kwik) Zalec Zdory

Szczytno Olsztyn Mrągowo Pisz Mrągowo Pisz

No change No change No change Deutschheide since 1929 Preußenort Klein Dimmern No change No change No change No change Dorren

Daumen Scheufelsdorf Waplitz Wawrochen Pruschinowen Wolka Dimmern Wolka Robertshof Weißenburg Wiska Salza Sdorren

Ortelsburg Allenstein Sensburg Johannisburg Sensburg Johannisburg

a  In 1938 in East Prussia, in a campaign led by gauleiter E. Koch, several thousand Polishsounding place names were changed.

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Index Åberg, Nils 25, 27, 29, 33, 37, 40, 42, 76, 105 n. 238, 107, 152 n. 3, 153–154, 159–161, 163, 170, 176, 180–182, 184, 198 Adam of Bremen 216 Alattyán 123 Alboin 118 Altenerding 39 n. 204, 104, 109, 114 Altenhausen 86, 172 Antoniewicz, Jerzy 19 n. 90, 23, 32, 68, 129 n. 371, 146, 148 Ardapy (also Ardappen) 77 Arne, Ture Algot Johnsson 40, 67 n. 30 Ártánd-Kisfarkasdomb 115 Astramechiava 144 Augustów Lakeland 6 Babięta (also Babienten) 14, 51, 94–96, 109, 165–166 Bachanowo 75, 81, 138 Baitai 137, 196 Balaton Lake 128 Bartlikowo (also Bartlickhof) 9, 51, 53 Bartołty Wielkie (also Groß Bartelsdorf)  18–19, 52 Bartoszyce (also Bartenstein) 77, 82, 128 Barvai (also Barwen) 80–81 Basel-Gotterbarmweg 171 Basel-Kleinhünningen 171 Basonia 66 Bażyny (also Basien) 176 Beriozovka (also Naunienen) 188 Berlin 5 n. 4, 10 n. 23, 25, 29, 12 n. 39, 15–16, 23, 25, 40 n. 206, 63 n. 3, 84 n. 122, 124, 125, 92 n. 170, 100 n. 205, 118 n. 298, 153, 185 n. 144, 190 n. 185, 197 n. 247 Bezzenberger Adalbert 12, 15, 22, 39, 49 n. 22, 55 n. 56, 92 n. 167, 114 nn. 273–274, 118 n. 294, 137 n. 430, 170 n. 41, 185 n. 142, 187 n. 165, 192 nn. 197, 206, 195 n. 225, 196 n. 234, 208 n. 305 Białogard 101 Bilwinów 72 Biskupin 71, 114, 141 Bitner-Wróblewska, Anna 4 n. 3, 5 n. 5, 7, 6 n. 8, 7, 14 n. 48, 49, 24–25 n. 114, 26 n.

