Archaeology of East Asia: The Rise of Civilisation in China, Korea and Japan. 1785700707, 9781785700705

Citation preview

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:29:36 UTC All use subject to

ARCHAEOLOGY OF

EAST ASIA The Rise of Civilization in China, Korea and Japan

Gina L. Barnes

Oxbow Books Oxford & Philadelphia

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:29:36 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Published in the United Kingdom in 2015 by OXBOW BOOKS 10 Hythe Bridge Street, Oxford OX1 2EW and in the United States by OXBOW BOOKS 908 Darby Road, Havertown, PA 19083 © Gina L. Barnes 2015 Illustrations © Gina L. Barnes, except for those illustrations which have been reproduced here under Public Domain or Creative Commons licenses – these are offered here under those same licenses. Hardback Edition: ISBN 978-1-78570-070-5 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78570-071-2 A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Barnes, Gina Lee. [China, Korea, and Japan] Archaeology of East Asia : the rise of civilization in China, Korea and Japan / Gina L. Barnes. pages cm Originally published under title: China, Korea, and Japan : the rise of civilization in East Asia. 1993. Also published under title: Rise of civilization in East Asia : the archaeology of China, Korea and Japan. 1999. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-78570-070-5 (hardback) -- ISBN 978-1-78570-071-2 (epub) -- ISBN 978-1-78570-072-9 (mobi) -- ISBN 978-1-78570-073-6 (pdf ) 1. East Asia--Civilization. 2. East Asia--Antiquities. I. Title. DS509.3.B37 2015 931--dc23 2015021194 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the publisher in writing. Printed in Malta by Melita Press Ltd. For a complete list of Oxbow titles, please contact: UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNITED KINGDOM Oxbow Books Oxbow Books Telephone (800) 791-9354, Fax (610) 853-9146 Telephone (01865) 241249, Fax (01865) 794449 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] www.oxbowbooks.com www.casemateacademic.com/oxbow Oxbow Books is part of the Casemate Group Front cover: Suzakumon, the southern gate to Heijo Palace, Nara. Photo: GL Barnes 2008 Back cover: Jomon flame pot: This Wikimedia Commons image is from the user Chris 73 and is freely available at commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jomon_vessel_3000-2000BC.jpg under the CC-BY-SA 3.0 license. 6c Buddha, 26 " tall painted limestone, by Sean Pathasema/Birmingham Museum of Art [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Buddha-BMA. jpg] Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported license. Earring pair by pressapochista [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Geumjesimyeophyeongisik_(Heart-shaped_gold_earrings_for_the_king).jpg] Creative Commons Attribution-Share-Alike 2.0 Generic license.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:29:36 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Contents List of Boxes List of Figures List of Tables

Preface 

Multiple editions xiii; Where is East Asia? xiv; Dating preferences xiv;   Language issues xv; Note on referencing xviii; Note on indexing xviii;   Acknowledgments xix

1 Orientation

ix ix xii

xiii

1

Grounding  1 Starting from the Yellow Sea 1; Mainland geography 3; The loesslands 4;   The Northern Zone 4; Westward ho! 4; Eastward bound 4; North–south divisions 5 National chronologies  6 With or without writing?  7 Prehistoric archaeology 7; Protohistoric archaeology 8; Historic archaeology 12 East Asian cultural successions  13 The Chinese sequence 13; The Korean sequence 20; The Japanese sequence 23

2 Archaeological Organization 

27

Archaeology as a government endeavor  Japan 29; Korea 33; China 35 East Asian archaeology since 1990  Science and theory 39; Multiple archaeologies 40; Cooperative projects 40;   Conferences 42; Journals 43

27

3 The Earliest Inhabitants (2,000,000–40,000 years ago) 

45

The peopling of East Asia  The first peopling, or Out of Africa 1  What peoples? 48; Habitats, habits and habitation 52; Their tool kits 55 Intermediate peoples  The second peopling, or Out of Africa 2  How far east did Pleistocene hominins go, and when? 

45 48

4 Innovations of Modern Humans (40,000–10,000 years ago) 

67



67 74

Modern peoples and their accoutrements  Upper Palaeolithic climate and chronology 

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

38

60 60 64

iv  Archaeology of East Asia

New lithic strategies  Significance of prepared-core technologies 79; Blade varieties and assemblages 81 What were they hunting?  A mobile lifestyle  Harbingers of the Neolithic  Edge-ground axes 89; Plant utilization 91; Coastal living 92;   The invention of pottery 93

5 Earlier Holocene Subsistence Patterns   (10,000–5000 years ago = 8000–3000 BC) Settling down  Earliest villages 97; Feedback loops between food and sedentism 102 ‘In-between’ societies  Exploiting Holocene forests  The importance of nuts 104; Timbers, houses and woodworking tools 106 Living on Holocene shores  Anatomy of a shellmound 107; Fish stories 110 Pen/Insular species management  Jomon husbandry 111; Chulmun husbandry 115 Mainland cereal growers  Northern millet cultures 116; Southern rice culture 117; Mainland   broad-ranging subsistence 120 Food studies  Proportional food resources 121; Isotope analyses 123

79 86 87 89

96 97 103 104 107 111 116 121

6 The Mid-Holocene Social Mosaic (5000–2000 BC) 

126

Introduction  The Middle Jomon phenomenon  A regional exchange network 127; Core villages 131 The Loesslands tradition  Yangshao villages 135; Loesslands pottery 141 The East Coast tradition  Dawenkou villages 143; East Coast ceramics 146 The Hongshan enigma  Dimensions of social status  Gender distinctions 149; Ritualists 150; Social hierarchies 153;   The importance of commensality 154 Summary 

126 127

7 Emergence and Decline of Late Neolithic Societies (3300–1900 BC) 

157

Introduction  Periodization 157; Agriculture, monumental architecture and social  stratification 160; What is a state? 161

157

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

135 143 147 149 155

Contents  v

Urbanizing settlements  Of walls and terraces 162; Southern powerhouse: Liangzhu site complex 163;   Intermontane Taosi 165; Liangchengzhen, Eastern Longshan 167;   Quick comparisons 169 Site hierarchies  Central Plain polity development  Walled settlements 170; Sacrificial interments 172; Settlement system 172 The dramatic end of the Late Neolithic  The opening of the steppes  The western and central steppes 177; From west to east 177; Establishment of   the Early Metal Province 180

162

8 Bronze Age Beginnings (2000–850 BC) 

181

Bronze Age time span  Bronze and agro-pastoralism  Qijia and Siba cultures 185; Zhukaigou 185; Lower Xiajiadian 186 Bronze and Erlitou  The Erlitou site (1850–1550 BC) 187; Erlitou culture and polity 191; Significance of Erlitou bronze vessels 192 The Shang bronze tradition  Shang bronzes 195 Southern bronze cultures  Lower and Middle Yangzi 199; Sichuan Basin: Sanxingdui 200 The Northern Bronze Complex  In conclusion

181 183

9 Early State Florescence (1500–770 BC) 

206

Dynastic successions  Was Erlitou the Xia capital? 207; Early, Middle and Late Shang 207;   Royal Zhou 208 Early inscriptions  Shang state organization  Shang capitals 210; The late great capital of Yinxu 214; Territorial  expansion 219; Political organization 222 Royal Zhou and enfeoffments  Zhou in the Zhouyuan 223; Early Zhou socio-political organization 225;   Yan – a royal enfeoffment 226 Early Zhou architectural contributions  Sacrifice and warfare  Sacrifice at altar and tomb 227; Of horses and chariots 228 Early state overview 

206

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

169 170 174 176

187 192 199 202 204

209 210 223 226 227 229

vi  Archaeology of East Asia

10 Eastern Zhou and Its Frontiers (1st millennium BC) 

231

Eastern Zhou (771–221 BC)  State autonomy 232; Warfare tactics 233 Zhou and ‘non-Zhou’ identity formation  From huaxia to Han 235; Peripheral origins 236 Zhou border states  The eastern state of Qi 237; The southern state of Chu 237;   Qin to the west 239; Jin in the northwest 240 Commercial endeavors  Bronzes: deterioriations and advances 241; Iron: the beginning of   an industry 244; Salt 248; A cash economy 248 The Northern Zone  From Rong and Di to hu 249; Northern signifiers: animal art and gold 253

232

11 Pen/Insular Rice, Bronze and Iron (1300–200 BC) 

255

Contributions from the China Mainland  Upper Xiajiadian 256; Yueshi culture 258 Establishing Mumun culture  Transmission of rice farming 259; Dolmen and cist burials 261;   Final addition of bronzes to the funerary goods 262 Middle Mumun (850–550 BC) settlement and society  Taepyong-ri site 263; Komdan-ri site 265; Songguk-ri site 266 Late Mumun / Early Iron Age transitions (500–200 BC)  The Slender Bronze Dagger culture 267; Arrival of iron 269 From Jomon to Yayoi  Yayoi beginnings 270; Yayoi expansion 275; Craft advancements 278;   Jomon resistance to wet-rice agriculture 280

256

12 The Making and Breaking of Empire (350 BC–500 AD) 

285

Qin, the Unifier  Warring states reforms 285; United China 286 The Han Dynasty  Establishment of unified rule 289; Imperial capitals 290;   Han burial innovations 293 Roads as arteries to the empire  Road to the west 298; Road to the south 301; Continuing northern   border problems 302; Northeastern relations 305 Turmoil at the end of Han  Fragmentation of the empire 306; Succeeding polities 307

285

13 The Yellow Sea Interaction Sphere (400 BC – 300 AD) 

309

Trade and tribute relations  Meeting the Hui and Mo 309; Han domination 309

309

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

234 237 241 249

258 263 266 270

289 298 306

Contents  vii

Northeastern horse-riders  Puyo in the central Manchurian Basin 311; Early Koguryo in the   eastern Manchurian massif 313 The Lelang commandery  Commandery sites 313; Relations with Shandong and Liaodong 314;   Lelang tombs 315; From Gongsun to Wei rule 316 The Samhan of the southern Korean Peninsula  Commandery connections 317; Ceramic advancements 320; Iron production 321;   From the Three Han to the Three Kingdoms 322 Yayoi bronze cultures  Renewed continental connections 323; North Kyushu continental gateway 326

311

14 Mounded Tomb Cultures (2–5c AD) 

331

Pen/Insular state formation  On the Peninsula  Koguryo and Paekche origins 332; Kaya and Silla origins 336 In the Islands  From mound-burials to mounded tombs 342; Daifang and Queen Himiko 346;   Kofun bunka: the mounded tomb culture (MTC) of Japan 347 Early state relations  Warfare 351; Writing 354 New tombs and art  Corridor-chamber tombs 355; Mural tombs 356 Expansion of Silla and Yamato  Administrative incorporation by Yamato 358; Military conquest by Silla 359

331 332

15 East Asian Civilization (3–7c AD) 

361

Rapid transformations On the Mainland 361; In the Pen/Insulae 363 Buddhism  Buddhist grottoes 365; Pen/Insular Buddhism 367; Temple excavations 368 Law and administration: a Yamato case study Territorial control Gridded cities 371; Provincial systems 374; A new field system 377; Taxation 378 Technological developments Cosmopolitan lifestyles

361

313 317 323

342 351 355 358

364 370 371 380 382

16 Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World 

384

Why study East Asian archaeology?  Sharing of religious philosophies  Friction dating to earlier times  The problem with Mimana 388; Keyhole tombs in Korea 388; Koguryo split   between two states 389 The importance of national heritage 

384 385 387

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

390

viii  Archaeology of East Asia

Appendices 

395

A. Scientific dating 395 B. List of abbreviations 397 C. Language issues: pronunciation and alternative spellings 399 D. Institutional histories 1092–2014 402 E. Palaeolithic finds on the China Mainland 408 E.1  Early Palaeolithic, Early Pleistocene E.2  Early Palaeolithic, Middle Pleistocene E.3  Fossil hominins from the Late Pleistocene F. Succession of lithic technologies in Upper Palaeolithic Japan 412 G. Major domestic species in East Asia 414 G.1  Domestication of species G.2  Domesticates from the west H. Household and sector structure and production data from two Mainland 418 Neolithic sites H.1 Jiangzhai H.2 Fushanzhuang I. Liangzhu burial data 422 I.1  Early Liangzhu burials I.2  Middle Liangzhu burials J. Evidence of early metallurgical production 424 K. Features of Northern Zone cultures in the Zhou period 425 K.1  Types I and II material cultures K.2  Upper Xiajiadian and the Northeast (Manchurian Basin) K.3  Northern Frontier art, divided into Early (9–4c BC) and Late (after 4c BC) L. Analysis of burial goods in several tomb types during the Lelang period 429

Endnotes 

430

Sources for Illustrations and Box and Table data 

439

Bibliography 

446

Indices477 I. Archaeological sites and cultures II. Periods III. Place Names IV. Subjects

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Illustrations  ix

List of Boxes BOX 1.1

Archaeological inscriptions and the development of writing.........10–11

BOX 3.1 BOX 3.2 BOX 3.3 BOX 3.4

Zhoukoudian sites at Longgushan, or “Dragon Bone Hill”...............46–47 Xihoudu artifacts dated 1.27mya by palaeomagnetism..........................50 Loess stratigraphy and an MIS curve at Baoji.............................................53 DNA research implications for East Asians........................................62

BOX 4.1 BOX 4.2 BOX 4.3 BOX 4.4

Palaeolithic art and ritual............72–73 Flora and sea levels in the Late Glacial Maximum.......................76–77 The Setouchi Technique, preparedcore production of side-blow flakes .80 Climate change from the LGM to the present day..................................90

BOX 5.1 BOX 5.2 BOX 5.3

Textured pottery traditions.........98–99 Middle Holocene climate........118–119 Dietary isotope studies and plant food classification...................123

BOX 6.1

Design and shape of Mainland Neolithic ceramics..................136–137

BOX 6.3

Dawenkou and Longshan burial facilities in Shandong..............144–145 Dragons, alligators, water and rain 152

BOX 7.1

Jade technology and meanings.158–159

BOX 6.2

BOX 8.1

Material similarities between Erlitou and other cultures...........................193 BOX 8.2 Erlitou innovations in bronze casting.............................................194 BOX 9.1

Whitewares, stonewares..................221

BOX 10.1

Iron metallurgy...............................246

BOX 11.1 BOX 11.2 BOX 11.3 BOX 11.4

Tungusic versus Chinese languages.260 Physical relations among Pen/ Insular peoples................................274 Early weaving technology................279 Tooth extraction among the Jomon and Yayoi........................................281

BOX 12.1

The spread of Buddhism.................293

BOX 14.1 BOX 14.2

Of gold and crowns................338–339 Yoshinogari site.......................344–345

List of Figures (including various maps) Figure 1.1

The geography of East Asia.................2

Figure 3.4

Figure 2.1

Modern Japanese prefectures and geographical features.........................30 Modern provinces and cities on the Korean Peninsula..............................32 Administrative districts of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China...........................................36

Figure 3.5 Figure 3.6

Figure 2.2 Figure 2.3 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3

Palaeolithic sites mentioned in Chapter 3.........................................51 Stone circle found at the late MidPleistocene site of Jigongshan...........54 Core-and-flake tools of Middle Pleistocene East Asia.........................57

Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6

Early Palaeolithic handaxes from continental East Asia.........................58 Use-wear evidence from wood­working on a quartzite tool...............59 Skull morphologies of Homo erectus and Homo sapiens sapiens...................61 Upper Palaeolithic sites mentioned in Chapter 4.....................................68 Late Pleistocene climate change........75 Upper Palaeolithic sequence of industries in Japan............................78 Major obsidian and sanukite sources in the Japanese archipelago...............82 Blade production technique..............83 Microblade production variables.......84

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:30:35 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Illustrations  ix

List of Boxes BOX 1.1

Archaeological inscriptions and the development of writing.........10–11

BOX 3.1 BOX 3.2 BOX 3.3 BOX 3.4

Zhoukoudian sites at Longgushan, or “Dragon Bone Hill”...............46–47 Xihoudu artifacts dated 1.27mya by palaeomagnetism..........................50 Loess stratigraphy and an MIS curve at Baoji.............................................53 DNA research implications for East Asians........................................62

BOX 4.1 BOX 4.2 BOX 4.3 BOX 4.4

Palaeolithic art and ritual............72–73 Flora and sea levels in the Late Glacial Maximum.......................76–77 The Setouchi Technique, preparedcore production of side-blow flakes .80 Climate change from the LGM to the present day..................................90

BOX 5.1 BOX 5.2 BOX 5.3

Textured pottery traditions.........98–99 Middle Holocene climate........118–119 Dietary isotope studies and plant food classification...................123

BOX 6.1

Design and shape of Mainland Neolithic ceramics..................136–137

BOX 6.3

Dawenkou and Longshan burial facilities in Shandong..............144–145 Dragons, alligators, water and rain 152

BOX 7.1

Jade technology and meanings.158–159

BOX 6.2

BOX 8.1

Material similarities between Erlitou and other cultures...........................193 BOX 8.2 Erlitou innovations in bronze casting.............................................194 BOX 9.1

Whitewares, stonewares..................221

BOX 10.1

Iron metallurgy...............................246

BOX 11.1 BOX 11.2 BOX 11.3 BOX 11.4

Tungusic versus Chinese languages.260 Physical relations among Pen/ Insular peoples................................274 Early weaving technology................279 Tooth extraction among the Jomon and Yayoi........................................281

BOX 12.1

The spread of Buddhism.................293

BOX 14.1 BOX 14.2

Of gold and crowns................338–339 Yoshinogari site.......................344–345

List of Figures (including various maps) Figure 1.1

The geography of East Asia.................2

Figure 3.4

Figure 2.1

Modern Japanese prefectures and geographical features.........................30 Modern provinces and cities on the Korean Peninsula..............................32 Administrative districts of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China...........................................36

Figure 3.5 Figure 3.6

Figure 2.2 Figure 2.3 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3

Palaeolithic sites mentioned in Chapter 3.........................................51 Stone circle found at the late MidPleistocene site of Jigongshan...........54 Core-and-flake tools of Middle Pleistocene East Asia.........................57

Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6

Early Palaeolithic handaxes from continental East Asia.........................58 Use-wear evidence from wood­working on a quartzite tool...............59 Skull morphologies of Homo erectus and Homo sapiens sapiens...................61 Upper Palaeolithic sites mentioned in Chapter 4.....................................68 Late Pleistocene climate change........75 Upper Palaeolithic sequence of industries in Japan............................78 Major obsidian and sanukite sources in the Japanese archipelago...............82 Blade production technique..............83 Microblade production variables.......84

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:31:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

x  Archaeology of East Asia Figure 4.7 Figure 4.8 Figure 4.9

Tools from Suyanggae, central Korean Peninsula..............................85 Hut and lithic scatters at the TanaMukaihara site, Kanto region............89 Incipient Jomon artifacts..................95

Figure 5.1 Figure 5.2

Sites mentioned in Chapter 5 and the main Early Holocene cultures...100 Settlements at Xinglongwa and Chulmun culture sites.....................101 Figure 5.3 Jomon storage pits..........................105 Figure 5.4 Woodworking tools and techniques.106 Figure 5.5 The Holocene Transgression, shellmounds and plains...................108 Figure 5.6 Shellmound village of Takane-kido.109 Figure 5.7 Isarago shellmound analyses............110 Figure 5.8 Jomon weaving and basketry..........114 Figure 5.9 Feeding shika deer at Todaiji Temple, Nara..................................114 Figure 5.10 Weaving weights or net weights? ....115 Figure 5.11 Neolithic farming tools...................120 Figure 5.12 Paddy fields at Caoxieshan..............122 Figure 6.1 A Middle Jomon exchange network .........................................128 Figure 6.2 Sannai Maruyama site in northern Tohoku ..................................132–133 Figure 6.3 Late Jomon stone circle features at Oyu ...........................................134 Figure 6.4 Mid-Holocene sites across the China Mainland ............................135 Figure 6.5 A sketch of Banpo village................138 Figure 6.6 The Yuanjunmiao cemetery.............139 Figure 6.7 Spatial organization at the Jiangzhai site...................................139 Figure 6.8 Yangshao two- and three-tiered hierarchies in the western Huanghe Corridor..........................................141 Figure 6.9 Mainland Neolithic kilns and ceramic production tools................142 Figure 6.10 The Niuheliang site, a ritual center of the Hongshan culture.................148 Figure 6.11 Gendered burial data in Late Neolithic East Coast sites ..............149 Figure 6.12 Ceramic mask representations of ritual specialists in Yangshao and later Jomon.....................................151 Figure 7.1 Figure 7.2 Figure 7.3 Figure 7.4

Sites and cultures mentioned in Chapter 7.......................................160 Late Neolithic blackwares ..............163 Liangzhu site complex....................164 Excavations at the eastern Longshan site of Liangchengzhen...168

Figure 7.5 Figure 7.6 Figure 7.7 Figure 7.8

The Huanghe Corridor region in the latest Neolithic..........................170 Aspects of Late Neolithic site development...................................171 Maoshan site...................................175 Across the Eurasian steppes.....178–179

Figure 8.1

Early Bronze Age cultures on the China Mainland.............................182 Figure 8.2 Early Northern Zone bronzes from west to east.............................184 Figure 8.3 Sites in the Erlitou and Shang core areas................................................188 Figure 8.4 The Erlitou site and two palaces ....189 Figure 8.5 Shang vessel shapes.........................196 Figure 8.6 Shang taotie design development....197 Figure 8.7 Shang weaponry..............................198 Figure 8.8 Wucheng hybrid bronzes................200 Figure 8.9 Sanxingdui bronzes from the Sichuan Basin.................................202 Figure 8.10 Northern Zone bronzes from Late Shang into Early Zhou ..........203 Selected Sandai site locations..........206 Shang oracle bones..........................210 Yanshi walled city, attributed to Shang ............................................212 Zhengzhou and the newly identified circular outer city wall ...................213 Figure 9.5 The walled city of Huanbei and the unwalled city of Yinxu....................215 Figure 9.6 The Xiaotun palace-temple complex and Fuhao Tomb............................216 Figure 9.7 Shaft tombs at the Shang Cemetery at Xibeigang....................................218 Figure 9.8 Fuhao in modern reincarnation .....219 Figure 9.9 Zhou period copper mines in the Yangzi River valley..........................220 Figure 9.10 Western Zhou bronzes....................224 Figure 9.11 Chariots in war and death..............228

Figure 9.1 Figure 9.2 Figure 9.3 Figure 9.4

Figure 10.1 Major Middle Zhou states and Late Zhou defensive walls.......................231 Figure 10.2 Zhou zhong-bells on a reconstructed rack.................................................233 Figure 10.3 Archaeological evidence of horse riding among Northern Zone peoples in the early 1m BC.........................234 Figure 10.4 Modern autonomous regions in China..............................................235 Figure 10.5 Archaeological remains assigned to ethnic groups on the northwestern Zhou borders..................................236 Figure 10.6 A Chu tomb guardian.....................238

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:31:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Illustrations  xi Figure 10.7 Figure 10.8 Figure 10.9

A bronze seal bearing the character for ‘storehouse’................................240 Ornate Eastern Zhou bronzes.........242 Southern Zhou bronze agricultural implements.....................................243 Figure 10.10 Zhou weaponry..............................245 Figure 10.11 Iron objects from the mass grave Xiadu #44 of Yan............................247 Figure 10.12 Zhou coins......................................248 Figure 10.13 Belts and nomads............................252 Figure 10.14 Gold ornaments from steppe and Siberian traditions with full display of animal art...................................253

Figure 11.1 Sites mentioned in Chapter 11.......255 Figure 11.2 Bronzes from the lower Manchurian Basin...............................................257 Figure 11.3 Bronze Age burials..........................257 Figure 11.4 Dolmens of the southern Korean Peninsula.........................................261 Figure 11.5 Mumun non-bronze prestige goods..............................................262 Figure 11.6 Middle Mumun settlement at Taepyong-ri.....................................264 Figure 11.7 Hilltop settlement of Komdan-ri in early Middle Mumun.................265 Figure 11.8 Artifacts of the Slender Bronze Dagger Culture...............................267 Figure 11.9 Ornamented bronzes.......................268 Figure 11.10 Artifacts common to the southern Korean Peninsula and northern Kyushu in Early Yayoi.....................272 Figure 11.11 The marriage of Pen/Insular potteries..........................................273 Figure 11.12 Radiocarbon dating of the spread of paddy field agriculture................275 Figure 11.13 Yayoi pottery types in western Japan...............................................276 Figure 11.14 Paddy field technology....................277 Figure 11.15 Late Jomon creations......................282 Figure 11.16 Middle and Late Yayoi pottery of Tohoku...........................................283 Figure 12.1 Dynastic capitals of Qin, Han and Tang................................................286 Figure 12.2 Qin Shihuangdi’s tomb and associated pits.................................287 Figure 12.3 Qin Shihuangdi’s terracotta army...288 Figure 12.4 The Luoyang capital of Late Han....291 Figure 12.5 The Han period salt industry..........292 Figure 12.6 Models for the afterlife...................294 Figure 12.7 Han mirror designs.........................295 Figure 12.8 The Mawangdui Tomb of Lady Dai..................................................296

Figure 12.9 New elements of tomb construction....................................297 Figure 12.10 The Wu Liang family shrine............297 Figure 12.11 Qin roads, and sites mentioned in the text.......................................299 Figure 12.12 Han horses in stone and ceramic....300 Figure 12.13 Diagnostic bronzes from the southwestern Dian culture..............302 Figure 12.14 Representative Xiongnu material culture............................................304 Figure 13.1 Han commanderies and Eastern Yi (Dongyi) peoples............................310 Figure 13.2 The Dongtuanshan capital of Puyo, Jilin City.........................................312 Figure 13.3 Wood-chamber tombs and the tomb of Pujo Yegun.................................314 Figure 13.4 Han grave goods for a spousal burial..............................................316 Figure 13.5 Wajil pottery...................................318 Figure 13.6 Samhan regional divisions and sites.319 Figure 13.7 Iron tools from Yoshinogari............324 Figure 13.8 Spheres of Yayoi bronze use............325 Figure 13.9 Burial jars of North Kyushu............325 Figure 13.10 Imagined Eastern Seto bronze bell ritual...............................................326 Figure 13.11 Middle Yayoi sites and polities (guo) in North Kyushu............................327 Figure 13.12 Samhan and Middle to Late Yayoi grave goods.....................................328 Figure 14.1 Figure 14.2 Figure 14.3 Figure 14.4 Figure 14.5

Early walled fortresses of Paekche and Koguryo...................................333 Koguryo interactions with surrounding peoples in the 3–4c.....334 Indigenous tomb structures of Koguryo and Paekche.....................335 Mature Kaya and Silla tombs..........337 Non-iron prestige goods exchanged among late 4c–early 5c elite............341 Figure 14.6 Late Yayoi mound-burials and Kofun-period tombs.......................343 Figure 14.7 Keyhole tomb shape and size classes..............................................347 Figure 14.8 Haniwa cylinders and sculptures.....348 Figure 14.9 Early Kofun grave goods.................349 Figure 14.10 Kofun-period housesteads and palaces.............................................350 Figure 14.11 Armor and unique blades................352 Figure 14.12 Evidence of Koguryo warfare..........353 Figure 14.13 Corridor-chamber tombs in East Asia.................................................356 Figure 14.14 Koguryo tomb murals.....................357 Figure 14.15 A regional variant of the MTC in Kyushu...........................................359

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:31:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

xii  Archaeology of East Asia Figure 15.1 The Silk Road and major sites........362 Figure 15.2 Toba Wei Buddhist sculptures and monuments.....................................366 Figure 15.3 Tang Buddhism: art and architecture.....................................366 Figure 15.4 Sokkuram Buddhist grotto of United Silla.....................................368 Figure 15.5 The Isong Fortress site of Silla, overlooking the Han River basin...............................................369 Figure 15.6 Early temples in Pyongyang and Asuka..............................................369 Figure 15.7 Kumsong capital of Silla.................372 Figure 15.8 Ritsuryo-period Nara Basin.............373

Figure 15.9 The Nara capital of Heijo and the trunk road system passing through provincial capitals...........................375 Figure 15.10 United Silla and Parhae at their zeniths.............................................376 Figure 15.11 The jori system of land allocation under the Ritsuryo system..............377 Figure 15.12 Writing table and equipment at Heijo...............................................378 Figure 15.13 Tax storage facilities........................379 Figure 15.14 Technical advances in 7–8c East Asia.................................................381 Figure 15.15 Tang fashions and entertainments at Heijo...........................................382

List of Tables Table 0.1a

National periodization schemes for East Asia: early half��������������������������xvi National periodization schemes for East Asia: late half........................... xvii

Table 6.1

From the Neolithic into the Bronze Table 1.1 Age.............................................16–18 Table 1.2 Dynastic dates for China..................19 Table 1.3 Phases of the Chulmun and Mumun periods..............................................21 Table 1.4 Three Kingdoms and Kaya dates.......22 Table 1.5 Dates of Jomon phases......................23 Table 1.6 Jomon pottery types through time and space..........................................24 Table 1.7 Yayoi–Kofun period divisions...........25

Table 7.1 Table 7.2

Territorial hierarchies in the Taosi site clusters......................................169 Central Plain enclosed sites, compounds and building platforms, compared with Erlitou....................173

Table 9.1

State capitals of Xia/Shang/Zhou Dynasties and their affiliated bronze styles...............................................207 Comparison of Erlitou and Shang urban sites.......................................211

Table 0.1b

Table 3.1

Pleistocene and Palaeolithic periodizations for East Asia...............49

Table 4.1

Climatic phases and major material cultures of East Asia in the Late Pleistocene..................................70–71 Ceramic formation and decoration techniques in East Asian areas...........93

Table 4.2 Table 5.1 Table 5.2

Newly proposed formal divisions of the Holocene................................96 Husbanded and anthropogenic plants at Jomon and Chulmun sites.................................................112

Table 6.2

Table 9.2 Table 10.1 Table 10.2 Table 10.3

Status divisions, production and exchange at Fushanzhuang..............147 Late Neolithic burial construction at the Taosi site, Longshan culture......154

Burial analysis of Qin and non-Qin cultural remains in the Wei River valley...............................................240 Regional variants of Type I material culture assigned to Rong and Di.....250 Material culture remains assigned to the hu (including Xiongnu) through three phases.....................................251

Table 13.1 Objects found in Taho-ri burial #1...................................................320 Table 16.1

Time words in East Asian languages.393

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:31:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

xii  Archaeology of East Asia Figure 15.1 The Silk Road and major sites........362 Figure 15.2 Toba Wei Buddhist sculptures and monuments.....................................366 Figure 15.3 Tang Buddhism: art and architecture.....................................366 Figure 15.4 Sokkuram Buddhist grotto of United Silla.....................................368 Figure 15.5 The Isong Fortress site of Silla, overlooking the Han River basin...............................................369 Figure 15.6 Early temples in Pyongyang and Asuka..............................................369 Figure 15.7 Kumsong capital of Silla.................372 Figure 15.8 Ritsuryo-period Nara Basin.............373

Figure 15.9 The Nara capital of Heijo and the trunk road system passing through provincial capitals...........................375 Figure 15.10 United Silla and Parhae at their zeniths.............................................376 Figure 15.11 The jori system of land allocation under the Ritsuryo system..............377 Figure 15.12 Writing table and equipment at Heijo...............................................378 Figure 15.13 Tax storage facilities........................379 Figure 15.14 Technical advances in 7–8c East Asia.................................................381 Figure 15.15 Tang fashions and entertainments at Heijo...........................................382

List of Tables Table 0.1a

National periodization schemes for East Asia: early half��������������������������xvi National periodization schemes for East Asia: late half........................... xvii

Table 6.1

From the Neolithic into the Bronze Table 1.1 Age.............................................16–18 Table 1.2 Dynastic dates for China..................19 Table 1.3 Phases of the Chulmun and Mumun periods..............................................21 Table 1.4 Three Kingdoms and Kaya dates.......22 Table 1.5 Dates of Jomon phases......................23 Table 1.6 Jomon pottery types through time and space..........................................24 Table 1.7 Yayoi–Kofun period divisions...........25

Table 7.1 Table 7.2

Territorial hierarchies in the Taosi site clusters......................................169 Central Plain enclosed sites, compounds and building platforms, compared with Erlitou....................173

Table 9.1

State capitals of Xia/Shang/Zhou Dynasties and their affiliated bronze styles...............................................207 Comparison of Erlitou and Shang urban sites.......................................211

Table 0.1b

Table 3.1

Pleistocene and Palaeolithic periodizations for East Asia...............49

Table 4.1

Climatic phases and major material cultures of East Asia in the Late Pleistocene..................................70–71 Ceramic formation and decoration techniques in East Asian areas...........93

Table 4.2 Table 5.1 Table 5.2

Newly proposed formal divisions of the Holocene................................96 Husbanded and anthropogenic plants at Jomon and Chulmun sites.................................................112

Table 6.2

Table 9.2 Table 10.1 Table 10.2 Table 10.3

Status divisions, production and exchange at Fushanzhuang..............147 Late Neolithic burial construction at the Taosi site, Longshan culture......154

Burial analysis of Qin and non-Qin cultural remains in the Wei River valley...............................................240 Regional variants of Type I material culture assigned to Rong and Di.....250 Material culture remains assigned to the hu (including Xiongnu) through three phases.....................................251

Table 13.1 Objects found in Taho-ri burial #1...................................................320 Table 16.1

Time words in East Asian languages.393

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:13 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Preface Multiple editions The first edition of this book was published in hardback in 1993 as China, Korea and Japan: the rise of civilization in East Asia (London, Thames & Hudson, 1993). In 1999, that version was reprinted in paperback under a better title using the word ‘archaeology’: The rise of civilization in East Asia: the archaeology of China, Korea and Japan (London, Thames & Hudson, 1999). Only very minor corrections within word count were made in the paperback edition, and these first two editions have exactly the same pagination and format; I refer to them collectively as ‘CKJ’. This current offering is a revised edition of the content of CKJ after twenty years. Most of the text has been rewritten; many photographs are also replaced, since those originally published in CKJ mainly belonged to the Thames & Hudson files. Colleagues and others have been most helpful in supplying photos and illustrations with proper copyright for inclusion here. Other illustrations, particularly line drawings, have been re-used from CKJ when nothing better has superseded them. In trying to bring this book up to date, I have encountered three hurdles. One is the vast amount of information published since 1990, resulting in more detail, in changes of emphasis in the available data, and in changes in our perspectives in viewing those data. Second, it was much easier to condense broad swaths of prehistory into a few paragraphs when I knew less myself. Third, method and theory have become more important in writing any kind of archaeology, so that the setting of East Asian data within these frameworks has become necessary. Data were intentionally selected to illustrate general trends in development, areas of scholarly disagreement, and outstanding florescence in material culture – with a vision of an “East Asian Civilization” at the end of the process. With the increase of information available on the internet, it is no longer necessary nor feasible to indulge in long descriptions of individual sites or cultures – easily obtained elsewhere with a couple of clicks and most likely with enviable color illustrations. Thus, this revision is much more technical than CKJ, though it remains an introduction and is not designed to be comprehensive despite the inevitable generalizations. I have striven to follow the same pattern of discussion as in CKJ, and have also tried to identify corrections to CKJ (in footnotes), particularly in terms of advances in knowledge. I hope that the general reader and beginning student will find the deeper level of detail in this volume still accessible within the overall framework of tracing the development of East Asian societies from the Palaeolithic to the early This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

xiv  Archaeology of East Asia

historic period. If not, read CKJ first! If so, the framework of time/space/content outlined here will allow deeper forays into those areas of particular interest to the new reader via the Further Readings and the Bibliography. This series of books has two main readerships: those coming from East Asian studies, and those from archaeology. Accommodations have been made for both groups: explanation of many archaeological methods and concepts for the former, and source information from English-language works as much as possible for the latter. Please forgive these indulgences. CKJ = the same book in hardback and paperback editions but with different titles: Barnes, Gina L. (1993) China, Korea and Japan: the rise of civilization in East Asia. London: Thames & Hudson (hardback) Barnes, Gina L. (1999) The rise of civilization in East Asia: the archaeology of China, Korea and Japan. London: Thames & Hudson (paperback)i

Where is East Asia? Commonly this term refers to the territories of the modern states of China, Korea and Japan. However, state boundaries are meaningful to prehistory only in terms of the investigating organizations and the languages in which reports are written today. The locations of sites are usually (but not in this work) given in terms of modern prefectures and provinces of the individual countries, which are displayed in the maps in Figures 2.1–2.3 for reference. Because of the boundary (or boundless) problem, we will often stray into Mongolia, the Altai, Central Asia and Vietnam to illuminate what was happening in East Asia as strictly defined. However, this work does not deal much with the archaeology of the far west and south Mainland; in particular, Silk Road archaeology is entirely another field which deserves separate treatment.

Dating preferences One of the most difficult things for newcomers to archaeology anywhere is shifting between BP or ‘years ago’ and BC/AD (BCE/CE) dates – a 2000-year difference. BP (before present) specifically refers to the ‘present’ as 1950 – the date when radiocarbon dating began – and is used primarily for radiocarbon dates (Appendix A). There are several such methods of scientific dating, and dates tend to be given in ‘years ago’ (BP), whereas archaeologists tend to talk in terms of calendar dates BC/AD or BCE/CE. This book will use two forms of notation: ‘years ago’, and BC/AD; dates for the Pleistocene and Palaeolithic are given as ‘mya’ (million years ago) and ‘kya’ (thousand i  The preface to the paperback edition (p. 15) gives out-of-date information concerning the University of Durham. The current URL for the Society for East Asian Archaeology is www.SEAA-web.org. Dates for an Early Palaeolithic in Japan have since been discredited.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Preface  xv

years ago) in Chapters 3 and 4. Beginning in Chapter 5, dates will be given as BC/ AD. Remember, a 2000-year span separates these two systems of ‘years ago’ and ‘BC’, so that the newly dated end of the Pleistocene (see below) at 11.6kya is 9600 BC – quite different from the previously used Pleistocene/Holocene divide of 10,000 years ago or 8000 BC. As far as possible, calibrated dates (see Appendix A) are cited (as cal.), but often it is difficult to tell from publications whether they are calibrated or not, and conventional radiocarbon dates produced decades ago often are missing metadata that allows them to be calibrated. Thus one must remain flexible in dealing with dates due to the many problems in their calculation and presentation; those presented here are only approximations. Other conventions adopted here are using a small ‘c’ to denote century/centuries and a small ‘m’ for millennium/millennia, as in 5c BC (5th century BC) or 1m AD (1st millennium AD). This saves a lot of text space! A different problem surrounds the designation BC/AD. These are Christian terms specifically referring to Before Christ and Anno Domini (Year of our Lord). There is a recent trend to amend these to BCE (Before Common Era) and CE (Common Era) to get away from the Christian implications. However, this does not solve the problem since the dividing line is still the birth year of Christ in the Gregorian calendarii – very inappropriate for East Asia where there is nothing ‘in common’ about the Christian division. This book will follow the original system of BC/AD merely because it is more visually distinct and therefore potentially less confusing. The date 0 AD refers here to the dividing line between BC/AD, though there is no Year 0; and while it is proper to put ‘AD’ before the date, I am choosing to put it after, as with BC. The overall chronological scheme for East Asia is offered in Table 0.1 (below).

Language issues Out of respect for tradition, I have generally presented East Asian personal names with surname first and given name last. But many East Asian scholars now adopt Western practice and write their surname last. To avoid confusion, when both occur together, I give the surname in small capitals (e.g., Abe Satoshi, Li Liu). Some early individuals are known by only one name. Many abbreviations frequently used in this book are explained in Appendix B. Romanization of foreign words in this book employs the Pinyin system for Chinese, the McCune-Reischauer system for Korean, and the Revised Hepburn system for Japanese. These systems are explained, with examples given, in Appendix C. • For Chinese (indicated in the text as C.), Pinyin is the government-approved transcription system in use since 1979. Wade-Giles, the system previously used by most Western scholars of China, is found in older works and can still crop up in texts by recalcitrant scholars. The Yale system is rarely used except by linguists. ii 

Though Jesus might have been born in 5 BC according to astronomical calculations (Humphreys 1991).

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

xvi  Archaeology of East Asia

Table 0.1a National periodization schemes for East Asia: early half. See Tables 1.1–1.7 for detailed dates.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Preface  xvii

Table 0.1b National periodization schemes for East Asia: late half. See Tables 1.1–1.7 for detailed dates through the 8c.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

xviii  Archaeology of East Asia

• For Korean (K.), the South Korean government’s currently preferred system is difficult for foreigners to use to reconstruct pronunciation despite its internal logic. Therefore, the McCune-Reischauer system will continue to be used here by this recalcitrant scholar, though without diacritics – as explained in Appendix C. • For Japanese (J.), the Japanese government developed its own scheme of romanization (Kunreishiki), which is very misleading for native English speakers for some pronunciations (compare Wadati and Wadachi, where the latter better reflects the actual sound), so the more congenial Hepburn system is used here. Appendix C provides further basic information on pronunciation and alternative spellings used in the text. Conversion charts for the variations in national romanization schemes can be found online.

Note on referencing Chapters have both footnotes (identified by lower-case Roman numerals) and endnotes (Arabic numbers). The former are substantive comments at the bottom of the page that should be read as the chapter progresses; the latter identify references drawn on for data and interpretations in the main chapter text and are presented in the Endnotes section. References for illustrations and data in Figures, Tables and Boxes are given in the Sources section. Each chapter also has a Further Reading list of relevant published materials. All of these different citations are given in the general bibliography. Exploring all these works will obviously yield far more information than can possibly be included in a general introductory survey such as this. A conscious effort has been made here to leave out the names of authors of other works in the text for the simple reason that the text is already loaded with geographical and cultural names that are difficult to assimilate. I apologize to my fellow scholars for not identifying them in the usual in-text manner, and even more so for not being able to cite many of their works that I would have liked to include. Omitting author names in the text means that passive voice constructions are the norm, to many a grammarian’s dismay. A second point is that I have incorporated far more footnotes in this revision than in CKJ. This is to give clear guidance as to where data are being drawn from and what resources can be accessed to follow up the ideas revealed here.

Note on indexing My indexing is a labor of love; it aspires to be exhaustive if not comprehensive. The entries form special study units in and of themselves; and there are many crossreferences, so any topic can be approached from several directions. An idiosyncratic combination of simple alphabetical and compound categorical listings is used; this means that if a particular word or concept is not listed alphabetically, it is probably incorporated into a category. Seek and ye shall find! This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Preface  xix

Acknowledgments This book and its predecessor would never have been written but for the education, support, and encouragement offered by teachers, mentors and colleagues, especially those in East Asia who have unstintingly shared with me their data, ideas and camaraderie over five decades. I am eternally grateful to their continued interest and communication, and I welcome new contacts with younger scholars whose investigations have opened up vast new areas for consideration. For the preparation of this volume, several colleagues have read and commented on draft text, discussed fine points of debates with me, or sent me references or material. I am very grateful for their guidance, but errors and differences of opinion remain my own responsibility. In addition, many colleagues and institutions have donated illustrations or permitted their work to be re-used for this volume (see Sources section); their generosity is greatly appreciated. For all these collaborations, I offer sincere thanks (in alphabetical order) to Y. Abe, Bae Kidong, Martin Bale, Robert Bednarik, Gwen Bennett, Peter Bleed, Mark Byington, Gary Crawford, Paola Demattè, Robin Dennell, Ding Pin, Ding Zhongli, Erdenebaatar Diimaajav, Dorian Fuller, Junko Habu, Mark Hudson, Fumiko Ikawa-Smith, Iwase Akira, Kobayashi Ken’ichi, Koike Hiroko, Kudo Yuichiro, Kusumi Takeo, Gyoung-Ah Lee, Lee Yung-jo, John Lienhard, Kathryn Linduff, Li Liu, Luan Fengshi, Henry de Lumley, Matsuzawa Tsugio, Morisaki Kazuki, Nakazawa Yuichi, Mark Lewis, Oh Youngchan, Onuki Shizuo, Bob Ramsey, Qin Ling, Christopher Ramsey, Chen Shen, Shin Kyung Cheol, Shoda Shinya, Tsutsumi Takashi, Anne Underhill, Wang Shijiang, Wang Youping, Mike Waters, and Zhou Liping. This volume’s Sources section credits the specific sources of materials from these scholars and many others used in Boxes, Figures and Tables. Clare Litt at Oxbow Books has been an ideal commissioning editor, giving me free rein to write as much as I wanted and include as many illustrations as I liked, though she might regret the dense index. And I particularly appreciate the late decision to publish in color – I’m sure to my readers’ delight. Sarah Ommanney at Oxbow Books assisted with the illustrations, while Ana Marques helped with last-minute re-drawings. Val Lamb, typesetter, worked closely with me to lay out the book in as lively a manner as possible; her swift and accurate renditions are a work of art and much appreciated. Most important have been my two technical editors, Andrea Greenaker and David Hughes, who have acted as my “grammer; punchewation: an spellin” police and have also pointed out inscrutably written passages for revision. They checked all picture/ caption/citation correspondences and worked hard with me to get all the bugs out of the manuscript, but if any remain, those bugs are all mine. I further owe David, my ever loving and supportive partner, much gratitude for releasing me from many obligations “because you’re writing a book”! He has made all this effort worthwhile.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

To Richard Pearson, who demonstrated to me that it is possible to study all three East Asian countries at once

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:32:29 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Chapter 1 Orientation

Prior to nation-states, geography was broad and unbounded, with peoples traveling and intermixing at will. Despite the development of multitudinous regional ‘cultures’ and even states across East Asia, interaction was the name of the game. Thus geography is the basic referent for discussing human occupation of the landscape (Figure 1.1). Since most archaeological reports, however, discuss finds in terms of modern provinces and prefectures, these are given in Figures 2.1–2.3. Now, let’s take a tour of East Asia to get oriented.

Grounding Starting from the Yellow Sea The central geographical point of reference for this text is the ‘Yellow Sea Basin’. The Yellow Sea grades into the East China Sea to the south, but for our purposes, the Yellow Sea Basin is defined as beginning at the Shanghai Delta in the southwest and extending to southern Kyushu in the southeast. The Ryukyu Islands are sandwiched by the East China Sea on the west and the Pacific Ocean on the east. The Yellow Sea is made yellow by the deposits of loess coming off the China Mainland and deposited into Bohai Bay in the northwest, the Bay being formed by the pinching in of the Shandongi and Liaodong peninsulae.ii The Yellow River has changed course many times over the millennia, sometimes draining into the Yellow Sea below the Shandong peninsula. The northeastern Bohai Bay receives the Liao River runoff, draining the Manchurian Basin. East of the Korean Peninsula lies the Eastern Sea, more commonly known as the Japan Sea. The Korean Peninsula and Japanese Islands are divided i  This is the usual English name, as it forms part of Shandong province; its official name is the Jiaodong peninsula. ii  Capitalized Peninsula is reserved for the Korean Peninsula; all others will be in lower case. Both Shandong and Liaodong are used later as geographical locators that take in more than just their peninsulae.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

2  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 1.1 The geography of East Asia formally defined as the modern nations of China, the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. Mongolia and the Russian maritime region are indicated here. Deserts are marked with dashes. Although the Tibetan Plateau and Tarim Basin form a large part of modern China, their archaeologies are not specifically dealt with here. East Asia, as covered in this book, can be thought of as centered on the Yellow Sea. CP = Central Plain, surrounded by NCP = North China Plain

by two straits on either side of Tsushima Island:iii the Korea Strait and the Tsushima Strait, respectively ca. 120km and 65km wide at their narrowest points. These will simply be referred to here as the Korea Strait. Several terms have been devised here to refer to parts of East Asia without using modern nation-state designations. The ‘China Mainland’ (or just ‘Mainland’) refers to most of the modern state of China, though the far west (Xinjiang province), the southeastern coast, and Tibet are not dealt with here. I devised the terms ‘Pen/ Insular’ and ‘Pen/Insulae’ to refer to the combined areas of the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese Islands, whereas the term ‘Peninsula(r)’ (capitalized) is used specifically to refer to the Korean Peninsula; other peninsulae are not capitalized to make that difference clear. On that Peninsula, names of the five major rivers (the Yalu, Taedong, Han, Kum and Nakdong) are used as geographical locators. The term ‘continent(al)’ embraces both the China Mainland and the Korean Peninsula, and possibly other regions, in contrast to the Japanese Islands. Within the Japanese archipelago, areas on the main island (Honshu) are often referred to by sub-regions: Tohoku, Kanto, Chubu, Tokai, Hokuriku, Kinai, and San’in. In addition, the Inland iii 

Tsushima is not shown in Figure 1.1, but see Figure 13.1.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  3

Sea area can be referred to as the Seto region and divided into western and eastern portions. Honshu itself is effectively divided into east and west by the ‘waist of Honshu’ at Nagoya City. Finally, I’ve coined three new terms to refer to the land areas underlying the Yellow Sea and Inland Sea when they were exposed as broad Plains during the glacial phases of the Pleistocene (Ice Age) period: first, the Yellow Plain and Seto Plain; then, I refer to the entire northeastern landmass that was exposed during the maximum period of lowered sea level in the Pleistocene as East Asialand, comparable to the Southeast Asian Sundaland. Mainland geography The ‘China Mainland’ is divided into the Manchurian Basin in the northeast, the Inner Mongolian steppes in the north, the North China Plain (NCP in Figure 1.1), the Yangzi Basin in central China, and the Sichuan Basin in the southwest. The Yellow River is best used to find oneself in Mainland geography. Rising in the northern Tibetan Plateau, it bends north around the arid Ordos region and then south to meet the Wei River flowing in from the west; it then flows through a narrow passage, which I have named the Huanghe Corridor, onto the North China Plain. Huanghe is the Chinese name meaning ‘yellow river’. Where it emerges from the Huanghe Corridor, the area is traditionally called the Central Plainiv (Zhongyuan, CP in Figure 1.1), considered the heartland of Chinese civilization. Since the Bronze Age, the Yellow River has laid down about 10 meters of alluvium on the North China Plain, burying the ancient landscape and making archaeological recovery extremely difficult. Perhaps because of the multiple changes of course, Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement on the China Mainland concentrated in the Wei River valley, the Central Plain, and the Huai River valley between the Yellow and Yangzi Rivers. The Qinling Mountains and the Huai River served at different times to mark the division between the north and south Mainland. My term ‘East Coast’ breaches this divide, signifying the coastal region inclusive of the Shandong peninsula to below the Shanghai Delta. The Yangzi Basin and Shanghai Delta developed rice-based cultures different from the Yellow–Wei River drainage millet-based cultures. Influences from this southern region stimulated the development of rice-growing cultures in the southern Pen/Insulae, but how this technology was diffused is still debated. Some scholars include in the Central Plain the Wei River valley and the Anyang region of the North China Plain (Bagley 1999); others limit it closer to the Yellow River course at its emergence onto the North China Plain. iv 

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4  Archaeology of East Asia

The loesslands Aeolian sediments blown in from Central Asian deserts accumulated in areas of the central and northeastern Mainland. These deposits could be up to hundreds of meters thick and form an important locus of Palaeolithic research as well as a major resource for Neolithic millet farmers. It is a landscape unfamiliar to most Westerners, heavily dissected by erosion since the Neolithic. The Northern Zone In the northern Mainland lie the Manchurian Basin in the northeast, the Mongolian Plateau to the north, and the Tarim Basin in the northwest. The Bohai Corridor (now often called the Liaoxi Corridor) connects the North China Plain to the lower Manchurian Basin, drained by the Liao River; historically, the regions to the west and east of the lower Liao River were respectively designated Liaoxi and Liaodong. The upper Manchurian Basin is drained to the north into the Amur by the Sungari River. This entire northern region is characterized by increasing aridity from the coast toward Inner Asia, with Manchurian forests grading into Mongolian steppe, steppe desert, and of course the Gobi Desert. The Tarim Basin has as its core the Taklamakan Desert, with steppe to the north and oases lining the southern edge. In the past, the central and western arid areas were once colonized by greater tracts of forest and grasslands, leading to patterns of human settlement rather different from those seen today. Westward ho! East–west travel on the China Mainland would seem naturally to follow the Yellow River and the Yangzi River (called in Chinese the Changjiang ‘long river’), but this is not necessarily so. The major route to the west starts from the Huanghe Corridor and follows the Wei River into the Gansu Corridor (now often referred to as the Hexi Corridor). This is the route of the old Silk Road leading from the Central Plain into the Tarim Basin. From the Wei River valley, there is also a route south, across the Qinling Mountains into the Sichuan Basin; this allowed steppe-culture influence to reach this southwestern area, unlike other areas of the southern Mainland. Eastward bound Travel across the seas could be accomplished by island-hopping from Taiwan through the Ryukyu archipelago to Kyushu, though this was This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  5

a little used route. Leapfrogging from the Shandong to Liaodong peninsulae provided another crossing point. The most treacherous crossing was directly across the Yellow Sea from the Shanghai Delta region to North Kyushu or the southern coast of the Korean Peninsula; boats therefore often hugged the shore of the Yellow Sea instead, but some evidence hints at direct crossings. The Korea Strait was always open, even as a large river in periods of lowest sea level, and required a boat crossing; but the northern Japanese Islands were connected to the Russian maritime region in glacial times, providing a northern entrance into the Japanese archipelago. North–south divisions All three areas of East Asia are subject to clear north/south divides extending from the prehistoric to the present. These divisions are partially determined naturally, by climate and resources, but cultural factors are also at work – responding not only to local climates but to proximate peoples. On the China Mainland, the Qinling Mountains nominally divide North and South China. These mountains separate southern species of animals from northern; even after the introduction of domestic animals, sheep and goats were confined to the north and water buffalo to the south. The North is traditionally characterized by millet and wheat production, while rice was grown in the South. The North includes the loesslands and deserts; northern pottery was made from fine-grained sedimentary deposits derived from these regions. The South has a more volcanic-derived geology, which facilitated the development of high-fired ceramics and porcelain. As we shall see, there are also differences in north–south house structures in certain regions to accommodate such variables as high water tables, cold winters, and timber availability. On the Korean Peninsula, the divide is not so obvious climatically, but one consistently finds cultural differences throughout pre- and protohistory between the northern and the southern societies. Even in times of early historic ‘unification’ in the United Silla and Koryo periods, the northern boundary was positioned farther south than today’s separation with China. The boundary of the pre-modern Choson state along the Yalu River might be seen as an aberration of the natural differences between north and south persisting throughout prehistory and manifesting itself in the two Koreas today. In the Japanese Islands, northeast and southwest supported different cultural milieus from prehistoric times onward. The major Jomon settlement was in the northeast, while the major Yayoi tradition belonged to the southwest. The indeterminate boundary, somewhere This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

6  Archaeology of East Asia

in the middle of Honshu, even today distinguishes dialects, food preferences and which side of the escalator to stand on!

National chronologies Despite the fact that cultural developments occurred across this broad East Asian landscape without regard to modern state boundaries, the cultural histories of the different states are divided into chronological sequences peculiar to each state. Table 0.1 illustrates the different periodization schemes beginning with the earliest Palaeolithic to the present (see also Appendix A for dating conventions). The entity called ‘East Asian civilization’ emerged in the 8c AD; at that point the maturation of governmental systems in all three areas was based on a shared religion (Buddhism), state philosophy (Confucianism) and bureaucratic structure (founded on ‘administrative law’). Prior to the 8c AD, there is a clear divide between the developmental trajectory of the China Mainland and the Pen/Insular region. State societies appeared on the Mainland by the mid-2m BC, while it was only after the collapse of the successors to those states in the 3c AD that we have state formation in the Pen/Insulae. Thus, there is a 2000-year time lag in socio-political development between these areas which makes generalization at any one temporal slice across East Asia most difficult. A previous reader of CKJ commented that “it jumps around a lot chronologically”. This is inevitable given the developmental nature of the region and an inability to describe everything simultaneously, so the chronological chart in Table 0.1 has to be the anchor for following the different cultural sequences through time and across space. Also, it must be noted that this is a standard chronology, but the literature is rife with alternative dates and period names – so, think flexibly! Another problem with regional chronologies is the use of Western terms to describe East Asian phenomena. The term Neolithic (‘new stone’ age) was originally applied to Europe to distinguish the onset of polished stone-tool manufacture from the chipped stone-tool manufacture of the Palaeolithic ‘old stone’ age. Later, ‘Neolithic’ came to encompass pottery and agriculture in its definition. It is now recognized across Eurasia that “pottery precedes the emergence of farming and should be considered a hunter-gatherer innovation”.1 ‘Ceramic hunter-gatherers’ are no longer anomalous and, as we shall see below, neither are hunter-gatherer producers of food. East Asia defies the Western three-age classification (stone > bronze > iron) on several grounds: polished stone-tool production and ceramics existed in the Palaeolithic, and ceramics without agriculture in the Jomon and Early Chulmun. China has a Bronze This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  7

Age, as does Korea, but in both cases, iron comes into the sequence while bronzes are still in prime place of use. In China, iron appears around 800 BC in the historic period, by which time dynastic period names (such as Zhou) replace general archaeological period names (such as Bronze Age). In Korea, however, the Late Bronze Age (when this designation is used) overlaps with the Early Iron Age, the two running concurrently for the latter centuries BC. Then the Late Iron Age overlaps with the Samhan period, a historical designation for the first centuries AD. All this is unnecessarily complicated and needs refining. In Japan, bronze and iron were introduced from the continent within a short time of each other, around 300 BC during the Yayoi period. The Yayoi, originally a ceramic designation, is now an agricultural designation, so Japan has no Neolithic, Bronze or Iron Age comparable to the West. The mismatch of Western terms with the East Asian sequence can cause much confusion, but it particularly highlights the fact that cultures did not develop linearly through the Thomsen sequence everywhere in the world.2

With or without writing? Another classification concerns the differences between prehistoric, protohistoric and historic periods. Prehistoric archaeology is concerned with periods for which there are no written records; all of our interpretations are drawn from the material record, be it artifactual or environmental in nature. For societies illuminated by texts, there are basically two kinds of written records: documents that have been excavated or retrieved from archaeological sites, and transmitted texts that have been handed down through the generations. The ways these are used to inform on past societies are variable, and distinctions are hard to make. However, in general, societies that are written about by other peoples in transmitted texts but which lack their own written documents are treated as protohistoric; those with transmitted texts are treated as historic. Prehistoric archaeology The Palaeolithic is the earliest prehistoric division, starting on the China Mainland at 1.66 million years ago but not until about 40,000 years ago in the Japanese Islands – as populations made their way eastward (Chapter 3). Each of these areas has supplied different kinds of data for our investigation. For example, most fossil remains are from the China Mainland, enabling research on the evolution of our ancestral species (Homo erectus) and the appearance of our modern form (Homo sapiens) (Chapter 4). Or in another example, the main This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

8  Archaeology of East Asia

artifacts of the Early Palaeolithic period are rough core-and-flake tools,v mainly known from the China Mainland. However, Late Palaeolithic stone tools, focusing on blades, are primarily known and researched in Japan (Chapter 4). Previously, the Palaeolithic (archaeological) period was concomitant with the Pleistocene (geological) period, but new discoveries have revealed several artifact types once thought not to occur until the Neolithic but now dating back into the Pleistocene – including the earliest ceramics in the world (Chapter 4). Moreover, in the period designated as the Neolithic on the China Mainland, the major attribute of Neolithic society – agriculture – is recognized to have taken a long time to establish (Chapter 5). Previously a sharp distinction was drawn between the early agricultural societies of the Mainland and the hunter-gatherers of the Peninsulae.vi Now the cultures between 15,000 and 5000 BC are seen to have focused on broad spectrum hunting and gathering with an increasing emphasis on plant foods. The distinguishing factor was that the Mainlanders chose plants that were eminently domesticable, while the Jomon peoples in the Japanese Islands chose plants that did not translate into intensifiable crops. Traditionally for prehistoric periods in East Asia, either lithics or ceramics serve as the basis for determining relative chronologies, first of sites and then of cultures. There has been a tendency in both China and Japan to divide the post-glacial landscape into ‘cultures’ defined first and foremost by pottery types named after a ‘type site’ (see Tables 1.1 and 1.6 below). Chronologies based on the succession of ceramic types were later filled out and refined with reference to other artifacts, though there are splitters and lumpers so that cultural nomenclature is quite variable. Such ceramic ‘cultures’ have then graduated to ‘phase’ or ‘period’ status (Table 1.3); for example, the Dawenkou culture is also known as the Dawenkou period, but in fact this temporal designation only applies to the area of Dawenkou culture along China’s east coast, and the Yangshao culture/period applies contemporaneously to the Neolithic cultures inland. Thus, it is important to distinguish between pottery, site, culture, and time period – all of which might bear the same name. Protohistoric archaeology The concept of ‘protohistory’ is little known and even less understood. But there is a great divide between researching prehistoric societies v  vi 

Previously called ‘pebble tools’ or ‘chopper/chopping tools’. Chapters 5 and 6 in CKJ.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  9

for which no written records exist at all, and researching societies about which some form of history is written. The latter may take the form of limited inscriptions and fragmentary documents created within the society itself, but more usually ‘protohistoric’ refers to societies that are discussed in the records of fully historic societies. Either way, societies covered only tangentially by written records are termed ‘protohistoric’, and very often, they incorporate one of the most important social transformations: state formation. In societies that have developed their own script, such as the Shang of the China Mainland, the advent of writing marks a tremendous watershed in their modus operandi as well as in the archaeologists’ role in elucidating it (BOX 1.1). To be able to draw on the records of the people themselves not only gives us insight into how they thought, but also provides us with innumerable details not recoverable through the excavation of decayed and incomplete material remains. Nevertheless, in the case of Shang, these records are extremely limited – consisting only of inscriptions on oracle bones and bronzes, both elite objects. In the Zhou period, bronzes and texts on bamboo and wooden slips are similar in providing windows into the elite mindset. However, many transmitted texts are known for the later Zhou period, so that only Shang and Early Zhou periods are considered here to be ‘protohistoric’ (Chapter 9). For societies discussed by others in transmitted texts, we must remember that we are seeing those societies through alien eyes, subject to the interests and biases of the texts’ authors. This is especially important in East Asia, where the Chinese dynastic records written from the Han period onward discuss events and peoples in all of the surrounding cultures from the northeast through the Korean Peninsula and Japanese Islands to the southern continent. Thus, the Pen/Insular Samhan and Yayoi peoples are protohistoric, with much ethnographic information recorded about them in the Han and Wei Dynasty chronicles (Chapter 13). Finally, once societies become fully historical with written histories, these are often extended backward in time to document early peoples and reigns, mixing myth, legend and fact. It is a burdensome task to sort out the realities behind these records of earlier times. Particular cases are the Xia Dynasty of China (Chapter 9), the Kofun period of Japan and the Three Kingdoms period of Korea (Chapter 14) – all of which have retrospective histories written about them and are therefore ‘protohistoric’.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

10  Archaeology of East Asia

BOX 1.1 Archaeological inscriptions and the development of writing Individual marks and signs incised on artifacts on the China Mainland now date back to the 7m BC in the Early Neolithic (A), constituting the earliest stage of writing in East Asia – though their meanings are still unknown. In the Middle Neolithic, conventionally used signs appear on Yangshao pottery over a wide area, while in the Late Neolithic, pictorial symbols were widely used on East Coast ceramics (B) and jades (C). The latter symbols might presage the emblems of different elite Shang clans or occupational groups (D).

A

C

B

D

Full grammatical language is attested on Late Shang oracle bones as divinations (E) and on Late Shang / Early Zhou bronzes as dedications (F). In the Zhou period, bronze inscriptions become more narrative, while oracle bones decline in use.

E

F

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  11

Inscribed stones are known from the Middle Zhou onward (G) while in the Late Zhou and Han periods, inked inscriptions on bamboo or wooden slips (H) form the major body of archaeological writing. Manuscripts on silk have also been recovered from Late Zhou and Han tombs. The oracle bone glyph 冊 is thought to indicate bound wooden slips, suggesting that such objects were in use far earlier than when they first appear archaeologically in the Late Zhou period.

H

From Shang onward, there was systematic development of the Chinese script, making these early documents decipherable. The sequence below illustrates four characters, the top row for ‘moon’, the second row for ‘person’, third row for ‘eye’ and fourth row for ‘mountain’. The ‘seal script’ occurred in the Late Zhou and Qin Dynasties, while modern-style characters emerged in the Han Dynasty (I). Characters on oracle bones and bronze inscriptions were highly variable, making reading these a very specialized skill.

G



I

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

12  Archaeology of East Asia

Historic archaeology Once societies devise or adopt a script and write their own histories, there is yet another problem involved: that of the manipulation of fact for ideological purposes. Although the compilers of the early Chinese dynastic records are known for their interest in ethnographic information on peripheral peoples, the presentation of their own histories may not tell the full story – through conscious omission, manipulation or simple bias. Transmitted texts also have specific interpretational problems deriving from different editions, copying errors and the like. Sometimes both transmitted texts and archaeological documents cover the same period, such as the bamboo or wooden tablets recovered from the historic periods of Late Zhou (Chapter 10) or Han (Chapter 12) sites in tombs or arid regions or from waterlogged Pen/Insular sites from the 7th to 8th centuries. The archaeological documents tend to be more intimately concerned with the task at hand and less concerned with presentation, so they may help us notice omissions and biases in the transmitted texts. The major transmitted texts of the Zhou period are the Early Zhou Yijing (I Ching, Book of Changes), Shangshu (Book of Documents), and Shijing (Book of Poetry); the Middle and Late Zhou Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals), Guoyu (State Discourses), Yili (Book of Etiquette), Lunyu (Confucian Analects), Zuozhuan (Zuo Chronicle), Chuci (Elegies of Chu), and the writings of various philosophers. These were all written in the context of competing states and shed light on the 1m BC. Compilation of court histories began in the Han period. Two of the earliest were the Shiji (Records of the Grand Historiographer), which contains a retrospective history of the Zhou period, and the Hanshu (History of the Former Han Dynasty). Among the works of the early 1m AD, the Houhanshu (History of Later Han) and Sanguozhi (Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms) are of great significance to East Asian archaeology as a whole, for although Han-period society on the China Mainland was fully historical, its neighbors remained without writing systems until approximately the 4c AD. Intentional ethnographic reconnaissance by embassies of the Han court, however, garnered much information about these societies, which was recorded in the dynastic histories. The Sanguozhi also contains much information about the Pen/Insular peoples in the section on the Wei Dynasty, referred to here as the Weizhi (Chapter 14). The Chinese written perspective on other East Asian cultures and peoples is then complementary to the archaeological record of indigenous development and change.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  13

Some time between the 4c and 6c AD, possibly in conjunction with the spread of Buddhism and Buddhist sutra texts (Chapter 15), the emerging state societies of Pen/Insular East Asia adopted the Chinese script in their court dealings. The first documents surviving in Japan are the 8c court chronicles, the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, while the earliest written records for Korea are the Samguk Sagi and Samguk Yusa, written respectively in the 12c and 13c. All of these were compiled from earlier documents no longer extant. Whether protohistoric or historic, archaeologies of societies covered by written records are faced with one overarching problem: integrating the diverse kinds of information offered by material culture and written records in whatever form. It is now accepted procedure to analyze these two classes of material separately and then compare them to see how they support or contradict each other. This approach avoids, one hopes, a passive use of archaeological objects simply to ‘illustrate’ what is ‘known’ from written records. Archaeological data can instead be used to ‘elaborate’ on the written records, filling in data that is absent; they can also be used to ‘challenge’ the written record, revealing omissions or misrepresentations. On the other hand, comparison of written records with archaeological data can suddenly illuminate the social background of the material culture manifest in sites and artifacts.3

East Asian cultural successions The archaeological periods covered in this book span from 1.66 million years ago (1.66mya) to 800 AD. Within this time span, 11,600 years ago (11.6kya) marks the divide between the geological Pleistocene and Holocene periods. This divide formerly also separated the Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods – but new data are informing us that this was not as clear a separation as previously believed. Some of the most intriguing aspects of East Asian archaeology involve the transition from the Palaeolithic to Neolithic in the Terminal Pleistocene. Before arriving there, however, let us start at the beginning. The Chinese sequence Hundreds of Palaeolithic sites are now known from the China Mainland, and nearly 50 of these have yielded human fossils of various dates, many contestable.4 The earliest finds, at 1.66mya, include fossils and stone tools that can be related to the migration of Homo erectus, our ancestral species, from Africa across Asia into This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14  Archaeology of East Asia

the southern China Mainland (Chapter 3). They brought with them a simple core-and-flake stone tool technology which lasted through the Late Pleistocene. Meanwhile, the Homo erectus inhabitants were changing in form, with many anomalous features notable in the Middle Pleistocene (from 780kya); there is considerable controversy over whether this was due to indigenous evolution or contact with new species of people across Eurasia. By the beginning of the Late Pleistocene at 120kya, skeletal remains begin to manifest modern features, and it is highly debatable whether our own species, Homo sapiens, had made it to East Asia by then or later – but come they did, probably interbreeding at first with evolved forms of Homo erectus. The first fully modern skeletal remains have been dated to 42kya; soon thereafter, a new stone tool technology focusing on prepared core production of blades came in from the north. This marks the beginning of the Late Palaeolithic, even though Early Palaeolithic core-and-flake tools continued in most areas. The earliest pottery in the world is now dated up to 20kya from sites on the China Mainland (Chapter 4).5 This marks an extraordinary development within the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), since previously pottery-making was thought to be a Holocene, even a Neolithic, invention. With the warming of the climate after the LGM and disappearance of the megafauna that were hunted previously, a long period of experimentation began with new plant foods and the hunting of smaller animals. The millennium between 15,000 and 5000 years ago, spanning the traditional Palaeolithic and Neolithic divide, was devoted to broad-spectrum subsistence activities, where hunting and gathering contributed more to the diet than plants and animals that eventually became domesticated (Chapter 5). The domestication process itself is now recognized to have taken a few thousand years through the Early and Middle Neolithic. But by 4000 BC, people were relying on domesticated products: millet in the north, rice in the south, accompanied by dogs, chickens, pigs and water buffalo. From 3000 BC, a cooler climate and more competition between growing populations led to the development of hierarchical societies, walled sites, conflict, and intensive ritual (Chapters 6 & 7). The elite of these Late Neolithic societies often enjoyed fine jades, exquisitely thin pedestaled and burnished blackwares, sacrificial offerings in their burials of dogs and pigs, and sometimes even human sacrifices in the foundations of their houses and compound or city walls. Some scholars assign the last 600 years of the 3m BC to a ‘Longshan period’, but this excludes some of the more important developments in the southern Liangzhu culture dating back into the 4m BC; thus the ‘Longshan period’ name will not be used below. This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  15

The Neolithic cultures of Mainland China are numerous and diverse. In the 1980s, in an attempt to systematize their information, the Mainland landscape was divided into six main regions in which mostly independent cultures succeeded each other (Table 1.1).vii,6 This was a revolutionary idea, completely counter to the then current understanding that all cultural development emanated out of the Central Plain. By 1986, it was hypothesized that the Mainland regions integrated into widespread interaction networks whereby the different cultures stimulated each other in further development.7 Nevertheless, the basis for monitoring interaction remains ceramic typology; many of the cultures are named after a type site and also lend their name to a temporal phase.viii It is important to distinguish between these different meanings when using the names. In Table 1.1, some important sites are listed within each culture, but it must be remembered that these represent a tiny fraction of the information available; moreover, there are many minor cultures and other regions that are not represented, while the temporal and spatial boundaries of the named cultures are not as rigid as portrayed. The major transitions in Mainland Neolithic cultures have been defined in terms of economic and social differentiation. These included the following:8 • 7000–5500 BC, population increases based on mixed economies (as presented in Chapter 5); • 5500–4000 BC, emergence of regional economic and social systems (discussed in Chapter 6); • 4000–1800 BC, emergence of regional polities and increased intercommunity interaction (the topic of Chapter 7).

Neolithic trends toward social differentiation came to fruition with the adoption of bronze-casting on a large scale from 1800 BC (Chapter 8), leading into the Bronze Age of four-tiered territorial hierarchies, dynastic state organization, palatial lifestyles, and monumental burials. The Bronze Age incorporates a new division between the Late Neolithic and the Shang period: the Erlitou period (2000–1500 BC), witnessing the rise of the first state and the beginning of bronze-casting at 1800 BC. There is great debate as to whether the Erlitou site represents the legendary Xia Dynasty; here we will refrain from using the Xia designation and simply speak of Erlitou.

vii  This is the quxi (regional divisions) leixing (local phases) model developed by Su Bingqi in the early 1980s, described in Liu & Chen 2012: 16–17. viii  An alternative to the ceramic culture pigeonholing is offered by M. Wagner, as discussed in Priewe 2012: 101–103.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Northwest ① Wei R. / Gansu

MIDDLE NEOLITHIC

BC 4000

1.1b

4200

5000

EARLY NEOLITHIC

6000

Late YANGSHAO (3500–3200) millet expansion, site increase, painted

Northwest ① Wei R. / Gansu

Abrupt climate event

YANGSHAO (5000–3300) pit-bldgs, pottery, millet, livestock Dadiwan 2 (4500–2900)

Late LAOGUANTAI (6000–5300) painted pottery, ungulates, dog, birds, bear, boar, Bmillet Dadiwan 1

7000 8.2kya event = Early / MidHolocene 6200 boundary

INITIAL NEOLITHIC

8000

BC 10,500

1.1a

DAXI (4300–3500) CHENGTOUSHAN domes. rice, millet, sickles, walls & moats, sett. increase, social ranking, jades, adv. ceramics,

South Central ② Middle Yangzi

TANGJIAGANG (4800–4300) rice, polished stone tools, painted pottery, paddy fields

Lower ZAOSHI (5900–4800) wild rice, water buffalo, cattle, polished stone tools, pig, site expansion, painted pottery

PENGTOUSHAN (8000–6400+) wild rice, burials, villages, pottery, cobble & flake tools village ditch Bashidang

South Central ② Middle Yangzi

SONGZE/ LINGJIATAN (4000–3300) pol. stone, stone plow, domes. rice, jades, social ranking, settlement differences

HEMUDU (5000–3000) rice, H&G, adv. crafts, wooden buildings

HEMUDU (5000–3000) Hemudu pro-domes. rice, H&G, bone spades, advanced crafts, stilted houses Tianluoshan

Shanghai/Hangzhou Deltas ③ Lower Yangzi

MAJIABANG (5000–4000) red pottery, pol. stone, jades, rice, paddy fields Caoxieshan, Chodun

KUHUQIAO (6000–5000) wild rice, H&G, dogs, pigs, wild buffalo; polished stone tools, fine pottery, bone spades, stilted houses, dugout canoes, paddles basketry Xiaohuangshan

Shangshan (9400/8000–6600) wild rice, H&G, cobble & flake stone tools, pottery, village Xiaohuangshan (8000–5000) house, pits, cobble & flake tools

Shanghai/Hangzhou Deltas ③ Lower Yangzi

Late YANGSHAO/ MIAODIGOU I/ XIYINCUN (4000–3300) Fmillet, B?, domes. rice, soybean, sorghum, sickle, jades, surface houses, site

North Central ④ Central Plain

YANGSHAO (5000– 3000) / BANPO phase Banpo, Jiangzhai millets, mustard, hemp, soybean, sickles, pitbuildings, surface bldgs, livestock, painted pottery

Jiahu rice

BAIJIA (7000–5000) millet, H&G PEILIGANG /CISHAN/ LAOGUANTAI (6300– 5100), LIJIACUN painted pottery, millet, storage pits, querns, H&G

Hutouliang Nanzhuangtou (10,400–9000) pottery, grindstones, dog, flake tools, worked bone

North Central ④ Central Plain

Shandong peninsula ⑤ Haidai (Eastern Seaboard) Early DAWENKOU (4150–3550) millets, rice, H&G, dogs, pigs, pit-bldgs, pol. tools, painted pottery, household production of East Coast wares, burial ceramics

BEXIN (5400–4300) Fmillet/(wild?) rice, H&G, pigs, dogs, chicken, cattle, buffalo, chipped & polished stone tools

HOULI (6200–5000) H&G, FB millet, dog, pig, houses, burials, kiln, pottery, sickles, grinding stones, rice

Bianbiandong Lijiagou (8500–6900) microliths, pottery, grindstones

Shandong peninsula ⑤ Haidai (Eastern Seaboard)

XINLE (5500– 4800) Bmillet, green onions

Manchurian Basin ⑥ Northeast (Dongbei) ( Liaoxi )

ZHAOBAOGOU (5000– 4400) digging tools, micro-blades, painted pottery, figurines (4500-) EARLY HONGSHAN Fmillet, sickle, H&G, pigs, digging tools

XINGLONGWA (6000– 4800) BFmillet,H&G deer, boar, walnuts, jade, dragon motifs, square houses Xinglongwa Baiyinchanghan

Manchurian Basin ⑥ Northeast (Dongbei) ( west / east ) Zhuannian (9300–8300) pottery, stone axes, grindstones, pit burials Donghulin (9000–7000) burials, ash pits, hearths, pottery, stone/bone/shell artifacts, microliths, grindstones, burials

CULTURES, sites, and select contents in six regions of the China Mainland; early finds emboldened; approximate dates. Abbreviations: H&G = hunting & gathering, Bmillet, Fmillet = broomcorn or foxtail millet (BF = both), sett. = settlement, pol. = polished; stratif = stratification, bldgs. = buildings

Table 1.1 From the Neolithic into the Bronze Age

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Gansu/Ordos

BC

QIJIA 2200–1800/1600

Northwest

2200

SHIJIAHE (2500–2000) rice, sickles, sett. increase, jades, silk, social stratif.?

QUJIALING (3300–2600) domes. rice, sickles, site increase, adv. ceramics, textiles, sett. differentiation, 100ha site, jades, bronze?

DAXI (4300–3500) CHENGTOUSHAN domes. rice, millet, sickles, walls & moats, sett. increase, social ranking, jades, adv. ceramics, workshops

South Central ② Middle Yangzi

tools, painted pottery, paddy fields

BAODUN 2700–

Southwest Sichuan Basin

HEMUDU (5000–3000) rice, H&G, adv. crafts, wooden buildings

Late (2600–2400) Sidun silk, black pottery, jades

Middle (3000–2600) Liangzhu complex

LIANGZHU (3300–2000) Early (3300–3000) domes. rice, livestock, stone plows & sickles, jades, social stratification, black pottery Yaoshan

SONGZE/ LINGJIATAN (4000–3300) pol. stone, stone plow, domes. rice, jades, social ranking, settlement differences

bone spades, advanced crafts, stilted houses Tianluoshan

Shanghai/Hangzhou Deltas ③ Lower Yangzi

paddy fields Caoxieshan, Chodun

DOUJITAI, MAQIAO, Lower

Yangzi drainage

MACHANG (2300– Epi-Liangzhu (2400–2200) 2100) Fmillet, hemp Mid/Late Holocene boundary 4.2kya abrupt climate event

BANSHAN (2800–2300) Bmillet

MAJIAYAO (3300–2800) millets, hemp, pigs, goats, cows, stone tools, painted pottery, bronze smelting

Late YANGSHAO (3500–3200) millet expansion, site increase, painted pottery, surface houses, public buildings

Northwest ① Wei R. / Gansu

Abrupt climate event

1.1c

2200

2800

LATE NEOLITHIC

3300

MIDDLE NEOLITHIC

BC 4000

1.1b

4200

Dadiwan 2 (4500–2900)

North Central*

WANGWAN III

Central LONGSHAN (Mid-Late) (2600–1900) Taosi, WANGWAN III millets, domes. rice, soybean, wheat, population peak, warfare, sett. differentiation, social stratification

Xishan MIAODIGOU II (Latest Yangshao/ Early Longshan) (2900–2600), millet, domes. rice, soybean, sickles, ranked burials, jades, ivory

Late YANGSHAO/ MIAODIGOU I/ XIYINCUN (4000–3300) Fmillet, B?, domes. rice, soybean, sorghum, sickle, jades, surface houses, site increase, sett. differentiation, painted pottery, walled settlements, human sacrifice?, social inequality Miaodigou, Xipo

North Central ④ Central Plain

soybean, sickles, pitbuildings, surface bldgs, livestock, painted pottery

YUESHI

Shandong peninsula Haidai (Eastern Seaboard)

Eastern LONGSHAN (2600–1900) Fmillet, rice, eggshell ceramics, jades, social stratification, ‘city-states’ late: bronze Liangchengzhen

Late DAWENKOU (3050–2650) +beans new stone tools craft specialization long-distance trade jades, white ceramics Yuchisi, Dantu

Middle DAWENKOU (3550–3050) jades, specialist potters, blackware ceramics, fast potter’s wheel, kilns, painted pottery, social ranking

Shandong peninsula ⑤ Haidai (Eastern Seaboard) Early DAWENKOU (4150–3550) millets, rice, H&G, dogs, pigs, pit-bldgs, pol. tools, painted pottery, household production of East Coast wares, burial ceramics

DATUOTOU

Manchurian Basin Northeast (Dongbei)

Continued on next page

XIAOHEYAN (2800–2300) millet, wheat, H&G, sickle, site decrease, decline

Middle/Late HONGSHAN (3500–2800) jades, social ranking, goddess temples, tomb burials Fushanzhuang Niuheliang

Manchurian Basin ⑥ Northeast (Dongbei) ( Liaoxi )

(4500-) EARLY HONGSHAN Fmillet, sickle, H&G, pigs, digging tools

* Names in cells below are justified left, center and right to correspond with the positions of their geographical locations here.