117, 29, 32 n. 161, 164, 36 n. 186, 38–39, 42, 45 n. 237, 54 n. 50, 56 n. 62, 58 n. 69, 64 n. 11, 65 n. 12, 18, 68, 71 n. 52, 75, 77 n. 83, 80 n. 101, 102, 97 n. 196, 104 n. 232, 233, 105 n. 235, 114 n. 279, 123 n. 334, 129 n. 371, 141 n. 457, 146 n. 481, 152 n. 3, 154, 158–165, 217 n. 12 Blesme 91 Bliujienė, Audronė 43, 65 n. 14, 15, 139 n. 448, 181 n. 105, 106, 200 n. 261 Bogaczewo 4–7, 16, 25 n. 116, 26, 35, 46, 50–54, 56–57, 61–63, 76, 78, 106, 129, 148, 190–191, 201–202, 204, 208, 211 Bogdany (also Bogdainen) 18, 146 Bogumiły (also Bogumillen) 18 Bolesław Chrobry 214 Bolesławiec 172 Bolesław III Wrymouth 214 Bolesław IV the Curly 215 Bornice 31 n. 153, 56 Bratei 124 Břeclav-Pohansko 122 Brenner, Eduard 28 Brest 144 Brochon 171 Bród Nowy 72, 103, 110 Bronikowo (also Bronikowen) 15 Brzostowo 71 Bug River 131 Bujack, Georg 10, 12, 22, 64 n. 6, 152–153, 157–165, 182 n. 121, 190, 207 Bujak, Franciszek 31–32 n. 158, 55 n. 61 Burdąg (also Burdungen) 10, 49, 51–53 n. 44, 59, 80, 165, 185, 192–194 Cassiodorus 58, 212 Chełmno, land 61 Chochoł (also Friedrichsfelde) 17 Chudziak, Wojciech 39 n. 203, 131 n. 384, 389, 132 Ciglis Jānis 122, 153 n. 5 Čilinska, Zlata 80, 119 n. 301, 124, 187 Cserkút 138 Curta, Florin 38 n. 195, 41, 65 n. 14, 66 n. 22, 68 n. 34, 118 n. 298, 139 n. 450, 142 n. 459, 174 n. 62, 64, 195 n. 222

274 Czerwony Dwór (also Rothebude) 64, 72–73 Dąbkowo 146 Dąbrowa (also Damerau) 77 Dąbrowski, Krzysztof 19, 106, 123 n. 331, 146 n. 485 Danube River 140 Dattenberg 86, 88, 110 n. 265, 165–167, 169 Daugava River 211 Dębczyn 101 Dettingen 136 Dłużec (also Langendorf) 18, 78, 204 Dnieper, River 4, 33–34, 40–42, 61, 83, 121, 130, 135–136, 138, 140, 144, 196 Dobre 70 Dour 36 n. 184, 40, 71–72, 94–95, 103, 107, 109–110, 114, 166–167, 171 Drava River 128 Drwęca River 131 Dulinicz, Marek 18 n. 78, 34 n. 176, 44 n. 234, 236, 107 n. 249, 131 n. 387, 390, 145 Dźwina River 45 Ebert, Max 15–16, 164, 189 n. 179 Ehrlich, Bruno 44 n. 233, 54 Einhard 212 Eisliethen 176 Elbe River 31, 48, 78–79, 92 Elbląg 45, 56, 61, 71, 77, 79–80, 105–106, 112, 118, 125, 128, 130, 132 n. 392, 146, 181, 185, 188–189, 200, 203–204 Elchdorf 48, 83 Ełk (also Lyck) 5, 19, 64, 71, 73, 75 Ełk Lakeland 5, 64, 71 Engel, Carl 25, 27–28 n. 133, 134, 30, 39, 59–60, 64 n. 9, 78 n. 88, 147 n. 495, 157–158, 179 n. 95, 191, 198 Engers 88 Fischer Christian Gabriel 8 Franknowo 227 Friedberg 89 Fromm Leonard 12, 18, 26, 30, 55 n. 61 Fürstenwalde 182 Gaerte, Wilhelm 15–16, 30, 52 n. 33, 53 n. 39, 63 n. 1, 116 n. 289, 119–120, 126 n. 350,

Index 127, 164, 185 n. 142, 155, 189 n. 179, 200 n. 260, 201 n. 262 Gallus Anonymus 34 Gaponovo 135 Garonne River 89 Gąsior (also Gonschor) 12, 51, 65, 101, 133, 201 n. 265 Gąssowski Jerzy 33, 34 n. 172, 48 n. 14, 60 n. 84, 107 n. 249 Gersheim 92 Giersz, Marcin (also Gerß, Martin) 16 Giżycko 9, 15–16, 19 n. 90, 20, 25–26 n. 119, 147 Godłowski, Kazimierz 8, 77 n. 80, 81, 83 n. 118, 106 n. 243, 130 Gołdap (also Goldap) 64, 73–74, 96, 132 Gołdapa River, 5 Grachevka (also Craam) 176 Grenz, Rudolf 25, 153, 157, 164, 205 Grobiņa 114 Grodzisk Wielkopolski 140 Großprüfening 134, 196 Guber River 70 Gummersmark 107 Gvardeisk 185 Gyód 120, 124 Haćki 131–133, 149 Hamm 18 Haseloff Günther 40 Hein, Otto Wilhelm Heinrich 18 Helgö 39 n. 204, 104, 109, 114 Helwing Georg Andreas 8 Henneberg, Caspar 213 Henry of Sandomierz 215 Heydeck Johannes 11, 12 n. 35, 15, 22, 25, 28, 39, 49 nn. 19, 22, 54 n. 53, 55 n. 61, 80 n. 104, 86 n. 133, 91 nn. 153, 157, 93 n. 174, 98 n. 198, 102 nn. 219–220, 104 n. 232, 105 n. 238, 108 n. 259, 123 n. 331, 136 nn. 417, 421, 138 n. 435, 170 n. 38, 172 n. 53, 187 n. 158, 192 n. 196, 196 n. 229, 202 n. 267, 207 n. 304 Hilberg, Volker 11 n. 31, 12 n. 36, 42, 45, 64, 66 n. 20, 68 n. 37, 72 n. 58, 78 n. 85, 79 n. 93, 84 n. 127, 85–86 n. 130, 131, 89 n. 144, 90, 94–96, 105 n. 236, 106 n. 247, 108–109 n. 260, 110–111, 115 n. 285, 144

Index n. 465, 165, 167, 171 n. 48, 174 n. 61, 177 n. 81, 178 n. 86, 182 n. 122, 184 n. 131 Hódmezővásárhely 115 Högom 113, 203–204 n. 275 Hohfelden 89 Hollack Emil 10 n. 26, 12, 14–15, 18 n. 78, 22, 26–27, 37, 46 n. 1, 49 nn. 19, 22, 50 n. 28, 52 nn. 33, 37, 53 n. 39, 55 n. 56, 92 n. 167, 114 nn. 273–274, 118 n. 294, 119, 170 n. 41, 179 n. 95, 185 n. 142, 187 n. 165, 192 nn. 197, 206, 195 n. 225, 208 n. 305 Holmogor’e (also Kipitten) 80, 125 Hüfingen 93 Iława Lakeland 4 Innocent IV 212 Irlmauth 48 Izhevskoe (also Widitten) 125 Jagiełki (also Friderikenhein) 10, 72, 103 Jakobson Felix 12 n. 35, 25, 37–38 n. 195, 44–45, 54 n. 53, 55 n. 56, 58, 59, 73 n. 62, 80 n. 104, 106, 109, 81 n. 111, 86 n. 130, 87, 91 n. 153, 92 n. 167, 93, 95 n. 193, 96, 98–99, 105 n. 238, 106 n. 241, 113–114 n. 274, 118 n. 294, 119 n. 303, 120, 122 n. 321, 126 n. 350, 139, 145, 152 n. 3, 153–154, 159–161, 163–165, 170 n. 38, 39, 41, 176 n. 71, 78, 178 n. 90, 185 n. 146, 151, 187 n. 158, 165, 192 n. 196, 197, 199, 206, 193 n. 210, 194 n. 215, 195 n. 225, 198 n. 251, 200 n. 258, 259, 205 Jakubowo (also Jakobsdorf) 18, 51 Jakuszowice 83 Jauneikiai 137, 196 Jędrzychowice 83 Jedwabno 131 Jeziorko 19, 147–148, 215, 217 Jordanes 69, 105, 212 Jurgaičai 139 Kadigehnen 176 Kaliningrad (also Königsberg, Królewiec)  23, 78, 80, 82–83, 88, 96, 108 n. 259, 112, 123, 125, 128, 146, 153, 157–158 n. 13, 176, 185, 203 Kama River 121 Kamień (also Kamien) 12, 26, 51–52, 133