Early SHANG Erligang 1600–1300 Pre-dynastic ZHOU ~1046 Middle/Late SHANG Anyang 1250–1046

Early SANXINGDUI 1750–1400 Late SAXINGDUI 1400–1200 Early SHI’ERQIAO 1200–1000 BRONZE AGE 1900 SIBA 1900–1500 XINDIAN 1500–1000 1200

QIJIA 2200–1800/1600 ZHUKAIGOU 2000–1400 2200

Gansu/Ordos BC

BAODUN 2700– 1750

DOUJITAI, MAQIAO, Lower DIANJIANGTAI

ERLITOU 1850–1550

YUESHI

SHANG

DATUOTOU Lower XIAJIADIAN GAOTAISHAN MIAOHOUSHAN

Manchurian Basin Northeast (Dongbei) Shandong peninsula Haidai (Eastern Seaboard)

North Central*

WANGWAN III 2600–1900 Yangzi drainage Southwest Sichuan Basin Northwest 1.1c

late: bronze Liangchengzhen population peak, warfare, sett. differentiation, social stratification increase, jades, silk, MACHANG (2300– social stratif.? Epi-Liangzhu (2400–2200) 2100) Fmillet, hemp Mid/Late Holocene boundary 4.2kya abrupt climate event 22001.1 Continued Table

It was at Erlitou that the casting of bronze vessels began the Shang bronze tradition. Previously, I have referred to the products from the three sites of Erlitou, Erligang, and Anyang as Early, Middle and Late Shang bronze traditions.9 However, Middle Shang is now applied either to a transitional phase of bronzes known from Huanbei, near Anyang,10 or to Phase II of Upper Erligang. 11 For simplicity’s sake, I refer to finds contemporaneous with Zhengzhou (Erligang) as Early Shang and those contemporaneous with the Yinxu capital (Anyang) as Late Shang. The break between Early and Late Shang was marked by a shift in the capital area from south to north as known archaeologically. The term ‘Shang’ is derived from textual sources, but never did the people refer to themselves or any other group as a ‘state’ – this being a modern academic designation. ‘Shang’ has several distinct and sometimes contradictory meanings: as the name of 1) an archaeological period, 2) a protohistoric ethnic group, 3) a particular style of bronzes, and 4) an early state. In the most simplistic descriptions of the Shang period, the Shang people are portrayed as ruling the Shang state, which is marked archaeologically by the distribution of Shang-style bronzes – except for Erlitou. As an archaeological period, however, the concept of a Shang period does not give good representation to several other regional bronze traditions. Because of this and the problem Erlitou represents, it is perhaps better to use the Bronze Age as a period, with Early BA = Erlitou + Erligang, Middle BA = Anyang, and Late BA = Early Zhou,

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  19

while still retaining the Shang style designations above. Iron appears from the beginning of Middle Zhou so that even though bronzes were still in use (as they are today), it warrants ending the Bronze Age there. The protohistoric Zhou period traditionally begins with the Table 1.2 Dynastic dates overthrow of the Shang king and clan by a rival ethnic group, the for China, from Shang Zhou (Table 1.2). This is a historically attested event, though the through Tang ix date is much debated; 1045 or 1046 is commonly used these days. Additional dates can be The lengthy Zhou period (Chapters 9, 10) is traditionally segmented seen in Table 0.1. There is more than one way by historians into Western and Eastern Zhou periods, the latter to group the dynasties x then divided into Spring & Autumn and Warring States periods. emboldened below The distinction between Western and Eastern Zhou was a shift in into non-bold group names, thus variations location of the capital from west to east. For simplicity’s sake, these occur in the literature. three sub-periods are referred to here as Early (Western), Middle Also the beginnings and (Spring & Autumn) and Late (Warring States) Zhou. Though ironendings of dynasties are working became prominent after 800 BC, we will not speak of a negotiable depending on what criteria are used. Chinese ‘Iron Age’. Another significant feature of the 1m BC was the emergence of mounted nomads on the northern Shang (ca. 1500–1046 BC) Zhou frontiers (Chapter 10). Zhou Dynasty (1046–221 BC) With the advent of the Zhou period, numerous Pre-dynastic Zhou (6000 Gosan-ri

Early

6000–3500

6000–3500

5500–3500

5000–3500

6000–4000 yunggimun

Middle

3500–2000

3500–2200

3500–2000

3500–2500

4000–2500 chulmun

Late

2000–1500/1000

2200–1500

2000–1400

2500–1500

2500–1300 chulmun

The Mumun chronology (below) is presented first as AMS 14C dates and then as schemes interpreted by different scholars who accept the AMS dates. The 1m BC used to be divided into the Early and Late Bronze ages, with the Late Bronze Age overlapping with the Early Iron Age (the CKJ dating below). Using the Mumun period designation instead of the Bronze Age, it is now the Late Mumun period that may overlap with the Iron Age, depending on the chosen ending and starting dates respectively. Dates for the late 1m BC are still very unclear, even though the general trajectory of development is fairly well known, incorporating a time lag between the northern Peninsula near the Manchurian Basin and the southern Peninsular coast. AMS 14C

1450–700 BC

700–500 BC

500–340 BC

340 BC–

CKJ

Mumun/ Plain Pottery

700–400 Early Bronze Age (BA)

400 BC – Late BA/ Early Iron Age (IA)

400 BC – 0 AD Late BA/ Early Iron Age

Bale 2014

Early Mumun 1450–850

Middle Mumun ~850–550

Late Mumun 550–300

Early Iron Age 300 BC–

Onuki 2014

Early Mumun= Early Bronze Age

Middle Mumun = Late Bronze Age

from 5c: 1st ½ of Late Mumun = Early IA to 200

200 BC: 2nd ½ of Late Mumun = Late IA

This volume

1450–850 Early Mumun

850–500 Middle Mumun

500–200 Late Mumun/Early IA

200 BC – Samhan/ Early IA

Early Iron Age. Rice comes into cultivation at this time, and bronzes appear on the Peninsula around 700 BC from the Manchurian Basin (Chapter 11). There is a nominal division at around 340 BC between early Manchurian-type bronzes and later local innovations. In the 5c BC, cast-iron objects began to dribble into the Peninsula from the iron-producing Zhou state of Yan in the northeast; then bloomery iron production began on the Peninsula in the last centuries This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

0–300 AD Late IA= Samhan

Late IA = Samhan

22  Archaeology of East Asia Table 1.4 Three Kingdoms and Kaya dates

Samhan origins Koguryo

Samguk Sagi dates

state formation

37 BC – 668 AD

3c AD

Paekche

Boji

18 BC – 660 AD

3c AD

Silla

Saro

57 BC – 668 AD

4c AD

United Silla Kaya Pon-Kaya (Kumgwan) Tae-Kaya

668–935 Kuya 3c–532 5c–562

5c AD?

BC. In 108 BC, Han Dynasty troops from the Mainland conquered the northern Peninsula, establishing the commandery of Lelang, and integrated that region and the eastern Manchurian Basin into the Han empire’s system of military commanderies (Chapter 13). Such commanderies were newly created Han administrative units that co-existed with older units often referred to as ‘principalities’. Archaeologically, the protohistoric commandery period on the Peninsula (108 BC–313 AD) is often referred to as the Lelang period, while the first three centuries AD are also called the Proto-Three Kingdoms period or the Samhan period. Since the appellation ProtoThree Kingdoms is somewhat teleological, Samhan or its equivalent, the Late Iron Age, will be used here. The succeeding period from 300 to 668 AD is called the Three Kingdoms periodxii due to the Peninsula being divided into three emerging states: Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla. During this time the southernmost coast housed a series of chiefdoms all bearing the name ‘Kaya’ (Pon-Kaya, Tae-Kaya, etc.). The Three Kingdoms period was characterized by monumental mounded tomb burials for the rulers (Chapter 14). Traditional Korean histories project the king lists for these polities back to the 1st century BC, and indeed Koguryo did exist as a chiefdom during the Lelang period; however, the polities that developed after the collapse of Lelang in 313 are viewed as the first Korean states (Table 1.4). By 668, Silla had conquered its rivals and united the Korean Peninsula under one rule. United Silla (668–935) adopted several administrative units and techniques from Tang Dynasty China; though fully historic in its own age, no documents other than wooden tablets survive from this period (Chapter 15).

xii  Not to be confused with the Three Kingdoms Six Dynasties period (220–581 AD) on the China Mainland.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  23

The Japanese sequence Because the boundaries of archaeological periods in Japan are constantly in flux from new research, various and conflicting dates are found in the literature. Most importantly, claims for the early occupation of Japan during the Middle Palaeolithic have now been disavowed, as a dating hoax was revealed in 2000. It is now thought that most Palaeolithic sites in Japan belong to the Upper Palaeolithic, from around 40,000 years ago (Chapter 4). The Upper Palaeolithic (UP) is divided into Early (EUP) and Late (LUP) by the marker tephra Aira-Tanzawa (AT-tephra), which erupted from the Aira caldera about 29,000 years ago.17 This eruption had devastating effects on life in the archipelago, and changes in tool technology over this boundary may indicate recolonization of the western archipelago. Microblade technology appeared about 17,000 years ago18 and possibly relates to the initial colonization of the Americas from Siberia. Ceramics appeared soon thereafter and became widespread in the Early Holocene. The Jomon period is divided into six phases (Table 1.5), with Initial Jomon spanning the Pleistocene/Holocene divide at 9600 BC. Other phase dates have correspondingly moved a bit earlier. Since the Jomon extended over many geographical regions, cultural developments varied over the landscape, so the divisions of the Jomon phases vary accordingly. The Jomon period was a long one, of lifeways based mainly on hunting, gathering and fishing, with subordinate use of plant foods, including some domesticated species. A sedentary rather than mobile lifestyle allowed the manufacture and use of ceramics on a large scale. The many varieties of pottery (Table 1.6) and the highly dissected nature of the Japanese landscape suggest regionally delimited social groupings; thus we should acknowledge several Jomon ‘cultures’ as well as many Jomon languages. Because this period is so long and Jomon people lived in such varying ecological and social environments, it is virtually impossible to encapsulate all of its aspects in a work such as this. Discussion has therefore split up the Jomon into thematic parcels: Jomon subsistence Jomon phase

calibrated dates BP

Incipient

15,000–12,500

13,350–10,550

Initial (Earliest)

12,500–7000

10,550–5050

Early

7000–5470

5050–3520

Middle

5470–4420

3520–2470

Late

4420–3200

2470–1250

Final (Latest)

3200–2920 3200–2350

1250–970 (SW Japan) 1250–400 (NE Japan)

Epi- (Zoku-) Jomon

calibrated dates BC

340 BC–700 AD (Hokkaido)

Table 1.5 Dates of Jomon phases based on calibrated AMS 14C dates The phase dates below derive from more than 2000 AMS 14C datings throughout the archipelago. Northwestern and northeastern Japan are distinguished by the early arrival of rice agriculture in the west, leading into the Yayoi period after 970 BC, and by the time lag of rice technology diffusion through Honshu by 350 BC. Jomon lifeways survived in Hokkaido but entered a new phase with Satsumon pottery from ca. 700 AD. Note that Incipient Jomon began in the Pleistocene, but this scheme does not include the very early finds of pottery before 15kya (13,350 BC); these are assigned to the Palaeolithic.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Table 1.6 Jomon pottery types through time and space

24  Archaeology of East Asia

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 16:53:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1. Orientation  25

is discussed in Chapter 5, the Middle Jomon exchange network in Chapter 6, and the adoption (or not) of agriculture in Chapter 11. Soon after 1000 BC, wet rice technology was adopted from the continent, heralding the start of the Yayoi period (see Chapter 11). The Yayoi are defined as agriculturalists, and for several hundred years, peoples who adopted farming in the western Japanese Islands co-existed with peoples continuing Jomon lifeways in the northeast. Ironically, the word Yayoi derives from a place-name in Tokyo where the pottery characteristic of this period was first found and identified in the late 1800s, but this ceramic formally dates to ca. 300 BC. Bronze was added to the Yayoi repertoire about this time, and from Middle Yayoi (200–0 BC) the Insular societies came into contact with the Han Dynasty and were documented in Han court chronicles (Chapter 13). Rich grave goods of Chinese bronzes in Kyushu attest to interaction with the China Mainland at this time. In the Late Yayoi period, chiefdoms probably emerged, marked by new mounded burial types of different shapes between regions (Chapter 14). This political heterogeneity was superseded in the Early Kofun period by the spread of a homogeneous burial style consisting of keyhole-shaped mounded tombs (Table 1.7). The advent of monumental tomb construction marks the beginning of class society, as tomb size increased in the 3rd century from 140 and 100kya.   • Upper Cave, where remains of Homo sapiens have been recovered together with evidence of modern human behavior, dating between 29 and 24kya.

Excavated-out portion of Locality 1. Note the labels of levels going up the excavated cave wall.

It is worth noting that the strictly recognized form of HE is defined from the fossils found on Java in Indonesia and at Zhoukoudian in China; these are termed Homo erectus sensu stricto (s.s.). Locality 1 at Zhoukoudian has given the world the greatest number of HE fossils (over 40), and these are considered a ‘population’ (BOX 3.1). Other fossils of HE in Africa and elsewhere are infrequent and scattered, showing much variation over great distances and time; these are thus included in a looser category of HE s.l. (sensu lato). Fossils in East Asia are almost invariably found in limestone caves, such as at Zhoukoudian, because the calcium carbonate (CaCO3) in limestone This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

48  Archaeology of East Asia

helps preserve bone; as these formations are geographically limited, so are the chances of fossil recovery. Arguments over the Second Peopling of East Asia previously revolved around how much genetic influence remains from HE populations in the modern Chinese population. The Eve Hypothesis,3 derived from DNA and postulating replacement of HE by Homo sapiens sapiens (HSS), was at odds with the morphological data of fossil skeletal remains in China showing intermediate forms. This difference has been somewhat resolved – but not yet completely – by the admission of DNA researchers that there could have been brief interbreeding at the wave front of Out of Africa 2 as discussed below.4 Another development, however, has confused the situation even more. It is now thought that the western species, Homo heidelbergensis, might account for some of the intermediate forms in China. Nonetheless, Chinese researchers still promote an indigenous and regional evolution of HE to HSS, some rejecting even the modified replacement hypothesis that allows for interbreeding.5 They belong to the ‘multiregionalists’6 who propose that the intermediate forms found in China really are transitional – with evolutionary continuity from HE to HSS; these ‘transitionals’ are referred to by them as ‘archaic Homo sapiens’. Finally, researchers have developed yet another three new terms for discussing hominin speciation. The first is ‘anatomically modern humans’ (AMH), to encompass both HS and HSS without having to specify which. In this debate, it is important to recognize, second, that Neanderthals are no longer considered by some to belong to HS but are given their own species name: Homo neanderthalensis, the second new term. For most researchers, the major questions now revolve around identifying the timing of migrations and replacements of indigenous populations, including Neanderthals, by AMH. Finally, the term ‘early modern humans’ (EMH) seems to be a substitute for Homo sapiens without having to name a species, but it isn’t clear whether modern anatomy or modern behavior is being referenced – the former was not indelibly tied to the latter.7

The first peopling, or Out of Africa 1 What peoples? Debate continues about when, how and by whom East Asia was colonized in the Early Pleistocene. One of the more important changes is the redating of the Pleistocene, pushing back the beginning to ca. 2.6mya and the ending to 11.6kya.8 The Pleistocene divisions (Early, Middle and Late) do

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  49 Pleistocene

Palaeolithic

Homo

tools

2.6mya–780kya

Early

Early

Homo erectus

core-and-flake

780–120kya

Middle

Early

Homo erectus, transitionals

core-and-flake

120kya–

Late

Early to 50kya

transitionals, Homo sapiens in Asia after 67kya

core-and-flake

Late

from 50kya Late/ Upper

Homo sapiens sapiens

core-and-flake, prepared-core technologies

Late

Late/Upper

Homo sapiens sapiens

blades, microblades

Terminal

Late/Upper

Homo sapiens sapiens

bifacial points

–11.6kya

not exactly match the Palaeolithic divisions (Early, Late) during this time (Table 3.1). Early and Late Palaeolithic finds are listed within the Pleistocene divisions in Appendix E. Previously, 1.8mya was offered as the beginning of the Homo erectus occupation of the southern China Mainland at Xihoudu (BOX 3.2), represented by stone tools but no fossils;ii now these finds have been redated to 1.37mya.9 The earliest hominin fossils ostensibly occur at Yuanmou, dated to 1.7mya, but the human nature of the teeth and the stratigraphic relationship of the teeth to the stratum dated by palaeomagnetism have both come under heavy criticism.10 Currently, a date of 1.66mya for sites in the Nihewan Basin in the north China Mainland seems to be accepted as the earliest known human colonization of East Asia.11 Of course, these dates will change with new information,iii but whatever dates are obtained, they must be examined within the general framework of species evolution and dispersal from Africa. Humans evolved in Africa beginning with the australopithecines from 5mya, who walked upright as a matter of course and may have used stone tools; Paranthropus, a robust large-jawed australopithecine emerged from 3mya. The earliest Homo species, Homo rudolfensus and Homo habilis, overlapped with both Australopithecus and Paranthropus from 2.4mya. Homo erectus in Africa (often called Homo ergaster) dates back to 1.75–1.53mya,12 making them contemporaneous with other Homo and australopithecine species in Africa until the latter died out around 1.4–1.2mya. All of the above are included in the hominin designation.iv

Table 3.1 Pleistocene and Palaeolithic periodizations for East Asia Not all species and tool types are present everywhere during these phases, and tool types cannot be equated with species types. mya = million years ago, kya = thousand years ago

Zhu, R. et al. (2003) report there is still some doubt about the human manufacture of the stone tools. iii  Such as at Renzi Cave with a date of 2.2mya, preceding the supposed evolution of HE and not yet accepted (Dennell 2009: 178). iv  The term ‘hominid’ was redefined to include not only humans but also chimpanzees and gorillas; this led to the new term ‘hominin’ to refer to only humans ii 

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

50  Archaeology of East Asia

BOX 3.2 Xihoudu artifacts dated 1.27mya by palaeomagnetism at a lakeside environment Reversals in the Earth’s magnetic polarity through time have been recorded in stratigraphically sequential sediments. Periods of normal polarity (magnetic north at the North Pole) alternate with those of reversed polarity (magnetic north at the South Pole). The long periods are termed ‘chrons’; the Brunhes (normal N) and Matuyama (reversed R) chrons are the major divisions for the Pleistocene – our current Brunhes normal chron beginning at 0.78mya. During the Matuyama (R) chron, there were short-term periods or ‘subchrons’ of normal polarity, the major ones being the Jaramillo and Olduvai. The dating method relies on the assumption of steady rate of sedimentation through the chron periods, so that dates of artifacts found at a particular stratigraphic position within a chron can be estimated by their relative position with the known chron and subchron boundaries. Palaeomagnetism is thus a form of relative dating, and such datings may change with more specifically artifact-associated dates.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  51 Figure 3.1 Palaeolithic Sites mentioned in Chapter 3 For further political and geographical references, see Figures 1.1 and 2.1–3; X = site of Baoji coring in BOX 3.3. Locations approximate. Sites with only stone tool remains: Early Pleistocene: 1 Xihoudu 2 Majuangou III 3 Xiaochangliang Middle Pleistocene: 4 Jigongshan 5 Chongokni 6 Panxian-Dadong Late Pleistocene: 7 Kanedori 8 Tategahana

There is a real problem in understanding the evolution of Homo erectus because their current earliest known date in Africa (1.75mya) is later than HE as known in the Caucasus (1.85–1.78mya).13 This implies that well before 1.85mya, hominins of some sort had left Africa, traveled as far as the Caucasus, possibly evolving into HE along the way and then radiating out from there, back into Africa and across Asia.14 It is also as yet unclear whether HE reached East Asia exclusively through a southern route. From 3mya, a northern route across Eurasia was also possible as grasslands expanded after the northern Tibetan Plateau uplift.15 No evidence of HE yet exists in Central Asia, but finding such remains would clarify the route(s). Although several hominin species may have made it Out of Africa, the consensus view is that only HE reached eastern Asia in the Early Pleistocene (see Appendix E.1), though Chinese archaeologists reserve the possibility that Australopithecus might also have been present. Palaeomagnetic dates from several sites in the north and south China Mainland now illustrate human occupation well beyond one million years ago.16 These dates correlate well with biostratigraphic dating using faunal remains.v It is notable that among the Early Pleistocene sites that have produced stone tools and copious faunal remains,vi hominin fossils have only been recovered from Yuanmou

Sites with hominin fossils: Homo erectus, Early Pleistocene: 9 Yuanmou Homo erectus, Middle Pleistocene: 10 Lantian 11 Zhoukoudian Loc. 1 Intermediate Homo fossils, Middle Pleistocene: 12 Jinniushan 13 Maba 14 Dali 15 Taehyun-dong Homo sapiens, Late Pleistocene: 16 Zhiren Cave 11 Zhoukoudian Upper Cave Early Modern Humans (EMH): 11 Tianyuan Cave, near Zhoukoudian

and their ancestors: genera Australopithecus, Paranthropus, and Homo (Dennell 2009: table 2.1). Archaeological writings earlier than the mid-noughties (ca. 2005) use ‘hominid’ in the ‘hominin’ sense. v  See CKJ Box 3. vi  The Longgupo fossils may be from an ape species (Chen, C. 2003; Ciochon 2009).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

52  Archaeology of East Asia

(contested) and the Gongwangling locality at Lantian (HE s.l.) (Figure 3.1).17 Thus, it is still too early to provide a definitive account of the First Peopling of East Asia, by exactly whom or via what route. Changes in the Early Pleistocene environment are now the focus for interpreting hominin migration into and habitation of eastern Asia, and it is noted by researchers that HE adapted to upland environments early on.18 Habitats, habits and habitation The climate in East Asia is conditioned by the East Asian Monsoon – a weather pattern that began 22 million years ago.19 The annual seasonal monsoons consist of humid air flowing onto land from the oceans in the summer, resulting in major precipitation, then the reverse in winter with dry cold air flowing out of the continental interior, resulting in the drying of the interior. When the summer monsoon was dominant for a substantial amount of time (decades, centuries, millennia), inner East Asia would be warmer and wetter with dense forest growth; when the winter monsoon dominated, the interior would be colder and dryer, leading to grassland and desert formation. The strength of monsoonal variation increased just prior to the beginning of the Pleistocene, which itself is marked by climate cooling and the onset of northern glaciation from 2.5mya. These changes are linked to the uplift of the northern Tibetan Plateau, which changed patterns of air circulation across Eurasia, leading to periodic shifts between glacial and non-glacial conditions. Contrary to our earlier understanding of four major Pleistocene glaciations, new research has identified rapidly (in geological time) oscillating glacials and interglacials, with many minor stadial (cold) and interstadial (warm) periods. Loess records in China (BOX 3.3) yield 166 ‘events’ or shifts between warm humid and cold dry spells.20 Between 1.6 and 0.8mya, the shifts occurred generally on a 41,000-year cycle; from 1mya, a 100,000-year cycle came to dominate, increasing after 0.5mya.21 But what does all this mean for the climate of Pleistocene East Asia? Glaciers were confined to high altitudes (as on the Tibetan Plateau), so there were no large ice cap formations as in Europe and North America. The major ramifications were the migrations of vegetational types and animals north and south depending on the relative strengths of the summer and winter monsoons – not in single years but following the cyclicity of glacial and interglacial, stadial and interstadial periods. Early Pleistocene Homo erectus populations are considered to have lived at the whim of the weather, accommodating their range to rather frequent oscillations between cold and warm periods. Currently the This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  53

BOX 3.3  Loess stratigraphy and an MIS curve at Baoji The drying of the Eurasian interior allowed much desert dust to be carried by winter winds and deposited across the north China Mainland. When the rate of dust accumulation outstripped soil formation, a peculiar type of sediment called loess formed. Loess can be up to 180m thick and preserves detailed climatic information in its successive depositions. Its grain size distribution informs on the strength of winter winds, with larger grains carried by colder stronger winter winds; during mild spells and interglacials, soils may form, remaining as palaeosols in the loess stratigraphy. The construction of a grain size proxy for climate change over 2.5mya has been accomplished for a loess section at Baoji (see Figure 3.1). This coordinates with the Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) curve (see Appendix A on scientific dating) at marine core site 607. Between 2.5–1.6mya the Baoji cycles are variable; a 40ka cycle obtains between 1.6–0.8mya; and from 1mya, a 100ka cycle comes to dominate, increasing after 0.5mya. The loess warm periods (Baoji S-peaks, indicating ‘soils’) are considered to correlate well with the MIS warm periods (oddnumbered Site 607 peaks), while L-peaks (for loess) coordinate with unnumbered cold troughs. Loess is a sediment comprised of dust that has undergone chemical changes after being deposited by wind. “True (typical) loess can be described as a loose deposit with coarse silt predominant in grain size, unstratified, porous, permeable, stable in steep walls, easily erodible by water, ‘structured light loam’ of pale yellow color due to finely dispersed limonite (iron hydroxides), quartz as main mineral constituent (40–80%), subordinate feldspar content, variable amounts of clay minerals (5–20%) and carbonates (1–20%)” (Pésci 1990: 2).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

54  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 3.2 Stone circle found at the late Mid-Pleistocene site of Jigongshan The internal section (diameter 1.5–2.5m) yielded no artifacts, but the stone circle itself was composed of unmodified stones plus debris from lithic manufacture.

best information on hominin occupation in the Early Pleistocene comes from the many stone tools (lithics) excavated in the Nihewan Basin, though no actual fossils or habitation remains are known there. Because of the numerous lithics discovered, some assume that the basin was occupied densely and continuously for a million years.22 However, the Baoji loess record confirms multiple shifts in climate during those million years (see BOX 3.3); others have argued that because the occupants had neither fire nor probably clothes or sturdy shelters, they most likely occupied the basin during particularly mild times but took refuge in the south during cold spells.23 However, cold period occupation has recently been documented at Nihewan,24 so the debate goes on. In the Middle Pleistocene, cold periods were much longer and more severe. It is not surprising that evidence for the use of fire appears, for example at Zhoukoudian Locality 1 (see BOX 3.1) – though possibly not to the extent previously thought. The thick layers of ‘ash’ supposedly identified in the deep cave deposits have proven not to have been fire ash in the areas re-examined.25 Still, a possible hearth, ash and charcoal heaps, and a variety of burned materials – bone, stone, wood, seeds and a carbonized leaf – suggest that HE used fire in the cave,26 while at the Jinniushan site, stone clusters containing cut, crushed and burned bone and sealed with ash-bearing clay indicate the cooking of meat in the cave.27 The use of fire might also have developed together with a sense of a cave as a ‘home base’.28 The discovery of stone circles 1.5–2.5m in diameter from Jigongshan, one of several Middle Pleistocene sites in the Yangzi River drainage,29 may relate somehow to dwel­ling structures (Figure 3.2).30   The concept of ‘home range’ is also used to describe the Middle Pleistocene hominins’ exploitation of the landscape. The range, in this case, is determined by how far people traveled to obtain stone re­ sources for tool making; it seems that 4–5km was normal,

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  55

with some excursions up to 7km.31 Both the criterion and the distances are quite different from later times: compare the idea ‘home range’ based on distance of lithic resources to the idea of ‘resource catchment’ based on exploitation of food sources within a certain geographical range; and compare this limited range of excursion of early humans to find stone tool materials with Late Pleistocene procurement of lithic resources from hundreds of kilometres away. With the wider use of radiometric and palaeomagnetic dating, faunal dating,32 though still valid, has become subsidiary to the use of faunal remains as ‘indicator species’ in postulating environmental surroundings of hominin sites. The northern (Palearctic) fauna is characterized by the open-steppe species of Northeast Asia, while the southern (Oriental) fauna is characteristic of the forests of southern China and Southeast Asia.33 The Palearctic and Oriental faunal groups fluctuated through time – as known, for example, by the occurrence of Equus sp. (horses, a northern grassland animal) in the southern sites of Renzi Cave and Longgupo during the colder Early Pleistocene, and the occurrence of Ailuropoda (Giant Panda), Bubalus (water buffalo) and Macaca (macaques) north of the Qinling Mountains in warmer periods.34 In addition to their use as environmental indicators, faunal remains are, of course, important for assessing the diet of early humans, information being accessed from the bone remains themselves and through stone tool kits. Their tool kits Australopithecines (including Paranthropus) in Africa are now thought to be the earliest tool-makers, with Homo species lagging not far behind. This early tool technology, dating back to 2.6mya, is characterized as Oldowan, with flaked cobbles and unmodified flakes used as tools. Early Palaeolithic tools discovered in China belonged to this technology and persisted throughout the Pleistocene. These tools are extremely simple, and there are ongoing arguments about the human manufacture of some discoveries.vii Archaeologists are now arguing for more contextual interpretations, including not only the feasibility of the dating, stratigraphy, and environment but also the operational sequence of manufacture (chaîne opératoire) in understanding tool production processes from core, flake and shatter data rather than single objects. Considerable discussion revolves around whether the lack of bifacial tool-making in the Early Palaeolithic of East Asia was a sign of technological conservatism or due to other local factors. vii 

As at Renzi Cave (Dennell 2009: 178).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

56  Archaeology of East Asia

The debate flows around two anchors: the Acheulean tradition of bifacially flaked handaxes and the Movius Line denoting the distribution limits of Acheulean handaxes. Acheulean handaxe manufacture developed in Africa around 1.7–1.6mya (just about the time of Homo erectus occupation of East Asia) and continued until 0.2mya.35 Despite the timing, it appears that people brought with them the older Oldowan technology but not the newer Acheulean.viii The Movius Line marks the easternmost distribution of Acheulean bifacially flaked handaxes as defined in 1948;36 currently its extent is drawn from the Ganges River mouth in India northwest through central England. Handaxe absence farther east was attributed to the availability and usefulness of bamboo as a substitute for stone tool making. This ‘bamboo hypothesis’, however, has recently been dismissed on two major grounds:37 Palaeolithic occupation in East and Southeast Asia did not always correlate well with bamboo forest distribution, and rain forest occupants can and do have sophisticated stone tool technologies. Moreover, it explains neither the absence of the Acheulean directly north of the Movius Line in non-bamboo regions nor the penchant of researchers to consider only the eastern cultures somehow ‘primitive’ while the western cultures without handaxes are not so derogatorily branded.38 Finally, the Movius Line as describing the Middle Palaeolithic industries is found to have no chronological basis whatsoever. Earlier researchers divided Early Palaeolithic assemblages on the China Mainland into a chopper-chopping tool tradition producing large core tools vs. a small flake-tool tradition.39 But since core and flake tools often co-occur, the Early Palaeolithic tool kit is now seen simply as a non-standardized ‘core-and-flake’ tradition (Figure 3.3).40 It’s partly a matter of intention: Did one hammer a rock aiming to flake off enough bits to leave a handaxe, perhaps keeping a few flakes as tools; or was the aim to produce sharp-edged flakes, then toss the core? Flakes were produced by direct percussion on a cobble with a hammerstone, or by the bipolar technique: setting the cobble on an anvil-rock and bashing it with another rock, detaching flakes from both its ends. Most flakes were used without further shaping or edge refinement, but some have retouched edges, demonstrating knowledge of fine flaking. In the later Middle Pleistocene from about 400kya, the bipolar technique disappeared and flakes were detached from disc-shaped viii  ‘Modes’ were devised by Grahame Clark in 1969 to describe lithic succession in world prehistory, with Mode 1 = Oldowan, Mode 2 = Acheulean, and Mode 3 = Levallois (see Shea 2013). Shea argues that these terms should be discarded as they have now been superseded by more data on local sequences and that the whole system of lithic technological change needs to be rethought.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  57

cores or from cobbles struck from different directions; some flakes were then retouched as side-scrapers.41 Several clusters of bifacially flaked handaxes are now recognized from some Middle Pleistocene sites (Figure 3.4): particularly from the Bose and Luonan Basins in the south-central China Mainland and in the Imjin/Hantan River basin on the Korean Peninsula, especially at Chongokni. There is some dissension as to whether these fit into the Acheulean category; in general, the technology is considered convergent (independently invented) with the Acheulean rather than requiring introduction by

Figure 3.3 Core-andflake tools of Middle Pleistocene East Asia Early Palaeolithic artifacts from the Luonan Basin, China.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

58  Archaeology of East Asia

new peoples.42 The larger issues involve why handaxes in the East should occur in such low frequencies and scattered distribution compared to the West. Thus, there is debate whether the Movius Line, despite its original negative connotations that East Asian hominins were somehow backward or unskilled, is still valid and can serve to formulate research questions.43 Figure 3.4 Early Palaeolithic handaxes from continental East Asia These are core tools as made from a cobble by removing flakes to produce a cutting edge. Bifacial flaking is incomplete, with cortex (original weathered surface of the cobble) generally remaining on one or both sides.

Right: from the Chongokni site, Korea Bottom: from the Luonan Basin, China

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  59

Another western technique known as Levallois has also been identified as far east as Inner Mongolia in Middle Pleistocene assemblages.44 In the Levallois technique, a bifacially prepared core is flaked so that one flake of relatively controlled size and shape can be detached from the center. Such prepared core techniques proliferated with the appearance of blade and microblade technologies in the Late Pleistocene (Chapter 4).ix All these new technologies raise questions about the extent to which occupants of East Asia were in touch with their western counterparts, or indeed whether peoples were continuing to arrive from the west, as possibly indicated by changes in human skeletal morphology discussed below. What these various tools were used for can best be assessed through use-wear analysis. Particular kinetic activities such as cutting/ sawing, scraping, or drilling leave characteristic marks on the tool edge, and the kind of material operated on will result in specific kinds of damage or give a certain kind of polish to the edge. Thus can woodworking, bone-working and plant harvesting activities among others be microscopically identified from tools, while cuts and scrapes on bone and wood provide other sources of information. One hypothesis proposes that simple East Asian flake tools were used for gathering forest plant resources rather than defleshing animals, and pounding tools were used for extracting marrow from long bones, as evidenced at the Majuangou III site in the Nihewan Basin.45 However, use-wear analysis of tools from Xiaochangliang (Figure 3.5) reveals that the scraping and cutting of animal bone, flesh and hide accounted for 52% of the usewear marks, while only one tool was used on plant material.46 Most of these tools were unretouched flakes used as scrapers. Despite our image of Ice Age big game hunters, Early Pleistocene hominins in the Nihewan Basin are postulated by some to have been scavengers rather than hunters – a strategy pursued even in the Middle Pleistocene by Zhoukoudian occupants.47 Others disagree, noting that scavenging is not a reliable

Figure 3.5 Usewear evidence from woodworking on a quartzite tool from Xiaochangliang The edge of the tool shows ‘roll-over scarring’, and perpendicular to the rounded edge is a series of scars with ‘feathered or stepped terminations’.

ix  A different type of prepared platform was recovered from Panxian Dadong in the far south (Miller-Antonio et al. 2004).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

60  Archaeology of East Asia

strategy for obtaining animal protein; specialized hunting tools, however, are known only from the Late Pleistocene.48

Intermediate peoples As indicated above, the Middle Pleistocene was a period of increasingly long and cold glacial spells, which forced occupants of Eurasia out of northern climes into southern ‘refugia’. It is currently postulated that the isolation of Homo erectus groups in these refugia may have led to further speciation,49 and several Pleistocene forms have been given species status: e.g. Homo heidelbergensis, Homo neanderthalensis, Homo antecessor, and Homo floresiensis. It is notable that sites in the later Mid-Pleistocene into the Late Pleistocene in China have also yielded fossils of hominins that show characteristics divergent from HE sensu stricto and thus possibly evidencing local evolution. These intermediate forms are assessed in widely differing fashions by Chinese and Western scholars (see Appendices E.2 and E.3). Three of these intermediate fossils in China (from Maba, Dali and Jinnuishan) have been identified as possible descendants of Homo heidelbergensis,50 who were “arguably found throughout Eurasia from about 600,000 to 400,000 years ago”51 (but some would argue not). Homo neanderthalensis is also known to have reached the Siberian Altai, leaving genes in the modern Chinese population.52 Chinese archaeologists consider the intermediate fossils to be transitional forms in the local evolution of HE to HSS because those intermediates share some dentition and cranial morphology with HSS, despite their considerable differences (Figure 3.6).53 These transitionals are often referred to by Chinese archaeologists as ‘archaic Homo sapiens’ despite the presence of considerable regional variability. The use of Homo sapiens in this context goes directly against the consensus view that HS arrived from the west in Out of Africa 2 and did not evolve from regional populations in Asia. Others, however, have proposed that the indeterminate morphologies are due to interactions with groups from farther afield,54 earlier than the Second Peopling.

The second peopling, or Out of Africa 2 The evolution of anatomically modern humans, Homo sapiens (HS), took place in Africa from ca. 200kya. There appear to have been at least two migrations out of Africa by different lineages of this population: one shorter-lived excursion from Egypt into the Levant (and perhaps Arabia)55 about 120kya which survived until 70kya (Out of Africa 2a); and a more permanent excursion across the Red Sea onto the Arabian peninsula and on to the Indian subcontinent This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  61

  1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9 10

Mandible (lower jaw) Aveolar prognathism Maxilla (upper jaw) Zygomatic bone (cheek bone) Orbit (eye socket) Nasal root (bridge of the nose) Supraorbital torus (brow ridge) Postorbital construction Frontal bone Coronal suture

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Sagittal suture Squamosal suture Occiput (occipital bone) Lambdoid suture Nuchal torus Nuchal line Zygomatic arch Ascending ramus (jawbone) Vault height

around 72kya (Out of Africa 2b). DNA work suggests that “all nonAfrican people are descended from this latter group”,56 represented by a single female lineage dubbed ‘Eve’ but now better known as mtDNA lineage L3 (BOX 3.4). When the ‘Eve’ hypothesis was proposed in the late 1980s, the idea of population replacement was hotly contested by East Asian archaeologists and physical anthropologists. Chinese archaeologists and many physical anthropologists argued for indigenous evolution from HE to HSS due to archaic feature retention in skeletal

Figure 3.6 Skull morphologies of Homo erectus (HE, above) and Homo sapiens sapiens (HSS, below) Homo erectus differed from modern humans in having a receding chin, pronounced jutting of the jaw (2), and virtually no forehead (8): a keeled skull (11) sloped back from a very heavy brow ridge (7). The skull also had thicker walls, better-developed zygomatic arches (17) for attaching the jaw muscles, a more pronounced nuchal torus (15) for attachment of the neck muscles, and a smaller cranial capacity (7751225cc) than at present (mean 1350cc). The HE male is estimated to have stood 156cm and the female 144cm tall.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

62  Archaeology of East Asia

BOX 3.4 DNA research implications for East Asians The original ‘Eve’ hypothesis was based on analysis of mtDNA, or DNA carried in the mitochondria – not the nuclei – of cells and passed on only through the female line. Since then, analysis of male DNA carried out on the Y chromosome (NRY) has added to our understanding of population genetics and dispersals. Both the mtDNA and NRY data indicate that only one among many African population branches of mtDNA (L3) and one branch of NRY (CF) exited from Africa. During the traverse across southern Asia, the L3 mtDNA split into branches (M and N), while Y chromosome CF split into several branches, one mutating to form the DE-YAP+ which is diagnostic of East Asia. These data suggest a single successful exit of several hundred Homo sapiens across the Red Sea and rapid colonization of Asian coastal areas, but there are problems coordinating mtDNA and NRY which may modify this ‘single exit’ hypothesis in future. An analysis of 52 complete mtDNA sequences suggests several groupings of non-African populations and the timing of their divergence (below). In this study, the exit of L3 from Africa is dated to 72kya (though some use 82kya) with subsequent divisions into M- and N-branches. The M-branch developed almost immediately at 72kya and includes one Chinese individual in sub-branch M8. The N-branch developed at 67kya, sub-dividing later into the R-F, B and D branches. Another Chinese is represented in the R-F sub-branch developing at 60kya, and one Korean in the B sub-branch developing at 51kya, while the D-branch, including two Japanese individuals, developed at 41kya. On this basis, modern peoples (HS) in East Asia could not have pre-dated the initial branch splittings at 72 and 67kya. Many sub-branches developed in the three key East Asian founder mtDNA haplotypes (M,N,R) during the Late Pleistocene; the greatest variety is in southwestern China, supporting hypotheses that East Asia was colonized by modern humans coming from the south.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  63

morphology as noted above. If replacement was total, as advocated by the initial proponents, then how did modern Chinese come to share some features of the Asian HE population? Since then, the concept of wholesale replacement has been modified to include some initial gene pool sharing with previous populations. Whether Neanderthal genes appear in modern European populations is controversial, but some studies estimate a presence of 4% to 14%.57 If interbreeding happened between Homo neanderthalensis and Homo sapiens in western Eurasia, HS coming in to East Asia might well have bred with local HE, their transitional descendants, and/or other resident Homo. Studies do not agree. One finds 1.5% archaic DNA in modern East Asian populations, while another infers an archaic region of the X chromosome as coming from HE.58 But a third finds no connection between HE and HSS in East Asia.59 If there was a contribution, where and when did HSS meet the local inhabitants? New finds from the southern China Mainland challenge the ‘single exit’ hypothesis that restricts Homo sapiens’ arrival from the west to later than 72kya (see BOX 3.4). The fossils from Zhiren Cave, dated to >100kya, show modern features that could derive from “dispersal with assimilation or populational continuity with gene flow”.60 The archaeological date is too early for the genetic scenario given above and would have required an earlier exit from Africa of AMH (anatomically modern humans) to mix with transitionals in northern Southeast Asia and southern China. These data revive the specter of an older ‘two exit’ model, or they require acknowledging that the initial trek Out of Africa 2 at ca. 120kya actually extended farther eastward than thought. The jury is still out. Another possible example of interbreeding is suggested by variation in the fossils discovered in Layer 4 of the Lower Room in the Upper Cave at Zhoukoudian, possibly dating between 29 and 24kya.61 Considered to be fully modern humans and showing “a morphological resemblance to Upper Palaeolithic Europeans”, they nevertheless “have not been classified conclusively into any recent modern human population to which they have been compared, and classification results differ for each cranium.”62 Their modern status is further confirmed by the presence of numerous decorative artifacts associated with modern behavior: perforated marine shells, calcareous beads and animal teeth presumably used for personal adornment, and hematite perhaps used as body pigment or to color artifacts. Eurasian specimens classified as Early Modern Humans (EMH) date between 45 and 25kya;63 examples are known from several Mainland sites (Appendix E.3). DNA analysis of the remains at Tianyuan cave, dated to ca. 40kya, revealed archaic traits that might have been due to gene flow from Neanderthal populations but no This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

64  Archaeology of East Asia

greater than that characterizing the modern East Asian population. One of the problems in assessing the Peopling of East Asia lies in the differential natures of genetic and morphological evidence. The original rejection of the genetic ‘Eve’ hypothesis was grounded in assessment of skeletal morphology; this argument between the two groups of scientists continues. The story is just beginning on “how, when, and how often H. sapiens dispersed across southern Asia”.64

How far east did Pleistocene hominins go, and when? While the majority of Early and Middle Pleistocene finds in East Asia are on the China Mainland, growing numbers of sites suggest at least Middle Pleistocene occupation of the Korean Peninsula and a definite late Pleistocene occupation of the Japanese Islands.65 Jinnuishan, a Middle Pleistocene hominin location on the eastern edge of the Manchurian Basin, is the easternmost extension of early Homo fossils within modern China;66 thus it would not be surprising if early humans made it farther into the Korean Peninsula or even into the Japanese archipelago. Hominin fossils have been found at fewer than ten Peninsular sites; only the remains from Taehyun-dong [Daehyundong] are early and reliably dated in association with early Middle Pleistocene fauna.67 The site of Chongokni is now well known for its bifacial handaxes (see Figure 3.4); these were instrumental in disproving the existence of the Movius Line as excluding bifacial lithic technology from eastern Eurasia. These artifacts are now securely dated to the Middle Pleistocene – present by at least 350kya, though continuity of settlement is unknown. Several other Peninsular sites might be older than Chongokni, and others have the ‘Chongoknian’ assemblage of bifacial handaxes, cleavers, and flake tools. Over 100 Peninsular sites have yielded Palaeolithic stone tools from the Middle Pleistocene onward, though only a few poorly dated sites contained remains of Upper Palaeolithic hominins; two sites are dated between 120 and 40ka, and some of the fossils have been attributed to HS.68 This evidence of occupation in the early Upper Pleistocene contrasts greatly with the situation in the Japanese Islands. Palaeolithic studies in Japan suffered a terrible blow in 2000 when it was discovered that one archaeologist had committed fraud by compromising the lithic discoveries at 186 Palaeolithic sites over a period of 25 years.69 By inserting Jomon-like stone tools under datable tephra layers, he was able to push back the Japanese Palaeolithic to 700kya. Unfortunately these meaningless dates were widely published,x but now, Palaeolithic archaeology in Japan is back x 

Barnes 1999 and Barnes & Okita 1999.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

3. The Earliest Inhabitants  65

to where it was in the 1970s, when few sites were known before 30kya.70 Uncertainty remains as to whether the Japanese Islands were occupied before 40kya. After that, most sites conform to four necessary criteria: 1) undeniably human-made artifacts that are 2) stratigraphically secure and 3) not isolated but belong to an artifact assemblage, plus 4) a clear and stable site formation process.71 For example, the site of Tategahana (Nojiriko) in central Honshu has long been considered a Palaeolithic kill site because of the high percentage of straight-tusked elephants (stegadon 91.9%) versus giant deer (7.9%).72 One elephant rib was embedded with a stone point; other lithics included scrapers and drills, while bone tools and a wooden spear shaft were uniquely preserved at this lakeside site. The megafauna bone remains are reliably dated 53–42 cal.kya, but researchers are sceptical about the association of the artifacts with the animals and often do not accept the stone point in the rib bone as human made. In addition to the above four criteria, early sites also have to make sense within capabilities of the hominin species which produced them. Kanedori is another controversial site with a biface under a tephra layer dated to 80kya, and bifaces with flake tools dated by fission track to 67kya.73 Skepticism surrounds these finds, especially since one of these dates predates the postulated ‘single exit’ Out of Africa 2 at 72kya. If these belonged to Early Palaeolithic peoples, then they would logically belong to an evolved form of Homo erectus, who had to have sea-faring abilities to cross the straits or who had crossed on the previous land-bridges at 400kya. If HE arrived so early, why are there not more obvious Early Palaeolithic sites?74 If Japan did have an Early Palaeolithic, it is not yet well established. And it is a matter not just of solving the problems of artifact authenticity and site dating but of understanding how and when early Homo might have crossed over to the islands and why there is no greater record of them. Moreover, whether the sudden increase of sites in Japan after 40kya had anything to do with HS migration and/ or the introduction of the new Upper Palaeolithic blade technology is one of the major research problems today. The lesson to be learned from this overview is that the evidence for Homo in East Asia is extremely fluid, with new discoveries, new dates, redatings, and changing fossil attributions constantly coming to the fore. Whatever is written about the Palaeolithic above is not written in stone, which makes it all the more exciting to follow the multiple lines of current research in palaeoanthropology.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

66  Archaeology of East Asia

Further reading Bae, Kidong (2010b) “Peopling in the Korean Peninsula.” Pp. 181–190 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Bar-Yosef, Ofer & Wang, Youping (2012) “Paleolithic archaeology in China.” Annual Review of Anthropology 41: 319–335. Brown, Peter (2001) “Chinese Middle Pleistocene hominids and modern human origins in East Asia.” Pp. 135–148 in Human roots: Africa and Asia in the Middle Pleistocene, ed. L. Barham & K. Robson-Brown. Bristol: Western Academic & Specialist Press. Dennell, Robin (2009) The Palaeolithic settlement of Asia. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge U. Press. Kaifu, Y. & Fujita, M. (2012) “Fossil record of early modern humans in East Asia.” Quaternary International 248:2–11. Matsufuji, Kazuto (2010) “When were the earliest hominin migrations to the Japanese Islands?” pp. 191–200 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Schepartz, Lynne A. & Miller-Antonio, Sari (eds.) (2004) Asia and the Middle Pleistocene in global perspective. Asian Perspectives 43.2 (Themed Issue). Shen, Chen (2008) “Palaeolithic cultures of China.” Pp. 570–597 in Encyclopedia of archaeology, ed. D. Pearsall. London: Academic Press. Shen, Chen & Keates, Susan G. (eds.) (2003) Current research in Chinese Pleistocene archaeology. BAR International Series 1179. Oxford: Archaeopress. Shen, Chen; Gao, Xing & Wei, Qi (2010) “The earliest hominin occupations in the Nihewan Basin of northern China: recent progress in field investigations.” Pp. 169–180 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Shunkov, Michael V. (2014) “Early Palaeolithic of central and northern Asia.” Pp. 695–706 in The Cambridge world prehistory, vol. 2, ed. C. Renfrew & P. Bahn. Cambridge U. Press.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:28:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Chapter 4 Innovations of Modern Humans (40,000–10,000 years ago) Modern peoples and their accoutrements Late Pleistocene East Asia was a mosaic of different peoples and different stone-working technologies that had to cope with radically different environments: grasslands and desert in the north, subtropical to tropical rain forest in the south – not to mention the cyclical glacial/interglacial cycles. As with Homo erectus, who is thought to have arrived from the south, Homo sapiens also might have first reached East Asia from the south via a “savannah corridor” across mainland Southeast Asia.1 Another scenario has them traversing like “beachcombers” around the edges of the South and Southeast Asian landmasses,2 but there are many problems with this idea of a “coastal superhighway”.3 Regardless of the route, it is likely they arrived between 60 and 50kya, if not before. As the core-and-flake technology is continuous from the Early Pleistocene into the Holocene of East Asia, the first appearance of anatomically modern humans from the south was not accompanied by a change in stone-tool technology. Instead, there were later and different connections overland in the north by which new, so-called ‘prepared-core’ technologies were introduced. Admixture with local populations or brief co-existence of incoming modern peoples with indigenous residents may have given rise to much genetic variation across the landscape. But this is only faintly suggested through very scanty fossil remains (Chapter 3). This paucity of fossil evidence means that it is still premature to identify the exact type of peoples occupying East Asian sites in the Late Pleistocene (Figure 4.1).i Securely dated remains of fully anatomically modern humans in East Asia have been recovered from Tianyuan Cave near Zhoukoudian at 42–39 cal.kya4 and at Yamashita-cho Cave 1 in Okinawa at >35 cal.kya,5 and it is generally assumed that all sites after 30kya belonged to modern humans. The first AMS dates obtained directly from skeletal remains put modern humans on Ishigaki Island, Okinawa, between 20 and 16 kya.6 i 

And much of the material that is known is insufficiently dated (Keates 2010).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

68  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 4.1 Upper Palaeolithic sites mentioned in Chapter 4. Solid line indicates the 40th parallel of latitude; dashed line indicates the maximum extent of microblades south of Qinling Mountains between 21–11kya. • Homo sapiens fossils, Late Pleistocene: Tianyuan Cave,  Zhoukoudian Upper Cave,  Yamashita-cho Cave I (Okinawa) • Upper Palaeolithic stone tool sites: Japanese archipelago: 4 Tachikiri, 5 Fukui Cave, 6 Kamikuroiwa, 7 Kozu Island, 8 Tana-Mukaihara, 9 Hatsune-ga-hara, 10 Maedakochi, 11 Mikoshiba, 12 Seiko-Sanso, 13 Tategahana, 14 Hanaizumi, 15 Odai-Yamamoto I, 16 Kashiwadai I, 17 Iwato Continental: 18 Shiyu, 19 Shuidonggou, 20 Longwangchan, 21 Shizitan, 22 Xiachuan, 23 Liyuzui Cave, 24 Miaoyan, 25 Zengpiyan, 26 Yuchanyan Cave, 27 Xianrendong, 28 Shangshan, 29 Dadiwan, 30 Donghulin, 31 Hutouliang, 32 Longgu Cave, 33 Nanzhuangtou, 34 Suyanggae, 35 Sokchang-ri, 36 Chonjon-ri

DNA studies suggest that East Asian populations split from Africans around 55kya, and at 41kya, Europeans split off from East Asians.7 Central Asia appears to have been a region of early palaeoasiatic radiation since the Jomon of Japan and Tibetans share very ancient DNA markers in what might be called ‘marginal survival’.8 Archaeologically, modern humans are documented in the Altai by 40kya,9 and Upper Palaeolithic tool assemblages in East Asia appear from 40kya onward (Table 4.1). Both founder haplogroups are present in modern Japan (M, N, see BOX 3.4), while two subgroups This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  69

of N representing southern and northern peoples respectively, indicate influx from two directions during the period.10 There is disagreement, however, on how old the northern subgroup is and whether it extends back into the Palaeolithic.11 Traditionally, modern human anatomy and modern human behavior have been treated as separate phenomena, spurred by the increasing time depth of the former in Africa but limitation of the latter to the Late Pleistocene as known from Europe. This dichotomy has been challenged by researchers in Africa who have demonstrated that many typical attributes of modern behavior can be found in the Mid-Pleistocene Middle Stone Age of Africa.12 Products of such behavior manifested themselves sporadically through space and time: blades, groundstone, pigment use and projectile points appear between 280 and 250kya; fishing, shellfishing and long-distance exchange occur between 140 and 110kya; bone tools, barbed points, mining and incised artifacts date to 105kya; and microliths, beads, and images appear between 70 and 40kya.13 Many such artifacts were made by Homo helmei, an African species that is conflated with Homo sapiens by some. Although these items did not constitute a Middle Pleistocene ‘cultural complex’, they demonstrate that their appearance piecemeal later in the archaeological record of various places did not constitute a ‘revolution’ in human behavior. Beyond the artifactual evidence of modernity, certain behavioral patterns are thought to define modern humans. Among them are planning, scheduling, social group reciprocity, history through memory, standardization and intensification, development of artifact diversity, the structuring of living spaces, and the development of ritual and burial practices. It is now speculated that behavioral modernity appeared before morphological modernity, perhaps going back to 200kya, long before the documented second wave Out of Africa; moreover, new studies of the arrival of HS in Southeast Asia and Australia are signaled without a technological package but by “new subsistence strategies and modes of engagement with the landscape”.14 The presence of HS in East Asia, nevertheless, is marked by changes in material culture: the dominant data from the Late or Upper Palaeolithic (as it is variously called)ii consist mainly of stone tools with few residential remains and virtually no burials or ritual practices observable. The collection of personal ornaments from the Upper Cave at Zhoukoudian is outstanding in this respect (BOX 4.1). Ornaments and bone tools, despite their general rarity, are ii  ‘Upper’ Palaeolithic is chosen for use here to distinguish it from ‘Late’ Pleistocene, which has a longer time span.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

29–14

MIS 2

23–19

19

LGM (Late Glacial Maximum)

Sea-level lowstand at -120 msl

29–19 29–27

30–29

AT-tephra

cool phase

55–46

cold

COLDEST

cold

cooling from 33kya

warm temperate

60–40

MIS 3

Climate

Dates cal.kya

Stage/ event Early Palaeolithic core-and-flake

Early Palaeolithic core-and-flake

21.7–19.3 cal.kya in south at Xianrendong 20kya shell tools, core-and-flake

23–22kya microblades 21/20–10kya LUP

ceramics

core-and-flake

core-and-flake

29–25kya blades and microblades

core-and-flake, microblades

core-and-flake, large cobble tools, bone tools

35–23/22kya EUP 29kya Upper Cave core-and-flake, bone/ antler tools, ornaments 30kya microblades

Upper Palaeolithic 40–24kya blades, tanged points

Middle Palaeolithic core-and-flake

Southern Mainland

Northern Mainland

42–39kya Tianyuan

Korean Peninsula (south)

| |

22–19kya bifacial point-tool industries

23kya microblades enter Hokkaido

29–20kya backed-blade industries

LUP 29–11.6

blade tools, backed blades

EUP 38–29kya trapezoids, edgeground stone tools

>35kya Yamashita-cho Cave 1 ?Kanedori ?Tategahana

Japanese Islands EUP/LUP = Early, Late Upper Palaeolithic

First appearance of ceramics are emboldened; cal.kya = thousand years ago, calibrated. EUP = Early Upper Palaeolithic, LUP = Late Upper Palaeolithic, LGM = Late Glacial Maximum (double-boxed according to different interpretations)

Table 4.1 Climatic phases and major material cultures of East Asia in the Late Pleistocene, from oldest (top) to youngest (bottom)

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14–11.6

16–15.4 /13.6

13.6–11.6

11.6~

MIS 1

(GI-1) Bøllering/ Older Dryas Allerød

Younger Dryas stadial

HOLOCENE Pre-Boreal

colder

warmer with a cold phase in Older Dryas

cold

Epi-palaeolithic (some sites with millet)

microblades, intensified hunting, seasonal plant use

16.3–14.7 cal.kya in north at Hutouliang

ceramics

Epi-palaeolithic (some sites with rice)

cobble tools

appearance of ceramics OdaiYamamoto I site (ca. 16.9–15.0 cal.kya) I

hoe-shaped tools

linear-relief pottery

NCIPIENT JOMON

microblade industries

20–19 small flake tools

** The Upper Palaeolithic entailed part of the last temperate stage (MIS 3), the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM within MIS 2) and the post-LGM terminal Pleistocene (also MIS 2). The climate during MIS 3 (57–29 cal.kya) saw rapid shifts from warmer to colder on decadal, centennial, and millennial scales, with temperatures intermediate between interglacial and glacial maxima. According to work done on six global locations, at 50kya, the sea level was already about 70m lower than today; the northern ice caps began growing from 33 cal. kya, initiating general climate cooling. Sea level dropped another 50m at 31kya and finally reached its nadir of -120m or so and stayed there between 23 and 19kya; when ice caps began to melt at 19kya, the sea level rose again rapidly. The interval 23–19kya is usually specified as the Last Glacial Maximum, though others date the LGM from when ice cap growth reached its maximum at 26.5cal.kya, and still others propose an ‘extended’ LGM from 30 to 19kya based on the period of low sea level, and some use LGM to refer only to the millennium of lowest temperature at 21kya. Here we will follow the scheme dating the LGM from 23 to 19kya.

* It must be noted that these dates might not match those in the previous archaeological literature, with a 3000/4000-year difference for the Late Pleistocene now that dates are being recalibrated with IntCal09 (for example, AT-tephra is commonly attributed to 24kya, but calibrated it now stands at 29kya). Moreover, with the use of different calibration programs, dates may differ.

17–15

Oldest Dryas

20–16

72  Archaeology of East Asia

 

BOX 4.1 Palaeolithic art and ritual

One of the markers of modern human behavior is a concern with ornament and representation, indicating certain levels of self-awareness and aesthetic appreciation. Needless to say, some of the products that we call ‘art’ were functional – not merely decorative – and most likely used in ensuring success in the hunt and in human reproduction. The possibility of art functioning in rituals brings together two new streams of behavior of the Upper Palaeolithic: care of the dead and ensuring family survival.

The remains in the Zhoukoudian Upper Cave have been interpreted as a burial area where at least five adults, a youth and two children were interred, accompanied by ocher and various personal ornaments comprising the earliest ‘jewelry’ known from East Asia. The perforated animal teeth and stones reveal a mastery of drilling techniques; these might have been strung as beads or pendants or sewn onto clothing with one of the bone needles found in the cave. Segments of hollow bird-bone with notches on the exterior surfaces might also be beads or clothing toggles.

Artifacts aesthetically transformed but not meant to be worn are called ‘portable art’. The carved antler fragment (14cm, shown below) from Longgu Cave is one of very few such paleoart objects known from Pleistocene China. Shown are carefully incised parallel wavy lines that were infilled with red pigment; other sides bear a very complex guilloche and a reticulate rectangular design.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  73

Anthropomorphic stone forms from the Japanese Islands include a pecked face on a phallic stone rod (9.5cm) from the Iwato site, and pebbles (5–6cm) with incised breasts and maybe grass skirt (?) from Kamikuroiwa Cave – very likely serving as fertility images. These foreshadow the subsequent tradition of making ceramic figurines throughout the Holocene Jomon period. Some rock art on the Korean Peninsula has been ascribed to the Palaeolithic on the grounds that the animals por­ trayed (reindeer or elk/wapiti) were Late Pleistocene cold-climate fauna not currently found on the Peninsula. These images have been interpreted in relation to hunting success.

taken to mark the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic on the China Mainland between 35 and 30 cal.kya.15 This chapter concentrates first on the stone tools that comprise the focus of current research on materials from the Late Pleistocene, and secondly on the limited evidence for behavioral patterning. Finally, a series of artifacts, ecofacts, and practices that in East Asia were thought limited to the Holocene but in fact occur earlier in the Pleistocene sequence are discussed in terms of ‘neolithization’.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

74  Archaeology of East Asia

Upper Palaeolithic climate and chronology Scientific advances in four areas have permitted construction of a relatively fine chronology for the Upper Palaeolithic, generally defined as after 45kya. Archaeologists are increasingly using the Marine Isotope Stages (MIS)iii and European phases of the Terminal Pleistocene to frame discussions about changes in climate and tool technology (see Table 4.1). Deep pollen cores have allowed the reconstruction of the climate and inhabiting flora of particular areas. Radiocarbon dates are increasingly processed using Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS), which requires tiny amounts of material and gives tight deviations in range. Finally, the radiocarbon calibration curve has been extended back to 50kya (see Appendix A), allowing the calculation of calendar dates for the entire Upper Palaeolithic. The period of the Upper Palaeolithic was dominated by the Late Glacial Maximum (LGM), which is defined in various ways (see Table 4.1 footnotes) but is specified here as 23–19kya. The Upper Palaeolithic entailed dropping temperature and lowering sea levels through MIS 3 (Figure 4.2),iv which all reached their maxima around 21–20kya. From 19kya, temperatures rose rapidly, ice caps melted and sea levels started to rise. Most information about the Upper Palaeolithic can thus be viewed within these three phases of preLGM, LGM, and post-LGM. Another way of dividing the period is by using the AT-tephra fall at 30–29kya – present in the Japanese Islands and southern Korean Peninsula – to distinguish the Early Upper Palaeolithic (EUP) from the Late Upper Palaeolithic (LUP). The term ‘Terminal Pleistocene’ used here refers to the post-LGM phase. In the pre-LGM cooling period, plant and animal communities retreated southward, leaving northern East Asia to be occupied by boreal conifer forest, tundra and desert. During the LGM, the sea level lowstand exposed the continental shelf of the Yellow Sea as a large plain dubbed the ‘Yellow Plain’, extending out to the Ryukyu Island chain, while the Japanese archipelago became a long peninsula of the continent extending from the north, bounding a smaller lake of the former Japan Sea (BOX 4.2). The Tsugaru Strait, currently separating Hokkaido and Honshu, became a land bridge, and the Inland Sea was exposed as the ‘Seto Plain’.16 Permafrost levels extended down to just north of Zhoukoudian and throughout the Some use instead the Oxygen Isotope Stages (OIS). MIS are determined on carbonate material in deep-core ocean sediments, while OIS are determined on glacial ice cores. Both are proxies for temperature changes in the past, and the stages are compatible. iv  Stage 3 is considered neither a full glacial nor full inter-glacial (see Lang & Wolff 2011). iii 

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  75

Figure 4.2 Late Pleistocene climate change, as seen in measurements of temperature (above) and sea level (below) The MIS curve is divided into warm Inter-glacial stages (odd numbers: Stages 1,5) and glacial stages (even numbers: Stages 2,4,6). The last full Interglacial (Stage 5) ended with a cooler stadial (Stage 4); after rising again temporarily, the temperature declined through Stage 3 into Stage 2, the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). The occupation of East Asia by modern humans probably occurred in Stage 4 – a time of cooler temperatures. The temperature measurements (jagged line above) show variations in sea surface temperature (SST) as ascertained by oxygen isotope ratios.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

76  Archaeology of East Asia

BOX 4.2 Flora and sea levels in the Last Glacial Maximum Reconstructions of floral zones are fundamentally based on pollen occurrences of different plants; these can be recovered in geological corings of wet sediments because little pollen survives for long on dry land. Pollen cores provide information on changing forest and plant compositions, but by definition, such cores are few and far between – usually taken from lakes – so extrapolating between them is risky. Also, any particular locale’s pollen record is composed of near and distant plants, so a great variety is often represented. Finally, the combination of plants changes subtly over the landscape depending on the water supply, altitude, and plant tolerances. Thus, the broad areas often designated as ‘steppe’, ‘temperate forest’ etc. on some flora maps mask local variation. The information presented here for the China Mainland is based only on individual pollen core information, though in a vastly simplified form; no boundaries are drawn because the character of the intervening spaces is unknown. The complicated interdigitation of floral zones can be seen in the Bohai Bay region, part of the Yellow Plain during the lowered sea levels of the LGM. There, desert was bordered by some tundra, Artemisia shrubland, temperate grassland, and conifer forest in the mountains of the Shandong peninsula. For the Japanese Islands, the floral zones were well ordered with open coniferous forests and grassland in northeastern Tohoku and eastern Hokkaido, grading to cool temperate coniferous forest from western Hokkaido and Tohoku into the Japan Alps, then temperate mixed forest throughout the western archipelago, and broadleaf evergreen mixed forests around the southern edges of the expanded landmass exposed during low sea levels. Broadleaf evergreen species include:

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  77

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

78  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 4.3 Upper Palaeolithic sequence of industries in Japan The chart moves up with time, beginning from 40kya at the bottom and ending at the Holocene boundary at the top. The important industries are noted in English, with trapezoids and edge-ground axes the earliest, followed by backed blades; note that bifacial projectile points are limited in time and space. Microblade usage began in Hokkaido, one of two gateways to the continent (the other being Kyushu).

Tibetan Plateau and Qinling Mountains. Though humans may not have abandoned the northern landscape entirely, settlement above 41°N was extremely rare (see 40th parallel in Figure 4.1).17 Thus, we should not expect to find much archaeology in the northern and northeastern China Mainland, the northern Korean Peninsula, or the northern tip of Honshu, Hokkaido and Sakhalin during the LGM. South of the 40th parallel, the plains were occupied by steppe grasslands, while temperate forest expansion in hilly areas pushed the sub-tropical broad-leaved evergreen forests and tropical rainforests farther south. Excavations at the Dadiwan site in the Wei River valley indicate that the central Mainland landscape might have been very sparsely occupied during the LGM.18

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  79

After 19 cal.kya, the sea level rose rapidly, flooding the Yellow Plain (drowning multitudes of Palaeolithic sites) and turning the Japanese landmass back into an archipelago and the lake back into the Japan Sea. Temperate plant communities moved north again while megafauna19 went extinct. It is in this post-LGM interval of the Late Pleistocene that ceramics first appeared both on the Mainland and in the Japanese Islands, and people began to focus more on plant foods. The early occurrences of these harbingers of the Neolithic are rapidly changing the way we think about the division between the Palaeolithic and Neolithic. Within East Asia, the Upper Palaeolithic has been most intensively researched in Japan (Figure 4.3, Appendix F), where stone tool assemblages have now been closely correlated with climate changes.20 From these data, the Japanese Palaeolithic is now considered to have ended considerably before the end of the Pleistocene, with the appearance of ceramics between 17 and 15 cal.kya, thus initiating the Incipient Jomon period.

New lithic strategies Significance of prepared-core technologies Given the scarcity of habitation sites and fossils for the Upper Palaeolithic, research has focused on stone tools. The appearance of prepared-core technologies, which took hold across the northern Mainland and Pen/Insular regions, not only represents new lithic traditions but also the movement of peoples from western to eastern Eurasia. Traditional core-and-flakev tool kits continued to be used throughout East Asia, but these were overlain in the north by the introduction of blade technology via Siberia and Mongolia after 43kya,21 possibly brought by new peoples (Homo sapiens sapiens) traversing northern Eurasia. Blades are the hallmark of the Eurasian Upper Palaeolithic and have been intensively researched, often to the exclusion of other cultural materials.22 However, they are not the only prepared-core technology product in East Asia, as revealed by the Setouchi Technique, developed in the Inland Sea area for use on intractable andesite (BOX 4.3, Figure 4.4). Core-and-flake and blade technologies co-existed in the north into the Holocene, but blade-making failed to penetrate into the southern Mainland though the border did shift southward through time.23 Morphological studies of Terminal Pleistocene skeletal remains support the idea of northern and southern physical types,24 but it is not v  A new term ‘flake-and-shatter’ has been introduced for the North Mainland Upper Palaeolithic non-microlithic industries (Bettinger et al. 2010).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

80  Archaeology of East Asia

BOX 4.3 The Setouchi Technique, prepared-core production of side-blow flakes In contrast to blade technology, a different kind of prepared core was developed in western Honshu with roots in the Early Upper Palaeolithic: the side-blow Setouchi Technique allowed production of wide, wing-like flakes from a rather intractable andesite called sanukite in the Inland Sea corridor. Such flakes were often retouched to make a projectile point, called Kou points (but commonly referred to as ‘knives’ or ‘backed blades’). The industry developed in the Inland Sea region early in the LGM and spread throughout the Japanese Islands except for northern Tohoku and Hokkaido. Process 1 a cobble is shaped to provide large flakes that are then used as cores Process 2 the edge of the flake-core is trimmed to provide a spread-winged shape; a wide side-blow flake is then detached Process 3 the flake platform is then removed to sharpen the edge; the flake can then be used as a Kou point

side-blow flake of sanukite

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  81

appropriate to attribute stone-tool types to particular human groups without clear fossil/skeletal evidence. Moreover, the differential use of these tool kits was probably more related to the particular ways in which natural resources were exploited. Stone-tool usage in East Asia does not strictly follow the Western notions of a succession of Modes,25 and the use of core-and-flake technologies by modern humans certainly does not fit into the Western category of Mode 1. Thus, we await a more flexible and locally descriptive scheme, while recognizing that core reduction technology (i.e., how flakes were struck off cobbles) does not address what tools were finally made from flakes (or cores) and how they were used in subsistence activities. Nevertheless, the importance of prepared-core production in assessing human development is substantial: it required logistics for procuring fine-grained raw material (andesite, siliceous shale, chert and obsidian) to better control the flaking process – rather than expediently using whatever rock was at hand (often vein quartz or quartzite). This requirement led to the development of procurement networks and/or long-trek expeditions to obtain raw materials.26 Even in the southern Mainland among core-and-flake tool users, goodquality raw materials were obtained from a 30–40km distance, but procurement distances have mainly been researched on obsidian – a cryptocrystalline volcanic glass. Obsidian resources in Japan number more than 900 locations,vi concentrated in western Kyushu, central Honshu, and from northern Tohoku into Hokkaido (see Figure 4.4); among those 80 are known archaeological resources.27 Identification of obsidians from several central Honshu sources revealed that they were being distributed over 50–150km distance in the Early Upper Palaeolithic (EUP).28 Obsidian from the archipelago was brought into the Korean Peninsula by 28 cal.kya, and Hokkaido obsidian found in Sakhalin dates to the LGM.29 In the terminal Pleistocene, obsidian on the Peninsula was sourced mainly from Mt. Paekdu yet also from the Japanese Islands from up to 800–1000km away. 30 Such long distances imply considerable mobility and/or social relations among widely spread groups. Blade varieties and assemblages Blades are defined as flakes that are more than twice as long as they are wide and with parallel sides (Figure 4.5).vii Though known from the Middle Palaeolithic in western Eurasia and Africa, they became widely used in the Upper Palaeolithic after 45kya. The Shuidonggou See the Obsidian Lab maps of the International Association for Obsidian Studies (2014). vii  Some use the ratios 2.5:1 or 4:1 length vs. width (Bar-Yosef & Kuhn 1999). vi 

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

82  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 4.4 Major obsidian and sanukite sources in the Japanese archipelago Dots mark the major sources of obsidian resulting from Quaternary volcanic activity along the shifting volcanic fronts of the Pacific and Philippine Plates (F1 and F2 plus their accompanying dashed lines); note the gap in western Honshu where people were forced to use andesite (sanukite) from Miocene volcanoes (triangles), thus creating the unique side-blow technique. The nearest obsidian on the continent was available from Mt. Paekdu, on the border between present-day North Korea and China; obsidian from Mt. Aso was also traded to the Korean Peninsula. Well-known obsidian sources: A Shirataki B Shinshu: Wada Pass and Kirigamine C Hakone D Kozu Island E Mt. Aso

site in the northern China Mainland is considered the type site for blade production, though it is not the earliest.31 Analyses of the Shuidonggou blade assemblage indicate a close relationship with sites in Mongolia and the Siberian Altai, considered the source area for technological transfer into northern East Asia. Some northern sites and the whole of the southern Mainland maintained their coreand-flake technologies despite the advent of blades. Blades come in three sizes: large (macroblades), small (bladelets), and tiny (microblades); often discussion revolves around whether elongate flakes are ‘true’ blades, or whether bladelets are microblades.32 Shuidonggou already showed cores and flakes that approximated microblade production at 29kya, but microblades appeared on the This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 24 Jan 2017 00:19:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

4. Innovations of Modern Humans  83

Korean Peninsula possibly as early as 28–26kya direct from Siberia, and from Siberia into Hokkaido by ca. 23kya.33 They then became the dominant insular industry between 20 and 16kya, but were thereafter replaced by bifacial points. These new datings debunk previous understandings that microblades were an evolutionary advance over blades and that they dated only to the Terminal Pleistocene. The development of microblades is now thought to have facilitated hunting in cold climates,34 and yet their use continued into the Neolithic and even early Bronze Age in the northeastern Mainland. Today, obsidian microblades are used for eye surgery! They are 100–500 times sharper than a razor and 210–1050 times sharper than a scalpel.35 To detach a flake having blade dimensions from a core requires careful preparation of the core to guarantee length, control width and minimize breakage. It is apparent from Shuidonggou that the western Middle Pleistocene flat-face core (Levallois) technology was adapted to make blade flakes: 80 flat Levallois-type blade cores and 402 Levallois blades were recovered from the site. In addition, 1 microblade, 66 bladelets and 4 microblade cores were accompanied by flakes attributed to 7 non-microblade lithic types.36 The site also yielded 77 core tools (e.g. choppers, chopping tools) and many tools made on flakes (end scrapers, side scrapers, and burins) – emphasizing that blades were always used together with other core-and-flake type tools. Many of the tools made by prepared-core production were presumably hafted – that is, attached to a shaft as projectile points (spear, arrow) or inset into a handle (scrapers, knives). Microblades were generally too small to use individually; the tiny, long, thin flakes (10% tin) were recast from melteddown bronzes from the Slender Bronze Dagger culture, while the later ones (70–140cm, 3–4% tin) were recast from Mainland materials.47 Remember, the AMS date is given as 400 BC. Note that these bronze spheres do not correspond to Mizoguchi’s (2012a: 113-119) ceramic horizons of northern Kyushu, western Japan and eastern Japan. vi 

vii 

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

324  Archaeology of East Asia Figure 13.7 Iron tools from Yoshinogari 1–3 arrowheads; 4–6 folded-socket axes; 7 socketed ax; 8–9 fern frond-handled knives; 10–12 point planes; 13 plane; 14 socketed chisel; 15–16 folded-socket hoe blades; 17–19 foldedsocket sickles. These came from Late Yayoi contexts at this site which spanned several centuries (see BOX 14.2).

The fact that Han mirrors were treasured in North Kyushu but used only for raw material in Eastern Seto suggests vast differences in social values, while the prevalence of weapons in Western Seto and bells in Eastern Seto may correlate with different forms of social control. In North Kyushu, weapons were interred with individuals in stone cists or burial jars as symbols of their power and authority (Figure 13.9). But bronze bells in Eastern Seto are always found in non-burial contexts, usually in caches on isolated hilltops; they are thought to have been ceremonial objects belonging to and benefiting the whole community, perhaps through use in subsistence rituals (Figure 13.10) since bells often bear patterns of flowing water or cast images of birds, insects, rice granaries and hunting scenes. Community orientation is also apparent in the burial facilities of Eastern Seto: these were moated precincts, usually measuring about 10 × 10m and ditched all around, containing adults buried in plain pits or wooden coffins and infants interred in jars. Cemeteries consisting of several moated precincts suggest that each precinct was This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

13. The Yellow Sea Interaction Sphere  325

Figure 13.8 Spheres of Yayoi bronze use Weaponry dominates the bronzes of Western Seto, while bells characterize Eastern Seto. In the Inland Sea (Seto) region, these spheres overlap but the usage patterns follow Eastern Seto. //// (upper right) indicate bead-making sites along the Japan Sea coast in Hokuriku.

Figure 13.9 Burial jars of North Kyushu On the left, two Middle Yayoi burial jars have been placed mouth to mouth, while the one on the right has a bowl-like lid. Scale is provided by a 6’5” (196cm) Caucasian male – far taller than the average Yayoi male at 162–163cm. The deceased on the left was buried with a Han Dynasty bronze mirror (A), a locally forged iron halberd (B), and a series of bracelets (C) made of Tricornis shells from the southern Ryukyus, marking him as a third-tier elite.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

326  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 13.10 Imagined Eastern Seto bronze bell ritual Deriving from the Peninsular Iron Age bell, Yayoi bells initially had hanging clappers and internal rims against which the clappers could ring. These are called ‘bells to listen to’, while later bells lacked these attributes but are highly ornamented and therefore called ‘bells to look at’. Crucial to this transformation was the enlargement of the bells (to as much as 1m high) and their increasingly complex decoration.

a family burial ground and those buried in single graves outside the precincts were of lower or marginal status. This system appeared in late Early Yayoi in the Kinai and spread westward through the Inland Sea.48   Where bells and weapons overlap in the Inland Sea (Seto) area, they are buried together in caches. Some of the most spectacular finds have been in this region: the cache at Kojindani (see Figure 13.8) yielded 358 daggers, 16 halberds, and 6 bells.49 At the end of Middle Yayoi, these spheres merged. Eastern Seto practices spread into Kyushu – with weapons buried in caches – while weapons moved in the opposite direction, making their way into the Kinai and beyond.50 A recent discovery puts bronzes farther east than previously known: a cache of eight halberds and five bells discovered at the Yanagisawa site (see Figure 13.8), in the central mountains on a riverine route to the Japan Sea coast, was accompanied by pit-buildings, cemeteries and paddy fields.51 Cylindrical beads of green tuff were found in one burial, suggesting that access to the Japan Sea coast – where beadmaking continued from the Jomon period throughout Yayoi – might have been a motivating factor in colonizing this inland route. Despite the assumption that rice agriculture spread by ‘idea diffusion’ beyond the waist of Honshu, these finds show that Yayoi migrants themselves had come to stay. Investigations of dental features at nearby sites confirmed influence from continental immigrant lineages.52 North Kyushu continental gateway The Houhanshu (Chronicles of Later Han) states that the Wa peoplesviii were divided into more than 100 guo ‘countries’, 30 of which maintained communications with the Early Han court.53 The names of some guo have been linked to places in Kyushu, for example, Na and Ito. These were both important locations in North Kyushu, acting as focal points for trading networks between the Peninsula and Islands (Figure 13.11). Until late Middle Yayoi, trade was carried out through Nuk-do Island on the southern Peninsular coast, and viii  Wa (C. Wo) was used by the Chinese as both an ethnonym and a geographical referent to the Japanese Islands; it also occurs in combination with guo, Woguo, but rather than a polity named Wa, this was probably a more general reference to the ‘land of the Wa’.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

13. The Yellow Sea Interaction Sphere  327

one scholar wonders whether the literate person of Taho-ri burial #1 might have acted as an intermediary between Yayoi chieftains and the commanderies. 54 Thereafter into Late Yayoi, the Haruno-tsuji site on Iki Island was the port of trade.55 Ceramics at Haru-notsuji include both Samhan and Lelang pottery, while objects shared between Samhan and North Kyushu attest to continuing close connections (Figure 13.12). In addition to bronze and iron, glass was also imported from the continent, possibly through direct trade contacts with the China Mainland, since glass beads are attributed to the East Coast.56 Like the metals, imported glass was re-used to make products of local significance. Two kinds of glass predominated in Middle Yayoi: Mainland lead-barium glass, and potash glass which was common between the 2c BC and 4c AD throughout East and Southeast Asia all the way to Arikamedu on the southeastern Indian coast.57 The lead-barium glass was imported as unfinished objects and waste material, while the potash glass was imported as finished products – mainly small round light-blue beads of drawn glass.58 Each kind was melted to make curved beads (magatama) or small round beads, many of them formed in molds. Lead-barium glass predominated in North Kyushu, while potash glass was more common in the Kinai, intimating that perhaps these areas had differential access to trade routes. Exotic goods from both the Peninsular chiefdoms and the Lelang commandery have been recovered from extensive cemeteries in North Kyushu comprised of jar and cist burials. Three status levels are recognized depending on the relative proportions of Han Dynasty bronze mirrors, other imports, and locally made grave goods.59 Rich graves at the Mikumo and Sugu sites (see Figure 13.11, #2 in Ito and #3 in Na) have been tentatively identified as the burials of ‘kings’ because they contain more than seven Early Han mirrors each – plus other Mainland objects such as glass bi disks and gilt-bronze coffin ornaments as well as locally produced goods. Second-tier graves have between two and seven Han mirrors and/or other Mainland and local goods. Third-tier burials have either one Han mirror plus

Figure 13.11 Middle Yayoi sites and polities (guo) in North Kyushu Island-hopping from the southern Korean Peninsula would soon bring a traveler to the Yayoi polities of Matsuro, Ito and Na. (Modern prefectures in parentheses.) The gold seal found at location ‘x’ has been commemorated in a Japanese postage stamp.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

328  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 13.12 Samhan and Middle to Late Yayoi grave goods Objects and customs shared between the southern Korean Peninsula (left) and western Japanese Islands (right) include handled steamers (1, 27), Wajil ware (2, 28), burial jars (3, 29), bronze buttons and buckles (4, 30), ringpommeled iron swords (5, 18), curved beads (6, 22), oracle bones (7, 23), small bronze bells (8, 19), umbrella rib points and crossshaped ornaments (9, 20), socketed spearheads (10, 25), halberds (11, 24), narrow daggers (12, 26), antennae-daggers (14, 17), and Han Dynasty TLV mirrors (15, 21). Those without complements shown are horse-shaped belt hooks (13) and ornamented dagger pommels (16).

local artifacts (see Figure 13.9, left) or local artifacts that include iron weapons. Prestige goods manufactured in North Kyushu (albeit from imported raw materials) included bronze daggers, iron halberds, shell bracelets, glass beads, and jasper and jadeite curved beads.60 The jasper came from the Izumo region where the Kojindani site is located; jadeite was traded in from the Noto peninsula region of the Japan Sea coast, where many bead-making villages are known (see Figure 13.8). The wearing of shell bracelets as a status symbol began by 600 BC, when North Kyushu traders started obtaining tropical shells from the southern Ryukyu Islands and bringing them back for processing into bracelets. Only the elite could wear bracelets made of the broad Pacific conch shell (Tricornis [Strombus] latissimus).61 At the Tateiwa site (Figure 13.11 #4), a major stone-manufacturing locus, an elite of the third-tier rank wore 14 bracelets on his arm (see Figure 13.9, left). This man may have been involved in managing utilitarian stone tool production at the site. Analysis of the distribution of sites in 1c BC North Kyushu and measurement of their inter-site closeness do not produce straightforward evidence of territorial hierarchies.62 Instead, the significant sites are positioned as nodes in communication networks, specifically at mountain passes and crossroads. Sugu, though not the largest or most complex settlement, owed its high centrality measurement to being “the most prominent mediator in the emergent

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

13. The Yellow Sea Interaction Sphere  329

network.”63 Unfortunately, because this network of competitive and cooperative relations among North Kyushu chieftains was based on relations with Lelang, the hierarchical structure fell apart when Han goods were no longer available due to Wang Mang’s usurpation of the throne in 9 AD. The situation with the continent is reflected in bronze mirror availability. Throughout the Early Han Dynasty, Han mirrors were coveted items and often buried in North Kyushu graves as prestige goods. After 50 AD, mirrors declined dramatically during the next century,64 and the Yayoi resorted to casting their own. Lead isotope results indicate that Early Han bronzes were used to cast imitation mirrors,65 which were much smaller than their continental counterparts (10–20 cm vs. 15–20cm). Bells cast in Late Yayoi also used antique material, but this material shows a homogeneity in both bells and mirrors that suggests specialist preparation rather than random collection of raw materials. In any case, lead isotope ratios characterizing Eastern Han bronzes do not occur in Late Yayoi products. After Emperor Guangwu re-established control over Lelang in 30 AD, he is recorded to have given a gold seal with a purple cord to the chief of Na in 57 AD, naming him a King. In 1784, a gold seal with the inscription that reads “[seal awarded to] the ruler of the state[let] of Na within Wa under the Han” was unearthed near Fukuoka City (see Figure 13.11), inspiring 200 years or so of scholarship debating whether it is real or not.66 The bestowal of the seal is a convenient time marker for the beginning of Late Yayoi (50–250 AD). During this period, continental connections continued between the Samhan chiefdoms and North Kyushu elite, attested by parallels in grave goods (see Figure 13.12). The primary reason for continuing contacts despite the inaccessibility of Late Han bronzes was to obtain iron from the southern Peninsular coast. Flat ax-shaped ingots, such as those found at Sara-ri, were probably the main export from the Peninsula, being forged into tools and weapons in the Islands. Very few iron artifacts survive in the archaeological record because they were often re-forged into new tools or not buried in protected environments such as graves and so rusted. The availability of iron led to the steady decrease in use of stone tools,67 while many of the wooden agricultural tools were shod with iron tips (see Figure 13.7). The iron trade also became more important as iron weapons replaced bronze. The growing popularity of the Han Dynasty-style singlebladed iron slashing sword (see Figure 13.12, #5, #18) eventually brought an end to bronze dagger production on both sides of the Korea Strait. Iron swords became the preferred burial good in Late Yayoi mound burials, which brings us to the phenomenon of the mounded tomb cultures. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

330  Archaeology of East Asia

Further reading Barnes, Gina L. (2007) “Edge of empire.” Chapter 7 in State formation in Japan. London: Routledge. Byington, Mark E. (2013) The Han commanderies in early Korean history. Cambridge, MA: Early Korea Project, Korea Institute, Harvard U. Byington, Mark E. (ed.) (2009) The Samhan period in Korean history. Early Korea, vol. 2. Cambridge, MA: Early Korea Project, Korea Institute, Harvard U. Hudson, Mark (1999) Ruins of identity: ethnogenesis in the Japanese Islands. U. Hawai’i Press. Mizoguchi, Koji (2013a) The archaeology of Japan: from the earliest rice farming villages to the rise of the state. Cambridge U. Press. (Chapter 6) Pai, Hyung Il (2000) Constructing ‘Korean’ origins: a critical review of archaeology, historiography, and racial myth in Korean state formation theories. Harvard U. Asia Center. (Chapters 5 and 6 on Lelang)

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 18:00:27 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Chapter 14 Mounded Tomb Cultures (2–5c AD) Pen/Insular state formation The fall of the Wei Dynasty in 265 and the abandonment of Daifang created a power vacuum in the northern Korean Peninsula which Koguryo quickly filled. It was soon joined by the rise of Paekche in the southwestern Peninsula and finally by Silla in the southeast. These polities comprise the Three Kingdoms and encompass the period of state formation on the Peninsula (see Table 1.4). Between Paekche and Silla on the southern coast were the Kaya chiefdoms, one of which (Tae-Kaya) only approached statehood just prior to their demise.1 Kaya, however, was extremely important to the development of the contemporaneous Kofun-period Yamato state in the Japanese archipelago (see Table 1.7). The burial systems of all of these early states focused on monumental mounded tombs for their ruling elite. The scale of their construction clearly implies a stratified society able to provide labor and materials to build them. Local craft specialists produced elite goods for the tomb contents – bronze, gilt-bronze, gold, jade, jasper and ceramics – while far-ranging trade networks brought in exotic objects and ideas. The Pen/Insular polities are classed as secondary states – that is, they arose in situations of contact with already extant and operating states (in this case, the Mainland dynasties). Thus, they had at their disposal ready-made models for polity administration, as well as the means to create and maintain elite status via peer polity interaction with those existing states. Still, the Pen/Insular polities that arose from the late 3c were neither mere extensions of dynastic power nor copycat borrowings of those dynastic systems. Despite being similar mounded tomb cultures, their internal dynamics and material representations are all substantially different, attesting to cultural creativity and local solutions for administrative problems. Several Chinese dynastic records (Weizhi, Liangshu), the Japanese chronicles (Nihon Shoki of 720), and the Korean histories (Samguk Yusa and Samguk Sagi of the 11c and 12c) cover the Three Kingdoms

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

332  Archaeology of East Asia

and Kofun periods, some retrospectively. The native histories attribute extremely long existences to the Pen/Insular states, with the founding dates of Silla, Koguryo and Paekche given respectively as 57, 37 and 18 BC,i and the Yamato state dated to 660 BC. But the archaeological debut of monumental tomb-building, signifying social stratification (a prerequisite for state formation), occurred only in the middle to late 3c. Interesting additions to the material culture of the mature Pen/ Insular states are items that can be traced to the Parthian (247 BC–224 AD) and Sassanian (300–650) empires of Central Asia. These include glass vessels, gold crowns – several of which are known from the region of modern Afghanistan – horse-riding equipment and armor. The passage of these objects along the incipient Silk Road resulted in their use and emulation by the receiving cultures and ultimate burial in the mounded tombs of the elite. The Northern Wei (386–534), a dynasty established in the northern Mainland by the Toba branch of the Xianbei, seemed to have been the intermediary for many of the imports, and their steppe heritage can also be seen in the Pen/Insular material culture.

On the Peninsula Koguryo and Paekche origins As introduced in Chapter 13, the Koguryo peoples of the eastern Manchurian massif were deeply affected by the establishment of the Han commanderies in the region. Wang Mang, besides using their horse-riders as cavalry, also decreed the assassination of their king, turning the Koguryo into enemies rather than allies. Thus, the dynastic histories speak of many Koguryo raids on the commanderies during Late Han and of Koguryo’s receipt of tribute from the Okcho peoples of the eastern Peninsular coast. The early Koguryo culture in the Hun River region (see Figure 13.1) is now acknowledged as part of the Cholbon-Puyo culture characteristic of the eastern Manchurian Basin. Koguryo stonemounded tombs yield gold earrings similar to those from the Laoheshen cemetery of Puyo.2 In the 4c, Koguryo elites moved their capital from the Hun River to the Yalu River valley, where two walled sites are paired: a round mountain fortress named Wandu (K. Hwando), meaning ‘circular capital’ (Figure 14.1, lower right) and a squared walled site of 50ha named Kungnae-song located on the plains of modern Ji’an City.3 Archaeologists believe that these i  From this chapter onward, only BC dates will be marked, or both BC and AD when there is a millennial transition; unmarked are AD.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  333

Figure 14.1 Early walled fortresses of Paekche and Koguryo Early walls followed topographic contours while late walls were geometric in outline.   The Mongchon walled site near Seoul (above and left) was possibly a Paekche military fortress, given its horse trappings and watchtowers; no elite female items (such as hairpins) were excavated that might have marked it as a palace site.   The Shanchengzi site (below) may correspond to the historically known Koguryo capital of Wandu (K. Hwando). It sits in a natural mountain bowl of 290ha between walls extending along the back ridge (A) and front cliff face. No features remain except a pond (B) that served as a reservoir.

operated in tandem, Hwando being a refuge in times of war and Kungnae-song the main peacetime capital.4 Living in a land-locked country, Koguryo elites looked for arable land and a sea outlet at the mouth of the Yalu River, but their expedition down the Yalu in 242 incurred the wrath of the Wei Dynasty, which had revived the Daifang commandery in 238. The Wei reprisal in 244 (Figure 14.2) destroyed Koguryo’s capital, ruling structure, and economic system of coastal exchange with the Okcho; many Koguryo escaped to Okcho territory. In 286, Koguryo’s neighbour, Puyo, was attacked and destroyed by the Xianbei Murong tribe, with Puyo peoples taking refuge in the Korean Peninsula. Koguryo re-constituted itself enough to lay waste to the Lelang This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

334  Archaeology of East Asia Figure 14.2 Koguryo interactions with surrounding peoples in the 3–4c Circled is the Koguryo homeland, with the most florescent Koguryo culture concentrated in Ji’an City, where the capital Kungnae-song was located. Capitals of Paekche (Han-song, Ungjin and Sabi) and of Silla (Kum-song) were located in the southern Peninsula. Kaya sites mentioned were in PonKaya near modern Kimhae City.

commandery in 313 and to Daifang in 314, but it sustained attacks by the Murong in 341. Recovering, in the late 4c, it “underwent a rapid and profound transformation from a resilient regional authority struggling to preserve its sovereignty to a stable bureaucratic state”.5 No doubt this resurgence was aided by the acquisition of coastal farmlands in the lower Taedong River valley (old Lelang territory); in 427, a new Koguryo capital, Pyongyang-song, was built near the old commandery headquarters. Pyongyang is retained today as the name of the current North Korean capital. The fact that many Koguryo remains, including the important Kungnae-song capital and the General’s Tomb among hundreds of other tombs, are located in modern China has been the source of international friction, with both Koreas and China wanting to claim Koguryo as their own. That the Koguryo spoke a Tungusic, not a Chinese, language gives special weight to the Koreas’ claim. However, Koguryo territory at its greatest extended from south of the This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  335

Han River basin in the central Peninsula into the upper Manchurian Basin, crossing all current national boundaries in the region. Koguryo belonged only to itself, and its historicity needs to be acknowledged separately from what and who came after it. The Paekche are known to have been an elite group of refugees who were granted lands in the Han River basin, near present-day Seoul; their name possibly derives from a Mahan polity the Chinese knew as Bochi (K. Pai-chi).6 However, when this happened and where they came from are two very contested questions, with many historians and archaeologists putting a 1c BC date on Paekche appearance,7 though archaeological remains indicating a stratified society appear only in the 4c. The Samguk Sagi names the Paekche capital as Hansong, but it is not clear which archaeological site this name correlates with, if any. On purely archaeological grounds, two adjacent sites are considered Paekche’s early capitals; like Koguryo’s, they are a paired rounded mountain fortress called Mongchon (see Figure 14.1, upper) and a geometric walled site nearby on the alluvial plain called Pungnap. The Pungnap walled site, a fat rectangle in shape, enclosed 3.5km within walls that were 43m wide at the base and 11m high; construction had begun in the late 3c.8 In keeping with the character of an elite site, excavated remains from Pungnap include roof tiles, ritual and utilitarian ceramics, sacrificed horses and cows, sea bream bones, mica and apricot pits.9 Paekche and Koguryo share a type of pyramidal tomb structure (Figure 14.3) and foundation myths; thus, both folklore traditions Figure 14.3 Indigenous tomb structures of Koguryo and Paekche Early Koguryo tombs on the Hun River were small, low mounds of cobbles containing a plain burial (above). Stone-piled tombs continued and were even copied in the Japanese Islands. By the 4c, low pyramid tombs topped with token earthen mounds were being built; this type was copied by Paekche in the 4–5c, as in the Sokchong-dong cemetery in the Han River basin (below). The pyramid was monumentalized in the 5–6c as exemplified by the General’s Tomb (left) near the Kungnae-song capital. Because the burial chamber opened to the side of the pyramid, most grave goods in this type of tomb have been looted.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

336  Archaeology of East Asia

and material culture indicate close connections between them. Historically, both Koguryo and Paekche elite claimed Puyo descent, which fits in well with the known destruction of Puyo in the late 3c, the dispersal of Puyo peoples, and the rise of both Koguryo and Paekche in the 4c. The mythological similarities are endlessly fascinating, but most importantly, the adoption of founder myths that name the Puyo, a powerful Han Dynasty ally, underwrote elite claims to legitimacy in both cultures.10 Kaya and Silla origins The southeastern portion of the Korean Peninsula is often referred to as Yongnam. This was the locus of the Chinhan and Pyonhan polities of the Samhan, both noted for their iron production. It appears that the Pyonhan region emerged first into history as the locus of the Kaya chiefdoms, while Silla allegedly grew out of a small Chinhan polity called Saro.ii Archaeologically Yongnam had a common culture, with ceramics becoming differentiated between Silla and Kaya at the end of the 3c, perhaps even accompanied by warfare.11 After the rise of Silla in the 5c, divergences are evident in mature tomb constructions (Figure 14.4). As with Koguryo and Paekche, both Kaya and Silla are reputed to have had foreign elite connections. Some scholars claim that the first ruler of Kaya, King Suro, was an immigrant from the northwestern Peninsula,12 but the 13c Samguk Yusa states that he descended from heaven onto a mountain top; in any case the nine chiefs of the Pyonhan polities elevated him as their king.13 Meanwhile the Samguk Yusa further states that Suro took an Indian princess from Ayut’a (Ayodhya) as his bride and that a festival commemorating the arrival of her ship continued until the 11c.14 These apocryphal stories conform to trade with Lelang as inaugurated with the iron industry, and other material culture traits speak of a South Asian trade connection.15 External links surely accelerated socio-political development. Also for Silla, the arrival of three new clans apparently stimulated further state development. It is not known exactly when or from where these migrant elites appeared, but if from Lelang territory after its destruction by Koguryo in 313, the sudden appearance of large wood-chamber tombs and gold artifacts in Silla territory would be explained. The names of the ruling Kim clan and the polity’s capital Kumsong both refer to ‘gold’ (kim/kum), and Silla in the 5–6c was The name change from Saro to Silla did not occur until the late 4c/early 5c (Barnes 2001: 40), but to avoid confusion, all references to the early state here will call it Silla. ii 

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  337

Figure 14.4 Mature Kaya and Silla tombs (not to scale) Royal Silla tombs tower over visitors in the Tumulus Park (above left) in downtown Kyongju City. The chamber area of one tomb is open as a museum. The section drawing above right illustrates the construction of Silla Tomb #155.   In contrast, royal Tae-Kaya tombs sit high on an inaccessible mountain ridge (lower right). Their pit-style stone chambers were often double or triple the length of a person. The plan and section of Tae-Kaya Chisan-dong Tomb #44 (lower left) show several stone-lidded stone chambers covered by one earthen mound. The multiple burials have been re-interpreted as human sacrifices.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

338  Archaeology of East Asia

Box 14.1 Of gold and crowns A gold buckle from Lelang (below) sports granulation and embedded gemstones. These gold-working techniques manifest themselves in Silla gold, but in more simplified forms. The technology of gold-working can be traced westward to Central Asian sources. Silla gold-working is characterized by sheet gold and gold wire manipulation. Sheets were cut to shape and joined with wire. The sheets could be decorated with openwork or repoussé (hammering a decoration from the reverse side, such as the dots or scales on the lower left of the gold cap below ); twisted wire and chains served to suspend spangles, while gilt bronze or gilt iron rings served as anchors. Earrings could incorporate curved beads of jadeite (as below), whose only source is in the Japanese Islands, or occasionally had patterns laid by granulation (right). Similar items occurred as pendants suspended from headwear, as on this Silla crown (far right). These crowns often consisted of cutouts resembling the steppe ‘tree of life’ and antlers.

  Gold crowns are also known from Koguryo, while Kaya and Yamato elite often imitated them in silvered iron, sheet silver or gilt bronze. Kaya crowns in addition could sport tuftedend protuberances crafted of twisted metal, and one Yamato example has cutout horses.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  339

Five gold crowns with the tree and antler construction have been excavated in tombs of the royal Silla cemetery. Earlier Silla crowns were made of silver, later ones of bronze.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

340  Archaeology of East Asia

noted for its gold artifacts (BOX 14.1), the design of some items being attributed to Koguryo (earrings, openwork crown ornaments, gilt-bronze saddle parts).16 In contrast, the curved beads made of jadeite incorporated into gold crown and belt pendants and earrings were imported from the Japanese Islands.17 These precious objects were preserved in Silla royal tombs because of the latter’s unusual construction: a wooden chamber containing a coffin and grave goods box, mounded over first with cobbles and then with earth (see Figure 14.4). These constructional attributes derived from different sources: the wooden chamber and earthen cover from Han Dynasty tombs, but the mounded cobbles from early Koguryo. Lack of a corridor to access the tomb chamber meant that looting the tomb would require digging through a pile of cobbles (think of a pile of oranges or sand) which would keep falling back into the hole. The Kumsong capital area of early Silla occupied an alluvial fan in the center of the Kyongju Basin (see Figure 15.7). The Silla royal cemetery (now Tumulus Park) on the alluvial plain sits near a halfmoon-shaped hill positioned along one of the main Basin rivers. The hill, reinforced with perimeter walls, was thus called Panwolsong (‘half-moon fortress’iii); a dock and a bridge accessed the river and beyond. Four fortresses, on mountaintops surrounding the Basin, protected the capital area. All of these fortresses, including Panwol-song, were topographically defined and so differed from the Koguryo–Paekche pattern for capitals of paired geometric and topographic walled sites. Northern Kyongju City has yielded an ironworking site, Hwangsong-dong, operational from the 1c to the 4c.18 Excavation revealed one pit-building with a forging hearth dating to the 1c, but the remains in two adjacent workshop areas date to the early Three Kingdoms period. The eastern section housed eight pit-buildings with internal hearths for smelting and two slag piles; the western section had two structures for forging, with one outdoor hearth and two charcoal kilns. Exports from this area might have competed with those from the Kaya area on the southern coast. Turning to Kaya, this was not one polity but a collection of up to seven chiefdoms in the Nakdong River valley, western tributaries to the Nakdong, and the south-central coast.19 Archaeologically, Kaya remains can be divided into Early and Late, with development along the southern coast focused on the polity of Pon-Kaya (Original Kaya, also known as Kumgwan-Kaya) characterizing the early confederated phase, and Tae-Kaya (Great Kaya) in the upper Nakdong valley forming the focus of the later confederated phase.20 The standard view has been that none of these chiefdoms achieved state-level iii 

Also just called Wol-song (‘moon fortress’).

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  341 Figure 14.5 Noniron prestige goods exchanged among late 4c–early 5c elite The 4c Taesong-dong tombs in Pon-Kaya yielded a number of items, some from Yamato in addition to more traditional con­ tinental bronzes. Around the TLV bronze mirror in the center clockwise from top are: bronze tiger belt hook, mirror fragment and bronze boss, disk for staff, faceted crystal beads, 4 talc projectile points, 8 bronze staff ferrules (shown upside down), curved beads (2 jade and 1 rock crystal), 2 bronze spiral bosses. The beads, talc objects, bronze ferrules and spirals are all from Yamato. The 5c Nonaka Tomb in modern Osaka City contained Silla-ware ceramics, illustrating the cachet of new stoneware being produced in the Yongnam area. This ware developed from Kaya stoneware and bears combed decoration. Kaya craftspeople emigrating to the Islands established large kilns in the Osaka region, initiating the Sué ware tradition of stoneware.

organization, but recently Tae-Kaya has been proposed as a state that coalesced just before its takeover by Silla in 562.21 The rulers of Tae-Kaya sent a tribute mission to the Southern Qi Dynasty (479–502).22 Pon-Kaya formed in the mid-3c,23 coincident with the construction of the royal cemetery at Taesong-dong in modern Kimhae City.24 In the 4c, the tombs held large wooden chambers replete with exotic goods (Figure 14.5, upper): Han bronze mirrors, steppe-style iron cauldrons, and dozens of stoneware25 vessels holding food offerings for the dead. Also present were various beadstone and bronze goods

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

342  Archaeology of East Asia

from the Japanese Islands. The appearance of pit-style stone chambers at the Yean-ri site in the mid-4c26 might be related to communications with the Wa. These artifacts and features tie in with the two great economic functions of Pon-Kaya: the iron trade continuing on from the preceding Pyonhan activities, and stoneware production. The latter was a new industry; its technology spread into Silla territory, giving rise to Silla-ware (Figure 14.5, lower), and was then exported to the Japanese Islands in the 5c, initiating the Sué-ware tradition. Recent trench excavations of a 45m-high hill within Kimhae City adjacent to the Taesong-dong cemetery have exposed an earthen wall and moat, pit-buildings and pillared building post holes, iron slag, horse bones, divination bones, and imported ceramics. This site, Ponghwangdae, is now thought to be the capital of Pon-Kaya mentioned in the Samguk Yusa as Chongbal-song.27 It was networked with several sites in the Kimhae area along the coastline of the time; these sites were equipped with port and storage facilities, ostensibly for the trading of iron and perhaps ceramics.

In the Islands From mound-burials to mounded tombs In Chapter 13, we left Kyushu in the late Middle Yayoi period, when suddenly the supply of bronze mirrors was cut off by troubles in Lelang. The archaeological record of the subsequent Late Yayoi period reveals several trends that suggest increased competition throughout the western archipelago. Changes in settlement pattern appear at this time: in North Kyushu, small settlements were abandoned and larger sites became more populous in a process of nucleation; in Eastern Seto, settlements were abandoned and relocated on higher ground.28 Many of these new or expanded settlements were fortified by v-shaped ditches, as at Yoshinogari (BOX 14.2); and indeed, the Weizhi mentions a period of disturbances (J. Wa no Hanran) between 147 and 189. Interestingly, beginning in 150, mirror imports picked up again but mainly flowed into Eastern Seto rather than North Kyushu.29 It is possible that renewed competition for mirrors stimulated some of the disturbances. In the second half of Late Yayoi, low-rise mounded burials began to appear regularly in regions beyond Kyushu, taking various shapes by cultural preference (Figure 14.6). Most of these shapes grew out of the moated square and round precincts of elite family burial in Middle Yayoi. Multiple burials became common, interpreted as families with ascribed rank; no clear hierarchies of burials are apparent in Late Yayoi.30 The regional groupings of mound-burial types, however,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  343

suggest that supra-community cultural identifications developed at this time. The Izumo region is a particular case in point, with its unusual four-tailed square mounds. This area resisted the spread of keyhole tombs in the next phase and became a complement to Yamato power. The Tatesuki mound-burial in the central Inland Sea region also represents a unique regional manifestation of a round mound with two projections. Its burial facility consisted of a Han-type wood chamber and coffin, while spirals decorated a carved stone and jar stand – the latter a precursor to Kofun-period haniwa. This area is believed to have been a major contributor to the formation of the succeeding Mounded Tomb Culture.31 By the early 3c, inter-regional contact and interchange began to overcome regional differences, especially through the Inland Sea region.32 Shipping of iron from the southern Peninsula was an important aspect of this interchange; ports of trade were established in the Hakata region of North Kyushu and along the Inland Sea coast into Osaka Bay. These sites were occupied not only by locals but also by Yayoi from other regions as well as peoples from across the straits – identified by their native pottery traditions which indicate intermingling and mutual acculturation. The most significant nonlocal ceramics found in North Kyushu are those from the Kinai region (modern Osaka, Nara and Kyoto prefectures), which became the political center in the 3c, suggesting direct elite involvement in the iron trade. It is within this nexus of supra-regional relationships that a Kinai ruler came to the attention of the Wei Dynasty and reopened communications with the Daifang commandery.

Figure 14.6 Late Yayoi mound-burials (in black) and Kofun-period tombs (in gray) Regional variations of mound-burials range from round to square, moated or unmoated. Exceptional shapes are the square or rectangular mounds of the Japan Sea coast having corner tails (B1 and B2). The keyhole tomb is proposed to have developed out of a round moated precinct with an incomplete moat, leaving a land bridge access to the center. Gradually the land bridge grew into a rectangular or triangular frontal projection and both rear and front mounds increased in height. The moated round burial precincts of the Kinai region (D1) became the round keyhole tomb, while the square moated precincts became the square keyhole tombs (D2). Mound-burials measure from 10 to 40m, but the first keyhole tombs in the early 3c doubled that to ca. 90m.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

344  Archaeology of East Asia

BOX 14.2 Yoshinogari site Yoshinogari claims an unusual place in Japanese archaeology since its discovery in the late 1980s. With its moated structure and watchtower, it conforms to the Weizhi descriptions of Himiko’s capital, but it is entirely the wrong location to be so. It is isolated from the Fukuoka Plains where the rich bronze burials are found, and it is in Kyushu rather than Yamato (now understood to have been Himiko’s Yamatai polity). Nevertheless, media interest exploiting the supposed Himiko link and tourism potential spurred government investment in developing Yoshinogari as a heritage park. An entire moated village of pit-houses, granaries and watchtowers has been reconstructed and supplied with costumed guides and a Yayoi Life Museum. Because of the long span of occupation, the site character cannot be encapsulated in one generalization but must be dissected by phase and understood within the context of society at that time. In all, over 300 pit-buildings and more than 2500 jar burials have been excavated at Yoshinogari. Pit-houses, storage pits, a jar-burial cemetery and a village ditch attest to a small 3ha settlement in Early Yayoi (see Chapter 11); in Middle Yayoi the site grew to 20ha without an enclosing ditch (Chapter 13). At the end of Middle Yayoi, a large moat was constructed to enclose the now 40ha site on one side – the other protected by the river; and in late Late Yayoi the site acquired inner moats equipped with six watchtowers – interpreted as marking an elite residential precinct (Chapter 14). The latter efforts at fortification may well have been due to the Wa Disturbances in the mid-2c just before Himiko was allegedly chosen as leader of Yamatai. In Middle Yayoi (Chapter 13) around 100 BC, a large oval mound 46m long and 4.5m high was built of tamped earth north of the settlement. In its top surface were 14 jar burials; the oldest (#1006), in the center, was also the largest, about twice the usual size; its two jars fitted together at the mouths, measuring 2.5m long x 1.2m wide, and the jar pit measured 4 x 4m. One of the satellite burials (#1002) dating around 0 AD contained Peninsular imports: a rare hilted dagger cast as one piece and 76 cylindrical glass beads. This mound began the low-rise mound-burial tradition in North Kyushu, which spread into the western archipelago in Late Yayoi. Three views of Yoshinogari opposite: • Top: panorama of the inner precinct reconstructions, looking east: several pit-buildings, an open-air pavilion, and a watchtower • Middle: a fish-eye view of the open mound excavation, revealing crushed burial jars in place; the size of the excavation can be ascertained by the walkway above the site • Bottom: one of the reconstructed watchtowers overlooking a moat and palisade The simplified site plan shows the main structural features as of Late Yayoi. Not shown are all the pit-buildings, burials, and earlier and later materials – it is a much more complicated site than pictured here.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  345

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

346  Archaeology of East Asia

Daifang and Queen Himiko The Weizhi states that following the Wa Disturbances, “the people agreed upon a woman for their ruler. Her name was Pimiko [J.  Himiko].”33 This could have been around 190. She is next mentioned in 238 when the Wei re-established Daifang under their control. Himiko, described as the Queen of [the] Wa, sent a congratulatory embassy to the Wei court with follow-up embassies in 242 and 247. She received vast amounts of diplomatic gifts, including bronze mirrors, and was visited in return by a Wei emissary in 240. Her country of Yamatai is described in the Weizhi as exerting hegemonic rule over several other Wa polities (guo). Researchers for many decades placed Himiko in North Kyushu, the locus of all of the rich burials in Japan containing Han Dynasty goods. But the consensus has now shifted to the Nara Basin (in Nara Prefecture),iv whose traditional place-name designation as Yamato is identified as the same name as Yamataiv from different perspectives (Japanese vs. Chinese transliteration).34 Queen Himiko is an enigma since she does not appear in the historic list of Yamato rulers, but that can be explained with reference to the Confucian patriarchal philosophy under which the Nihon Shoki was compiled. The Weizhi states that Himiko died after 247 and was buried in a large tomb 100 paces across.35 This historically attested event is now used to define the beginning of the Kofun period at 250, superseding a previous starting point of 400. It will likely be pushed back even farther, as the early 3c is now referred to as the Initial Kofun period.36 The problem of dealing with Himiko involves differences between the Nihon Shoki and Weizhi accounts as well as dating the early mounded tombs. The first monumental mounded tomb is acknowledged to be Hashihaka in the southeastern Nara Basin, which has traditionally been assigned to a seeress aunt of the first historically attested Yamato sovereign, Sujin. It has been proposed that this seeress aunt as written into the Nihon Shoki was the same person as Himiko as written into the Weizhi.37 Ceramic typology places Hashihaka at around 270 or 280, not so long after the end of the Wei Dynasty in 265 but almost 20 years after Himiko’s last mention in the Weizhi. Interestingly, a male king was chosen to replace her, but the Weizhi says “the people would not obey him. Assassination and murder followed; more than one thousand were thus slain.”38 Order was restored when Himiko’s 14-year-old relative, iv  Opinion changed after the excavation of the Kurotsuka Tomb in Nara in 1997 (see Edwards 1999). v  The spelling Yamai has also been proposed, particularly by those favoring a Kyushu location (Takemoto 1983).

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  347

a girl named Iyo, was appointed as ruler; she subsequently sent an embassy to the Wei Court. These Chinese records provide a historical framework for viewing the archaeological coalescence of the mounded tomb culture in the western archipelago. Kofun bunka, the mounded tomb culture (MTC) of Japan The Kofun period has in the past been defined by the appearance of the keyhole-shaped tomb with a round rear mound (especially Hashihaka), but this definition is now on shaky ground because the keyhole shape is now recognized back to the early 3c. It first appeared in the Makimuku tomb cluster in the southeastern Nara Basin and subsequently spread across all Late Yayoi mound-burial cultures except where B1 square burials with four projections existed (see Figure 14.6). However, the keyhole with round rear mound (round keyhole) was not the only popular mounded tomb shape (Figure 14.7): we also find keyhole tombs with square rear mounds (square

Figure 14.7 Keyhole tomb shape and size classes Early Kofun keyhole tombs come in three size classes: small (160m). The Horaisan Tomb (left, 227m long x 18m high) towers over modern structures in Nara City; its round mound is to the right. The mounds were often built in tiers, shown below.   The graph shows an idealized array of the shapes and sizes of Early Kofun tombs, with highrise mounded tombs evolving from low-rise Late Yayoi mound-burials. The ranks indicate graduated sizes (1 being the highest). Commoner burials in unmounded graves rank lowest.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

348  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 14.8 Haniwa cylinders and sculptures Haniwa cylinders grew out of the Late Yayoi tradition of placing jars and jar-stands (above right) on mid-Seto moundburials. An integral cylinder-and-jar Kofun-period form (above left) developed from the Late Yayoi jar and cylinder combination. Yayoi cylinders were often decorated; Kofun ones were plain or mounted with sculptures (right). Initial forms were limited to shields, parasols and houses, but human forms date from the 5c. The sculptural tradition was taken up with gusto by chieftains in the Kanto region during the 6c. The Nihon Shoki states that humans were portrayed to replace sacrificial victims; no such victims have been found in the Japanese Islands, but several are known for Kaya. The haniwa tradition differs from Mainland tomb figurines, as haniwa were placed outside on the tomb surface rather than inside the burial chamber; they more resemble the spirit paths that developed out of Han sculptures on tombs (see Figure 12.12).

keyhole) as well as square or round mounds with no projections. Their evolution from low-rise to high-rise mounds is accompanied by a differential in rank – round keyhole tombs occupying the highest level. Until the late 5c, keyhole tombs had their main burials dug into the top of the rear mound; the tomb chambers were pit-style stone chambers or pits with molded clay floors receiving hollowed-out log coffins (with or without the stone chamber). The grave area was often outlined on the surface by clay cylinders called haniwa (‘clay ring’) embedded in the ground (Figure 14.8). Deriving from a jar stand, these cylinders became the bases for representational sculptures. The major grave goods between 250 and 300 were bronze mirrors from the Late Han and Wei Dynasties but also a triangular-rimmed variety This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  349

bearing the images of the Chinese folk deities, the Queen Mother of the West and the King Father of the East. In the 4c, beadstone objects were added to the burial repertoire, with three kinds of ‘bracelets’, cylindrical and curved beads, and staffs made of jade, jasper and green tuff (Figure 14.9). The beadstone objects found in the Pon-Kaya region (see Figure 14.5) come from this craft matrix. Following on from the Wei gift of bronze mirrors to Himiko, Japanese archaeologists hypothesize that the mirrors were further used within the Japanese Islands as gifts from rulers to subordinates in solidifying alliance relations.39 However, mention of bronze mirrors in the Nihon Shoki stories only portray them as being offered to elite persons by underlings; no anecdotes survive of how those underlings originally obtained the mirrors. Moreover, the images on the bronze mirrors have not been taken into account when postulating their meaning and use within Early Kofun society. Much of the material culture of Early Kofun and information about the woman allegedly buried in Hashihaka Tomb (Figure 14.10) can be correlated with aspects of Queen Mother of the West mythology:

Figure 14.9 Early Kofun grave goods Deity–beast mirrors (upper left) bear images of Queen Mother of the West and King Father of the East (lower left). Many have a rim that is triangular in cross section (middle left). Three kinds of bracelets (center) and variously shaped staffs (right) were made of pseudo-jades: green tuff and jasper.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

350  Archaeology of East Asia

The Mitsudera site (modeled above) illustrates a moated housestead of a regional elite. Similar housesteads have been excavated in Nara, greatly contrasting with the less fortified Makimuku palace. Residences of the rulers, such as Makimuku, were abandoned with the death of the sovereign and built anew elsewhere by the successor, leading to a shifting capital system in the Kofun period.

Figure 14.10 Kofun-period housesteads and palaces This southeastern Nara Basin is named in the chronicles as the palace of the sovereign Sujin. Excavations at the foot of Mt. Miwa revealed an extensive residential compound in which two buildings were interpreted as part of a shrine structure. Below the palace on the alluvial terrace sit the early keyhole tombs of the Makimuku Tomb Cluster, with Hashihaka to the right. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  351

living in mountains (kofun), dwelling in stone apartments (pit-style stone chambers), loving jade (jadeite and other green beadstone objects), carrying a staff (staffs), sitting on stools, being married to a god, etc.40 In opposition, the hierarchization of Late Yayoi and Early Kofun culture has been inductively monitored entirely from the excavated material, most recently using network analysis.41 Thus, radically different interpretations of Early Kofun socio-politics have been obtained with or without reference to the mirror iconography. The polity that spawned the MTC is known variously as Miwa or Shiki, its territory encompassing the southeastern Nara Basin.42 The capital area at Makimuku (Figure 14.10) encompasses a palace, the Makimuku tomb cluster, and the Hashihaka Tomb. It sat at the end of the Hakata trading route through the Inland Sea, with an eastern outlet through the mountains to the Pacific coast. Not only the geographical extent of Miwa’s control but also its method of control are hotly contested; I myself have argued for a theocratic regime, while others rely on elite networking alone. What is not in dispute is that the spread of the MTC happened peacefully without coercion, despite some weapons and armor found in early tombs.

Early state relations Warfare The Makimuku capital in Miwa was abandoned in the mid-4c as the Early Kofun political system collapsed. From this time onward, iron became a strategic good for the waging of warfare rather than an agricultural resource or prestige import. These changes were related to the gathering tension between Koguryo in the northern Peninsula and Paekche. After Koguryo attacked and destroyed what was left of the commandery areas in 313–314, it came into contact with Paekche and started pushing south into the latter’s Han River basin territory. Paekche responded by appealing to Yamato leaders in the Kinai region, who arose in the wake of the Miwa polity collapse. The Paekche–Yamato connection was probably made through their mutual procurement of iron from Kaya; the alliance was sealed by the gift of a 7-branched iron sword inscribed with a date of 369 (Figure 14.11). The late 4c–6c is thus a story of shifting alliances (Paekche+Yamato; Paekche+Silla)43 and warfare (Paekche+Yamato vs. Koguryo; and Yamato+Kaya vs. Silla). Koguryo’s aggression carried its forces down to the southern Peninsula, laying siege to 58 Paekche fortresses in 369; in 400 Koguryo forces reached the southern coast, decimating Pon-Kaya and pushing Wa troops out of Silla.44 These military

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

352  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 14.11 Armor and unique blades Vertical slats and decorative elements comprised Kaya cuirasses (right), while Yamato cuirasses had horizontal bands inset with square or triangular plates (above). The Yamato helmet also used horizontal bands that met in a forehead keel (top left). The Kaya neckguard is integral to the cuirass, while the Yamato one is separate.   Koguryo armor (below right, as known from mural tombs) used lamellae in combination with slats for both horse and rider. The verticalslatted Koguryo helmet, used also by Kaya, was turned into a visored helmet (top center, two views) in Yamato. Unusual sword and blade types include the 7-branched sword gifted to Yamato by Paekche (far right) and odd iron blades of Kaya with hooks and curlicues and with folded sockets for hafting (upper right).

exploits of King Kwanggaeto are known from a stele erected by his son in 414 in the Koguryo capital of Kungnae-song (Figure 14.12). Following Koguryo’s foray to the southern coast, burials ceased at Taesong-dong in the mid-5c, replaced by the Pokch’on-dong cemetery in modern Pusan City.45 Yamato continued importing iron from this area and became allies of Tae-Kaya in the Nakdong River basin, which grew after this date to become the dominant Kaya polity. Moving their capital to Pyongyang-song in 427 facilitated Koguryo’s continuing harassment of the Paekche, who finally moved

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  353

Figure 14.12 Evidence of Koguryo warfare

their own capital out of the Han River basin to the Kum River in the southwest – first to Ungjin in 474 and then to Sabi in 538 (see Figure 14.2). About 50 Koguryo fortresses have been identified in the central Peninsula extending down into the Kum River basin, often near tombs and settlements yielding Korugyo pottery.46 The permanency of these facilities confirms that Koguryo occupied – not just raided – previous Paekche territory. Paekche’s Mongchon fortress (see Figure 14.1) was used as a staging point for activities in the late 5c until the Mt. Acha fortresses were built in the early 6c (Figure 14.12).47

The Kwanggaeto stele of 414 documents Koguryo’s military exploits of the late 4c in an 1800-character inscription in Chinese (far left). The stone is granite, providing a very rough surface for carving, and several characters are illegible. This is the earliest written document preserved from the Three Kingdoms.   The #4 Mt. Acha fortress of Koguryo in Seoul (above) was carefully planned with water storage units and ondol under-floor heating for comfortable living. Buildings with stone foundations were surrounded by a palisade and a later stone wall. Koguryo stoneware (left) found at the site was heavy and utilitarian with minimal combed decoration. The flat bases and narrow necks provided stable, secure storage of contents.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

354  Archaeology of East Asia

The Koguryo were horse-riders, and the armor and horse-trappings that they introduced from the steppe cultures were subsequently adopted by all Pen/Insular elite. Previously, armor made first in Kaya and then in Yamato consisted mainly of cuirasses and helmets that provided chest and head cover (see Figure 14.11). Early Kaya cuirasses often incorporated intrinsic design elements suggesting on-demand production for particular chiefly consumers. Yamato cuirasses of the 5c were mass-produced with the only minor variations in shapes of the plates in the horizontal bands. Both styles of cuirass began as thonged plates; these were quickly superseded by riveted plates in Kaya, but riveting was introduced to Yamato only in the 5c by Kaya/ Paekche crafters of horse-riding equipment. With the introduction of Koguryo lamellar armor, the cuirass became passé in Kaya but continued in Yamato. Lamellar armor eventually transformed into the samurai armor that is so well known today. In the late 1940s, one archaeologist postulated that Yamato was conquered by horse-riders from the continent. Much ink has been spilled on this hypothesis,48 but in the end, the material and documentary records do not support it.49 The history of relations among the Pen/Insular polities is much more complicated than simple conquest in terms of population interactions, migrations, prestige goods exchange, and refugee craft production. During the 5c, five Yamato kings petitioned various Chinese courts for titles, while Paekche elite had already received titles of “King of Paekche”, “Commissioner Bearing Credentials,” “Commander-in-Chief of Military Affairs in Paekche” and “General Stabilising the East” from the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317–420).50 The receipt of titles from the dynastic courts was one strategy for bolstering polity status among the competing Pen/Insular states. It was also useful in consolidating power within a state. It can be argued that state formation in the Pen/Insulae was very much enhanced by the authority bestowed upon the leaders by the Chinese courts. Writing The events of the late 4c are told from Koguryo’s point of view in a lengthy inscription on a stele established in 414 near the Kungnaesong capital: the Koguryo accused Yamato of attacking Paekche and Silla without provocation. However, the Yamato–Paekche alliance survived the wars and lasted into the 7c. More importantly, there was a tremendous influx of peoples into Yamato from Paekche and Kaya in the early 5c escaping the devastation of their homelands. An accounting in the 9c of elite clan composition in Japan reveals that This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  355

about 28% had continental roots.51 New crafts from the Peninsula such as stoneware (see Figure 14.5), gold-working, saddle-making, and the manufacture of horse-trappings revolutionized production of elite prestige goods in Yamato. Moreover, the arrival of persons learned in the Chinese language and writing system transformed the nature of Yamato Court rule. Writing in Chinese had been introduced into both Koguryo and Paekche in the late 3c by Buddhist monks proselytizing with scriptures and small statues. Thus from the 4c, though Buddhism as a religion did not become prominent straightaway, the tools of recording and documentation were available. One of the most important aspects of the Paekche–Yamato alliance was the use of Paekche scribes in the late 5c Yamato Court. Many innovations involving writing were carried out, such as organizing production units (using the Paekche territorial designation of bé) according to product, and appointing managers to oversee the supply of those products to the court.52 These managers became the focus of the historic clans that supported the Yamato Court in the 6–7c.

New tombs and art Corridor-chamber tombs The corridor-chamber tomb developed in late Han on the Mainland, from cave tombs that were then lined with bricks (see Figure 12.9). It incorporated a passageway into the tomb that could be sealed but reopened. Its walls could be decorated by painting, sometimes after plastering. Mainland-style corridor-chamber tombs are known from the Lelang commandery region and were adopted by Koguryo and eventually by all other Pen/Insular states (Figure 14.13). Once adopted, this architectural structure transformed behaviors and beliefs relating to burial and the afterlife. That the passage into the tomb could be sealed and reopened facilitated re-use for successive burials. In 7c Yamato, small round mounded tombs, each tomb containing multiple burials, clustered into cemeteries and became the norm among Yamato clansmen. The tomb was a dark space of unknown power; it is hypothesized that this space gave rise to the Japanese concept of yomi, the underworld after death.53 To provide for the deceased in this new conception of the afterlife, stoneware vessels of the Kaya tradition, now manufactured in the Japanese Islands as Sué-ware, were filled with offerings and placed in the tomb.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

356  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 14.13 Corridorchamber tombs in East Asia. Line drawings show plans above and sections below for Silla (left) and Yamato (right) tombs. Paekche corridor-tombs at Pangi-dong, Seoul (photos) and in Silla (lower left) have raised stone beds for holding the coffin. In Yamato, stone coffins shaped like houses came into use in the 5c (lower right). Tuff carved to make the coffins was imported from the central Inland Sea or western Japan Sea region into Yamato. Many elite families instructed stoneworkers in those regions. The hewing of stone blocks was a skill of Paekche immigrants.

Mural tombs The use of large stones and the plastering of walls facilitated the painting of designs inside the chamber tomb. The grandest mural tombs are known from Koguryo, but only 96 of the more than 10,000 tombs attributed to Koguryo have murals.54 Tombs with murals are constructed in the corridor-chamber style, adopted from Mainland traditions. As early as the Wang Mang interregnum, tombs were being built in the Han capital of Luoyang, which replicated architectural features of rooms in stone, including pillars, capitals, lintels, doors and windows.55 The rooms were accessed by corridor entrances much like the brick tombs of similar layout (see Figure 12.9). One such tomb on the Korean Peninsula is Anak #3 Tomb near Pyongyang, the earliest to be painted inside with murals (Figure 14.14). Its four-roomed chamber was covered with a square mound; the stone walls were lacquered before being painted.56 Some scholars believe it to be the burial of a Koguryo king,57 but in fact, one mural inside is a portrait inscribed with the Chinese name of Dong Shou and a death date of 357; thus he must have been a Han émigré who still fulfilled a role in territorial governance in the old commandery region under Koguryo.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  357

Figure 14.14 Koguryo tomb murals

Earth-mounded corridor-chamber tombs became popular from the 5c. The few murals in them can be categorized into four groups: Chinese-style portraits (including of processions of bureaucrats), Koguryo genre paintings, Chinese Directional Deities, and Buddhist motifs. Formal portraits in the Han manner as well as Koguryo genre paintings were popular in the 5c. The genre murals portray activities such as royal hunts and dancers; much can be learned about dress and accoutrements from these paintings, in lieu of copious grave goods. Then in the 6c, Chinese astrological symbols such as the Directional Deities accompanied by flying heavenly maidens and honeysuckle vines replaced earlier images.58 New Buddhist motifs show a different interest in the afterlife. A majority of mural tombs contain some Buddhist images, including heavenly fairies riding dragons and playing musical instruments, floral scrolls, and miscellaneous guardians and beasts. In 1972, a mural tomb called Takamatsu-zuka, dating to the late 7c or early 8c, was discovered in the Asuka district (see Figure 15.8) of the Nara Basin. Decorated with the four Directional Deities and a procession of court ladies, it was originally attributed to Koguryo

Dong Shou (above left, d. 357) is shown under a beribboned canopy flanked by an attendant of smaller proportions to his right. A threetiered hanging tassel is reminiscent of braided decorations used in Korea today.   In the genre painting (above right) of a royal hunt, note the use of the ‘Parthian shot’ – a bowman shooting backward over the flank of his horse. The tunic and baggy pants were horserider clothing adopted from the steppe.   Other painting conventions are the cloud structure above the deer and the rock below. In the 6c, the subject matter of the paintings shifted to the Directional Deities (lower right) and celestial and Buddhist motifs such as lotus flowers (lower left). The corbeled ceilings of the stone chambers facilitated depiction of directions of the heavens and Buddhist paradise.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

358  Archaeology of East Asia

influence. However, after decades of research, it was decided that the murals were more likely painted by artists from the Tang Dynasty where tombs of princesses bore similar murals of court ladies. The dress fashions were identical to Tang and illustrated the degree to which Yamato looked to Tang for its high culture, which transformed the nature of court society in the last century of the mounded tomb culture.

Expansion of Silla and Yamato Silla and Yamato emerged from the periods of mounded tomb cultures to become the exclusive states in the Peninsula and Islands, respectively. Their expansionist policies were radically different in achieving control over their territories. Administrative incorporation by Yamato Whereas the Miwa polity was limited to the southeastern Nara Basin, the Yamato state, which developed in the 5c and was headed by the Kawachi Court, was grander but still limited to the Kinai region – particularly the plains areas of the modern prefectures of Nara, Osaka and Kyoto. In the 5c, under Yamato, the largest tombs in the history of the MTC were built on the Osaka Plains. Daisenvi exceeded all others in size, at 486m long and 33m high, surrounded by three moats and three greenbelts. Thereafter tomb sizes decreased as the nature of the MTC changed yet again. The central Court was balanced by strong chieftains in the Kanto, North Kyushu and San’in regions. Building on the mutual relationships developed among the regional chiefs participating in the mounded tomb culture, the Kawachi Court sought to integrate those chieftains into the Court hierarchy by giving titles to them. Inscribed swords were bestowed on chiefs in Kanto and North Kyushu,59 while the legends of Izumo in the San’in region were incorporated into the developing historical traditions that were later recorded in the Nihon Shoki.60 The Kanto region was a northeastern frontier, where the keyhole tomb tradition continued through the 6c and haniwa became an important visual representation of the ruler’s realm. This area subsequently became the locus of horse-raising and eventually the vi  Daisen and Horaisan Tombs are attributed to the Nintoku and Suinin sovereigns, respectively, but these attributions have been challenged so that archaeologists currently refer to them by these alternative tomb names rather than by the sovereigns’ names.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14. Mounded Tomb Cultures  359

source of the mounted samurai of the medieval period.61 North Kyushu also developed its own variant of the MTC (Figure 14.15), using stone statues instead of haniwa on the tombs. Several ornamented tombs in this area demonstrate the influence of Koguryo mural tombs, though the subject matter and conception were entirely local. Military conquest by Silla Silla, having developed late and operating out of a tiny mountain basin in the southeastern Penninsula, nevertheless became the dominant Peninsular polity – albeit with a little help from its friends on the Mainland, the Tang Dynasty (618–907). Silla took over the coastal Pon-Kaya region in 532 and then conquered Tae-Kaya in the upper Nakdong River valley in 562. This brought Silla into direct contact with Paekche in the west, stimulating construction of many mountain fortresses along the shared boundary. Silla ultimately took over Paekche in 660. Koguryo then represented a formidable enemy to the north, and rather than attack it alone, Silla formed an alliance with the Tang Dynasty to conquer it from two directions, accomplished in 668. Koguryo elite withdrew into the Manchurian Basin, where they formed a new state called Parhae (C. Bohai). Silla’s alliance with Tang coincided with an increasing interest in Tang technology by Yamato. These two new expanded states were ripe for developing different methods of administrative technology,

Figure 14.15 A regional variant of the MTC in Kyushu In opposition to haniwa, a sculptural tradition in stone (left) arose briefly in North Kyushu, where warriors with quivers on their backs were the primary figures. In 527, the Iwai Rebellion, led by the eponymous chieftain in North Kyushu, was quickly suppressed by Yamato. Stone figures were erected on Iwai’s tomb in commemoration. This single instance of military action stands in contrast to a relatively peaceful extension of Yamato power through-out the western archipelago   Also in Kyushu, the 6c ornamented tombs, with paintings on the large boulders used to build the corridor-chambers, illustrate the importance of the horse in addition to weapons and sea communication by boat. The horse-riders wear tunics and pantaloons typical of the steppe cultures in these murals at the Takahara-zuka (upper left) and the Goroyama Tomb (upper right).

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

360  Archaeology of East Asia

urban organization, and elite expression. Along with the adoption of Buddhism, the Tang influences transformed the nature of state rule in the Pen/Insulae – the subject of Chapter 15.

Further reading Barnes, Gina L. (2001) State formation in Korea: historical and archaeological perspectives. Richmond: Curzon/Routledge. Barnes, Gina L. (2007) State formation in Japan: emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. London: Routledge. Barnes, Gina L. (2014) “A hypothesis for Early Kofun rulership.” Japan Review 27: 3–29. Best, Jonathan (2006) A history of the early Korean kingdom of Paekche, together with an annotated translation of the Paekche Annals of the Samguk Sagi. Cambridge, MA: Harvard U. Asia Center. Byington, Mark E. (ed.) (2008) “Reconsidering early Korean history through archaeology.” Special section of Early Korea 1: 13–156. Byington, Mark E. (ed.) (2012) “The rediscovery of Kaya in history and archaeology.” Special section of Early Korea 3: 17–170. Byington, Mark E. (ed.) (forthcoming) The history and archaeology of the Koguryo Kingdom (tentative title). Choi, Jongtaik (2013) “Archaeological evidence of Goguryeo’s southern expansion in the fifth and sixth centuries.” Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 7: 90–104. Dien, Albert E. (2007) Six Dynasties civilization. Yale U. Press. Farris, William Wayne (1998) Sacred texts and buried treasures: issues in the historical archaeology of ancient Japan. U. of Hawaii Press. Chapter 1 (Yamatai) and 2 (Japan-Korea relations). Kidder, J. Edward (1964) Early Japanese art: the great tombs and treasures. Princeton, NJ: D. Van Nostrand. Kidder, J. Edward (2007) Himiko and Japan’s elusive chiefdom of Yamatai: archaeology, history and mythology. U. of Hawai‘i Press. Lee, Hansang (2010) Gold crowns of Silla: treasures from a brilliant age. Seoul: The Korea Foundation. Miki, Fumio (1974) Haniwa. New York: Weatherhill/Shibundo. Mizoguchi, Koji (2013a) The archaeology of Japan: from the earliest rice farming villages to the rise of the state. Cambridge U. Press. (Chapters 7, 8) Northeast Asian History Foundation (ed.) (2007) Special issue: Koguryo and its neighbors: international relations in early Northeast Asia. Journal of Northeast Asian History 4.1. Pearson, Richard; Hutterer, Karl & Barnes, Gina L. (1986) Windows on the Japanese past: studies in archaeology and prehistory. Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, U. of Michigan. (Chapters 7, 19–22)

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:59:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Chapter 15 East Asian Civilization (3–7c AD) Rapid transformations On the Mainland During the periods of mounded tomb cultures in the Pen/Insulae, the Mainland was undergoing rapid political and economic change. Multitudes of states vied for dominance during the Three Kingdoms Six Dynasties period (220–581 AD, including the “Sixteen States”).1 The years 420 to 581 are also called the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties because of the split between huaxia rule in the south and nomadic rule in the north. According to one estimate, 10 million steppe people moved into the northern heartland in the 4–6c.2 Brief unification was attained under the Sui Dynasty (581–618), with a subsequent florescence of culture in the first 150 years of the Tang Dynasty (618–906), often called “China’s Golden Age” due to the material richness and cultural diversity engendered by trade along the multiple Silk Roads (Figure 15.1). From the 4c, Sogdians had been the “principal merchants” for trade between Central Asia and the China Mainland, conducted through the Gansu Corridor.3 Their country of Sogdiana, stretching between the Amu and Syr Rivers,i included such famous trading towns as Samarkand and Bukhara. Sogdian connections to the west brought in Persian, Indian and even Mediterranean objects to be admired, copied and improved upon. In return, Chinese silk along with ceramics, jades, lacquerware, iron objects and bronzes were traded westward. The new capital of Chang’an, built southeast of the old Han Chang’an (see Figure 12.1), served as the capital of both the Sui and Tang Dynasties, though several times for various reasons the Court shifted to the secondary capital of Luoyang, located on the Grand Canal built under the Sui Dynasty. These two capitals became international entrepôts – connecting to the Silk Roads through Central Asia. Merchants and monks from several Central Asian i 

Stretching over parts of today’s Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

362  Archaeology of East Asia

 1 Heijo  2 Fujiwara   3  Dazaifu & Onojo  4 Sokkuram

 5 Kumsong  6 Ungjin  7 Isong  8 Pyongyang

 9 Ordu-Baliq 10 Yungang 11 Pingcheng 12  Xing kilns

13  Luoyang & Longmen Caves 14 Chang’an 15 Mogao

Figure 15.1 The Silk Roads and sites mentioned in the text

Many non-Chinese faces appear in art works of the time, such as this caravanner with a heavy beard depicted in three-color ware with his camel, designed as tomb figurines.

Silk, first transferred westward during the Han Dynasty, was by Tang times being exported from the west back to China along with new weaving techniques. Shown here is a weft-figured brocade of bold, large-patterned design, a newer type of silk weaving than warp-brocade.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  363

countries brought with them not only new ideas and material goods but also entertainments. The capitals were home to several religions including Manicheism and Nestorianism. The imported tradition of Buddhism became dominant, co-existing with Confucianism as the major political philosophy and with Daoism as a “newly constructed intellectual system”.4 Unfortunately, imperial suppression of Buddhism in the mid-9c resulted in the destruction of 4600 temples and 40,000 shrines,5 but most of the losses were in the central regions rather than the northeast, which had escaped Tang control by then.6 Tang was the peak period of Buddhist adherence and influence in China: Buddhism never regained its hold on Chinese society after the persecutions. Despite the prosperous Silk Road trade, the surrounding peoples were not always peacefully engaged with the Sui-Tang dynasties. Records of raids occurring between 599 and 755 identify the perpetrators as Turks, Jihu, Khitan, Qay, Tuyuhun, Tangut, etc.7 The Tang Court had to deal with the Uyghur empire to the north and the Tibetan state in the southwest. Thus, even at the height of East Asian civilization, the northern problem had not been solved. It impinged again on the Mainland in the 13c when Genghis Khan united the Mongolian tribes and his grandson Kublai Khan established the Yuan Dynasty of Mongol control over all of China. Again in the mid-17c, control shifted to the northeastern Manchu, as they established the Qing Dynasty (see Table 0.1b). In the Pen/Insulae All of these changes during the Sui-Tang periods affected the emerging Pen/Insular states. Koguryo reconstituted itself three times, after the defeats by Wei in 244 and the Murong in 341 (see Figure 14.2), and after the temporary defeat by Paekche in 371. After this last incident, King Sosurim of Koguryo adopted Buddhism and rewrote the state laws to incorporate Confucianism – including the establishment of a Confucian Academy. Similarly, after Koguryo forced Paekche out of the Han River basin, King Murong restructured the government and policies while strengthening diplomatic ties to the Liang Dynasty (502–587).8 On the Liang model, Paekche established Buddhism as its state religion and quickly passed it on to Yamato in the mid-6c. In 682, United Silla established a Confucian Academy along with additional reforms derived from Tang. In United Silla particularly, the Confucian concept of loyalty contributed to “a social ethos that would foster national unity”.9 Other innovations were also passed among the Pen/Insular polities. As early as the 2c, Koguryo had a territorial system based on the Han This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

364  Archaeology of East Asia

directional system: four directions and the center, making five bu 部 divisions. This system was adopted into Paekche at its Hansong capital, but at its new Ungjin capital in the 5c, Paekche re-adopted the Chinese directional system with five fang units, relegating the bu units to wards in the capital. The latter unit was introduced into Yamato in the late 5c but was reassigned to occupational groups, now pronounced bé, that supplied the court with tribute goods.10 Silla, in contrast, divided its capital into six pu based on the traditional clan territories but still used the same Chinese character to represent them. Titles and court ranks display a mixture of indigenous and foreign elements. For example, paramounts of all the states periodically applied to the Chinese courts for titles (see Chapter 14) and they all instituted internal ranking systems. Yamato devised the uji–kabane system with the development of the bé,11 but this was replaced by a 12-rank and cap system on Chinese lines in the early 7c. In Silla, the Chinese title wang (king) replaced the indigenous maripkan title in the early 6c; the kolpum bone-rank system, however, was not borrowed from China though its formalization might have been inspired by Chinese ranking systems. Devised in the middle 7c, the kolpum system consisted primarily of the relative ranking within and between descent groups, while accommodating immigrants from China as well as Paekche and Koguryo nobles.12 Descent group according to surname is still a powerful organizing factor in modern South Korean society. Above are the intangibles of socio-political change – more com­ plicated than mentioned here and the fodder of much historical research. Below, we will concentrate on the material correlates of several transformations: in religion, urban planning, territorial administration, land reallocation and taxation and even entertainment. Cumulatively, these tangible and intangible reforms provided the basis of a common East Asian civilization – many aspects of which have endured through the centuries despite several subsequent regime changes and cultural shifts.

Buddhism Buddhism was the first major innovation to spread across East Asia, transforming the Six Dynasties and the mounded tomb cultures of the Pen/Insulae. Back in the Late Han period, the first Buddhist monks had brought the religion to Mainland China via the Silk Road in the company of Bactrian and Indian traders. The early task of monks living in newly established temples was to translate the Sanskrit This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  365

sutras into Chinese. Buddhism had been confined mainly to foreign merchant enclaves in the capital, although there are records of the establishment of Buddhist communities elsewhere and the building of Buddhist temples in palaces of certain emperors and princes. In the late 3c, however, Buddhism suddenly gained favor as a solace to the literati who struggled to survive in those times of extraordinary political turmoil, and rulers themselves adopted the religion. Belief in Buddhism was not exclusively personal: by becoming a patron, a king could promote himself as a cakravartin, a just and benevolent ruler whose reign was based on Buddhist law. Rulers of the successive Jin dynasties (Western 265–316, Eastern 317–420) became patrons of Buddhism, and by the end of the 5c, the existence of almost 8500 temples and more than 100,000 monks and nuns across the land bore witness to a remarkable expansion of religious communities and devotees. During the 4–6c, monks carried religious proselytizing northward into the multitudes of small states, many established by northern ethnic groups such as the Xianbei Toba. Buddhism flourished in the north partly as an “alternative cultural policy” to the Confucian-based courts of the south; monks were often employed as ministers or advisors.13 Buddhist grottoes Patronage of Buddhism by the Northern (Toba) Wei (386–534) is well known through the rock-cut Buddhist caves near their capitals, first the Yungang Caves near their Pingcheng capital and later at the Longmen Caves near Luoyang (Figure 15.2). Donors (indicated through their portraits and inscriptions) included individual members and family groups of the aristocracy and even groups of females – participating as equals with men in the new religion.14 Dunhuang is another famous site of spectacular Buddhist caves. Whereas Yungang and Longmen hold mainly rock sculptures, the Mogao caves at Dunhuang also contain frescoes and sculptures modeled with straw and clay. The Mogao caves also housed a library of sutras and other documents, many of which were brought back to the British Museum by Aurel Stein and are now the subject of intensive research.15 The old Dunhuang commandery area, located at a pivotal point on the Silk Road, became a focus for Buddhist hermitage and patronage in the 4c. Monks carved caves into the cliffs at Mogao, the earliest dedicated in 366.16 Today Mogao boasts 492 surviving caves identified in a 1.5km stretch of cliff dating to the 5–14c. Many have a rectangular floor plan with a central column, modeled after two types of Indian cave temple: one with an anteroom and/or a This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

366  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 15.2 Toba Wei Buddhist sculptures and monuments Both Buddhas shown here exhibit the stiff drapery and straight postures of Wei sculpture with their right hands held in the ‘fear not’ gesture and the left hands in the ‘wish-granting’ gesture (mudras).   Buddhism was the living religion of the Northern (Toba) Wei; the Yungang grottoes were carved when their capital was in the north near Datong City and the Longmen grottoes carved near their later capital at Luoyang (right). These sites favored a type of shallow hemispherical niche, each containing a large central statue. Carving continued at Longmen in the early Tang Dynasty, resulting in a total of 97,300 statues.

Figure 15.3 Tang Buddhism: art and architecture Legend has it that Buddhism was brought to Luoyang by two Indian monks on white horses. The White Horse Temple, founded in their honor in 68 AD, still exists near Luoyang, though rebuilt many times. Originally of wood, its pagoda (upper right) is now made of bricks, dating to 1172. Pagodas nominally contained the ‘relics’ of the historic Buddha, initially pieces of his bones and teeth after cremation; when the supply of these ran out, other valuable items such as jewels and gold were placed in relic boxes, like this silver one (lower right) from Famen Temple in Baoji – an exquisite example of Tang Dynasty silver work, decorated with seated Buddha images. This was one of eight nested boxes, the last of which contained an alleged finger bone of the historical Buddha. Besides Buddha images, bodhisattvas (left) are often depicted, as at the Mogao Caves near Dunhuang. They are noted for their jewelry, marking them as beings who did not enter nirvana upon gaining enlightenment but turned back to help others do so. Note the flowing garments and fluid body posture; these illustrate growing awareness and skill of the Tang artist compared to the earlier stiff figures of the Northern Wei Dynasty in Figure 15.2.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  367

corridor leading into the main chamber, the other with numerous niches or small rooms branching off the main chamber. The caves initially served as places for meditation, but between the 4c and 8c they were decorated with astounding works of art for monetary donors wishing to increase their karma for their next existence. Many of the room-like caves were plastered with clay and brightly painted with murals, which now cover more than 45,000m2 of wall and ceiling space. The frescoes portray individual Buddhist deities (Figure 15.3) or scenes from Buddhist literature. More than 2000 Buddhist figures resided in niches or on pedestals in the caves; constructed with clay modeled over straw-covered wooden frames, they were then painted in brilliant colors. Some of these astonishing figures emerge from the wall in bas-relief and three-quarter life-size sculptures. Pen/Insular Buddhism Because Buddhist motifs appeared in Koguryo by the early 4c, the religion must have been known before the traditional date of 372 for the introduction of Buddhism, when the king of Former Qin (351–394) allegedly dispatched a monk with sutras, small Buddha statues and ritual implements to his Koguryo counterpart to help solidify a political alliance.17 By the early 5c, nine temples had been built around the Pyongyang area.18 Buddhism reached Paekche a few years after Koguryo, introduced in 384 by an Indian monk who had been resident in Eastern Jin (317–420); but the religion was not taken up until the early 6c, after solidification of ties with the Liang Dynasty (502–556) in the southern Mainland. The situations in Silla and Yamato were not so receptive. Buddhism was known in Silla from the early 5c, but early proponents were martyred, possibly because of their Koguryo connections. In the early 6c the first Silla king to practice Buddhism ascended the throne, but the aristocracy strongly resisted this new religion. This pattern was repeated in Yamato. A Paekche king sent Buddhist statues and sutras to his counterpart in Yamato in 538 or 552,19 causing great friction and indeed warfare between those clans of Peninsular descent who wanted to accept the religion and the native ritualist clans who rejected it. But in both Silla and Yamato, Buddhism eventually came to be accepted by the court. In Japan many aristocrats built private temples in their clan territories, while in Silla, early temple-building was a state enterprise. One of the most extraordinary Buddhist monuments is Sokkuram, built in 751 near the United Silla capital of Kumsong. Neither a temple in the ordinary sense nor a rock-cut cave, Sokkuram is built This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

368  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 15.4 Sokkuram Buddhist grotto of United Silla Built like a mounded tomb to resemble a cave temple, Sokkuram is an entirely artificial construct.

like a corridor-chamber earth-mounded tomb but with its interior outfitted like a cave temple (Figure 15.4). Located on the highest point of Silla’s eastern border, overlooking the Eastern (Japan) Sea, it was constructed as protection from marauding ‘pirates’ from the Japanese Islands. Temple excavations Temples in the Pen/Insulae were built on the principles of Tang Dynasty elite architecture, which was also employed for secular buildings (Figure 15.5). The earliest temples were constructed in Koguryo: four have been excavated near Pyongyang, each having two or three buildings surrounding an octagonal pagoda (Figure 15.6).20 The pagoda is the most important building in a Buddhist temple, evolving from the Indian stupa that was designed to contain the remains of the historic Buddha (see BOX 12.1). This octagonal shape was soon superseded by square pagodas, all built of wood, but later constructed of brick or stone in China and Korea (see Figure 15.3). Japan retains the wooden structure today in a case of marginal survival. Asuka-dera, the first temple erected in Japan in 588, followed the Koguryo layout of buildings surrounding a central pagoda, though not copying the octagonal shape (Figure 15.6). In the mid-7c, an axial arrangement of buildings was adopted, as excavated at Kawahara-dera, and the two temple layouts existed together in Asuka.21 A major transformation in state material culture took place as temple building superseded mounded tomb building in all of the Pen/Insular states. This shifted the ritual focus of society, even though mounded tombs continued to be used for imperial burials (as today when the Showa Emperor was buried in 1989). Construction of temples and other elite architecture absorbed many resources; one

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  369

Figure 15.5 The Isong Fortress site of Silla, overlooking the Han River basin Tang elite architecture was used for both administrative and temple buildings. Key elements of this new architecture are ceramic roof tiles, load-bearing pillars, wattle-and-daub wall construction, with foundation platforms and/or foundation stones for pillars. At Isong, such buildings constitute not a temple but a military fort high on a hilltop overlooking the Han River basin. Buildings reconstructed at Isong from these principles (above line drawings) and foundation stone placement (right) include a hexagonal pavilion, following the original Koguryo pagoda structure. A 37m-long building with several bays ostensibly served as an administrative center.

Figure 15.6 Early temples in Pyongyang and Asuka Asuka-dera (center) followed the early Koguryo temple layout known at Chon’gam-ri near Pyongyang (left) except for the change in shape of the central pagoda from octagonal to square. All of these temples were built with a southern main gate, doubled in Asuka. Note that the earlier temples on the left are not oriented to true north, whereas the later Kawahara-dera (right) is. Kawahara-dera, built in Asuka in the late 7c on an axial plan, has one pagoda in the southern compound but set to the right. The corridors were elaborated to incorporate rooms around the northern compound. The main worship halls stood in the southern compounds, while the lecture hall was accompanied by a bell tower and sutra store. The latter buildings were incorporated into the corridor system at Kawahara-dera but stood outside the Asuka-dera compound to the north.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

370  Archaeology of East Asia

unintended consequence was deforestation around capital areas, documented particularly for the Nara and Heian periods in Japan.22 The huge pillars and bracketing systems necessary to support roofs covered with heavy ceramic tiles took their toll on nearby forest resources, and large tree trunks had to be imported to the capital from farther and farther away. Fuel for firing the roof tiles added to this environmental burden.

Law and administration: a Yamato case study Following the unification of the Mainland by the Sui Dynasty in 589, Koguryo did not send the proper tribute to the court, resulting in several attacks by Sui troops between 598 and 614. These military excursions drained the Sui treasury to the extent that the dynasty collapsed. The Tang successors were again drawn into Peninsular affairs when Silla asked for Tang’s help in defeating Koguryo, achieved in 668. The Yamato Court was extremely alarmed by these expansionist activities and feared an invasion from the continent. In the 7c, therefore, they followed their now extinguished allies, the Paekche, in beginning to build mountain fortifications in North Kyushu and the Inland Sea region. The rock walls, such as at the Onojo site overlooking the Korea Strait, are remnants of these fears that after all came to naught. Nonetheless, Yamato rulers realized they must transform Yamato rule to be as strong as Tang and United Silla, leading to what is called the Century of Reform between 589 and 710.23 The first of these reforms was the adoption of Confucianism as the Yamato Court political philosophy. The Confucian Classics and teachings had already been passed to Yamato by Paekche in the early 6c,24 but a 17-article ‘constitution’ that combined Buddhist precepts, Confucian philosophies and kami worshipii was presented in 604 by Prince Shotoku, regent between 574 and 622. Referred to as “Japan’s earliest scholar-statesman and the most important patron of Buddhism of his day”,25 Shotoku incorporated Confucian principles regulating relations between sovereign and subject and established guidelines for good rulership, proper conduct, and harmony in the cosmos. Shotoku’s Seventeen Injunctions were followed by the Taika Reforms, promulgated in 645, designating the sovereign as “the chief patron of Buddhism and continuing as the high priest of kami worship”.26 This laid the foundation for the establishment a Kami can be defined as “unseen deities that reside in awesome things located in particular places” (Brown 1993: 2, ftn 3). They form the basis of the Shinto religion as known later in history. ii 

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  371

century later of a dual political and religious hierarchy. Subsequent proclamations called for the direct control of the land and population by the sovereign, achieved through land surveys and censuses, and promoted means to displace the influence of the old Yamato clans with central appointments as in the Sui-Tang systems.27 New laws for the Tang Dynasty had been written on the Han model and revised several times, remaining in operation until the 14c in China and becoming the basis for early historic law in Korea, Japan and Vietnam.28 In Japan, this was called the Ritsuryo system, deriving from the Tang penal code (律 C. lü, J. ritsu) and Tang administrative law (令 C. ling, J. ryō). Instituted in the late 7c, the Ritsuryo system directed the workings of government from late Kofun through the Nara period into the early Heian period, when it finally broke down in the face of the rise of early samurai culture.29 By the end of the 7c, a new name for the country, employing the characters today read Nihon or Nippon (日本), superseded both Wa and Yamato (though the latter is still in poetic use). At the same time, the title of Tenno (天皇 ‘heavenly sovereign’) based on Chinese examples superseded the native word for ‘king’.30 From this time onward, we can talk about Japan, the Japanese, and the Emperor without being anachronistic (just as the Qin Dynasty unification of the Mainland in 221 BC allows the use of ‘China’ thereafter). These two changes at the Yamato Court mark the emergence of the Japanese state as an equal to Tang in diplomatic circles. Furthermore, the voluntary and fairly systematic overhauling of the Yamato state system in the face of military threat in the 7c can be compared with the situation in the mid-19c as Japan was forced to open itself to the West. Examining how such changes were instituted provides important case studies for state formation despite the rarity of similar instances worldwide.

Territorial control Gridded cities The gridded city in East Asia has a deep history going back to the conquest of Central Asia by Alexander the Great in the late 4c BC;31 many of the newly founded cities even in Central Asia (not to mention Egypt) were named Alexandria. The first gridded city on the China Mainland was the Northern (Toba) Wei capital of Luoyang after the Toba reconstructed it in 494.32 The Sui capital at Chang’an employed this pattern, and the same site was utilized by the Tang as their primary capital. Tang Chang’an covered 84km2 with the inner city palace area alone occupying 9km2.33 The city grid was formed

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

372  Archaeology of East Asia Figure 15.7 Kumsong capital of Silla. The capital was first limited to Panwol-song fortress at river’s edge and the royal cemetery; it then expanded to a gridded city that encompassed a palace, the Hwangnyong Temple complete with Anapchi Pond (with reconstructed pavilion, upper right) and a ninestory wooden pagoda (lower right model) – the latter built under the direction of a Paekche architect.

by 11 north–south avenues and 14 east–west avenues, making 130 wards.34 The palace was located at the north on the central axis, with markets symmetrically positioned in the western and eastern halves. In the 7c, Silla made attempts to model Kumsong on the Tang pattern and Yamato established a gridded capital at Fujiwara, though with problems arising: at Kumsong, the northeastern corner of the grid lay in marshes, while at Fujiwara the Asuka River valley where it was situated was too confining. Excavations at Kumsong revealed several huge stone-footed building layouts, a garden pond named Anapchi, and numerous pavilions associated with the royal palace (Figure 15.7). However, “there is little conclusive archaeological evidence that the Silla capital was a planned city” with gridded avenues.35 Nevertheless, the capital was no longer confined to the walled Panwol-song and the whole alluvial fan was claimed for the urban site. Objects excavated from

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  373

Anapchi, being a waterlogged site, yielded many organic objects in addition to ceramics and metals, providing a vivid picture of life in the palace with wooden dice, Buddhist images, gilt-bronze scissors, stoneware pottery, roof tiles and more. In Yamato, nine of the latest palaces of Yamato paramounts prior to the construction of the Fujiwara capital were located in the small confines of the Asuka valley in the southern Nara Basin. Excavations at five of these sites reveal that they were built in the indigenous architectural style with unfooted embedded pillars and thatched or shingled roofs. However, a new architectural use of stone is seen at these sites: paved plumbing facilities included stone-lined ditches,

Figure 15.8 Ritsuryo-period Nara Basin, showing the Fujiwara and Heijo palace sites A new road system connected these sites and led out of the basin. Important temples were Horyuji and Todaiji. The basin is divided into early counties following the distribution of Yamato clan territories. When the capital was moved from Fujiwara to Heijo, many buildings were disassembled, transported north and rebuilt. Asuka-style roof tiles (below) found at Heijo are evidence of this economy of materials. New styles of roof tile (above) were eventually fired at Heijo, leading to multitudes of design types being excavated from the Heijo capital.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

374  Archaeology of East Asia

eave catchments, and well surrounds. These features were probably borrowed from the architecture of temples, which were being built in Asuka at that time by Paekche artisans. The Fujiwara capital, completed in 694 (Figure 15.8), was carefully positioned according to Chinese geomantic principles between three landmark peaks, limiting the space available. The palace of 1km2 containing numerous ministerial offices, ceremonial halls and the imperial residence was fully accommodated in this area, but there was not enough room for the capital city. Thus after only 16 years Fujiwara yielded to a new capital built in the northern Nara Basin in 710; many of the Fujiwara buildings were dismantled and their pillars and roof tiles taken north to reconstruct them at the new capital, named Heijo but often called Nara. Heijo served as the capital from 710 to 784 before the capital was moved to the Kyoto Basin for the last ten years of the Nara period (710–794). Provincial systems Chang’an was capital to the nested prefecture (州 zhou) and district (縣 xian) system of territorial administration which was regularized after 630.36 The prefectures were grouped into 15 ‘circuits’ (道 dao) connected by trunk roads. After a major rebellion in 756–763, 43 military commanderies were instituted in various regions.37 This system was variably reproduced in the Pen/Insular polities. In 7c Yamato, the regional leaders had been incorporated into the court and their areas of jurisdiction formalized as provinces (kuni, using the old guo character 國); counties and villages thus gave the province three levels of governance, increased to four levels in 715 with the intermediate addition of a township. With new provincial capitals built in the 8c, local magnates were displaced by appointee governors from the center in an attempt to counter local power bases. There were five home counties (called the Kinai); farther afield, the capital of Heijo was linked to the other newly established provincial capitals by trunk roads, following the Tang pattern of ‘circuits’. The trunk roads (道 do) remained the main arteries through the Japanese Islands (with railways following them, too) until motorway construction in the 1970s. The names bequeathed to the different regions – especially Hokuriku, Tokai, San’in and San’yo – are still used as geographical locators today, though they have no administrative function (Figure 15.9). In 742, the emperor decreed that each provincial capital should have a Buddhist monastery and a nunnery attached to it; these were controlled by the Todaiji temple built east of the Heijo palace. Thus the Nara state had dual hierarchies of political and religious control throughout the realm. This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Figure 15.9 The Nara capital of Heijo and the trunk road system passing through provincial capitals

From the southern Suzaku Gate (left and photo, leftmost), the long Scarlet Phoenix boulevard led to the palace in the north, housing the main administrative hall, the Daigokuden (photo, rightmost). Both structures have been recreated on their original sites.

15. East Asian Civilization  375

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

376  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 15.10 United Silla and Parhae at their zeniths Among Parhae’s regional capitals, the Upper Capital was foremost. Silla’s nine provinces each had a provincial capital (open circles). The main capital at Kumsong also oversaw another five regional capitals (lower filled circles). Note that the United Silla/Parhae border ran south of the Taedong River, almost mirroring the division between north and south today.

Administration of the Nara state gradually faded into the Tohoku frontier. The Nara courtiers referred to those people in the north residing outside their jurisdiction as emishi – an administrative term rather than an ethononym. The northerners continued hunting, gathering, and cultivating rice and millet in line with their Yayoi and Kofun predecessors. The Nara Court extended the northern frontier by building fortresses, beginning in the 640s, with Tagajo the main outpost (see Figure 15.9). Excavations at Tagajo demonstrate that it followed the urban plan of a rectangular fortification 800 × 1000m containing a foundation platform, with foundation stones for pillars of an administrative building, roof tiles, and a temple.38 The emishi (later called Ezo) were gradually absorbed in to the administrative systems of the Nara and the succeeding Heian Court (794–1182). In the west, a facility called Dazaifu opened in 663 in the old continental gateway area of North Kyushu. Its function was to regulate contact and welcome envoys from the continent, but it also served as a reminder of the quelling of the Iwai rebellion by a local chieftain by Yamato forces in 527. One realizes from this geography that although the Japanese state existed at least from the 5c, it could initially claim only the Kinai area and only incrementally added to itself over long expanses of time in what might be called Japan’s ‘manifest destiny’ to control the whole archipelago. Okinawa was an independent kingdom until the 17c, and Hokkaido was not integrated until the 19c. Meanwhile, on the Peninsula, United Silla had a clear boundary separating it from the Parhae state, established by the vanquished Koguryo after defeat by Silla in 668 (Figure 15.10). Below the Taedong River, United Silla established nine provinces with new provincial capitals plus another five regional capitals from which to exercise control over these provinces. The number nine derives from the legendary nine prefectures (州) mentioned in the problematic Late Zhou text, the Shangshu, rather than Tang,39 but Chinese influence is there nonetheless. The Upper Capital of Parhae, located in the far north, was joined by four regional capitals farther south (Figure 15.10).