275 Kamieńskie 72 Kärlich 86, 88–89, 110 n. 265, 165, 169–170 Karolewo 23 Kazimierz II the Just 215 Kazimierz of Kujawia 212 Kemke Heinrich 8 n. 16, 9, 16, 53 n. 45, 86 n. 134, 172 n. 54 Keszethely 86 Keszthely-Alsópahók 126 Keszthely-Fenékpuszta 126 Kętrzyn 18, 23, 145, 217 Khil’chica 130 Khotomel’ 130 Kielary (also Kellaren) 12, 15, 28, 30, 38–39, 45, 47, 49, 51–53 n. 44, 54–55, 59, 61, 84, 86, 92, 94–97, 99, 103, 106, 110–111, 114–115, 118–122, 126, 128, 133, 136, 138, 165–171, 174 n. 61, 179, 181–183, 185, 187–188, 191–201, 203–204, 206, 208 Kisköre 122 n. 319, 123, 126 Klaipėda 80 Kleinheide 67 Kleinlangheim 103, 183–184 Knin 116 Knis 193 Koch, Alexander 41 n. 214, 89 n. 146, 91 n. 159, 160, 92 n. 172, 94 n. 187, 95, 103 n. 224, 171 n. 46, 172 n. 50, 183 n. 123, 197 n. 247 Koczek (also Kotzek) 14 Koddien 185 Kölked-Feketekapu 102 n. 218, 124 Konarzewo 71 Konrad of Mazovia 212 Kontny, Bartosz 5 n. 5, 24 n. 113, 43 n. 225, 77 n. 80, 177, 188 n. 173, 204 Körner, Gerhard 31 Kosewo (also Kossewen) 10–11, 16, 26, 45–47, 49–53, 55, 59, 61, 63, 65, 72–75, 78, 80, 84, 86, 89, 94–97, 100, 107–108, 110, 115–116, 118, 122, 126, 136, 138, 165, 167, 170–172, 176, 178–179, 185, 188–189, 191–193 Kossinna, Gustaf 31 Kovrovo (also Dollkeim) 35, 48, 56, 65–67, 69, 71, 76–83, 96, 101, 106, 112, 128, 130, 146, 174, 176, 185, 188, 200–201, 203–204

276 Kowalski Jacek 7 n. 11, 8, 37–38, 40 n. 210, 42, 45, 61 n. 87, 66 n. 21, 85 n. 128, 94 n. 180, 103 n. 230, 116 n. 288, 119 nn. 300, 302, 122 n. 322, 124 n. 338, 138 n. 447, 144 n. 464, 153 n. 9, 168 n. 31, 171 n. 43, 172 n. 51, 174 n. 65, 176, 180 n. 103, 184 n. 139, 195 nn. 218, 221, 223, 226, 198 n. 253, 206 n. 292, 208 n. 307, 209 Kraków-Nowa Huta 133, 141 Kühn, Herbert 33, 40–41, 84 n. 127, 86, 89, 91 n. 156, 92 n. 168, 94–96, 110 n. 265, 138 n. 444, 152 n. 3, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167–169, 172–173 Kulakov, Vladimir 26 n. 118, 28, 37, 43, 76 n. 78, 78 n. 85, 90, 80 n. 108, 152 n. 3, 153, 157 n. 11, 158–165, 179 n. 92, 187 n. 167, 203 n. 269, 205 n. 284 Kuyavia 70 La Baume, Wolfgang 12, n. 36, 18 n. 80, 28 n. 134, 30 n. 148, 33 n. 169, 36, 45, 55, 71 n. 49, 77 n. 80, 81, 106 n. 243, 123 n. 334 Łabędziewo (also Labendzowo) 15 Lasowiec (also Sternwalde) 15, 21, 52 Ławny Lasek 19, 65, 101, 201 n. 265 Lazdininkiai 200 Łęcze-Srebrna Góra 125 Łęki Wielkie 140 Leleszki (also Lehlesken) 10, 26, 43 n. 228, 47, 51–52, 59, 61, 86, 97–98 n. 202, 99, 110–111, 115, 118, 133, 149 n. 509, 151–154, 165, 167–174, 181–182, 185, 189–202, 204–210 Łężany 64 Lidzbark (formerly Heilberg) 77, 176 Ligvino 67 Lower Powiśle, land 61 Lower Silesia, land 83, 173 Łowmiański, Henryk 33, 129 n. 371, 215 n. 8 Lubawa, land 131 Lubicz 131 Lubniewice 136 Lucy 91 Łuknajno (Lucknainen) 18, 35, 167, 206 Łyna, River 3, 56, 70, 77, 190 n. 185, 211, 213

Index Machary (also Macharren) 15, 51 Maćkowiak-Kotkowska, Lidia 145 Main River 104 Mainz-Finthen 112, 203 Mainz-Weisenau 166 Mała Boćwinka 96 Małszewo (also Malshöfen) 10, 59, 209 Marburg 25, 41 n. 214, 45 n. 240, 67 n. 28, 92 n. 163, 97 n. 197, 157 Maria Ponsee 103 Markaimy (also Markeim) 77 Maros River 171 Martynivka 121, 196 Masurian Lakeland 1–4, 9, 30, 32, 35, 40, 50 n. 23, 63, 65, 70–71, 77, 191, 213 Maulen 78 Mazovia 39, 131–132, 147–148, 151, 212 Mertloch 99 Miętkie (also Mingfen) 14–15, 17, 50–52, 55, 73, 78 n. 89, 80, 84, 89, 93, 95, 98–100, 105, 110, 115, 119, 122, 126, 128, 133, 136, 138, 165–167, 170–171, 175, 178, 185–187, 192–193, 195 Mikołajskie Lake 2 Mitino 76 n. 78, 146, 204 Młyniec 131 Moberg, Carl Axl 25 Mojtyny (Moythinien) 15 Morąg 8 Mrągowo (also Sensburg) 1, 5, 10, 12, 14–15, 18, 21–22, 35, 42, 145, 206 n. 294 Mrągowo Lakeland 1, 5 Mülhofen 86, 92, 138, 165, 194, 209 Murinius, Marcin 57, 211 n. 2, 212 Nalikajmy (also Likeim) 77 Narew River 3, 37, 148 Nemunas River 4, 61, 65 Nerwik (also Nerwigk) 19 Netta 64, 73, 75 Neuses 98, 187 Niederbreisig 88, 169 Niedrzwica 74 Niegocin Lake 212 Nikutowo (also Nikutowen) 14, 51 Nouvion-le-Comte 91 Nové Zámky 80 n. 108, 123