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  377

A new field system Another administrative act that had clear material effects on the landscape was the land allocation system. In China, the ‘equal field’ system was devised by the Northern Wei Dynasty and inherited by Sui-Tang, but it collapsed after the mid-8c rebellion.40 In Japan, the grid system that has become known as the jori system from the combination of rows (jō) and columns (ri) was applied not only to the urban capital but also to agricultural land (Figure 15.11). Of course, establishing this grid involved massive land surveys and Figure 15.11 The jori system of land allocation under the Ritsuryo system This ‘checkerboard’ field system defined the landscape for wet-rice agriculture throughout subsequent history until the 1970s when field sizes began to be increased for machinery access. It also affects archaeology in Japan, as the pre-jori landscape was essentially sealed underneath this new field system and is not accessible from the surface in terms of site locations and artifact scatters. The jori system was instituted in two stages, oriented in different directions (as discovered in Osaka, left). Early field orientation is to the northwest and in this case follows an old road (bold) on its eastern side. On each side of this old orientation are newer fields oriented directly north–south. The natural river courses (single lines) had been later canalized (double lines) to avoid the earlier Kofun-period tombs.   The basic unit was a tsubo (below left, hatched), which had an address according to the row (jo) and column (ri) numbers. A tsubo measured approximately 1ha and could be divided into tan (center and right, stippled). The tan was the unit allocated to adults – that is, everyone six years old and up. Males received 2 tan, females only 1.33 tan. This was the amount of land deemed sufficient to grow enough rice for a year’s supply per individual.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

378  Archaeology of East Asia

Figure 15.12 Writing table and equipment at Heijo The Sué-ware inkstand and water bottle (upper left) facilitated the grinding of ink. Brushes were used for writing and were carried in a wooden case (upper right). An iron-bladed knife used to shave off the tablet surface lies across a modern tablet with shavings below it. In the upper center are two wooden seals, one ancient and one a modern reconstruction – the ultimate administrative artifacts. The wooden tablets were wet-preserved in wells and ditches where they had been discarded. Transport tags, love letters, promotion evaluations, work schedules and practice calligraphy have all been recovered.

reconstruction of paddy fields in accordance with the grid orientation – activities carried out over several decades. The field division into tan units provided the basis for allocation to individual adults – the tracking of which required not only an initial census but also adjustments for births, deaths and field abandonment. Several accommodations were made in applying the Sui-Tang equal field system to Japan – for example, females were not allocated land during Tang times but in Japan they were.41 One anomaly in the system carried over from China allowed nobility, aristocrats, administrators and religious organizations to amass land to the detriment of the system.42 Land abandoned by peasants under force, disease, or tax burdens led to its confiscation by large manors (in China) or absorption of the labor (in Japan) by tax-free entities such as temples, thus depriving the central government in both cases of revenue. In Japan, the smallpox epidemic of the mid-8c caused a reduction in population hence taxes; to counter land abandonment, the Ritsuryo law was changed to allow private landholding in perpetuity,43 one of the factors leading to the collapse of the Ritsuryo system and the rise of the manorial shoen system of the late Heian and Medieval periods (see Table 0.1b). Taxation Three kinds of taxes were levied on the populace: grain, goods, and labor. In the Sui-Tang system, grain taxes were due according to field allocation, but this did not hold in Yamato.44 Further differences are noted:45 all grain taxes were shipped to the Tang capital, whereas most grain tax in Japan was held in provincial storehouses for emergencies (Figure 15.13). Goods tax was mainly paid in cloth in China, but in Japan, the traditional tribute submissions of local products under the bé system were converted into taxes. It has been argued that the ‘adoption’ of the Tang tax system was merely a relabeling of practices already carried out by the Yamato Court.46 In sum, rice was brought in mainly from the home counties (Kinai), but fish, salt, iron, shellfish, seaweed, etc., were brought in from the Inland Sea region, San’yo, and Tokai along the established trunk roads. We know of these goods because of the multitude of

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  379

wooden tablets, including transport tags, recovered from excavations at hundreds of sites throughout the archipelago but mostly from Nara (Figure 15.12).47 Similar wooden tablets have been recovered from Anapchi Pond at Silla’s Kumsong capital (see Figure 15.7) and the Dunhuang sites – where respectively either waterlogged or arid conditions prevailed. It is interesting that in the Ritsuryo system, the provincial governor was not the one responsible for collecting taxes – it was the county administrator, often a local magnate. This must have been a corollary of central appointments of governorship in attempts to prevent them from building up local power bases. County seats were newly built on the grid model and supplied with an administrative center and storehouses in which to collect the tax goods (Figure 15.13). Figure 15.13 Tax storage facilities

A model of an excavated county seat (above) demonstrates the traditional post-hole archaeology of Japan, as no buildings in this provincial outpost had foundation platforms or stones but pillars were embedded directly in the ground. At least one storehouse (arrow) had subfloor pillars to support its heavy load, as known from the Fujiwara capital (left two, below).

County heads were responsible for collecting taxes and sending them to the Heijo capital. Storehouses in the new county seats also held grain in buildings resembling Yayoi granaries. These raised buildings with board walls evolved into the early shrine in the 5c in the archipelago, now seen in the Grand Ise Shrine.

The granary, developed from Yayoi times, served as the model for the first Shinto shrines, constructed from the 5c in competition with Buddhist temple-building. The structure of shrine buildings at the Grand Ise Shrine (right two, above) generally follows that of the granary cum storehouse with the addition of large end pillars to support the cedar shingle roof and extra decorations at the ends and along the ridgepole. Note that the door of the shrine building is in the long side, whereas the granary was entered from the short side, both by ladders since the floors were raised off the ground to protect the contents.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

380  Archaeology of East Asia

Technological developments With enormous numbers of new objects and ideas flowing in from different regions, it is not surprising to see significant changes in East Asian material culture. The additions of Buddhist architecture and sculpture have already been mentioned above, but major developments also occurred in metalwork, ceramics, and other materials (Figure 15.14). Silver was known and used from Zhou times in inlay (see Figure 10.8), but in Tang it became extremely popular as a medium for making new vessel shapes, particularly boxes (see Figure 15.3) and serving dishes having lobate edges. Silver repoussé and chasing technologies were initially imported from the west, but the Tang period saw a shift away from relief ornamentation produced by repoussé to linear chased design.48 Another emergent technology was mother-of-pearl (nacre) inlay. Known from Shang and Zhou times, it achieved perfection in the Tang.49 Metals, lacquerware and wood were all inlaid – not only with mother-of-pearl but also with amber (see Figure 15.14, mirror, lower left). Turbo shells that provided nacre to Tang craftspeople were supplied from Okinawa through a trade network that involved Dazaifu in North Kyushu.50 Ceramics generally experienced a novel development of glazes, though Silla ware moved only from combed design to stamped design stoneware (Figure 15.14, lower right). Low-fired lead-glazed wares with a light green (from copper) or brown (from iron) sheen were deposited in Han tombs (see Figure 12.6). During the Six Dynasties period (220–589), northern kaolinic clays were rediscovered (first used for Longshan and Shang whitewares, see BOX 9.1) but decorated with oxidized lime glazes or lead glazes.51 It was the latter that gave rise to three-color ware in the Tang. These low-fired burial wares, often made in molds, had three lead glazes applied, one containing copper (turning green), one containing iron (turning yellow-brown) and one colorless glaze that allows the cream-colored ceramic body to show through. Together, these colors – green, brown and cream – came to define three-color wares (C. sancai, J. sansai). With a blue color produced by the addition of cobalt, some wares actually bore four colors. Finely molded tomb figurines of humans and animals (as seen in Figure 15.1), vessels, and even ceramic pillows bore these sumptuous lead-glazes (Figure 15.14, upper left). Green-glazed roof tiles for palaces first appeared in the Northern Wei Pingcheng capital,52 were used by the Sui and Tang, and were even found on the East Precinct buildings of the Heijo Palace in Nara.53 Even more than three-color ware, the real achievement in Tang

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  381

was the production of porcelain, called so by Marco Polo because the color reminded him of a cowrie shell named porcelino “because it looked like a little pig”.54 How then to define porcelain? Even the experts lack a clear answer, but the earliest porcelain manufacture is assigned to Northern Qi (550–577).55 It began by using porcelaneous stoneware clay covered with a white slip and a clear glaze (Figure 15.14 upper right).56 At least 28 kilns northwest of Anyang produced this new ware, Xing porcelain, from Northern Wei through Tang; Xing ware was succeeded by white Ding ware in the Song Dynasty (960–1279). The porcelain industry in the southern Mainland – what we usually think of as Jingdezhen porcelain – did not develop until the early 10c. Yet another ceramic emerged in the 6c and became a great Tang export: celadon (now often just called greenware). Like porcelain, the name is also Western, said to derive from the gray-green color of clothing worn by the shepherd Céledon in a 17c French romantic play.57 As such, the ceramics that belong to this category

Figure 15.14 Technical advances in 7–8c East Asia See text for descriptions.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

382  Archaeology of East Asia

are negotiable, but they can generally be defined as gray-bodied stoneware bearing iron glazes that range from olive to light green to yellow-brown. First developed in the north and fired in kilns northeast of Chang’an during Tang, production was taken up with gusto in the 11c in the hinterlands west of ports of trade on the southeastern and southern Mainland coasts.58 Trade ceramics are an important part of historic archaeology in East Asia: interaction between different countries can be tracked by the pottery produced and exported.59

Cosmopolitan lifestyles

Figure 15.15 Tang fashions and various entertainments at Heijo

The East Asian capitals of the 6–8c were centers of high culture: poetry and literature flourished, and a variety of entertainment was to be had. Our best examples come from the Heijo capital and the 7c Imperial Storehouse, the Shosoin, located on the grounds of the Todaji Temple – still there today (Figure 15.15). The Shosoin collection consists of the treasures of Emperor Shomu (now held in a new environmentally controlled concrete building). Shomu (r. 724– 749), who ordered the construction of Buddhist establishments in the provinces with one becoming the later known Todaiji, also had

The Shosoin storehouse (top) held more than 9000 items including the 8-lobed mirror of Figure 15.14. Re-created at the Heijo site museum are other Nara-period luxuries: Persian carpets, board games including go – still popular today – and an early zither. Tang dress was fashionable at the court as was an imported game resembling croquet.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

15. East Asian Civilization  383

the Great Buddha cast, melting down all the bronze mirrors of the court ladies. He received many diplomatic gifts from Tang, some of which had made their way across Eurasia on the Silk Road to the end of the Earth at Heijo. When Shomu passed away in 756, his widow donated his collection to Todaiji for curation in one of their storehouses, later known as the Shosoin. Every autumn, the Nara National Museum exhibits a selection of goods from the Shosoin collection; viewing them is one way to experience for oneself the glories of the ‘Golden Age’ of East Asian Civilization.

Further reading Barnes, Gina L. (ed.) (1995a) Buddhist archaeology. World Archaeology 27.2, special issue. Bechert, Heinz & Gombrich, Richard (1984) The world of Buddhism. London: Thames & Hudson. Farris, William Wayne (1998) Sacred texts and buried treasures: issues in the historical archaeology of ancient Japan. U. of Hawaii Press. Chapter 3 (Capitals) and 4 (Wooden tablets). Juliano, Annette (2012) Unearthed: recent archaeological discoveries from northern China. Yale U. Press distribution. Kidder, J. Edward (1972) Early Buddhist Japan. London: Thames & Hudson. Lee, Soyoung & Leidy, Denis Patry (2013) Silla: Korea’s golden kingdom. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Lewis, Mark Edward (2009) China’s cosmopolitan empire: the Tang Dynasty. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Mair, Victor H. & Hickman, Jane (eds.) (2014) Reconfiguring the Silk Road: new research on East-West exchange in antiquity. Philadelphia: U. Pennsylvania Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology. McCallum, Donald F. (2013) The four great temples: Buddhist archaeology, architecture, and icons of seventh-century Japan. U. of Hawai‘i Press. NEAHF (ed.) (2012) A new history of Parhae. London: Global Oriental. Otsu, Toru (ed.) (2010) Studies on the Ritsuryō system of ancient Japan: in comparison with the T’ang. Special issue of Acta Asiatica, vol. 99. Piggott, Joan R. (1997) The emergence of Japanese kingship. Stanford U. Press. Skaff, Jonathan Karam (2012) Sui-Tang China and its Turko-Mongol neighbors: culture, power, and connections, 580–800. Oxford U. Press. Tsuboi, Kiyotari & Tanaka, Migaku (1991) The historic city of Nara: an archaeological approach. Paris & Tokyo: UNESCO and The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. Wang, Zheping (2013) Tang China in multi-polar Asia: a history of diplomacy and war. U. of Hawai’i Press.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.230 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:57:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Chapter 16 Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World Why study East Asian archaeology? Some people wonder what the purpose is of studying ancient, dead civilizations. My answer is that they are not dead but manifest themselves in interesting, sometimes predictable, or often surprising ways in the world today. To ignore them is to miss or misunderstand a large part of the behavior, attitudes and practices of the current inhabitants of those ancient countries – some of which go back centuries if not millennia. In this Epilogue, I wish to draw attention to some of the ways ancient societies are still exerting clear and sometimes very important influence on the present socio-political milieu. Meanwhile it is important to note that history can be either used or abused by modern entities, and I wish to quote these wise words:1



A historian is a poor guide to suggesting policy options, let alone predicting the future. But history can help in two ways: first, by pointing to analogous situations in the past and indicating how things worked or did not work out, and second, by suggesting in what ways the current situation is different from the past so as to caution against too facile generalizations about the challenges of the contemporary world.

The rise of civilization in East Asia was completed in the 8c, with shared administrative organization, urban planning, Buddhist religion, and Confucian political philosophy in place in all three East Asian states: Tang, United Silla, and Nara. These were all tertiary states, deriving much of their heritage from the several states that came before them. In their own ways, however, they were individually unique, and it is certainly the case that the Pen/ Insular forerunners, Silla and Yamato, were not derivative of the Mainland states despite having a useful familiarity with those highly organized political systems. Those earlier states matured at a time when Mainland influence in the region was on the wane and the major foe was Koguryo. Silla and Yamato developed in areas farthest from the Chinese courts, within a context of peer polity interaction;2 This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

16. Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World  385

their internal organizations mirrored each other but varied in the details. These facts suggest that the hierarchical systems of these early states represent local solutions with their own creative (rather than externally imposed) choice of rulership components. The choices of the Silla and Yamato rulers to borrow from Tang China were voluntary, though indeed a fear of Tang conquest of Silla (after Tang’s help in eradicating Koguryo) and a fear of Silla conquest of Yamato (by continuing unification warfare) fueled these choices. While United Silla imposed its systems on conquered territories, Yamato’s courtiers managed to carry out reforms without a preceding military conquest. These different ways of instituting change are instructive lessons for us today. Of course, many things have changed in the intervening centuries, but the above aspects of East Asian civilization live on. Thus, knowledge of the formation of and historic participation in the various realms of that civilization help us understand what is happening today among the five relevant states: China, Taiwan, the two Koreas and Japan.

Sharing of religious philosophies The Tang Dynasty is often called the “classical period of Buddhism in China”; many schools of Buddhist thought and practice flourished, though only two remain influential in China today: Pure Land and Chan (Zen).3 Several new religions or ‘quasi-religions’ have emerged in China – most notably Falun Gong, created in 1992;4 it is based on the Buddhist Wheel of the Law (C. falun; dharmachakra in Sanskrit) but incorporates many other tenets and philosophies. Several traditional schools of Buddhism survived in Japan, and new ones were devised. One interesting example is Nichiren Shoshu: arising in the 13c, as recently as 1930 it spawned a lay group, the Soka Gakkai, which subsequently became independent and formed its own political party, Komeito – the third largest political party in Japan. Obviously, Buddhist philosophy is a powerful force today in Japan and remains so on a personal level as well. Serious believers or not, families maintain their household registers at Buddhist temples, and most ceremonies surrounding death, burial and memorials are carried out by Buddhist priests. Buddhism in the Koreas is a minor but still important presence. In the North, Buddhists are described as “the most active and powerful” among religious groups.5 In South Korea, according to the 2005 census (to be retaken in 2015), about 23% of the population claim to be Buddhist, 29% are Christian, and 46% are undeclared. But defining oneself as a believing Buddhist and taking part in Buddhist celebrations are different6 – the latter probably involving a lot of the This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

386  Archaeology of East Asia

undeclared 46%. Countryside temples are some of the most ancient and nostalgic tourist destinations, and the Buddha’s Birthday is a popular celebration. It is difficult to tell whether young people are shunning the religion because of scandals and perceived irrelevance or turning to it in times of capitalist excess – the 2015 census should be revealing. Regardless, the religion is alive and well in South Korea. Confucianism is not a religion but a political philosophy based on the teachings of the historic Master Kong (Kong Fuzi, full name Kong Qiu) and the classic Confucian Analects. It was part of court culture rather than popular practice, but some tenets of Confucianism – such as filial piety and ‘a man cannot serve two masters’ – were widely adopted and indeed still play a part in modern East Asian social relations. Neo-Confucianism, a rationalist philosophy incorporating some Daoist and Buddhist concepts, was first formulated in the Tang Dynasty but reached prominence later in history. In both pre-modern Japan and Korea, Neo-Confucianism was adopted as the main political ideology and ethical order in the Tokugawa regime and Choson Dynasty, respectively. However, the Confucian principle of filial piety, in terms of caring for one’s parents in old age, is becoming increasingly difficult in South Korea and Japan in an age of growing indifference by younger generations. Virtually half of the over-65s in South Korea live below the poverty line; support by children accounted for 72% of elderly income in 1980 but dropped to 31% in 20037 – and is probably even lower now. In Japan, the poverty rate of the elderly in 2009 was nothing like South Korea’s (at only 9.8%), but the number of elderly living with children decreased dramatically between 1986 (47%) and 2010 (18%).8 Changes in family structure, divorce, limited urban housing, and selfishness all contribute to the destruction of Confucian family values, with welfare cuts added on top. It has been argued that (Neo-)Confucianism was ill suited to Japan as a nation of warriors,9 even though the samurai-scholar reluctantly conformed to the Confucian model of scholar-statesman. The tradition of education and exams may be the strongest Confucian legacy in modern Japan. Seemingly conforming to Western institutional organization, universities in particular embody the respectful relationship between teacher and student. However, the Confucian practices of rote memorization of the Classics and never challenging or even questioning the teacher have led to the suppression of creative thinking. Creativity and innovation have garnered special government promotion in the 2000s in order to overcome the negative aspects of traditional education.10 Despite the economic situations with families, Confucianism as an organized entity has never died out in South Korea; ceremonies This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

16. Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World  387

paying respects to one’s ancestors, a Confucian rite, are carried out in non-Christian households across the land twice or even four times a year. In 2009, a worldwide conference for young Confucianists (in traditional dress) titled “The Future is Confucian” was held by the Advanced Center for Korean Studies (ACKS). Established in 1995, ACKS undertook the “development of a comprehensive database on Confucian culture and provided search services” [sic].11 In 2006, it opened the Confucian Culture Museum and added 50,000 woodblocks for printing Confucian texts to its collection. The following year, it opened a Cultural Center, and then in 2008, arranged a degree course with Andong University to train translators of ancient Korean classics into modern Korean. With more than 220,000 ancient books and almost 200,000 ancient documents being conserved in its collections, it certainly is an important repository for a little practiced tradition in the modern world. One prominent scholar asserts that “because the Korean weltanschauung is still dominated by Confucian concepts of filial piety, loyalty, formal propriety and the value of education, Korean society may yet be called a Confucian society.”12 To back up his claim, he describes how court and household Confucian rites are still pervasive within the Korean ritual cycle. Though discredited in the Cultural Revolution between 1959 and 1972, the idea of Confucianism has been grasped by 21c politicians in the People’s Republic of China as a tool for spreading the (good) word about modern China – hence the initiative from 2004 to help fund the establishment of Confucius Institutes at universities around the world. As of the year 2014, 480 Institutes had been created, with a goal of 1000 by 2020.13

Friction dating to earlier times Even in the period of early states, there were constantly shifting alliances and warfare. Four states now dominate the region, but despite these state umbrellas, local interests still tug at the political fabric. Within states, local historical and cultural affinities may be suppressed or, conversely, celebrated in the name of unity. Between states, rival claims to territories are still with us. Two particular problems stemming from the early state relations, discussed below, are The Northeast Asian History Project and the relations of Wa/Yamato with the southern Korean Peninsula, while the difficulties with Tibet and Xinjiang are just a few of the modern frictions that have deep cultural roots. Moreover, in all three East Asian countries, we can see throughout prehistory that there were considerable differences between northern and southern cultures, and that on the Mainland This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

388  Archaeology of East Asia

the west has often formed an independent region. These patterns underlie whatever unity is desired or has been achieved so far, and it is not impossible to think that such divisions might continue or reappear in the future. It is not possible to understand the current situation without an understanding of these histories, and history teaches us to be flexible because the status quo never remains as such. Three issues from the 4c to 6c still impact modern nation-state relations: 1) Mimana in the southeastern Peninsula, 2) keyhole tombs in the far southwestern Peninsula, and 3) Koguryo’s vast territorial spread. The problem with Mimana Mimana is portrayed in the Nihon Shoki as a Yamato ‘colony’ in the Kaya area in the 4c; although some elite objects found in Kaya tombs came from Yamato in conjunction with the iron trade (see Figure 14.5), they do not add up to a ‘colony’. In the late 5c, Yamato maintained relations with Tae-Kaya while the latter struggled to assert itself in the face of Paekche on the west and Silla on the east. Kyushu-type tombs that appeared in the coastal Kaya region and in the southwestern Peninsula in the early 6c are interpreted as belonging to Wa troops brought over specifically by Peninsular groups to help maintain their territories.14 By the late 6c, there was an institution anachronistically named in the Nihon Shoki as Nihonfu (Japan headquarters) but originally termed Wafu.15 Scholars agree that it was “a military or diplomatic office rather than…a political administration” located in Alla-Kaya;16 but they disagree about its affiliation: with Kaya, Paekche or Yamato (Wa). Notably, Paekche descendants from Yamato were responsible for regulating exchanges of information and goods across the straits during the late years of the Paekche–Yamato alliance.17 The alleged existence of Mimana is often said to have been used to justify Japan’s annexation of the Peninsula in the early 20c.18 And the latter still imbues political relationships with bitterness, despite the once friendly alliance between Paekche and Wa. Keyhole tombs in Korea As for the keyhole tombs in the southwest Peninsula, there are two kinds: those that in both shape and construction technique are indistinguishable from tombs seen in Kyushu, and those that diverge in various ways. These tombs indicate communications between Kyushu rulers and the southwestern part of Mahan (one of the Samhan divisions). Some archaeologists maintain that these This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

16. Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World  389

tombs were built at the invitation of Paekche,19 but the southwestern Peninsula was not incorporated into Paekche until the mid-6c, after which the keyhole tombs disappeared.20 If Yamato maintained a port of trade for obtaining iron in the 5c in the southeast, and if Kyushu magnates maintained relations with southwestern chieftains, this might explain why a Yamato king petitioned the Liu Song Court (420–479) in the southern Mainland, asking that he be confirmed as “Generalissimo Who Maintains Peace in the East Commanding with Battle-Axe All Military Affairs in the Six Countries of Wa, Paekche, Silla, Imna, Chin-han, and Mok-han”,21 naming Imna (Kaya), Chin-han (southeast) and Mok-han (southwest) separately from Paekche and Silla. The Liu Song Court nevertheless responded by granting him only the titles of “King of Wa” and “General Who Maintains Peace in the East”.22 Again, what we are seeing here are politcal arrangements that are completely at odds with modern state boundaries and cannot be judged according to them. Koguryo split between two states Between 2002 and 2007, the PRC sponsored a Northeastern Prehistory Project carried out under the CASS umbrella. It was stimulated by the prospect of Korean unification and by worries about the resulting status of the resident Chinese-Korean population in the northeastern province of Heilongjiang (and its ramifications among other national minorities). Defensive measures involved claiming the Koguryo peoples and state of the early 1m BC as belonging to Chinese history, rather than to Korean history as had been taught in Chinese schools up until the mid-1980s.23 This, of course, alarmed Korea’s scholars and general public,24 many of whom in return began treating Manchuria (much of which belonged to 6c Koguryo) as part of Korean history. The confrontation abated somewhat in the late 2000s – but not before it became a worldwide issue in 2004 when the PRC and the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea submitted competing applications for Koguryo cultural materials to be listed with UNESCO. Three Koguryo cities and five tombs in Liaoning and Jilin provinces were inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List for the PRC, and 30 or so Koguryo tombs in Pyongyang were inscribed for North Korea. In all of the recommendations and decision documents, the two countries were urged by UNESCO to work together in the future for joint, transboundary nominations of Koguryo culture.25

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

390  Archaeology of East Asia

The importance of national heritage Present-day emphasis on national heritage can be seen as one way that the current nation-states try to counter the cyclical rise and fall of states that we have seen occur particularly on the China Mainland and the Korean Peninsula. It is also a way to integrate the many peoples making up the citizenry today who originally belonged to separate ethnic groups, religious groups, and indeed even separate states. Using this concept of national unity to promote the national culture, however, may lead into the traps of claiming “the greatest” or “the first” of anything or simply thinking “ours is the best”.26 Instead, if citizens “can now acknowledge the very basic fact that just as our culture and history are important, so are the culture and history of other countries”, this would be a very positive step.27 This statement surely can apply to any of the East Asian countries. While recognizing the unique aspects of national cultures and savoring them for their diversity, we must also recognize that the East Asian countries share many values and attitudes that differ from those in the West. It is the shared East Asian elements rather than culturally unique elements that I wish to comment upon here. The role of the state in protecting cultural properties is very strong in East Asia. All three nation-states have laws that extend state ownership over buried cultural properties, and the governments actively intervene to protect, maintain and utilize cultural properties in their national lifestyles. What began as a reaction to the destruction of cultural properties in the late 19c and 20c has become very involved proaction by the governments. The fact that landowners do not own the cultural properties therein dramatically expands the need for archaeological activity in these countries. Private ownership of objects (discounting heirlooms) or sites can only be realized after the state has finished determining their value and the need for their preservation. The worry that new archaeological discoveries will be co-opted by the state does indeed produce a backlash of private pilfering or refusal to give permission for academic excavations. The matter of protection and preservation of cultural properties goes far beyond archaeological excavation and interpretation of the kind represented in this book. The business of cultural properties protection and preservation in East Asia often began with the need to stop the destruction or loss of such properties through construction damage, rampant urbanization, theft and looting. The antiquities market dependent on poor ‘source’ states and rich ‘market’ states has fueled the latter activities in China.28 The dark side of the antiquities trade affects all efforts to protect archaeological remains. Traffic in

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

16. Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World  391

looted artifacts is still a great problem in China, with ramifications for museums and collectors throughout the world. Preservation laws of Japan initiated in the late 19c formed the model for legislation in South Korea and China and also for the development of UNESCO policies and systems of designation. Each East Asian country has a system of designation of important cultural properties. In addition to the designation of national treasures and historic sites, zoning gives broader protection to historic site areas, cities and neighborhoods. East Asian states have access to advice from ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites), an advisory body to UNESCO founded in 1965, and indeed they have members who participate in the ICOMOS advisory committees. Thus, heritage in the modern world is truly an international enterprise. One of the earliest impacts of UNESCO was the 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. In 1983 South Korea and the United States accepted the convention, and North Korea ratified it; China accepted in 1989, and Japan and the United Kingdom in 2002.29 Next, UNESCO formulated the 1972 Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage.30 It has since had a decisive influence in bringing some of the masterpieces of East Asian archaeology to world attention using its designation of World Heritage Sites. Currently ‘China’ (as listed, meaning the PRC – not Taiwan)i has 47 World Heritage Sites, including the archaeological sites of Zhoukoudian, the Great Wall, Qin Shihuangdi’s tomb and the Ming and Qing Dynasty imperial tombs, rock carvings at Dazu, the Longmen and Yungang Buddhist grottoes, and the Silk Roads. North Korea has two registered sites, including Koguryo tombs in Pyongyang; and South Korea has 11: two fortresses (Hwasong and Namhan-sansong), dolmen sites, Sokkuram Buddhist Grotto, and the Kyongju historic area. Japan’s 18 registered sites are mostly broad categories, but three explicitly include archaeological resources in Okinawa, Nara, and Hiraizumi. This system of designation, extended worldwide, has had good and bad implications for archaeological sites: excellent salvation for threatened sites but exposure to the deleterious effects of mass tourism. Moreover, the emphasis on ‘heritage’ that this entails also supports a formalization of nationalistic objectives. Since East Asian archaeologists have traditionally been trained mainly as cultural i  Not being a member of the United Nations, Taiwan (Republic of China) has been denied the right to receive any UNESCO designations.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

392  Archaeology of East Asia

historians – seeking to elucidate local development, tracing the historical roots of their own societies, and re-creating the lifestyles of former inhabitants in particular periods – archaeology as presented on national levels is essentially ‘nationalistic’.31 This is despite the international collaboration in excavation and conservation projects, and despite the increasing attention paid to Western theory. One feature of this cultural nationalism is the effort to show continuity of the current national units through time: speaking of 5000 years of Korean art,32 or using the Hongshan culture to extend the reach of Chinese ‘civilization’ii back into the Neolithic,33 or using Kofunperiod tombs in Japan to define a long-lived state.34 Thus we have a dichotomy in the presentation of archaeology in East Asia: among researchers, there is a tendency for East Asia to be drawn into Western discussions of socio-cultural development; but among local museums and government agencies, there is a focus on the highlights of local sequences that are both inwardly important to views of self-development and outwardly celebrated for national identity. Then, within nation-states, there is tension between the different regions or even time periods that are employed in nation building. For example, right-wing school textbooks in Japan privilege the Jomon over Yayoi for creating a sense of national identity: the Jomon people are portrayed as living in harmony with nature, while the Yayoi period – despite representing the initiation of the agricultural regime that supported historic development – is thought to be too closely associated with the Korean Peninsula.35 This tendency to isolate the nation-state from its neighbors, with whom it shares so much past history, is divisive when that shared history could equally be used in the service of reconciliation. As one writer put it, there may be a slow progression from cultural nationalism to cultural internationalism,36 but surely it is worth the journey. Tourism has become big business, capitalizing on ‘heritage’ as a draw for visitors. On-site museums are an effective way of informing the public about the archaeological site being visited. These are especially necessary when few physical features of the original site survive. In this case, reconstructions are also effective, but these often do not conform to the UNESCO rules of maintaining a cultural property intact without modification. The desire to attract tourists has led in some cases to manipulation or misrepresentation of archaeological data.37 Highlighting of the value of archaeological objects through antique auctions, however, has led to ever increasing problems with looting in China, and it is a sad state of affairs that even in the second decade of the 21c, “people often fail to distinguish ii 

See the discussion on ‘civilization’ in Xu, P. 1999.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

16. Epilogue: Ancient East Asia in the Modern World  393

between archaeology and antiquarian studies, becoming confused about differences between excavation and treasure hunting.”38 The growing popularity of on-site museums, it is argued,39 is changing the way art historians evaluate items of material culture. Because the excavated objects and site features are displayed together, instead of the objects being disassociated from their original context as in a traditional museum, there is a greater understanding of the relationship between objects, the decisions made by their producers and consumers in terms of materials chosen, techniques shared between media, and how they were differentially used in spatial as well as functional terms. These are new concerns to the art historian and represent a convergence with archaeology that should bring greater understandings of past material culture. In closing, perhaps it is useful to draw attention to the way the past is conceived in East Asian countries. Time goes upward as it goes backward and comes downward as it comes forward. This often leads to statements in archaeological literature about the ‘upper limit’ (i.e., the oldest) and the ‘lower limit’ (i.e., the youngest) of cultures and time periods (Table 16.1). This is the exact opposite of stratigraphic reasoning, where the highest level is the youngest and the lowest level is the oldest.40 These differences in thinking can easily trip one up in understanding the archaeological record, making it even more imperative for the serious researcher to learn the languages as well as the cultures of East Asia. To go back in time

To come forward in time

Japanese

saka-noboru ‘to climb a hill’

kudaru ‘to descend’

Korean

olla kada ‘to climb up’

nerida ‘to descend from’

Chinese

guoqu ‘to “pass” to the past’

xialai ‘to come down’

Table 16.1 Time words in East Asian languages

Further reading DuBois, Thomas David (2011) Religion and the making of modern East Asia. Cambridge U. Press. Ebrey, Patricia & Walthall, Anne (2014) East Asia: a cultural, social, and political history, 3rd ed. Wadsworth. Glosserman, Brad & Snyder, Scott A. (2015) The Japan-South Korea identity clash. Columbia U. Press. Lee, Dennis Hyun-Seung (2014) Keyhole-shaped tombs and unspoken frontiers: exploring the borderlands of early Korean-Japanese relations in the 5th–6th centuries. PhD thesis, UCLA.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

394  Archaeology of East Asia Reischauer, E.; Fairbank, J. & Craig, A. (1989) East Asia: tradition and transformation, rev. ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Schuman, Michael (2015) Confucius: and the world he created. Basic Books. Tu, Wei-Ming (ed.) (1996) Confucian traditions in East Asian modernity: moral education and economic culture in Japan and the Four Mini-Dragons. Harvard U. Press. Walker, Hugh Dyson (2012) East Asia: a new history. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:53:09 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix A Scientific dating Science has revolutionized the way we view archaeological phenomena: geological periods are used as routinely as cultural periods. We live in the Quaternary period of geological time, which can be divided into the Pleistocene (now dated 2.6mya–11.6kya) 1 and the Holocene (from 11,600 years ago). The Palaeolithic period used to be confined to the Pleistocene, but with increasing fossil finds back into the Pliocene, the study of human evolution exceeds the Quaternary in depth. Australopithecines are now included in the new category of ‘hominins’, which separates us from other primates (themselves now included in the larger category ‘hominids’). Which species was it that actually migrated out of Africa to colonize East Asia? And when? These are still big questions to be answered in the Peopling of East Asia. The Pleistocene and Palaeolithic archae­ology used to be conceptualized in terms of four great glacial periods, but now it is known that glacial and interglacial periods occurred frequently on 40,000-year cycles in the Early Pleistocene and on 100,000-year cycles from the MidPleistocene onward, in accordance with Earth orbital variation. These cycles are revealed by differences in oxygen isotope values (δ18O) – the ratios between heavy and light oxygen 18O:16O – as recovered from frozen water (H2O) in ice caps, and calcium carbonate (CaCO3) from shelly foraminiferans dwelling on the ocean bottom (benthic) or from limestone cave speleothems (e.g., stalactites and stalagmites). Oxygen isotope ratios serve as proxies for sea surface temperatures and can readily be related to global temperature change and sea-level rise and fall; they can also be correlated with the palaeomagnetic records of terrestrial loess deposits. Thus, one sees more and more, in writings on the Palaeolithic, events dated to OIS (Oxygen Isotope Stages) or MIS (Marine Isotope Stages). While ice core data go back to

ca. 150,000 years ago, marine records extend back 2 to 3 million years;2 the δ18O distribution curves are essentially the same where they overlap. A number of ‘absolute dating’ methods are used in archaeology: potassium-argon (K/Ar), argon-argon (Ar/Ar), uranium series (U/Pb), thermoluminescence (TL), optically stimu­lated luminescence (OSL), electron spin resonance (ESR), palaeomagnetism or magnetostratigraphy, fissiontrack, obsidian hydration, tephrochronology, biochronology including faunal dating, and the DNA molecular clock among others.3 Many of these have particular problems of accuracy, and methodological advances are always being made so that dates produced a while ago may no longer be accurate. Of the scientific techniques, radiocarbon or 14 C dating is still the most well used technique in archaeology, but with expense leading to infrequent use, disagreements about calibration schemes, inconsistent or unclear citation forms (bp, BP, cal., BC, BCE, ka, kya, kyr), and simple denial that such dates are accurate, few archaeological entities in East Asia have been firmly dated. Radiocarbon dating is dependent on the amount of the 14C isotope in carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, which varies over time. Thus, to produce calendar dates from radiocarbon dates, the latter must be calibrated according to tree-ring dates, speleothem ranges, or marine stratigraphy. Even when dated and calibrated (‘cal.’), resulting dates differ according to type of material, method of dating, regional variation, and calibration curve used – a problem for science in general. Originally, a distinction was made between bp (uncalibrated) and BP (calibrated), but now one often finds BP referring to the uncalibrated radiocarbon date without its range being given. Thus, a system has developed to state ‘cal’ if calibrated to make it clear. Often a particular work will not state whether the dates have been

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:52:22 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

396  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix A calibrated or not, with the only surety provided by the ‘cal’ abbreviation. The ‘cal.’ designation in this work indicates that the radiocarbon date has been calibrated by tree-ring dates up to 12.55 cal.kya (12,550 years ago) or beyond that to 50 cal.kya (50,000 years ago) by marine carbonates to give specific calendar years.4 Each raw 14C date has a specific inherent range. For example, one radio­ carbon date for Fukui Cave in Japan is 12,500±350 bp; the ‘bp’ notation means ‘before present’, the ‘present’ being 1950 when 14C dating began. Example of IntCal calibration of 14C date of 3000±30 bp: 7 The ± indicates one standard deviation in accuracy of the measurement. Thus, the true date for Fukui Cave lies somewhere BC; this also affects Zhou period and Mumun between 12,150 and 12,850 radiocarbon years period dates. Without an inclined (rather than before 1950, but the exact date is unknown. flat) distribution of calibrated dates, any one raw 14 Ideally, the whole range is calibrated (equaling, C date seemingly has a very large range within in this case, 11,620–13,550 years ago),5 but often the calibrated date. Even with AMS dates, this a single date within this range is chosen with the problem is not entirely solved, but techniques other possibilities masked. (such as ‘wiggle-matching’) are being developed Many calibrated dates have been calculated to overcome the 1m BC plateau. with the IntCal04 and IntCal09 curves and now In short, datings provided in this book must with IntCal013,6 so it must be noted that these be taken with a grain of salt until the technologies dates will not match those given as raw dates or are refined. even as dates calibrated with other methods in the In the above plot, the Y-axis (left) shows previous literature. Some of these calibrated dates radiocarbon concentration expressed in years will also prove to be inaccurate, since much of the ‘before present’; the bell curve on that axis information needed to calibrate them correctly indicates the 14C concentration in the sample. The was not recorded. The IntCal calibration program X-axis (bottom) shows calendar years as derived as illustrated below provides a probability measure from tree-ring data; the wide multi-modal curve that the dates fall within a certain range, and on that axis shows possible ages for the sample the growing use of radiocarbon dating using (the higher the peak, the more likely that age is). accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) means that The wide diagonal ‘curve’ through the center of dates can be calculated from very small amounts the graph is the calibration curve whose width of materials, such as one rice grain, and they includes a ±1 standard deviation. The X-axis provide a much smaller range of deviation (e.g., curve is produced by calculating how the Y-axis ±30 rather than ±350 as above). Thus, AMS date curve interacts with the calibration curve (see ranges are tighter and considered to be more the animation at http://www.chrono.qub.ac.uk/ accurate. blaauw/wiggles/calibrate.html). The Japanese Jomon and Yayoi chronologies are currently being rewritten according to AMS dates, causing much divergence with the Further reading previous literature. One problem with the time Walker, Mike J.C. (2005) Quaternary dating methods. period of the Jomon–Yayoi transition is that Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. the calibration ‘curve’ is relatively flat in the 1m

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:52:22 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix B List of abbreviations Only those abbreviations that occur frequently without nearby explanation and are likely to befuddle many readers are explained here. #: number (vs. UK ‘no.’) AAR: amino acid racemization (dating) ACKS: Advanced Center for Korean Studies adv: advanced AMH: anatomically modern humans AMS: accelerator mass spectronomy (for radio­ carbon dating) ARIUA: Asian Research Institute for Under­water Archaeology AT: Aira-Tanzawa volcanic ashfall B/A: Bølling/Allerød BA: Bronze Age BP/bp: Before Present (used in radiocarbon dating where ‘present’ is the year 1950; see Appendix A) c: century: 1c BC = first century BC C: carbon C.: Chinese pronunciation C3: carbon 3 plants C4: carbon 4 plants ca.: circa, “approximately” cal.: Calibrated (radiocarbon dates calibrated to other standard chronologies, e.g. dendro­ chronology) CASS: Chinese Academy for Social Sciences CHA: Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea [S. Korea] cm: centimeter CKJ: China, Korea, Japan = Barnes 1993/1999: Barnes, G.L. (1993) China, Korea and Japan: the rise of civilization in East Asia. London: Thames & Hudson (hardback) Barnes, G.L. (1999) The rise of civilization in East Asia: the archaeology of China, Korea and Japan. London: Thames & Hudson (paperback) CP: Central Plain EMH: early modern humans

EMP: Early Metal Province ESR: electron spin resonance (dating) EUP: early Upper Palaeolithic FT: fission-track (dating) GIS: Geographical Information Systems GLB: Gina Lee Barnes GPS: Global Positioning System ha: hectare H&G: hunting and gathering HE: Homo erectus HS: Homo sapiens HSS: Homo sapiens sapiens IA: Iron Age IAMC: Inner Asian Mountain Corridor J.: Japanese pronunciation K.: Korean pronunciation KCPIA: Korea Cultural Properties Investiga­tion and Research Institute Association [S. Korea] KLC: Korea Land [and Housing] Corporation [S. Korea] KOSUWA: Kyushu Okinawa Society for Under­ water Archaeology kya: thousand(s) of years ago; or just ‘ka’ LCZ: Liangchengzhen LGM: Late Glacial Maximum (ca. 21–19kya) LUP: late Upper Palaeolithic MCST: Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism [S. Korea] MIS: Marine Isotope Stages mya: million(s) of years ago; often written as ma m: in a measurement = meter m: as a date = millennium: 5m BC = fifth millennium BC MTC = Mounded Tomb Culture mtDNA: mitochrondial DNA (only in­herited from the mother)

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:51:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

398  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix B Nabunken: Nara Institute for Cultural Properties NCP: North China Plain NRICH: National Research Institute for Cultural Heritage [S. Korea] NRY: non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA OH: obsidian hydration (dating) OIS: oxygen isotope stages Pen/Insula: Korean Penninsula + Japanese Islands pro-domes: pro-domesticates r.: reign dates RCYBP: radiocarbon years before present RSL: relative sea level SEA: Southeast Asia

SEAA: Society for East Asian Archaeology SEM: scanning electron microscope s.l.: sensu lato, in the wide or broad sense s.s.: sensu stricto, in the narrow sense TB: Tokyo Bay TL: thermoluminescence TLV: common term in English for mirror designs resembling the letters T, L, and V U/Pb: uranium/lead series (dating) UP: Upper Palaeolithic XJD: Xiajiadian culture YD: Younger Dryas

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:51:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix C Language issues: pronunciation and alternative spellings The romanization systems adopted in this book (see Preface) share one felicitious feature: in all three standard languages, the five vowels a, e, i, o, u are pronounced more or less as in Spanish. Most consonants are also close to those in Spanish, but with numerous exceptions. Here are some pointers about pronunciation and spelling, and coping with different romanization systems.

• c > ts; q > ch; x > sh; zh > j as in ‘judge’. • The i in si and zi sounds like the vowel in English ‘should’ but with minimal liprounding. • ia (as in Dian) sounds like the ye in ‘yes’. • ei rhymes with English ay as in ‘way’, but a non-diphthongal e sounds more like the vowels in ‘fun’, ‘foot’ or ‘fed’, depending on context.

C.1 Chinese pronunciation and alternative spellings

The Wade-Giles system, often found in earlier Western-language publications, uses consonants easier for an English speaker to figure out, though a few might be puzzling. Here are the more important differences between Pinyin and WadeGiles (before and after the > sign respectively):

In 1979, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) adopted the hanyu pinyin system of romanization, commonly called Pinyin. It is one of several possible systems, but in academe it replaces the Wade-Giles system that dominated earlier sources. There are many online conversion tables to help you figure out that, for example, Qin in Pinyin is written Ch’in in Wade-Giles. Since Pinyin is basically meant to cor­respond to Mandarin (Standard Chinese), almost all terms in this book are thus romanized as if pronounced in Mandarin, as is the tendency in Western-language scholarly publications. But the same Chinese characters can be pronounced very differently in the many regional dialects, and in fact many of the sites mentioned would have quite a different sound in their own locality! (Dialectical differences in pronunciation are far less of an issue in the much smaller countries of Korea and Japan.) Some letters of the Pinyin system deviate significantly from the pronunciation an English speaker might expect. Pinyin and (approximate) English are shown before and after the > symbol respectively.

p, t, k, c > p’, t’, k’, ts’; b, d, g, z > p, t, k, ts; r > j; x > hs; q > ch’; zh & j > ch; -ong > -ung; -ian > -ien; -ui > -uei; -uo > -o Names of sites discovered since Pinyin’s adoption are unlikely to appear in Wade-Giles, but here are a few of the more frequently encountered equivalences of longstanding names. Note that the apostrophe in Wade-Giles is often omitted, which means that Pinyin’s Zhengzhou and Chengzhou may both end up as Chengchou in Wade-Giles. In this text (Pinyin)

Wade-Giles or others

Chengzhou

Ch’engchou

Chu

Ch’u

Jin

Chin

Lantian

Lant’ien

Luoyang

Loyang

Qi, Qin, Qiang

Ch’i, Ch’in, Ch’iang

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

400  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix C Shandong

Shantung

Tang

T’ang

Xia

Hsia

Xiaotun

Hsiaot’un

Xibeigang

Hsipeikang

Xiongnu

Hsiungnu

Sichuan

Szech’uan

Yangzi

Yangtzu, Yangtze

Zhengzhou

Chengchou

Zhongyuan

Chungyüan

Zhou

Chou

Zhoukoudian

Chouk’outien

C.2 Korean pronunciation and alternative spellings Headaches! We encounter multiple roman­ization systems, variants of one of them, many changes in initial consonants of suffixes, and other bothers that challenge the reader and the writer. The McCune-Reischauer (MR) system, launched in 1937, is favored by most Westerners and indeed by North Korea (with minor variants). In MR, an apostrophe after voiceless consonants p, t, k or ch indicates stronger aspiration (expulsion of breath), and a breve mark (˘) over vowels o and u shows a different pronunciation (see below). In 2000, South Korea – wanting to avoid the breves and apostrophes of MR – introduced the Ministry of Culture and Tourism (MCT) romanization system, now preferred there (see www.eki.ee/wgrs/rom2_ko.htm). Many writers simply choose a simplified version of McCune-Reischauer, omitting breves and apostrophes. For consistency and other reasons, I too have tried to present all Korean names in this simplified MR; the table below shows equivalents among MR and MCT for most names mentioned in this book, as well as the ‘full’ MR version with apostrophes and breves. I have also decided not to modify the place-name suffixes -ri, -dong and -do (see below) even though their pronunciation changes in many words; this is because most romanizers maintain these particular forms.

The following vowels (among others) deviate from the simple Spanish five-vowel model: • MCT eo = MR ŏ, pronounced close to English ‘ought’; and MCT eu = MR ŭ, close to ‘should’. • the diphthongs ae (close to ‘cat’) and oe (usually close to the full word ‘way’). Many consonants change pronunciation when two morphemes are combined, although place-name romanization often ignores this. Thus unaspirated p/t/k/ch generally become voiced, as b/d/g/j, after a vowel or a nasal consonant. Korean village names often end in -ri ‘village’, which however is pronounced -ni when the previous word ends in a nasal (as in Taep’yŏngri, pronounced Taep’yŏng-ni). And a final k will change to ng when followed by that –ri, while the -ri changes to -ni: Chŏngok + -ri > Chŏngongni. However, the latter site is in fact, strangely, mostly referred to in Western-language sources as Chongokni; it has also been turned into an adjective, as in ‘Chongoknian industry’. Sigh! If searching the internet for information about a site ending in -ri, you should search also for -ni, for the name without this suffix – and, alas, also in both romanizations! In addition to this suffix -ri, four other placename suffixes are common: -dong meaning ‘ward’; -do, ‘island’; -san, ‘mountain’; and -sŏng, ‘fortress’. These may appear as part of the word/name itself, e.g. T’osŏng, literally ‘earthen [walled] fortress’. McCune-Reischauer now wisely offers the use of an apostrophe to distinguish -n’g- (when the two letters belong to different syllables and are pronounced separately, as in ‘thin guy’) from -ng (when this is a single sound at the end of a syllable, as in ‘singer’). The following chart shows most of the spellings different from those used in the text; those that remain the same in all three systems are not listed (e.g. Samhan). Under ‘full MR’, I show the form the word would have when a suffix is merged in normal speech (though such mergers do not always occur).

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix C  401 In this text

full MR if different

Anganggol

An’ganggol

Chinhan

MCT if different from text

Taehyundong

Daehyundong

Taejuk-ri

Taejungni

Daejuk-ri

Tae-Kaya

Taegaya

Daegaya

Jinhan

Taejŏn

Daejeon

Chitam-ri

Chit’amni

Jitam-ri

Taepo

Taep’o

Daepo

Chongok-ri, Chongok(-)ni

Chŏn’gongni

Jeongok-ri

Taepyong-ri

Daep’yŏngni

Daepyeong-ri

Chongsan-ri

Chŏngsanni

Chonjon-ri

Ch’onjonni

Choson

Chosŏn

Choyang-dong

Jeongsan-ri Joseon Joyang-dong

Chulmun

Chŭlmun

Jeulmun

Kaesŏng

Kaesong

Gaesong

Kaya

Gaya

Kimhae

Gimhae

Koejong-dong

Koejŏngdong

Goejeong-dong

Koguryo

Koguryŏ

Goguryeo

kolpum

kolp’um

golpum

Komdan-ri

Kŏmdanni

Geomdan-ri

Konam-ri

Konamni

Gonam-ri

Kumsong

Kumsŏng

Geumseong

Kungnae-song

Kungnae-sŏng

Gungnae-seong

Kuya

Guya

Kwangju Kyongju

Gwangju Kyŏngju

Mongchon

Mongch’on

Nuk-do

Nŭkto

Gyeongju Neuk-do

Nunggok

Nŭnggok

Neunggok

Okhyon

Okhyŏn

Okhyeon

Paekche (a.k.a. Kudara)

Paekche

Baekje

Panwol-song

Panwol-sŏng

Banwol-seong

Pibong-ri

Pibongni

Bibong-ri

Puyo

Puyŏ

Buyeo

Pyonggodong

P’yonggodong

Pyongyang

P’yŏngyang

Paekdu

Baekdu

Taho-ri

Daho-ri

Tongsamdong

T’ongsamdong

Tosong-ri

Tosŏngni

Unsong-ri

Ŭnsŏngni

Eunseong-ri

Yongnam

Yŏngnam

Yeongnam

Yonjae-ri

Yŏnjae-ri

Yeonjae-ri

C.3 Japanese pronunciation and alternative spellings The pairs below show the main differences between the Revised Hepburn and Japanese government Kunreishiki systems (before and after the > sign respectively): shi > si; chi > ti; tsu > tu; fu > hu; shu > syu; sha > sya; ji > zi/di; jo > zyo; ju > zyu; and when macrons are included to mark long (in duration) vowels: ō > ô; ū > û The Japanese government has long accepted the use of Hepburn for romanizing place names. This means that Western-language publi­cations on Japan rarely trigger the confusion encountered with Korean names, so no list of equivalences will be given here. Here are just two examples of site names in this book that would look very different in Kunreishiki: Chōjagahara > Tyôzyagahara; Matsushima > Matusima. Obviously, Hepburn gives most non-Japanese readers a much better chance at getting the correct sound!

Pyeongyang

Pyonhan

Pyŏnhan

Byeonhan

Songguk-ri

Songgungni

Songguk-ri

Sŏngnam

Seongnam

Taedong

Daedong

Doseong-ri

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix D Institutional histories 1092–2014i Archaeology emergent The present East Asian governments follow a long tradition of claiming continuity with the first centralized regimes of the distant past: the Shang of 3200 years ago for China; Yamato of 1500 years ago for Japan; and the Three Kingdoms of at least 1500 years ago for the Koreas. Between then and now, perceived continuities were maintained not only through written history but also through a concern with the transmission of elite material culture. The first instance of antiquarianism, in SongDynasty China (960–1279 AD), focused on the revival of ancient court culture.1 Interest in the past was stimulated by the rediscovery of Confucianism in reaction to the other-worldly concerns of Buddhism. Scholarship came to focus more on secular subjects, and sophisticated historiographical methods were developed. Confucianism encouraged empiricism in the cataloguing of bronzes and jades dating from the Shang to Han Dynasties lodged in imperial and private collections. Surprisingly modernistic techniques of observation and representation were deployed in measuring the artifacts, drawing their profiles, describing their decoration, and copying any inscriptions. Reproductions of many objects were then made for use in court ceremonies, giving the rituals an authenticity based on historical precedent. This interest in ancient objects spurred the “bronze and stele” antiquarians that preceded archaeologists in China.2 Contemporaneously with Song in 12thcentury Japan, concern grew for the preservation of ‘court etiquette’ as ancient court society gave The text here is repeated virtually verbatim from CKJ: ch. 2 with some minor updates; the listing below is not comprehensive but indicative. i 

way to a militaristic feudal order. Studied were not only the intangible aspects of bureaucratic ranks and positions but also the material aspects of palace architecture, banqueting utensils, dress, weaponry, etc.3 This concern subsequently encompassed actual palace and tomb sites of previous emperors; and in 1692, the first recorded excavations in Japan took place as a regional Tokugawa daimyo dug two tombs to investigate a stone inscription.4 A similar excavation was undertaken in 1748 in southeastern Korea by the father of a local Choson governor; he “excavated six ancient tombs to see if they were the lost tombs of his ancestors from the Koryo Dynasty”.5 Scholars of the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) in China researched historical geography and visited ancient tomb and historic sites.6 Beginning in the 19th century, the revival of Neo-Confucian scholarship encouraged objective observation and ‘investigation into things’, resulting in popular scholarly pursuits focusing on objects. In Japan, major exhibitions of curious rocks and artifacts were held, and the many catalogs and treatises written about such collections demonstrate that these scholars not only followed the principles of systematic study but also employed techniques of description and classification, 7 echoing the pioneering antiquarianism of Song. It was characteristic of antiquarian thought in these countries that material objects from the past were assigned to peoples or ages named in historical documents. In other words, concepts of the past were entirely confined to written history – a limitation that also plagued early European antiquarianism.8 No populations or time periods apart from those described in the documents could possibly be imagined, especially since the documents often incorporated the mythological creation of the universe and humankind and

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix D  403 so provided a ready-made history back to the beginning of time. The great contribution of modern archaeology was not the introduction of methods of observation, description and excavation, which as noted above were all variously present in the antiquarianism of the region. It was the introduction of the possibility of a past – the very ‘idea of prehistory’ – that resided externally to written history and was accessible through excavation.9 Inherent in antiquarianism was the knowledge that ancient objects could be found in or on the ground. Also, the general locations of former palaces or capitals were known and even visited for information.10 But the concept of a ‘site’ (especially one that was non-imperial in nature) that could be investigated systematically through excavation to reveal something of the lifeways of past peoples was only introduced with archaeology.

Archaeology from the West The beginning of the discipline in Japan is usually attributed to the American zoologist Edward S. Morse, who arrived in Japan in 1877 – a mere 12 years after the publication of the seminal book by Sir John Lubbock, Pre-historic Times,11 that broke the historical grip on thoughts about the past in England. In China, credit for the introduction of archaeology has traditionally gone to the Swedish geologist J.G. Andersson for discovering the famous Zhoukoudian Palaeolithic site in 1921, but in the 21st century his Chinese colleagues Ding Wenjiang and Weng Wenhao are included in the plaudits.12 Both Morse and Andersson, though not archaeologists themselves, demonstrated through systematic excavation the potential for prehistoric research about a past not included in the written documents. The Insular Jomon and Mainland Palaeolithic and Neolithic cultures were all defined during these initial archaeological activities. It is sometimes argued that the introduction of archaeology has been an instrument of Western imperialism. The case of the Korean Peninsula shows that it could also be an instrument

of ‘Eastern imperialism’, since archaeology was begun in Korea by Japanese colonial archaeologists between 1910 and 1945.13 The Japanese government used many of the projects and interpretations of Peninsular archaeology to justify the subordination of Korea to Japan during its period of annexation, but the actual quality of the archaeology conducted in this period was so high that the resulting publications are still necessary reference material today.14 It is interesting to note that in all three of the above cases, local students were not explicitly trained to carry on archaeological activities in these countries. The discipline became fully established only later with the renewed initiative of resident scholars themselves. Ironically, however, the eras of establishment again coincided with heavy Western influence as students and scholars began to travel abroad. Hamada Kosaku, an art historian, studied with Flinders Petrie in England and introduced Petrie’s techniques of stratigraphic excavation to Japan in 1917.15 Harada Yoshito, who travelled through Europe and America in 1921–1923, also brought back knowledge of new techniques.16 In 1923 Li Chi, the “father of modern Chinese archaeology”,17 finished his studies at Harvard, and was followed by Liang Ssu-yung, who participated in excavations run by Alfred V. Kidder;18 studied at the Institute of Archaeology in London (now part of University College London) between 1935 and 1939, and eventually went on to serve as director of the Institute of Archaeology (CASS) in Beijing until his death in 1986. And in the 1950s Kim Wonyong, the doyen of Korean archaeology, studied art history at New York University, becoming the first in a long line of Korean archaeologists to enrol in American Ph.D. programs. Needless to say, the institutions within which these individuals developed their countries’ archaeological disciplines were also Western forms of organization: museums, universities, scholarly societies, and journals. A timeline of these innovations as well as the establishment of government institutions is given in the following pages.

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

404  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix D

JAPAN KOREA CHINA • †S. ‡N. *

*An Illustrated Study of Ancient Things (Kaogutu) published by 1092   N. Song scholar Lu Dalin •Imperial Household (later National) Museum established 1871 •First cultural properties protection law passed 1876 •Omori shellmound excavation by Edward S. Morse, naming of Jomon pottery 1877 •Excavation of Mukogaoka shellmound, discovery of Yayoi pottery 1884 •Anthropological Association of Tokyo (for prehistorians) formed by Tsuboi Shogoro *Grum-Grzimailo brothers (Russia) investigate Chinese Turkestan 1889 *Grenard and de Rhine (France) to Chinese Turkestan 1892 •Anthropological Institute founded, Tokyo University 1893 *Torii Ryuzo (Japan) investigates Liaodong Peninsula and Taiwan 1895–6 *Sven Hedin (Sweden) to Chinese Turkestan 1896 •Launching of Archaeological Society of Japan and its publication, Kokogaku Zasshi •Law for the Preservation of Ancient Temples and Shrines 1897 •First site listing compiled by Tokyo University 1900 *Torii Ryuzo researches Manchuria 1905 •First archaeology course taught at Kyoto University by Hamada Kosaku 1907 †Royal Household Museum of Choson Kingdom established 1908 †Korean Peninsula annexed by Japan; committee for archaeological 1910   investigation established •Department of Archaeology formed, Kyoto University 1913 †Museum of Colonial Government established, later becomes National Museum 1915 1917–19 •First stratigraphic excavations at Ko and Satohama sites •Law for Preservation of Historic Sites, Scenic Spots, and National Monuments 1919 *J.G. Andersson ‘discovers’ the Chinese Palaeolithic at Zhoukoudian 1920   and the Painted Pottery Neolithic at Yangshao-cun •First book on archaeological methods: Tsuron Kokogaku 1922 •Law requiring compilation of site lists (published 1925–9) 1925 *Publication of Critical Reviews of Ancient History, advocating 1926   archaeological study of the past •Tokyo Archaeological Society founded by Morimoto Rokuji 1927 *Folke Bergman leads Sino-Swedish expedition to Xinjiang 1927–34 *Founding of Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 1928 *Discovery of Black Pottery Neolithic at Longshan, Shandong  Province *Excavation of Anyang by Institute of History and Philology 1928–7 1929 •Law for Preservation of Ancient Temples and Shrines changed to Law for the Preservation   of National Treasures *Excavation of first complete skull of Sinanthropus pekinensis by   Pei Wenzhong at Zhoukoudian †Formation of colonial Society for the Study of Korean Antiquities 1930 *Law on the Preservation of Ancient Objects *Stratigraphic excavations at Hougang establish cultural sequence 1931 1936 •Minerva debate establishing ‘idea of prehistory’ *Dunhuang Institute for Cultural Relics established 1944 †Founding of Former Royal Household Affairs Office (subsequently the CPA) 1945

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix D  405

JAPAN KOREA CHINA • †S. ‡N. *

†Founding of National Museum of Korea after Japanese colonial rule ends 1946 †First excavation by Korean archaeologists, Houchong Tomb, Kyongju •Founding of Japanese Archaeological Society 1948 •Discovery of Japanese Palaeolithic by Aizawa Tadahiro 1949 *Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) established †Beginning of Korean War, suspension of archaeological work for the decade 1950 *Wenwu Cankao Zihao publication begins, changed to Wenwu in 1959 •Law for the Protection of Cultural Properties (combining 1919 and 1929 laws) 1952 *Nara National Cultural Properties Research Institute (Nabunken) established for excavation of Heijo Palace *Institute of Archaeology founded under CAS *Archaeology major established at Beijing University •Founding of Society of Archaeological Studies and beginning of publication of Kokogaku 1953  Kenkyu, originally called Watakushitachi no Kokogaku *Cenozoic Research Laboratory reorganized into Institute of   Vertebrate Palaeontology and Palaeoanthropology (IVPP), *Kaogu Xuebao publication begins •Law amended to provide for ‘buried cultural properties’ 1954 * Beginning publication of Vertebrata PalAsiatica by IVPP 1957 *Kaogu publication begins 1959 1960–62 •First site registration activities by prefectural Boards of Education at central government   request; registration maps published 1965–8 †Cultural Properties Administration (CPA) established 1961 †Department of Archaeology established at Seoul National University,   publication of Kogo Misul begins *Provisional Regulations on the Protection and Administration of   the Cultural Heritage †Discovery of Korean Palaeolithic by G. Bowen 1962 †Promulgation of Cultural Properties Protection Act •†Cultural Properties Agreement between S.Korea and Japan for repatriation of cultural 1965  objects •Nihon no Kokogaku series published, landmark in cultural history studies *Excavations supsended during Cultural Revolution 1966–76 •Agency for Cultural Affairs established 1968 †Korean Atomic Energy Research Institute (KAERI) and radiocarbon 1969 lab established 1972 *Zhoukoudian Museum and other schools and institutes reopen   after Cultural Revolution; journal publications recommence 1973 •Asuka and Fujiwara Palace Site Research Department and Asuka Historical Museum   established at Nabunken †Amendment to Cultural Properties Protection Act to ensure developers pay •Center for Archaeological Operations (CAO) established at Nabuknen 1974 †Institute of Cultural Properties established in Seoul (now called 1975   National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, NRICH, in Taejon) *Article 12 in Chinese constitution requires proletariat control   over scientific research

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

406  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix D

JAPAN KOREA CHINA • †S. ‡N. *

†Consolidation of Korean Archaeological Society and publication of Hanguk 1976  Kogo-Hakbo *Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) founded 1977 *Adoption of the Criminal Law 1979 * Founding of the Chinese Society of Archaeology *Anthropological Department formed at Zhongshan University 1981 •Founding of Japanese Society for Scientific Studies on Cultural Property and 1982   co-option of Kokogaku to Shizen Kagaku as its journal †Signatory to the 1970 UNESCO Convention, ‡Ratified 1983 *Cultural Properties Law co-opting buried materials as national  property †Preservation of Traditional Buildings Act 1984 *Opening of Anthropology Department, Xiamen University †Campaign for protection of cultural properties 1985 †First Ph.D. program in archaeology initiated, Seoul National University *Signatory to the 1970 UNESCO Convention 1989 *Administrative Measures of the People’s Republic of China on 1991   Foreign Archaeological Work •First publication of the KOSUWA Newsletter of the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Under­ 1991   water Archaeology •Membership in Japanese Archaeologists’ Association opened up internationally 1992 †Opening of National Maritime Museum 1994 †Yongnam Institute of Cultural Properties established (first as a corporation, 1994   now a foundation) 1996 Creation of the Society for East Asian Archaeology (SEAA) †Reorganization of CPA into CHA (Cultural Heritage Administration) 1999 †Amendment to Cultural Properties Act requiring pre-construction surveys 1999 †Korean National University of Cultural Heritage opens in Puyo 2000 (directly operated by CHA) †Founding of Korea Cultural Properties Investigation and Research Corporation 2000  Association 2001 • KOSUWA renamed ARIUA (Asian Research Institute for Underwater Archaeology) *CASS IA begins publishing Chinese Archaeology 2001 •Signatory to 1970 UNESCO Convention 2002 †Special Act for the Preservation of Ancient Cities 2004 ‡UNESCO registration of Kaesong historical zone (in N.Korea) 2005 2005 †Change of name from Korea Cultural Properties Investigation and Research   Corporation Association to Korea Cultural Properties Investigation   and Research Institute Association (KCPIA) 2006 *China’s first ‘Cultural Heritage Day’ 10 June 2006 †National Museum of Korea begins publishing The International 2007   Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology (in English) †Act for the National Trust of Cultural Heritage and Natural Environmental 2008  Assets 2008 * Beijing University opens Center of Public Archaeology and Art

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix D  407

JAPAN KOREA CHINA • †S. ‡N. *

†Cultural Heritage Protection Fund Act 2009 †Act for the Protection and Surveying of Buried Cultural Properties 2010 †Act on Cultural Properties Repair †Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation accredited as a UNESCO NGO * Establishment of 12 National Archaeology Site Parks 2010 •Begin publishing Japanese Journal of Archaeology (in English) 2013 *Begin publishing Chinese Cultural Relics (in English) 2014

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:50:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix E Palaeolithic finds on the China Mainland E.1 Early Palaeolithic finds on the China Mainland in the Early Pleistocene  compiled by author from Zhu, R. et al. 2008, Dennell 2009, 2012  Note the redating of the Pleistocene (Gibbard et al. 2010).  dates calculated by estimated sedimentation rate between palaeomagnetic events (see Dennell 2012) * HE = Homo erectus Early Pleistocene 2.6–0.8mya = EARLY PALAEOLITHIC site

date mya

tools & early human fossils

site environment

Yuanmou Niujianbao

1.7

scraper, bifacial core, 2 flakes, HE*? teeth

alluvial fan near bush & forest; temperate woodland; grassland

Nihewan Basin choppers, scrapers, polyhedra

climate / stage

temperate woodland; grassland

warm, moist

lakeshore/marsh

warm, moist

Majuangou III (=Goudi)

1.66 or 1.36

Majuangou II

1.64

“

lacustrine

Majuangou I

1.55

“

lacustrine

Xiaochangliang

1.78–1.67 or 1.48–1.36

unmodified flakes

lakeshore

Xiantai (=Dachangliang)

1.36

choppers, flakes, scrapers

steppe, lake margin

Majuangou (=Banshan)

1.32

choppers, scrapers, polyhedra

lacustrine

Donggutuo

1.2–1.1

bipolar flaking, scrapers

lake margin

Sanmenxia Basin Xihoudu

1.27

choppers, scrapers, flakes

lakeshore

Lantian Gongwangling

1.15

cores, flakes, scrapers, HE

subtropical humid forest

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:49:25 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

mild, humid

warm

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix E  409

E.2 Early Palaeolithic finds on the China Mainland and Korean Peninsula in the Middle Pleistocene  compiled from Zhu, R. et al. 2008; Dennell 2009; Gibbard 2010; Shipton & Petraglia 2010; Keates 2003; Bar-Yosef & Wang 2012; Miller-Antonio et al. 2004  “transitional” fossils in bold  dates calculated by estimated sedimentation rate between palaeomagnetic events unless otherwise noted; Zhoukoudian dates are derived from a variety of techniques (see Dennell 2009: tables 10.1 and 10.2 with some disagreement and much uncertainty) • see Appendix A for dating abbreviations Middle Pleistocene 780–120kya = EARLY PALAEOLITHIC site (in China unless otherwise stated)

date mya, kya

tools & human fossils

Bose (Baise) Basin 114 localities in 800km2

assoc. w/ 803kya tektites at Fenshudao & Damei sites

artifacts, unifacial & bifacial handaxes

Yunxian Quyuanhekou

>780kya or 600kya (ESR)

HE, artifacts

Maozhushan

664.9–631.2 (ESR)

artifacts, stone semi-circle

Layer 13

720kya

artifacts

Layer 10

690–660kya 713–693kya

artifacts, fossils

Layer 8-9

660kya

fossils

Layer 7

660–590kya

artifacts, fossils

Layer 6

520kya

artifacts, fossils, burned bones, hearth

Layer 4

500kya

artifacts, fossils, burned bone & stone, ash lens

Layer 3

420kya

HE, artifacts, fire

Layer 2 Layer 1

417–386kya 400kya

HE HE

Zhoukoudian Locality 1

Chenjiawo

650 or 500kya

HE, artifacts,

Luonan Basin 50 localities

?500–250kya (fauna, loess, TL)

89 bifaces handaxes, cleavers

Chongokni, Korea

>350kya

handaxes, core-and-flake tools

Unit 3

>300kya

Unit 2b

294–231±kya (ESR, U/Pb)

Unit 2a

208±kya (ESR, U/Pb)

Hulu Cave (=Tangshan Hill)

wide range from 584–128.5kya (U/Pb)

HE

Longtang Cave

412±25 (ESR, U/Pb) 150–190kya (U/Pb)

fossil

262–214kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Jigongshan Guanyin Cave Panxian Dadong

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:49:25 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

410  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix E Dali

350–250kya (U/Pb) 209±23kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Jinnuishan

358–221kya (ESR, UPb)

fossil (intermed.)

Locality 4

300kya /(U/Pb) 248, 269kya (U/Pb)

tooth

New Cave

260±40kya (TL) 175–135kya (U/Pb)

artifacts, fossils, fire, teeth

Locality 15

284–155kya (U/Pb) 140–110kya (UPb, ESR)

artifacts, fire

Locality 4

171-122kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Changyang

218–174 (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Dingcun

210–160kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Chaoxian (=Chaohu)

200–160kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Maba

135–129kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Zhoukoudian

fossil (intermed.)

Miaohoushan Layers 5-6 Xujiayao

125–104kya (U/Pb)

fossil (intermed.)

Ryonggok Cave, Korea

111±10, 44.3±2 (U/Pb, TL)

fossil

Ganqian Cave

>94kya (U/Pb)

EMH

Shiyu

28,130±1370 ( C)

EMH

14

Further undated Homo erectus (HE) remains were found at Yunxi, Yiyuan (=Qizianshan Hill), Nanzhao (Shinhua Shan), Longgu Cave (=Jianshi), Hexian. Further Early Modern Humans (EMH) were found at Huangshanxi (=Ziyang), Yuanyang, Xiaohui Cave, Longtanshan Caves 1&2, Shuidonggou, Lianhua Cave, Wuqui Cave, Nanshan Cave, Dangcheng, Yanjiagang, Xianren Cave, Huanglong Cave, Baojiyan Cave, Bailian Cave, Zhangkou Cave, Migong Cave, Gaitou Cave, Xuetain village, Chaoyang Xigou, Xarus, and see below for the Late Pleistocene site of Miaohoushan.

E.3 Fossil hominins from the Late Pleistocene • compiled from Mizoguchi, Y. 2011; Chen, Hedges & Yuan 1992; Kaifu & Fujita 2012; Kondo & Matsu’ura 2005; Liu, L. et al. 2010; Demeter, F. et al. 2009; Lyras et al. 2009; Nakagawa et al. 2010; Keates 2010; Bar-Yosef & Wang 2012; Matsu’ura & Kondo 2010 • see Appendix B for dating abbreviations Late Pleistocene 120–11.6kya = Early PALAEOLITHIC 120–50ky, Upper/Late Palaeolithic 50–11.6kya site

date

taxonomy

country

Zhiren Cave

~100kya (U/Pb)

‘derived modern’/ archaic/ EMH

China

Tongtianyan Cave (=Liujiang) three dates, problematic

>153–68kya (U/Pb) >153–111kya >67kya

AMH/late HS

China

Xiujiayao

125–100kya

archaic

China

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:49:25 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix E  411 Tam Pa Ling

~63–46kya (U/Th)

EMH

N. Laos

Tianyuan Cave

39,713±882 cal. BP

AMH

China, near Beijing

Miaohoushan

38.4–30kya (U/Pb)

fossil EMH

China

Yamashita-cho Cave 1

36,644±1353 cal. BP

AMH

Japan, Okinawa

Zhoukoudian Upper Cave (=Shangdingdong)

ca. 29–24kya

indeterminate

China, near Beijing

Pinza-Abu

26,800±1300 bp 26,800±1300 bp

Salkhit

?20kya

AMH

Mongolia

Shiraho-Saonetabaru Cave

20–19kya

modern

Japan, Okinawa

Minatogawa (MMS)

18,250±650 – 16,600±300 bp

“insular” HS

Japan, Okinawa

Hamakita (Negata) Lower

17.9 14C kya

Homo sp.

Japan

Shiraho-Saonetabaru Cave

16kya

modern

Japan, Okinawa

Shimojibaru Cave

15,200±100 bp

modern

Japan, Okinawa

Hamakita (Negata) Upper

14.0 14C kya

Jomon-type Homo

Japan, MidHonshu

Minatogawa (UMS)

?14kya

Pleistocene-type Homo, Jomon-type Homo

Japan, Okinawa

Japan, Okinawa

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:49:25 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix F Succession of lithic technologies in Upper Palaeolithic Japan Nowhere has the variety of Late Palaeolithic assemblages been researched more intensively than in Japan (see Figure 4.3). As elsewhere in East Asia, the ‘characteristic’ tool types of each phase are accompanied by myriad other tools both large and small: choppers, axes, various scrapers, burins, awls, etc. In the terminal Pleistocene, bifacial flaking came to be used for small tools like laurelleaf shaped points as well as axes. Fine retouch was applied to tools according to mental templates of specific shapes – such as stemmed arrowheads and tanged-spoon scrapers. Lithic assemblages varied not only temporally but regionally, with rock sources and technological distinctions well documented. Now all that remains is to explain this Kyushu

variability in conjunction with peoples’ changing habits brought about by movement of peoples, by dramatic shifts in climate and concomitant redistributions of flora and fauna, and by the development of regional communities with both traditions and creative inventions. • compiled by Morisaki Kazuki in col­laborat­ ion with author (primary source: Morisaki 2012), with additional data from Takakura 2012, Abe 2006, Kimura 2006, Kudo 2006 • some abbreviations: lg = large; LGM = Late Glacial Maximum; AT = Aira-Tanzawa • bold type indicates predominant artefact type

Setouchi/Kinki

Kanto

Tohoku/Hokuriku

Hokkaido

trapezoids, edge-ground axes, denticulate points

trapezoids, sideblow flakes, edgeground axes

Layer X–IX lower: trapezoids, blades (basal retouched points), edge-ground axes

trapezoids, blades (basal retouched points), edgeground axes

30.6–27.4 cal.kya small irregular flake tools, amorphous cores

trapezoids, blades(backed points)

trapezoids, side-blow flakes (basal retouched points), edgeground axes

Layer IX upper–VII: blades (backed points), trapezoids, edge-ground axes

blades (basal retouched points), trapezoids, edgeground axes

Early Upper Palaeolithic

disappearance of trapezoids and edge-ground axes Late Upper Palaeolithic ca. 28 cal.kya: Southwest Flake industries ATtephra 29–27 cal.kya

various flake technologies (backed points), various scrapers

side-blow flakes (backed points), various scrapers

Northeast Blade industries Layer VI: blade & flake industry (blade & flake backed points), curated blade-cores, blades, end scrapers

blade tool industry (basal retouched points), curated blade-cores, blades, burins, end scrapers

LGM start: regionalization of technologies, formation of regionalized traditions & spread of Kou industry

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:48:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix F  413 blade & flake industry: lg stemmed points, trapezoids, various scrapers; pebble clusters; regionalization

Kou industry (lg standardized side-blow flakes (Kou points)), various scrapers

Layer V lower: blade & flake industry (lg basal retouched blade points and flake backed points), various scrapers

lg standardized blades (basal retouched points), end scrapers, side scrapers, burins

25-18 RCYBP knife-tool microblades

23–22 RCYBP

above P17 tephra flake industry (large backed flake points, Kou-like points, denticulate points, various scrapers); pebble clusters

Kou industry (lg standardized side-blow flakes (Kou points)), various scrapers

Layer V upper: flake industry (lg backed/ basal retouched points, Kou-like points), various scrapers; pebble clusters

lg blades (basal retouched points), Kou-like points, end scrapers, side scrapers

23.3–22.4 microblades, wedge-shaped cores

ca. 21 RCYBP

above P15 tephra lg denticulate points, stemmed flakes, various scrapers; pebble clusters

lg side-blow flakes (Kou points), lg denticulate points, various scrapers; pebble clusters

Layer IV lower: flake industry (backed points), lg denticulate points, various scrapers; pebble clusters

small blade industry (basal retouched points/ backed points); pebble clusters

small side-blow flakes (backed points); pebble clusters

Layer IV upper: small blade industry (backed points), side scrapers; pebble clusters

regionalized traditions: narrow standardized pointed blades/ backed points/ wide-flake industry | | | | | |

blade tools

small blades, small flakes, microliths 19 cal. kya

16–15 RCYBP

12–11 RCYBP

end of LGM 17.3 cal.kya microblades

17–16 cal.kya plain pottery

above Kr-Kb tephra:

16.5–13 RCYBP linear-relief pottery, bifacial laurel-leaf point industry

14.2 cal.kya Fukui Cave microblades, pottery

13–11.5cal.kya nail-impressed/ cordmarked pottery

17–16 cal.kya plain pottery early microblades, end & side scrapers, gravers made on blades from bifacial cores 15.5 cal.kya pottery at Odai Yamamoto

above P14 tephra: various microcores

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:48:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

late microblades, bifacial foliate points, bifacial stemmed points, flake adzes, bifacial axes; blades from prismatic cores 13.2 cal.kya end of Hokkaido microliths; tanged points

Appendix G Major domestic species in East Asia G.1 Domestication of species Traditionally, morphological criteria – changes in size and shape of bones and grains – and faunal ‘age at death’ profiling have been employed for distinguishing wild from domestic. These are now supplemented by tools such as DNA, phytolith analysis, biomolecular analysis, scanning electron microscopy (SEM), and stable isotope analysis.

Millets Two species of millet, foxtail millet (Setaria italica) and common (broomcorn) millet (Panicum miliaceum) are often found together in northern Mainland sites in varying proportions. Domestication processes must have begun around the Pleistocene/Holocene boundary, as starch grains of foxtail millet have been recovered from stone grinding slabs and carbonized remains at the Nanzhuangtou and Donghulin sites dating as early as 9000 BC.1 Investigators cite the drought-resistant qualities of millet as one of the factors that might have contributed to its early domestication and intensive use, especially given that the period ca. 11,000–8,700 cal. BP was cold and dry.2 Domestication processes for both millets are obscure. The wild ancestor of foxtail millet is Setaria italica subsp. viridis (green foxtail grass or green bristlegrass)3, while the ancestral form of common (broomcorn) millet is unknown. Common millet grains found in eastern Inner Mongolia (ca. 6000 BC)4 are allegedly the size and shape of wild types, and desert margins and steppe environments are thought to be one locus of possible domestication. Genetic variation in foxtail millet suggests three different domestication episodes: one in Central Asia and possibly two in north-northwestern China

near deserts or in steppe environments.5 The two species have several varieties with different environmental tolerances, ripening periods, and so forth, making them extremely flexible crops. A glutinous variety was additionally available and ultimately used to make millet wine, as later documented in the Shang Dynasty oracle bones; but archaeological identification of glutinous grains is difficult. Almost all common millet landraces in Japan are glutinous and thought to have arrived via two different routes: through northeastern China and the Russian Maritime Region to northern Japan, and from the Korean Peninsula into southwestern Japan.6

Rice There is only one domestic species of rice in East Asia, Oryza sativa, but among the two subspecies of O. sativa (indica and japonica) are thousands of varieties with different properties: dry, wet, glutinous, non-glutinous, colored, aromatic, long-grained, short-grained, etc. These were cultivated in different areas for different reasons, but the development of cool-climate japonica – allowing it to be cultivated farther north – was the second most important advance after domestication itself. The domestication of rice is an area of huge research controversy which is still in major flux. Assumptions differ, there are inherent contradictions in research results, and researchers disagree with each other. It is thus difficult to summarize the trends as there is no consensus. The major issues for rice involve the following: • Definition of species: Genetic research has previously shown that the two major variations of domestic rice (Oryza sativa indica and O. sativa japonica) are distinct genetic lineages that developed from different wild ancestors: indica

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:47:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix G  415

•

•

•

•

from annual Oryza nivara thriving in “seasonal monsoon puddles”, and japonica (with its offshoot javanica) from perennial Oryza rufipogon living in marshy environments.7 However, the most recent genome project modifies this view, with japonica developing from O. rufipogon, while indica was the result of japonica cross-breeding with local wild rices.8 O. sativa, O. rufipogon and O. nivara can all cross-breed, violating the definition of species, and there is sentiment that rice is “over-classified”.9 Chinese scholars, in fact, do not recognize the difference between nivara and rufipogon, lumping them together with “spontanea” (their cross-breeds with O. sativa) as “common wild rice”.10 Geographical origins:11 Japonica has previously been understood to have developed in the Yangzi Basin, most likely in several domestication events, and in 2010 it was stated that “South China had nothing to do with the origin of rice agriculture”.12 However, the recent genome project names the middle Pearl River Basin in South China as the locus of japonica domestication.13 No evidence for indica has been found in the Chinese Neolithic,14 and it apparently did not become ‘significant’ on the China Mainland until 1000 AD.15 Distinguishing wild from domestic: This has traditionally depended on the presence of a non-brittle rachis, which allows the seed to stay on the plant through harvesting and then requires threshing to remove the seed. Also significant is the presence of awns and awn hairs, the latter showing a reduction in length during domestication; awn hairs help seeds burrow into the soil, unnecessary when sown and cultivated, though some wild species do not have awns. Seed size and shape: There is tremendous variation of size and shape within the indica and japonica varieties, though the former is usually referred to as ‘long-grain’ and the latter ‘short-grain’. Domestic and wild rice cannot be distinguished by grain size but by morphological differences: the shift from smooth rachis attachments (wild) to smooth (domestic).16 Cultural practices: Morphological change is proposed as enhanced by the growing of rice

in paddy fields, isolating the stalks from crosspollinating with wild Oryza.17 Sickles were adopted from the northern millet cultures as late as 3300 BC, allowing for the further selection and harvesting of plants with useful characteristics. Non-biological evidence of intentional planting and management as opposed to ‘harvesting in the wild’ is difficult to come by.