Index Nowakiewicz, Tomasz 14 n. 48, 21 n. 106, 22 n. 107, 26 n. 117, 34 n. 176, 38 n. 198, 43 n. 231, 60 n. 83, 84, 64 n. 9, 70 n. 44, 129 n. 373, 146, 211 n. 3 Nowakowski, Wojciech 4–5 n. 4, 6 n. 9, 7 n. 11, 8 n. 12, 11 n. 30, 14 n. 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 15 n. 55, 59, 18 n. 75, 77, 78, 20–21 n. 104, 105, 23 n. 111, 25 n. 114, 26 n. 120, 126, 27, 35 n. 183, 38, 43 n. 230, 44 n. 234, 46 n. 3, 57 n. 64, 60 n. 80, 81, 83, 84, 63 n. 3, 65 n. 17, 67 n. 27, 28, 68 n. 34, 69 n. 38, 71 n. 50, 51, 72 n. 56, 60, 76 n. 75, 78 n. 89, 79 n. 95, 100 n. 209, 101 n. 213, 107 n. 249, 115 n. 280, 124 n. 335, 125 n. 347, 133 n. 398, 164–165, 185 n. 144, 155, 189 n. 179, 190 n. 183, 191 n. 187, 192 n. 201, 206 n. 294, 211 n. 4 Nowinka 112, 181, 188–189, 203–204 Nowiny 146 Oberhausen-Sterkrade 91 Oder River 70, 86 Odoj Romuald 10 n. 27, 19 n. 89, 28 n. 136, 32n. 164, 68 n. 32, 68 nn. 32–33, 147n. 494, 148, 149 n. 506, 152 n. 3, 216 n. 11, 217 n. 15 Odryty (also Odritten) 18 Okulicz Jerzy (also Okulicz-Kozaryn. Jerzy)  28 n. 138, 37, 129 n. 374, 146, 188 n. 173 Okulicz Łucja (also Okulicz-Kozaryn Łucja) 39 n. 202, 59 Olecko 72 Olsztyn (also Allenstein) 1–4, 6–12, 14 n. 48, 15–28, 30–44 n. 236, 45–63, 65–85, 89, 94–95, 97–111, 114–115, 118–119, 122, 124 n. 335, 125, 128–130, 132 n. 391, 133, 135–136, 138, 140, 144–151, 165, 167, 169–175, 178–179, 181, 183–211, 213, 217 Olsztyn-Brzeziny 21, 133, 195 Olsztyn (Częstochowa district) 1–4, 6–12, 14 n. 48, 15–28, 30–44 n. 236, 45–63, 65–85, 89, 94–95, 97–111, 114–115, 118–119, 122, 124 n. 335, 125, 128–130, 132 n. 391, 133, 135–136, 138, 140, 144–151, 165, 167, 169–175, 178–179, 181, 183–211, 213, 217

277 Olsztyn Lakeland 1, 30–31, 36, 61, 63, 79, 148 n. 496, 151, 190 Onufryjewo (also Onufrigowen) 14, 51 Oroszlány 119 n. 302, 134, 138 Orzysz 72 Oszczywilk 71 Oterki (also Klein Ottern) 18 Palanga 137, 196 Paprotki Kolonia 19 Parczewski, Michał 130 n. 380, 382, 145 n. 473, 147, 187 n. 164, 205 Parkoszewo (formerly Perkau) 77 Pasłęka River 71, 77 Pašušvys 128 Pasym (also Passenheim) 10, 19, 68, 147–149, 152, 215, 217 Pavirvyte 137, 196 Pažarstis 5 Pécs-Köztemető 134 Peiser Feliks Ernst 10–12, 14–15, 27, 46 n. 1, 49, 50 n. 28, 52 nn. 33, 37, 53, 127 n. 358, 179 n. 95 Pesochnoe (also Detlevsruh) 96, 176 Peter of Dusburg 35 Petersen, Ernst 28 n. 135, 31–32, 71 n. 49 Piecki 20, 46, 50, 53, 65 n. 18, 191, 196, 206 Pietrasze 73 Piła 71 Pisański Georg Christoph 8 Pisański Jakob Ludwich 8 Pisz (also Johannisburg) 10, 12, 18, 52, 72, 100 Plinkaigalis 65, 128 Płock 129 n. 372, 131, 147, 187 Podlasie, land 131–132 Polessk (also Löbertshoff) 82, 128 Pomerania, land 212 n. 5 Pomeranian Lakeland 2 Poniki (formerly Groß-Poniken) 77 Popielno (also Popielnen) 18, 52, 100 Popowo Salęckie 20, 51, 95, 97 Potsdam 145 Poznań, city 1, 71, 101 n. 216, 114 n. 279, 129 n. 374, 131 n. 387, 389, 145 n. 470 Pregoła River 3, 70 Pripet River 130–131 Probarskie Lake 47, 179