Pulses Wild soybean (Glycine max subsp. soja) grows throughout East Asia and underwent multiple instances of domestication into Glycine max subsp. max. However, these forms can interbreed (as with domestic and wild rice above), and many ‘landraces’ exist which provide much variability across the landscape. Studies of soybean seeds from archaeological sites focus on seed size. Length and width measurements reveal complicated regional patterns, but in general, large-seed soybeans are considered to be domesticates.18 Small-seed soybean is known from the northern China Mainland at 9000–8600 cal. BP and from the Japanese Islands at 7000 cal. BP; largeseed soybean appeared by the Middle Jomon at 5000 cal. BP and Chulmun at 3000 cal.BP.19 Both domesticated and wild soybean occur in Erlitou and Shang contexts on the Mainland. The current hypothesis states that soybean was domesticated independently in all of these regions. Intermediate-size azuki beans (Vigna angularis) have also been excavated from around 3000 BP.20 Pigs It is said that of all domestic animals, pigs are the most difficult to distinguish between wild and domestic. All wild boar and domestic pigs belong to the same species, Sus scrofa, but entail 15 different subspecies.21 New research involves several different analytical methods (metrics, age of death profiling, biogeography, LEH, stable isotopes in bone, tooth wear, and genetics), with the best results using Pearson’s coefficient of variation showing that two populations (wild and domestic) were present but still could not be distinguished by proportionality.22 Nevertheless, an elevated level of LEH (linear enamel hypoplasia) on the teeth of archaeological

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:47:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

416  Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix G Sus samples from China and Japan suggest they may have been stressed by proximate dealings with humans.23 Pig bones appear at many early sites such as Kuahuqiao and Cishan, but only some of the bones and teeth show morphological changes, suggesting that a few were selected to raise for feasting perhaps while the wild ones were still hunted.24 The domestic pigs at Cishan were identified using tooth measurements, age profiles, and subsistence context and are dated to 8000 BP. But their role in the Cishan subsistence system is characterized as ‘advanced initial exploitation’ rather than full exploitation.25 Many other sites in the Yellow/Wei river valleys fall into this category, while full reliance on domestic pigs as a meat resource developed around 6000 BP.26 Bone isotope studies indicate that pigs were eating cultigens, probably millet.27 Haplotype studies indicate that there is continuity between ancient and modern pigs in the Yangzi basin;28 this finding has been generalized to postulate that most pig domestication occurred within local groupings of wild boar in multiple domestication instances. Moreover, researchers noted that wild and domestic Sus co-exist, implying that no effort was made to incorporate further wild females into the domestic breeding population and female pigs were not allowed to run feral. DNA structures from the wild and domestic groups are distinct from each other, even though these subspecies can interbreed. Wild boar are indigenous to the Japanese Islands (except Hokkaido) from the Pleistocene, but those in Okinawa are distinguished from the rest by mtDNA, body size and teeth morphology.29 Intentional introduction of wild boar to Izu Island in Initial Jomon and to Hokkaido in Early Jomon indicates at least some human interference with wild populations.30 Bone isotope analyses of a limited sample of Sus scrofa in Okinawa reveals two types of feeding patterns in Early Jomon that may reflect extension of human control.31 These are the natural consumption of indigenous wild plants vs. foodstuffs of animal derivation, which concords with shellfish exploitation. Middle Jomon joint burials of human infant and baby boar suggest considerable interaction of human and wild boar populations,32 but the domestic pig was most likely imported from China during

the spread of agriculture at the beginning of the Yayoi period, as attested in Okinawa, where the ingestion of cultigens such as millet appears from Early Yayoi.

Water buffalo Water buffalo are found at several early Neolithic sites but only in small numbers. It is surmised that early finds were hunted and that the buffalo was only domesticated to be a draft animal once plowing of fields commenced, attested by stone plows in the Late Neolithic.33 So-called stone plows (indirect evidence of domestication) have also been found in the northeast, at sites along the lower Manchurian Basin and Yalu River and, surprisingly, in the central Korean Peninsula.34 However, DNA testing of modern and ancient water buffalo in northern China indicate that the former (modern domesicate Bubalus bubalus) did not derive from the latter (ancient wild Bubalus mephistopheles).35 Modern Chinese water buffalo are all swamp buffalo (as opposed to the different river buffalo of South Asia); examples from south of the Yellow River exhibit two lineages: dominant A lineage, which were fully domesticated, and subordinate B lineage, which seem to incorporate more wild buffalo genes.36

Cattle Wild auroch (Bos premigenius) was domesti­cated in the Near Eastern Neolithic as the domestic bovine, Bos taurus, but it is possible that other domestication events also took place. The most common haplogroup T1, representing the major domestication event, existed by 12.9±5.8kya, and the newly recognized sub-haplogroup T1f, which includes breeds from China, Korea and Japan, diverged at 11.4±2.4kya.37 Cattle bones have been recovered in China Mainland Neolithic sites and from Chulmun and Jomon shellmounds.38

Chickens DNA studies indicate all domestic chickens derive from the wild red junglefowl (Gallus gallus), with contributions from other colored junglefowl.39 Multiple and independent domestication events are known from South and Southeast Asia and

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:47:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix G  417 southern China.40 The fowl bones from Cishan measure between the wild and the modern domestic chicken, indicating further Holocene development.41 Although chickens were known from Yayoi Japan, they were treated as a ritual bird and not actually eaten until the 19th century.

Dogs Dogs were domesticated from wolf popu­lations, with independent domestication processes underway ca. 32–36,000 cal. BP as evidenced in Belgium and Siberia; however, these processes were truncated by the Late Glacial Maximum, and Holocene dog lineages emerged around 14–15,000 years ago. 42 Opinion is divided whether there were multiple instances of modern dog domestication, specifically in Africa and Southeast Asia/southern China. 43 Genome research indicates that domestic dogs have an ability to digest starches – not present to a great extent in wolves.44 So whatever their starting date of commensal relationships with humans, their diet and genome was greatly affected by crop production. The earliest dog remains in China have been recovered from Nanzhuangtou at ca. 9000 BC, and dogs from Kamikuroiwa Cave in Japan have now been dated to Initial/ Early Jomon transition ca. 7400–7200 cal.BC.45 It should not be overlooked that eating dog is a modern tradition in China and Korea and has been documented for medieval Japan, so dog husbandry for food might have occurred earlier.

G.2 Domesticates from the west Horses The situation with horses on the Mainland is complicated by the presence of the indigenous Przewalskyi horse, which was heavily hunted in the Palaeolithic. Only a few Holocene sites prior to 2000 BC have yielded horse bones, and these occur in so few numbers that it is difficult to assess their domesticated status.46 The sudden appearance of horse-drawn chariots in Late Shang stands in great contrast, facilitated by contacts with northern pastoral peoples. Thus, on the northern margins of the Mainland we should expect to see more evidence of horses after 3500 BC before they appeared so spectacularly in Late Shang.

Sheep and goats Several kinds of wild sheep live throughout Eurasia (see CKJ fig. 69), but Mainland domestic sheep from archaeological sites can be divided into two DNA lineages, a minor one (B) that has Near Eastern and wild antecedents, and a major one (A) comprising the majority of sheep remains both ancient and modern. The origin of lineage A is as yet unknown, but B might represent a link to the steppes.47 Sheep appeared before goats at the beginning of the 2m BC in the Qijia culture. It is extremely difficult to distinguish sheep bones from goat bones, giving rise to the ‘sheep/goat’ nomenclature.

Cattle Wild aurochs populated the steppe regions, but domestic cattle on the Mainland derive from two domestication processes. The northern domestics were taurine cattle (Bos taurus), different from the southern humped zebu cattle (Bos indicus) that were brought into the southwestern mainland from South Asia. These two breeds produced hybrids in the central Mainland after 1500 BC, forming the historic stock of that region.48 The 3m BC seems the time when northern domestic cattle bones begin to appear in the Late Neolithic cultures of the northwestern Mainland,49 even though aurochs were still hunted into the 2m BC.50

Western grains Barley, rye, oats and breadwheat (Triticum aestivum) were all introduced from the west.51 Tibet currently gives us the earliest dates for barley and oats (3400–3000 BC), then barley, rye and wheat in the Gansu Corridor (3000–2500 BC).52 Thereafter, wheat was known from the Gansu Corridor through the Wei River valley to the Shandong Peninsula, though it did not become common in the Central Plains region until the 1m BC.53 New research demonstrates, in fact, that wheat was a staple crop in the Gansu Corridor after 1800 BC, but the millet cultures of the Wei and lower Yellow rivers resisted wheat cropping for about a millennium before capitulating.54

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:47:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Appendix H Household and sector structure and production data from two Mainland Neolithic sites: Jiangzhai and Fushanzhuang Detailed studies such as these are increasingly informing us on specific site structures, helping to avoid broad-brush generalizations.

H.1 Jiangzhai • compiled from Peterson & Shelach 2012 Grayed cells hold the highest data extremes in each category. These are rough calculations and mere suggestions of potential for ex­change within and among sectors. • The Northern sector had one of the highest levels of agricultural surplus paired with two sheds for storage of manure/night soil; so despite its low numbers of house and storage pits, it could be that night soil was used to increase field yields. It possibly had access to the kiln outside the ditch to the northeast plus a high level of ceramics for food service and presentation. • The Eastern sector had the highest levels of actual excavated area, floor area, population, storage pits and the largest house. Despite having the largest number of excavated storage pits and highest actual storage capacity, the sector had the lowest level of digging/ hoeing/plowing artifacts and fewer houses with agricultural surplus. However, it had the second highest density of faunal remains and the highest numbers of stone, bone/antler, clay (excepting pottery) and copper artifacts. The fact that hunting is present together with the bone/antler remains suggests that the lowered agricultural surplus might have been made up with game. • The Southern sector is the most different

of all, with most households in agricultural deficit and agricultural tools at low or medium levels. However, it had the highest density of faunal remains and the highest level of harvesting/butchery/leather-working tools. Given these data, the second animal pen probably belonged to this sector. • The Western sector had the highest projections of household floor area, population and storage capacity; these correlated with highest absolute numbers of artifacts relating to agriculture plus one of the highest projected storage capacities and numbers of houses with calculated household agricultural surplus. This sector had one of the two kilns located within the ditched village and access to four beyond the ditch to the southwest. • The Northwestern sector was undis­tinguished except for having an animal pen and the highest numbers of ceramics for food service and presentation. Taken together, the Northern and North­ western sectors seem complementary in several senses. Animals kept in the Northwestern pen could have supplied manure to the Northern night soil sheds. The surplus agricultural production of the Northern sector could have been shared with the Northwestern sector, which had one of the lowest levels of surplus. Both sectors are noted for the large numbers of serving ceramics; those from the Northwestern sector could have been fired in the Northern kiln or the one nearby outside the ditch. The Southern and Western sectors also seem somewhat complementary. West has one of the highest agricultural surpluses while South

This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:47:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Appendix H  419 has the lowest. West has one ceramic kiln, but four are accessible outside South and West, and South allegedly had a pottery workshop. South, however, is unparalleled in having an animal pen

plus the highest level of bone/antler densities and the highest number (not shown below) of bone awls, interpreted by the authors as used for leather-working.

Early Banpo phase at Jiangzhai

Northern sector

Eastern sector

Southern sector

Western sector

Northwestern sector

totals

area excavated (ha) (projected)

0.25 (21%) (0.36, 23%)

0.37 (33%) (0.37, 24%)

0.19 (16%) (0.26, 16%)

0.18 (16%) (0.32, 21%)

0.15 (13%) (0.26, 17%)

1.14ha

houses excavated (projected)

11 (16)

18 (18)

12 (17)

11 (21)

8 (15)

60 excav. houses

house floor area m2 (projected)

175 (254)

207 (207)

147 (208)

167 (318.6)

68 (126.9)

763m2

population (projected)

66 (94)

84 (84)

49 (68)

62 (111)

35 (61)

296 (419)

large house

87m2

126m2

52m2

74m2

70m2

408m2

storage pits (projected)

27 (39)

48 (48)

14 (19)

12 (23)

19 (33)

121 (162)

storage capacity m3 (projected)

89 (128)

90 (90)

28 (37)

59 (104)

81 (100)

346 (459)

households w/ agricultural surplus

4/11=36%

6/18=33%

1/12=8%

4/11=36%

2/8=25%

17 houses w/ surplus

households w/ agricultural deficit

7/11=64%

12/18=67%

11/12=92%

7/11=64%

6/8=75%

43 houses w/ deficit

most likely

less likely

yes

2 sectors?

fauna low/med/ high m2

334/103/0

877/148/0

866/28/199

351/0/6

345/0/51

#bones: low= Korean Peninsula >

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Sources  443 Japanese Islands: Whitman 2011, with archaeological data from Miyamoto Kazuo; Koguryo Japonic placenames: Beckwith 2004; insights from Bob Ramsey BOX 11.2: ‘dual structure’ hypothesis: Hanihara, K. 1991, 2000; modern Japanese DNA: Tanaka, M. et al. 2004; Jomon overwhelmed by migrants: Hammer et al. 2006; Korean Peninsula skeletal remains: Bae, K. 2014; dual wave of immigration to Peninsula: Kim, W. et al. 2000; “spread of male-mediated agriculture”: Jin, H-j. et al. 2009, Zhang, F. et al. 2007; ancient mtDNA from Shandong: Yao, Y.-G. et al. 2003; avg. heights: Hudson 1999a: 62 BOX 11.3: after CKJ box 11 BOX 11.4: Mainland: Han & Nakahashi 1998; Luan, F. 2013: 426–427; Jomon occurrences Kusaka, S. et al. 2009: table 1; Doigahama: Nakahashi, K. 1990; postmarital residential rules: asserted by Harunari 1986; Yoshigo: Kusaka, S. et al. 2009, Temple et al. 2011; Inariyama: Kusaka, S. et al. 2011 Fig.11.1: map by GLB Fig. 11.2: mod. from Pak, Y. 1995: figs. 4.23, 4.32; narrow dagger redrawn by Ana Marques Fig. 11.3: after Pak, Y. 1995: fig. 4.31 Fig. 11.4: table-type dolmen by Hairwizard91 [commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Korea-Ganghwado-Dolmen02.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.5; Go-board dolmens, photos by GLB Fig. 11.5: burnished pot: photo by GLB; points redrawn by Ana Marques after CKJ fig. 75; pendants drawn by Ana Marques; stone daggers by Good friend100 [commons.wiki media.org/wiki/File:Korea-Bronze.age-Daggers-02.jpg] Fig. 11.6: mod. with permission after Bale & Ko 2006: figs. 3, 10, and Bale 2011: fig. 10 Fig. 11.7: after Bale 2011: fig. 37, mod. with permission; tabulation by GLB from Bale 2011 Fig. 11.8: after Onuki, S. 2005: fig. 2, mod. with permission Fig. 11.9: photo: Seoul National Museum (no response, assumed permission); line drawings after CKJ fig. 78 Fig. 11.10: mod. after Rhee, S.-N. et al. 2007: fig. 3 Fig. 11.11: photo by GLB, permission of Fukuoka Maibun via Y. Abe and T. Kusumi; line drawings A-C after Yane 1984, D after Barnes 1990c Fig. 11.12: after Kobayashi, K. 2014, mod. with permission Fig. 11.13: after CKJ fig. 83 (left) Fig. 11.14: after CKJ figs. 80, 85 Fig. 11.15: teapot by Daderot [commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Pot_with_Spout,_1000–300_BC,_Japan,_ earthenware,_excavated_at_Nagawa,_Aomori_-_Art_ Institute_of_Chicago_-_DSC00127.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-1.0; seated Jomon figurine by PHGCOM, Own Work (British Museum) [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Late_Jomon_clay_statue_Kazahari_I_ Aomoriken_1500BCE_1000BCE.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-3.0; stone plaque by Sailko, Own Work (Tokyo National Museum) [commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Periodo_jomon,_gangu,_1000–400_a.c..jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-3.0; goggle-eye Jomon figurine

by Bigjap, Own Work [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Dogu-Jomon.jpg] Fig. 11.16: after CKJ fig. 83 (right) Chapter 12 BOX 12.1: wheel of the law by Ddalbiez (Own Work) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Khao_Khlang_Nai004.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-3.0 Fig. 12.1: after CKJ fig. 91 Fig. 12.2: line drawing after CKJ fig. 92; bronze horse carriage by Ovedc (Own Work) [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Terracotta_Army_(35).jpg] Fig. 12.3: photo by Ovedc (Own Work) [commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Terracotta_Army_(34).jpg] Fig. 12.4: after Wang, Z. 1982: fig. 42 (note that the plans for figures 37 and 42 are reversed in this publication; 42, stated to be Wei, is actually Han); data from Wang, T. 1999 Fig. 12.5: after CKJ fig. 98 Fig. 12.6: line drawings from CKJ box 12–f; Han figurine, by Sailko, Own Work (Art Gallery of New South Wales) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Nswag,_ dinastia_han,figurina_dipinta_di_danzatrice.jpg]; Han architecture, by Gary Lee Todd (Henan Provincial Museum) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Han_ Dynasty_pottery_tower2.jpg] Fig. 12.7: drawings after CKJ fig. 96; photo by PericlesofAthens [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Earthenware_ figures_playing_liubo,_Han_Dynasty_4.jpg] Fig. 12.8: line drawing after CKJ fig. 97; Changsha silk painting by English, artist unknown (Public domain), photograph by gAHqReEjqoLl5w at Google Cultural Institute [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:T-shaped_ Painting_on_Silk_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-3.0; Mawangdui dishes by David Schroeter (Flickr: DSC02614) [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Lacquer_from_han_dynasty_mawangdui. jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.0 Fig. 12.9: tomb drawing after CKJ box 12–b; hollow brick by 猫猫的日記本, Own Work [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:A_Hollow_Brick_with_Geometric_ Design_Excavated_from_the_Site_of_Xianyang_ Palace_I_02_2012–09.jpg]; drawing of painting by Maria Roman from Nickel 2000: fig. 9; brick rubbings after Watt 1980: Pl. II Fig. 12.10: after Wu, H. 1989: figs. 23, 6 Fig. 12.11: map by GLB Fig. 12.12: line drawing after CKJ fig. 94; photo of stone horse by GLB; horse figurines by unknown author, Own Work, designated Public Domain [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Eastern_Han_terracotta_horse_figurine.jpg] Fig. 12.13: line drawings after CKJ fig. 93; cowrie container by Editor at Large, Own Work [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:CMOC_Treasures_of_Ancient_China_ exhibit_-_bronze_cowrie_container.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.5

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

444  Archaeology of East Asia: Sources Fig. 12.14: line drawing after Miller et al. 2006; tomb site photo courtesy Erdenebaatar Diimaajav; cauldron photo by GLB Chapter 13 Fig. 13.1: map by GLB, inset after CKJ fig. 101; territories and historical data from Jung, I-s. 2013: map 5.1; Lee, S. 2013: map 8.1; Byington 2013: map 10.1 Fig. 13.2: after Byington 2003: fig. 5.2, with author’s permission Fig. 13.3: line drawing after Oh, Y. 2013: fig 4.1; photos after Oh, Y. 2013: fig. 4.3, mod. with author’s permission Fig. 13.4: after CKJ fig. 103 Fig. 13.5: after Barnes 2001: fig. 3.1 Fig. 13.6: map by GLB Fig. 13.7: map after Murakami, Y. 1998: 20; stamp by Unknown Han Dynasty seal engraver, issued by Japan Post (Own stamp collection) [Public domain] [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Postage_stamp_of_ kin-in,_1989.png] Fig. 13.8: map after Kidder 2007: fig. 7.2; bells & weapons photo by GLB; single bell by PHGCOM (self-made, photographed at Musee Guimet), mod. under CC-BYSA-3.0 [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3ADotaku BronzeBellLateYayoi3rdCenturyCE.jpg]; Yayoi daggers by I, PHGCOM at Musée Guimet [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Yayoi BronzeSpearTip1–2ndCentury Kyushu.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-3.0 Fig. 13.9: left: after Mizoguchi 2013a: fig. 6.4; photo by GLB 1979 Fig. 13.10: after CKJ fig. 90–b Fig. 13.11: redrawn by Durham Archaeological Services after Shimojo 2003 and mod. from Barnes 2007: fig. 3.6; gold seal by Unknown Han Dynasty seal engraver; issued by Japan Post (Own stamp collection) [Public domain], [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3APostage_stamp_ of_kin-in%2C_1989.png] Fig. 13.12: after Barnes 2007: fig. 3.7 derived from Seyock 2003 Table 13.1: data from Yi, Y.H. 2009 Chapter 14 Box 14.1: gold buckle by ddol-mang [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:%ED%8F%89%EC%96%91_%EC% 84%9D%EC%95%94%EB%A6%AC_%EA%B8%8 8%EC%A0%9C%EA%B5%90%EA%B5%AC.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.0; gold cap photo by Neil Noland [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Gold_ Cap.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.0; earring pair by pressapochista [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Geumjesimyeophyeongisik_(Heart-shaped_gold_ earrings_for_the_king).jpg]; gold earring, 8.6cm, National Treasure #90, National Museum of Korea (no response, assumed permission); gold crown by somedragon2000 [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Korea-Seoul.National.Museum-Silla-Crown-01.

jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.0. Crown sketch, after CKJ fig. 115. Info on jadeite: Lindstrom & Uchiyama 2012; on Silla gold: Lee, H. 2010b. Box 14.2: site plan after Hudson & Barnes 1991; photo of Yoshinogari inner precinct by Saigen Jiro (Own work) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yoshinogariiseki_minami-naikaku.jpg]; watchtower photo by GLB; mound-burial excavation by Saigen Jiro (Own work) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yoshinogariiseki_funkyuubo.jpg] Fig. 14.1: photos by GLB; line drawing after Barnes 2001: fig. 6.7 Fig. 14.2: mod. from Barnes 2001: fig. 1.4 Fig. 14.3: line drawing after CKJ fig. 111–a; photos by GLB Fig. 14.4: photos by GLB; Silla tomb #155 after Kim, W.Y. 1983: fig. 21; Tae-Kaya Chisan-dong tomb #44 after Kim & Nishitani 1984: fig. 131 Fig. 14.5: photo courtesy Shin Kyung Cheol and crew; stoneware after CKJ fig. 116 Fig. 14.6: mod. from Barnes 2001: fig. 5.1, CKJ fig. 89 Fig. 14.7: Horaisan photo by GLB; tiered mound: Aozuka Tomb notice board, Nagoya, photo by GLB; graph after Tsude 2005: fig. 6; Kaya sacrifices, see Park, H.W. 2012: 145 Fig. 14.8: line-drawing after Kondo, Y. 1986: fig. 11; cylindrical haniwa photo by GLB on Goshiki-zuka, Kobe; people haniwa from Banjoyama Tomb, Osaka, courtesy Chikatsu-Asuka Museum Fig. 14.9: deity-beast mirror and figure drawings after Edwards 1999: figs. 2, 5; TR-mirror cross-section after Barnes 1996: fig. 2; bracelets after Shiraishi, T. 2004: 98; staff: after Barnes 2007: fig. 7.4 Fig. 14.10: drawing after Barnes 2007: fig. 8.1; photo courtesy Kamitsuke no Sato Museum, Takasakishi Kyoi Fig. 14.11: Yamato cuirass, neckguard, visored helmet and keeled helmet, Kaya cuirass after Nogami, J. 1991: 396, 398, 421; Koguryo horse-rider after Yang 1985: fig. 31.4; Paekche 7–branched sword after Kidder 1964: 107; Kaya blades after Kang, B.W. 2000: fig. 13 Fig. 14.12: drawings after Choi, J. 2013: figs. 6, 17; photo by GLB Fig. 14.13: photos at Pangi-dong #1 in Seoul by GLB; line-drawings after CKJ fig. 113 c, d Fig. 14.14: line drawings after CKJ fig. 114–a, c, d; Anak mural photo by Hairwizard91(Public domain) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:An3_man.jpg] Figure 14.15: stone sculpture replica based on Iwatoyama Tomb, photo by GLB; tomb paintings: line drawing after Kidder 1964: fig. 33; B&W photo after Kidder 1964: pl. 76 with Thames & Hudson permission Chapter 15 Fig. 15.1: map by GLB; silk after CKJ fig. 99; camel & driver by Gary Lee Todd (Luoyang Museum) [commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tang_Dynasty_sancai_pottery_ camel_and_man.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-3.0

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Sources  445 Fig. 15.2: 6c Buddha, 26” tall painted limestone, by Sean Pathasema/Birmingham Museum of Art [commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Buddha-BMA.jpg]; Longmen cave photos by GLB 2008 Fig. 15.3: pagoda by Gisling, Own Work [http: // commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%E6%B4%9E9%98%B3 %E7%99%BD%E9%A9%AC%E5%AF%BA%E9 %BD% 90%E4%BA%91%E5%A1% 94.jpg]; relic box by Peter17, Own Work [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Famen_temple_25.jpg]; Bodhisattva image, after Barnes 1995b: fig. 5 Fig. 15.4: after CKJ fig. 118 Fig. 15.5: line drawings after Barnes 2001: fig. 6.9; photo by GLB Fig. 15.6: Chon’gam-ri temple plan from Kim, S-w. 2008: pl. 1; Asuka-dera and Kawahara-dera plans from Kidder 1972: figs. 27, 34 Fig. 15.7: map after Barnes 2001: fig. 8.7; Anapchi pavilion photo by GLB; Hwangnyong-sa pagoda model by Rennles (a flickr user) [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Hwangnyongsa_Pagoda_miniature.jpg], mod. under CC-BY-SA-2.0 Fig. 15.8: roof tiles after Tsuboi & Tanaka 1991: fig. 7; map after CKJ 122

Fig. 15.9: line drawings after CKJ fig. 126; photos by GLB Fig. 15.10: after Lee, K.B. 1984: map on p. 70 Fig. 15.11: jori illustration after Tsude 1989: fig. 11; jori diagrams after CKJ fig. 127 Fig. 15.12: photo by GLB at Heijo site museum Fig. 15.13: model photo at Rekihaku; line-drawings after Okada, H. n.d. Fig. 15.14: pillow photo by GLB, Heijo site museum; Tang whiteware from Walters Art Museum, Public domain [commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Chinese_-_ Bowl_-_Walters_492095.jpg]; Silla stamped ware from Walters Art Museum, Public domain [commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Korean_-_Stamped_Jar_-_ Walters_492764_-_Profile.jpg]; inlaid mirror by Imperial Agency, Japan (Public domain) [commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:8Lobed_Mirror_Inlay_Shosoin.jpg] Fig. 15.15: Shosoin by Moja [commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Shoso-in.jpg]; Tang fashions courtesy of Nara Institute of Cultural Properties; Heijo objects photo by GLB at Heijo site museum Chapter 16 Table 16.1: after CKJ fig. 7

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Bibliography Note: • Throughout this book, citation of CKJ refers to the hardcover (1993) and paperback (1999) editions of the same book, albeit published with different titles by Thames & Hudson (London): 1993  China, Korea and Japan: the rise of civilization in East Asia 1999  The rise of civilization in East Asia: the archaeology of China, Korea and Japan • Authors’ names have been regularized across all of their publications, for sensible alphabetization. For example, Chang Kwang-chih, Kwang-chih Chang and K.C. Chang are all the same person; below his full name is used for all his publications, though cited in endnotes as ‘Chang, K.C.’. • References in all chapter footnotes, endnotes, the Appendices and the Sources for Figures and Box and Table data appear here. Abe, Satoshi (2006) “Correlation of tephra layers with Upper Paleolithic industries in Kyushu.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 1–3. Adachi, N. et al. (2011) “Mitochondrial DNA analysis of Hokkaido Jomon skeletons: remnants of archaic maternal lineages at the southwestern edge of former Beringia.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 146: 346–360. Agency for Cultural Affairs (2010) Hakkutsu no tebiki [Guide to excavation], 2nd ed. Tokyo: Bunkacho Bunkazaibu Kinenbutsuka. Ahn, Sung-mo (2010) “The emergence of rice agriculture in Korea: archaeobotanical perspectives.” Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 2: 89–98. Aikens, C. Melvin & Higuchi, Takayasu (1982) Prehistory of Japan. New York: Academic Press. Aikens, C. Melvin; Zhushchikhovskaya, Irina S. & Rhee, Song Nai (2010) “Environment, ecology, and interaction in Japan, Korea, and the Russian Far East: the millennial history of a Japan Sea oikumene.” Asian Perspectives 48.2: 208–248. Akazawa, Takeru (1980) “Fishing adaptation of prehistoric hunter-gatherers at the Nittano site, Japan.” Journal of Archaeological Science 7: 325–344. —– (1981) “Maritime adaptation of prehistoric hunter-gatherers and their transition to agriculture in Japan.” Senri Ethnological Studies 9: 213–258. —– (1982) “Cultural change in prehistoric Japan: the receptivity process of rice agriculture in the Japanese archipelago.” Advances in World Archaeology 1.151–211. Allan, Sarah (1984) “The myth of the Xia Dynasty.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 2: 242–256. —– (1999) “Chinese bronzes through western eyes.” Pp. 63–76 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999.

—– (2007) “Erlitou and the formation of Chinese civilization: toward a new paradigm.” Journal of Asian Studies 66: 461–496. —– (ed.) (2005) The formation of Chinese civilization: an archaeological perspective. Yale U. Press. Allard, Francis (1994) “Interaction and social com­ plexity in Lingnan during the 1st millennium BC.” Asian Perspectives 33.2: 309–327. —– (2006) “Frontiers and boundaries: the Han Empire from its southern periphery.” Pp. 233–254 in Stark (ed.) 2006. —– (2014) “Early complex societies in southern China.” Pp. 807–823 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014. Allard, Francis et al. (2002) “A Xiongnu cemetery found in Mongolia.” Antiquity 76: 637–638. An, Jiayao (2012) “The development of archaeology in China: a ninety-year journey.” Pp. 141–164 in Unearthed: recent archaeological discoveries from northern China, ed. A.L. Juliano. Williamstown, MA: Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute. An, Zhimin (2000a [1981]) “Some problems concerning early Chinese copper and bronze artifacts.” Pp. 63–86 in The beginnings of metallurgy in China, ed. K.M. Linduff, R. Han & S. Sun. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. —– (2000b [1993]) “On early copper and bronze objects in ancient China.” Pp. 29–46 in The beginnings of metallurgy in China, ed. K.M. Linduff, R. Han & S. Sun. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. An, Zhisheng; Porter, Stephen C. & Kutzbach, John E., et al. (2000) “Asynchronous Holocene optimum of the East Asian monsoon.” Quaternary Science Reviews 19: 743–762. Anazawa, W. & Manome, J. (1986) “Two inscribed

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  447 swords from Japanese tumuli: discoveries and research on finds from the Sakitama-Inariyama and Eta-Funayama tumuli.” Pp. 375–396 in Pearson, Hutterer & Barnes (eds.) 1986. Anon. (1977) The outline of Korean history: until August 1945. Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House. Anon. (2009) “What China’s Northeast Project is all about.” Chosunilbo 30 Sept’09. [http: // english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2008/05/ 30/2008053061001.html] Anthony, David W. (2007) The horse, the wheel, and language: how Bronze-Age riders from the Eurasian steppes shaped the modern world. Princeton U. Press. Anthony, David W. & Brown, Dorcas R. (2011) “The secondary products revolution, horse-riding, and mounted warfare.” Journal of World Prehistory 24: 131–160. Araki, Mie; Numaoka, Aya; Kawase, Makoto, et al. (2012) “Origin of waxy common millet Panicum miliaceum L. in Japan.” Genetic Resources and Crop Evolution 59.7: 1303–1308. Atwood, Christopher P. (2004) Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire. New York: Facts on File. Bae, Christopher J. & Kim, Jong Chan (2010) “The Late Paleolithic-Neolithic transition in Korea: current archaeological and radiocarbon perspectives.” Radiocarbon 52.2/3: 493–499. Bae, Christopher J.; Bae, Kidong & Kim, Jong Chan (2013) “The Early to Late Palaeolithic transition in Korea: a closer look.” Radiocarbon 55.2/3: 1341–1349. Bae, Kidong (2010a) “Origin and patterns of the Upper Paleolithic industries in the Korean Peninsula and movement of modern humans in East Asia.” Quaternary International 211: 103–112. —– (2010b) “Peopling in the Korean Peninsula.” Pp. 181–190 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. —– (2014) “Bioarchaeological studies on ancient human skeletons in Korea.” Korean Journal of Physical Anthropology 27.1: 1–10 [in Korean]. Bae, Kidong; Bae, Christopher J. & Kim, Kiryong (2012) “The age of the Paleolithic handaxes from the Imjin–Hantan River Basins, South Korea.” Quaternary International 30: 1–12. Bagley, Robert (1987) Shang ritual bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler Collections, Ancient Chinese bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler collections, Vol. 1. Washington, DC & Cambridge, MA: Arthur M. Sackler Foundation & Harvard U. Press. —– (1999) “Shang archaeology.” Pp. 124–231 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999.

—– (ed.) (2001) Ancient Sichuan: treasures from a lost civilization. Princeton: Seattle Art Museum & Princeton U. Press. Bale, Martin T. (2008) “Archaeological heritage management in South Korea: the Nam River Dam Project.” Early Korea 1: 213–234. —– (2011) “Storage practices, intensive agriculture, and social change in Mumun pottery period Korea, 2903–2450 calibrated years B.P.” PhD thesis, U. of Toronto. Bale, Martin T. & Ko, Min-jung (2006) “Craft production and social change in Mumun pottery period Korea.” Asian Perspectives 45.2: 159–187. Bar-Yosef, Ofer (2002) “The Upper Paleolithic revolution.” Annual Review of Anthropology 31: 363–393. Bar-Yosef, Ofer & Kuhn, Steven L. (1999) “The big deal about blades: laminar technologies and human evolution.” American Anthropologist 101.2: 322–338. Bar-Yosef, Ofer & Wang, Youping (2012) “Paleolithic archaeology in China.” Annual Review of Anthropology 41: 319–335. Barker, G. & Janowski, M. (eds.) (2011) Why cultivate? Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. Barnard, Noel (1980–1981) “Wrought metal-working prior to Middle Shang: a problem in archaeological and art-historical research approaches.” Early China 6: 4–30. Barnes, Gina L. (1987) “The role of the be in state formation.” Pp. 86–101 in Production, exchange and complex society, ed. E. Brumfiel & T. Earle. Cambridge U. Press. —– (1990a) “The origins of bureaucratic archaeology in Japan.” Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society 12: 183–96. —– (1990b) “The ‘idea of prehistory’ in Japan.” Antiquity 64.245: 929–40. —– (1990c) “Ceramics of the Yayoi agriculturalists (300 BC - AD 300).” Pp. 28–39 in The Rise of a Great Tradition: Japanese archaeological ceramics from the Jomon through Heian periods (10,500 BC-AD 1185), ed. E.H. Weeder. Tokyo & New York: Agency for Cultural Affairs & The Japan Society. —– (1993a) China, Korea and Japan: the rise of civilization in East Asia. London: Thames & Hudson. —– (1993b) “Miwa occupation in wider perspective.” Pp. 181–192 in The Miwa Project: survey, coring and excavation at the Miwa site, Nara, Japan, ed. G.L. Barnes & M. Okita. BAR International Series 582. Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm. —– (ed.) (1995a) Buddhist archaeolog y. World Archaeology 27.2, special issue.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

448  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography —– (1995b) “An introduction to Buddhist archaeology.” World Archaeology 27.2: 165–84. —– (1996) “The archaeology of protohistoric Yamato.” Beiträge zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archäologie 16: 79–90. —– (1999) The rise of civilization in East Asia: the archaeology of China, Korea and Japan. London: Thames & Hudson. —– (2000) “Archaeological armour in Korea and Japan: styles, technology and social setting.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.3/4: 61–95. —– (2001) State formation in Korea: historical and anthropological perspectives. Richmond, UK: Curzon. —– (2006) Women in the Nihon Shoki. Durham East Asia Papers, No. 20. Durham: Department of East Asian Studies, Durham University. —– (2007) State formation in Japan: emergence of a 4thcentury ruling elite. London: Routledge. —– (2008) “The making of the Japan Sea and the Japanese mountains: understanding Japan’s volcanism in structural context.” Japan Review 20: 3–52. —– (2010) “Landscape and subsistence in Japanese history.” Pp. 321–340 in Landscapes and societies: selected cases, ed. P. Martini & W. Chesworth. Dordrecht: Springer. —– (2011) “Kofun jidai zenki ni okeru toji shikaiken kasetsu [A hypothesis of rulership authority in the Early Kofun period].” Kodaigaku Kenkyu 190. June: 1–14. [in Japanese] —– (2014) “A hypothesis for Early Kofun rulership.” Japan Review 27.3–29. —– (2015) “Vulnerable Japan: the tectonic setting of life in the archipelago.” Pp. 21–42 in Environment and society in the Japanese Islands, ed. B.L. Batten & P.C. Brown. Oregon State U. Press. Barnes, Gina L. & Guo, Dashun (1996) “The ritual landscape of northern Boar Mountain Basin: the Niuheliang site of northeastern China.” World Archaeology 28.2: 209–229. Barnes, Gina L. & Okita, Masaaki (1999) “Japanese archaeology in the 1990s.” Journal of Archaeological Research 7.4: 349–95. Barnes, Gina L. & Okita, Masaaki (eds.) (1993) The Miwa Project: survey, coring and excavation at the Miwa site, Nara, Japan. BAR International Series 582. Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm. Barnhart, Richard M. (2004) “Alexander in China? Questions for Chinese archaeology.” Pp. 273–285 in New perspectives on China’s past: Chinese archaeology in the twentieth century, ed. X. Yang. Yale U. Press. Barton, Loukas; Brantingham, P. Jeffrey & Ji, Duxue (2007) “Late Pleistocene climate change and Paleolithic cultural evolution in northern China:

implications from the Last Glacial Maximum.” Developments in Quaternary Sciences 9: 105–128. Barton, Loukas; Newsome, S.D.; Chen, F-A., et al. (2009) “Agricultural origins and the isotopic identity of domestication in northern China.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106.14: 5523–8. Batten, Bruce (2003) To the ends of Japan: premodern frontiers, boundaries and interactions. U. of Hawai’i Press. Bauer, Alexander A. (ed.) (2011) “Special issue: Life is too short for faint-heartedness: papers in memory of Andrew Sherratt.” Journal of World Prehistory 24.2–3. Bausch, Ilona (2003) “Jade, amber, obsidian and serpentinite: the social context of exotic stone exchange networks in central Japan during the late Middle Jomon period.” PhD thesis, U. of Durham. [http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4022/] Bechert, Heinz & Gombrich, Richard (eds.) (1984) The world of Buddhism. London: Thames & Hudson. Beckwith, Christopher I. (2004) Koguryo: the language of Japan’s continental relatives. Leiden: Brill. Beida, Department of Archaeology (ed.) (1998) Proceedings of the International Conference on ‘Chinese archaeology enters the twenty-first century’. New York: AMS Foundation for the Arts, Sciences and Humanities. Bekken, Deborah; Schepartz, Lynne A.; Miller-Antonio, Sari, et al. (2004) “Taxonomic abundance at Panxian Dadong, a Middle Pleistocene cave in south China.” Asian Perspectives 43.2: 333–359. Bell, Martin & Walker, Michael J.C. (1992) Late Quaternary environmental change: physical and human perspectives. Harlow, UK: Pearson Education. Bellwood, Peter (2013) First migrants: ancient migration in global perspective. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. Bennett, Gwen P. (2007) “Context and meaning in Late Neolithic lithic production in China: the Longshan period in southeastern Shandong province.” Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 17.1: 52–67. Berkelhammer, M.; Sinha, A., et al. (2012) “An abrupt shift in the Indian monsoon 4000 years ago.” Pp. 75–88 in Climates, landscapes, and civilizations, ed. L. Giosan, D.Q. Fuller, et al. Washington, DC: American Geophysical Union. Best, Jonathan (2002) “Buddhism and polity in early sixth-century Paekche.” Korean Studies 26: 165–215. —– (2006) A history of the early Korean kingdom of Paekche, together with an annotated translation of the Paekche Annals of the Samguk Sagi. Cambridge, MA: Harvard U. Asia Center. Bestel, Sheahan; Crawford, Gary W.; Liu, Li, et al. (2014) “The evolution of millet domestication,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  449 Middle Yellow River Region, North China: evidence from charred seeds at the late Upper Paleolithic Shizitan Locality 9 site.” The Holocene 24.3: 261–265. Bettinger, Robert L.; Barton, Loukas; Morgan, Christopher, et al. (2010) “The transition to agriculture at Dadiwan, People’s Republic of China.” Current Anthropology 51.5: 703–714. Betts, Alison; Jia, Peter Weiming & Dodson, John (2013) “The origins of wheat in China and potential pathways for its introduction: a review.” Quaternary International online journal [www.sciencedirect. com/science/article/pii/S1040618213004436]. Binford, Lewis R. & Stone, Nancy M. (1986) “Zhoukoudian: a closer look.” Current anthropology 27.5(Dec): 453–75. Blakeley, Barry B. (1999a) “The geography of Chu.” Pp. 9–20 in Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China, ed. C.A. Cook & J.S. Major. U. of Hawai’i Press. —– (1999b) “Chu society and state: image versus reality.” Pp. 51–66 in Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China, ed. C.A. Cook & J.S. Major. U. of Hawai’i Press. Bleed, Peter (1986) “Almost archaeology: early archaeological interest in Japan.” Pp. 57–67 in Pearson, Hutterer & Barnes (eds.) 1986. —– (2002a) “Microlithic technology in northern Asia: a risk-minimizing strategy of the Late Paleolithic and Early Holocene.” Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 12.1: 103–116. —– (2002b) “Cheap, regular, and reliable: implications of design variation in Late Pleistocene Japanese microblade technology.” Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 12.1: 95–102. Bleed, Peter & Matsui, Akira (2010) “Why didn’t agriculture develop in Japan? A consideration of Jomon ecological style, niche construction, and the origins of domestication.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 17: 356–370. Boaretto, E.; Wu, X.; Yuan, J., et al. (2009) “Radiocarbon dating of charcoal and bone collagen associated with early pottery at Yuchanyan Cave, Hunan Province, China.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106: 9595–9600. Boaz, N.T.; Ciochon, R.L.; Xu, Qingqi, et al. (2004) “Mapping and taphonomic analysis of the Homo erectus loci at Locality 1 Zhoukoudian, China.” Journal of Human Evolution 46: 516–49. Boivin, Nicole; Fuller, Dorian Q.; Dennell, Robin, et al. (2013) “Human dispersal across diverse environments of Asia during the Upper Pleistocene.” Quaternary International 300: 32–47. Bondár, Mária & Székely, György V. (2011) “A new

Early Bronze Age wagon model from the Carpathian Basin.” World Archaeology 43.4: 538–553. Bonfiglio, S.; Ginja, C.; De Gaetano, A., et al. (2012) “Origin and spread of Bos taurus: new clues from mitochondrial genomes belonging to haplogroup T1.” PLoS ONE 7.6: e38601. [doi: 38610.31371/ journal.pone.0038601] Bowen, Greg (1979) “Report on stone tools from Chongok-ni.” Chindan Hakbo.46/47: 48–55. Brantingham, P. Jeffrey; Krivoshapkin, Andrei I.; Li, Jinzeng, et al. (2001) “The initial Upper Paleolithic in Northeast Asia.” Current Anthropology 42.5: 735–747. Braun, David R.; Norton, Christopher J. & Harris, John W.K. (2010) “Africa and Asia: comparisons of the earliest archaeological evidence.” Pp. 41–48 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Bray, Francesca (1979) “The evolution of the mould­ board plough in China.” Tools and Tillage 3.4: 227–239. Brill, R.H.; Fenn, P.M. & Lange, D.E. (1995) “Chemical analyses of some Asian glasses.” Pp. 463–468 in Proceedings of XVII International Congress on Glass Technology, Glass Archeometry, ed. CCS. Beijing: Chinese Ceramic Society. Brosseder, Ursula & Miller, Bryan K. (eds.) (2011) Xiongnu archaeology: multidisciplinary perspectives of the first steppe empire in Inner Asia. Bonn: Vorund Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn. Brown, Delmer (ed.) (1993) Ancient Japan. Cambridge history of Japan, vol. 1. Cambridge U. Press. Brown, Peter (2001) “Chinese Middle Pleistocene hominids and modern human origins in east Asia.” Pp. 135–148 in Human roots: Africa and Asia in the Middle Pleistocene, ed. L. Barham & K. Robson-Brown. Bristol: Western Academic & Specialist Press. Brumm, Adam (2010) “The Movius Line and the Bamboo Hypothesis: early hominin stone technology in Southeast Asia.” Lithic Technology 35.1: 7–24. Bunker, Emma C. (2002) “Artifacts: regional styles and methods of production.” Pp. 15–38 in Nomadic art of the east Eurasian steppes, ed. E.C. Bunker, J.C. Watt & Z. Sun. Yale U. Press. Bunker, Emma C.; Watt, James C. & Sun, Zhixin (2002) Nomadic art of the east Eurasian steppes. Yale U. Press. Byington, Mark E. (2002) “The creation of an ancient minority nationality: Koguryo in Chinese historiography.” Unpaginated, in Embracing the other: the interaction of Korean and foreign cultures, Proceedings of the 1st World Congress of Korean Studies, III. Songnam: Academy of Korean Studies.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

450  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography —– (2003) “A history of the Puyo state, its people, and its legacy.” PhD thesis, Harvard University. —– (2009b) “The account of the Han in the Sanguozhi: an annotated translation.” Early Korea 2: 125–154. —– (ed.) (2008) “Reconsidering early Korean history through archaeology.” Special section in Early Korea 1: 13–156. —– (ed.) (2009a) Early Korea 2: The Samhan period in Korean history: Korea Institute, Harvard U. —– (ed.) (2012) The rediscovery of Kaya in history and archaeology. Special section in Early Korea 3: 17–170. —– (ed.) (2013) The Han commanderies in early Korean history. Cambridge, MA: Early Korea Project, Korea Institute, Harvard U. —– (ed.) (forthcoming) The history and archaeology of the Koguryo Kingdom (tentative title). Cai, Dawei, et al. (2011) “Early history of Chinese domestic sheep indicated by ancient DNA analysis of Bronze Age individuals.” Journal of Archaeological Science 38: 896–902. Cai, Dawei, et al. (2014) “The origins of Chinese domestic cattle as revealed by ancient DNA analysis.” Journal of Archaeological Science 41: 423–434. Caldwell, Joseph R. (1964) “Interaction spheres in prehistory.” Pp. 133–143 in Hopewellian studies, ed. J.R. Caldwell & R.L. Hall. Springfield: Illinois State Museum. Callaway, Ewen (2013) “Mystery humans spiced up Ancients’ sex lives.” Nature. [doi: 10.1038/ nature.2013.14196] Campbell, Roderick B. (2014) Archaeology of the Chinese Bronze Age: from Erlitou to Anyang. Albuquerque: U. New Mexico Press. Cann, Rebecca L. (1988) “DNA and human origins.” Annual Review of Anthropology 17: 127–143. CASS Institute of Archaeology (1996) Dadianzi: Xiajiadian xia ceng wen hua yi zhi yu mu di fa jue bao gao [Dadianzi: excavation report on Lower Xiajiadian culture site and burials]. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe. [in Chinese] Chan, Cheris Shun-ching (2004) “The Falun Gong in China: a sociological perspective.” China Quarterly 179: 665–683. Chang, Kwang-chih (1978) “T’ien Kan: a key to the history of the Shang.” Pp. 13–42 in Ancient China: studies in early civilization, ed. D. Roy & T. Tsien. Hong Kong: Chinese U. Press. —– (1980) Shang civilization. Yale U. Press. —– (1983) Art, myth and ritual: the path to political authority in ancient China. Harvard U. Press. —– (1986) The archaeology of ancient China. 4th ed. Yale U. Press. —– (2005) “The rise of kings and the formation of city-states.” Pp. 125–140 in Allan (ed.) 2005.

Chang, Yongjoon (2013) “Human activity and lithic technology between Korea and Japan from MIS 3 to MIS 2 in the Late Paleolithic period.” Quaternary International 308–309: 13–26. Chen, Chun (2003) “Retrospect of fifty years of Palaeolithic archaeology in China.” Pp. 21–36 in Current research in Chinese Pleistocene archaeology, ed. C. Shen & S.G. Keates. Oxford: Archaeopress. Chen, Chun; An, Jiayuan & Chen, Hong (2010) “Analysis of the Xiaonanhai lithic assemblage, excavated in 1978.” Quaternary International Special Issue: 211.1–2: 75–85. Chen, Fangmei (1999) “Bronze weapons from the south: the Xin’gan case.” Pp. 125–136 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999. Chen, Ning (2009) “The controversy of the XiaShang-Zhou Chronology Project.” Science Chat Forum. [www.sciencechatforum.com/viewtopic. php?f=44&t=13238] Chen, Tiemei; Hedges, R.E.M. & Yuan, Zhenxin (1992) “The second batch of accelerator radiocarbon dates for Upper Cave site of Zhoukoudian.” Acta Anthropological Sinica 11.2: 112–116. Cheng, Chen-hsiang (1986) “A study of the bronzes with the Ssu T’u Mu inscriptions excavated from the Fu Hao tomb.” Pp. 81–102 in Studies of Shang archaeology, ed. K.C. Chang. Yale U. Press. Chengdu Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology (2006) A 21st century discovery of Chinese archaeology: the Jinsha site. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press. Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (1995) “The Jade Age: when jade art served as the primary symbol of political and religious power”. In Stones from Heaven: Ancient Chinese Jade Symposium Papers. Los Angeles: Museum of Natural History. —– (1998) “Jade as material and epoch.” Pp. 55–68 in China: 5000 years, innovation and transformation in the arts, ed. S.E. Lee. New York: Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum. —– (ed.) (2002) Enduring art of Jade Age China: Chinese jades of the late Neolithic through Han periods. New York: Throckmorton. Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth & Gu, Fang (2009) The Jade Age: early Chinese jades in American museums. Beijing: Science Press [in English and Chinese]. Chiou-Peng, Tzehuey (1998) “Western Yunnan and its steppe affinities.” Pp. in The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age peoples of Eastern Central Asia, Vol. 1: archaeology, migration and nomadism, linguistics, ed. V.H. Mair. Washington DC / Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Man / U. of Pennsylvania Museum Publications. —– (2009) “Incipient metallurgy in Yunnan: new data for old debates.” Pp. 79–84 in Metallurgy and

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  451 civilisation: Eurasia and beyond, ed. J. Mei & T. Rehren. London: Archetype Publications. Chisholm, Brian (1999) “Reconstructing prehistoric Japanese diet using stable isotopic analysis.” Pp. 199–222 in Interdisciplinary perspectives on the origins of the Japanese: international symposium 1996, ed. K. Omoto. Kyoto: Nichibunken. Cho, Daehyoun & Lee, Donghee (2013) “Production specialization of Liaoning- and Korean-type bronze daggers during the Korean Bronze Age.” Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 07: 78–89. Cho, Hyunjong (2009) “The musical instruments of prehistoric Korea.” The International Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 03: 24–47. Choe, Chong Pil & Bale, Martin T. (2002) “Current perspectives on settlement, subsistence, and cultivation in prehistoric Korea.” Arctic Anthropology 39.1/2: 95–121. Choi, Jongtaik (2008) “The development of the pottery technologies of the Korean Peninsula and their relationship to neighboring regions.” Early Korea 1: 157–200. —– (2013) “Archaeological evidence of Goguryeo’s southern expansion in the fifth and sixth centuries.” Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 7: 90–104. Choi, Mou-Chang (2004) The Paleolithic periods in Korea. Seoul: Jimoondang. Choi, Sunu (ed.) (1979) 5000 Years of Korean art. Seoul: Hyonam Pub. Co. Choy, Kyungcheol & Richards, Michael P. (2009) “Stable isotope evidence of human diet at the Nukdo shell midden site, South Korea.” Journal of Archaeological Science 36.7: 1312–18. Choy, Kyungcheol; An, Deogim & Richards, Michael P. (2012) “Stable isotopic analysis of human and faunal remains from the Incipient Chulmun (Neolithic) shell midden site of Ando Island, Korea.” Journal of Archaeological Science 39: 2091–2097. Chung, Shin Sook (2012) “Present and future of Korean institutes specializing in archaeological excavation.” Early Korea 3: 209–223. Ciochon, Russell L. (2009) “The mystery ape of Pleistocene Asia.” Nature 459: 910–911. Clark, P.U., et al. (2009) “The last glacial maximum.” Science 325.5941: 710–714. Clunas, Craig (1997) Art in China. Oxford U. Press. Cohen, David J. (2011) “The beginnings of agriculture in China: a multiregional view.” Current Anthropology 52, Suppl. 4: S273–S293. —– (2014) “The Neolithic of southern China.” Pp. 765–781 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014. Cohen, David J. & Murowchick, Robert E. (2014) “Early complex societies in northern China.” Pp. 782–806 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014.

Cohen, David J. & Murowchick, Robert E. (eds.) (2002) “Special Issue: new research trends in the archaeology of China – a tribute to K.C. Chang.” The Review of Archaeology 22.2. Cook, Constance A. & Major, John S. (eds.) (1999) Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China: U. of Hawai’i Press. Cotterell, Arthur (1981) The First Emperor of China. London: MacMillan. Cox, Murray P., et al. (2008) “Testing for archaic hominim admixture on the X chromosome.” Genetics 178: 427–437. Craig, O.E., et al. (2013) “Earliest evidence for the use of pottery.” Nature 496: 351–354. Cranston, Edwin A. (1993) “Asuka and Nara culture: literacy, literature, and music.” Pp. 453–503 in Brown (ed.) 1993. Crawford, Gary W. (1992) “The transitions to agriculture in Japan.” Pp. 117–132 in The Origin of Agriculture, ed. T.D. Price & A.B. Gebauer. Madison: : Prehistory Press. —– (2006) “East Asian plant domestication.” Pp. 77–95 in Stark (ed.) 2006. —– (2008) “The Jomon in early agriculture discourse: issues arising from Matsui, Kanehara, and Pearson.” World Archaeology 40.4: 445–465. —– (2011) “Advances in understanding early agriculture in Japan.” Current Anthropology 52.4: S331–S345. —– (2012) “Early rice exploitation in the lower Yangzi valley: what are we missing?” The Holocene 22.6: 613–621. Crawford, Gary W. & Chen, Shen (1998) “The origins of rice agriculture: recent progress in East Asia.” Antiquity 72.278: 858–866. Crawford, Gary W. & Lee, Gyoung-Ah (2003) “Agricultural origins in the Korean Peninsula.” Antiquity 77.295: 87–95. Crawford, Gary W.; Underhill, A.; Zhao, Z., et al. (2005) “Late Neolithic plant remains from northern China: preliminary results from Liangchengzhen, Shandong.” Current Anthropology 46.2: 309–15. Creel, Herrlee Glessner (1970) The origin of statecraft in China 1: the Western Chou Empire. U. of Chicago Press. Cuno, James (2008) “The Chinese question”. Pp. 88–120 in Who owns antiquity?: museums and the battle over our ancient heritage. Princeton U. Press. d’Alpoim Guedes, Jade (2011) “Millets, rice, social com­ plexity, and the spread of agriculture to the Chengdu Plain and southwest china.” Rice 4.3/4: 104–113. D’Andrea, A.C.; Crawford, G.W.; Yoshizaki, M. et al. (1995) “Later Jomon subsistence in Northeastern Japan: new evidence from palaeoethnobotanical studies.” Asian Perspectives 34.2: 195–227.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

452  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Daniel, Glyn & Renfrew, Colin (1988) The idea of prehistory. Rev’d & enlarged ed. Edinburgh U. Press. (Orig. 1962, London: C.A. Watts.) Davey, Christopher J. (2009) “The early history of lost-wax casting.” Pp. 147–154 in Metallurgy and civilisation: Eurasia and beyond, ed. J. Mei & T. Rehren. London: Archetype Publications. de la Vaissière, Étienne (2004) “The rise of Sogdian merchants and the role of the Huns.” Pp. 19–23 in The Silk Road: trade, travel, war and faith, ed. S. Whitfield & U. Sims-William. London: British Museum & Serindia Publications. de Lumley, Henry & Park, Young Chul (2011) Les industries du paléolithique ancien de la Corée du Sud dans leur contexte stratigraphique et paléoécologique: leur place parmi les cultures du paléolithique ancien en Eurasie et en Afrique: en hommage au professeur Pokee Sohn. Paris: CNRS. Demattè, Paola (1999) “Longshan-era urbanism: the role of cities in predynastic China.” Asian Perspectives 38.2: 119–153. —– (2006) “The Chinese Jade Age: between anti­ quarianism and archaeology.” Journal of Social Archaeology 6.2: 202–26. —– (2010) “The origins of Chinese writing: the Neolithic evidence.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 20.2: 211–28. Demeter, Fabrice, et al. (2009) “Anatomically modern human in Southeast Asia (Laos) by 46 ka.” PNAS 109.36: 14375–14380. Dennell, Robin (2009) The Palaeolithic settlement of Asia: Cambridge U. Press. —– (2010) “The colonization of ‘Savannahstan’: issues of timing(s) and patterns of dispersal across Asia in the Late Pliocene and Early Pleistocene.” Pp. 7–30 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. —– (2012) “The Nihewan Basin of North China in the Early Pleistocene: continuous and flourishing, or discontinuous, infrequent and ephemeral occupation.” Quaternary International 30: 1–14. —– (2014) “East Asia and human evolution: from cradle of mankind to cul-de-sac” and “Smoke and mirrors: the fossil record for Homo sapiens between Arabia and Australia.” Pp. 8–20, 33–50 in Southern Asia, Australia and the search for human origins, ed. R. Dennell & M. Porr. Cambridge U. Press. Dennell, Robin & Petraglia, Michael D. (2012) “The dispersal of Homo sapiens across southern Asia: how early, how often, how complex?” Quaternary Science Reviews 47: 15–22. Derenko, Miroslava, et al. (2010) “Origin and post-glacial dispersal of mitochondrial DNA

haplogroups C and D in northern Asia.” PLOS ONE online journal [www.plosone.org/article/info: doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0015214]. Di Cosmo, Nicola (1999) “The northern frontier in pre-imperial China.” Pp. 885–966 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999. —– (2002) Ancient China and its enemies: the rise of nomadic power in East Asian history. Cambridge U. Press. Dien, Albert E. (1981/82) “A study of early Chinese armour.” Artibus Asiae 43.1/2: 5–56. —– (1987) “Chinese beliefs in the afterworld.” Pp. 1–16 in The quest for eternity, ed. S.L. Caroselli. London: Thames and Hudson. —– (2001) “Armor in China before the Tang dynasty.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.3/4: 23–59. —– (2007) Six Dynasties civilization. Yale U. Press. Dobney, Keith; Ervynck, Anton; Albarella, Umberto, et al. (2007) “The transition from wild boar to domestic pig in Eurasia, illustrated by a tooth developmental defect and biometrical data.” Pp. 57– 82 in Pigs and humans: 10,000 years of interaction, ed. U. Albarella, K. Dobney et al. Oxford U. Press. Du, Jinpeng (2010) “A typological study of the palace buildings at Zhouyuan and related issues.” Chinese Archaeology 10.1: 164–171. DuBois, Thomas David (2011) Religion and the making of modern East Asia. Cambridge U. Press. Dunhuang Institute for Cultural Relics (1981) The art treasures of Dunhuang. Hong Kong / New York: Joint Pub. Co. / Lee Publishers Group Inc. Dutra, Michael L. (2004) “Sir, how much is that Ming vase in the window?: Protecting cultural relics in the People’s Republic of China.” Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal 5: 62–100. Ebrey, Patricia & Walthall, Anne (2014) East Asia: a cultural, social, and political history, 3rd ed. Wadsworth. Edwards, Walter (1983) “Event and process in the founding of Japan: the horserider theory in archaeological perspective.” Journal of Japanese Studies 9.2: 265–296. —– (1999) “Mirrors on ancient Yamato: the Kurozuka Kofun discovery and the question of Yamatai.” Monumenta Nipponica 54.1: 75–110. —– (2003) “Monuments to an unbroken line: the imperial tombs and the emergence of modern Japanese nationalism.” Pp. 13–14 in The politics of archeology and identity in a global context, ed. S. Kane. Boston: Archeological Institute of America. Egami, Namio (1964) “The formation of the people and the origin of the state in Japan.” Pp. 35–70 in Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko. Tokyo: Toyo Bunko.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  453 Elston, Robert G. & Brantingham, P. Jeffrey (2002) “Microlithic technology in northern Asia: a riskminimizing strategy of the Late Paleolithic and Early Holocene.” Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 12.1: 103–116. Elston, Robert G.; Dong, Guanghui & Zhang, Dongju (2011) “Late Pleistocene intensification technologies in northern China.” Quaternary International 242: 401–415. Evasdottir, Erika E.S. (2000) “Rereading Rethinking Archaeology: what the present can learn from the past.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.1–2: 343–362. Falkenhausen, Lothar von (1991) “Chu ritual music.” Pp. 47–106 in New Perspectives on Chu Culture during the Eastern Zhou Period, ed. T. Lawton. Washington, DC: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution. —– (1993) Suspended music: chime bells in the culture of Bronze Age China. U. of California Press. —– (1995) “The regionalist paradigm in Chinese archaeology.” Pp. 198–217 in Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology, ed. P. Kohl & C. Fawcett. Cambridge U. Press. —– (2006) Chinese society in the Age of Confucius (1000–250 BC): the archaeological evidence. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA. Falkenhausen, Lothar von & Shelach, Gideon (2014) “Archaeological perspectives on the Qin ‘unification’ of China.” Pp. 37–52 in Birth of an empire: the state of Qin revisited, ed. Y. Pines, L.v. Falkenhausen, G. Shelach, et al. U. of California Press. Fang, Hui (2013) “The eastern territories of the Shang and Western Zhou: military expansion and cultural assimilation.” Pp. 473–493 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Fang, Y.S.; Huang, Y.P. & Shen, C. (2004) “Pebble semicircle structure from a Lower Paleolithic site in southern China.” Eurasian Prehistory 2: 3–12. Farris, William Wayne (1985) Population, disease and land in early Japan, 645–900. Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies & Harvard-Yenching Institute, Harvard University. —– (1992) Heavenly warriors: the evolution of Japan’s military, 500–1300. Harvard East Asian Monographs, no. 157. Harvard U. Press. —– (1998) Sacred texts and buried treasures: issues in the historical archaeology of ancient Japan. U. of Hawaii Press. —– (2009) Daily life and demographics in ancient Japan. Center for Japanese Studies, U. of Michigan. Feng, Guo (2011) “Mausoleum find rekindles ancient China’s blood-sweating horse legend.” Xinhua 21 February 2011. [http://news.xinhuanet.com/ english2010/china/2011–02/21/c_13741941.htm]

Feng, Z.-D.; An, C.B. & Wang, H.B. (2006) “Holocene climatic and environmental changes in the arid and semi-arid areas of China: a review.” The Holocene 16.1: 119–130. Ferring, Reid, et al. (2011) “ Earliest human occupations at Dmanisi (Georgian Caucasus) dated to 1.85–1.78 Ma.” PNAS 108.26: 10432–10436. Fiskesjö, Magnus (2001) “Rising from bloodstained fields: royal hunting and state formation in Shang dynasty China.” Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities Bulletin 73: 48–192. Fitzgerald-Huber, Louisa G. (1983) “The relationship of the painted pottery and Lung-shan cultures.” Pp. 177–216 in The origins of Chinese civilization, ed. D.N. Keightley. U. of California Press. —– (1996) “Qijia and Erlitou: the question of contact with distant cultures.” Early China 20 1995: 17–68. —– (2005) “The Qijia culture: paths east and west.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 75 (2003): 55–78. FitzGerald, Patrick (1978) Ancient China. London: Phaidon. Flad, Rowan K. (2001) “Ritual or structure? Analysis of burial elaboration at Dadianzi, Inner Mongolia.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 3.3–4: 23–52. Flad, Rowan K. et al. (2005) “Archaeological and chemical evidence for early salt production in China.” PNAS 102.35: 12618–12622. Flad, Rowan K. (2011) Salt production and social hierarchy in ancient China: an archaeological investigation of specialization in China’s Three Gorges. Cambridge U. Press. Flad, Rowan K. & Chen, Pochan (2013) Ancient central China: centers and peripheries along the Yangzi River. Cambridge U. Press. Flad, Rowan K.; Li, Shuicheng; Wu, Xiaohong, et al. (2010) “Early wheat in China: results from new studies at Donghuishan in the Hexi Corridor.” The Holocene 20.6: 955–965. Flad, Rowan K.; Wu, Xiaohong; Falkenhausen, Lothar von, et al. (2009) “Radiocarbon dates and technological change in salt production at the site of Zhongba in the Three Gorges, China.” Asian Perspectives 48.1: 149–181. Flad, Rowan K.; Yuan, Jing & Li, Shuicheng (2007) “Zooarchaeological evidence for animal domestication in northwest China.” Pp. 167–204 in Developments in Quaternary Science, vol. 9, ed. D.B. Masden, F.-H. Chen & X. Gao. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Fogel, Joshua A. (2013) Japanese historiography and the gold seal of 57 C.E. Leiden: Brill. Forster, Peter & Renfrew, Colin (2014) “East Asia: DNA.” Pp. 693–694 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

454  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Foy, Geoff (n.d.) “Buddhism in China.” The Asia Society. [http://asiasociety.org/countries/religionsphilosophies/buddhism-china] (accessed 23 Sept’14). Frachetti, Michael D. (2012) “Multiregional emergence of mobile pastoralism and nonuniform institutional complexity across Eurasia.” Current Anthropology 53.1: 2–38. Frachetti, Michael D. & Mar’yashev, Alexei N. (2007) “Long-term occupation and seasonal settlement of eastern Eurasian pastoralists at Begash, Kazakhstan.” Journal of Field Archaeology 32: 221–242. Frachetti, Michael D.; Spengler, Robert S. & Fritz, Gayle J. (2010) “Earliest evidence of broomcorn millet and wheat in the central Eurasian steppe region.” Antiquity 84: 993–1010. Fu, Qiaomei; Meyer, Matthias & Gao, Xing, et al. (2013) “DNA analysis of an early modern human from Tianyuan Cave, China.” PNAS 110.6: 2223–2227. Fujio, Shin’ichiro; Imamura, Mineo & Nishimoto, Toyohiro (2005) “Yayoi jidai no kaishi nendai (The beginning of Yayoi period).” Soken Daibun Kagaku Kenkyu 1: 73–96. [in Japanese] Fuller, Dorian Q. (2011) “Pathways to Asian civilization: tracing the origins and spread of rice and rice cultures.” Rice 4: 78–92. 10.1007/s12284–011– 9078–7. Fuller, Dorian Q. & Qin, L. (2009) “Water management and labour in the origins and dispersal of Asian rice.” World Archaeology 41.1: 88–111. Fuller, Dorian Q. & Weisskopf, Alison (2009–2011) “The Early Rice Project: from domestication to global warming.” Archaeology International 13/14: 44–21. Fuller, Dorian Q.; Hosoya, Leo Aoi; Zheng, Yunfei, et al. (2010) “A contribution to the prehistory of domesticated bottle gourds in Asia: rind measure­ ments from Jomon Japan and neolithic Zhejiang, China.” Economic Botany 64.3: 260–265. Fuller, Dorian Q.; Qin, L. & Harvey, E. (2008) “Evidence for a late onset of agriculture in the Lower Yangtze region and challenges for an archaeobotany of rice.” Pp. 40–83 in Past human migrations in East Asia: matching archaeology, linguistics and genetics, ed. A. Sanchez-Mazas, R. Blench, M.D. Ross, et al. London: Routledge. Reprinted with minor differences in Ahn & Lee (2009) New approaches to prehistoric agriculture. Fuller, Dorian Q.; Qin, Ling; Zheng, Yunfei, et al. (2009) “The domestication process and domestication rate in rice: spikelet bases from the lower Yangtze.” Science 323: 1607–1610. Gathago, P.N. & Brown, F.H. (2006) “Revised stratigraphy of Area 123, Koobi Fora, Kenya, and

new age estimates of its fossil mammals including hominins.” Journal of Human Evolution 51.5: 471–9. Geneste, Jean-Michel; David, Bruno O.; Plisson, Hugues, et al. (2010) “Earliest evidence for groundedge axes: 35,400±410 cal BP from Jawoyn Country, Arnhem Land.” Australian Archaeology 71: 66–69. Gibbard, Philip L.; Head, Martin J.; Walker, Michael J.C., et al. (2010) “Formal ratification of the Quaternary System/Period and the Pleistocene Series/Epoch with a base at 2.58 Ma.” Journal of Quaternary Science 25: 96–102. Gibbs, Kevin & Jordan, Peter (2013) “Bridging the boreal forest: Siberian archaeology and the emergence of pottery among prehistoric huntergatherers of northern Eurasia.” Siberica 12.1: 1–38. Glosserman, Brad & Snyder, Scott A. (2015) The Japan-South Korea identity clash. Columbia U. Press. Golden, Peter B. (2011) Central Asia in world history. Oxford U. Press. Grayson, James H. (1977) “Mimana: a problem in Korean historiograghy.” Korea Journal 17.8: 65–69. —– (1985) Early Buddhism and Christianity in Korea: a study in the emplantation of religion. Leiden: Brill. —– (2013) Korea: a religious history. Routledge e-books. Green, R.E.; Krause, J.; Briggs, A.W., et al. (2010) “A draft sequence of the Neanderthal genome.” Science 328: 710–722. Guo, Dashun (1995) “Hongshan and related cultures.” Pp. 21–64 in The archaeology of northeast China, ed. S.M. Nelson. London: Routledge. —– (1999) “An archaeological investigation of the Wudi.” Pp. 45–48 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999. Guo, Qinghua (2010) The mingqi pottery buildings of Han Dynasty China 206 BC–AD 220: architectural representations and represented architecture. Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press. Guo, Wu (2009) “From western Asia to the Tianshan mountains: on the early iron artefacts foud in Xinjiang.” Pp. 107–115 in Metallurgy and civilisation: Eurasia and beyond, ed. J. Mei & T. Rehren. London: Archetype Publications. Guo, Z.T.; Ruddiman, W.F.; Hao, Q.Z., et al. (2002) “Onset of Asian desertification by 22 Myr ago inferred from loess deposits in China.” Nature 416: 159–163. Ha, Tae-hung and Mintz, Grafton K. (transl.) (1972) Samguk Yusa. Seoul: Yonsei U. Press. Habu, Junko (2004) Ancient Jomon of Japan. Cambridge U. Press. —– (2008) “Growth and decline in complex huntergatherer societies: a case study from the Jomon period Sannai Maruyama site, Japan.” Antiquity 82: 571–584. —– (2014a) “Early sedentism in East Asia: from Late

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  455 Palaeolithic to early agricultural societies in insular East Asia.” Pp. 724–741 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014. —– (2014b) “Post-Pleistocene transformations of hunter-gatherers in East Asia: the Jomon and Chulmun.” Pp. 507–520 in The Oxford handbook of the archaeology and anthropology of hunter-gatherers, ed. V. Cummings, P. Jordan & M. Zvelebil. Oxford U. Press. Habu, Junko & Fawcett, Clare (2006) “Marxist theories and settlement studies in Japanese archaeology.” Pp. 80–91 in The archaeology of Bruce Trigger: theoretical empiricism, ed. R.F. Williamson & M.S. Bison. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s U. Press. Habu, Junko & Hall, Mark (2013) “Climate change, human impacts on the landscape, and subsistence specialization: historical ecology and changes in Jomon hunter-gatherer lifeways.” Pp. 65–78 in The archaeology and historical ecology of small scale economies, ed. V.D. Thompson & J.C. Waggoner. Gainesville, FL: U. Press of Florida. Hamada, K. & Umehara, S. (1923) Excavation report of Kimhae shellmound. Seoul: Chosen Sotokufu. [in Japanese]. Hammer, Michael F., et al. (2006) “Dual origins of the Japanese: common ground for hunter-gatherer and farmer Y chromosomes.” Journal of Human Genetics 51: 47–58. Hammond, Kenneth & Richie, Jeffrey (eds.) (2015) The sage returns: Confucian revival in contemporary China. SUNY Press. Han, Kangxin & Nakahashi, Takahiro (1998) “A comparative study of ritual tooth ablation in ancient China and Japan.” Acta Archaeological Sinica 1998.03. [in Chinese with English abstract] Han, Rubin & Duan, Hongmei (2009) “An early iron-using centre in the ancient Jin state region (8th–3rd century BC).” Pp. 99–106 in Metallurgy and civilisation: Eurasia and beyond, ed. J. Mei & T. Rehren. London: Archetype Publications. Hanihara, Kazuro (1991) “Dual structure model for the population history of the Japanese.” Japan Review 2: 1–33. —– (2000) “The dual structure model: a decade since its first proposal.” P. 4 in Interdisciplinary study on the origins of Japanese peoples and cultures, ed. Mark Hudson. Kyoto: International Research Center for Japanese Studies. Hanihara, Tsunehiko; Yoshida, Kohzo & Ishida, Hajime (2008) “Craniometric variation of the Ainu: an assessment of differential gene flow from northeast Asia into northern Japan, Hokkaido.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 137: 283–293. Harada, Y. & Komai, K. (1936) “Showa 9-nen oyobi

do 10-nendo dojoshi no chosa [Investigation of the walled site, 1934–1935].” Koseki Chosa Gaiho: Roran doseki Showa 10: 33–47. [in Japanese] Harper, Donald (1999) “Warring States natural philosophy and occult thought.” Pp. 813–884 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999. Harris, Nigel (2006) “The elevation history of the Tibetan Plateau and its implications for the Asian monsoon.” Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecoogy 241: 4–15. Harunari, Hideji (1986) “Rules of residence in the Jomon period, based on the analysis of tooth extraction.” Pp. 293–312 in Pearson, Hutterer & Barnes (eds.) 1986. Harunari, Hideji; Fujio, Shin’ichiro; Imamura, Mineo, et al. (2003) “Yayoi jidai no kaishi nendai (The beginning of the Yayoi period).” Pp. 65–68 in Nihon kokogaku kyokai dai 69 kai sokai kenkyu happyo yoshi. Tokyo: Nihon Daigaku. [in Japanese] Harvati, Katerina (2009) “Into Eurasia: a geometric morphometric re-assessment of the Upper Cave (Zhoukoudian) specimens.” Journal of Human Evolution 57.6: 751–762. He, Nu (2013) “The Longshan period site of Taosi in southern Shanxi province.” Pp. 255–277 in A companion to Chinese archaeology, ed. A. Underhill. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Heider, Franz; Bock, Juliane; Hendy, Ingrid, et al. (2001) “Latest Quaternary rock magnetic record of climatic and oceanic change, Tanner Basin, California borderland.” Geological Society of America Bulletin 113.3: 346–359. Henan & Sanmenxia (Henan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Sanmenxia shi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo) (2009) “ Henan Sanmenxia Guo guo mudi M2008 fajue jianbao [Preliminary report on the excavation of tomb M2008 of the Guo state cemetery in Sanmenxia, Henan].” Wenwu 2009.2: 18–31. [in Chinese] Heng, Chye Kiang & Chen, Shuanglin (2007) “The reconstruction of Yongning ward: settings of daily life in Tang Chang’an.” [www.arch.nus.edu.sg/ research/research-projects/completed/hck_changan/ pages/recent.htm] Henning, Kirsten Britta (2011) “Kulturvergleich ist auch Identitätsvergleich.” German.China.Org.Cn. [http:// german.china.org.cn/interview/2011–11/24/ content_23997946.htm] Hobson, R.L. (1915 [1976]) Chinese pottery and porcelain. New York: Dover Publications. Hommel, Peter (2014) “Ceramic technology.” Pp. 663– 694 in The Oxford handbook of the archaeology and anthropology of hunter-gatherers, ed. V. Cummings, P. Jordan & M. Zvelebil. Oxford U. Press.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

456  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Honeychurch, William & Amartuvshin, Chunag (2007) “Hinterlands, urban centers, and mobile settings: the ‘new’ Old World archaeology from the Eurasian Steppe.” Asian Perspectives 46.1: 36–64. Hook, B. (ed.) (1982) Cambridge Encyclopedia of China. Cambridge U. Press. Hsu, Cho-yun & Linduff, Katheryn M. (1988) Western Chou civilization. Yale U. Press. Hsu, Minfu (1986) “The origins of Chinese traditional architecture.” PhD thesis, Dept. of Architecture, U. of Edinburgh. Hu, Yaowu; Ambrose, Stanley H. & Wang, Changsui (2006) “Stable isotopic analysis of human bones from Jiahu site, Henan, China: implications for the transition to agriculture.” Journal of Archaeological Science 33: 1319–1330. Hu, Yaowu; Hu, Songmei & Wang, Weilin, et al. (2013) “Earliest evidence for commensal processes of cat domestication.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111.1: 116–120. Huang, Chun Chang, et al. (2010) “Extraordinary floods of 4100−4000 a BP recorded at the Late Neolithic ruins in the Jinghe River gorges, middle reach of the Yellow River, China.” Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecoogy 289.1–4: 1–9. Huang, Chun Chang, et al. (2011) “Extraordinary floods related to the climatic event at 4200 a BP on the Qishuihe River, middle reaches of the Yellow River, China.” Quaternary Science Reviews 30: 460–468. Huang, Tsui-mei (1992) “Liangzhu, a late Neolithic jade-yielding culture in southeastern coastal China.” Antiquity 66.250: 75–83. Huang, Xuehui; Kurata, Nori; Wei, Xinghua, et al. (2012) “A map of rice genome variation reveals the origin of cultivated rice.” Nature. [doi: 10.1038/ nature11532] Hubei Cultural Heritage Bureau (2010) “240,000 cultural relics unearthed near Three Gorges Reservoir.” [http://news.xinhuanet.com/english 2010/culture/2010–11/29/c_13627200.htm] Hudson, Mark J. (1999a) Ruins of identity: ethnogenesis in the Japanese Islands. U. of Hawai’i Press. —– (1999b) “Ainu ethnogenesis and the northern Fujiwara.” Arctic Anthropology 36.1/2: 73–83. Hudson, Mark J. & Barnes, Gina L. (1991) “Yoshinogari: a Yayoi settlement in northern Kyushu.” Monumenta Nipponica 46.2: 211–235. Hughes, David W. (1988) “Music archaeology of Japan: data and interpretation.” Pp. 55–87 in The archaeology of early music cultures, ed. E. Hickmann & D.W. Hughes. Bonn: Verlag für systematische Musikwissenschaft. Humphreys, Colin J. (1991) “The Star of Bethlehem

– a comet in 5 BC – and the date of the birth of Christ.” Quarterly Journal of the Royal Astronomical Society 32: 389–407. Hyun, Peter (1994) “5000 years of Korean art.” Pp. 12–23 in Korean cultural heritage, Volume 1: Fine arts – painting, handicrafts, architecture, ed. C.-h. Son. Seoul: Korea Foundation. ICOMOS (2004) “Koguryo (China) No 1135.” [http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1135/documents/] Ikawa-Smith, Fumiko (2007) “Conclusion: in the search of the origins of microblades and microblade technology.” Pp. in Origin and spread of microblade technology in northern Asia and North America, ed. Y.V. Kuzmin, S.G. Keates & C. Shen. Burnaby, BC: Archaeology Press. —– (2010) “Living on the edge of the continent: the Japanese archipelago 30,000 – 8,000 ca. B.C.” North Pacific Prehistory 3 (2009): 49–69. —– (ed.) (1978) Early Palaeolithic in South and East Asia. The Hague: Mouton. Imamura, Keiji (1996) The prehistory of Japan: new perspectives on insular East Asia. U. of Hawai’i Press. Inada, Takashi (2006) “Settlement and hunting in the Japanese Upper Paleolithic period.” Pp. 30–42 in Archaeology in Japan: upheavals and continuities, a Japanese-European discussion, ed. JapanischDeutsches Zentrum Berlin. Munich: Iudicium. Inagaki, Seiichi (2013) “Projections of living arrange­ ment and poverty rates for the elderly in Japan – effect of changes in nuptiality behavior after 1980s on the poverty rate –” [http://www.esri.go.jp/jp/ workshop/130301/data/siryo6_2.pdf ] Inoue, Mitsusada (1993) “The century of reform.” Pp. 163–220 in Brown (ed.) 1993. Institute of Archaeology of Shanxi province (1996) Art of the Houma Foundry. Princeton U. Press. International Association for Obsidian Studies (2014) “Japanese obsidian sources.” [www.obsidianlab.com/ sourcecatalog/s_japan.html] Iriye, Akira & Miller, H. Lyman (1997) Can history inform policy-making on East-Asia? Two historians offer lessons on the complex U.S.-China-Japan triangle. Washington, DC: Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies. IUGS (International Union of Geological Sciences) International Commission on Stratigraphy (2011) “Regional chronostratigraphical correlation table for the last 270,000 years Europe north of the Mediterranean.” [www.stratigraphy.org/upload/ Quaternary_last270ka.pdf ] Iwase, Akira; Hashizume, Jun; Izuho, Masami, et al. (2012) “Timing of megafaunal extinction in the late Late Pleistocene on the Japanese Archipelago.” Quaternary International 255: 114–124.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  457 JAA (Japanese Archaeological Association) (n.d.) “Yanagisawa.” [http://archaeology.jp/sites/ 2009/04yanagisawa.htm] Jang, Hosu (2012) “Fifty years of cultural resource management in Korea: achievements and challenges.” Early Korea.197–222. Jarus, Owen (2010 ) “Human sacrifices discovered at torched Shang Dynasty city Huanbei.” The Independent 17 May 2010. [www.independent.co.uk/ life-style/history/human-sacrifices-discovered-attorched-shang-dynasty-city-huanbei-1975492. html] Jeon, Deog-jae (2010) “The constitution of the ruling elite in Middle and Late Silla.” Pp. 21–56 in State and society in Middle and Late Silla, ed. R.D. McBride. Korea Institute, Harvard University. Jia, Lanpo & Huang, Weiwen (1985) “On the recognition of China’s Palaeolithic cultural traditions.” Pp. 259–264 in Palaeoanthropology and Palaeolithic archaeology in the People’s Republic of China, ed. R. Wu & J.W. Olsen. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Jia, (Peter) Wei Ming (2007) Transition from foraging to farming in Northeast China, BAR International Series 1629. Oxford: Archaeopress. Jia, Peter Weiming (2011) “Commentary: a critical review of environmental archaeology in Northeast China.” Asian Perspectives 50.1/2: 70–90. Jiang, Leping (2013) “The Kuahuqiao site and culture.” Pp. 537–554 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Jiang, Leping & Liu, Li (2005) “The discovery of an 8000-year-old dugout canoe at Kuahuqiao in the Lower Yangzi River, China.” Antiquity 70.305: Project Gallery, n.p. [www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/ liu/] Jiang, Leping & Liu, Li (2006) “New evidence for the origins of sedentism and rice domestication in the Lower Yangzi River, China.” Antiquity 80.308: 335–361. Jin, Guiyun & Liu, Dongsheng (2002) “Mid-Holocene climate change in North China, and the effect on cultural development.” Chinese Science Bulletin 47.5: 408–413. Jin, Han-Jun; Tyler-Smith, Chris & Kim, Wook (2009) “The peopling of Korea revealed by analyses of mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosomal markers.” PLOS ONE 4(1) [e4210. doi: 10.1371/journal. pone.0004210]. Jing, Zhichun; Tang, Jigen; Rapp, George, et al. (2013) “Recent discoveries and some thoughts on early urbanization at Anyang.” Pp. 343–366 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Juliano, Annette L. (1980) “Buddhism in China.” Archaelogy 33.3: 23–30.