278 Pruszcz Gdański 56, 103 Prützke 43 Przedbród 123 Przemęczany 83 Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemy) 35, 211 Radosiewo 115 Radziejów Kujawski 70–71, 115, 141 Ravenna 67 Reszel 35–36 n. 184, 124, 145 Reusch, Christian Friedrich 8 Rhine River 171 Riga 15, 25, 55 n. 58, 153 n. 5, 154 Rittersdorf 95 Rõsna-Saare 105 Rossow 86, 172 Rzhevskoe (also Linkuhnen) 82 Salin, Bernhard 39–40 n. 206 Sante Leocadia 48 Schleiff, Hans 25 Schmidt, Arthur 20 17 n. 72, 25, 92 n. 170, 173 n. 58 Schmiedehelm, Marta 12 n. 39, 25, 133 n. 402 Seetz 145, 179 Seine River 89, 91 Selski (also Kobjeiten) 88, 169 Šereitlaukis (also Schreitlauken) 82 Šernai (also Schernen) 137, 196 Shosseinoe 67 Sidonius Apollinaris 69 Sigismer 69 Šilutė 82, 139, 185 Skowarcz 103, 109 Skvorcov, Konstantin 23 n. 113, 67 n. 30, 69, 76 n. 78, 78 n. 85, 153 n. 5 Smolanka (also Landskron) 77, 128 Śniardwy Lake 35 Soest 91–92 Soldatovo (also Friedrichstal) 176 Sontheim 91 Sortławki (also Sortlack) 77 Spychówko (also Klein Puppen) 14–15, 50–51, 78, 114 Stadler, Peter 118 n. 298, 121, 128 n. 362 Stanaičiai 5 Stara Boćwinka 64

Index Stare Kiejkuty (also Alt Keykuth) 15, 51, 78, 193 Stare Kiełbonki (also Alt Kelbonken) 14–15 Staświny 19, 148, 215 Stella Erasmus (Johannes Stüler) 211 Sterławki Duże (also Gross Sturlack) 228 Sterławki Małe (also Klein Sturlack) 15–16 Stockholm 25, 39 n. 205, 40 n. 208, 106 n. 246, 113 n. 271, 154 Stora Gairvide 108–109 Straubing 134 Šturms, Eduard 32, 58–59, 79 n. 97 Suchohrad 122 Sudota 65 Sutton Hoo 106 Suvorovo (also Zohpen) 79–80, 112, 123, 185, 203 Suwałki Lakeland 5, 71 Svržno-Černý Vrch 126 Świlcza 83 Szarwas-Grexa-Téglagyár 197 Szczytno (also Ortelsburg) 10, 14–15, 18, 21, 32, 35, 68, 103, 138, 151 Szeligi 131–133, 136, 140, 145 n. 473, 187, 196 n. 239 Szentes-Berékhat 141 Szestno 19–20, 148–149, 206, 215, 217 Szigetszentmiklós-Hároser 197 Szymański, Wojciech 5 n. 6, 12 n. 41, 20, 21 n. 101, 105, 23 n. 113, 25 n. 115, 116, 26 n. 122, 46 n. 6, 47 n. 11, 50 n. 24, 53 n. 42, 64 n. 6, 72 n. 56, 73 n. 66, 96, 127, 129 n. 372, 374, 132 n. 393, 398, 133 n. 404, 140, 149 n. 507, 177, 188 n. 168, 196 n. 239, 206 n. 294 Tacitus, Publius Cornelius 35, 67, 72, 212 Tallgren, Aarne Michaёl 25 Tałty 21, 26, 35, 78, 106–108 Taurapilis 65 Theoderic II 69 Theodoric the Great 58, 67 Tischler Otto 8–9, 25, 86 n. 134, 172 n. 54 Tiska Hans 12, 18, 26 Tisza River 171 Tiszafüred-Majoros 120 Transylvania, land 41

279

Index Truso 70 n. 45, 100 n. 209, 101 n. 215, 114, 164, 189 n. 179, 190 n. 183 Tumiany (also Daumen) 11–12, 15, 18–20, 23 n. 113, 28, 30–31, 36 n. 184, 37–40 n. 210, 41–42, 45, 47, 49, 51–53 n. 44, 54, 59, 61, 71–72, 78, 80, 84, 86, 89, 91–95, 97–98, 102–109, 111, 114–115, 122–124, 126, 128–129, 133, 136, 138, 146, 165–167, 170–172, 181–187, 191–192, 195–199, 202–204, 208 n. 306 Tylkowo (also Scheufelsdorf) 10, 17, 72, 152 n. 3, 165–167, 174, 185, 191–192, 204, 209 Tyszkiewicz, Jan 33 n. 166, 39 Unstrut River 92 Urbańczyk, Przemysław 44 n. 233, 54 n. 54, 69–70 n. 45, 118, 146 n. 484 Valdemar II 212, 215 Vallstenarum 106 Valsgärde 106 Velyki Budky 42 Vendel 106–107 Vetkino (also Siegesdicken) 188 Vetrovo (also Ekritten) 80, 185 Vėžaičiai (also Weszeiten) 185 Vistula River 211 Voigtmann, Kurt 11 n. 30, 14 n. 43, 18 n. 76, 25, 31–32, 43, 45, 48, 88, 125, 127, 153–154, 157–161, 163–165, 190, 193 n. 210, 205–206 von Zur Mühlen, Bernt 125, 187 n. 167 Wągrowiec 115 Walachia 41 Waplewo (also Waplitz) 17, 52, 86, 106, 114, 138, 174 n. 61, 204, 209 Wapno 70 n. 45, 115 Warnikam 67, 78, 101, 176–178, 182 Warsaw-Wawer 179 Wawrochy (also Wawrochen) 14, 51, 80

Węgorzewo (also Angerburg) 8, 36, 94 Weigel, Max 10 n. 28, 16, 49, 201 n. 264 Werner, Joachim 20, 34, 38 n. 195, 40–42, 55, 84 n. 126, 127, 91, 103 n. 224, 104 n. 231, 109 n. 262, 110, 139–141, 173–174 n. 62, 64, 183 n. 123, 195 n. 222, 197 n. 247 Weser River 89 Widryny 64 Wiesbaden 64, 95 Wittenberge 145 Wkra River 131 Wólka Prusinowska (also Pruschinowen Wolka) 14, 38, 51, 55, 104, 110, 122, 126, 145, 167–169, 171, 185, 189, 200 Wróblewski, Wojciech 14 n. 48, 26 n. 117, 34 n. 176, 36 n. 185, 39 n. 203, 43 n. 231, 60 n. 84, 61 n. 85, 86, 72 n. 53, 114 n. 279, 129 n. 371, 373, 141 n. 457, 146, 148 n. 498, 211 n. 3, 213–214 n. 7, 215 n. 10 Wulfstan 212 Würzburg 92 Wyszembork 7, 20, 46–48, 50–54, 59, 79, 102, 145, 183, 201, 204, 206 Wyszka (also Wiska) 10 Wyszogród 131 n. 387, 147 Ysegups 212 Zábojník, Jozef 100 n. 208, 119 n. 301, 122–123 n. 329, 126 n. 353 Żak, Jan 31 n. 153, 104, 145 Zalec (also Salza) 12, 26, 47, 50–51, 54, 185 Zamárdi-Rétiföldek 121 Zapsė 5 Zdory (also Sdorren) 10, 15, 35, 52–53, 80, 89, 99, 110, 122, 167, 171, 188, 192, 198 Zelenogradsk (also Schlakalken) 176 Želovce 122 n. 319, 126 Ziboliškė 65 Żmijewo 131 Żnin 71, 114