—– (ed.) (2012) Unearthed: recent archaeological discoveries from northern China. Williamstown, MA: Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute. Jung, In-seung (2013) “The material culture of the Lelang commandery.” Pp. 137–164 in Bmegton (ed.) 2013. Kaifu, Yousuke & Fujita, Masaki (2012) “Fossil record of early modern humans in East Asia.” Quaternary International 248: 2–11. Kaner, Simon (ed.) (2009) The power of dogu: ceramic figures from ancient Japan. London: British Museum Press. Kang, Bong Won (1995) “The role of warfare in the formation of state in Korea: historical and archae­ ological approaches.” PhD thesis, U. of Michigan. —– (2000) “A test of increasing warfare in the Samguk Sagi against the archaeological remains in Yongnam, South Korea.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.3/4: 139–197. —– (2011) “An examination of chronology, ethnic group, and social ranking based on mortuary data from central Korea.” Asian Perspectives 49.1: 180–204. Kang, Hyun Sook (2008) “New perspectives of Koguryo archaeological data.” Early Korea 1: 13–64. Kasahara, Junzo; Sano, Osamu; Geshi, Nobuo, et al. (2010) “Overview of a Special Issue on ‘Geotectonic Evolution of the Japanese Islands under New Paradigms of the Next Generation (Part I-III)’.” Chigaku Zasshi 119.6: 947–958. Katada, Nao (ed.) (1984) Jomon kara Yayoi e [From Jomon to Yayoi]. Nara: Tezukayama Kokogaku Kenkyusho. [in Japanese] Katagiri, Chiaki; Yamamoto, Yuji & Nakanishi, Yumiko (2014) “Distributional survey of underwater cultural heritage and its experimental presentation in the Ryukyu Archipelago.” Pp. 665–668 in Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Under­ water Cultural Heritage, ed. Hans Van Tilburg et al. Honolulu: 2014 Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Planning Committee. Kazuno-shi Kyoi (n.d. a) “Special historical site: Oyu stone circles.” Jomon Japan: Jomon archaeological sites in Tohoku and Hokkaido. [http://jomon-japan.jp/en/ jomon-sites/omori-katsuyama/] —– (n.d. b) “Oyu kanjo resseki.” [www.ink.or.jp/~oyusc/ index.html] Keally, Charles T. (2004) “Bad science and the distortion of history: radiocarbon dating in Japanese archaeology.” Sophia International Review 26: 97–104. [www.t-net.ne.jp/~keally/Reports/sir2004. html] —– (2006) “Summary of the ‘Final Report’ on Japan’s archaeological hoax.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 6–9.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

458  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Keates, Susan G. (2001) “An examination of culture and evolution of Middle Pleistocene Chinese hominids.” Pp. 159–185 in Human roots: Africa and Asia in the Middle Pleistocene, ed. L. Barham & K. Robson-Brown. Bristol: Western Academic and Specialist Press Ltd. —– (2003) “Biostratigraphy, taphonomy, palaeo­ environment and hominid diet in the Middle and Late Pleistocene of China.” Pp. 37–56 in Current research in Chinese Pleistocene archaeology, ed. C. Shen & S.G. Keates. Oxford: Archaeopress. —– (2004) “Home range size in Middle Pleistocene China and human dispersal patterns in Eastern and Central Asia.” Asian Perspectives 43.2: 227–247. —– (2010) “The chronology of Pleistocene modern humans in China, Korea, and Japan.” Radiocarbon 52.2–3: 428–465. Keightley, David N. (1978) Sources of Shang History: the oracle-bone inscriptions of Bronze Age China. U. of California Press. —– (1999) “The Shang: China’s first historical dynasty.” Pp. 232–291 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999. —– (2006) “Marks and labels: early writing in Neolithic and Shang China.” Pp. 177–201 in Stark (ed.) 2006. KEoJ (1983) Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan. 9 vols. Tokyo: Kodansha. Kerr, Rose & Wood, Nigel (2004) Ceramic technology. Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5: Chemistry and chemical technology, pt. XII. Cambridge U. Press. Keyser-Tracqui, Christine; Crubézy, Eric & Ludes, Bertrand (2003) “Nuclear and mitochondrial DNA analysis of a 2,000-year-old necropolis in the Egyin Gol Valley of Mongolia.” American Journal of Human Genetics 73: 247–260. Keyser, Christine, et al. (2008) “Tracing back ancient south Siberian population history using mitochondrial and Y-chromosome SNPs.” Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series 1: 3430345. Keyser, Christine, et al. (2009) “Ancient DNA provides new insights into the history of south Siberian Kurgan people.” Human Genetics 126: 395–410. Kidder, J. Edward (1964) Early Japanese art: the great tombs and treasures. London / Princeton: Thames and Hudson / Von Nostrand. —– (1972) Early Buddhist Japan. London: Thames & Hudson. —– (2007) Himiko and the elusive kingdom of Yamatai: archaeology, history and mythology. U. of Hawai’i Press. Kim, Bumcheol (2009) “Where it goes? Social complexity and political economy in the Middle Bronze Age, central-western Korea.” The Review of Korean Studies 12.2: 55–79.

Kim, Byung-mo (1998) Kim Suro hwangbi Ho Hwangok [Kim Suro’s queen, Ho Hwang-ok]. Seoul: Choson Ilbo. [in Korean] Kim, J.C., et al. (2007) “PIXE provenancing of obsidian artefacts from Paleolithic sites in Korea.” Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 27: 122–128. Kim, Jangsuk (2003) “Land-use conflict and the rate of the transition to agricultural economy: a comparative study of southern Scandinavia and central-western Korea.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 10.3: 277–321. —– (2006) “Resource patch sharing among foragers: lack of territoriality or strategic choice?” Pp. 168–91 in Beyond affluent foragers: rethinking hunter-gatherer complexity, ed. C. Grier, J. Kim & J. Uchiyama. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Kim, Jong-Il (2004) “The growth of individuals and social transformation in the Korean Bronze Age – Interpreting the symbolic structure of the Korean Bronze Age in mid-west Korea.” Review of Korean Studies 7.1: 31–60. Kim, Jongil (2011) “Women and feminity in prehistoric Korea.” Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 05: 79–89. Kim, Jung-bae (1975) “Formation of the Korean people.” Korea Journal 15.12: 12–16. Kim, Seung-og (1994) “Burials, pigs and political prestige in Neolithic China.” Current Anthropology 35.2: 119–41. Kim, Sung-woo (2008) “Changes in the layouts of Buddhist temples of Goguryeo circa fifth century AD.” International Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 2: 112–125. Kim, Taesik (2012) “Sources for the study of Kaya history.” Early Korea 3: 17–48. Kim, Won-yong (1981) “Korean archaeology today.” Korea Journal 21.9: 22–44. —– (1983) Recent archaeological discoveries in the Republic of Korea. Tokyo / Paris: UNESCO / Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. Kim, Won-yong & Nishitani, Tadashi (1984) Kankoku kokogaku gaisetsu [Outline of Korean archaeology]. Tokyo: Rokko. [in Japanese] Kim, Wook; Shin, Dong Jik; Harihara, Shinji, et al. (2000) “Y chromosomal DNA variation in East Asian populations and its potential for inferring the peopling of Korea.” Journal of Human Genetics 45: 76–83. Kimura, Hideaki (2006) “The Shirataki obsidian mine area and the Yubetsu-Horokazawa technological complex.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 9–11. Kirkland, J. Russell (1981) “The ‘horseriders’ in Korea: a critical evaluation of a historical theory.” Korean Studies 5.109–28.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  459 Kitagawa, J. & Yasuda, Y. (2004) “The influence of climatic change on chestnut and horse chestnut preservation around Jomon sites in northeastern Japan with special reference to the Sannai-Maruyama and Kamegaoka sites.” Quaternary International 123/125: 89–103. Kitagawa, J. & Yasuda, Y. (2008) “Development and distribution of Castanea and Aesculus culture during the Jomon period in Japan.” Quaternary International 184: 41–55. Kito, Kiyoaki (1976) Nihon kodai kokka no keisei to Higashi Ajia [The formation of the ancient Japanese state and East Asia]. Tokyo: Azekura Shobo. [in Japanese] Kivisild, Toomas (2015) “Maternal ancestry and population history from whole mitochondrial genomes.” Investigative Genetics 6.3, 10pp. DOI 10.1186/s13323–015–0022–2. Kobayashi, Ken’ichi (2006) “Radiocarbon dating for archaeological studies of the Jomon period.” Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History 133: 51–70. —– (2014) “Study of dating on the prehistoric archaeology of Japan.” Presentation at Workshop on Radiocarbon Dating in Japanese Archaeology, April 8–10, 2014, Sainsbury Institute for the Study of Japanese Arts and Cultures, Norwich. Kobayashi, Tatsuo (1977) “Jomon culture and society.” Pp. 156–159 [in Japanese] in Nihon genshi bijutsu taikei: Jomon doki, ed. T. Kobayashi. Tokyo: Kodansha. —– (1986) “Trends in administrative salvage archaeology.” Pp. 491–6 in Pearson, Hutterer & Barnes (eds.) 1986. —– (2001) “The duality of Jomon group structure.” IPPA Bulletin 21: 22–29. Kobayashi, Tatsuo; Kaner, Simon & Nakamura, Oki (2004) Jomon reflections: forager life and culture in the prehistoric Japanese archipelago. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Kobayashi, Yukio (1961) Kofun jidai no kenkyu [Research on the Kofun period]. Tokyo: Aoki Shoten. [in Japanese] Koezuka, Takayasu & Oga, Katsuhiko (2006) “Yayoi•Kofun jidai ni okeru garasu gyokurui no seisan.” Kikan Kokogaku [Archaeological Quarterly] 94: 98–99. [in Japanese] Kohl, Philip L. & Fawcett, Clare (eds.) (1995) Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology. Cambridge U. Press. Komlos, John (2003) “The size of the Chinese terracotta warriors – 3rd century B.C.” Antiquity 77.296, available only online in the Project Gallery: [http:// antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/komlos/komlos.html]

Kondo, Megumi & Matsu’ura, Shuji (2005) “Dating of the Hamakita remains from Japan.” Anthropological Science 113: 155–161. Kondo, Yoshiro (1986) “The keyhole tumulus and its relationship to earlier forms of burial.” Pp. 335–348 in Pearson, Hutterer & Barnes (eds.) 1986. Kong, Qing-Peng, et al. (2011) “Large-scale mtDNA screening reveals a surprising matrilineal complexity in East Asia and its implications to the peopling of the region.” Molecular Biology and Evolution 28.1: 513–522. Koo, S-W. (2013) “Religions of Korea today and yesterday.” Stanford Spice. Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. [http://spice.fsi.stanford. edu/docs/religions_of_korea_yesterday_and_today] Kudo, Yuichiro (2006) “The temporal correspondence between archaeological chronology and environmental changes 28,000–11,000 CALYBP in eastern Honshu.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 11–14. —– (2012) “Absolute chronology of archaeological and paleoenvironmental records from the Japanese Islands, 40–15 ka BP.” Pp. 13–32 in Environmental changes and human occupation in East Asia during OIS3 and OIS2, ed. A. Ono & M. Izuho. BAR International Series 2352. Oxford: Archaeopress. Kudo, Yuichiro & Kumon, Fujio (2012) “Paleolithic cultures of MIS 3 to MIS 1 in relation to climate changes in the central Japanese islands.” Quaternary International 248: 22–31. Kuraku, Y., et al. (1994) Urushi bunka: Jomon–Yayoi jidai [Lacquer culture: the Jomon and Yayoi periods]. Sakura: National Museum of Japanese History. Kusaka, Soichiro; Ando, Atsushi & Nakano, Takanori et al. (2009) “A strontium isotope analysis on the relationship between ritual tooth ablation and migration among the Jomon people in Japan.” Journal of Archaeological Science 36: 2289–2297. Kusaka, Soichiro; Hyodo, Fujio; Yumoto, Takakazu, et al. (2010) “Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis on the diet of Jomon populations from two coastal regions of Japan.” Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 1968–1977. Kusaka, Soichiro; Ikarashi, Takeyuki & Hyodo, Fujio, et al. (2008) “Variability in stable isotope ratios in two Late-Final Jomon communities in the Tokai coastal region and its relationship with sex and ritual tooth ablation.” Anthropological Science 116.2: 171–181 Kusaka, Soichiro; Nakano, Takanori; Yumoto, Takakazu, et al. (2011) “Strontium isotope evidence of migration and diet in relation to ritual tooth ablation: a case study from the Inariyama Jomon site, Japan.” Journal of Anthropological Science 38.1: 166–174.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

460  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Kusumi, Takeo (2004) “Kofun jidai shoto zengo no Hakata wangen isekigun no rekishi-teki igi [The historica significance of the site cluster along Hakata Bay at the advent of the Kofun period].” Pp. 54–61 in Himiko no sekai, ed. Museum of Yayoi Culture. Osaka: Yayoi Bunka Hakubutsukan. [in Japanese] Kuttner, Fritz (1990) The archaeology of music in ancient China. New York: Paragon House. Kuzmin, Yaroslav V.; Keates, Susan G. & Shen, Chen (eds.) (2007) Origin and spread of microblade technology in northern Asia and North America. Burnaby, BC: Archaeology Press. Kvavadze, Eliso, et al. (2009) “30,000-year-old wild flax fibers.” Science 325.1359. Kwon, O-jung (2013) “The history of Lelang com­ mandery.” Pp. 81–100 in Byington (ed.) 2013. Kwon, Oh Young (2008) “The influence of recent archaeological discoveries on the research of Paekche history.” Early Korea 1: 65–112. Kwon, Oh Young & Kim, Muu Joong (2011) “Public archa­eology in Korea: a duet of popularity and nationalism.” Pp. 87–94 in Okamura & Matsuda 2011. Lambeck, Kurt; Yokoyama, Yusuke & Purcell, Tony (2002) “Into and out of the Last Glacial Maximum: sea-level change during Oxygen Isotope States 3 and 2.” Quaternary Science Reviews 21: 343–360. Lang, N. & Wolff, E.W. (2011) “Interglacial and glacial variability from the last 800 ka in marine, ice and terrestrial archives.” Climate Past 7: 361–380. Lankton, James (n.d.) “Scientific study of Indian glass: past, present and future.” [www.tifr.res.in/~archaeo/ FOP/FoP%20papers/scientific%20study%20 of%20Indian%20glass.pdf ] Larson, Greger & Bradley, Daniel G. (2014) “How much Is that in dog years? The advent of canine popu­lation genomics.” PLOS Genetics 10.1: 1–3 [e1004093]. Larson, Greger; Liu, Ranran; Zhao, Xingbo, et al. (2010) “Patterns of East Asian pig domestication, migration and turnover revealed by modern and ancient DNA.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107.17: 7686–7691. Lawton, Thomas (ed.) (2008) New frontiers in global archaeology: defining China’s ancient traditions. Beijing: AMS Foundation for the Arts, Sciences and Humanities. Lbova, Ludmila (2014) “The Upper Palaeolithic of north­east Asia.” Pp. 707–723 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014. Ledyard, Gari (1975) “Galloping along with the horseriders: looking for the founders of Japan.” Journal of Japanese Studies 1.2: 217–54. Lee, Dennis Hyun-Seung (2014) Keyhole-shaped tombs and unspoken frontiers: exploring the borderlands

of early Korean-Japanese relations in the 5th-6th centuries. PhD thesis, UCLA. Lee, Gikil (2012) “Characteristics of Paleolithic industries in southwestern Korea during MIS 3 and MIS 2.” Quaternary International 248: 12–21. Lee, Gyoung-Ah (2011) “The transition from foraging to farming in prehistoric Korea.” Current Anthropology 52.S4: S307–S329. —– (2012)) “Japan and Korea: Korea.” Pp. 153–162 in Oxford companion to archaeology (2nd ed.), ed. N. A. Silberman. Oxford U. Press. Lee, Gyoung-Ah; Crawford, Gary W.; Liu, Li, et al. (2007) “Plants and people from the Early Neolithic to Shang periods in North China.” PNAS 104.3: 1087–1092. Lee, Gyoung-Ah; Crawford, Gary W.; Liu, Li, et al. (2011) “Archaeological soybean (Glycine max) in East Asia: does size matter?” PLOS ONE online journal. [www.plosone.org/article/info: doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0026720] Lee, Hansang (2010a) “The gold culture and the gold crowns of Silla.” Pp. 106–199 in H. Lee 2010b. Seoul: Korea Foundation. —– (ed.) (2010b) Gold crowns of Silla: treasures from a brilliant age. Seoul: Korea Foundation. Lee, Hyun Joo (2012) “Features and development of the Pokch’on-dong cemetery in Tongnae.” Early Korea 3: 171–196. Lee, Jaehyun (2009) “The interregional relations and developmental processes of Samhan culture.” Early Korea 2: 61–94. Lee, June-Jeong (2006) “From fisher-hunter to farmer: changing socioeconomy during the Chulmun period in southeastern Korea.” Pp. 54–79 in Beyond affluent foragers: rethinking hunter-gatherer complexity, ed. C. Grier; J. Kim & J. Uchiyama. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Lee, Ki-baik (1984) A new history of Korea. Harvard U. Press. Lee, Ki-Mun & Ramsey, S. Robert (2011) A history of the Korean language. Cambridge U. Press. Lee, S.J. (2014) “Poverty amongst the elderly in South Korea: the perception, prevalence, and causes and solutions.” International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 4.3: 242–245. Lee, Soyoung & Leidy, Denis Patry (2013) Silla: Korea’s golden kingdom. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Lee, Sungjoo (2012) “Formation of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles.” Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 06: 90–101. Lee, Sungsi (2013) “The Samhan, Ye, and Wa in the time of the Lelang and Daifang commanderies.” Pp. 165–190 in Byington (ed.) 2013.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  461 Lee, Yun Kuen (2002) “Building the chronology of early Chinese history.” Asian Perspectives 41.1: 15–42. Lee, Yung-Jo & Kong, Sujin (2006) “Le site Paléolithique de Suyanggae, Corée: the Suyanggae Paleolithic site, Korea.” L’anthropologie 110: 223–240. Lei, C.Z. (2006) “Origin and phylogeographical structure of Chinese cattle.” Animal Genetics 37: 579–582. Lei, C.Z.; Zhang, W.; Chen, H., et al. (2007) “Independ­ ent maternal origin of Chinese swamp buffalo (Bubalus bubalis).” Animal Genetics 28.2: 97–102. Lewis, Mark Edward (1990) Sanctioned violence in early China. Albany: State U. of New York Press. —– (1999) “Warring states: political history.” Pp. 588–650 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999. —– (2000) “The city-state in Spring-and-Autumn China.” Pp. 359–374 in A comparative study of thirty city-state cultures: an investigation conducted by the Copenhagen polis centre, ed. M.H. Hansen. Copenhagen: C.A. Reitzls Forlag. —– (2007) The early Chinese empires: Qin and Han. Harvard U. Press. —– (2009) China’s cosmopolitan empire: the Tang Dynasty. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Li, Boqian (1999) “The sumptuary system governing Western Zhou rulers’ cemeteries, viewed from a Jin ruler’s cemetery.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 1: 251–276. Li, Chi (1956) Ch’eng-tzu-yai: the black pottery culture site at Lung-shan-chen in Li-ch’eng-hsien, Shan-tung province. Translated by K. Starr. Yale U. Press. —– (1977) Anyang. Seattle: U. of Washington Press. Li, Chunxiang; Li, Hongjie & Cui, Yinqiu, et al. (2010) “Evidence that a West-East admixed population lived in the Tarim Basin as early as the early Bronze Age.” BCM Biology 8.15 [doi: 10.1186/1741– 7007–8–15]. Li, Feng (2006) Landscape and power in early China: the crisis and fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC. Cambridge U. Press. —– (2014) Early China: a social and cultural history. Cambridge U. Press. Li, Feng; Wu, Li & Zhu, Cheng (2013) “Spatial temporal distribution and geographic context of Neolithic cultural sites in the Hanjiang River Basin, Southern Shaanxi, China.” Journal of Archaeological Science 40: 3141–3152. Li, Hui, et al. (2007) “Y chromosomes of prehistoric people along the Yangtze River.” Human Genetics 122: 383–388. Li, Xiaoqiang; Dodson, J.; Zhou, X., et al. (2007) “Early cultivated wheat and broadening of agriculture in Neolithic China.” The Holocene 17.5: 555–60. Li, Xiuzhen (2012) “Standardisation, labour organisation

and the bronze weapons of the Qin terracotta warriors.” PhD thesis, University College London. Li, Xueqin (1980) The wonder of Chinese bronzes. Beijing: Foreign Language Press. —– (1985) Eastern Zhou and Qin civilizations. Yale U. Press. —– (1991) “Chu bronzes and Chu culture.” Pp. 1–22 in New perspectives on Chu culture during the Eastern Zhou period, ed. T. Lawton. Washington DC: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution. Li, Xueqin (1993) “Liangzhu culture and the Shang dynasty taotie motif.” Colloquies on Art & Archaeology in Asia 15: 56–66. Li, Xueqin (2002) “The Xia-Shang-Zhou chronology project: methodology and results.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 4.1–4: 321–334. Li, Xueqin (2013) “Zhou (1046 B.C.E.–256 B.C.E.) oracle bones excavated from Yinxu, ruins of Yin (1300 B.C.E.–1046 B.C.E).” Contemporary Chinese Thought 44.3: 27–33. Li, Xueqin; Harbottle, Garman; Zhang, Juzhong, et al. (2003) “The earliest writing? Sign use in the seventh millenium BC at Jiahu, Henan Province, China.” Antiquity 77.295: 31–44. Li, Y.Y.; Willis, K.J.; Zhou, L.P., et al. (2006) “The impact of ancient civilization on northeastern Chinese landscape.” The Holocene 16.8: 1109–1121. Li, Yung-ti & Hwang, Ming-chorng (2013) “Archaeology of Shanxi during the Yinxu period.” Pp. 367–388 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Lindstrom, Kati & Uchiyama, Junzo (2012) “Inland sea as a unit for environmental history: East Asian inland seas from prehistory to future.” Journal of Environmental Biology 33 (April): 283–288. Linduff, Katheryn M. (1995) “Zhukaigou, steppe culture and the rise of Chinese civilization.” Antiquity 69.262: 133–45. —– (2000) “Introduction.” Pp. 1–28 in The beginnings of metallurgy in China, ed. K.M. Linduff, R. Han & S. Sun. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. —– (2003) “Many wives, one queen in Shang China.” Pp. 59–75 in Ancient queens: archaeological explorations, ed. S.M. Nelson. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira. —– (2008) “Metallurgy in ancient eastern Eurasia.” Pp. 1601–1608 in Encyclopaedia of the history of science, technology and medicines in non-Western cultures, ed. H. Selin. Springer. —– (2009) “Production of signature artifacts for the nomad market in the state of Qin during the late Warring States period in China (4th–3rd century BCE).” Pp. 90–96 in Metallurgy and civilisation: Eurasia and beyond, ed. J. Mei & T. Rehren. London: Archetype Publications.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

462  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography —– (ed.) (2003) Metallurgy in ancient eastern Eurasia from the Urals to the Yellow River. Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press. Linduff, Katheryn M. & Mei, Jianjun (2009) “Metal­ lurgy in ancient eastern Asia: retrospect and prospects.” Journal of World Prehistory 22: 265– 281. Linduff, Katheryn M. & Sun, Yan (eds.) (2004) Gender and Chinese archaeology. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press. Linduff, Katheryn M.; Bunker, Emma C. & Wu, En (1997) “An archaeological overview.” Pp. 18–98 in Ancient bronzes of the Eastern Eurasian steppes from the Arthur M. Sackler collections, ed. E.C. Bunker. New York: The Arthur M. Sackler Foundation. Linduff, Katheryn M.; Drennan, D.D. & Shelach, G. (2004) “Early complex societies in NE China: the Chifeng International Collaborative Archaeological Research Project.” Journal of Field Archaeology 29.1/2: 45–73. Linduff, Katheryn M.; Han, Rubin & Sun, Shuyun (eds.) (2000) The beginnings of metallurgy in China. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. Liu, Li (2000) “Ancestor worship: an archaeological investigation of ritual activities in Neolithic north China.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.1–2: 129–164. —– (2003) “‘The products of minds as well as of hands’: production of prestige goods in the Neolithic and early state periods of China.” Asian Perspectives 42.1: 1–40. —– (2004) The Chinese Neolithic: trajectories to early states. Cambridge U. Press. —– (2007) “Rethinking Erlitou: legend, history and Chinese archaeology.” Antiquity 81: 886–901. —– (2009) “State emergence in early China.” Annual Review of Anthropology 38: 217–232. Liu, Li & Chen, Xingcan (2003) State formation in early China. London: Duckworth. Liu, Li & Chen, Xingcan (2006) “Sociopolitical change from Neolithic to Bronze Age China.” Pp. 149–76 in Stark (ed.) 2006. Liu, Li & Chen, Xingcan (2007) “Multicisciplinary research in the Yilou project: after 10 years.” IPPA Bulletin 27: 37–8. Liu, Li & Chen, Xingcan (2012) The archaeology of China: from the Late Palaeolithic to the Early Bronze Age. Cambridge U. Press. Liu, Li, et al. (2010) “A functional analysis of grinding stones from an early holocene site at Donghulin, North China.” Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 2630–2639. Liu, Li; Chen, Xingcan; Lee, Yun Kuen, et al. (2002– 2004) “Settlement patterns and development of

social complexity in the Yiluo region, north China.” Journal of Field Archaeology 29.1–2: 75–100. Liu, Li; Lee, Gyoung-Ah; Jiang, Leping, et al. (2007) “Evidence for the early beginning (c. 9000 ca. BP) of rice domestication in China: a response.” Holocene 17.8: 1059–1068. Liu, Tungsheng & Ding, Zhongli (1998) “Chinese loess and the paleomonsoon.” Annual Reviews of Earth and Planetary Sciences 26: 111–145. Liu, Tungsheng; Ding, Zhongli & Rutter, Nat (1999) “Comparison of Milankovitch periods between continental loess and deep sea records over the last 2.5 Ma.” Quaternary Science Reviews 18: 1205–1212. Liu, Wu (1999) “The dental morphology and continuity of prehistoric and historic humans of China.” Pp. 43–64 in Interdisciplinary perspectives on the origins of the Japanese: international symposium 1996, ed. K. Omoto. Kyoto: Nichibunken. Liu, Wu, et al. (2010) “Human remains from Zhirendong, South China, and modern human emergence in East Asia.” PNAS 107.45: 19201– 19206. Liu, XiaoKe; Li, WeiDong; Liu, Bin, et al. (2013) “Analysis of the potteries from ancient Liangzhu city-state.” Science China Technological Sciences 56.4: 945–951. Liu, Xujie (2002) “The Qin and Han Dynasties.” Pp. 33–60 in Chinese architecture, ed. N. Steinhardt. New York: China Institute in America, Inc. Liu, Y-H.; Henderson, G.M. & Hu, C-Y., et al. (2013) “Links between the East Asian monsoon and North Atlantic climate during the 8,200 year event.” Nature Geoscience 6: 117–120. Liu, Y.; Hu, Y. & Wei, Q. (2012) “Early to Late Pleistocene human settlements and the evolution of lithic technology in the Nihewan Basin, North China: a macroscopic perspective.” Quaternary International 295: 204–214. Loehr, Max (1953) “The bronze styles of the An-yang period (1300–1028 BC).” Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America 7: 42–53. Loewe, Michael (1979) Ways to Paradise: the Chinese quest for immortality. London: George Allen & Unwin. Loewe, Michael & E.L. Shaughnessy (eds.) (1999) The Cambridge history of ancient China. Cambridge U. Press. Lu, Houyuan; Liu, Zhenxia; Wu, Naiqin, et al. (2002) “Rice domestication and climatic change: phytolith evidence from East China.” Boreas 31: 379–385. Lu, Houyuan; Zhang, Jianping; Liu, Kam-biu, et al. (2009) “Earliest domestication of common millet (Panicum miliaceium) in East Asia extended to

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  463 10,000 years ago.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106.18: 7367–7372. Lu, Liancheng (2005) “The Eastern Zhou and the growth of regionalism.” Pp. 204–248 in Allan (ed.) 2005. Lu, Liancheng & Yan, Wenming (2005) “Society during the Three Dynasties.” Pp. 141–203 in Allan (ed.) 2005. Lu, Lie Dan (1998) “The microblade tradition in China: regional chronologies and significance in the transition to Neolithic.” Asian Perspectives 37.1: 84–112. Lu, Tracey L-D (2006) “The occurrence of cereal culti­ vation in China.” Asian Perspectives 45.2: 129–58. —– (2011) “Early pottery in South China.” Asian Perspectives 49.1: 1–42. Lu, Zun’er (2003) “The Jinniushan hominid in anatomical, chronological, and cultural context.” Pp. 127–136 in Current research in Chinese Pleistocene archaeology, ed. C. Shen & S.G. Keates. Oxford: Archaeopress. Luan, Fengshi (2013) “The Dawenkou culture in the lower Yellow River and Huai River basins.” Pp. 411–434 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Lubbock, John (2010 [1865]) Pre-historic times, as illustrated by ancient remains, and the manners and customs of modern savages: Cambridge U. Press. Lycett, Stephen J. & Bae, Christopher J. (2010) “The Movius Line controversy: the state of the debate.” World Archaeology 42.4: 521–544. Lyras, G.A.; Dermitzakis, M.D.; Van der Geer, A.A.E., et al. (2009) “The origin of Homo floresiensis and its relations to evolutionary processes under isolation.” Anthropological Science 117.1: 33–43. Mabuchi, H.; Hirao, Y. & Nishida, M. (1985) “Lead isotope approach to the understanding of early Japanese bronze culture.” Archaeometry 27.2: 131–159. Macaulay, Vincent; Hill, Catherine; Achilli, Alessandro, et al. (2005) “Single, rapid coastal settlement of Asia revealed by analysis of complete mitochondrial genomes.” Science 308: 1034–1036. MacNeish, Richard S. & Libby, Jane G. (eds.) (1995) Origins of rice agriculture. Vol. 13, Publications in Anthropology. El Paso, TX: Centennial Museum, U. of Texas at El Paso. Mair, Victor H. & Cheng, Fangyi (2013) Kungang (昆 岗): the making of an imaginary archaeological culture. Sino-Platonic Papers 237. Dept. of East Asian Languages & Civilizations, U. of Pennsylvania. Mair, Victor H. & Hickman, Jane (eds.) (2014) Reconfiguring the Silk Road: new research on East-West exchange in antiquity. Philadelphia: U. Pennsylvania Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology.

Mair, Victor H. with contributions by E. Bruce Brooks (2013) “Was there a Xià Dynasty?” Sino-Platonic Papers 238. Mallory, J.P. & Mair, Victor H. (2000) The Tarim mummies: ancient China and the mystery of the earliest peoples from the West. London: Thames & Hudson. Mannen, H. (2004) “Independent mitochondrial origin and historical genetic differentiation in North Eastern Asian cattle.” Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 32: 539–544. Matsu’ura, Shuji & Kondo, Megumi (2010) “Relative chronology of the Minatogawa and the Upper Minatogawa series of human remains from Okinawa Island, Japan.” Anthropological Science 119.2 (2011): 173–182. Matsu’ura, Shuji & Kondo, Megumi (2011) “Relative chronology of the Minatogawa and the Upper Minatogawa series of human remains from Okinawa Island, Japan.” Anthropological Science 119.2: 173–182. Matsuda, Akira & Okamura, Katsuyuki (2011) “Introduction: new perspectives in global public archaeology.” Pp. 1–18 in Okamura & Matsuda 2011. Matsufuji, Kazuto (2010) “When were the earliest hominin migrations to the Japanese Islands?” Pp. 191–200 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Matsui, Akira (1996) “Archaeological investigations of anadromous salmonid fishing in Japan.” World Archaeology 27.3: 444–460. —– (2009) “Exploitation of plants and animals at the Jomon wetland site of Sakuramachi in Toyama, Japan.” Pp. 67–77 in Relics of old decency: archaeological studies in later prehistory, ed. G. Cooney, K. Becker, J. Coles, et al. Dublin: Wordwell. Matsui, Akira & Kanehara, Masa’aki (2006) “The question of prehistoric plant husbandry during the Jomon period in Japan.” World Archaeology 39.2: 259–73. Matsui, Akira; Ishiguro, Naotaka; Hongo, Hitomi, et al. (2005) “Wild pig? Or domesticated boar? An archaeological view on the domestication of Sus scrofa in Japan.” Pp. 148–159 in The first steps of animal domestication, ed. J.-D. Vigne, J. Peters & D. Helmer. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Matsumura, H. (2001) “Differentials of Yayoi immigration to Japan as derived from dental metrics.” Homo – Journal of Comparative Human Biology 52.2: 135–156. Matsuyama, Toshio (1981) “Nut gathering and processing methods in traditional Japanese villages.” Senri Ethnological Studies.9: 117–141.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

464  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Mattis, Peter (2012) “Reexamining the Confucian Institutes.” The Diplomat. [http://thediplomat.com/ 2012/08/reexamining-the-confucian-institutes/] McBrearty, Sally & Brooks, Alison S. (2000) “The revolution that wasn’t: a new interpretation of the origin of modern human behavior.” Journal of Human Evolution 39: 453–563. McBride, Richard D. II (2010) “Introduction.” Pp. 3–20 in State and society in Middle and Late Silla, ed. R.D. McBride. Korea Institute, Harvard University. McCallum, Donald F. (2013) The four great temples: Buddhist archaeology, architecture, and icons of seventh-century Japan. U. Hawai’i Press. McCreedy, Amy (ed.) (2004) The “creativity problem” and the future of the Japanese workforce. Asia Program Special Report, No. 121. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Asia Program. Meacham, William (1993?) “Report on salvage excavations at Lung Kwu Sheung Tan 1990.” Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society 13 (1989–1992): 13–32. Medley, Margaret (ed.) (1976) The Chinese Potter. Oxford: Phaidon. Mei, Jianjun (2000) Copper and bronze metallurgy in late prehistoric Xinjiang: its cultural context and relationship with neighbouring regions, BAR International Series 865. Oxford: BAR. Mei, Jianjun & Li, Yanxiang (2003) “Early copper technology in Xinjiang, China: the evidence so far.” Pp. 112–121 in Mining and metal production through the ages, ed. P. Craddock & J. Lang. London: British Museum Press. Mei, Jianjun & Shell, Colin (1999) “The existence of Andrononovo cultural influence in Xinjiang during the 2nd Millenium BC.” Antiquity 73.281: 570–578. Miao, Y-W.; Peng, M-S.; Wu, G-S. et al. (2013) “Chicken domestication: an updated perspective based on mitochondrial genomes.” Heredity 110: 277–282. [doi: 10.1038/hdy.2012.83]. Miki, Fumio (1974) Haniwa. Tokyo: Weatherhill. Miller-Antonio, Sari; Schepartz, Lynne, A.; Karkanas, Panagiotis, et al. (2004) “Lithic raw material use at the Late Middle Pleistocene site of Panxian Dadong.” Asian Perspectives 43.2: 314–332. Miller, Bryan K. (2014) “Xiongnu “kings” and the political order of the steppe empire.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57: 1–43. Miller, Bryan K.; Allard, Francis; Erdenebaatar, Diimaajav, et al. (2006) “A Xiongnu tomb complex: excavations at Gol Mod 2 cemetery, Mongolia (2002–05).” Mongolian Journal of Anthropology, Archaeology and Ethnology 2.2: 1–21.

Miller, Richard James (1974) Ancient Japanese nobility: the kabane ranking system. U. of California Press. Miyamoto, Kazuo (2013) “An archaeological explana­ tion for the diffusion theory of Japonic and Koreanic languages.” Powerpoint presentation at Chikyuken Symposium “Dispersal of people, crops and languages”, Kyoto 23–24 Feb 2013. Mizoguchi, Koji (2013a) The archaeology of Japan: from the earliest rice farming villages to the rise of the state: Cambridge U. Press. —– (2013b) “Evolution of prestige good systems: an application of network analysis to the transformation of communication systems and their media.” Pp. 141–180 in Network analysis in archaeology: new approaches to regional interaction, ed. C. Knappett. Mizoguchi, Yuji (2011) “Typicality probabilities of Late Pleistocene human fossils from East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Australia: implications for the Jomon population in Japan.” Anthropological Science 119.2: 99–111. Mo, Duowen; Zhao, Zhijun; Xu, Junjie, et al. (2010) “Holocene environmental changes and the evolution of the Neolithic cultures in China.” Pp. 299–320 in Landscapes and societies: selected cases, ed. I.P. Martini & W. Chesworth. Dordrecht: Springer. Moon, Chang Rho (2012) “Research on Kaya history and issues of academic debate.” Early Korea 3: 49–104. Morisaki, Kazuki (2012) “The evolution of lithic technology and human behavior from MIS 3 to MIS 2 in the Japanese Upper Paleolithic.” Quaternary International 248: 56–69. Mou, Yongkang & Wu, Ruzuo (1999) “A discussion on the ‘jade age’.” Pp. 41–44 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999. Movius, Hallam L., Jr. (1944) Early Man and Pleistocene stratigraphy in southern and eastern Asia. Harvard U. Press. —–. (1949) “The Lower Paleolithic cultures of southern and eastern Asia.” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 38.4: 329–420. Murakami, Yasuyuki (1998) Wajin to tetsu no kokogaku [The archaeology of iron and the Japanese]. Tokyo: Aoki Shobo. [in Japanese] Muraki, Makoto (2011) “Sharing the pleasure of excavation: the public archaeology program at the Miharashidai site, Japan.” Pp. 263–274 in Okamura & Matsuda 2011. Murata, Shuseki (2011) “The role of archaeology and its challenges in Japanese school education: the curriculum and history textbooks.” Pp. 227–238 in Okamura & Matsuda 2011. Murowchick, Robert E. (2001) “The political and ritual significance of bronze production and use in

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  465 ancient Yunnan.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 3.1–2: 133–192. —– (n.d. ) “Archaeological research in Shangqiu, Henan Province, China.” [www.bu.edu/asianarc/projects/ field-projects/shangqiu/] Murphy, J. David (1994) “Annotated chronological index of People’s Republic of China statutory and other materials relation to cultural property.” International Journal of Cultural Property 3.01: 159–168. —– (1995) Plunder and preservation: cultural property law and practice in the People’s Republic of China. Hong Kong: Oxford U. Press. Nakagawa, Ryohei, et al. (2010) “Pleistocene human remains from Shiraho-Saonetabaru Cave on Ishigaki Island, Okinawa, Japan, and their radiocarbon dating.” Anthropological Science 118.3: 173–183. Nakahashi, K. (1990) “Doigahama Yayoijin no fushuteki basshi (Tooth extraction practices of the Yayoi people at Doigahama).” Jinruigaku Zasshi 98.4: 483–507. [in Japanese] Nakamura, Mari (2006) “Early Upper Paleolithic sites in the southwestern islands of Japan: indirect evidence of plant utilization.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 24–26. Nakamura, Toshio; Taniguchi, Yasuhiro; Tsuji, Seiichiro, et al. (2006) “Radiocarbon dating of charred residues on the earliest pottery in Japan.” Radiocarbon 43: 1129–1138. Nakano, Masuo (1987) “Lipids analysis and archae­ ology.” Pp. 34–36 in The international congress “Development and isolation in the Pacific”, ed. IPPA/JSOS/Minpaku. Osaka/Tokyo: Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association / Japanese Society for Oceanic Studies / National Museum of Ethnology. Nakazawa, Yuichi & Bleed, Peter (eds.) (2011) “New and emergent trends in Japanese Paleolithic research.” Asian Perspectives 49.2: Special Issue. Nakazawa, Yuichi & Izuho, Masami (2006) “Stone tool assemblage variability during the Last Glacial Maximum in Hokkaido.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 26–28. Nakazawa, Yuichi; Iwase, Akira; Akai, Fumito, et al. (2011) “Human responses to the Younger Dryas in Japan.” Quaternary International 242: 416– 433. Nara National Museum (1988) The oasis and steppe routes. Nara: Nara National Museum. NEAHF (ed.) (2012) A new history of Parhae. London: Global Oriental. Nelson, Sarah M. (1993) The archaeology of Korea. Cambridge U. Press. —– (1995) “The politics of ethnicity in prehistoric Korea.” Pp. 218–231 in Nationalism, politics, and the

practice of archaeology, ed. P.L. Kohl & C. Fawcett. Cambridge U. Press. —– (2004) Korean social archaeology: early villages. Seoul: Jimoondang. —– (2006) “Archaeology of the two Koreas.” Pp. 17–36 in Stark (ed.) 2006. —– (2008) Shamanism and the origin of states: spirits, power, and gender in East Asia. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press. Nelson, Sarah M. (with Kate P. Kent) (1976) “Net sinkers or weft weights.” Current Anthropology 17.1: 152 [reprinted in Nelson, Korean social archaeology. Seoul: Jimoondang, 2004: 73–78]. Ni, Jian; Yu, Ge & Harrison, Sandy, et al., (2010) “Palaeovegetation in China during the late Quatern­ ary: biome reconstructions based on a global scheme of plant functional types.” Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeocology 289: 44–61. Nickel, Lukas (2000) “Some Han-Dynasty paintings in the British Museum.” Artibus Asiae 60.1: 59–78. —– (2012) “Brick-built heavens: cosmic symbolism in mortuary architecture and painting at the time of Wang Mang (9–23 CE).” Pp. 43–58 in Shifting paradigms in East Asian visual culture: a festschrift in honour of Lothar Ledderose / Grenzverschiebungen in der visuellen Kultur Ostasiens: eine Festschrift für Lothar Ledderose, ed. B. Jungmann, A. Schlombs & M. Trede. Berlin: Reimer Publishers. —– (2013) “The First Emperor and sculpture in China.” Bulletin of SOAS 76.3: 413–447. Nishitani, Tadashi (2006) “Toward the study of the history of Koguryo: Koguryo relics listed as World Cultural Heritage.” Journal of Inner and East Asian Studies 3.1: 109–204. Nivison, David S. (1999) “The classical philosophical writings.” Pp. 745–812 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999. —– (2002) “The Xia-Shang-Zhou chronololgy project: two approaches to dating.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 4.1–4: 359–366. Nogami, Josuke (ed.) (1991) Ronshu bugu [Collected works on armor]. Tokyo: Gakuseisha [in Japanese]. Northeast Asian History Foundation (2007) “Special Issue: Koguryo and its neighbors: international relations in early Northeast Asia.” Journal of Northeast Asian History 4.1. Norton, Christopher J. (2007) “Sedentism, territorial circumscription, and the increased use of plant domesticates across Neolithic–Bronze Age Korea.” Asian Perspectives 46.1: 133–65. Norton, Christopher J. & Gao, Xing (2009) “Zhoukoudian Upper Cave revisited.” Current Anthropology 49.4: 732–745. Norton, Christopher J.; Bae, Kidong; Harris, John

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

466  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography W.K., et al. (2006) “Middle Pleistocene handaxes from the Korean Peninsula.” Journal of Human Evolution 51: 527–536. Norton, Christopher J.; Hasegawa, Yoshikazu; Kohno, Naoki, et al. (2007) “Distinguishing archaeological and paleontological faunal collections from Pleistocene Japan: taphonomic perspectives from Hanaizumi.” Anthropological Science 115: 91– 106. Norton, Christopher J.; Jin, Changshu; Wang, Yuan, et al. (2010) “Rethinking the Palearctic-Oriental biogrographic boundary in Quaternary China.” Pp. 81–100 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Norton, Christopher J.; Kim, Byungmo & Bae, Kidong (1999) “Differential processing of fish during the Korean neolithic: Konam-Ri.” Arctic Anthropology 36.1/2: 151–165. Norton, Christopher J.; Kondo, Youichi; Ono, Akira, et al. (2010) “The nature of megafaunal extinctions during the MIS 3–2 transition in Japan.” Quaternary International 211: 113–122. Oh, Youngchan (2013) “The ruling class of Lelang Commandery.” Pp. 81–100 in Byington (ed.) 2013. Oh, Youngchan & Byington, Mark E. (2013) “Scholarly studies on the Han commanderies in Korea.” Pp. 4–10 in Byington (ed.) 2013. Okada, Hideo (n.d.) “Munamochi-hashira o motte ire hottate-bashira kenbutsu kozo no fukugen [Reconstructing the embedded pillar building with ridgepole support].” [http://repo. nara-u.ac.jp/modules/xoonips/download.php/ AN0000711X-19910300–1002.pdf?file_id=2344: 16 pp] [in Japanese] Okada, Yasuhiro (2003) “Jomon culture of northeastern Japan and the Sannai Maruyama site.” Senri Ethnological Studies 63: 173–86. Okamura, Katsuyuki (2011) “From object-centered to people-focused: exploring a gap between archae­ ologists and the public in contemporary Japan.” Pp. 77–86 in Okamura & Matsuda 2011. Okamura, Katsuyuki & Matsuda, Akira (eds.) (2011) New perspectives in global public archaeology. New York: Springer. Omoto, Kunio; Takeishi, Kenji; Nishida, Shigeru, et al. (2010) “Calibrated 14C ages of Jomon sites, NE Japan, and their significance.” Radiocarbon 52.2–3: 534–548. Onitsuka, Katsutada; Lu, Jiang; Tang, Xiao Wu, et al. (2003) “Geotechnical characteristics and construction methods of Yoshinogari fun-kyu tomb in Japan and Tu-dun tombs in China.” Journal of Geotechnical Engineering, JSCE 736.III-63: 1–17.

Ono, Akira (2006) “The Upper Paleolithic of the Japanese archipelago: dating and criteria for comparison.” Pp. 13–30 in Archaeology in Japan: upheavals and continuities, a Japanese-European discussion, ed. Japanisch-Deutsches Zentrum Berlin. Munich: Iudicium. —– (2011) “Frameworks and the present state of Palaeolithic studies in Japan.” Anthropological Science (Japanese Series) 119.1: 1–8. [in Japanese with English title and abstract] Ono, Akira; Sato, Hiroyuki; Tsutsumi, Takashi, et al. (2002) “Radiocarbon dates and archaeology of the Late Pleistocene in the Japanese islands.” Radiocarbon 44.2: 477–494. Onuki, Shizuo (2005) “A review of the recent debate about the date of Yayoi Period.” Anthropological Science (Japanese Series) 113: 95–107. [in Japanese with English abstract and title] Oppenheimer, Stephen (2012) “Out-of-Africa, the peopling of continents and islands: tracing uni­ parental gene trees across the map.” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B 367: 770–784. Oppo, Delia W. & Sun, Youbin (2005) “Amplitude and timing of sea-surface temperature change in the northern South China Sea: dynamic link to the East Asian monsoon.” Geology 33.10: 785–788. Otsu, Toru (ed.) (2010) Studies on the Ritsuryō system of ancient Japan: in comparison with the T’ang. Special issue of Acta Asiatica, vol. 99. Outram, Alan K., et al. (2009) “The earliest horse harnessing and milking.” Science 323.5919: 1332– 1335 [+ supporting online material]. Ovodov, Nikolai D.; Crockford, Susan J.; Kuzmin, Yaroslav V., et al. (2011) “A 33,000-year-old incipient dog from the Altai Mountains of Siberia: evidence of the earliest domestication disrupted by the Last Glacial Maximum.” PLoS ONE 6.7: 1–7. Pai, Hyung Il (2000) Constructing Korean origins: a critical review of archaeology, historiography, and racial myth in Korean state-formation theories. Cambridge, MA: Harvard U. Asia Center. Pak, Yangjin (1995) “A study of the Bronze Age culture in the northern zone of China.” PhD thesis, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University. Pang, Jun-Feng; Kluetsch, Cornelya; Zou, Xiao-Ju, et al. (2009) “mtDNA data Indicate a single origin for dogs south of Yangtze River, less than 16,300 years ago, from numerous wolves.” Molecular Biology and Evolution 26.12: 2849–2864. Park, Cheun Soo (2008) “Kaya and Silla in archaeological perspective.” Early Korea 1: 113–156. Park, Hae Woon (2010) “The structuration of complexity in ancient Korea: the rise of an ancient state in the Nakdong River basin from the 2nd century BC

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  467 to the 6th century AD.” PhD thesis, Institute of Archaeology, University College London. —– (2012) “Archaeological research on Kaya: past, present, and future.” Early Korea 3: 105–170. Park, Haksoo (2009) “The manufacturing technique of National Treasure No. 141: bronze mirror with twin knops [sic] and fine geometric design.” International Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 3: 48–67. Park, Jang-Sik (2012) “A preliminary study on the role and implication of plate-type artifacts in the ancient iron technology of Korea.” Journal of Archaeological Science 39.7: 1925–1932. Park, Jang-Sik & Rehren, Thilo (2011) “Large-scale 2nd to 3rd century AD bloomery iron smelting in Korea.” Journal of Archaeological Science 38: 1180–1190. Park, Jinil (2010) “A study of the attached-rim pottery culture of the Seoul and Gyeonggi region.” International Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 4: 132–159. Park, Sun-joo (2006) “L’hominidé du Pléistocène supérieur en Corée.” L’anthropologie 110.2: 162– 174. Pearson, Richard (1981) “Social complexity in Chinese coastal Neolithic sites.” Science 213: 1078–86. —– (1988) “Chinese Neolithic burial patterns: problems and methods of interpretation.” Early China 13: 1–45. —– (1990) “Chiefly exchange between Kyushu and Okinawa, Japan, in the Yayoi-period.” Antiquity 64.245: 912–922. —– (2006) “Jomon hot spot: increasing sedentism in southwestern Japan in the Incipient Jomon (14,000– 9250 cal B.C.) and Earliest Jomon (9250–5300 cal B.C.).” World Archaeology 38.2: 239–58. —– (2007) “Debating Jomon social complexity.” Asian Perspectives 46.2: 361–88. —– (2013) Ancient Ryukyu. U. of Hawai’i Press. Pearson, Richard & Underhill, Anne (1987) “The Chinese Neolithic: recent trends in research.” American Anthropologist 89: 807–22. Pearson, Richard; Hutterer, Karl & Barnes, Gina L. (eds.) (1986) Windows on the Japanese Past: studies in archaeology. Center for Japanese Studies, U. of Michigan. Pechenkina, Ekaterina A.; Benfer, Robert A. Jr. & Wang, Zhijun (2002) “Diet and health changes at the end of the Chinese neolithic: The Yangshao/Longshan transition in Shaanxi province.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 117.1: 15–36. Pechenkina, Ekaterina A.; Stanley, H.A.; Ma, X., et al. (2005) “Reconstructing northern Chinese Neolithic subsistence practices by isotopic analysis.” Journal of Archaeological Science 32: 1176–89.

Pei, Anping (2013) “The Pengtoushan culture in the middle Yangzi River valley.” Pp. 497–509 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Pei, Shuwen; Gao, Xing; Feng, Xingwu, et al. (2010) “Lithic assemblage from the Jingshuiwan Paleolithic site of the early Late Pleistocene in the Three Gorges, China.” Quaternary International 211.1–2: 66–74. Pésci, M. (1990) “Loess is not just the accumulation of dust.” Quaternary International 7/8: 1–21. Peters, Heather A. (1999) “Towns and trade: cultural diversity and Chu daily life.” Pp. 99–120 in Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China, ed. C.A. Cook & J.S. Major. U. of Hawai’i Press. Peterson, Christian E. (2006) “‘Crafting’ Hongshan communities? Household archaeology in the Chifeng region of eastern Inner Mongolia, PRC.” PhD thesis, U. of Pittsburgh. Peterson, Christian E. & Lu, Xueming (2013) “Understanding Hongshan period social dynamics.” Pp. 55–80 in Companion to Chinese Archaeology, ed. A. Underhill. Boston, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Peterson, Christian E. & Shelach, Gideon (2012) “Jiangzhai: Social and economic organization of a Middle Neolithic Chinese village.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31: 265–301. Piggott, Joan R. (1989) “Sacral kingship and confederacy in early Izumo.” Monumenta Nipponica 44.1: 45–74. —– (1997) The emergence of Japanese kingship. Stanford U. Press. Pigott, Vincent C. (2012) “Looking east: the coming of tin bronze in the context of Bronze Age transEurasian exchange – an overview.” Pp. 85–100 in Scientific research on ancient Asian metallurgy, ed. P. Jett, B. McCarthy & J. Douglas. London: Archetype Publications. Pigott, Vincent C. & Ciarla, R. (2007) “On the origins of metallurgy in prehistoric Southeast Asia: the view from Thailand.” Pp. 76–88 in Metals and mines: studies in archaeometallurgy, ed. S. La Niece, D. Hook & P. Craddock. London: Archetype Books. Pines, Yuri; Falkenhausen, Lothar von; Shelach, Gideon, et al. (eds.) (2014) Birth of an empire: the state of Qin revisited. U. of California Press. Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens, Michèle (1982) The Han civilisation of China. Oxford: Phaidon. Ponseti, Marta & López-Pujol, Jordi (2006) “The Three Gorges Dam Project in China: history and consequences.” Revista HMiC 2006.4: 151–188. [http://webs2002.uab.es/hmic/2006/HMIC2006. pdf ] Pope, Geoffrey G. (1992) “Craniofacial evidence for the origin of modern humans in China.” Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 35: 243–298. —– (1994) “An historical and scientific perspective

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

468  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography on paleoanthropological research in the Far East.” Courier Forschungsinstitut Senckenberg 171: 23–32. Prendergast, Mary E.; Yuan, Jiarong & Bar-Yosef, Ofer (2009) “Resource intensification in the Late Upper Paleolithic: a view from southern China.” Journal of Archaeological Science 36.4: 1027–1037. Priewe, Sascha (2012) Social change along the middle Yangzi River: re-configurations of late Neolithic society: PhD thesis, U. of Oxford. Pringle, Heather (2011) “The emperor and the parasite.” The Last Word on Nothing 3 March 2011 [www. lastwordonnothing.com/2011/03/03/the-emperorand-the-parasite]. Prusek, Jaroslav (1971) Chinese statelets and the Northern Barbarians 1400–33 B.C. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Psarras, Karin (2015) Han material culture: an archaeological analysis and vessel typology. Cambridge U. Press. Qin, Ling (2013) “The Liangzhu culture.” Pp. 574–598 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Qu, Tongli; Bar-Yosef, Ofer; Wang, Youping, et al. (2013) “The Chinese Upper Paleolithic: geography, chronology, and techno-typology.” Journal of Archaeological Research 21.1: 1–73. Rambelli, Fabio & Reinders, Eric (2012) Buddhism and iconoclasm in East Asia. London: Bloomsbury. Rawson, Jessica (1982) “The ornament on Chinese silver of the Tang Dynasty.” British Museum Occasional Paper No. 40. —– (1990) Ancient Chinese bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler collections, vols. 2A, 2B. Washington, DC & Cambridge, MA: Arthur M. Sackler Foundation & Harvard U. Press. Reimer, P.J. et al. (2013) “IntCal13 and Marine13 radiocarbon age calibration curves 0–50,000 years cal bp.” Radiocarbon 55.4: 1869–1887. Reimer, P.J.; Baillie, M.G.L.; Bard, E., et al. (2004) “IntCal04 terrestrial radiocarbon age calibration, 0–26 cal kyr BP.” Radiocarbon 46.3: 1029–1058. Reimer, P.J.; Baillie, M.G.L.; Bard, E., et al. (2009) “IntCal09 and Marine09 radiocarbon age calibration curves 0–50,000 years cal BP.” Radiocarbon 51.4: 1111–1150. Reischauer, E.; Fairbank, J. & Craig, A. (1989) East Asia: tradition and transformation, rev. ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Ren, Guoyu (2000) “Decline of the mid- to late Holocene forests in China: climatic change or human impact?” Journal of Quaternary Science 15.3: 273–281. Renfrew, Colin & Bahn, Paul (eds.) (2014) The Cambridge world prehistory, vol. 2: East Asia and the Americas. Cambridge U. Press. Renfrew, Colin & Cherry, John (eds.) (1986) Peer polity

interaction and socio-political change. Cambridge U. Press. Rhee, Song-Nai & Choi, Mong-Lyong (1992) “Emergence of complex society in prehistoric Korea.” Journal of World Prehistory 6.1: 51–95. Rhee, Song-Nai; Aikens, C. Melvin; Choi, SungRak, et al. (2007) “Korean contributions to agriculture, technology, and state formation in Japan: archaeology and history of an epochal thousand years, 400 B.C -- A.D. 600.” Asian Perspectives 46.2: 404–59. Riegel, Jeffrey (2013) “Confucius.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ confucius/] Rightmire, G.P. (2001) “Comparison of Middle Pleistocene hominids from Africa and Asia.” Pp. 123–33 in Human roots: Africa and Asia in the Middle Pleistocene, ed. L. Barham & K. RobsonBrown. Bristol: Western Academic and Specialist Press Ltd. Rightmire, G.P.; Lordkipanidze, D. & Vekua, A. (2006) “Anatomical descriptions, comparative studies and evolutionary significance of the hominin skulls from Dmanisi, Republic of Georgia.” Journal of Human Evolution 50.2: 114–141. Rittenour, Tammy M.; Blum, Michael D. & Goble, Ronald J. (2007) “Fluvial evolution of the lower Mississippi River valley during the last 100 k.y. glacial cycle: response to glaciation and sea-level change.” GSA Bulletin 119.5/6: 586–608. Rolland, Nicolas (2004) “Was the emergence of home bases and domestic fire a punctuated event? A review of the Middle Pleistocene record iin Eurasia.” Asian Perspectives 43.2: 248–280. Roundtable (2014) “Nihon kokogaku no kokusaika: naze hitsuyo ka? nani ga hitsuyo ka? [Internationalizing Japanese archaeology: why is it necessary? what is necessary?].” Kokogaku Kenkyu 60.4 (240): 6–10. [in Japanese] Rowley-Conwy, Peter (2007) From genesis to prehistory: the archaeological Three Age System and its contested reception in Denmark, Britain, and Ireland. Oxford U. Press. Rowley-Conwy, Peter; Albarella, Umberto & Dobney, Keith (2012) “Distinguishing wild boar from domestic pigs in prehistory: a review of approaches and recent results.” Journal of World Prehistory 25.1: 1–44. Ruddiman, W.F.; Sarnthein, M.; Backman, J.G., et al. (1989) “Late Miocene to Pleistocene evolution of climate in Africa and the low-latitude Atlantic: overview to Leg 108 results.” Proceedings of the Ocean Drilling Program, Scientific Results 108: 463–484. Saeki, Arikiyo (2001) Shinsen shojiroku no kenkyu

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  469 [Research on Shinsen Shojiroku], 2 vols. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. [in Japanese] Sage, Steven F. (1992) Ancient Sichuan and the unification of China. SUNY Series in Chinese Local Studies. Albany, NY: State U. of New York. Sahara, Makoto (1987) “The Yayoi culture.” Pp. 37–54 in Recent archaeological discoveries in Japan, ed. K. Tsuboi. Paris / Tokyo: UNESCO / Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. —– (1993) Kiba minzoku wa konakatta [The horse-riders didn’t come]. Tokyo: NHK Publishers. [in Japanese] Sakaguchi, Takashi (2009) “Storage adaptations among hunter-gatherers: a quantitative approach to the Jomon period.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28: 290–303. Sakashita, Takanori (2011) “Assessing the reality of a Palaeolithic ‘dwelling structure’ in the Japanese archipelago: the structure of the Tana-Mukaihara site.” Asian Perspectives 49.2: 318–331. Sano, Katsuhiro (2011) “Mobility and lithic economy in the Terminal Pleistocene of central Honshu.” Asian Perspectives 49.2: 279–293. Sasaki, Ken’ichi (1999) “A history of settlement archaeology in Japan.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 1.1–4: 325–352. Sasaki, Randall J. (2015) The origins of the lost fleet of the Mongol Empire. Corpus Christi, TX: Ed Rachal Foundation. Sato, Hiroyuki (2012) “Late Pleistocene trap-pit hunting in the Japanese archipelago.” Quaternary International 248: 43–55. Sato, Takao (2014) “The oldest dog burial remains in Japan.” [www.flet.keio.ac.jp/~sato/DogBurials_eng/ index.html] Sato, Takehiro; Amano, Tetsuya; Ono, Hiroko, et al. (2009) “Mitochondrial DNA haplogrouping of the Okhotsk people based on analysis of ancient DNA: an intermediate of gene flow from the continental Sakhalin people to the Ainu.” Anthropological Science 117.3: 171–180. Sato, Yo-Ichiro (2002) “Origin of rice cultivation in the Yangtze River basin.” Pp. 143–50 in The origins of pottery and agriculture, ed. Y. Yasuda. New Delhi: Roli Books / Lustre Press. Sato, Yo-Ichiro; Yamanaka, Shinsuke & Takahashi, Mitsuko (2003) “Evidence for Jomon plant cultivation based on DNA analysis of chestnut remains.” Senri Ethnological Studies 63: 187–98. Savada, Andrea M. (ed.) (1993) North Korea: a country study. Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Contress. Savolainen, P.; Zhang, Y-P.; Luo, J., et al. (2002) “Genetic evidence for an East Asian origin of domestic dogs.” Science 298: 1610–1613.

Sax, Margaret; Meeks, Nigel D.; Michaelson, Carol, et al. (2004) “The identification of carving techniques on Chinese jade.” Journal of Archaeological Science 31.10: 1413–1428. Sax, Margaret; Michaelson, Carol & Meeks, Nigel D. (2008) “A methodology to identify techniques of jade carving in China: the Neolithic period.” Pp. 279–95 in New Frontiers in global archaeology: defining China’s ancient traditions, ed.T. Lawton. Beijing: AMS Foundation for the Arts, Sciences and Humanities. Schepartz, Lynne A. & Miller-Antonio, Sari (2004) “Asia and the Middle Pleistocene in global perspective.” Asian Perspectives 43.2: Special Issue. Schepartz, Lynne A.; Miller-Antonio, S. & Bakken, D.A. (2000) “Upland resources and the early Palaeolithic occupation of southern China, Vietnam, Laos, Thailand and Burma.” World Archaeology 32.1: 1–13. Schuman, Michael (2015) Confucius and the world he created. Basic Books. Senécal, Bernard (2013) “Buddhists in the two Koreas: north–south interactions.” Journal of Korean Religions 4.2: 9–50. Seong, Chuntaek (1999) “Microblade technology in Korea and adjacent Northeast Asia.” Asian Perspectives 37.2(Fall 1998): 245–278. —– (2011a) “Evaluating radiocarbon dates and Late Paleolithic chronology in Korea.” Arctic Anthropology 48.1: 93–112. —– (2011b) “Postglacial hunter-gatherer adaptations in the Korean Peninsula.” Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 5: 72–78. Seth, Michael J. (2010) A history of Korea: from antiquity to the present. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Seyock, Barbara (2003) “The culture of Han and Wa around the Korean Straits: an archaeological perspective.” Acta Koreana 6.1: 63–86. —– (2006) “Trade ceramics from selected sites in western Japan: late 14th to early 17th centuries.” Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 26: 131–9. —– (2007) “Trade ceramics from the Goto Islands (Japan), circa sixteenth to early seventeenth century: the Yamami underwater site.” Asian Perspectives 46.2: 335–60. —– (2008) “Archaeological complexes from Muromachi period Japan as a key to the perception of international maritime trade in East Asia.” Pp. 179–202 in The East Asian ‘Mediterranean’: maritime crossroads of culture, commerce and human migration, ed. A. Schottenhammer. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Shang, Hong; Tong, Haowen; Zhang, Shuangquan, et al. (2007) “An early modern human from Tianyuan

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

470  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Cave, Zhoukoudian, China.” PNAS 104.16: 6573–6578. Shao, Wangping (2005) “The formation of civilization: the interaction sphere of the Longshan period.” Pp. 85–124 in Allan (ed.) 2005. Shao, Xiao-jie (2006) “The methodology of music archaeology: a review Wang Zichu’s Archeology of Music.” Musicology in China 2006.4: 134–137. Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1999) “Western Zhou history.” Pp. 292–351 in Loewe & Shaughnessy 1999. Shea, John J. (2013) “Lithic modes A-I: a new framework for describing global-scale variation in stone tool technology illustrated with evidence from the east Mediterranean Levant.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 20: 151–186. Sheets, Payson D. (2003) “Dawn of a New Stone Age in eye surgery.” Pp. 108–110 in Applying anthropology, ed. A. Podolefsky & P.J. Brown. Shelach, Gideon (1994) “Social complexity in north China during the early Bronze Age: a comparative study of the Erlitou and Lower Xiajiadian cultures.” Asian Perspectives 33.2: 261–92. —– (1996) “The Qiang and the question of human sacrifice in the Late Shang period.” Asian Perspectives 35.1: 1–26. —– (1999) Leadership strategies, economic activity, and interregional interaction: social complexity in northeast China Fundamental Issues in Archaeology. New York: Kluwer Academic. —– (2000) “The earliest Neolithic cultures of Northeast China: recent discoveries and new perspectives on the beginning of agriculture.” Journal of World Prehistory 14.4: 363–413. —– (2004) “Marxist and post-Marxist paradigms for the Neolithic.” Pp. 11–28 in Linduff & Sun (eds.) 2004. —– (2009) Prehistoric societies on the northern frontiers of China: archaeological perspectives on identity formation and economic change during the first millennium BCE. London: Equinox. —– (2012) “On the invention of pottery.” Science 336.6089: 1644–1645. —– (2014) “Collapse or transformation? Anthropological and archaeoloical perspectives on the fall of Qin.” Pp. 113–140 in Birth of an empire: the state of Qin revisited, ed. Y. Pines, L.v. Falkenhausen, G. Shelach, et al. U. of California Press. Shelach, Gideon & Pines, Yuri (2006) “Secondary state formation and the development of local identity: change and continuity in the state of Qin (770–221 B.C.).” Pp. 202–230 in Stark (ed.) 2006. Shen, Chen (2008) Palaeolithic cultures of China. Ed. D. Pearsall, Encyclopedia of Archaeology. London: Academic Press.

Shen, Chen & Keates, Susan B. (eds.) (2003) Current research in Chinese Pleistocene archaeology, BAR International Series 1179. Oxford: Archaeopress. Shen, Chen; Gao, Xing & Wei, Qi (2010) “The earliest hominin occupations in the Nihewan Basin of Northern China: recent progress in field investigations.” Pp. 169–180 in Asian paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Sherratt, Andrew (1981) “Plough and pastoralism: aspects of the secondary products revolution.” Pp. 261–306 in Pattern of the past, ed. I. Hodder, G. Isaac & N. Hammond. Cambridge U. Press. Shimojo, N. (2003) “Mura kara kuni e [From village to country].” Pp. 219–223 in Nihon no rekishi: genshi, kodai 7, ed. K. Sasaki & M. Sahara. Tokyo: Asahi. [in Japanese] Shin, Sook-Chung; Rhee, Song-nai & Aikens, C. Melvin (2013) “Chulmun Neolithic intensification, complexity, and emerging agriculture in Korea.” Asian Perspectives 51.1 (Spring 2012): 68–109. Shipton, Ceri & Petraglia, Michael D. (2010) “Intercontinental variation in Acheulean bifaces.” Pp. 49–56 in Asian Paleoanthropology: from Africa to China and beyond, ed. C.J. Norton & D.R. Braun. Dordrecht: Springer. Shiraishi, Ta’ichiro (2004) Kokogaku to kodaishi no aida [Between archaeology and ancient history]. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo. [in Japanese] Shoda, Shinya (2007) “A comment on the Yayoi period dating controversy.” Bulletin of the Society for East Asian Archaeology 1: 1–7. —– (2008) “A brief introduction to rescue archaeology in South Korea.” Early Korea 1: 201–212. —– (2010) “Radiocarbon in archaeology in Japan and Korea: what has changed because of the Yayoi dating controversy?” Radiocarbon 52.2–3: 421–427. Shoda, Shinya & Frieman, Catherine J. (forthcoming) “Just a coincidence? The similar but contrasting history of bronze adoption in Northeast Asia and northwest Europe.” Pp. xx in Making metals and moulding society: a global perspective on the emergence of Bronze Age social complexity ed. T. Rehren;T. Xu;L. Nickel, et al. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Shoda, Shinya; Yanshina, Oksana; Son, Joon-ho, et al. (2009) “New Interpretation of the stone replicas in the Russian Maritime Province: re-evaluation.” The Review of Korean Studies 12.2: 187–210. Shunkov, Michael V. (2014) “Early Palaeolithic of central and northern Asia.” Pp. 695–706 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014. Skaff, Jonathan Karam (2012) Sui-Tang China and its Turko-Mongol neighbors: culture, power, and connections, 580–800. Oxford U. Press.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  471 So, Jenny F. (1995) Eastern Zhou ritual bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections, Ancient Chinese bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler Collections. Vol. 3. Washington, DC & Cambridge, MA: Arthur M. Sackler Foundation & Harvard U. Press. —– (1999) “Chu art: link between the old and new.” Pp. 33–50 in Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China, ed. C.A. Cook & J.S. Major. U. of Hawai’i Press. Song, Ho Jung (2013) “Old Choson: its history and archaeology.” Pp. 49–80 in Byington (ed.) 2013niversity. Song, Jianzhong (2011) “Liangzhu culture and Taosi culture: formation of the south-north pattern of Chinese history.” Chinese Archaeology 11.1: 138–141. Sonoda, Koyu (1993) “Early Buddha worship.” Pp. 359–414 in Brown (ed.) 1993. Stark, Miriam T. (ed.) (2006) Archaeology of Asia. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Steinhardt, Nancy Shatzman (2002) “Changchuan Tomb No. 1 and its North Asian context.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 4.1–4: 225–292. Stewart, J.R. & Stringer, C.B. (2012) “Human evolution out of Africa: the role of refugia and climate change.” Science 335: 1317–1321. Stringer, C.B. (1989) “The origin of early modern humans: a comparison of the European and nonEuropean evidence.” Pp. 232–234 in The human revolution: behavioural and biological perspectives on the origins of modern humans, ed. P. Mellars & C. Stringer. Edinburgh: Edinburgh U. Press. Su, Bingqi (1999) “A new age of Chinese archaeology.” Pp. 17–25 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999. Sun, Bo (2013) “The Longshan culture of Shandong.” Pp. 435–458 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Sun, Guoping (2013) “Recent research on the Hemudu culture and the Tianluoshan site.” Pp. 555–573 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Sun, Hua (2013) “The Sanxigdui culture of the Sichuan Basin.” Pp. 147–168 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Sun, Yan & Yang, Hongyu (2004) “Gender ideology and mortuary practice in northwestern China.” Pp. 29–46 in Linduff & Sun (eds.) 2004. Suzuki, Kimio (1981) Isarago shell-midden. Tokyo: Education Committee of Minato Ward, [in Japanese] —– (1986) “Volumetry and nutritional analysis of a Jomon shell-midden.” The University Museum, The University of Tokyo Bulletin 27. [http://www.um.utokyo.ac.jp/publish_db/Bulletin/no27/no27005. html] Svyatko, Svetlana V.; Mallory, James P.; Murphy, Eileen M., et al. (2009) “New radiocarbon dates and a review of the chronology of prehistoric populations

from the Minusinsk Basin, southern Siberia, Russia.” Radiocarbon 51.1: 243–273. Takakura, Jun (2012) “Emergence and development of the pressure microblade production: a view from the Upper Paleolithic of northern Japan.” Pp. 285–306 in The emergence of pressure blade making Part 2, ed. P.M. Desrosiers. Boston: Springer. Takase, Katsunori (2011) “Use angle and motional direction of end scrapers: a case study of the Paleolithic in Hokkaido, Japan.” Asian Perspectives 49.2: 363–379. Takemoto, Toru (1983) “The Kyushu Dynasty: Furuta’s theory on ancient Japan.” Japan Quarterly 30.4: 383–87. Tanaka, Masashi, et al. (2004) “Mitochondrial genome variation in Eastern Asia and the peopling of Japan.” Genome Research 14: 1832–1850. Tang, Jigen; Jing, Zhichun; Liu, Xhongfu, et al. (2004) “Survey and text excavation of the Huanbei Shang city in Anyang.” Chinese Archaeology 4.2003: 1–20. Taniguchi, Yasuhiro (2001) “Jomon jidai no iseki nonendai [Chronology of sites in the Jomon period].” Kikan Kokogaku [Archaeological Quarterly] 77: 17–21. [in Japanese] —– (2006) “Dating and function of the oldest pottery in Japan.” Current Research in the Pleistocene 23: 33–35. Tateno, Yoshio, et al. (2014) “Divergence of East Asians and Europeans estimated using male- and female-specific genetic markers.” Genome Biology and Evolution 6.3: 466–473. Taylor, Sarah (1989) “The introduction and development of iron production in Korea: a survey.” World Archaeology 20.3: 422–433. Temple, D.H.; Kusaka, S. & Sciulli, P.W. (2011) “Patterns of social identity in relation to tooth ablation among prehistoric Jomon poragers from Yoshigo site, Aichi prefecture, Japan.” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 21: 323–335. Teng, Mingyu (2014) “From vassal state to empire: an archaeological examination of Qin culture.” Pp. 71–112 in Birth of an empire: the state of Qin revisited, ed. Y. Pines, L.v. Falkenhausen, G. Shelach, et al. U. of California Press. Terasawa, Kaoru (2000) Oken tanjo [The birth of of kingly power]. Tokyo: Kodansha. [in Japanese] Terasawa, Kaoru & Terasawa, Tomoko (1981) “Yayoi jidai shokubutsu-shitsu shokuryo no kisoteki kenkyu: shoki noko shakai kenkyu no zentei [Basic research into plant foods in the Yayoi period – a prerequisite for studies of initial agricultural society].” Kashiwara Kokogaku Kenkyusho Kiyo Kokogaku Ronko 5: 1–130. [in Japanese] Thorbjarnarson, John & Wang, Xiaoming (2010) The

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

472  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Chinese alligator: ecology, behavior, conservation and culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U. Press. Thorp, Robert L. (1985) “The growth of early Shang civilization: new data from ritual vessels.” Harvard Journal of Asian Studies 45.1: 5–76. —– (1987) “The Qin and Han imperial tombs and the development of mortuary architecture.” Pp. 17–33 in The Quest for Eternity, ed. S.L. Caroselli. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. —– (2006) China in the Early Bronze Age. Philadelphia: U. of Pennsylvania Press. Thote, Alain (1999) “Continuities and discontinuities: Chu burials during the Eastern Zhou period.” Pp. 189–204 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999. Tixier-Boichard, Michèle; Bed’hom, Bertrand & Rognon, Xavier (2011) “Chicken domestication: from archeology to genomics.” Comptes Rendus Biologies 334.3: 197–204. [doi: 10.1016/j. crvi.2010.12.012]. Tong, Enzheng (1995) “Thirty years of Chinese archaeology (1949–1979).” Pp. 177–197 in Nation­ alism, politics, and the practice of archaeology, ed. P. Kohl & C. Fawcett. Cambridge U. Press. —– (2002) “Magicians, magic and shamanism in ancient China.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 4.1–4: 27–74. Torao, Toshiya (1993) “Nara economic and social institutions.” Pp. 415–452 in Brown (ed.) 1993. Cambridge U. Press. Totman, Conrad (1989) The green archipelago: forestry in preindustrial Japan. Berkeley: U. California Press. Trigger, B. (1999) “Shang political organization: a comparative approach.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 1: 43–62. Tsuboi, Kiyotari & Tanaka, Migaku (1991) The historic city of Nara: an archaeological approach. Paris / Tokyo: UNESCO / The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. Tsude, Hiroshi (1989) Trends in the establishment of Japanese agricultural society. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. [in Japanese] —– (2005) Zenpokoenfun to shakai [Keyhole tombs and society]. Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo. [in Japanese] Tsunoda, Ryusaku & Goodrich, L. Carrington (1951) Japan in the Chinese dynastic histories: Later Han through Ming Dynasties. South Pasadena, CA: P. D. & Ione Perkins. Tsutsumi, Takashi (2011) Palaeolithic Age in Japanese Islands. Tokyo: Kawade Shobo. [in Japanese] —– (2012) “MIS3 edge-ground axes and the arrival of the first Homo sapiens in the Japanese archipelago.” Quaternary International 248: 70–78. Tu, Wei-Ming (ed.) (1996) Confucian traditions in East Asian modernity: moral education and economic

culture in Japan and the Four Mini-Dragons. Harvard U. Press. Twitchett, Denis (ed.) (1979) The Cambridge History of China, vol. 3: Sui and T’ang China 589–906, Part 1. Cambridge U. Press. Tykot, R.H. (2004) “Stable isotopes and diet: you are what you eat “, pp. 433–444 in Proceedings of the International School of Physics “Enrico Fermi” Course CLIV, ed. M. Martini; M. Milazzo & M. Piacentini. Amsterdam: IOS Press. [http://luna. cas.usf.edu/~rtykot/PR39%20–%20Enrico%20 Fermi%20isotopes.pdf ] Uchiyama, Junzo (2008) “Vertical or horizontal landscape? The prehistoric long-term perspectives in the history of the East Asian Inland Seas.” Pp. 25–52 in The East Asian ‘Mediterranean’: maritime crossroads of culture, commerce and human migration, ed. A. Schottenhammer. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Underhill, Anne (1997) “Current issues in Chinese Neolithic archaeology.” Journal of World Prehistory 11.2: 103–160. —– (2000) “An analysis of mortuary ritual at the Dawenkou site, Shandong, China.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.1/2: 93–127. —– (2002) Craft production and social change in northern China. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum. —– (ed.) (2013) A companion to Chinese archaeology. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Underhill, Anne & Habu, Junko (2006) “Early communities in East Asia: economic and sociopolitical organization at the local and regional levels.” Pp. 121–48 in Stark (ed.) 2006. Underhill, Anne; Feinman, Gary; Nicholas, Linda M. et al. (2008) “Changes in regional settlement patterns and the development of complex societies in southeastern Shandong, China.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27: 1–29. Underhill, Anne; Feinman, Gary; Nicholas, Linda, et al. (1998) “Systematic, regional survey in SE Shangdong Province, China.” Journal of Field Archaeology 25.4: 453–474. Underhill, Anne; Feinman, Gary; Nicholas, Linda, et al. (2002) “Regional survey and the development of complex societies in southeastern Shandong, China.” Antiquity 76: 745–55. Valenstein, Suzanne G. (1989) A handbook of Chinese ceramics. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Voelker, Antje H.L., et al. (2002) “Global distribution of centennial-scale records for Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 3: a database.” Quaternary Science Reviews 21: 1185–1212. Vovin, Alexander (2010) Korea-Japonica: a re-evaluation of a common genetic origin. U. of Hawai’i Press / Center for Korean Studies, U. of Hawai’i.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  473 Wagner, Donald B. (1993) Iron and steel in ancient China. Leiden: Brill. —– (2001) The state and iron industry in Han China, NIAS Report Series no. 44. Copenhagen: NIAS. —– (2008) Ferrous metallurgy. Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. 5: Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Part II. Cambridge U. Press. Wagner, Mayke & Tarasov, Pavel (2014) “The Neolithic of northern and central China.” Pp. 742–764 in Renfrew & Bahn (eds.) 2014. Wagner, Mayke; Tarasov, Pavel; Hosner, Dominic, et al. (2012) “Mapping of the spatial and temporal distribution of archaeological sites of northern China during the Neolithic and Bronze Age.” Quaternary International. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j. quaint.2012.06.039] Wagner, Mayke; Wu, Xinhua & Tarasov, Pavel, et al. (2011) “Radiocarbon-dated archaeological record of early first millennium B.C. mounted pastoralists in the Kunlun Mountains, China.” PNAS 108.38: 15733–15738 [www.pnas.org/ content/108/38/15733.full]. Walker, Hugh Dyson (2012) East Asia: a new history. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse. Walker, Mike J.C. (2005) Quaternary dating methods. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. Walker, Mike J.C.; Berkelhammer, M.; Björck, S., et al. (2012) “Formal subdivision of the Holocene Series/ Epoch: a discussion paper by a working group of INTIMATE (integration of ice-core, marine and terrestrial records) and the Subcommission on Quaternary Stratigraphy (International Commission on Stratigraphy).” Journal of Quaternary Science 27.7: 649–659. Wall, Jeffrey D.; Lohmueller, Kirk E. & Plagnol, Vincent (2009) “Detecting ancient admixture and estimating demographic parameters in multiple human populations.” Molecular Biology and Evolution 26.8: 1823–1827. Wang, Aihe (2000) “Antiquity, modernity, and social theory.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.1–2: 363–381. Wang, Audrey (2012) Chinese antiquities: an introduction to the art market. Farnham & London: Lund Humphries & Sotheby’s Institute of Art. Wang, Bin; Wu, Zhiwei & Li, Jianping et al. (2008) “How to measure the strength of the East Asian summer monsoon.” Journal of Climate 21: 4449– 4463 [DOI: 10.1175/2008JCLI2183.1]. Wang, Fen (2013) “The Houli and Beixin cultures.” Pp. 389–410 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Wang, Lixin (2013) “The Lower Xiajiadian culture of the western Liao River drainage system.” Pp. 81–102 in Underhill (ed.) 2013.

Wang, Ming-ke (1999) “Western Zhou: remembering and forgetting.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 1: 231–250. —– (2006) “Heroic ancestors and brotherly nationalities: text and context in primordial history.” Pp. 104–105 in Significant research achievements of Academia Sinica. Taipei: Yunchen Press. Wang, Shejiang (2005) Perspectives on hominid behaviour and settlement patterns: a study of the Lower Palaeolithic sites in the Luonan Basin, China. Vol. 1406 British Archaeological Reports, International Series. Oxford: Archaeopress. Wang, Tao (1999) “A city with many faces: urban development in pre-modern China.” Pp. 111–121 in Whitfield & Wang 1999. —– (2011) “‘Public archaeology’ in China: a preliminary investigation.” Pp. 43–56 in Okamura & Matsuda 2011. Wang, Ying (2004) “Rank and power among court ladies at Anyang.” Pp. 95–116 in Linduff & Sun (eds.) 2004. Wang, Yongjin, et al. (2005) “The Holocene Asian Monsoon: links to solar changes and North Atlantic climate.” Science New Series, 308.5723: 854–857. Wang, Youping (2001) “The Middle Pleistocene archaeology of the valley of the Yangtze River.” Pp. 149–157 in Human roots: Africa and Asia in the Middle Pleistocene, ed. L. Barham & K. RobsonBrown. Bristol: Western Academic and Specialist Press Ltd. Wang, Youping (2003) “New Palaeolithic discoveries in the Middle Yangzi River region southern China.” Pp. 57–66 in Current research in Chinese Pleistocene archaeology, ed. C. Shen & S.G. Keates. Oxford: Archaeopress. Wang, Zheping (2013) Tang China in multi-polar Asia: a history of diplomacy and war. U. Hawai’i Press. Wang, Zhongshu (1982) Han Civilisation. Yale U. Press. Wang, Zichu (2003) Zhongguo yinuue kaoguxue [Music archaeology in China]. Fuzhou: Fujian Jiaoyu Chubanshe. Warmuth, Vera, et al. (2012) “Reconstructing the origin and spread of horse domestication in the Eurasian steppe.” PNAS 109.21: 8202–8206. Watanabe, Hiroshi (2012) A history of Japanese political thought. Tokyo: International House of Japan. Watanabe, Takahiro, et al. (2010) “Last glacial-Holocene geochronology of sediment cores from a highaltitude Tibetan lake based on AMS 14C dating of plant fossils: implications for paleoenvironmental reconstructions.” Chemical Geology 277: 21–29. Waters, C.N.; Zalasiewicz, J.A.; Williams, M.; Ellis, M.A.; Snelling, A.M. (ed.) (2014) A stratigraphical basis for the Anthropocene, Geological Society Special

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

474  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography Papers 395. London: Geological Society of London. Watt, James C.Y. (1980) A Han tomb at Lei Cheng Uk. Hong Kong: City Museum and Art Gallery. Wechsler, Howard J. (1979) “The founding of the T’ang dynasty: Kao-tsu (reign 618–26).” Pp. in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 3: Sui and T’ang China, 589–906, Part I, ed. J.K. Fairbank & D. Twitchett. Cambridge U. Press. Wehrfritz, George & Takayama, Hideko (2001) “With a wave of God’s hand: an amateur paleontologist is discredited, and Japan loses a million years of human prehistory.” Newsweek Oct 22: 53. Weiner, S.; Wu, Qinqi; Goldberg, P., et al. (1998) “Evidence for the use of fire at Zhoukoudian, China.” Science 281: 251–253. Weld, Susan (1999) “Chu law in action: legal documents from Tomb 2 at Baoshan.” Pp. 77–98 in Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China, ed. C.A. Cook & J.S. Major. U. of Hawai’i Press. West, B. & Zhou, B-X. (1988) “Did chickens go north? New evidence for domestication.” Journal of Archaeological Science 15: 515–33. Wheatley, Paul (1971) The Pivot of the Four Quarters. Chicago: Aldine. Whitfield, Roderick & Wang, Tao (eds.) (1999) Exploring China’s past: new discoveries and studies in art and archaeology, International Series in Chinese Art & Archaeology, vol. 1. London: Saffron. Whitman, John (2011) “Northeast Asian linguistic ecology and the advent of rice agriculture in Korea and Japan.” Rice 4.3: 149–158. Williams, Bernard (1980) “Hai Dei Wan.” Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society 8 (1979): 27–51. Wilson, Richard L. (ed.) (1997) The archaeology of Edo, premodern Tokyo, vol. 7. Tokyo: Japan Studies Program, International Christian University. Wolpoff, Milford H. (1989) “Multiregional evolution: the fossil alternative to Eden.” Pp. 62–108 in The human revolution: behavioural and biological perspectives on the origins of modern humans, ed. P. Mellars & C.B. Stringer. Edinburgh U. Press. Wolpoff, Milford H.; Hawks, John & Caspari, Rachel (2000) “Multiregional, not multiple origins.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 112: 129–136. Wong, Dorothy C. (2003) “Ethnicity and identity: northern nomads as Buddhist art patrons during he period of Northern and Southern dynasties.” Pp. 80–118 in Political frontiers, ethnic boundaries, and human geographies in Chinese history, ed. N. Di Cosmo & D.J. Wyatt. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Wood, Nigel (2010) “New discoveries in Chinese ceramics.” http://www.haughton.com/system/files/ articles/2010/01/27/102/icf_s_1997_4th.pdf.

World Heritage Committee (2004a) “Committee Decisions 28 COM 14B.25: Nominations of cultural properties to the World Heritage List (Capital Cities and Tombs of the Ancient Koguryo Kingdom).” [http://whc.unesco.org/en/decisions/108] —– (2004b) “Committee Decisions 28 COM 14B.33: Nominations of Cultural Properties to the World Heritage List (Complex of Koguryo Tombs).” [http://whc.unesco.org/en/decisions/116] Wu, En (2004) “Issues concerning northern bronze cutures in China.” Pp. 201–215 in New perspectives on China’s past: Chinese archaeology in the twentieth century, ed. X. Yang. Yale U. Press. Wu, Hung (1989) The Wu Liang shrine: the ideology of early Chinese pictorial art. Stanford U. Press. —– (2010) The art of the Yellow Springs: understanding Chinese tombs. U. of Hawai’i Press. Wu, Rukang (Ju-kang) (1966) “The skull of Lantian Man.” Current Anthropology 7.1: 83–86. Wu, Wenxiang & Tungsheng, Liu (2004) “Possible role of the ‘Holocene Event 3’ on the collapse of Neolithic cultures around the Central Plain of China.” Quaternary International 117: 153–166. Wu, Xiaohong, et al. (2012) “Early pottery at 20,000 years ago in Xianrendong Cave, China.” Science 336.6089: 1696–1700. Wu, Xiaolong (2004) “Female and male status displayed at the Maoqinggou cemetery.” Pp. 203–236 in Linduff & Sun (eds.) 2004. Xu, Hong (2013) “The Erlitou culture.” Pp. 300–322 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Xu, Pingfang (1999) “Archaeological research on the origins of Chinese civilisation.” Pp. 33–40 in Whitfield & Wang (eds.) 1999. —– (2005a) “Epilogue: Part 1.” Pp. 283–288 in Allan (ed.) 2005. —– (2005b) “The formation of the empire by the Qin and Han dynasties and the unification of China.” Pp. 249–282 in Allan (ed.) 2005. Xu, Shaohua (1999) “Chu culture: an archaeological overview.” Pp. 21–32 in Defining Chu: image and reality in ancient China, ed. C.A. Cook & J.S. Major. U. of Hawai’i Press. Yakushige, Miyuki & Sato, Hiroyuki (2014) “Shirataki obsidian exploitation and circulation in prehistoric northern Japan.” Journal of Lithic Studies 1.1: 319–342. Yamamoto, Tadanao (2001) Dictionary of Japanese archaeological terms. Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu [in English and Japanese]. Yamaoka, Takuya (2011) “Transitions in the Early Upper Palaeolithic: an examination of lithic assemblages on the Musashino Upland, Tokyo, Japan.” Asian Perspectives 49.2: 251–279.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography  475 Yamazaki, K.; Takahashi, O.; Sugawara, H., et al. (2005) “Wild boar remains from the Neolithic (Jomon Period) sites on the Izu Islands and in Hokkaido Island, Japan.” Pp. 160–176 in The first steps of animal domestication: new archaeological approaches, ed. J.-D. Vigne;J. Peters & D. Helmer. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Yan, Wenming (1999) “Neolithic settlements in China: latest finds and research.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 1.1–4: 131–148. Yan, Wenming & Wang, Youping (2005) “Early humans in China.” Pp. 11–26 in Allan (ed.) 2005. Yan, Zhao & Yu, Zicheng (2012) “Vegetation response to Holocene climate change in East Asian monsoonmargin region.” Earth-Science Reviews 113: 1–10. Yane, S. (1984) “Jomon doki kara yayoi doki e.” Pp. 49–78 in Jomon kara Yayoi e [From Jomon to Yayoi]], ed. N. Katada. Nara: Tezukayama Kokogaku Kenkyusho. [in Japanese] Yang, Dongya Y.; Liu, Li; Chen, Xingcan, et al. (2008) “Wild or domesticated: DNA analysis of ancient water buffalo remains from north China.” Journal of Archaeological Science 35.10: 2778–2785. Yang, H. (1985) Zhongguo gubingqi luncong [Treatise on ancient Chinese military implements]. Beijing: Wenwu Press. [in Chinese] Yang, Jianhua (2012) “Differentiation of two types of cultural remains of the Eastern Zhou period in north China: on the relationships among the Rong, Di and the Hu.” Chinese Archaeology 12: 136–148. Yang, Xiaoneng (2000a) “A history of modern Chinese archaeology.” Pp. 25–45 in The golden age of Chinese archaeology, ed. X. Yang. Washington, D.C. & New Haven: National Gallery of Art & Yale U. Press. —– (2000b) Reflections of early China: decor, pictographs, and pictorial inscriptions. Kansas City: Nelson Gallery Foundation. —– (ed.) (1999) Golden age of Chinese archaeology: celebrated archaeological finds from the People’s Republic of China. Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art. —– (ed.) (2004) New perspectives on China’s past: Chinese archaeology in the twentieth century. Yale U. Press. Yang, XiaoYan & Jiang, LePing (2010) “Starch grain analysis reveals ancient diet at Kuahuqiao site, Zhejiang Province.” Chinese Science Bulletin 55.12: 1150–1156. Yang, Xiaoyan; Wan, Zhiwei; Perry, Linda, et al. (2012) “Early millet use in northern China.” PNAS 109.10: 3726–3730. Yao, Yong-Gang et al. (2003) “Reconstructing the evolutionary history of China: a caveat about inferences drawn from ancient DNA.” Molecular Biology and Evolution 20.2: 214–219.

Yasuda, Yoshinori (ed.) (2002) The origins of pottery and agriculture. New Dehli: Roli Books / Lustre Press. —– (ed.) (2013) Water civilization: from Yangtze to Khmer civilizations. Advances in Asian HumanEnvironmental Research. New York: Springer. Yates, R. (1997) “The city-state in ancient China.” Pp. 71–90 in The archaeology of city-states, ed. D. Nichols & T. Charlton. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. Yeo, HoKyu (2013) “The fall of the Lelang and Daifang commanderies.” Pp. 191–216 in Byington (ed.) 2013. Yerkes, Richard (2002) “Hopewell tribes: a study of Middle Woodland social organization in the Ohio Valley.” Pp. 227–245 in The archaeology of tribal societies, ed. W.A. Parkinson. Ann Arbor, MI: International Monographs in Prehistory. Yi, Hyunhae (2009) “The formation and development of the Samhan.” Early Korea 2: 17–59. Yi, Young Hoon (2009) “Tomb 1 at the Taho-ri site in Changwon.” Early Korea 2: 155–178. Yin, Min; Rehren, Thilo & Zheng, Jianming (2011) “The earliest high-fired glazed ceramics in China: the composition of proto-porcelain from Zhejiang during the Shang and Zhou periods (c. 1700–221 BC).” Journal of Archaeological Science 38: 2352– 2365. Ying, Meng (2009) “An archaeological investigation of human sacrifice at Xibeigang in Anyang during the Late Shang Dynasty.” MA thesis, Faculty of Graduate Studies (Anthropology), U. of British Columbia. [https://circle.ubc.ca/bitstream/ handle/2429/16127/ubc_2010_spring_ying_meng. pdf?sequence=1] Yoon, Hwy-tak (2004) “China’s Northeast Project: defensive or offensive strategy?” East Asian Review 16.4: 99–121. Yoshida, Shigeki (1979) Chimei no yurai [The origin of placenames]. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu Juraisha. [in Japanese] Yoshikawa, Kohtaro (2011) “The Palaeolithic exploitation of the lithic raw materials and the organization of foraging territory in northeastern Japan.” Asian Perspectives 49.2: 294–318. Yotova, Vania; Lefebvre, Jean-Francois; Moreau, Claudia, et al. (2011) “An X-linked haplotype of Neandertal origin is present among all non-African populations.” Molecular Biology and Evolution 28.7: 1957–1962. Yu, Jin (1980) The Great Wall. Beijing: Wenwu. Yuan, Guangkuo (2013) “The discovery and study of the Early Shang culture.” Pp. 323–342 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Yuan, Jing & Campbell, Rod (2009) “Recent

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

476  Archaeology of East Asia: Bibliography archaeometric research on ‘the origins of Chinese civilisation’.” Antiquity 83: 96–109. Yuan, Jing & Flad, Rowan (2005) “Two issues concerning ancient domesticated horses in China.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 75(2003): 110–126. Yuan, Jing; Liang, Zhonghe; Wu, Yun, et al. (2002) “Shell mounds in the Jiadong Peninsula: a study in environmental archaeology.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 4.1–4: 1–26. Yun, Yongi (2008) “Goryeo celadon wares discovered off Biando, Gunsan.” The International Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology 02: 166–181. Zalasiewicz, Jan; Williams, Mark; Haywood, Alan, et al. (2011) “The Anthropocene: a new epoch of geological time?” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A369: 835–841. Zeder, Melinda A. (2006) “Central questions in the domestication of plants and animals.” Evolutionary Anthropology 15: 105–117. Zhai, Shaodong (2012) Lithic production and early urbanism in China: a case study of the lithic production at the Neolithic Taosi site (ca. 2500–1900BCE). BAR International Series 2384. Oxford: Archaeopress. Zhang, Changshou (2000) “A comparative study of the ding bronze vessels from Xin’gan.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2.1–2: 251–272. Zhang, Chi & Hung, Hsiao-chun (2013) “Jiahu 1: earliest farmers beyond the Yangtze River.” Antiquity 87: 46–63. Zhang, Feilong (2011) “On the mother of pearl inlay in China.” Journal of Chinese Lacquer 2011.01: abstract. [in Chinese with English title and abstract] Zhang, Feng; Su, Bing; Zhang, Ya-ping, et al. (2007) “Genetic studies of human diversity in East Asia.” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B 632: 987–995. Zhang, Juzhong & Cui, Qilong (2013) “The Jiahu site in the Huai River area.” Pp. 194–212 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Zhang, Zhongpei (1985) “The social structure reflected in the Yuanjunmiao cemetery.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 4: 19–33. —– (2005) “The Yangshao period: prosperity and the transformation of prehistoric society.” Pp. 43–85 in Allan (ed.) 2005. Zhao, Zhijun (2010) “New data and new issues for the study of origin of rice agriculture in China.” Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 2.2: 99–105.

Zhao, Zhijun (2011) “New archaeobotanic data for the study of the origins of agriculture in China.” Current Anthropology 52.Suppl.4: S295–S306. Zhou, Weirong; Dong, Yawei; Wan, Quanwen, et al. (2006) “No wax-lost casting craft at the Bronze Age in China [abstract].” Jinghan Archaeology 2006.02. [http://en.cnki.com.cn/Article_en/CJFDTOTALJHKG200602015.htm]. [in Chinese with English title and abstract] Zhou, Weirong; Dong, Yawei; Wan, Quanwen, et al. (2007) “Re-discuss the ‘lost-wax technology hadn’t been a choice during the Bronze Age in China’ [abstract].” Relics from South. [http://en.cnki.com. cn/Article_en/CJFDTotal-LFWW200702003. htm]. [in Chinese with English title and abstract] Zhou, Weirong; Dong, Yawei; Wan, Quanwen, et al. (2009) “New research on lost-wax casting in ancient China.” Pp. 73–78 in Metallurgy and civilisation: Eurasia and beyond, ed. J. Mei & T. Rehren. London: Archetype Publications. Zhu, Rixiang; An, Zhisheng; Potts, Richard, et al. (2003) “Magnetostratigraphic dating of early humans in China.” Earth-Science Reviews 61: 341–399. Zhu, Rixiang; Potts, R.; Pan, Y.X, et al. (2008) “Early evidence of the genus Homo in East Asia.” Journal of Human Evolution 55: 1075–1085. Zhu, Yanping (2013) “The early Neolithic in the central Yellow River valley, c.7000–4000 BC.” Pp. 171–193 in Underhill (ed.) 2013. Zhu, Zhangyi; Zhang, Qing & Wang, Fant (2006) “The Jinsha site: an introduction.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 5.1/4: 247–277. Zong, Yongqiang (2004) “Mid-Holocene sea-level highstand along the southeast coast of China.” Quaternary International 117: 55–67. Zong, Yongqiang, et al. (2009) “An evolutionary model for the Holocene formation of the Pearl River delta, China.” The Holocene 19.1: 129–142. Zong, Yongqiang; Chen, Z.; Innes, J.B., et al. (2007) “Fire and flood management of coastal swamp enabled first rice paddy cultivation in east China.” Nature 449(Sept): 459–463. Zorzin, Nicolas (2013) “The political economy of Japanese archaeology: reflective thoughts on current organisational dynamics.” Japanese Journal of Archaeology 1.1: 5–21. Zou, Heng (1999) “The Yanshi Shang City: a secondary capital of the Early Shang.” Journal of East Asian Archaeology 1: 195–206.

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Index I. Archaeological sites and cultures [bold type = cited repeatedly] [Ap=Appendix, B=BOX, Ch=Chapter, F=Figure, T=Table] CHINA: Anyang 18; Baijia T1.1a; Baijiazhuang F9.4; Baiyinchanghan F5.1, F5.2, T1.1a; Banpo 135, B6.1, F5.11, F6.4, F6.5, F6.9, T1.1a; Banshan 113, 157, B6.1, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1b; Baodun T1.1c; Baoji B3.3, F3.1, F15.3; Bashidang 101–2, F5.1, T1.1a; Beixinzhuang F9.5; Beiyangping F6.8; Bexin B11.4, F5.1, T1.1a; Bianbiandong T1.1a, F9.1; Boyishan ApI; Caoxieshan 122, F5.1, F5.12, T1.1a; Chahai F6.3; Chang’an 290–2, 298, 300, 361, 371–2, 374, 382, F12.1, F12.11, F15.1; Changyang ApE.2; Chaohu ApE.2; Chengtoushan T1.1b; Chengzhou 227, F9.1; Chenjiawo ApE.2; Chodun 122, F5.1, T1.1a; Cholbon-Puyo 332; Chuankou F6.8; Cishan 102, 116, 121x, ApG.1, B6.1, F5.1, F6.4, T1.1a; Dadianzi 186–7, 192, B8.1, B8.2, F8.1; Dadiwan 78, 121x, 123, F4.1, F5.1, T1.1a; Dahecun B6.1, F6.4; Dali 60, ApE.2, F3.1; Dantu 167, F7.1, T1.1b; Danyang 238; Dasikong F9.5; Datuotou T1.1c; Dawenkou; Daxi 162, F6.4, T1.1b; Daxinzhuang 219–20, F9.1; Dazhujia B6.2, F6.4; Dazu 391; Dazuizi 259, F11.1; Dengjiaya 240, T10.1; Dian F12.13; Dianjiangtai T1.1c; Dingcun ApE.2; Donggutou ApE.1; Donghulin 83, 91, 97, ApG.1, F4.1, F5.1, T1.1a; Donglongshan F8.3; Dongshanzui ApJ; Dongshuangqiao F6.8; Dongtuanshan 312, F13.1, F13.2; Dongxiafeng 191, 214, 219, F8.3, F9.1; Doujitai T1.1c; Duling F9.4; Dunhuang 41, 379, F12.11, F15.3; Erligang 18, 187, 208, 219, F8.3, F9.1, F9.4, T1.1c; Erlitou see INDEX IV; Erlonghu 311, F13.1; Famen Temple F15.3; Fanjiayaozi ApK.3; Fanshan 164–5, ApI, F7.3; Feng(jing) 223, 223vii, F9.1, T9.1; Fuchong F8.3; Fuhao tomb 217, F9.6, F9.8; Fushanzhuang 147, ApH.2, F6.4, T1.1b, T6.1; Ganqian Cave ApE.2; Gaochengdun ApI; Gaotaishan T1.1c; Gongwangling 52, ApE.1; Guanyin Cave ApE.2; Guchengzhai 172, F7.5, F7.6, T7.2; Guoxianyaozi ApK.3; Haimenkou 301, F12.11;

Hami 179, F7.8; Hao(jing) 223, 223vii, 225, F9.1, T9.1; Hemudu see INDEX IV; Hongshan see INDEX IV; Hougang ApD; Houli 102, 117, F5.1, T1.1a; Huanbei 18, 208, 214, F8.3 F9.1, F9.5, T9.1, T9.2; Huangniangniangtai ApJ; Huangnikou ApI; Hulu Cave ApE.2; Hutouliang 88, 93, F4.1, T1.1a, T4.1; Ji 226, F9.1; Jiahu 116–7, 124, 151, 151iv, 153, 209, B1.1, F5.1, F6.2, T1.1a; Jiangzhai 138, 140, 143, 147, 162ii, 181, ApH.1, F6.4, F6.7, T1.1a; Jiaohe 41; Jigongshan 54, ApE.2, F3.1, F3.2;; Jingdezhen 381; Jinniushan 54, 60, 64, ApE.2, F3.1; Jinsha 201, B7.1, F7.1; Kanjiatun ApJ; Kuahuqiao 101, 107, 110–1, 121x, ApG.1, F5.1, F5.4, T1.1a; Lady Jing tomb 219, F9.7; Lady Mashan tomb 239; Lantian 52, ApE.1, F3.1; Laoguantai T1.1a; Laoheshen 312, 332, F13.1; Liangchengzhen 123, 167–70, F5.1, F7.1, F7.4, T1.1b, T7.2; Liangzhu see INDEX IV; Lijiacun T1.1a; Lijiagou T1.1a; Lijiaya 203–4, 251, F8.1, F8.10; Lingjiatan T1.1b; Liujiang ApE.3; Liulihe 226, F9.1; Liyuzui 92, F4.1; Longgu(po) Cave 55, B4.1, F4.1; Longmen Caves 365, 391, F15.1, F15.2; Longnan ApI; Longshan see INDEX IV; Longtang Cave ApE.2; Longwangchan 88, F4.1; Lu F9.1; Luodun ApI; Luoyang 290, 292–3, 307, 361, F12.4, F12.9, F12.11, F12.11, F15.1; Luoyi 232, F9.1, F10.5, T9.1; Lushi F8.3; Maba 60, ApE.2, F3.1; Machang B6.2, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1b; Majiabang F5.1, T1.1a; Majiayao 157, ApJ, B6.1, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1b; Majuangou 59, ApE.1, F3.1; Maoershan 312, F12.1; Maojiaping T10.1; Maojushan ApE.2; Maoling 300, F12.11; Maoqinggou 252, ApK.3, F10.13; Maoshan F7.1, F7.7; Maqiao T1.1c; Mawangdui 296, F12.8, F12.11; Meishan ApJ; Miaodigou 127, ApJ, B6.1, F6.4, F6.9, T1.1b; Miaohoushan ApE.2, ApE.3, T1.1c; Miaopubeidi F9.5; Miaoqian ApI; Miaotaizi ApJ; Miaoyan F4.1; Minggonglu F9.4;

Ming tombs 300; Mogao Caves 365, F15.1, F15.3; Mojiaoshan 164, F7.3; Nanchengzi F13.2; Nancun F6.8; Nanguan 219, F9.1; Nanguanwai F9.4; Nanhai #1 37; Nan’shangen ApK.3; Nanzhuangtou 97, ApG.1, F4.1, F5.1, T1.1a; Nihewan 49, 59, B3.1; Ningbo 40; Niuheliang 147, F6.4, F6.10, T1.1b; Panlongcheng 191, 199–200, 204, 214, 219–20, F8.1, F9.1; Panxian-Dadong 59ix, ApE.2, F3.1; Peiligang see INDEX IV; Pengtoushan 101, F5.1, T1.1a; Pingcheng 307, 380, F12.11, F15.1; Pingliangtai 171, F7.5, F7.6; Pu’anqiao ApI; Qi F9.1, T7.2; Qianshan ApI; Qianzhuang F8.3; Qijia 184–6, 301, ApG.2, ApJ, B6.1, F6.4, F8.1, T1.1c; Qin Shihuangdi tomb F12.2; Qinyang B1.1; Qiyi/ Qishan 209i, 223, 226–7, 250, F9.1, T9.1; Quanzhou 40; Qufu 291, F12.11; Qujialing 140, 162, 170, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1b; Quyuanhekou ApE.2; Renmingongyuan F9.4; Renzi Cave 49iii, 55, 55vii; Sanxingdui 181, 192, 200–1, 248, B8.1, F8.1, F8.9, T1.1c; Shang see INDEX IV; Shanchengzi F14.1; Shangmacun 241; Shangshan 101, F4.1, F5.1, T1.1a; Shaochai F8.3; Shaoqingshan ApI; Shaoshuangqiao F8.3; Shenjiashan ApI; Shi’erqiao 201, T1.1c; Shijiahe 175, 202, B8.1, F7.1, F8.1, F8.8, T1.1b; Shishulin ApJ; Shiyu 86, ApE.2, F4.1; Shizitan 88, 116, F4.1; Shuidonggou 81–3, F4.1; Siba 185, F8.1, T1.1c; Sidun 165, B7.1, F7.1, T1.1b; Sifendi ApJ; Songze 146, 157, 165, B6.1, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1b; Ta’erpo T10.1;Tangjiagang T1.1a; Taosi 153–4, 165–7, 169, 171, 174, 176, 191, 191vii, 195, 226viii, 240, B6.3, F6.4, F7.1, F7.5, T1.1b, T6.2, T7.1, T7.2; Tianluoshan 107, 121–2, F5.1, F5.3, T1.1a; Tianyuan Cave 63, 67, ApE.3, F3.1, F4.1, T4.1; Tiesanlu F9.5; Tongling F9.1, F9.9; Tonglushan F9.1, F9.9; Tongtianliang Cave ApE.3; Wandu see ‘Korea: Hwando’; Wangcheng T9.1; Wangchenggang 172, 190, F7.5, T7.2; Wangwan 170, 172, 174, ApJ, F7.1, F7.5, T1.1b, c; Weifeng

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:04 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

478  Archaeology of East Asia: Index I 226; Wucheng 183, 199–200, 203, 220, 224, B9.1, F8.1, F8.8; Wudicun F6.8; Wujiabu ApI; Wu Liang shrine F12.11; Xiachuan 88, F4.1; Xiadu 212, F10.11; Xiajiadian see INDEX IV; Xianrendong 86–7, 92–3, F4.1, T4.1; Xianyang 252, 286, 288, 290, F10.7, F12.1, F12.11; Xiantai ApE.1; Xiaobeishan ApJ; Xiaochangliang 59, ApE.1, F3.1, F3.5; Xiaohe 179, F7.8; Xiaoheyan T1.1b; Xiaohuangshan 101, F5.1, T1.1a; Xiaomintun F9.5; Xiaotun 214, 217, F9.5; Xiaozhushan ApI; Xiasi 238; Xibeigang 214, 217, 227, F9.5; Xihoudu 49, ApE.1, B3.2, F3.1; Xindian B6.1, F6.4, T1.1c; Xin’gan 199; Xinglongwa 102, 121x, 143, 147, 157, B6.3, F5.1, F5.2, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1a; Xinle T1.1a; Xintian 241; Xinzhuangtou ApK.3; Xipo T1.1b; Xiquegou ApJ; Xishan 140, 170, F6.4, F7.1, F7.6, T1.1b, T7.2; Xishuipo F6.4; Xituanshan 311–2; Xiwubi ApJ; Xiyincun T1.1b; Xujiabang ApI; Xujiayao ApE.2; Yanchang F9.4; Yangshao see INDEX IV; Yangtian #25 B1.1; Yangzhuang F9.4; Yanshi 190, 207, 210–11, 214, F8.3, F9.1, F9.3, T9.1, T9.2; Yaoshan 163, ApI, T1.1b; Yaowangcheng 170, F7.1; Yi 226, F9.1; Yin/ Yinxu 18, 187, 208–9, 214, 223, 226, 228, F8.3, F9.1, F9.5, F9.6, T9.1, T9.2; Ying 238, F9.1; Yuanjunmiao 138, 150, F6.4, F6.6; Yuanmou 49, ApE.1, F3.1; Yuanqu F8.3; Yuchanyan Cave 87, 92–3, F4.1; Yuchisi 143, F6.4, T1.1b; Yueshi 219, 256, 258–9, F9.1, F11.1, T1.1c; Yujialing ApJ; Yungang Caves 365, 391, F15.1, F15.2; Zaoshi 121x, F5.1, T1.1a; Zenghou Yi tomb 239; Zengpiyan 92, F4.1; Zhangjiabang ApI; Zhangjiayuan 226; Zhaobaogou T1.1a; Zhaolingshan ApI; Zhao Mo Tomb F12.11; Zhengzhou 18, 190, 199, 211–14, 219, F8.3 F9.1, F9.4, T9.1, T9.2; Zhiren Cave 64, ApE.3, F3.1; Zhongba 248; Zhoujiazhuang ApJ; Zhoukoudian see INDEX IV; Zhuannian 97, F5.1; T1.1a; Zhukaigou 184–6, 251, F8.1, F8.2 T1.1c; Zijingshan F9.4; Zongzhou F9.1 JAPAN: Asuka-dera 368, F15.6; Awashimadai F6.1; Awazu 113, F5.1, T5.2; Chojagahara 129, F6.1; Dazaifu 380, F15.1, F15.9; Doigahama 273, B11.4, F11.1; Etsuji 273, F11.1; Fudodo 127–8, F6.1; Fujiwara 372, 374, ApD,

F15.1, F15.8; Fukui Cave 93, ApA, ApF, F4.1; Furuichi Canal F15.11; Furuichi Tomb Cluster F15.11; Futsukaichi Cave F4.9; Hamakita ApE.3; Hanaizumi 86, F4.1; Haruno-tsuji 327, F13.11; Hashihaka Tomb 346–7, 349, 351, F14.10; Hatsune-ga-hara 87, F4.1; Heijo 374, 380, 382–3, ApD, F15.1, F15.8, F15.9, F15.12, F15.15; Horaisan Tomb F14.7; Horyuji F15.8; Inariyama B11.4, F11.1; Isarago 108–9, F5.1, F5.7; Itazuke 277, F11.1; Iwato B4.1; F4.1; Jizoden 278, F11.1; Jomon see INDEX IV; Junichogata T5.2; Kamegaoka 280, F11.1; Kamikuroiwa ApG.1, B4.1, F4.1; Kanedori 65, F3.1, T4.1; Kanenokuma 273, F11.1; Kashiwadai I 87, F4.1; Katsusaka 129; Kawahara-dera 368, F15.6; Kirigamine 130, F4.4; Kitamura 130, F6.1; Ko ApD; Kojindani 326, 328, F13.8; Kounoki F4.9; Kosaku 130, F6.1; Kubodera Minami F4.9; Kushibiki F4.9; Maebaru 100, F5.1; Maedakochi 92, 111, F5.1, F4.1; Makimuku F14.6, F14.10; Makimuku Tomb Cluster F14.10; Matsugasaki T5.2; Mikoshiba 91, 93, F4.1; Mikumo 327, F13.11; Minatogawa ApE.3; Mitsudera F14.10; Miwa 41; Miyanomae F5.3; Mukogaoka ApD; Nakano B T5.2; Nashikubo 130, F6.1; Natsushima 110, F5.1, T5.2; Nintoku Mausoleum F15.11; Nittano 108, F5.1; Obaru D F4.9; Odai-Yamamoto I 93, ApF, F4.1, T4.1; Ojin Mausoleum F15.11; Omori ApD; Onojo 370, F15.1; Oosawa T5.2; Oyu 133, F6.3; PinzaAbu ApE.3; Sakai-A 129, F6.1; Sakanobaba T5.2; Sankakuyama I F4.9; Sannai Maruyama 111, 129, 131–3, 176, F5.1, F6.2, T5.2; Satohama ApD; Seiko-Sanso 93, F4.1; Shakudo 129, F6.1; Shimojibaru Cave ApE.3; Shimoyakebe T5.2; Shinmachi 272, F11.1; Shirao-Saonetabaru Cave ApE.3; Shirataki F4.4; Sori 129; Sugu(-Okamoto) 327–8, F13.11; Sunazawa 278, F11.1; Suzaku Gate cover photo, F15.9; Tachikiri 88, F4.1; Tagajo 376, F15.9; Taisho F4.9; Takane-kido F5.1, F5.6; Takihata F4.9; Tanabatake 129–30, F6.1; Tana-Mukaihara 88, F4.1, F4.8; Tareyanagi 278,

F11.1; Tategahana 65, F3.1, F4.1, T4.1; Tateiwa 328, F13.11;; Teraji 129, F6.1; Todaiji 374, 382, F15.8, F15.15; Tominosawa T5.2; Torihama T5.2; Uegahira F4.9; Uenohara 101, F5.1; Usujiri T5.2; Yagi T5.2; Yamashita-cho Cave 67, ApE.3, F4.1, T4.1; Yanagisawa 326, F13.8; Yayoi see INDEX IV; Yoshigo B11.4, F11.1; Yoshinogari B14.2, F13.7, F13.11, F14.6 KOREA: Amsadong 115, F5.1, F5.1; Anap-chi 372–3, 379, F15.7; Ando 124, F5.1; Anganggol T5.2; Biando 33; Chibaisong F13.1; Chisandong Tomb #44; Chitam-ri F13.1; Chon’gam-ri F15.6; Chongokni 57, 64, ApE.2, F3.1, F3.4; Chon’gamri F15.6; Chongsan-ri F13.1; Chonjon-ri F4.1; Choyang-dong 319, F13.6; Chulmun see INDEX IV; Gosan-ri T1.3; Hansong 335, 364; Houchong Tomb ApD; Hwando (C. Wandu) 332–3, F14.1; Hwangnyongsa F15.7; Hwangsongdong 340; Hwasong 391; Isong (Sansong) F15.1, F15.5; Komdan-ri 265, F11.1, F11.7; Konam-ri 111, 124, 258, F5.1, F11.1; Kumsong 336, 340, 367, 372, F14.2, F15.1, F15.7, F15.10; Kungnae-song 332– 4, F14.2; Mongchon (Tosong) 335, F14.1; Mt. Acha #4 F14.12; Mumun see INDEX IV; Nambukdong T5.2; Namhan-sansong 391; Nuk-do 258, F11.1, F13.11; Nunggok T5.2; Okhyon 261, F11.1; Oksong-ri 322, F13.6; Oun 1 T5.2; Pangi-dong F14.13; Panwol-song 340, 372, F15.7; Pibong-ri 110, F5.1 T5.2; Pungnap 335; Pyonggodong T5.2; Pyongyang-song 334; Ryonggok Cave ApE.2; Sabi F14.2; Sammokdo T5.2; Sangchon T5.2; Sara-ri 322, 329, F13.6; Sejuk-ri T5.2; Silla Tomb #155 F14.4; Sinan 33, 40; Sokchang-ri 88, F4.1; Sokchongdong F14.3; Sokkuram 367–8, 391, F15.1, F15.4; Songguk-ri 265–6, 268–9, 271, 273, F11.1; Songhongri F13.1; Sora-ri F13.1; Suyanggae 85, F4.1, F4.7; Taehyun-dong 64, F3.1; Taejuk-ri 124, F5.1; Taepo 124, F5.1; Taepyong-ri 263, F11.1, F11.6; Taesong-dong 341, F14.5; Taho-ri 319–20, 327, F13.6, T13.1; Tongsamdong 124, F5.1, T5.2; Tosong-ri 313–4, F13.1; Ungjin 364, F14.2, F15.1; Unsong-ri F13.1; Wando 33, 40; Wanghom 305,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:04 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index I–Index II  479 314; Wol-song 340iii; Yean-ri 342; Yongling F13.1; Yonjae-ri 321, F13.6 CENTRAL ASIA: Samarkand 361; Bukhara 361 MONGOLIA: Egyin Gol 305, F12.11;

Gol Mod-2 F12.11, F12.14; OrduBaliq F15.1; Salkhit ApE.3 SOUTHEAST ASIA: Angkor Wat 42; Dongson 301 STEPPES/ SIBERIA: Afanaseivo 177, 185, F7.8; Andronovo 178–9, 185,

F7.8, F8.2; Begash F7.8; Karasuk 178, F7.8; Sintashta 178–9, 229, F7.8; Tagar 178; Yamana 177, F7.8 TAIWAN: Yue-Dapenkeng B5.1

INDEX II. Periods [see Table 0.1a, b] [Ap=Appendix, B=Box, Ch=Chapter, F=Figure, T=Table] Anthropocene 96, T5.1 Asuka period (Japan) T0.1b, T1.7 Bohai see ‘Parhae’ Bølling/Allerød 92, B4.4, F4.9 Bronze Age (Central Asia) 179 Bronze Age (China) 3, 6–7, 15, 18–19, 83, 162, 170, 174, 182–3 (definition), 181–230, 301, B6.1, F7.5, T0.1a, T1.1c Bronze Age (Korea) 7, 20, 83, T0.1a, b, T1.3 Choson Dynasty (Korea) 5, 386 Chulmun period (Korea) 20, ApG.1, T0.1a, T1.3, T5.2 Colonial period (Korea) T0.1b Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) T0.1b, F2.2 Eastern Jin Dynasty (China) 307, 365, 367, T0.1b, T1.2 Edo period (Japan) T0.1b, same as ‘Tokugawa period’ epi-Liangzhu (China) 165, T1.1 epi-Jomon (Zoku-Jomon) period (Japan) 283, T1.5 Epi-palaeolithic (China) T4.1 Erlitou period (China) 15 Five Dynasties (China) T0.1b Former Qin Dynasty (China) 367, T1.2 Han Dynasty (China) 9, 12, 19, 22, 25, 183, 237–9, 242, 247, 289–306, 309–11, 313–7, 371, ApD, B1.1, B6.2, B10.1, F7.4, F12.1, T0.1b, T1.2 Heian period (Japan) 370–1, 376, 378, T0.1b Heisei period (Japan) T0.1b Historic periods T0.1b Holocene period 14, 20, 23, 67, 87, 89, 91, 95–6, 103, 105, 107, 110, 127, 148–9, ApA, ApG.1, B4.1, B4.4, B5.2, B6.3, F4.3, F6.4, T0.1a, T4.1, T5.1 Interregnum (China) 19, T0.1b, T1.2 Iron Age: China 19; Korea 7, 21, 22, 263, 305, 309, 311, 315, 317–20, 323, F13.10, T0.1a, b, T1.3

Jin Dynasty see ‘Eastern Jin’, ‘Western Jin’ Jomon period (Japan) T1.5 Kamakura period (Japan) T0.1b Ko-Choson (Korea) T0.1b Kofun period (Japan) 9, 25, 331–2, 370–1, 376, B11.2, T0.1b, T1.7 Koryo period (Korea) 5, 34, T0.1b Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) see INDEX IV Lelang period (China/Korea) 22, ApL, T0.1b Liang Dynasty (China) 363, 367, T1.2 Liu Song Dynasty (China) T1.2 Longshan period/ phase (China) 14, B6.2 Medieval period (Japan) 378, T0.1b Meiji period (Japan) T0.1b Ming Dynasty (China) 40, 391, F12.1, T0.1b Miocene F4.4 Momoyama period (Japan) T0.1b Mumun period (Korea) 20, ApA, B11.2, T0.1a, T1.3 Muromachi period (Japan) T0.1b Nara period (Japan) 25, 284, 370–1, 374–6, 384, F15.9, T0.1b Neolithic period 6, 13(definition), 14–5, 89–91; of China 3–4, 8, 20, 37, 40, 82, 116–21, Ch6–7, ApD, F6.11, T0.1a, T1.1a, b; of Korea 20; see also ‘Chulmun’, ‘Jomon’ Northern & Southern courts/ dynasties (China) 361, T0.1b, T1.2 Northern Qi Dynasty (China) 381, T0.1b, T1.3 Northern (Toba) Wei Dynasty (China) 303, 332, 371, 377, 380–1, F15.2, T0.1b, T1.2 Northern Zhou Dynasty (China) T0.1b Older Dryas B4.4, T4.1 Oldest Dryas B4.4, T4.1 Palaeolithic period Ch2, Ch3, T3.1 Palaeolithic/ Neolithic divide 79 Parhae/Bohai (China/ Korea) F15.10 Parthian Empire 332

Peoples’ Republic of China T0.1b, F2.3 Pleistocene period xv, 3, 8, 14, 45–67, 67–96, 101, ApA, ApE, B3.2, B3.3, B4.1, B4.4, F3.2, F3.3, F4.1, F4.2, T0.1a, T1.5, T3.1, T4.1; redating 48–49 Pleistocene/ Holocene boundary xv, 13, 20, 23, 45, 95, 95vii, 97, ApG.1, B4.4, F4.9, T0.1a, T3.1 Pliocene ApA Post-glacial T0.1a Pre-Boreal F4.9, T4.1 Prehistoric periods T0.1a Protohistoric periods T0.1b Proto-Three Kingdoms period (Korea) 22, 318 Qin Dynasty (China) 19, 201x, 202, 285–9, 305, B1.1, F10.12, F12.1, T0.1b, T1.2 Qing Dynasty (China) 303, 363, 391, ApD, T0.1b Quaternary ApA, F4.4 Republic of China (Taiwan) T0.1b Republic of Korea (South Korea) T0.1b, F2.2 Ritsuryo period (Japan) F15.9, T1.7 Roman Empire 298, 306 Samhan period (Korea) 7, 22, T0.1b, T1.3 Sandai (China: Xia, Shang, Zhou Dynasties) 38, 206, F9.1 Sassanian Empire 332 Shang Dynasty (China) 9, 15, 38, 146, 205–8, 256, 258, 319, ApD, ApG.1, B6.1, B6.2, B7.1, B6.3, B8.2, F7.5, F9.1, T0.1a, T1.2 Showa period (Japan) T0.1b Shu (Han) Dynasty (China) 290, T0.1b, T1.2 Six Dynasties (China) 307, 364, 380, T0.1b, T1.2 Sixteen States period (China) 307, 361, T1.2 Song Dynasty (China) 381, ApD, T0.1b

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:35:04 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index I–Index II  479 314; Wol-song 340iii; Yean-ri 342; Yongling F13.1; Yonjae-ri 321, F13.6 CENTRAL ASIA: Samarkand 361; Bukhara 361 MONGOLIA: Egyin Gol 305, F12.11;

Gol Mod-2 F12.11, F12.14; OrduBaliq F15.1; Salkhit ApE.3 SOUTHEAST ASIA: Angkor Wat 42; Dongson 301 STEPPES/ SIBERIA: Afanaseivo 177, 185, F7.8; Andronovo 178–9, 185,

F7.8, F8.2; Begash F7.8; Karasuk 178, F7.8; Sintashta 178–9, 229, F7.8; Tagar 178; Yamana 177, F7.8 TAIWAN: Yue-Dapenkeng B5.1

INDEX II. Periods [see Table 0.1a, b] [Ap=Appendix, B=Box, Ch=Chapter, F=Figure, T=Table] Anthropocene 96, T5.1 Asuka period (Japan) T0.1b, T1.7 Bohai see ‘Parhae’ Bølling/Allerød 92, B4.4, F4.9 Bronze Age (Central Asia) 179 Bronze Age (China) 3, 6–7, 15, 18–19, 83, 162, 170, 174, 182–3 (definition), 181–230, 301, B6.1, F7.5, T0.1a, T1.1c Bronze Age (Korea) 7, 20, 83, T0.1a, b, T1.3 Choson Dynasty (Korea) 5, 386 Chulmun period (Korea) 20, ApG.1, T0.1a, T1.3, T5.2 Colonial period (Korea) T0.1b Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) T0.1b, F2.2 Eastern Jin Dynasty (China) 307, 365, 367, T0.1b, T1.2 Edo period (Japan) T0.1b, same as ‘Tokugawa period’ epi-Liangzhu (China) 165, T1.1 epi-Jomon (Zoku-Jomon) period (Japan) 283, T1.5 Epi-palaeolithic (China) T4.1 Erlitou period (China) 15 Five Dynasties (China) T0.1b Former Qin Dynasty (China) 367, T1.2 Han Dynasty (China) 9, 12, 19, 22, 25, 183, 237–9, 242, 247, 289–306, 309–11, 313–7, 371, ApD, B1.1, B6.2, B10.1, F7.4, F12.1, T0.1b, T1.2 Heian period (Japan) 370–1, 376, 378, T0.1b Heisei period (Japan) T0.1b Historic periods T0.1b Holocene period 14, 20, 23, 67, 87, 89, 91, 95–6, 103, 105, 107, 110, 127, 148–9, ApA, ApG.1, B4.1, B4.4, B5.2, B6.3, F4.3, F6.4, T0.1a, T4.1, T5.1 Interregnum (China) 19, T0.1b, T1.2 Iron Age: China 19; Korea 7, 21, 22, 263, 305, 309, 311, 315, 317–20, 323, F13.10, T0.1a, b, T1.3

Jin Dynasty see ‘Eastern Jin’, ‘Western Jin’ Jomon period (Japan) T1.5 Kamakura period (Japan) T0.1b Ko-Choson (Korea) T0.1b Kofun period (Japan) 9, 25, 331–2, 370–1, 376, B11.2, T0.1b, T1.7 Koryo period (Korea) 5, 34, T0.1b Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) see INDEX IV Lelang period (China/Korea) 22, ApL, T0.1b Liang Dynasty (China) 363, 367, T1.2 Liu Song Dynasty (China) T1.2 Longshan period/ phase (China) 14, B6.2 Medieval period (Japan) 378, T0.1b Meiji period (Japan) T0.1b Ming Dynasty (China) 40, 391, F12.1, T0.1b Miocene F4.4 Momoyama period (Japan) T0.1b Mumun period (Korea) 20, ApA, B11.2, T0.1a, T1.3 Muromachi period (Japan) T0.1b Nara period (Japan) 25, 284, 370–1, 374–6, 384, F15.9, T0.1b Neolithic period 6, 13(definition), 14–5, 89–91; of China 3–4, 8, 20, 37, 40, 82, 116–21, Ch6–7, ApD, F6.11, T0.1a, T1.1a, b; of Korea 20; see also ‘Chulmun’, ‘Jomon’ Northern & Southern courts/ dynasties (China) 361, T0.1b, T1.2 Northern Qi Dynasty (China) 381, T0.1b, T1.3 Northern (Toba) Wei Dynasty (China) 303, 332, 371, 377, 380–1, F15.2, T0.1b, T1.2 Northern Zhou Dynasty (China) T0.1b Older Dryas B4.4, T4.1 Oldest Dryas B4.4, T4.1 Palaeolithic period Ch2, Ch3, T3.1 Palaeolithic/ Neolithic divide 79 Parhae/Bohai (China/ Korea) F15.10 Parthian Empire 332

Peoples’ Republic of China T0.1b, F2.3 Pleistocene period xv, 3, 8, 14, 45–67, 67–96, 101, ApA, ApE, B3.2, B3.3, B4.1, B4.4, F3.2, F3.3, F4.1, F4.2, T0.1a, T1.5, T3.1, T4.1; redating 48–49 Pleistocene/ Holocene boundary xv, 13, 20, 23, 45, 95, 95vii, 97, ApG.1, B4.4, F4.9, T0.1a, T3.1 Pliocene ApA Post-glacial T0.1a Pre-Boreal F4.9, T4.1 Prehistoric periods T0.1a Protohistoric periods T0.1b Proto-Three Kingdoms period (Korea) 22, 318 Qin Dynasty (China) 19, 201x, 202, 285–9, 305, B1.1, F10.12, F12.1, T0.1b, T1.2 Qing Dynasty (China) 303, 363, 391, ApD, T0.1b Quaternary ApA, F4.4 Republic of China (Taiwan) T0.1b Republic of Korea (South Korea) T0.1b, F2.2 Ritsuryo period (Japan) F15.9, T1.7 Roman Empire 298, 306 Samhan period (Korea) 7, 22, T0.1b, T1.3 Sandai (China: Xia, Shang, Zhou Dynasties) 38, 206, F9.1 Sassanian Empire 332 Shang Dynasty (China) 9, 15, 38, 146, 205–8, 256, 258, 319, ApD, ApG.1, B6.1, B6.2, B7.1, B6.3, B8.2, F7.5, F9.1, T0.1a, T1.2 Showa period (Japan) T0.1b Shu (Han) Dynasty (China) 290, T0.1b, T1.2 Six Dynasties (China) 307, 364, 380, T0.1b, T1.2 Sixteen States period (China) 307, 361, T1.2 Song Dynasty (China) 381, ApD, T0.1b

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:34:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

480  Archaeology of East Asia: Index II–Index III Southern Qi Dynasty (China) 341, T1.2 Sui Dynasty (China) 20, 361, 363, 370– 1, 378, 380, F12.1, T1.2 Taisho period (Japan) T0.1b Tang Dynasty (China) 20, 22, 361, 363, 368, 370–2, 374, 378, 380–6, F12.1, T0.1b, T1.2 Three Kingdoms Six Dynasties (China) 20, 22xii, 361, T0.1b, T1.2 Three Kingdoms period (Korea) 9, 22, ApD, T0.1b, T1.4 Tokugawa period (Japan) 386, ApD, T0.1b, same as ‘Edo period’ United Silla period (Korea) 5, 370, 384, F15.9, T0.1b, T1.4

Wei Dynasty (China) 12, 290, 310, 316– 8, 320–2, 331, 333, 363, 365, F13.1, F14.2, T0.1b, T1.2; cf. ‘Northern (Toba) Wei’ Western Jin Dynasty (China) 307, 322, 365, T0.1b, T1.2 Wu Dynasty (China) 290, T0.1b, T1.2 Xia Dynasty (China) 9, 15, 38, 170, 172, 190, 206–7, 211 Xin Dynasty (China) 19, 289–90, 311 Yayoi period (Japan) T1.7 Younger Dryas 92, 97, 116, B4.4, F4.9, T4.1 Yuan Dynasty (China) 303, 363, T0.1b Zhou Dynasty (China) 19, 38, 183–4,

202–3, 205–6, 256, 380; ApA, ApD, ApK, B6.1, B6.2, F7.5, T0.1a, T1.2, T10.3; pre-dynastic 199viii, 209, 223, 226; Early Zhou (Royal/ Western Zhou) 9, 199, 203, 210, 223–7, B8.2, Ch9, F8.10, F9.1, F10.1, T10.2; Eastern Zhou (Middle & Late Zhou) 200, 223, Ch10; Middle Zhou (Spring & Autumn) 19, 19x, 204, 225, 229, 237–42, 258, B7.1, F10.1, T10.2; Late Zhou (Warring States) 12, 305, BOX 1.1, B10.1, F10.1, F10.5, F10.13, F12.1 Zoku-Jomon (Epi-Jomon) period (Japan) T1.5

INDEX III. Place Names [Ap=Appendix, B=Box, F=Figure, T=Table] [for general geography see Figure 1.1; for modern administrative units see Figures 2.1, 2.2, 2.3] Afghanistan 332, B12.1 Africa 13, 45, 47, 49–51, 69, 81, ApG.1 Alexandria 371 Altai Mountains (Russia/ Mongolia/ China/ Kazakhstan) xiv, 60, 68, 82, 177–9, ApK.3, F1.1, F4.1, F7.8 Americas 23, 45, 52, 131 Amur Basin (Mongolia/Russia/China) 20 Amu River (Central Asia) 361 Amur River (China/Russia border) 4, 20, ApK.3 Anhui Province (China) T1.1a Anyang City (China) 3iv, 37, 187, 208–9, 222, 229, 381, F2.3, F9.1, F9.5, F9.11 Arabian peninsula 60 Ariake Sea (Japan) F13.11 Arikamedu (India) 327 Asuka (Japan) 368, 374, F15.6 Asuka River (Japan) 372 Australia 69, 89, 92 Ayut’a (Ayodhya) 336 Baikal, Lake (Russia) ApK.3 Beijing City (China) 41, 42, 226–7, 300, 309, ApE.3, ApK.1, B3.1, F2.3, F9.1, T10.2 Belgium ApG.1 Black Sea 177, F7.8 Bohai Bay 1, 259, 305, F1.1, B4.2, F5.5, F11.1 Bohai Corridor (China) 4, 309, F1.1 Bose Basin (China) 57, ApE.2, B3.1, F3.1 Buryatia (Russia) ApK.3 Byzantium 298 Caspian Sea 177, F7.8

Caucasus Mountains (Central Asia) 51, 177, F7.8 Central Asia xiv, 51, 67, 202, 254, 298, 332, 361, 371, ApG.1, B14.1, F7.8 Central Plain (Zhongyuan) (China) 3, 3iv (definition), 4, 15, 162, 170–2, 174–5, 187, 191, 208, 220, 223vi, 307, ApG.2, ApJ, F1.1, F7.1, F7.5, F8.1, T1.1a, b, c, T7.2, T9.1 Changjiang River (China) 4; see Yangzi River Changsha City (China) 238, F2.3, F12.8 Chaoxian (Manchuria/Korea) F12.11 Cheju-do Island (Korea) F2.2 Chengdu City (China) F2.3 Chifeng City (China) 41 China (The People’s Republic of China, PRC) 28, 38, 41, 227, 235, 385, 387, 389, 391 China Mainland 2 (definition); B1.1 Chubu region (Japan) 2, F1.1, F4.9, T1.6 Chugoku region (Japan) F4.3, T1.6 Crimea ApK.3 Dan River (China) 238 Datong City (China) F15.2 DMZ (Demilitarized Zone) (Korea) 34, F2.2 Dian Lake (China) F12.11 Dongbei (China) 157, T1.1a, b, c Dongting Lake (China) 200 Dzungarian Basin (China) 179, 185, 298, F1.1, F7.8 East Asialand 3 East China Sea 1, B5.2, B6.1, F1.1

East Coast (China): 3 (definition), B6.1, B11.4, F5.5, F6.11 Eastern Sea 1, 368, F1.1, F2.2, F2.1 Egypt 60, 175, 371 Eimei Mountains (China) F8.3 Edo River (Japan) F5.5 Eurasia 79, 81, 91xi, 93, 176, 228, 298, 380, 383 Europe 52, 93 Fen River (China) 165, 169, 203, 240, ApJ, F7.5 Ferghana Valley (Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan) 300, F12.11, F12.12 40th parallel F4.1 France 381 Fuji River (Japan) 130, F6.1 Fukuoka City (Japan) 329, F2.1 Fukuoka Plains (Japan) 273, B14.2 Ganges River (India) 56 Gansu Province (China) ApK.3, T1.1a, b, c Gansu Corridor (China) 4, 157, 179, 183, 185, 298, 301, 361, ApG.2, ApK.3, B6.1, F1.1, F7.8 Genkai Sea (Japan) F13.11 Gobi Desert (Mongolia, China) 4, F1.1, F7.8, Guanzhong (China) 289–90, 301, T10.2 Guangzhou City (China) 37, 301, F2.3 Haidai (China) T1.1a, b, c Hakata Bay F14.6 Hakata City (Japan) F2.1 Hakone area (Japan) 130 Han River (Korea) 2, F2.2, F5.2

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:34:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

480  Archaeology of East Asia: Index II–Index III Southern Qi Dynasty (China) 341, T1.2 Sui Dynasty (China) 20, 361, 363, 370– 1, 378, 380, F12.1, T1.2 Taisho period (Japan) T0.1b Tang Dynasty (China) 20, 22, 361, 363, 368, 370–2, 374, 378, 380–6, F12.1, T0.1b, T1.2 Three Kingdoms Six Dynasties (China) 20, 22xii, 361, T0.1b, T1.2 Three Kingdoms period (Korea) 9, 22, ApD, T0.1b, T1.4 Tokugawa period (Japan) 386, ApD, T0.1b, same as ‘Edo period’ United Silla period (Korea) 5, 370, 384, F15.9, T0.1b, T1.4

Wei Dynasty (China) 12, 290, 310, 316– 8, 320–2, 331, 333, 363, 365, F13.1, F14.2, T0.1b, T1.2; cf. ‘Northern (Toba) Wei’ Western Jin Dynasty (China) 307, 322, 365, T0.1b, T1.2 Wu Dynasty (China) 290, T0.1b, T1.2 Xia Dynasty (China) 9, 15, 38, 170, 172, 190, 206–7, 211 Xin Dynasty (China) 19, 289–90, 311 Yayoi period (Japan) T1.7 Younger Dryas 92, 97, 116, B4.4, F4.9, T4.1 Yuan Dynasty (China) 303, 363, T0.1b Zhou Dynasty (China) 19, 38, 183–4,

202–3, 205–6, 256, 380; ApA, ApD, ApK, B6.1, B6.2, F7.5, T0.1a, T1.2, T10.3; pre-dynastic 199viii, 209, 223, 226; Early Zhou (Royal/ Western Zhou) 9, 199, 203, 210, 223–7, B8.2, Ch9, F8.10, F9.1, F10.1, T10.2; Eastern Zhou (Middle & Late Zhou) 200, 223, Ch10; Middle Zhou (Spring & Autumn) 19, 19x, 204, 225, 229, 237–42, 258, B7.1, F10.1, T10.2; Late Zhou (Warring States) 12, 305, BOX 1.1, B10.1, F10.1, F10.5, F10.13, F12.1 Zoku-Jomon (Epi-Jomon) period (Japan) T1.5

INDEX III. Place Names [Ap=Appendix, B=Box, F=Figure, T=Table] [for general geography see Figure 1.1; for modern administrative units see Figures 2.1, 2.2, 2.3] Afghanistan 332, B12.1 Africa 13, 45, 47, 49–51, 69, 81, ApG.1 Alexandria 371 Altai Mountains (Russia/ Mongolia/ China/ Kazakhstan) xiv, 60, 68, 82, 177–9, ApK.3, F1.1, F4.1, F7.8 Americas 23, 45, 52, 131 Amur Basin (Mongolia/Russia/China) 20 Amu River (Central Asia) 361 Amur River (China/Russia border) 4, 20, ApK.3 Anhui Province (China) T1.1a Anyang City (China) 3iv, 37, 187, 208–9, 222, 229, 381, F2.3, F9.1, F9.5, F9.11 Arabian peninsula 60 Ariake Sea (Japan) F13.11 Arikamedu (India) 327 Asuka (Japan) 368, 374, F15.6 Asuka River (Japan) 372 Australia 69, 89, 92 Ayut’a (Ayodhya) 336 Baikal, Lake (Russia) ApK.3 Beijing City (China) 41, 42, 226–7, 300, 309, ApE.3, ApK.1, B3.1, F2.3, F9.1, T10.2 Belgium ApG.1 Black Sea 177, F7.8 Bohai Bay 1, 259, 305, F1.1, B4.2, F5.5, F11.1 Bohai Corridor (China) 4, 309, F1.1 Bose Basin (China) 57, ApE.2, B3.1, F3.1 Buryatia (Russia) ApK.3 Byzantium 298 Caspian Sea 177, F7.8

Caucasus Mountains (Central Asia) 51, 177, F7.8 Central Asia xiv, 51, 67, 202, 254, 298, 332, 361, 371, ApG.1, B14.1, F7.8 Central Plain (Zhongyuan) (China) 3, 3iv (definition), 4, 15, 162, 170–2, 174–5, 187, 191, 208, 220, 223vi, 307, ApG.2, ApJ, F1.1, F7.1, F7.5, F8.1, T1.1a, b, c, T7.2, T9.1 Changjiang River (China) 4; see Yangzi River Changsha City (China) 238, F2.3, F12.8 Chaoxian (Manchuria/Korea) F12.11 Cheju-do Island (Korea) F2.2 Chengdu City (China) F2.3 Chifeng City (China) 41 China (The People’s Republic of China, PRC) 28, 38, 41, 227, 235, 385, 387, 389, 391 China Mainland 2 (definition); B1.1 Chubu region (Japan) 2, F1.1, F4.9, T1.6 Chugoku region (Japan) F4.3, T1.6 Crimea ApK.3 Dan River (China) 238 Datong City (China) F15.2 DMZ (Demilitarized Zone) (Korea) 34, F2.2 Dian Lake (China) F12.11 Dongbei (China) 157, T1.1a, b, c Dongting Lake (China) 200 Dzungarian Basin (China) 179, 185, 298, F1.1, F7.8 East Asialand 3 East China Sea 1, B5.2, B6.1, F1.1

East Coast (China): 3 (definition), B6.1, B11.4, F5.5, F6.11 Eastern Sea 1, 368, F1.1, F2.2, F2.1 Egypt 60, 175, 371 Eimei Mountains (China) F8.3 Edo River (Japan) F5.5 Eurasia 79, 81, 91xi, 93, 176, 228, 298, 380, 383 Europe 52, 93 Fen River (China) 165, 169, 203, 240, ApJ, F7.5 Ferghana Valley (Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan) 300, F12.11, F12.12 40th parallel F4.1 France 381 Fuji River (Japan) 130, F6.1 Fukuoka City (Japan) 329, F2.1 Fukuoka Plains (Japan) 273, B14.2 Ganges River (India) 56 Gansu Province (China) ApK.3, T1.1a, b, c Gansu Corridor (China) 4, 157, 179, 183, 185, 298, 301, 361, ApG.2, ApK.3, B6.1, F1.1, F7.8 Genkai Sea (Japan) F13.11 Gobi Desert (Mongolia, China) 4, F1.1, F7.8, Guanzhong (China) 289–90, 301, T10.2 Guangzhou City (China) 37, 301, F2.3 Haidai (China) T1.1a, b, c Hakata Bay F14.6 Hakata City (Japan) F2.1 Hakone area (Japan) 130 Han River (Korea) 2, F2.2, F5.2

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:34:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index III  481 Han River Basin (Korea) 319, 334–5, 363, F14.3, F15.5 Hangzhou Delta (China) T1.1a, b Hantan River (Korea) 57 Hebei Province (China) ApK.3 Heilongjiang Province (China) 389 Hexi Corridor see Gansu Corridor Hime River (Japan) 129, F6.1 Hiraizumi Town (Japan 391 Hokkaido Island (Japan) 74, 78, 81, 83, 87, 113, 124, 131, 280, 283–4, B4.3 B11.2, F2.1, F4.2, F4.3, F4.6, F4.9, F5.1 F5.8, F11.1, T1.5, T1.6, T4.1 Hokuriku region (Japan) 2, 374, F1.1, F15.9, T1.6 Hong Kong City (China) B9.1 Honshu Island (Japan) 2–3, 6, 74, 78, 81, 92, 124, 129–31, 176, ApE.3, B4.3, F2.2, F4.9, F14.6, T1.5, ‘waist of Honshu’ 3, 277, 326, F11.1 Houma village (China) 241 Huai River (China) 3, 116, 143, 238, 306, F1.1, F6.4 Huan River (China) 214, F9.5 Huanghe Corridor (China) 3–4, 140, 170, 191, 208, 219, 223, 289, F1.1, F6.8, F7.5, F8.3 Hun River (China) 313, 332, F13.1, F14.3 Hutuo River (China) T10.2 IHRB (Korea) F3.1 Iki Island (Japan) 327, F13.11 Imjin River (Korea) 57 Imjin/Hantan Basin (Korea) 57 Ina Valley (Japan) 130, F6.1 India 56, 60, 175, 293, 298, 327, 336, 361, 365, 368, B12.1, F12.11 Indus River (Pakistan) 175, B12.1 Inland Sea (Japan) 2–3, 79, 124, 277, 326, 370, B4.3, F2.1, F13.8, F14.13 Inner Asia 4, 177 Inner Asian Mountain Corridor (IAMC) F7.8 Inner Mongolia (China) 3, 37, 59, 250, ApK, F1.1 Ishigaki Island (Japan) 67 Italy 41 Itoigawa City 129 Izumo province (Japan) 328, F14.6 Japan, modern 386, 391, Ch2, Ch16, F2.1 Japan Alps 129, F4.2 Japan Sea 1, 74, 79, 127, 278, 326, 328, F1.1, F2.2, F2.1, F6.1, F13.8, F14.6, F14.13 Japanese Islands F1.1, T1.5 Ji’an City (China) 332, F2.3, F14.2 Jiaodong peninsula 1ii Jilin City (China) 312, F13.1 Jiangsu Province (China) T1.1a

Jilin Province (China) 389 Jindushan Mountains (China) ApK.3 Ji River (China) F8.3 Jinshui River (China) F9.4 Kaesong City (Korea) 34, 42, F2.2, ApD Kanto region (Japan) 2, 92, 110, 129–30, F1.1, F2.1, F4.3, F4.9, F11.15, F14.8, T1.6 Kashihara City (Japan) F2.1 (=Kashiwara) Kazakhstan 179 Khanuy Valley (Mongolia) 305 Kimhae City (Korea) 317, 321, 341, F2.2, F13.6, F13.11, F14.2 Kinai region (Japan) 1, 323, 326–7, 374 (definition), F2.1, F5.5, F11.13. F14.6 Kinki region (Japan) F4.3, T1.6 Kopet Dagh Mountains (Central Asia) 179, F7.8 Korea see ‘North Korea’, ‘South Korea’ Korean Peninsula F1.1, F10.5, F13.11, T1.3, Korea Strait (Japan/Korea border) 2, 5, 329, 370, 388, F1.1, F2.1 Kozu Island (Japan) 92, 110, 130, F4.1, F5.1 Kum River (Korea) 2, F2.2 Kunming City (China) 301, F2.3 Kurile Islands 284 Kyongju Basin (Korea) 340 Kyongju City (Korea) 34–35, 319, 322, 340, F2.2, F13.6 Kyoto Basin (Japan) 374 Kyoto City (Japan) F2.1 Kyushu Island (Japan) 1, 4– 5, 25, 81, 86, 88, 91, 97, 100–101, 322–3, F2.1, F4.3, F4.9, F5.3, F11.1, F11.13, F14.6, T1.5 Lake Baikal F7.8 Lake Biwa (Japan) 113 Lake Dian (China) 301–2 Levant 60, 86 Liaodong peninsula (China) 1, 5, 255, 259, 270, 309, F1.1, F11.1, F13.1 Liaodong region 1ii, 4, 323, B11.1 Liaoning Province (China) 389 Liao River (China)1, 4, F1.1 Liaoxi region (China) 4, A-7pK.2, T1.1b Liaoxi Corridor (China) see ‘Bohai Corridor’ Linfen Basin 165–6, (China) F7.5 Lingnan (China) 301–2 Liu Song Dynasty (China) 389 Lo River (China) 173 Loess Plateau (China) F1.1 Longgushan (China) “Dragon Bone Hill” see Index I: ‘Zhoukoudian’ Luonan Basin (China) 57, ApE.2, B3.1, F3.3 Luo River (China) F7.5, F8.3, F8.4, F9.1, F12.1

Luoyang City (China) 37, 223, 232, 370, F2.3, F9.1, F12.1 Manchurian Basin (China)1, 3–4, 20, 22, 28, 64, 115, 117, 183, 203, 256, 298, 261–3, 305, 309, 311, 313, 322, 332, 334, 389, ApG.1, ApK.2, B11.1, F1.1, F10.5, F11.1, F11.2, F11.3, T1.1a, b, c, T1.3 Mediterranean 361 Mesopotamia 175 Ming Shan Mountains F12.4 Minusinsk Basin 177, ApK.3 Mongolia xiv, 42, 79, 303, ApE.3, ApG.1, ApK.3, F4.1 Mongolian Plateau (Mongolia/China) 4, 177, 182, B11.1, F1.1 Mt. Aso (Japan) F4.4 Mt. Fuji (Japan) F6.1 Mt. Kunlum (China) 298 Mt. Miwa (Japan) F14.10 Mt. Paekdu (Korea/China border) 81, F4.1, F4.4 Mt. Qi (China) 209i, F9.1 Mt. Tai (China) F12.11 Nagoya City (Japan) 3, 278, F2.1 Nakdong River (Korea) 2, 340, F2.2 Nam River (Korea) 35, 263, F11.6 Namsan Mountains (Korea) F15.7 Nanjing City (China) 107, F2.3 Nanling Mountains (China) 301, F1.1 Nanyang Basin (China) 238 Nara Basin (Japan) 41, F15.8 Nara City (Japan) F2.1, F14.7 Nara Prefecture (Japan) 391 Near East ApG.2, ApK.3 Nepal B12.1 Nihewan Basin (China) 54, ApE.1, F3.1 Ningxia Province (China) ApK.3 Nojiriko Lake (Japan) 65 North China F6.4 North China Plain (China) 3, 3iv, 4, 214, 306, F1.1, F7.5, T9.1 Northern Zone (China/ Mongolia/ Siberia) 181–5, 286, 302–3, 307, F10.5 North Korea (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) 28, 34–5, 385, 389, 391, F2.2 North Kyushu (Japan) 270, 273, 277, 323–4, 326, 328–9, 370, 380, 388–9 B14.2, F13.9, F13.11, F14.15 Noto peninsula (Japan) 328, F2.1, F13.8 Nuk-do Island (Korea) 326, F13.11 Oki Islands (Japan) F2.1 Okinawa Island (Japan) 280, 309, 380, 391, ApE.3, ApG.1, B11.2, F1.1, F2.1, F11.1 Old Europe 176 Ordos region (China) 3, 204, 229, 250, 302, ApJ, ApK, F1.1, F9.1, T1.1c Orkhon Valley (Mongolia) 305, F12.11

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:34:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

482  Archaeology of East Asia: Index III Osaka Bay F2.1 Osaka City 278, F2.1, F14.5 Pacific Ocean 1, B5.2, F1.1, F5.5 Pacific Plate F4.4 Pearl River Basin ApG.1 Pen/Insulae 2 (definition) Persia 298 Philippine Plate F4.4 Philippine Sea B5.2 Pontic-Caspian 177 Poyang Lake (China) 199 Prefectures for Japan F2.1 Provinces for China 37, F2.3, F10.4, for Korea F2.2 Pusan City (Korea) 35, F2.2 Puyo City (Korea) ApD Pyongyang City (Korea) 306, 313, 315, 321, 367–8, 389, 391, F2.2, F13.1, F15.6, F15.6 Qin River (China) F8.3 Qinling Mountains (China) 3–5, 55, 78, 116, F1.1, F4.1, F6.4 Red Sea 60 Ru River F8.3 Russia 42, 177 Russian Far East / maritime region 5, 20, 93, 262, 269, F1.1, F4.1, F11.1 Ryukyu Islands (Japan) 1, 4, 74, 280, 309, 328, F1.1, F2.1, F11.1, F13.9 Sado Island (Japan) F2.1 Sakhalin Island (Russia) 78, 81, 284, F4.1 Sanggan River (China) T10.2 San’in (Japan) 2, 374, F1.1, F15.9 Sanmenxia Basin (China) ApE.1 San’yo (Japan) 374, 378; F15.9 Scythia 254 Sendai City (Japan) 284, F2.1 Seoul City (Korea) 335, F2.2, F14.1, F14.12, F14.13 Seto region (Japan) 3, 323–4, F1.1, F13.8, F13.10, F14.8 Seto Plain (Japan) 74, B4.4 Sha River (China) F6.8 Shandong peninsula (China) 1, 3, 5, 143, 167, 219, 222, 237, 248, 259, 270, ApG.2, B6.3, F1.1, F4.2, F7.1, F7.2, T1.1a, b, c Shandong (China) 1ii, 117, 123, 170, 175, 203, 220, 256, 258, 309, 315, B6.2, B11.1, B11.2, B11.4, F8.1, F10.1, F11.1, T1.1a Shanghai City (China) F2.3 Shanghai Delta (China) 1, 3, 5, 107, 107vi, 155, 165, F1.1, F5.3; T1.1b, c Shanxi Province 42, ApK.3 Shikoku Island (Japan) F2.1, F4.3, F14.6, T1.6 Siberia (Russia) 23, 79, 82–3, 93, 182, 254, ApG.1, ApK.3, F4.1, F10.14

Sichuan Basin (China) 3–4, 38, 160, 181, 200, 202, 248, 285, 290, B7.1, F1.1, F12.5, T1.1c Songhua River (China) F13.2 Song Mountains (China) 173, F7.5 Songnam City (Korea) 34 South Asia 92, 319, 336, ApG Southeast Asia 3, 43, 55–6, 69, 92, 301–2, 327, ApG.1 South China F6.4 South China Sea B5.2 South Korea (The Republic of Korea) 33–5, 385–7, F2.2 Sumida River (Japan) F5.5 Sundaland (Southeast Asia) 3 Sungari River (China) 4, F1.1 Suwa Lake (Japan) 130, F6.1 Syr River (Central Asia) 361 Taedong River (Korea) 2, 305, 313, 321, 334, F2.2, F13.1, F15.10 Taejon City (Korea) 33 Ta’er Mountains (China) F7.5 Taihang Mountains (China) ApK.3, F1.1, F8.3 Taiwan (The Republic of China, ROC) 4, 28, 160, 385, 391, 391i, F1.1 Taklamakan Desert (China) 4, 298, F1.1, F12.11 Tama River (Japan) F5.5 Tarim Basin (China) 4, 178–9, 195, 298, B12.1, F1.1, F7.8, F8.2 Thailand 302, B12.1 Three Gorges Dam (China) 88, F4.1 Tianmu Mountains. (China) F7.3 Tianshan Mountains (China) F7.8 Tibet (China) 2, 37, 235, 387, ApG.2 Tibetan Plateau (China) 3, 51–2, 78, F1.1 Tohoku region (Japan) 2, 81, 129, 131, 133, 278, 283–4, 376, B4.3, F2.1, F4.2, F4.3, F4.9, F6.2, F11.1, F11.15, T1.6 Tokai region (Japan) 2, 374, 378, F1.1, F4.9, F15.9, T1.6 Tokyo Bay TB (Japan) 130, F2.1, F5.5, F6.1 Tokyo City (Japan) 25, 92, F2.1 Tone River (Japan) F5.5 Tsugaru Strait (Japan) 74, F2.1 Tsushima Islands (Japan) 2, 2iii, F2.1, F13.11 Tsushima Strait (Japan) 2 Tumen River (Korea/China/Russia border) F2.2 Tuva (Russia) ApK.3 Ulaanbaatar City (Mongolia) 303, ApK.3, F2.3 Ulsan City (Korea) 317, 321, F2.2, F13.6 United Kingdom 391

United States 391 Ural Mountains (Russia) 178, 229, ApK.3, F7.8 Vietnam xiv, 301–2 Wada Pass (Japan) 130, F4.4, F6.1 Wei River (China) 3, 3iv, 4, 78, 116, 175, 199, 208, 219, 236, 239, 286, 290, ApG, ApK.1, F1.1, F7.5, F8.1, F9.1, F10.1, F12.1, F12.11, T1.1a.b, c, T9.1, T10.1 West Asia 177 Wucheng City (China) B9.1 Xi’an City (China) 37, 41, 286, F2.3, F12.1 Xiaoshan Mountains (China) F8.3 Xinjiang Province (China) 2, 37, 41, 235, 387–8 Xiong’er River (China) F9.4 Yalu River (Korea/China border) 2, 5, 313, 332–3, ApG.1, F1.1, F2.2, F13.1 Yamato province (Japan) B14.2 Yangping River (China) F6.8 Yangzi (Yangtze) River (China) 3–4, 38, 41, 54, 87, 88, 117, 175, 183, 191, 217, 238, 248, 286, F1.1, F8.1, F9.1, F9.9, F10.1, F12.11 Yangzi Basin (China) 3, 101, 157, 160, 200, 202, 290, ApG.1, B5.2, F1.1, F8.1, T1.1a, b, c Yellow Plain 74, 79, 92, B4.2, B4.4 Yellow River (China) 1, 3, 3iv, 4, 124, 155, 157, 162–3, 170, 172, 175, 185, 203–4, 214, 219, 229, 236, 238, 286, 290, 292, ApG, ApK.1, F1.1, F6.8, F7.5, F8.1, F8.3, F9.1, F10.1, F12.11, T9.1 Yellow Sea 1, 3, 5, 74, 167, 305, 309, 311, B5.2, F1.1, F2.2 Yellow Sea Basin (China) 1 Yencheng Basin (China) 219 Yinshan Mountains (China) ApK.3 Yi River (China) 173, F7.5, F8.3, F9.1 Yi-Luo River Basin (China) 174, 191 Ying River F8.3 Yongnam region (Korea) 33, 321–2, 336, F2.2 Yuanzhou District, Guangdong (China) 41 Yuncheng Basin (China) ApJ, F8.3 Zhengzhou City (China) 187, 208, 222, F2.3, F8.3, F9.1 Zhongtiao Mountains F8.3 Zhongyuan see ‘Central Plain’ Zhouyuan (China) 223, 225, 226viii, 236–7, 239, 289, F9.1

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:34:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV  483

INDEX IV. SUBJECTS [plain numbers = page, Ap=Appendix, B=BOX, Ch=Chapter, F=Figure, T=Table] This index is a combination of straight alphabetical listing and listing within categories, marked in ALL CAPS. For example, ‘cattle’ occurs only under ANIMALS, to save space. Please look further if you cannot find what you expect. For sites/cultures not listed here, see INDEX I. ACCESSORIES: 69, 183, ApH.1, F15.3, T4.1; belts 204, 252, 254, 340, ApK.1, F10.13, T10.2; belt buckles 204, 252, 254, 316, ApK.3, B14.1; belt hooks 247, 312, 322, ApK.3, F10.11, F10.13, F12.8, F13.12, F14.5, T13.1; bracelets 186, 280, 328, B7.1, B13.9, F14.9; breast plates ApI; caps T10.3; combs 113, F13.4; crowns 332, 340, B14.1; earrings 129, 186, 332, 340, ApK, B11.4, F6.1, F8.2, F13.4, B14.1, T10.2; hairpins 182, F8.10, F13.10, F14.1; hairstyles F12.3; headdresses ApK.3; necklaces ApK, B6.2, T13.1; pendants 129–30, 262, 280, B7.1, B14.1, F6.1, F11.5; rings 186; see also ‘beads’, ‘jade’, ‘clothing’ ADMINISTRATION: 6, 19, 22, 161, 191, 233, 238, 253, 283, 285, 288–9, 313–6, 320, 331, 370, 374, 376, 384– 5, F9.6; bureaucracy 223, 225, 232, 240, 285, 288, 315, 333–4, 374, 379, F15.12; diplomacy 383, 388; tools of 319, F15.12; territorial 233, 363–4, 374; see also ‘seals’, ‘tribute/ taxation’ AGRICULTURE: 116, 160, 229, 240, 285, 292, ApH.1, T5.1, T6.1; adoption 25, 113, 115, 117, 270– 3, 275, 278, 280, 283, 323; agropastoralism 183–4, 203–4, 222, 239, 249, 251, T10.2; animal husbandry 160, 232, 257, 305; crop development 103–4, 278, F5.11, F11.10; dry fields 121, 168, 259, 264, 278, 311, F11.6; dry rice 259, 261; farmers 103–4, 256, 305; farming tools 147, 167, 182, 264, 329, F5.11, F6.11, F7.4, F10.9, F12.6; herding 256; harvesting 59, 147, 210, F5.11; intensification 122, 126, 140, 167, 267; irrigation see ‘water features’; jori system F15.11; millet agriculture 3–5, 20, 116–7, 135, 138, 140, 143, 160, 167, 184, 258–9, 376; mixed economy 147, ApK.1; orchards 232; paddy fields 122, 259, 261, 270, 275, 278, 326, ApG.1, F5.12, F7.7, F11.4, F11.12, F11.14, F12.6, T1.1a; pastoralists 178–9, 184, 243, 250, 253–4, 256, 285, 301, 303, 305, ApG.2, ApK; plowing 292, ApG.1,

F11.6, F12.6; rice agriculture 3, 5, 21, 25, 41, 117, 120, 143, 146, 160, 167, 254, 258–9, 261iv, 270–1, 275, 278, 309, 376, B11.1, B11.2, F15.11, T1.5; slash&burn 117; surplus 126, 160, 311, 317; see also ‘animals’, ‘domestication’, ‘horticulture’, ‘plants’ ALLIANCES: clan/ bureaucrat 232, 241; marriage 222, 303, F9.8; military 298, 389; political 223, 301, 306, 311, 367, 387; Paekche–Yamato 387–8 amber: 131, 133, 322, 380, F6.1, F15.14; Amber Coast 130 ancestor (worship): 153, 225, 227, 232, 241, 290, 295; see also ‘ritual’ Andronovo, see ‘steppe cultures’ ANIMALS: B7.1, F9.10, F10.14; archaeozoology 39; pens for 136, F6.7; alligator 121, 153, 165–6, B6.3, F8.10, T6.2; antelope 87; auroch 87, 177, ApG.1, ApG.2; bear 87; beasts 198, F10.8; birds 87, 105, 110, 121–2, 196, 241, 324, T1.1a; bison/buffalo 14, 55, 86–7, T1.1a; boar 87, 102–3, 105, 110, 113, 121, 148, ApG.1, F5.1, T1.1a; bovines 87, 209, F9.2, F12.6; camel 249, 253, ApK.3, F15.1; cats 124; cattle 177, 179, 185–7, 240, 251, 256, 335, ApK.1, F12.13, T1.1a, b, T10.2; chickens 14, ApG.1; deer 65, 86–7, 102, 105, 110, 113, 121–2, 130, 147, 187, 209, 217, 257, 259, ApK, B6.2, F5.2, F5.9, F6.1, F10.6, F14.14, T10.3; dogs 14, 113, 115, 121, 123–4, 172, 226, 251, 258, ApG.1, ApK.1, F9.7, T1.1a, b, T10.2; donkeys 249; dragons 153, 241, ApK.3, B6.3, T1.1a; elephants 65, 87, 217; fish 20, 87, 92–3, 102, 107–8, 110–1, 121–2, 131, 150iii, 196, 238, 280, 335, 378, F5.2, F6.12, F12.6; gazelle 86–7; goats 5, 177, 179, 185–7, 195, 256, T1.1b; herd 157, 168, 179, 181, 184, 203, 257, 312; horses 86–7, 177, 179, 185, 204, 217, 228–9, 237, 241, 249, 251, 300–1, 311–2, 335, ApG.2, ApK.1, F9.11, F10.3, F12.12, F14.14, T10.2; ibex 204; insects 324; mammoth 87; monkeys 55, 217; moose 87; mules 249; panda 55, 87; pigs 14, 103,

115, 121, 123–4, 143, 154–5, 166, 172, 184–5, 187, 209, 214, 256, 271, 312, ApG.1, B6.2, B6.3, T1.1a, b, T6.2; porcupine 87; raptor 253, ApK.1, ApK.3, F10.14, T10.3; rats 87, 124; reindeer ApK.3; reptiles 122; sea mammals 110, 121, 258; sheep 5, 177, 179, 185–7, 195, 209, 214, 241, 256, ApG.2, ApK.1, T10.3; shellfish 20, 87, 92, 96, 102, 107–9, 111, 121, 130, 168, 266, 278, 378, ApG.1, B5.1, B6.3, F5.2, F5.7, F6.1; sus 103, 116, 123–4, 147, 257, 259; tapir 87; tiger 196, 322, ApK.1, B6.3, F8.8, T10.2; turtle/ tortoise 87, 121, 146, 151, 153, 196, 209, 238, F9.2; ungulates T1.1a, b; water buffalo 5, 87, 102, ApG.1, T1.1a; wolves ApG.1; see also ‘art’, ’domestication’, ‘fauna’ antiquarianism: 27, 393, ApD ARCHAEOLOGY: discipline of ApD; excavation 27–9, 33–42, 88, 318; journals 34, 36, 43, ApD; and media B14.2; and politics 28; research inst­ itutes 29, 31, 33–4, 37, 41–3, 387, 389, ApD, B3.1, F15.15; societies 33, 35, 42–3, ApD; see also ‘methods’, ‘theory’ ARCHAEOLOGIES, VARIOUS: music 40; prehistoric 7–8; protohistoric 8–9; historic 12–3; colonial 20, 27, 34; earthquake 40; experimental 39; nationalistic 391–2; public 31, 31ii; rescue 28–9, 33, 37; shipwreck/ underwater/ maritime 33, 37, 40–1, ApD; volcanic ash 40 ARCHITECTURE: 294; altars 214, 290; bricks 167, 171, 187, 226–7, 293, 295, 313–4, 368, F7.4, F10.1; bell tower F15.6; bracketing 370; bridge 340; corbeled ceilings F14.14; corridors 172, 214, T7.2; courtyards 143; dock 340; drainage 211, 226–7, 313, 373; elite 226–7, 335, 368–70, F9.4, F9.6, F15.5, F15.8, F15.9; foundation platforms 101–2, 160, 162–4, 170, 172, 190, 201, 210–11, 214, 217, 226–7, 232, 288, 314, 376, F7.6, F8.4, F9.3, F9.4, F9.6, F13.2, T7.2; foundation stones 226–7, 313, 372376, F15.5; gates

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

484  Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV 170, 214, 217, 290–2, F7.6, F8.4, 12.4, F12.6, F13.2, F14.1, F15.9; granaries F12.6, F15.13; guardhouses 171; hearths 87–8, 97, 100–2, 111, 127, 129, 263–4, 305, ApE.2, F4.8, F11.6, F12.5, F12.6, T1.1a; houses 5, 14, 259, ApH; housesteads F14.10; huts 87–8, 97, F4.8; insulation 187; latrines 313; longhouses 133, 140, F6.1, F6.2; mortise & tenon 107, F5.4; monumental 147, 160, 162, 165, 227, 288; multi-storied 288, F12.6, ondol heating F14.12; pagodas 368, F15.3, F15.5, F15.7; pavements 227; pavilions F12.13, F15.5, F15.7; pillared buildings 226, 266, 313, 370, 373–4, 376, F6.3, F15.5, F15.13, F15.15; pit-buildings 100iii, 100–3, 107, 111, 127–9, 131, 147, 217, 232, 262–3, 265–6, 271, 275, 326, 340, B14.2, F5.2, F5.6, F6.2, F6.5, F6.10, F7.6, F11.6, F11.7, T1.1a, b; plaster 295; plazas 129, 135, 138, 147, 273, F5.6; public buildings 232, T1.1b; roof tiles 226–7, 309, 313, 335, 370, 374, 376, 380, F12.6, F13.5, F15.5, F15.8; row houses 143, 214; shingles 373; steps 163, 214; stilted buildings 101–2, 107, T1.1a; stone architecture 368, F5.2, F14.12, F15.4; storehouses F15.15; stucco 147–8; stupa 368; surface buildings 101, F12.6; T1.1a, b; thatched roofs 107, 226, 232, 373, F9.4, F9.6; wall tiles 293; (watch) towers 214, 290, 309, B14.2, F12.6, F14.1; wattle&daub 107, 140, 147, 187, F6.5, F9.4, F9.6; wells 171, 173, 313, 374, F12.5, F12.6; workshops 102, 340; see also ‘water features’, ‘palaces’, ‘shrines’, ‘storage’, ‘tamped earth’, ‘temples’, ‘walls’, ‘tombs’ armor: 312, 332; cuirasses F14.11; helmets ApK.E, F8.10, F9.10, F10.11, F14.11; lamellar 287, F10.11, F12.3, F14.11 ART: 69, 293, 315; animal art 198, 224, 250, 254, 256, 303, 317, ApK, F8.8, F8.10, F9.8, T10.2; Buddhist 365–7, 373, F14.14, F15.1, F15.2; portable art 177, B4.1; rock art 97, 258, 391, B4.1; face motif 196–7; taotie 197–8, 201, 241, B8.1, F8.6, F8.8; see also ‘paintings’, ‘sculptures’ astronomy: 38, 133, 166, 238, B6.3, F6.3, F12.8, F15.7; observatories 166; see also ‘cosmology’ basketry: 239, 281, 319, B11.3, F5.3, F5.8, T1.1a, T13.1 BEADS: 63, 69, 113, 266, 322, 327–8, ApI, B4.1, B14.1, F5.8, F11.5, F11.8,

F12.8, F13.12, F14.5, T13.1; beadmaking 90–1, 129–30, 265–6, 326–8, F11.6, F13.8; beadstone 199, 217, 262, 280, 341, F11.8; curved beads 322, 327–8, 340, B14.1, F13.10, F14.5; cylindrical beads 322, 326, B14.2; see also ‘stone types’ bells, see ‘sound-makers’ belt hooks, see ‘accessories’ boats: 37, F12.2, F14.15; dugout canoes 91, 110, T1.1a; see also ‘sea travel’ bone: 39, 54–5, 59, 69, 86–7, 110, B5.3, cf. B14.1, F15.3; see also ‘animals’, ‘fauna’, ‘oracle bones’ bone objects (including tusks, antler, ivory): 65, 84, 89, 92, 97, 146, 153, 177, 190, 217, 201, 213, 280, ApH.1, ApK.3, B4.1, F4.5, F5.2, F6.11, F8.4, F10.6, T1.1a, T1.1b, T4.1, T10.2; workshops 212, 214, 240, F9.4, F9.5; see also ‘shell’ BRONZE-WORKING: 176, 180, 182–3, 191–2, 255, 266–7, 301, 313, 317, ApJ; compositions 180, 185; bivalve molds 182, 185, 190, 195, 199, 266, 268, 323, F11.2; casting 15, 18, 186, 229, 252, 256, 268–9, 323, 329, F8.4, F10.6, F11.2; foundries 212, 240, 242, F9.4, F9.5; inlay 192, 198–9, 201, 238, 241, B8.1, F10.8, F10.10, F10.13B, F12.8, F15.14; lostwax 179, 204, 243, ApK.3, F10.13; openwork 204, 241; piece-molds 190, 192, 195, 199, 201, 243, ApK.3, B8.2, F8.6; sheet-metal 192, 195, B8.2; solder/ welding 201, 238, 241, 243; workshops 214, 317, F9.5; see also ‘metals: copper, tin’ BRONZE CULTURES/ST YLES: T1.1b; Anyang 203, 220, T9.2; Dian/ Dongson 301; Erligang 195, 199–201, 207, 219, T9.1, T9.2; Erlitou 192, 198–9, B8.1, B8.2, T9.1, T9.2; Han 183, 294, F12.6, F12.7; hybrid 183, 199, 203, F8.8; Manchurian 20, 251, 256–8, 262–3, 266, 271, 311, ApK.2, F10.5, F11.2; Northern (Bronze Complex/Zone) 183, 186, 202–4, 226, 229, 242–4, 251, 256, 269, ApK.1, ApK.2, F8.1, F8.2, F8.10, F9.8, F10.5, F10.10, T10.2; Ordos 204, 251–2, F8.10; Sanxingdui 182–3, 192, 201, 243, F8.9; SEA 199; Seima-Turbino 179; Shandong F8.1; Shang 181, 183, 186–7, 192, 201–4, 207–8, 220, 223, 239, F8.1; Slender Bronze Dagger Culture 267–9, 305, 307, 323, F11.8; Southern-style bronzes F8.1; Yayoi/ Kofun 25, 183, 278, 307, 323, 341–2; Zhou 224, 239, 241

BRONZE OBJECTS: 327, 331, 361; altar F10.8; arrowheads 256, 262– 3, 287, 318; awls 186; axes 251, F8.2, F10.10; bells 190, 195, 200, 225, 268, 318, 324, 326, 329, F8.1, F9.10, F10.2, F11.8, F13.8, F13.10, F13.12, T13.1; belt hooks 318, 322, F10.13, F13.12; belt plaques 204, 256, F10.13; bits 251, F10.3; bosses 317; bracelets 186, 280; buttons 229, ApK.1, ApK.1, F13.12, T10.3; buckles 204, 322, ApK.1, F11.8, F13.13, T10.3; cauldrons 253, 303, 312, 322, ApK.1, F12.14, T10.2; chains T10.2; chariot fittings 251, 256, 318, F11.9; chisels 256, 268, F11.8; coins 237, 248–9, 288, 309, 312–3, 315, F10.12, F12.7, T13.1; cowrie containers 302, F12.13; cross-bow parts 287, 318; daggers 186, 251, 256–7, 262–3, 266– 7, 271, 305, 315–6, 323, 326, 328, ApK.1, F8.2, F8.10, F11.2, F11.8, F13.12, T10.3; drums 200, F12.13; earrings 186, 312, F8.2; engravers 268; farming tools 182, 243; ferrules F14.5, T10.3; fishhooks 257; knives 186, 195, 204, 263, ApK.1, B8.1, F8.2, F8.7, F8.10, F9.8, T10.2, T10.3; jinglebells ApK.3, F8.10, F11.8, F11.9; hairpins 182, 211, F8.10; halberds 186, 244, 268, 326, F10.10, F11.8, F13.12, T10.3; helmets 256, F8.10, F9.10; hoes F10.9; horse gear 318, F10.3, F14.1; human forms F8.1, F8.9; incense burners 242; lamps 294; measures 288; misc. F13.12; needles 186; pick ax T10.3; plaques 192, 198, 201, 312, B8.1, F8.1, T10.3; point-plane 268, F11.8; rattles F8.10, F11.8, F11.9; rein hooks 229; rings 186, T13.1; scabbard ornaments 318; scissors ApK.1, T10.2; seal F10.7; sheaths F11.2, F11.8, 11.9; shieldshaped F11.6; sickle F10.9; socketed axes 195, 199, 243, 262, 268, F8.10, F11.8; socketed spearheads 199, 262, 268, F13.8, F13.12, T13.1; spade F10.9; spirals F14.5; swords 262, 309, 312, 314, 322, ApK.1, F10.10; F13.8, T10.2, T10.3; tool shoes 243; vessels 172, 182, 186–7, 190–2, 195– 201, 204, 206, 214, 217, 224–5, 229, 232, 238–42, 251, 256, 294, 315, B8.2, F8.5, F8.8, F9.7, F9.10, T10.1; weapons 317, 322, 324; see also ‘mirrors’, ‘sculptures’ Buddhism: 6, 13, 364–70, 384, 386, ApD, B12.1; historic Buddha 368, B12.1; in China 293, 298, 362, 385, F15.2; F15.3; in Korea 363, 367–9,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV  485 373, 385–6, F15.4; in Japan 25, 363, 370, 374, 385; see also ‘temples’ BURIAL TYPES: catacomb 240, ApK.1; cists 148, 257, 261, 263, 266, 303, 324, 327, ApH.2, ApK.2, F11.3, F11.4; commoner F14.7, T10.1; dolmens 257–8, 261, 263, 266, 269, 271, 391, ApK.2, F11.3, F11.4; flexed 239; mass grave 247, F10.11; moated precincts 324, 326; mounded 25, 147, 313, 329, F14.6, F14.7, F14.8; shaft 268; waist pits 226, 252, 319, F9.7; with ledges 143, B6.2, F9.7; see also ‘coffins’, ‘tombs’, ‘cemeteries’, and under culture/state names canals, see ‘water features’ capitals: 37, 206, 288, 290–1, 305, 307, 312–3, 340, 364–5, 370, 378, 382, F9.1, T9.1, T9.2; shifting capital systems of Shang 206–7, of Yamato 374, F14.10; secondary capitals of Zhou 223, 227, of Silla F15.10, of Parhae F15.10; see also under state names, ‘urbanism’ caves: Buddhist 41, 365, 367–8, F15.1, F15.2; limestone 47, 54, 87, 91, 107, 175, B3.1, B4.4 cemeteries: 133, 149–50, 154, 161, 163, 165–6, 172, 192, 212–4, 225–6, 240–1, 261, 263, 275, 278, 294, 300, 303, 305, 312, 319, 324, 326–7, 340, ApK.3, B14.2, F6.7, F9.4, F14.3, F15.7, T9.2, T10.1; see also ‘burial types’, ‘tombs’ CERAMIC OBJECTS (not pots): ApH.1; anvils F6.9; clay tablets 281, F11.15; cylinders ApH.2; decorated bricks F12.9; drums T6.2; inkstones F15.12; masks 150, F6.12; mingqi imitations 241, T10.1; miniatures 146, 241; pictorial tiles F12.5; pillows 380, F15.14; see also ‘architecture: roof tiles’, ‘coffins’, ‘figurines’, ‘haniwa’, ‘sculptures’ CERAMIC TECHNOLOGY: B9.1, T4.1, T4.2; anvils F6.9; appliqué 259, ApH.2; burnishing 14, 146, 163, 266, 272, ApH.2, F11.5; carving 146, 281; coarse wares ApH.2; coiling 141–2, F11.11, T4.2; comb-marked 20, 380, F11.13, F13.5, F14.5; cordmarked 186, 281, T4.2, B5.1; fine wares 147, ApH.2, T1.1a, T6.1; fingernail impressed ApH.2, T4.2; glazed 199, 220, 294, 380–2, B9.1, F15.1, F15.14; high-fired 5, 102, B9.1; household production 143, 147, 166; incised 196, ApH.2, T4.2; kaolin 380; kilns 102, 136, 141, 146, 195, 240, 320, 381, ApH.1, B9.1, F6.7,

F6.9, F11.6, F13.5, F15.1, T1.1b; linear-relief ApF; molds 186, 252, T4.2; paddled 321; potter’s wheel 142–3, 146, 163, 186, 321, F7.2, T1.1b; redox (reduction/ oxidization firing) 321, F13.5; relief T4.1, T4.2; slab-built F11.11, T4.2; slip 381, F11.5; specialists F7.2; stamped 249, 380, B9.1, F15.14, T4.2; surface finishing F11.13; temper T4.2; tools 140; turntables 142, F6.9; workshops 164, 213, ApH.1, F6.7, F7.3, F8.4, F9.4, F11.13, T1.1b, T10.1; yungimun T1.3; see also ‘pottery’, ‘porcelain’ charcoal: 54, 117, 146, 244, 340, F12.8 chariots, see ‘vehicles’ chief/ chiefdoms 25, 126, 140–1, 149, 153, 161, 172, 261, 269, 303, 311, 320, 323, 327, 329, 336; see also ‘Kaya’, ‘Samhan’, ‘Yayoi’ Choson (Korea): Ko-(Old) Choson F13.3; pre-modern Choson 5, F0.1b CHULMUN CULTURE: burials 102; crafts 115; sites F5.1; subsistence 108–9, 115–6, 124, 126, 258–9, F5.4; villages 101–2, 115, 259; see also ‘pottery’ CKJ: xiii-xiv, xviii, 6, 8vi, 19ix, 103v, 127i, 177iv, 212iii, 217iv, 244vi, T1.3 clans, see ‘social organization’ CLIMATE: 5, 52, 298; abrupt climate events 174–7, 181, 183, B5.2, F7.7, T1.1a, b; climate change 14, 52, 74, 86, 89, 96, 102, 107, 116–7, 126, 176, 184, ApA, ApE.1, ApG.1, B3.3, B4.4, B5.2, F4.2, F4.9, T4.1; Climatic Optimum: 96i, 181, B4.4, B5.2; drought 174; flooding 107, 135, 138, 165, 174–5, 278, F7.7; monsoon 52, 116, 175, B5.2 clothing: 54, 86, 147, 252ix, 303, B4.1, B11.4, F5.8, F11.15, F12.6, F12.13, F15.3; horse-rider 252, F14.14, F14.15; see also ‘accessories’, ‘textiles’ COFFINS: 143, ApL, B6.2, F14.13; boat-shaped 166; jars 263, 266, 314, 324, 327, ApL, B14.2, F6.7, F11.13, F13.9, F13.12; nested 295, 303, B6.2, F9.7, F12.8, F13.3, T10.1; wood coffins 199, 303, 305, 314–5, 317, 319, 322, 324, 327, 340, F14.4, T6.2; split log 319, T13.1; stone F14.13; see also ‘burials’, ‘tombs’ coinage: 237, 248–9, 288, 291–2, 303, 309, 312–3, F10.12, F12.7, T13.1; currency 321 COLONIES: Erlitou/ Shang 219–20, 223, 225–7; Zhou 226–8, F9.1; Han 298, 313; Yamato 388; modern 313, 388; see also ‘archaeology: colonial’

COMMANDERIES: Zhou period 233, 309; Qin period: 285–6, 301; Han period: 289, 301–2, 306–7, 309, 322, 327, 332; Dunhuang 298, 365, 12.11; Lelang 22, 306, 311, 313–7, 315i, 319, 321–3, 327, 329, 331, 333–4, 336, F12.11, F13.1, F13.3, F14.2; Liaodong 309, 315–7, F12.11, F13.1, F14.2; Lintun F13.1; Shandong 315; Xuantu 313, F13.1, F14.2; Zhenfan F13.1; Han/ Wei period: Daifang 316–7, 319, 333–4, F13.1, F14.2; Tang 374 Confucianism: 6, 248, 289, 363, 365, 370, 384, 386–7, ApD, B12.1; Confucian Analects 12, 386; NeoConfucianism 386; for Confucius, see ‘people, historic’ COSMOLOGY: 293–4, 295–6; Earth/ Heaven B7.1, F12.10; directional deities 298, 364, F12.7, F14.14; geomancy 374; Queen Mother of the West 298, F12.10, F14.9; Yellow Heaven 307 CRAFTS: 41, 174, 190, 196, 200, 240, 254, 315, 323; mass production 247, 287, 291; specialization 140, 147, 149, 155, 165, 195, 317, 331, 374, T1.1b; sponsorship 146; standardization 164, 241, 268, 288, F11.13; workshops 166, 190, 287, F8.4; see also ‘ceramic technology’, ‘jade’ cultural properties: 29, 31, 34–5, 390, F6.2, ApD; see also ‘heritage’, ‘law’ DATING: xiv-xv, 6, 8, 15, 20, 55, 332i, T0.1a, b; dendrochronology F11.12; faunal 55; “idea of prehistory” ApD; Jade Age 40; Palaeolithic hoax 23, 64–5; methods 65, ApA; notation ApA; Palaeolithic remains ApE; palaeomagnetism 49, 51, 55, ApA, ApE, B3.2; quxi leixing 15vii; revisions 65, 270–1, T1.3; relative 97, 271, 278, B3.2; Xia/ Shang/ Zhou Chronology project 38; see also ‘radiocarbon’, ‘palaeomagnetism’ Dawenkou culture: 8, 127, 143, 146, 149, 153–5, 157, 170, 196, B1.1, B6.1, B6.2, B6.3, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1b disease 298, 300, 307, 378 DITCHES: 102, 167, 305, 373; sector divisions 214, B14.2, F9.6, F11.6; village ditches 135–6, 162, 170, 263, 265–6, 271, 275, 278, ApH.1, F5.2, F6.5, F6.7, F11.7, T1.1a; see also ‘moats’ divination: 209–10, 222–3, B1.1, F9.2; liubo 294, F12.7, F12.8; see also ‘oracle bones’ DNA (including morphology &

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

486  Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV genetics): 39; human 48, 61–4, 68–9, 178, 272, 277, 284, 305, 326, B3.4, B11.1, B11.2; plants 278, F5.11; animal 103, 177, ApG.1; see also ‘Homo species’, ‘human evolution’ dolmens, see ‘burial types’ domestication: 8, 14, 96–7, 103–4, 111–3, 115–7, 122–4, 167, 176–7, ApG.1, T1.1a; see also ‘plants’, ‘animals’ East Asian civilization: components 6; developmental trajectory 6; origins 37–8, 41 education: Imperial Academy 288–9, 363; library 365; modern 386 environment: 39 xii, 127, 129, 135, 370, T5.1; see also ‘climate’, ‘forests’, ‘landscapes’ ERLITOU CULTURE/ POLITY: 18, 170, 172, 174, 181, 184, 186, 187– 192, 195, 205, 207–8, 229, T0.1a, T1.1c; as a state 190, 219; burials 190; economics 190–1, 219; metallurgy B8.2, B9.1, ApJ; palaces 190, 223, F8.4; site 190–1, 210, B8.1, F8.1, F8.3, F8.4, F7.5, F9.1, T7.2, T9.1 ETHNICITY: 316, F12.3, F15.1; “barbarians” 222, 235, 237, 239, 250–1, 285; ethnographies 9, 12, 318; modern minorities B11.2, B11.4, F1.2, F10.4 ETHNIC GROUPS: 37, 183, 222, 231, 234–7, 240, 252–3, 390, F12.3, T10.1; Ainu 284, B11.2; Ba/ Shu 38, 202, 285, F12.11; Bactrians 364; Di 234, 237, 249–50, F10.1, T10.2; Dian 301, F12.13; Dongyi 222, 258, F13.1; European 305; Emishi 284, 376 (definition); Ezo 376; Han (China) 235, 252; Han (Korea) 317iii; hu 250, 300, 302, 309, ApK.3, T10.3; huaxia 235, 361; Hui 309; Indian 364, 367; Ji 236; Jiang-rong 236; Jihu 363; Khitan 363; Koguryo 309, 311, 313, 332, F13.1; Linhu ApK.3; Maek 309; Man 234; Manchu 303, 363; Mo 309; Mongols 40, 303, 363; Murong 333–4, 363, F14.2; Okcho 332–3, F13.1, F13.3, F14.2; Okhotsk 284, B11.2; Puyo 336, F13.1, F14.2; Puyo 309, 311, 313, 333; Qay 363; Qiang(-rong) 210, 236–7, 301, 307, F12.11; Quanrong 225; Rong 234, 237, 249–50, F10.1, T10.2; Rouzhi ApK.3; Ruzhi ApK.3; Saka ApK.3; Scythians ApK.3; Shanrong ApK.3, F10.1; Sogdians 361; Tangut 363; Tibetans 68, 363; Turks 305, 363; Tuyuhun 363; Uyghurs 363, F1.2, F15.1; Toba (Tuoba) 303, 307, 332, 365, 371, F15.2, T0.1b, T1.2; Wa

320, 326, 326viii, 342, 371; White Di 235–6; Xianbei 303, 307, 332–3, 365, ApK.3, F12.11; Xianyun 236; Xiongnu (Hunnu) 250, 300–3, 306– 7, 309, 311, 313, ApK.3, F12.11, F12.12, F12.14, T10.3; Ye 309; Yi 234, 237, 258; (Wu-) Yue 238, 301, F10.1, F12.11; Yuezhi ApK.3; Zhou 19, 199, 208, 219, 252, 301; see also ‘Samhan’, ‘steppe cultures’ FAUNA: archaeozoology 39; faunal zones F3.1; faunal remains 51, 86–87, 97, 109–10, 123, 201, 256, 258, ApG.2; indicator species 55; megafauna 14, 65, 87; Oriental fauna 55, 87, F3.1; Palearctic fauna 55, 84, 86, F3.1; see also ‘animals’, ‘bones’ FIGURINES: 176; Palaeolithic B4.1; Neolithic 153, F5.2, T1.1a; Jomon 129, 131, 133, 150, F6.1, F6.3, F11.15; Han 288, 293, F12.6, F12.12; Tang 380, F15.1; hu T10.3; see also ‘sculptures’, ‘haniwa’ fire: 54, 117, B3.1; see also ‘architecture: hearths’ fishing: 23, 69, 92, 110–1, 115, 124–5, 150, 237, 257–9, 271, 280, ApH.1, ApK.2, F5.2, F5.10, F6.12 FOOD: 55, 59, 79, 86, 91, 131, 232–3, 238, 341; cooking 87, 105, 110, 113, 123, 130, 153, 271, 321; diet 117, 121, 124–5, 130, 168, 278, BOX 5.3; drink 167, 192, 224, 233, ApG.1, B6.1, B6.2, F6.2; feasting 140, 143, 146, 154–5, 172, 192, B8.2; processing 59, 90–1, 93, 111–2, 116, 121, 130; see also ‘animals’, ‘plants’ FORESTS: 4, 52, 87, 91, 104, 106, 177, 244, F4.2, F7.8; bamboo 56; boreal 74; clearance 91, 102, 111, 117, 121, 168; deforestation 370, F5.2; broadleaf evergreen 78, 91, 104, 280, B4.2; pine 121; rain 56, 67, 78; temperate deciduous 78, 104–5, 280, F5.3; timber 106–7, 111, 133, 232, 238, F6.2 fortification: 155, 161, 172–3, 178, 225, 312, 342, 370, 376, B14.2, F8.4, F14.1, F14.10, F15.5, F15.9; see also ‘walls’ FOSSILS: human 7, 13, 47–9, 51, 60, 63–5, 67, 79, 81, ApA, ApE, B3.1; F3.1; animal B3.1; see also ‘animals’, ’fauna’, ‘Homo’ Fuhao, see ‘people, historic’ games: board F12.8, F15.15; “croquet” F15.15 gender: 39, 108, 124, 143, 149–50, 211, 225, 227–8, 311, ApK, B6.2, F6.11, F14.1, T6.2

gardens: for crops 232; for leisure 372; see also ‘parks’ glacial: 3, 5, 52, 60, 67, 74, 74iv, 87, ApA; post-glacial 92, 95, 97, 102, 104; see also ‘MIS’ glass: 298, 313, 322, 327–8, 332, B14.2, F11.8, T13.1; bi disks 327 gold-working: 252, ApK.3, B14.1; see also ‘metals: gold’ haniwa (funerary sculptures): F14.8, F14.15 Han, see ‘ethnic groups’, ‘Samhan’ Han Dynasty: territories 364 health: F12.8; palaeopathology 39, 121 Hemudu culture: 101, 107, 122, 146, 164, 164ii, 196, F5.1, F5.3, F5.4, F5.11, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1a, b heritage: 33, 35, 37, 390; UNESCO 39, 41, 305, 389, 391–2; see also ‘cultural properties’ heqin system: 303, 311 hierarchy, see ‘administration’, ‘settlement organization’, ‘social organization’ Himiko, see ‘people, historic’ HOMO SPECIES: 49, 51, 55–6, 60, 63, 69, ApE; AMH 48, 63, 67, ApE.3; EMH 63, ApE.3, F3.1; Homo erectus 7, 13–4, 45, 47, 49–52, 60, 65, 67, ApE.1, B3.1, F3.1, F3.6, T3.1; Homo sapiens 7, 14, 45, 60, 63–4, 67, 69, ApE.3, F3.1, F3.6, T3.1; Homo sapiens sapiens 48, 79, T3.1; Neanderthals 48, 60, 63; transitionals 48–9, 60, 63; see also ‘human evolution’ Hongshan culture: 127, 147–8, 153, 161, 186, 392, F6.4, F6.10, F7.1, F7.5, T1.1a, b HORSE-RIDING: 177, 210, 231, 234, 250–1, 311, 313, 332, F10.3, F12.10; F14.15; horse trappings 204, 229, 249, 251, 256, 312, 315, 318, 332, 340, ApK, F10.3, F14.1, T10.2, T10.3; Parthian shot F14.14; see also ‘animals: horses’ horticulture: 20, 23, 103, 113, 270, 283, F5.2; see also ‘agriculture’, ‘plants’ huaxia, see ‘ethnic groups’ HUMAN EVOLUTION: 45, 49, 60–1, B3.4, B4.1; hominid/ hominin 49–51 (definition), ApA; modern human behaviour 48, 58, 69, 108, B3.1, B4.1; skeletal morphology 59, 61, 63–4, 273, B11.2, F3.6; see also ‘Homo species’ hunter-gatherers: 8, 23, 88, 97, 103, 111, 117, 126, 177, 259, Ch3–5, T1.1a, b; “affluent forager” 103v; “ceramic hunter-gatherer” 6; see also ‘Jomon’, ‘Chulmun’, ‘subsistence’ HUNTING: Palaeolithic 59–60, 83–8,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV  487 91–3, B4.1, F4.9, T4.1; post-glacial 102, 117, 124, 130, 168, 176, 270, ApK.3; by agriculturalists 121, 143, 147, 149, 179, 184–7, 234, 257–8, 278, 324, 376, ApH.1, F6.11, F12.5; by elite 209–10, 223, 229, 232; pittraps 87, 103, 107, 258 Ice Age: 59; see also ‘glacial’, ‘MIS’, ‘LGM’ inscriptions: 9, 12, 236, 269, 315; on bone 209, B1.1; on clay 207, 313; on metal 210, 225, 228, 249, 288, 329, B1.1, F12.7, F13.3, F13.11; on stone 232, 241, B1.1, F12.10, F14.12; see also ‘writing’, ‘seals’ interaction spheres: Hopewell 131; Lelang 313; Peer Polity 331, 384; Yellow Sea Ch13; see also ‘trade & exchange’ IRON: 19, 107, 176, 183, 238, 244–7, 249, 255, 266, 269, 292, 302–3, 317, 323, 328, 336, 342, ApK, B9.1, B10.1, B14.1, T0.1a; blast furnace 244, 269, 292, B10.1; cast-iron 21, 244, 247–8, 269, 278, 292, 305, 321–2, B10.1, T13.1; bloomery iron 21, 244, 269, 321–2, F10.10; forging 244, 269, 278, 313, 323, 329, 340, B10.1; inlay 247; meteoritic iron 244, F10.10; molds 269; ores 323; smelting 244, 269, 311, 321, B10.1; steel 247, 321, B10.1; wrought iron B10.1; see also ‘metals’ IRON OBJECTS: 309, 361, 378, 388; agricultural tools 244, 292, 321–2, 329; arrowheads F13.7; awls 311; axes 311, 322, F11.8, F13.7, T13.1; belt hook 247, F10.11; blade inserts F10.10, F15.12; chisels 269, 311, F13.7; cauldrons 253, 303, 312, 322, 341, F12.14, T10.2, T10.3; cross-bow parts F10.11; curlicue blades 322; daggers T13.1; gravers 269; halberd 327, ApK.2, F13.9; helmets F10.11; hooked blades F14.11; hoes 269, 311, F13.7; ingots 321–2, 329; ji weapon F10.11; knives 248, 322, F10.11, F13.7; pans 292; planes F13.7; plow shares 292; point planes F13.7; sickles 269, 311, F13.7, T13.1; spades 248; spearheads F10.11, T13.1; swords 312, 314, 322, 329, ApK.1, F13.12; tools 294, 305, 311, 315, 321–2; weapons 244, 294, 315, 319, 322, 324, 328 isotopes: 39, 121, 123–5, 130, 258, 323, 329, ApA, B5.3, B11.4 JADE: ‘Jade Age’ 157; ‘Jade Coast’ 129, 131; jadeite (Japan) 129–31, 133, 328, 340, B7.1, F6.1; jade-working 130, 155, 164–5, B7.1, F7.3, F8.6, F9.5; nephrite (China/ Korea) 14, 129, 146–7, 153, 157, 163–7, 169, 176,

190, 192, 196, 199, 201–2, 213, 217, 241, 253, 301, 312, 315, 361, ApI, B1.1, B6.2, B7.1, B8.1, F5.2, F6.10, F12.8, T1.1a, b, T6.2; pseudo-jades B7.1, F14.9; see also ‘stone objects’ JOMON CULTURES: 5, 23, 79, 91, 392, ApA, ApD, ApE.3, ApG.1, B4.1, B11.2, B11.4, Ch4–6, Ch11, F5.6, F6.2, F6.3, T0.1a, T1.5, T5.2; burials 129, 133, 282, F6.2; cookies 105, 113; crafts 113, 326, F5.8, B7.1; economics 127–31, 176; houses 107; lifeways 23, 25, T1.5; peoples 68, 272–3, 277, B11.2; phases 23, T1.5; sites F5.1; society 129, 155; subsistence 8, 23, 104–6, 108, 111–3, 124, 126, 130, 259, 270, 280, 283; villages 97, 100–1, 111, 129, 131, 270, 273, 278; see also ‘pottery’ Jomon Transgression, see ‘sea levels: Holocene’ KAYA CHIEFDOMS: 22, 322, 331, 388, B14.1, F14.2, F14.11, T0.1b, T1.4; Alla-Kaya 388; Imna 389; PonKaya/ Kumgwan-Kaya 22, 340–2, F14.2, F14.5, T1.4; Tae-Kaya 22, 331, 340, 388, T1.4, F14.2, F14.4; royal cemeteries 341, F14.4, F14.5 kilns, see ‘charcoal’, ‘ceramic technology’ KOGURYO: state 311, 322, 331–6, 340, 363, 367–8, 370, 384–5, 388–9, F14.11, T0.1b, T1.4; capitals 332– 4, F14.1, F14.2; fortresses F14.12; General’s Tomb F14.3; Kwanggaeto stele F14.12; mural tombs F14.14; see also ‘Buddhism’ Kojiki, see ‘texts’ lacquer: 113, 121, 166, 190, 199, 238–9, 281–2, 294, 302–3, 315, 319, 361, ApK.1, F5.8, F10.6, F12.8, F13.4, T13.1 LANDSCAPES: 1–6, 23, 293, B4.2, F1.1; alluvium 3, 143; deserts 4–5, 67, 74, 177, 298, 306, 379, F1.1, F7.8, F15.1; erosion 4; grasslands 51, 67, 78, 177, 185, 234; land bridges 74; loesslands 4–5, 127, 135, B3.3, B6.1, F6.4, F7.5; plains formation B4.4, F5.5; oases 4, 298; savannah corridor 67; steppes 3–4, 78, 87, 157, 176–80, 298, ApG.2, ApK.1, B4.2, F7.6, F8.7, F10.11, F10.14, F12.14; tundra 74, B4.2; wetlands/ waterlogged 86, 111, 131, 143, 162, 167, 280, 379, B6.3, B11.3, F5.8 LANGUAGES: xv-xvi, 249, 393, ApC, B11.1; Ainu 284; Chinese 233, 334, B11.1; Japanese B11.1; Japonic 275, B11.1; Jomon 23; Koguryoan B11.1; Korean B11.1; Sanskrit 364–5, 385,

B12.1; Tocharian 178; Tungusic 334, B11.1 LAW: rule of law 225, 238, 285, 370; Buddhist law 365, 485, B12.1; cultural properties laws 28, 31, 36–7, 390–1, ApD; Ritsuryo 371, 378–9, F15.11; Tang penal code 371 Lelang, see ‘commanderies’ LIANGZHU CULTURE/SITES: 14, 146, 160–1, 163–5, 164ii, 169, 171, 174–6, 181, 196–7, 199, ApI, B1.1, B7.1, B8.1, F6.4, F7.1, F7.2, F7.3, F7.7, T1.1b, T7.2 literature 233, 382; see also ‘texts’, ‘writing’ lithics: 54–5; lithic scatters (stone clusters) as features 88, 100–1, F4.8; refitting 88; see also ‘stone tools’ LGM (Late Glacial Maximum): 14, 74, 78–9, 81, 84, 86, 88–9, 91–3, 97, ApF, ApG.1, B4.3, B4.4, F4.2, F4.8, T4.1; post-LGM 74, 79, 93, 95–6, 107, B4.4, T4.1 loess: 1, 4, 52, 141, 195, ApA, B3.3 (definition); see also under ‘landscapes’ Longshan culture: 123, 146, 153, 155, 157, 160, 165, 174–5, 190–1, 380, ApD, ApJ, B6.1, B6.2, B6.3, B7.1, B8.2, B9.1, F7.1, F7.2, F7.4, F9.7, T1.1b, T6.2 METALS: 157, 191vi; metalwork 380; production techniques 181–2, 185, ApJ; EMP 180; aluminium B9.1; arsenic ApK.3; barium 327; brass 181; cinnabar 238; cobalt 380; copper 176, 180–1, 185, 191, 219, 238–9, 244, 249, 323, 380, ApJ, F8.3, F9.9, T1.1b; gold/ gilt 181, 186, 201, 203, 238, 241, 247, 249, 253, 298, 301–3, 312, 329, 331–2, 332, 336, 340, ApK, B14.1, F8.9, F10.10, F10.14, F12.8, F15.3, T10.2, T10.3; gilt bronze 327, 331, ApK.3, B14.1; gilt iron 303; lead 191, 249, 323, 327, 329, F8.3; mercury ApK.3; silver 181, 241, 247, 249, 298, 312, 380, ApK.3, B14.1, F12.8, F13.3, F13.4, F15.3; tin 191, 323; zinc 191, F8.3; see also ‘bronze’, ‘iron’, ‘gold-working’ METHODS: 39; GIS 35; conservation 39; flotation 111, 115, 167; lipid analysis 93, 110; phytolith analysis ApG.1, F5.12; pollen analysis 74, 121, B4.2; SEM 113; surface/ site survey 39, 88, 140, 161, 167, 169–70, 174, 191, 191v, 303; use-wear analysis 59, 87, 91, F3.5; wet-sieving 111; X-ray 141–2; see also ‘DNA’, ‘isotopes’ microliths: 185, F4.3, F5.2; microlithic border in China F4.1 MIGRATIONS: 14, 23, 59; of fauna

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

488  Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV 86; of flora 52, 60, 74, 78–79; “Out of Africa” 45, 48–9, 51–2, 55, 60–1, 63, 65, 67, 69, ApA, B3.4, Ch3; Late Palaeolithic 23, 78–9, 82–3, 92–3; Late Neolithic 163, 181; Steppe 177–80, 254, 361; BA > Mumun 259; Mumun > Yayoi 271, 275, 277–8, 283, 323, 326, B11.1, B11.4, F11.11; Continent > Yamato 364, F14.13; refugees 305, 315, 317, 335–6; resettlement 223, 288 MILITARY: armies 225, 233, 307; campaigns 209, 239, 285, 300–1, 303, 306, 363, 370–1; camps 309; com­ mander 222, 229, F9.8; conquests 207, 209, 211, 223, 225–6, 229, 236–7, 249, 288, 309, 317, 322, 385; treaties 303; warriors/ soldiers 227, 232–3, 240, 269, 285, 315, 386, 388, F12.3, F14.15; see also ‘alliances’, ‘com­ manderies’, ‘Terracotta Army’, ‘warfare’ Mimana 388 mining: 69; of copper F9.9 MIRRORS, BRONZE: coarse-line 242, 256, 268, F8.1, F11.8; fine-line 268, 316, F11.8, F11.9, F12.7; Han 294, 303, 312, 315, 318–9, 323–4, 327, 329, 341, F12.7, F13.9, F13.12, F14.5, T13.1; Korean 268, F11.8, F11.9; Nara 383, F15.14; Northern ApK.2, F8.1, F11.2, T10.3; Tang F15.14; Wei F14.9; Yayoi 322, 329; Zhou 242, ApK.1, F10.8, F12.7 MIS (Marine Isotope Stages): 74, B3.3, F4.2, F5.5, T4.1; equivalent to OIS 74iii moats: around burials 324, F14.6; around settlements 172, 211–12, 319, B14.2, F7.6, F9.3, F9.4, F14.10; see also ‘ditches’ mounded tombs, see under ‘tomb con­ struction’ mounded tomb cultures (MTC): 364, Ch14; see ‘Kaya’, ‘Koguryo’, ‘Paekche’, ‘Silla’, ‘Yamato’ mummies 178 MUMUN CULTURE: 111, 257, 317; burials 257, 261–2; culture 258–63, society 263; subsistence 258–9, 261; villages 261, F11.6, 11.7; see also ‘pottery’ museums: 28, 31, 33–4, 37, 43, 164ii, 296, 365, 382–3, 387, 391–3, ApD, B14.2, F5.10, F6.3, F14.4, F15.12, F15.13, F15.15 music(ians) 233, 239; instruments, see ‘sound-makers’ myths 335–6 Nara state 374, 376; Shosoin 382, F15.15; see also ‘law: Ritsuryo’

neolithization 73, 89 NEOLITHIC, MAINLAND: burials 101, 113, 133, 140–1, 143–4, 149– 51, 153–5, 163, 165–6, B6.3, F6.6, F6.7, T1.1a; elite burials 163–5, 172, 174, B6.2, T6.2; villages 101, 127, 135, 138–41, 143, 169, 171, F5.2; subsistence 116–7, 121–4, 167; with bronze 181–3; see also ‘agriculture’, ‘plants’ nomads: 19, 178, 242, 311–2, 361, ApK.1, F10.13; see also ‘ethnic groups’, ‘agriculture: pastoralism’ Northern Bronze Complex, see ‘bronze cultures’ oracle bones: 153, 202, 204, 208–10, 217, 222–3, 227, 229, 234, ApG.1, B1.1, F9.2, F9.6, F9.11, F13.12; see also ‘divination’ PAEKCHE: state 311, 322, 331–2, 335– 6, 363, 367, 370, 374, 388–9, T0.1b, T1.4; burials 335, F14.1; capitals 335, 364, F14.2; fortresses F14.1; see also ‘Buddhism’ paintings: 147, 150, 293, 295–8, 365, F12.8, F12.9, F12.10, F14.14, F14.15; see also ‘pigments’ PALACES: 162, 165–6, 172; Erlitou 190, F8.4, T7.2; Shang 210–11, 214, 227, F9.3, F9.4, F9.5, F9.6, T9.2; Zhou 223, 228, 232; Qin 288; Han 290–2, 313, F12.1, F12.4; Puyo F13.2; Pen/ Insular 25, 35, 372, 374, F14.10, F15.1, F15.7; Tang 371–2, 365 PALAEOLITHIC: 6–8, 13–4; of East Asia 4, 6, 69–95, ApA, ApD, ApE, F4.1; T0.1a, T3.1; of China 13, 37, 45–66, B3.1, F3.3; of Korea 20, 64, 78, 81, 85, 87–8, 92, F4.4, F4.6, F4.7; of Japan 23, 104, 106, 110, 130, ApF, B4.3, B4.4; F4.3, F4.4, T1.5, T4.1 parks: F12.1, F12.2 pastoralism, see ‘agriculture: pastoralism’ Peiligang culture: 102, 116–7, 121x, 141, 149, 151, 170, F5.1, F5.11, F6.4, F7.1, T1.1a PEOPLE, HISTORIC: portraits 293, 298; Alexander the Great 287, 371; Cao Cao 307; Céledon 381; Confucius (Kong Qiu) 232–3, 252, 291, 386, F10.1; Dong Shou F14.14; Duke of Shao 226; Fuhao 217, 222, F9.5, F9.6, F9.8; Gao Changxian ApL; Genghis Khan 363; Gongsun family 316; Guangwu 315, 329; Himiko B14.2; Huo Qubing 300, F12.12; King Sosurim 363; King Murong 363; King Zhao 226; Kublai Khan 363; Lady Dai 296, F12.8; Lady Jing

219, 222, F9.7; Lady of Mashan 239; Liu Bang (Gaozu) 289; Lu Dalin ApD; Marco Polo 381; Marquis of Yan 226; Marquis Yi of Zeng 239; Modun 302, 306; Pujo Yegun 316, ApL, F13.3; Qin Shihuangdi 286, 286i, 288–9, 391, F12.2; Shomu, Emperor 382; Shang Yang 240, 240iv, 285; Shotoku, Prince (Taishi) 370; Siddhartha Gautama 368, B12.1; Sujin F14.10; Suro 336; Wang Mang 19, 289–90, 303, 311, 329, 332; Weiman (K. Wiman) 305–7; Wudi 289–90, 289iii, 292, 298, 300–1, 303; Wu Ding 217, 220, 229; Wu Liang F12.10; Wu Ling 251; Zhao Mo 301, F12.11; Zhou Gu ApL P E O P L E , M O D E R N : A i z awa Tadahiro ApD; Andersson, J.G. B3.1, ApD; Bergman, Folke ApD; Bowen, G. ApD; Chang Kwang-chih (KC) 41; Ding Wenjiang ApD; Hamada Kosaku ApD; Harada Yoshito ApD; Jia Lanpo B3.1; Kidder, Alfred V. ApD; Kim Won-yong ApD; Liang Ssu-yung ApD; Li Chi ApD; Lubbock, Sir John ApD; Marx, Karl 150; Morgan, Lewis Henry 150; Morimoto Rokuji ApD; Morse, Edward S. ApD; Pei Wenchung B3.1; Petrie, Flinders ApD; von Richthofen, Ferdinand 298; Showa, Emperor 368; Stein, Aurel 365; Su Bingqi 40viii, 15vii; Torii Ryuzo ApD; Tsuboi Shogoro ApD; Weng Wenhao ApD; Xia Nai 41, ApD pigments: 69, 91, 141, 163, 209, 380–2, B4.1; see also ‘paintings’ PLANTS: 91–2, 111, B11.4, T4.1; archaeobotany 39, 120; palynology 74; C3 plants 130, B5.3; C4 plants B5.3; floral zones B4.2; plant lists 121, T5.2; see also ‘forests’, ‘landscapes’ aquatic 121, F5.12, F14.14; ApG.1; fruits 112, 121, 278, 335; medicinal 238; minor grains 5, 112–3, 115, 131, 179, 185, 187, 195, 258, 270, 278, 305, ApG.2, B5.3, F9.10, T1.1b; hemp 280, B11.3, F5.8, T1.1a, b; herbs 112–3, 115, 278, T1.1a; kuzu B11.3; millets 3, 5, 14, 103–4, 113, 115–7, 123–4, 143, 168, 179, 185, 187, 258, 270, 278, 311, ApG.1, B5.3, B6.3, T1.1a, b; nuts 20, 104–5, 111, 121, 130–1, B5.1, B5.3, F5.2, F5.3, F6.1, T1.1a, T5.2, T13.1; pulses 112, 115, 131, 167, 258, 278, 311, ApG.1, B5.3, T1.1a, b; rice 3, 5, 92, 103–4, 113, 116–7, 120–3, 143, 167–8, 256–8, 270, 278, 378, ApG.1, B5.3, B6.1, F5.12, T1.1a, b, T4.2; root crops 106, 112, 115,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV  489 130–1, T1.1a; seaweed 378; spices F12.8; see also ‘basketry’, ‘textiles’ polities: 15, 161–2, 170, 174; guo 227, 232, 318, 326, 329, F13.11; kingdoms 289–90, 298, 301–3, 305– 7, 327, F12.10, F12.14; see also ‘chief ’, ‘Samhan’, ‘states’ POPULATION: censuses 378; estimates 138, 280, 306vi, 318, T9.2; increases 14–5, 131, 160, 186, 190, 277–8, 292, 317, T1.1b; decreases 133, 161, 166, 170, 175–6, 266–7, 270, 378, F4.9, T1.1b porcelain: 5, 37, 220v, 381, B9.1; see also ‘pottery’, ‘ceramic technology’ POTTERY: designs 20, B5.1, B6.1; origins 14, 20, 23, 87, 93, 97; shape types 163, 167, 266, B6.1, B8.2; type sites 8, 15, 97, 164; uses 87, 93, 97, 105 named types: blackwares/ eggshell 14, 146, 155, 157, 163–4, 167, 192, 266, B9.1, F7.2, F11.5, T1.1b; celedon 381; Chulmun 6, 258, B5.1, T1.3; Ding ware 381; earthenwares 5, 102, 293, 320–1, B9.1, F13.12; East Coast 127, 146–7, 150, 163, 185, 192, B1.1, F9.9, T1.1b; Han (Chinese) ApL, F15.1, F15.14; gray­ ware 146; greenware 381; Jomon 6, 23, 79, 93, 127, 129–30, 270, 280–2, 284, B5.1, F6.1; F6.3, F11.11, F11.15, F11.11, T1.5, T1.6; Kaya 336, 341–2, F14.5; Kimhae 321 iv; Loesslands 147; Mumun 255, 257–9, 272, 317, 320, F11.5, F10.8, F11.11; painted, early 127, 141–2, 157, 166, 170, 172, 184, 186, 192, 239, 256, ApH.2, B6.1, B8.1, F6.10, F7.5, T1.1a, b; painted, late 294; Palaeolithic 14, 79, ApF, T1.5; Plain Pottery 20, 266, 320, T1.3; salt-making 248; Satsumon T1.5; stonewares 199–200, 220, 342, 380– 2, B9.1, F14.5, F14.12; Silla-ware 336, 342, 380, F14.1.F14.5; Suéware 342, F14.5, F15.12; textured 96, 126, 141, 184, ApH.2, B5.1, B6.1, F4.9, T6.1; Three-color ware 380, F15.1, F15.14; Wajil 317, 322, F13.5, F13.12; whitewares 146, 195, 380, B8.2, B9.1, T1.1b; Xing porcelain 381; Yangshao 141, 150, B1.1; Yayoi 25, 255, 270–2, 277, 283, F11.3, F11.11, F13.9, F11.15; see also ‘ceramic objects’, ‘ceramic technology’, ‘porcelain’ prestige/ sumptuary goods: 126, 140, 154, 169–70, 174, 190, 192, 229, 238, 243, 251, 261, 265, 269, 298, 302,

315, 323, 328–9, B6.2, B7.1, F7.1, F11.7, F14.7 Puyo, see ‘ethnic groups’, ‘states’ Queen Mother of the West, see ‘cosmology’ RADIOCARBON DATING: xiv, 38, 202, ApA; AMS 20, 20xi, 67, 74, 255, 271, 278, 323vi, ApA, F11.12, T1.3, T1.5; calibration xv, 74, 255, 271, 275, ApA, F11.12 rammed earth, see ‘tamped earth’ religion: 390; afterlife 295, F12.6; Christianity xv, 385; Daoism 298, 363, 386, B6.3; kami worship 370; Manicheism 363; Nestorianism 363; Shinto 370ii; see also ’ancestor worship’, ‘Buddhism’ RITUAL: 150, 162, 387; Neolithic 14, 101, 147–8, 153–4, 165, 174, 176, B6.3; Jomon 127, 129, 131, 133, 150–1, 280, F6.2, F6.3; Bronze Age 179, 182–3, 192, 201, 203, 206, B8.2; Shang 157, 199, 211, 219, 223, 227, 229, F9.6, F9.8; Zhou 223, 232–3, 241, F10.2, F10.8; Mumun 271, F11.5; Yayoi 271, 324, 326, F13.10; Dian F12.13; see also ‘ancestor worship’, ‘Confucianism’, ‘cosmology’ ‘sacrifices’, ‘shamans’, ritual objects: 269, 282, 324, 335, 365, 365, B6.2, B8.1, F6.12, F8.6, F10.2, F10.6, F14.9, F14.15 see also ‘bronze objects: vessels’ RITUAL STRUCTURES: see ‘architecture: altars’, ‘shrines’, ‘stone circles’, ‘temples’ roads: 166, 190, 286, 288, 290, 298, 313, 321, 372, 374, F8.4; IAMC 179; road systems 374, 378, F12.1, F15.8, F15.9 rock art: see ‘art’ SACRIFICE: 209, 217, 223, 225, 227– 9, 232, 296, F8.4, F8.7, F9.5, F12.13; animal 14, 177, 211, 214, 226–7, 241, 300, 305, 335, ApK.1, F9.7, F12.2; human 14, 161, 172, 174, 210–11, 214, 222, 227, 229, 239, 301, F9.7, F12.2, F14.4, F14.8, T1.1b; see also ‘ritual’ salt: 38, 219, 237, 248–9, 270, 292, 296, 378, F12.5 SAMHAN: 9, 317–22, 329, 336, 388, T1.4, F13.1, F13.6, F13.12; Mahan 318–9, 322, 335, 388, F13.6; Mokhan 389; Pyonhan 318, 321–2, 336, 342, F13.6; Chinhan 318, 321–2, 336, 389, F13.6 Satsumon culture 283 SCULPTURES: ceramic F12.3, F12.6, F12.12, F14.8; bronze 201, 242, 367, F8.1, F8.9, F12.2, F12.13; Hellenistic 287; jade B8.1; stone 300, 365,

F12.12, F14.15, F15.1, F15.2; stucco 148, 365, F6.10; wood F10.6, F12.6; see also ‘Buddhism’, ‘figurines’ ‘haniwa’, ‘Terracotta army’ SEA LEVELS: 5, ApA; Pleistocene 74, 79, 92, 96, B4.4, F4.2, T4.1; Holocene Transgression 107–8, B5.2, F5.5; RSL 107vi sea travel: 4–5, 65, 92, 110, 263, 270, 272–3, 278, 280, 298, 336, F15.1; pirates 368 seal (stamps): 240, 253, 301–2, 313, 320, 329, F10.7, F13.3 sedentism: 23, 85, 97, 100–3, 115, 117, 185–7, 259 SETTLEMENT: 88, T1.1a, b; home base 54; patterns 41, 88, 140, 143, F6.8, T1.1b; plans 135, 147, 227, 273, F5.2, F5.6, F6.5, F9.3, F9.4, F9.5, F9.6, F11.7, F14.12, F15.13; site/ territorial hierarchies 15, 140, 143, 161, 169, 173–4, 187, 190–1, 225, 232–3, 263, 285–6, 303, 305, 328, 374, F6.8, F8.3, F14.7, T7.1; see also ‘methods: surface survey’, ‘administration: territorial’ shamans 126, 150–1, 153, 155, 269, 280, 283, B6.3 SHANG: definition 18; bronzes 18, 181, 183, 186–7, 192, 201–4, B8.1, F8.1, F8.5, F8.6, F8.8, F8.7, T9.1, T9.2; culture 170, 184, 205, 206–23, 226, 236–7; capitals 18; core region 187, 204, 222–3, F8.1, F8.3, T1.1c; economy 220, 222–3; emblems 226, B1.1; Fuhao Tomb 217, F9.6, F9.8, Lady Jing Tomb 217, F9.7; royal cemetery 214, 217, F9.5; state 186, 199, 203, 205, 209, 220, 222–3, 236, 380; weapons F8.7; see also ‘tombs’ shell artifacts: 63, 92, 280, 328, ApH.1, B6.3, F 5.2, F6.1, F12.13, F13.9, T1.1a, T4.1; cowries 190, 201, 217, 251, 302, 380, F12.13; nacre 380; see also ‘bone’ shellmounds: 29, 107–11, 124, 130, 153, 258–9, 266, 270, 278, B11.3, F5.5, F5.6, F5.7 shoen: 378 SHRINES: Fuhao F9.8; Grand Ise F15.13; Han 295–6, 315; Makimuku F14.10; Tang 363; Wu Liang family shrine 296, F12.10 silk, see ‘textiles’ Silk Roads: xiv, 4, 37, 298, 332, 361, 363–5, 383, 391, F15.1 SILLA: state 22, 322, 331–2, 336–40, 367, 384–5, 388–9, F14.2, T0.1b, T1.4; capitals 34, 336, 340, 364, 372, F14.2, F15.7; crafts 340, B14.1;

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

490  Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV kolpum 364; maripkan 364; Tumulus Park/ Royal cemetery 340, F14.4, F15.7 SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION: agebased 149, B11.4; gender-based 149– 50; occupation 124, 140, 149–51; status 126–7, 129, 147, 149, 153, 160, 187, 199, 209, 227, 256, 262–3, 265, 314, 319, 327–8, 331; wealth 126, 140, 143, 153–5, 199, 209, 217, 247, 256, 322, ApH.2, ApI SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: aristo­ crats 232–5, 237, 240, 248, 285, 293, 367, 378; clan/ lineage 103, 136, 149, 153, 210, 223, 225–7, 290, 295–6, 311, 326, 336, 363, 367, F6.6, F15.8; class society 25, 161, 163; complex 187; dualism 129, 138; egalitarian society 149, 280, F6.7; emerging elites 153, 160; great families 290; hierarchy 126, 147, 153–5, 262–3, 306, ApI, B6.2, F14.7, T6.1; kinship 126, 140, 143, 219, 222, 232, 240, 270, 275, 289, ApK.3, B11.4; matriarchy/ patriarchy 150; means of control 161, 174, 213, 298, 324; merchant class 248; merit 232, 240, 285, 289; moieties 275 iii; ranking 140, 143, 148, 154–5, 161, 164–5, 174, 211, 217, 224–5, 263, 269, 282, 303, 328, 364, F13.9, T1.1b, T6.2, T10.1; social stratification 161, 163, 165, 169, 172, 174, 209, 312, 331, 335, T1.1b; see also ‘chief/ chiefdoms’, ‘elites’ SOUND-MAKERS: F8.1, F12.8; bells 190, 195, 200, 225, 233, 239, 241, 268, 318, 324, 326, F8.1, F9.10, F10.2, F13.8, F13.10, F13.12, F15.6; drums 153–4, 165, 200, 302, B6.3, F12.13; flutes 151; rattles 151, 153, 269, F8.10, F11.9; stone chimes 166, 225, 233, F8.1; zither F15.15 state formation 6, 9, 15, 22, 25, 39, 40viii, 153, 155, 161, 173–4, 229–30, 306, 331–2, 336, 340–1, 371, T1.4 STATES: city-states 161, T1.1b; dependencies 301; nation-states 390, 392, Ch16; territorial 233, 240; Chaoxian 305; Ko-Choson 305v, 306, 314–5, 317, 319; Kushan B12.1; Nanyue 301; Parhae F15.10; Persia 361; Puyo 311, 332–3, 336, F13.2; Sogdiana 361; Tibet F15.1, United Silla 363, 367, 384–5, F15.4; see also ‘Koguryo’, ‘Paekche’, ‘Shang’, ‘Silla’, ‘Yamato’, ‘Zhou states’, ‘state formation’ steppe cultures/ sites/ peoples: 177–9, 184–6, 202–4, 228–9, 250, 301, 305, 307, 332, 361, F7.8, F8.2; Scythian

influence 305, ApK.3, B14.1; see also ‘landscapes: steppes’, ‘ethnic groups’ stone circles: Palaeolithic dwellings 54, 88, ApE.2, F3.2, F4.8; Jomon ritual 133, 270, F6.2 STONE OBJECTS (see tools below): bi discs 163–4, 166, ApI, B7.1; chime stones T6.2; cong tubes 163–4, 166, ApI, B7.1; imitations F11.5, F11.10, F14.5; incised pebbles 131, 282, B4.1, F11.15; menhirs 131, 150; pecked stone art B4.1; rods 282, 131; story panels 293–4, 296, F12.10; stele F14.12; tablets 239; yue axe 163–4, 166–7, ApI, B7.1; see also ‘inscriptions: on stone’, ‘ritual objects’ stone quarries: 81, 92, 110, 130, 166–7 STONE TOOL TECHNOLOGIES 49ii, 55, 67–8, 84–5, 166, 329, ApF; Acheulean 55, 56viii, 57; bifacial 55, 57, 59, 64–5, 82, 84, 111, ApE, ApH.2, F3.4, F4.3, F4.6, F4.8, F4.9, T3.1, T4.1; bipolar 56, 83, ApE; blade 59, 65, 79, 82, 84, 93, T4.1; chipped 6, 90; chopper-chopping tool 56; core&flake 8, 14, 56, 67, 79, 81–4, ApE, F3.3, T1.1a, T3.1, T4.1; curation ApF; debris 167, ApH.2, F3.2, F4.8; flake&shatter 79v; flake tool 56; groundstone 89–90, 93, 106, 262; hewn stone F14.13; large-tool industry 20; Levallois 56viii, 59, 83; microblade 59, 82–3; Modes 56viii, 81; Oldowan 55, 56viii; percussion 56; polished 6, 166, 259, 262, F5.2, F5.4, T1.1a, b; prepared core 14, 59, 67, 79, 81, 83, 93, B4.3, F4.3, F4.5, F4.6, T3.1; pressure flaking 93; production sites 164–7, 328; retouch 56–7; Setouchi Technique 79, B4.3; tool-grinding stone F7.4; workshops 166, 240; Yubetsu Technique F4.6 STONE TOOLS: 51, 54, 147, 172, ApE, ApF, ApH.1, F3.1, T6.1; adze 91, 167; arrowheads see ‘points’ below; axes 89, 91, 130, 149, 163, 166–7, 187, 272, ApH.2, ApI, F4.3, F4.9, F5.4, F6.11, F7.4, T1.1a; ax/ adze 129, ApH.2, B7.1, F5.4, F6.11, F11.10; awls F6.11; backed blades/ knives B4.3, F4.3, T4.1; blades 8, 14, 69, 79, 81–2 (definition), 88, F4.5, F4.7, F4.8, T3.1, T4.1; blanks 166–7; burins 83, F4.8; chisels 166–7, F6.11; chopper/ chopping tools 8vi, 83, ApH.2, B3.1; cleavers 64; composite 83–4; core (cobble) tools 56, F3.4, F4.8; daggers 262, 266, 271–2; digging 103, 106–7, 147, F5.2, F5.4; drills 65, 167; edgeground 69, 89–91, T4.1; flake tools

56, 59, 64–5, T1.1a; grindstones 91, 93, 116, 147, 167, 176, 265–6, ApH.2, T1.1a; hammerstones 167, ApH.2; handaxes 57–8, 64, F3.4; hoes 130–1, 187, ApH.2, F5.2; knives 167, 187, B4.3, T6.2; Kou points B4.3; microblades 23, 83–4, 86–8, F4.3, F4.6, F4.7, T1.1a, T3.1, T4.1; microliths 20, 69, 93; pebble tools 8v; plows ApG.1, ApH.2, T1.1b; points (for spears/ arrows) 69, 82–3, 85–6, 111, 130–1, 167, 171, 176, 187, 262, 266, 272, ApH.2, F4.3, F4.8, F4.9, F6.1, F6.11, F11.5, T3.1, T4.1; querns 88, 93, 97, 105, 117, 130–1, 149, F4.9, F5.11 F6.1; reapers 116, 258, 272, F5.11, F11.10; scrapers 57, 59, 65, 83, 85, 87, 111, ApH.2, B3.1, F4.7, F4.8, F4.9; shovels 167, ApH.2; sickles 91, 149, 167, ApG.1, F5.11, F6.11, T1.1a, b; side-blow flakes F4.3, F4.4; spades 149, 166, F6.11; spindle whorls 272; trapezoids F4.3, T4.1; weights 280, F5.10; whetstones F6.11 STONE/ MINERAL TYPES: amazonite F11.5; andesite 79, 81, B4.3, F4.4; asphalt/ bitumen 131; chert/ flint 81, B7.1; cinnabar T6.2; gemstones B14.1; granite F14.12; greenstone 167; green tuff 326, F14.9; jadeite see ‘jade’; jasper 328, B7.1, F14.9; kaolin 146; mica 335; obsidian 81, 88ix, 92, 110, 130–1, 270, F4.4, F4.8, F6.1; nephrite see ‘jade’; quartz (crystal) 81, 322, B3.1, F13.4, T4.2, quartzite 167, B3.1, F3.5; sandstone 268; sanukite B4.3, F4.4; serpentinite 129–30, B7.1, F6.1; shale 81, F4.7; steatite 129; talc 268, F14.5; tremolite 164; turquoise 166–7, 190, 192, 198–9, 201, 239, 244, 298, ApK.1, B8.1, F8.4, F10.10, F11.5, T10.3; see also ‘jade’, ‘metals’ STORAGE: facilities 165, 211, ApH.1, F9.3; granaries 266, 324, B14.2, F12.6, F15.13; jars 272, 321, F11.11, F14.12; pits 101–3, 105–7, 111, 116, 130–31, 140, 186, 264, F5.2, F6.7, F14.1, T1.1a; storehouses 102, 133, 240, 378–9, F10.7, F15.3, F15.6, F15.15; technology 100, 102, 111 SUBSISTENCE: 69, 110, 203, B5.1; “broad-ranging” 104–6, 120, 122; broad-spectrum 8, 14, 103; home range 54–5; Jomon calendar 103; see also ‘hunting’, ‘fishing’, ‘horticulture’, ‘agriculture’ tamped-earth: 162, 187, 233, B14.2, F7.6, F8.4, F10.1; see also ‘architecture: foundation platforms’, ‘walls’ TANG DYNASTY: Buddhist sculptures

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV  491 F15.2; costumes F15.15; silver work F15.3; 3–color ware F15.1, F15.14 taotie design, see ‘art’ taxation: 223, 234, 240, 285, 288, 290, 301, 364, 378–9, F15.13; land allocation 377–8, F15.11; see also ‘tribute’ TEMPLES: 162, 165; Buddhist 25, 29, 363, 365, 367–70, 374, 376, 378, 385, B12.1, F5.9, F15.3, F15.4, F15.5, F15.6, F15.7; Buddhist cave temples 365–7; Goddess Temple 147, F6.10, T1.1b; Shang/ Zhou 210–11, 214, 226–7, F9.7, T9.2; Qin/ Han 288, 290, F12.4 tephra, see ‘volcanics’ Terracotta army: 286–7, 294, F12.2, F12.3; see also ‘military’, ‘warfare’, ‘sculpture’ TEXTILES: 91xi, 113, 239, 243, 244v, 249, 252, 284, 378, ApK.3, B11.3, F5.8, F14.14, F15.15, T1.1b; blanket 113; carpet 249, F15.15; deadnettle 280, F5.8; hemp 280; linen F12.8; quilted 303; ramie B11.3; rope/ string/ cord 329, T13.1; silk 238–9, 294, 296, 303, 361, ApK.1, F10.11, F12.6, F12.8, F13.4, F15.1, T1.1b; see also ‘clothing’ TEXTS: 7, 9, 12, 25, 202, 206–8, 222, 232, 236, 249–50, 284, 288, 301, 309, 312–3, 317, 332, 387; Chunqiu 12; Guoyu 12; Hanshu 12; Houhanshu 12, 318–9, 326; Kojiki 13, 25; Liangshu 331; Lunyu 12, 386; Nihon Shoki 13, 25, 331, 388, F14.8; Samguk Sagi 13, 331, 335, T1.4; Samguk Yusa 13, 331, 336; Sanguozhi 12, 320; Shangshu 12; Shijing 12; Shiji 12, 249, 301, 305–6; sutras 365, 367, F15.2; Weizhi 12, 317–8, 317iii, 321, 331, B14.2; Yijing 12; Yili 12; Zhou Li 290, B7.1; Zuozhuan 12; see also ‘oracle bones’, ‘inscriptions’ THREE KINGDOMS (China): 307, 317iii; Shu 20, 307; Wei 9, 20, 307; Wu 20, 307; cf. ‘Northern (Toba) Wei Dynasty’ Three Kingdoms (Korea): 22, 307, 322, 331; see ‘Paekche’, ‘Koguryo’, ‘Silla’; cf. ‘United Silla’ THEORY: 39, 392; bamboo hypothesis 56; beachcomber hypothesis 67, 92; ceremonial center 211ii; chaos 306; core/ periphery 204; diffusion 204; down-the-line trading 130; dual structure hypothesis B11.2; Eve hypo­ thesis 48, 61, 64; Marxist evolutionary theory 28–9, 150; Maoist doctrine 35–6; mental templates 204; Movius

Line 56, 58, 64; networking 204; niche construction 104; peer polity interac­ tion 331 ; replacement hypothesis 63; single exit hypothesis 63, 65, B3.4; see also ‘gender’, ‘state formation’ TOMBS, by culture: Chu 238–9, F10.6; Di T10.2; Erlitou F8.4; Qin 286, 288, 391, F12.2; Han 226, 292, 293–5, 302, 315, 340, 380, F7.4, F12.8, F12.12, F13.1, F13.3; Hongshan F6.10; Kaya F14.4; Kofun 392, F14.6, F14.7, F14.13, F15.11; Koguryo 332, 340, 389, 391, F14.3, F14.14; Lelang ApL; Ming 391; Paekche F14.2, F14.13; Qin 252, F10.7, F12.2, T10.1; Qing 391; Rong T10.2; Liangzhu B7.1; Shang 209, 212, 217, F9.5, F9.6, F9.7, T9.2; Silla 340, F14.4, F14.13; Xiongnu F12.14; Zhou 223, F10.2 TOMB CONSTRUCTION: earthmounded 148, 226, 340, ApH.2, F12.8, F14.4, F14.6; brick 226, 302, 314–5, ApL, F12.9, F12.10; cave 295; corridor chamber 295, 301, ApL, B6.2, F12.9, F14.13, F14.15, T10.1; keyhole-shaped 25, 388–9, F14.6, F14.7; mounded tombs 22, 29, 331–2, 361, 368, B14.2, T1.1b; multi-roomed 239, 295; ornamented F14.15; pit-style stone chambers 342, F14.4; pyramidal 335, F14.3; shaft 190, 217, 229, 295, 303, B6.2, B6.3, F9.7 F12.8, T10.1; stone-mounded 303, 313, 315, 332, 340, F6.10, F14.2, F14.4; wood-chambers 314–5, 322, 336, 340–1, ApL, B6.2, F9.7, F12.8, F13.3, F14.4; see also ‘burial types’, ‘cemeteries’, ‘coffins’ tooth extraction (ablation): 280, B11.4 tourism: 391–2, B14.2 TRADE & EXCHANGE: 155; markets 248–9, 290–2, 372; merchants 248, 293, 315, 361, 364; ports of trade 382; Palaeolithic 69, 81, 92, F4.4; Jomon 127–31, 155, 176, 270, F6.1; Neolithic 127, 140, 147, 154, 165– 6, 169–70, 174, 179, T1.1b, T6.1; Bronze Age 201, 213, 219, ApK.3, B9.1; Zhou 237–8, 241, 243, 248–9; Han 298, 303, 305, 309, 320, 326–7, 329, B12.1, F12.5; Pen/ Insular 25, 280, 309, 317, 321–3, 327, 329, 331, 333, 336, 342, 380, 388; Eurasian 332, 361, 380, 383; with Ainu 284; see also ‘Silk Roads’, ‘tribute’, transport: 311, 321, 328, 379; by river 191; see also ‘roads’, ‘vehicles’ tribute: 209, 298, 309, 320, 332, 364, 370, 378; tribute; heqin 303, 311; embassies 322, 341, 383

urbanism: 155, 161–2, 164, 166, 174, 206, 209, 211ii, 371, 365, 384, 389, F8.4, F9.3; gridded cities 25, 290–2, 370–1, 376, F12.4, F15.7, F15.7, F15.8, F15.9; newly founded 163, 165, 167, 191, 211, 214, 219, 223, 225, 277–8, 371, F9.1; nucleation 162, 190, 210, 214; see also ‘capitals’, ‘palaces’ VEHICLES: 177; carriages 234, F12.2, F12.6, F12.10; chariots 179, 204, 226, 228–9, 233–4, 236, 249, 251, 311, 314–5, 318, ApG.2, ApK, F9.11, F12.2, T10.3; funerary carts 251, ApK.3 volcanics: 5; disasters 101; tephra layers 23, 64–5, 74, 101, 278, ApF, F4.3, T4.1; volcanoes F4.4 WALLS: 174, 187; geometric 335, 340, F13.2, F14.1; Great Wall 286, 286ii, 288, 302, 391; long 165, 231, 233, 237, 239, 249–50, 309, F7.3, F10.1, F13.2, T7.2; palisades 263, 266, 319, B14.2, F14.12; stone-built 370, F14.12; topographic 340, F13.2, F14.1 walled cities 14, 208, 210–12, 225, 227, 232, 291–2, F8.3, F9.4, F12.1, F12.4, F15.9, T9.2 walled compounds/ sectors 14, 160, 172, 190, 210–11, F7.6, F8.4, 12.6, F15.7, T7.2 walled fortresses 227, 332, 335, 340, 351, 353, 359, 370, 376, 391, F14.1, F14.12, F15.5, F15.7 walled sites/settlements, 14, 155, 160–2, 165–7, 169–73, 178–9, 187, 199, 201, 219, 226, 305, 309, 311, 313–5, 319, 332, 335, 340, F7.3, F7.6, F13.1, F13.2, T1.1b WARFARE /VIOLENCE: 14, 22, 155, 157, 166, 170–1, 179, 187, 204, 222, 229, 231, 233–4, 236–7, 249, 273, 285, 309, 313, 333, 336, 367, 385, 387, F8.4, F14.2, T1.1b; naval training ground F12.1; raids 243, 250, 303, 307, 322, 332; rebellions 289–90, 307, 315, 370, 374, F14.15; Wa Disturbances B14.2; warlordism 290, 292, 307; see also ‘military’ WATER FEATURES: canals 122, 259, 262, 270, 286, 288, F12.2, F15.11; Grand Canal(s) 361, F15.1; lakes F9.4, F12.1; ponds 211, 372, 379, F12.6, F14.1; reservoirs 122, F12.1, F14.1; storage units F14.12; see also ‘moats’ WEAPONS: 182, 199–200, 239, 244, 254, 317, 319, 322, 328, F12.3, F12.6, F12.8, F12.13, F13.8; armory 292, F12.1, F12.4; arrowheads 256, 262, 272, 287, 318, ApK.2, F11.2, F11.5,

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

492  Archaeology of East Asia: Index IV F11.8, F11.10; executioners ax F8.7; bow & arrow 250, F4.9, F14.15; cross-bow 287, 318, F10.11, F13.4; daggers 186, 251, 256–7, 262, 266, 271–2, 323, 326, 328, ApK, B14.2, F10.11, F11.2, F13.8, T10.3; halberd (ge) 186, 250, 256, 268, 323, 326, 328, ApK.1, F8.7, F10.10, T10.3; hilts F11.2; ji F10.11; knives 186, 251, 256, ApK, F8.2, F8.7, F10.11, T10.2, T13.1; pickax ApK.1; quivers F14.15; scabbard/ sheath F11.2, F13.4; shields F14.15; socketed ax 195, 199, 262, ApK, F8.10, F11.8; socketed spearpoints 199–200, 262, 268, 323, ApK, F8.7, F10.11, F13.8, T13.1; swords 186, 251, 262, 309, 312, 314, 322, 329, ApK, F10.10, F10.11, F11.5, F13.8, F13.12, F1411, T10.2, T10.3; see also ‘bronze objects’, ‘iron objects’ WEAVING: 115, 232, 280, ApH.1, B11.3, F5.8, F5.10, F15.1; loom parts 280, B11.3, spindle whorls 280, B11.3, F6.11, F11.10 wine, see ‘food: drink’ wooden artifacts: 65, 83–4, 91, 106, 113, 166, 186, 239, 322, 329, 372, B1.1, F12.8, F15.12, T6.2, T13.1; see also ‘coffins’, ‘writing’ wood-working: 59, 91, 106, 117, 147, 166–8, F3.5, F5.4, F6.11

WRITING: 7, 9, 12–3, 25, 288; advent/ adoption 146, 153, 172, B1.1, B6.2; on bamboo 238, B1.1, F12.8; on silk 238; on wooden slips/ tablets 22, 319, 379, B1.1, F12.8, F15.12; brushes 209, 319, T13.1; seal script B1.1; syllabaries B11.1; see also ‘inscriptions’, ‘texts’ Xia: 207; see also INDEX II XIAJIADIAN CULTURES: 257i; Lower 184, 186–7, 192, 226, 256, ApJ, B8.1, F8.1, F8.2, T1.1c; Upper 256–7, ApK.2, F10.5, F11.1 YAMATO [Yamatai]: capitals 25, 372–4; court/ state 25, 331–2, 346, 351, 354, 370–1, 358–9, 363, 367, 370–1, 376, 384–5, 387–9, ApD, B14.2, F14.6, F14.11, F14.15, F15.8; bé 364, 378; crafts 355, B14.1, B14.5, F14.5, F14.11; economics 364, 378–9; jori system 370, F15.11; Taika Reform 370; uji-kabane 364; Yamatai 346, B14.2; see also ‘Buddhism’, ‘Tomb construction’ Yangshao culture: 8, 116–7, 127, 135, 138, 140–1, 143, 150, 157, 170–1, ApD, B1.1, B6.1, B6.3, F5.1, F6.4, F6.8, F6.12, F7.1, T1.1a, b YAYOI CULTURES: 5, 7, 9, 25, 183, 270–3, 311, 392, ApA, ApG.1, B11.2, B11.4, F11.10, F13.7, F15.13, T0.1a, b, T1.7; bronze spheres 323, 323vii,

F13.8, F13.10; burials 324, 326 F13.9; crafts 278–9, 323, 327–9, B11.3, F13.7; field systems F11.14; peoples 326, B11.2; polities 326–7, 329, 343, B14.2, F14.6, F13.11; settlements 278, 285, B14.2; trade 326–7; see also ‘pottery’ ZHOUKOUDIAN: 74, 391, ApD, ApE.2, B3.1, F3.1; Loc.1 47, 54, 59; Upper Cave 63, 69, 86, 92, ApE.3, B4.1, F4.1, T4.1 ZHOU: 19, 204, 229–31, 282, Ch9–10, F9.1, F10.1 ZHOU STATES: 301–2; Chu 19, 200, 233, 237–8, 241–2, 244, 248–9, 289, 301, 306, F10.1, F10.6, F10.8, F12.8; Jin 232–3, 237, 240–4, 247, 251, ApK.3, F10.1; Lu 232, 237, 291; Qi 19, 237, 238, 258, 315; Qin 19, 233, 236–7, 239–41, 243, 249–50, 269, 285–9, 298, 301–2, 306, 309, 317, ApK, F10.1, F10.5, F10.7, T10.1; Royal Zhou 199viii, 206, 208, 223–7, 232, 235–7, 239; Wei 249; Wu 244; Yan 19, 21, 225–6, 235, 237, 241, 247, 249–50, 269, 278, 305, 309, 311, 315, 315i, 323, ApK.2, ApK.3, F10.1, F10.5, F10.11, F11.1; Zhao 241, 249–51, ApK.1, F10.1, F10.5; Zhongshan 235–6, T10.2

This content downloaded from 132.239.1.231 on Tue, 31 Jan 2017 17:33:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms