Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road [1 ed.] 9783205200468, 9783205200444

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Konservierungswissenschaft · Restaurierung · Technologie Herausgegeben von Gabriela Krist

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Gabriela Krist, Liangren Zhang (eds.)

Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road Conference 2016 Postprints

BÖHLAU VERLAG WIEN KÖLN WEIMAR

Published with kind support of: University of Applied Arts Vienna, Austria Nanjing University, China

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek : Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie ; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. © 2018 by Böhlau Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, Kölblgasse 8–10, A-1030 Wien Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Cover image : Archaeological site of Ephesos, © ÖAW-ÖAI/ photo by Niki Gail Proof reading and editing: Tanushree Gupta, Vienna Cover design: Michael Haderer, Vienna

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISBN 978-3-205-20046-8

Inhalt

Preface – University of Applied Arts Vienna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Preface – Nanjing University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Plagues and Peoples – a Bioarchaeological Perspective on Trade Routes Michaela Binder. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Ganch as Historical Building Material and the Kundal Wall Painting Technique in the Mausoleum Ishrat Khana, Samarkand, Uzbekistan Steffen Laue, Pamela Kleinmann.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Ancient Torpedo Jars of Iran (Persian Gulf ) Hossein Tofighian. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Fragmentary Works of Art from the Simsim Grottoes – Methods of Analysing Detached Wall Paintings from Cave Number 40 under Special Consideration of Resting Soot Deposits Birgit Angelika Schmidt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Archaeological Site of Persepolis (Iran) – the Finishing Technique of the Stone Monuments Alireza Askari Chaverdi, Pierfrancesco Callieri, Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso, Stefano Ridolfi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 A Summary on Material Research on Buddhist Mural Paintings from the Northern Silk Road – Pigment Degradation and Laboratory Simulation of their Alteration Mechanisms Ellen Egel, Stefan Simon, Toralf Gabsch, Ina Reiche.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

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Ephesos, the Metropolis of Roman Asia – a City at the Crossroads of East and West Martin Steskal, Gro Bjørnstad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Conservation Studies at the University of Applied Arts Vienna and a Diploma Thesis in Ephesus Gabriela Krist, Barbara Rankl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 A Gold-Coated Silverware Unearthed from a Tubo Dynasty Cemetery in Dulan County, Qinghai Province Wang Bohan, Zhou Shuanglin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Altai during the Period of the Xiongnu Empire Alexey A. Tishkin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 The Materials from Tadjik (Tograklik-akin) in the Collection of the Hermitage – Mikhail Berezovsky Kucha Expedition 1905–1907 Kira Samosiuk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Handling with a Taboo in the Academic Education for Conservators-Restorers – the Conservation of the Detached Wall Paintings between Museum’s Exhibition and Recontextualization Thomas Danzl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 List of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Preface – University of Applied Arts Vienna Initiated and supported by the Eurasia Pacific Uninet (EPU), the Second International Conference on “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road” was held on May 20–22, 2016 in Nanjing, China. The first conference of this series in May 2014 was organised by the Northwest University in Xi’an; Prof. Liangren Zhang acted as coordinating partner for the Institute of Conservation of the University of Applied Arts Vienna. Soon after the conference Prof. Zhang was appointed to Nanjing University, and subsequently the project moved with him to the megacity in Southern China. In order to facilitate cooperation, Nanjing University became a member of the EPU network in 2015. With this event it was possible not only to link as many EPU members as possible – university institutes, specializing in archaeology and conservation-restoration, in Austria, China, Mongolia and Central Asia, but also to call in other experts whose research focuses on the Silk Road(s). The University of Applied Arts Vienna was responsible for gathering researchers, especially those from Austrian universities and specialist institutions as speakers at the conference, to deliver a broad spectrum of Silk Road topics. The Institute of Conservation also invited professors and researchers from Dresden, Potsdam, Berlin, Rome and Berne to Nanjing to report on their current projects and dissertations. Prof. Zhang organised the attendance of Chinese colleagues as well as experts from Iran and Russia, where he is currently involved in field projects. 52 participants from China, Austria, Germany, Switzerland, Iran, Russia, Italy and the U.K. as well as the U.S.A. gathered at the 2016 conference. In over 40 lectures a variety of topics were presented, including research into the migration of nomads, the spread of a variety of grains as a basis for human and animal diets, but also bio-archaeological research into the spread of diseases and epidemics between East and West. The reports featuring conservation sciences in artistic technology (the production of glass, tiles and bronze casting), as well as painting techniques were especially fascinating for the conservators, though problems of preservation and conservation of the different sites along the Silk Road were of no lesser interest. The University of Applied Arts Vienna was represented by a lecture on the training of conservators in Austria and a presentation of a pertinent diploma thesis on Ephesos. Thanks to the financial support from the EPU, 7 Austrian experts from EPU Member Institutions could participate in the conference. The lectures of the Austrian group made distinct contributions to affirming Austria’s excellent international reputation in the field of archaeology and conservation and its innovations. The conference also provided invaluable opportunities for exchanging experiences and networking.

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This publication, a compilation of the conference lectures, represents a substantial step towards the expansion of cooperation between Nanjing University and University of Applied Arts Vienna and in a broader context between China and Austria. I would like to gratefully acknowledge all the colleagues who made their presentations available for the publication. In particular, I would like to thank my colleague Tanushree Gupta who has undertaken the editing of the conference papers. Martina Haselberger deserves my thanks for her collaboration in the organisation of the conference. I am grateful to Sabine Ladstätter, Director of the Austrian Archaeological Institute (ÖAI), for her assistance in putting together the conference programme and for sharing her expert contacts. I thank my colleague and friend Liangren Zhang for his splendid collaboration over the course of many years. I look forward to our next joint Silk Road conference, which will be held in Iran in 2018! Gabriela Krist Vienna, April 2018

Preface – Nanjing University Coined by Ferdinand von Richthofen, the term Silk Road has become a handy concept for scholars who attempt to deal with the trans-continental cultural movements between Europe and Asia. Although much has been achieved in the field of history, archaeology and art history, a lot of potential of this concept remains to be explored. The One Belt “The Silk Road Economic Belt” and One Road - “the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road” initiatives advocated by the Chinese government since 2013, albeit ignoring the historical complexity, appears to be a well-thought-out exploit of the historical Silk Road to address the contemporary political and economic challenges. The initiatives, in return, have instigated Chinese research institutions, which have long shied away from the foreign land, to start research work in Silk Road countries. In this milieu, Nanjing University has initiated an archaeological field project in Russia and Iran respectively since 2015. In the same mode, the Eurasia Pacific Uninet (EPU) was found to unite universities of Austria, East Asia, Central Asia, South Asia and the Pacific Region. With a total of 146 member institutions, the network has been fostering joint research centres, inter-institutional research projects, conferences, as well as faculty and student exchange. The timely marriage of the initiative of the former president Brigitte Winklehner and the rising interests of Chinese scholars towards archaeology of foreign countries gave birth to the first “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road” International Conference at Xi’an in May 2014, which was organised by Northwest University and University of Applied Arts Vienna. The success of this conference inspired us, now representing Nanjing University and University of Applied Arts Vienna respectively, to organise the second conference in the series at Nanjing in May 2016. The second international conference “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road” was planned in such a way that it played out the spirit of the Silk Road in the academic world. On the one hand, the Silk Road has been a popular theme of conferences over the world, yet scholars from many countries, such as Russia and Iran, are under-represented. Seven scholars from Russia and five from Iran presented the steppe Silk Road and the Iranian part of the Silk Road, both of which have often been forgotten in the international conference. On the other hand, archaeologists and conservators, because of the unfortunate separation of the two disciplines, have been sitting in different conferences without communicating with each other. This conference instead brought them together in the hope of providing them with an opportunity to exchange questions and approaches. Although designed as a small conference, 52 scholars from ten countries, including China, Russia, Germany, Austria, and Iran, joined, presenting a variety of subjects.

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For various reasons, the majority of the papers delivered in the conference are not available for publishing. Those included in this volume are 13 articles, which nevertheless speak well for the disciplinary and geographic scopes of this conference. In the field of cross-regional phenomenon, Michaela Binder from the Austrian Institute of Archaeology, employing modern DNA and isotopic analyses, explores into the population migration and plague dissemination in the antiquity of Eurasia. Martin Steskal from the same institution finds the DNA components from Europe, Asia, and Africa among the population of the cemetery at the Roman city of Ephesus in Turkey, which depicts a mixed population in this city. Andreas Heiss from the University of Vienna provides a detailed account of the species and sources of the charcoal found at Ephesus. Peter Jia from University of Sydney, based on starch analysis, narrates the dissemination of wheat from the western Tianshan Mountains into Xinjiang, and further into the other regions of China. Hossein Tofighian from the Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research surveys the torpedo jars, which denote active maritime trade across the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean in the Parthian and Sasanian periods. Alexey Tishkin from the Altai State University demonstrates the excavation materials from the Yaloman-II cemetery, which denotes the intimate cultural connection with Han China, regardless the great distance. Kira Samosiuk from the State Hermitage Museum exposes the little-known field drawing and photographs of the Berezovskiy brothers at the “Tajik” Grottoes in the Kucha Oasis in the late 19th century. As stated above, conservation is another major theme of this conference, and it is well represented in this volume. Birgit Schmidt from the Federal Institute for Materials Research and Testing analyses the fresco fragments cut by German explorers from the Semsim Grottoes in the early 20th century, and attempts to reconstruct the original context of the fresco. Ellen Egel from Berlin State Museum studies the composition and conservation materials of the fresco fragments cut away also by German explorers, and discovers the different sources of pigments. Zhou Shuanglin from Peking University examines the material, production techniques, and conservation problems of the gold-coated silverwares from a Tubo-period cemetery in Dulan County, Qinghai Province. Steffen Laue from the Potsdam University of Applied Sciences describes his conservation work on the mausoleum Ishrat-Khana in Samarkand, where he discovers some unique local techniques, such as “Gansch” plastering and “Kundal” gilded relief. Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso from University of Rome and honorary professor at University of Applied Arts Vienna has been conserving the rock structures of Persepolis and finds white or gray coating on them. Barbara Rankl from the University of Applied Arts Vienna presents a conservation program of the stone sarcophagus discovered at the cemetery of Ephesus.

Preface – Nanjing University

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The organisation of this conference and the publication of this volume cannot be possible without support from various institutions and individuals. In a time of shrinking funding and tightening schedule, we owe our gratitude to all the colleagues who were willing to sacrifice funding and time to attend this conference; to the volunteers who ensured the successful delivery of the event; to Nanjing University for providing funding; to the EPU for paying the travel expenses of the European participants; to Martina Haselberger from University of Applied Arts Vienna for her assistance in the organisation of the conference; to Sabine Ladstätter for her assistance in assembling the conference program and for sharing her expert contacts. The publishing of papers of such diverse disciplines and academic traditions presents a tremendous challenge to the editors. We would like to gratefully acknowledge all the colleagues who made their presentations available for the publication. We would like to thank Tanushree Gupta from University of Applied Arts Vienna for editing the papers of this volume. Liangren Zhang Nanjing, July 2017



Plagues and Peoples1 – a Bioarchaeological Perspective on Trade Routes

Michaela Binder Abstract: Movement and transport along transcontinental trade routes can influence populations and settlements along its course in a wide range of ways. It is inherently connected with mobility and migration of individuals or groups which aside from goods can also carry new diseases. These processes can have considerable impact on cultural, social, political and biological developments along the routes. They, therefore, represent key elements of studies seeking to elucidate the history and dynamics of trade routes. Through the integration of modern scientific methods such as stable isotope and ancient DNA (aDNA)-analysis, skeletal human remains from archaeological sites represent an important source of information that can help shedding light on the origin of people(s) and population affinities but also the presence of diseases. This paper will discuss the possibilities of modern bioarchaeological research in contributing to the comprehensive study of ancient trade routes. It will introduce the methods available to study mobility, migration, mortality and morbidity in past human populations and set them within the research context of the wider Silk Road region and trade routes in general. Keywords: Bioarchaeology, Palaeopathology, Biomolecular Archaeology, Migration

Introduction The purpose of transcontinental trade routes is movement, an activity that can involve different things that move or are moved – the movement of goods, people, ideas, religions, and concepts, but also of pathogenous agents. This can have a significant impact on the communities settling along their courses, whether in the form of population structure, ethnic or cultural identity, material wealth or health. Investigating these processes in history can be based on a wide range of sources including historic records, material culture or architecture. This contribution will discuss how the scientific study of human remains from archaeological sites, aided by novel biomolecular methods can be used to inform historic and archaeological research into how trade, travel, migration 1

Title in reference to McNeill 1998

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and warfare along the routes of the Silk Road impacted health, living conditions as well as population structure of the groups settling along their course.

Human Remains as a Source of Information about Life in the Past Human remains represent one of our most direct sources of information about life in past human populations because the skeleton stores considerable information about the identity of a person such as biological sex, age-at-death, health and disease, diet, place of origin, activity but also genetic relationships.2 With new scientific techniques, such as stable isotope analysis or aDNA-analysis, skeletons and mummies from archaeological sites allow for increasingly detailed insights into many aspects of the life of past human populations such as living conditions, subsistence strategies but also determining the focus of this contribution: the presence of diseases, origin and relationships of and between populations in the past. Archaeological research in the Silk Road region can draw upon a remarkably rich record of human remains, including large collections of skeletons but also due to very dry environmental conditions, groups of well-preserved mummies (Fig. 1). Nevertheless, human remains are still vastly under-used as a resource to study how movement along the Silk Road impacted the life of the populations settling within its realm of influence. This is partially also due to the fact that bioarchaeology as a subject is not very well established and the necessary laboratory facilities are not available in the main countries of the silk road. Thus, research mainly has to rely on collaborations with institutions in Europe or the US. Using selected examples of current bioarchaeological research on huFigure 1 “The Beauty of Xiaohe”. Photo: Matt man remains from the silk road region, Rourke / AP / picturedesk.com. 2

E.g. Larsen 2015

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this contribution aims to showcase the vast potential held by human remains as a source of information on life of past human populations, focussing on two major themes of Silk Road research – the movement of people(s) as well as the movement of plagues.

Movement of People(s) Throughout the time period of its existence, the silk roads enabled and attracted movement of people both on an individual level in form of traders, pilgrims, scholars or other kinds of travellers but also on a larger scale in form of nomadic tribes or conquering armies such as the Xiongnu or the Mongols.3 All these people(s) would have significantly influenced the population structure of the regions which they crossed and where they ultimately settled. The impact of these migrations and movements is still well visible in the genetic make-up of many areas along the Silk Road.4 However, in many areas still very little is known about the origins and history of settlement dynamics that led to the modern population structure. Human remains from archaeological sites could be used to shed light on these questions.

Tracing Migration and Population History in the Bioarchaeological Record The human skeleton contains a record of both genetic and geological information that allows for inferences about long- and short-term relationships but also the geographical origin of an individual. It, therefore, provides a valuable source of data to study kinship, population history, mobility and migration in the past. The bioarchaeological tool kit offers a sophisticated set of traditional and biomolecular methods that allow for increasingly detailed and high-resolution insights into these processes. The relationship between individuals and populations represent one of the most traditional research themes in the field of studying human remains from archaeological sites. Inspired by the then thriving field of evolutionary biology, scientists already started in the 19th century to use metric analysis of the shape of the skull and to a lesser degree also bones of the post-cranial skeleton to infer individual and population affinities.5 In addition, so-called non-metric traits, non-pathological anatomic variants of morphological features in the skeleton and teeth were soon recognized as a marker of the biological relationship between individuals and groups and integrated into the methodological canon of physical anthropology. Both approaches are based on the premise that the mor3 4 5

E.g. Romgard 2008; Hansen 2012 E.g. Comas et al. 1998 Pietrusewsky 2008

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Figure 2 Different skull shapes supposedly identifying different population affinities. Image: M. Binder, reproduced after Smith & Jones 1910, Pl. XXV.

phology and shape of the skull, teeth or long bones reflect the genetic background of an individual (Fig. 2). Similar appearances, therefore, indicate relatedness while differences between individuals and diachronic changes occurring within a population are explained through the presence of non-local individuals. However, the scientific value and validity of inferences about population history based on morphological and morphometric studies have been increasingly called into question in recent decades.6 This is largely due to the recognition that despite a general heritability, both metric and non-metric traits can also be influenced by non-genetic parameters such as environmental factors or muscular activity during mastication.7 In addition to these extrinsic factors, genetic processes like gene drift, alterations in the genetic pool of a population caused by random mutation rather than external genetic input can lead to significant changes in skeletal morphology of an individual. Consequently, due to a large variety of underlying factors causing many of the morphological traits traditionally used in population history studies, their heritability remains imprecisely understood.8 Therefore, despite significant improvements in the methodologies applied in quantitative studies of population history over the past decades, both what regards acquisition of data as well as statistical processing, moving from simple uni- and bi-variate statistics and 6 Ibid. 7 Carson 2006 8 Hughes and Townsend 2013

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indices to complex multi-variate analyses, the results of these studies, now referred to as biodistance studies, remain problematic due to the complex background of many of the observed parameters.9 In recent years, the introduction of new biomolecular methods has opened new pathways in the study of the population history of past human populations based on human remains. The most widely used new method is the analysis of stable strontium isotopes from bone and teeth.10 The ratio of the strontium isotopes, Sr87/Sr86,varies between different types of underlying bedrock. These values are reflected in the Sr-content in water and, through ingestion by animals and people, consecutively also incorporated into bone and teeth.11 In theory, this principle allows for the detection of the geographic region of origin of a person. However, several caveats limit the value of the results. In the human skeleton, Sr-isotopes are found in the mineral portion of bone and teeth. In teeth, they are only incorporated during childhood when the tooth enamel is forming and, therefore, only reflect the place of residence of a person during childhood. Bone, on the other hand, undergoes constant remodelling and consequently only stores the isotope signatures of the past ten years prior to death, but, on the other hand, is considerably more prone to diagenetic contamination. The second major issue is related to the fact that many geographical regions around the world share a similar geological background and, therefore, produce very similar strontium signatures.12 Moreover, geological zones are often relatively large, thus, providing rather unspecific results what regards the place of origin of a person. As a consequence, Sr-isotopes in skeletal human remains only allow for a distinction between local versus non-local individuals but cannot be used to identify the exact origin of a person. Nevertheless, they represent a useful tool to gain some insights into mobility and migration in past human populations. New momentum in bioarchaeological studies addressing population history was gained with the introduction of scientific methods allowing for the detection and analysis of remnants of genetic information preserved in bones, teeth and soft tissue of archaeological human remains.13 With our genes storing information about our ancestry ranging from immediate parents back in time to the phylogeny of our species, they allow for detailed insights into a wide range of parameters such as kinship, migratory patterns, and wider population history. The majority of studies investigating aDNA have used the DNA present in the mitochondria which are located in the cytoplasm and produce

9 10 11 12 13

Larsen 2015: 361 Katzenberg 2008; Brown and Brown 2011 Bentley 2006 Katzenberg 2008 Stone 2008; Brandt et al. 2013

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energy for the cells.14 Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) has several advantages. It is present in a high number of copies in each cell and is, therefore, more likely to survive over time than nuclear DNA. Moreover, due to the fact that mtDNA is only inherited from the mother, has a higher rate of mutation, and does not recombine, it is particularly useful for analyses of population genetics even though it only allows for inferences about the female line of ancestry. With increasingly sophisticated analytical techniques, researchers have started also to turn more attention to the study of DNA from the nucleus of the cell which is far more difficult to detect because it is only present in one copy per cell. It holds a large number of different loci yielding information about relationships between populations and individuals, but of course also sex, phenotype or alleles leading to diseases. Nuclear DNA is inherited from both parents, recombination in each generation results in a mosaic of DNA from all ancestors. Survival of DNA in archaeological human remains is variable and highly dependent on environmental conditions.15 While cooler temperatures, low humidity and neutral to alkaline soils act favorably for the preservation of the biomolecules carrying genetic information; heat, water and high acidity, all lead to their rapid degradation. In addition, DNA is prone to contamination by modern materials even though modern techniques such as next-generation sequencing allow for better differentiation between original and intrusive material.

Movement of People(s) in the Silk Road Region Through millennia of travel, trade, and migration, the entire Silk Road region experienced a highly complex population history.16 Despite a vast amount of written and archaeological sources of considerable time depth, many questions are still remaining. Theories and models of migration and settlement dynamics have so far largely been based on written sources, material culture or linguistics despite it is now generally recognised that there are a large number of problems inherent to these parameters potentially leading to erroneous inferences about population history. Despite some exceptions,17 human remains representing direct evidence so far remain a vastly under-used resource in Silk Road archaeology. In the following, I will discuss a number of studies highlighting the potential of bioarchaeological research to shed light on many important aspects of movement of people(s) along the Silk Roads.

14 Stone 2008 15 Ibid. 16 E.g. Comas et al. 1998 17 E.g. Kuzmina 1998; Kuzmina and Mair 2007

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One notable example is a set of studies carried out on the mummified remains of the Tarim Basin.18 Dating to the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC, these have become widely known for their morphological resemblance to European populations despite their origin deep in the Central Asian plains.19 Based on the archaeological and anthropological evidence including funerary ritual, aspects of material culture and craniometric studies, two main theories had been brought forward to explain the European feature of the Tarim basin inhabitants.20 One hypothesis suggests that the earliest settlers of this part of Asia were nomadic herders from the steppes of Russia and Kazakhstan, while the other suggests that people came first from the oases of Baktria, or modern Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan. In order to clarify the genetic heritage and ancestry, skeletal and mummified human remains from several sites in the region were subjected to aDNA-analysis,21 most recently Li and co-workers22 studied the cemetery of Xiaohe. The results of this new study revealed multiple lineages of mtDNA, indicating a complex settlement history of the Tarim Basin. In the earliest layers, the main component was a lineage originating in Siberia as well as a contribution from Western European populations. This confirmed to the original steppe hypothesis with close genetic ties to the Russian/ Kazakh plains. Only during the later period, a small signal of a Southern Asian lineage was detected, indicating a small amount of gene influx from the oases of Bactria as well. Another area of research exemplifying how archaeological human remains can be used to elucidate the population history of the Silk Road region are burials related to Xiongnu, the confederation of nomadic tribes which ruled over large parts of Central and Northern Asia between the 3rd century BC and the late 1st century AD.23 In posing a major opponent to the Han Chinese involved in frequent raids and battles, the impact of Xiongnu is reflected in a large number of written documents of the Chinese. Nevertheless, their origin and relationships to other peoples in Europe and Asia remained unclear until recently. Studies using both traditional, morphological approaches24and aDNA-analysis25 on skeletal human remains revealed a heterogenous mixture of genetic affiliations including North-East Asian tribes but also with influences of Siberian, Turkic and Indo-European tribes. In addition, these analyses were used to address questions of

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

E.g. Cui et al. 2009; Li et al. 2010; Li et al. 2015 E.g. Mallory and Mair 2000 Mair 2005; Hemphill and Mallory 2004; Barber 1998; Han 1998; Kuzmina 1998 Cui et al. 2009; Li et al. 2010 Li et al. 2015 Higham 2004: 390–392 Non-metric traits: Ricaut et al. 2010 Keyser-Tracqui, Crubézy, and Ludes 2003; Keyser-Tracqui et al. 2006; Kim et al. 2010

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kinship patterns and social organisation within Xiongnu cemeteries.26 The results suggest burial of family groups within close vicinity of each other.

Movement of Plagues Travellers along the Silk Road not only carried goods or knowledge but in many cases they were also accompanied by pathogens which people or animals were infected with and, thus, led to the spread of a wide variety of infectious diseases between Asia and Europe. The effect of the movement of pathogenous agents could be devastating particularly because of the fact that they were carried to populations which had never been exposed to them before and, therefore, lacked any immunity to fight the disease.27 This is based on the evolutionary principle that if a population is exposed to a pathogen over many generations, the immune system develops resistance and the population gets less vulnerable to the disease. If in contrast, an individual or population is exposed to an unfamiliar pathogen, they are much more likely to contract the disease or succumb from it. Based on historic records, the transmission and spread of several diseases are famously connected to movement along the Silk Roads, first and foremost the plague but also measles, smallpox, anthrax, and leprosy.28 According to these documents, some of them had a devastating impact on populations on both ends of the Silk Road and consequently on major historic developments. However, historic records are not necessarily the most trustworthy sources, particularly what regards the diagnosis of diseases because, of course, the diseases as we know them today were only named and defined during the late 19th or early 20th century. Even though medical descriptions of Chinese or Roman physicians are often very detailed and thorough, they often do not allow for exact identification of a disease. Consequently, many factors about the origin, evolution, identity and spread of many plagues remain unknown.

26 Keyser-Tracqui, Crubézy, and Ludes 2003 27 McNeill 1998: 192 28 Monot et al. 2009; Schmid et al. 2015; Simonson et al. 2009

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Tracing Diseases in the Bioarchaeological Record Similar to the place of origin and genetic heritage, skeletal or mummified human remains can also preserve information about the diseases a person once suffered from. Again, several different methods are available to specialists working in the field of palaeopathology, the study of diseases in the past. The most common method relies on the fact that many pathological conditions can also leave an imprint in the skeleton.29 Depending on the underlying disease there are generally four different forms of how bone can respond to a disease: − new bone formation (by far the most common form): infectious diseases, nutritional deficiencies, neoplastic diseases, vascular diseases, trauma (Fig. 3) − bone destruction: infectious diseases, neoplastic diseases − abnormal formation of shape: nutritional/ metabolic diseases, developmental disorders − abnormality in size: developmental disorders

Figure 3 New bone formation on the shin bone. Photo: M. Binder/ OEAI-OEAW.

29 Ortner 2003; Ortner 2011 30 Ortner 2011 31 Ortner 2003: 110

Unfortunately, studying diseases based on morphological changes in skeletal and mummified human remains is very complex and is faced with a number of problems inherent to methodology and physiology.30 The skeleton is generally very slow to react to a disease process and, therefore, only long-standing, chronic processes will lead to bone changes.31 The development of a bone response further pre-supposes a certain degree of strength and resilience of the diseased individual. Otherwise, it will die before any signs in the skeleton develop. Moreover, the skeleton has only very limited ways to respond

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to a disease. Therefore, many diseases can lead to the same response, and the resulting changes are often very unspecific. Only some pathogens can lead to more diagnostically distinctive features that allow for attributing them to a specific disease. The most common pathological processes found in skeletal human remains are degenerative disorders (osteoarthritis), dental diseases (caries, plaque, periodontal disease), trauma, nutritional deficiencies (rickets, scurvy) and unspecific signs of infectious diseases.32 Moreover, infections such as tuberculosis, leprosy or syphilis can lead to changes in the skeleton and have, therefore, received considerable interest in human palaeopathology. More specific insights into diseases in past human populations can be gained through the identification of DNA of the disease causing pathogens.33 Especially the DNA of bacteria such as those associated with tuberculosis, plague, leprosy, typhus or typhoid fever can survive in human remains over millennia even though preservation is highly dependent on environmental conditions. Other pathogens that can survive in archaeological contexts are different endo- and ecto-parasites.34 Soils from latrines and the gut area of skeletal human remains but also mummified coprolites have been shown to preserve the eggs of intestinal parasites such as hookworms, tapeworms or bilharzias.35 Moreover, in environmental conditions allowing for the preservation of organic substances, ecto-parasites such as lice or fleas have been found associated with hair, skin or textiles.36

Movement of Plagues along the Silk Road Largely based on written records, the Silk Roads have famously been blamed for the spread of several diseases, some of which with significant consequences for historical developments in the East and West. From a European point of view, the most famous and devastating of all epidemics associated with travel along the Silk Roads is the plague pandemic of the 14th century, known as the “Black Death”, that decimated the continent’s population by at least one-third.37 Due to its devastating impact on European history but also the availability of a large number of written and archaeological sources the historic epidemiology of disease has been extensively researched and is, therefore, relatively well-established. It is now generally accepted that Yersinia pestis, the plague causing pathogen had long been endemic in rodent populations in the borderland between India, 32 33 34 35 36 37

E.g. Goodman and Martin 2002; Ortner 2003; Larsen 2015 Stone 2008 Bouchet et al. 2003; Dutour 2013 E.g. Bouchet, Harter, and Le Bailly 2003; Yeh et al. 2016 Bouchet et al. 2003 McNeill 1998: 176–180

Plagues and Peoples – a Bioarchaeological Perspective on Trade Routes

23

Figure 4 Skeletons in a plague pit who died from the Black Death in the 14th century. East Smithfields Cemetery, London. Photo: Museum of London.

China, and Burma in the Himalayas.38 People settling in these regions had presumably adjusted their behaviour in order to minimize exposure to infected animals and, thus, chances of contracting the disease. After establishing itself in Central Asia, the Silk Roads provided a viable route for spread of the plague into the Middle East, Northern Africa, and Europe. The transmission was particularly associated with the Mongols who controlled the routes during the 14th century and travelled extensively along its course both as warriors and as traders. Their subsistence was mainly based on nomadic pastoralism and involved travel in large caravans with great numbers of horses and livestock that gave off large amounts of waste, which attracted the main hosts of the pathogen causing the plague. As a consequence, their temporary camps and settlements also led to the development of large populations of rats at various points along the Silk Road, making it easy for fleas to spread Yersinia pestis from one infected rat population to another. Some infected rats would have also been able to travel along the Silk Roads, hidden inside of 38 Ibid.: 163–176

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Michaela Binder

caravans. Eventually, the plague spread to humans along the Silk Road, early on reaching cities in Palestine and Syria such as Jerusalem and Damascus and then making its way into Europe. However, and this brings us back to bioarchaeology, there has long been debate as to whether bubonic plague was indeed the underlying disease that caused the Black Death in Europe. This is due to the fact that diagnosis of the disease based on historic records was not unambiguous. The final resolution of the problem was only achieved through the identification of DNA in the skeletons of plague victims recovered during archaeological excavations.39 A recent study employing novel techniques in aDNA-analysis further shed light on the origins and routes of transmission of the Black Death.40 The genome of the pathogen identified in individuals from selected plague cemeteries in Great Britain (Fig. 4), France and Germany showed close links to plague strains found in Asia. This provides the first unambiguous scientific evidence in support of the theory that the plague was indeed transmitted from Eastern and Central Asia via the Silk Roads. A second devastating disease event history which historic sources connect to travel and trade along the silk road is the “Antonine Plague” which de-populated large parts of the Roman Empire between 165–180 AD.41 Named after the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus who was reported to be amongst the plague’s victims, the epidemic severely affected the social, economic and political stability of the Roman Empire.42 It is assumed that the disease was carried by Chinese traders first to Parthia. During the Roman-Parthian wars of the 2nd century AD, Roman soldiers would have contracted the disease and carried it back to Roman heartlands. The cause of the disease is yet unclear but based on contemporary descriptions it seems most likely that it would have been smallpox. Smallpox had most likely been introduced into China by the Huns in the 3rd century BC where it caused several large scale epidemics in the following centuries.43 Nevertheless, the first unambiguous medical description of smallpox in China only dates to the 5th century AD. Consequently, the cause of many of these earlier epidemics including the Antonine plague still remains debated. Again, archaeological human remains and bioarchaeological studies could help to resolve this case. Unfortunately, the main problem up until now is that isolating DNA of the smallpox virus from archaeological human remains has so far only very rarely been achieved,44 which may be due to the fact that the viral DNA is very small and thus subject to easy degradation. However, science 39 40 41 42 43 44

Raoult et al. 2000; Drancourt et al. 2007; Haensch et al. 2010 Haensch et al. 2010 Duncan-Jones 1996 Fears 2004 Finer 2010: 19 E.g. Biagini et al. 2012

Plagues and Peoples – a Bioarchaeological Perspective on Trade Routes

25

Figure 5 Hygiene sticks preserving eggs of intestinal parasites recovered from a latrine at the Silk Road relay station Xuanquanzhi. Photo: Courtesy of I. Hui-yuan Yeh, reproduced from Yeh et al. 2016 with permission of the author.

is progressing very fast at the moment, and it is anticipated that a few years from now smallpox will be readily identifiable in the archaeological record. Transmission of diseases also worked in the other direction. Contrary to earlier theories attributing the spread of Leprosy, a contagious, chronic infectious disease caused by the pathogen Mycobacterium leprae, to migration from India around 500 BC,45 new biomolecular research draws a different picture. Using genomic information from ancient and modern DNA samples of the bacteria, the phylogeographic analysis indicates spread of the disease from the Eastern Mediterranean via Iran into China and then onwards to Korea and Japan.46 The Silk Roads appear to be the most likely route of transmission and spread of the disease. There is tentative paleopathological evidence with skeletal signs of leprosy in human remains from several Central Asian and Chinese sites,47 and it is possible that biomolecular research of these individuals will help shedding further light on the spread and transmission of leprosy in antiquity. Another example of disease transmission along the Silk Roads and how these processes can be detected by new bioarchaeological methods are the findings of endo-parasites from the Silk Road relay station at Xuanquanzhi in Gansu Province (111 BC –

45 Monot et al. 2005 46 Monot et al. 2009 47 C. A. Roberts, pers. comm. 2016

26

Michaela Binder

109 AD).48 The extraordinary environmental conditions in this dry, hot desert region of China allowed for the survival of a lot of organic materials, amongst them were hygiene sticks with remnants of human faeces recovered from a latrine. Paleoparasitological analysis recovered the eggs of several intestinal parasites including those of the Chinese liver fluke (Clonorchis sinensis, Fig. 5). Because the fluke needs wet, marshy conditions to complete its life cycle, it could have impossibly been endemic in the area of Xuanquanzhi. Based on the current distribution of the parasite, the nearest possible habitat would have been 1500 km away. Consequently, the eggs from the latrine at Xuanquanzhi could have only arrived at the relay station carried by a traveller infected with the disease.

Acknowledgements Thanks are due to the organisers of the 2nd Conference “Archaeology and Conservation along the Silk Road”, in particular, G. Krist, J. Yin, and X. Zhang, as well as the Austrian Archaeological Institute at the Austrian Academy of Sciences (Director S. Ladstätter). Furthermore, I would like to thank the scientists who kindly provided images for illustrating this article.

References

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Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau Abstract: Using the method of starch residue analysis, this study has recovered the early wheat and other plant remains from ancient sites. Xinjiang, as an important pathway connecting east and west, is a key area for the study on the eastward spread of early wheat to Central China. The new evidence of wheat starch found in this study has suggested that the wheat cultivation in Xinjiang is much earlier than the current date of around c.1800 BC from the Xiaohe cemetery. The wheat starch residue was recovered from the early section of Saensayi cemetery dated to the late 3rd millennium BC. This research has provided an effective way to recover the micro-botanic evidence from ancient artefacts. The acquired starch residue indicates the exploitation of multiple plants in prehistoric Xinjiang, including some medicinal plants. Keywords: Xinjiang, Bronze Age, Starch Residue, Wheat, Medicinal Plants

Introduction A number of critical issues have long been raised regarding the use of plants in the prehistory of Xinjiang. In the Tianshan Mountains of Xinjiang, Northwest China, it has been assumed that the main subsistence strategy throughout the Bronze Age was agriculture on the mountain foothills and along river courses.1 In later periods, agriculture presumably coexisted with nomadic pastoralism that entered the region.2 Nevertheless, the question of when, how and which crops or plants other than millets and wheat (Triticum aestivum) were being exploited in the prehistory of Xinjiang is still unclear. More critical to the study of development of ancient Chinese civilization is the spread of wheat farming into Central China, where the intensive agricultural economy was initiated around 2500 BC. Wheat-farming allowed ancient Chinese farmers to manage sufficient crop harvest in changing environments. To some extent, the spread of wheatfarming to Central China has contributed economically to the process of the development of social complexity during the late Neolithic, and subsequently triggered the early state formation in the history of China.3 Xinjiang as a key region retains many unan1 2 3

Chen and Hiebert 1995 Jianjun and Shell 1999 Liu and Chen 2003

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Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

swered questions in relation to the early interaction between the East and the West, and how wheat-farming dispersal from Central Asia through Xinjiang into the Yellow River Valley is one of them.4 The study of use of plants in the prehistory of Xinjiang, therefore, will provide more evidence for unfolding the stories of the early cultural interaction between ancient China and the West. Starch residue analysis was first applied to Xinjiang archaeology in the 1990s in conjunction with the study of the Chawuhugou cemetery.5 Using microscopic typological analysis, we were able to identify the dry seeds of millets, wheat and barley (Hordeum vulgare) seeds inside a pot, although this study was very preliminary. Starch residue analysis can be also used as a technique to examine the function of stone tools. For instance, a popular assumption has long been circulated in Chinese archaeology that grinding stone tools are usually served as an indicator of agriculture in archaeological contexts. The testing of these assumptions has been challenged by recent starch residue analyses.6 A large number of grinding stones has been found at many sites in Xinjiang, and again many people still believe that the grinding stones are direct indicators of the farming economy. So, what these grinding stones grinded needs to be clarified by starch residue analysis. To that end, this paper will present the analytical results of starch residue from several archaeological sites dated to c. 2300–1000 BC in Xinjiang (Fig. 1). Since this study is the first one to recover the plant residue from stone tools in this region, a general introduction of the methodology about starch residue analysis is due here.

Methodology Starch residue analysis involves four major processes: reference plant collection, ancient sample extraction, laboratory preparation, and microscope observation. Identification of starch residue requires a relatively complete reference. A database of modern starch grains from local plants is crucial in starch residue analysis.7 Thirty-four species of referent plants are collected from northern Tianshan Mountains (Table 1, 2) including 11 economic and 23 non-economic plants.

4 5 6 7

Betts, Jia, and Dodson 2014 Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology 1999: 431–415 Liu et al. 2010; Liu et al. 2013; Liu et al. 2011; Yang et al. 2012 Field 2006; Fullagar 2006

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis Family

33

Specices

Chinese

Plant Part

Sample No. Starch Presence

Leguminosae

Phaseolus calcaratus Roxb.

seed

BXY-11

abundant

Leguminosae

P. vulgaris L.

白巴 山豆 扁豆

seed

BXY-12

abundant

Leguminosae

Pisum sativum L.

豌豆

seed

BXY10

abundant

Leguminosae

Vigna radiata (L.) R. Wilczek

绿豆

seed

BXY-05

abundant

Poaceae

Avena sativa L.

燕麦

seed

BXY-01

abundant

Poaceae

Hordeum vulgare L.

青稞

seed

BXY-04

abundant

Poaceae

Panicum miliaceum L.

黍

seed

BXY-14

abundant

Poaceae

Sorghum bicolor (L.)

高梁

seed

BXY-13

abundant

Poaceae

Triticum aestivum L.

小麦

seed

BXY-08

abundant

Poaceae

T. aestivum L.

小麦

seed

BXY-09

abundant

Polygonaceae

Fagopyrum esculentum Moench

荞麦

seed

BXY-02

abundant

Economic

Non-Economic Apiaceae

Angelica brevicaulis B. Fedtsch

独活

root

JS-27

rare

Apiaceae

Bupleurum exaltaum M. Bieb

柴胡

root

JS-23

rare

Apiaceae

Ligusticum chuanxing S.H. Qiu

川穹

root

JS-29

abundant

Apiaceae

Notopterygium incisum Ting ex Ho-t. Chang Inula racemosa Hook. F.

羌活

root

JS-26

rare

木香

seed

JS-06

rare

党参

root

JS-21

rare

Asteraceae

Campanulaceae Codonopsis clematidea C.B. Clarke Cortinariaceae

Cortinarium hinnuleus Fr

灵芝

Cynomoriaceae Cynomorium coccineum L. subsp. Songari- 锁阳 cum (Rupr.) J. Leoard 核桃 Juglandaceae Juglans mandschurica Maxim

fungus

JS-20

rare

tuber

BXY-07

abundant

nut

RFE-03

rare

黄芪

root

BX-12

abundant

Leguminosae

Astragalus membranaceus Bunge var mongholicus (Bunge) P.K. Hsiao Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fisch. Ex DC.

甘草

seed

JS-24

abundant

Pinaceae

Picea schrenkiana Fisch. & Mey

云杉

seed

JS-13

rare

Pinaceae

Pinus koraiensis Siebold & Zucc

红松

seed

RFE-01

abundant

Pinaceae

P. pumila Regel

矮松

seed

RFE-02

rare

Polygonaceae

Rheum wittrockii Lundstrom

大黄

root

JS-14

abundant

Rosaceae

Crataegus altaica (Loudon) Lange

山楂

root

JS-25

abundant

Scrophulariaceae

Cistanche deserticola Ma

大芸

stem

JS-22

abundant

Leguminosae

Table 1 Results of the starch data from the comparative reference collection, including family, Latin scientific name, plant part and presence or absence of starch grains. Starch Abundance is classified as absent (0 grains observed/microscope slide), rare (50 grains/microscope slide).

34

Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

Family

Species

Sample No.

N

Mean

SD

Median

Range (μm)

Economic

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Leguminosae

Phaseolus calcaratus

BXY-11

115

22.97

11.32

23.03

4.25-55.51

Leguminosae

Phaseolus vulgaris

BXY-12

164

17.23

8.65

16.15

3.42-40.47

Leguminosae

Pisum sativum

BXY-10

117

21.56

7.15

20.77

6.84-41.28

Leguminosae

Vigna radiata

BXY-05

133

19.17

6.63

19.45

4.80-33.06

Poaceae

Avena sativa

BXY-01

111

6.19

1.65

6.09

2.81-13.39

Poaceae

Hordeum vulgare

BXY-04

114

7.68

6.08

4.72

1.36-28.50

Poaceae

Panicum miliaceum

BXY-14

133

7.48

1.52

7.65

3.20-10.92

Poaceae

Sorghum bicolor

BXY-13

131

11.34

5.59

10.63

1.80-23.07

Poaceae

Triticum aestivum

BXY-08

116

7.14

4.76

5.57

2.07-25.44

179

6.94

5.21

5.30

2.41-26.56

 

 

 

 

 

Poaceae

Triticum aestivum

BXY-09

Non-Economic

 

 

Apiaceae

Ligusticum chuanxiong

JS-29

107

7.17

2.80

6.80

1.80-16.32

Cynomoriaceae

Cynomorium coccineum subsp. songaricum

BXY-07

123

14.58

5.85

14.47

3.31-25.78

Leguminosae

Astragalus membranaceus var mongholicus

BX-12

102

3.43

1.15

3.38

1.29-6.95

Leguminosae

Glycyrrhiza uralensis

JS-24

120

3.73

1.77

3.19

1.52-10.42

Pinaceae

Pinus koraiensis

RFE-01

105

2.82

0.92

2.63

1.45-5.61

Polygonaceae

Fagopyrum esculentum

BXY-02

113

6.44

2.41

6.07

2.52-12.94

Rosaceae

Crataegus altaica

JS-25

114

4.51

1.46

4.59

1.31-7.73

Scrophulariaceae

Cistanche deserticola

JS-22

159

19.32

10.85

17.02

3.22-58.07

Table 2 Measurement data for the maximum length of starch grains (μm) of the comparative reference material used in this project, displaying number of grains measured in the sample, mean and median values for starch grain sizes.

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

35

Figure 1 Locations of the sites selected for starch residue analysis. Drawing using ArcGIS 10.3n: © Peter Weiming Jia.

Four archaeological sites, Kalasu,8 Saensayi,9 Luanzagangzi,10 and Adunqiaolu,11 were selected for starch residue analysis along with the accessible stone tools. All these sites are distributed along the Tianshan Mountains (Fig. 1). The sampling process for the Kalasu site and Saensayi cemetery is undertaken at the Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology at Urumqi. For Luanzagangzi and Adunqiaolu the samples were directly collected from the field excavation. Morphological identification indicates that these stone tools are grindstones and pestles, possibly used for processing plant seeds. The tools were cleaned with nylon brush.

8 9 10 11

Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology 2008 Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology 2013 Jia, Betts, and Wu 2011 Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (IACASS), Bortala Mongolian Autonomous Prefectural Museum, Wenquan County Bureau of Cultural Relics 2015

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Starch free gloves were used throughout the extracting process to avoid any possible contamination.12

Modern Plant Collection and Microscopic Observation So far, a database of modern starch reference in Xinjiang has not been fully established. The starch reference used in this study was collected in the past years, including 34 species, some from Gansu Agricultural University, some from the botanical gardens, and some directly from the field on the northern slope of the Eastern Tianshan Mountains, near the Quanzijie Street in Jimusar County. These include different plant species, such as cereal, legumes, nuts, and some tuber and stem plants like Cistanche (Cistanche deserticola) provided by Dr. Feng Ying.13 The starch granules contained in different plants present various characteristics in size, shape, and structure. Generally speaking, the starch granules from economic cereal, medicinal herbs, and pine nut appear to be very small particles, but legumes (Leguminosae family) and two medicinal herbs like Herba Cynomorii (Cynomorium songaricum, Suo Yang (锁阳 in Chinese), and Cistanche contain relatively large particles of starch granule. Starch grains of barley consist of two major types or two size groups; one group is relatively small and another quite large. Starch granules of Cistanche appear to have a broad spectrum of size, the large ones of which are between 40–58 µm. The shape and formal characteristics of the starch of legumes such as ricebean (Vigna umbellata), and pea (Pisum sativum) differ from those of the others. These starch grains of reference plants show some similarities.

Leguminosae Family The starch granules of the leguminosae family tend to be oval and circular in shape, and some in kidney shape (Phaseolus sp., Pisum sativum and Vigna radiata). The hilum is usually located at the centre, with radiating long and thin grooves on the surface of starch granules which are sometimes visible.

Grasses Family (Poaceae) Starch granules of grasses (Fig. 2) are generally circular or nearly circular, with the hilum located at the centre. Many species of Poaceae starch grains, like oat (Avena sativa), 12 13

Fullagar 2006 Dr. Ying Feng at the Natural Museum of Institute of Geography, Xinjiang Branch of Chinese Academy of Sciences identified the botanic names of the reference collection.

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

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Figure 2 Poaceae starch: Avena sativa (A), Single grain particles found (B), Hordeum vulgare (C, D), Panicum miliaceum (E), Sorghum bicolour (F), Triticum aestivum (G, H, I). Photo: © Florence M. Chau.

broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum) as well as sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) show a polyhedron form. Some grassy starch also has a radiating hilum point. The polygon may be due to the closely arranged starch granules inside the plant cells. On many starch grains the hilum points of the surface, such as sorghum, millet, and barley, folds and grooves are visible. Of barley, sorghum, and wheat, the starch grains display concentric circles, but of oat and broomcorn millet, those do not show concentric circles. Starch granules of oat are the only type featuring complex particle structure (Fig. 2: A) in the grass family. Isolated oat starch granules may be formed during the grinding process (Fig. 2: B). Except for barley and sorghum, the sizes of the starch granules of most grass plants are very close (Fig. 2). As for wheat, although its sizes are very concentrated, the distance between the largest and smallest ones is rather great. This is likely due to the bimodal distribution of the particles, that is – the formation of large and small groups (Fig. 2: G). Moreover, the starch grains of wheat are often located in the periphery (Fig. 2: G). All

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Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

these typological characteristics of wheat starch granules provide much more chance than the other to identify them from ancient residues.

Ancient Starch Samples and Stone Tools The sample collection was conducted from 2007 to 2010. From the ancient objects only a small number of starch granules were acquired. E.g., at Kalasu 23 samples were collected from eleven stone tools but only seven (29%) samples (09XJ003-2, 09XJ009-1, 09XJ0092, 09XJ010-1 and 09XJ010-2) were found to contain starch residue. Cleaning the surface of the samples after the stone tools were unearthed may have reduced the chance of starch residue recovery.14

Findings Starch residue was recovered from samples collected from four sites. At Luanzagangzi two specimens JQLY07-06 and JQLY07-07 collected from the stone tools of JQLYT1⑧:2 and JQLYT1⑨:2 contain starch granules. Starch granules are also found on two grinding stones unearthed from Burial No. 38 at the Saensayi cemetery.15 At the Kalasu site starch residue was recovered from three grinding stones (07YNKF1: 56, 07YNK4: 1 and 07YNKF1: 59) unearthed from a dwelling (F1). One grinding stone was selected for recovering starch residue. After typological comparison with the modern starch data, the starch granules found from ancient sites can be preliminarily identified as wheat, barley and other cereals. The identifiable plants also include the leguminosae family such as beans possibly belonging to adzuki bean (Vigna angularis), common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), or mung bean (Vigna radiata). Some stem and tuber starchy plants like Cistanche and Herba Cynomorii are also discovered.

Wheat Wheat starch residue was recovered from six samples, among which two were collected from a stone mortar and one from a grinding stone found in Burial No. 38 at the Saensayi cemetery (Fig. 3). Other four samples were collected from three grinding stones found in a house pit at the Kalasu site.

14 Six stone artefacts from the Saensayi cemetery are not cleaned; 16 of 23 samples (70%) were found to contain starch residues. 15 Jia 2013: 224–235

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

39

Figure 3 Wheat starch recovered from a stone mortar (Upper left) and a grinding stone (Upper right) from Burial No. 38 at the Saensayi cemetery. Bottom images are the ancient wheat starch from the Xiaohe cemetery as reference in the same period. Photo: © Florence M. Chau.

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Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

Figure 4 Wheat starch recovered from the grinding stone at the Kalasu site: A. 09XJ0112; B. 09XJ010-1; C. starch granules of modern Triticum aestivum. Photo: © Florence M. Chau.

Barley Some starch granules similar to wheat have been preliminarily determined as barley found on the stone tools from the Kalasu site. The main distinguishing feature between wheat and barley starch is that wheat starch is usually comprised of a lot of granules gathered in a pile, which is rarely seen in barley starch. A large polarizing effect for wheat starch granules is a very clear cross compared with the form of a large dark area for barley starch. In addition, wheat starch grain tends to be more rounded, nearly spherical, while barley is relatively flat (Fig. 4).

Other Cereals In comparison with the reference plants, the small particles with a multilateral/ polyhedral shape are likely to be the starch grains of millets – either broomcorn millet or foxtail millet (Setaria italica), and some are similar to the starch grains of oat. Some of larger starch grains may be the residue of sorghum or buckwheat (Fagopyrum esculentum).

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

41

Unlike wheat and barley, the number of the cereal starch granules is very limited, the distinguishing feature is not obvious, and the identity of the starch grains is quite vague. Further evidence of large seeds is needed to support these findings. In addition, the cultivation of sorghum at early archaeological sites is rather controversial, and it also demands more evidence as well in the future.

Beans (Leguminosae) Some starch granules, such as those from sample 09XJ010 – possibly similar to the haricot bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), mung bean, garden pea (Pisum sativum), adzuki bean (Fig. 5), can be attributed to the bean group, but again, it is difficult to identify which bean they belong to based only on limited number. Figure 5 Ancient bean starch grains recovered from Sample 09XJ 010. Photo: © Florence M. Chau.

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Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

Figure 6 Possible Cynomorium songaricum starch grains found on the stone tools at the Kalasu site (1, 3, 4 – Sample 09XJ010-1; 2 – from 09XJ009-2; 5, 6 – reference plants). Photo: © Florence M. Chau.

Medicinal Plants Some starch granules recovered from ancient artefacts clearly point to some medicinal plants, e.g. Herba Cynomorii (Fig. 6) and Cistanche (Fig. 7), which have been used in Chinese medicine for thousands of years. The Herba Cynomorii starch grains tend to be round with medium sizes and usually topped with a centric hilum (Fig. 6: 5, 6). The starch grains recovered from Kalasu are similar to Herba Cynomorii starch grains (Fig. 6: 1–4). The Cistanche starch grains of reference plants are quite unique. They have a wide range of size from less than 5 μm to over 57 μm. The grains are like egg with eccentric hilums. And the hilums tend to be large and have visible fissure. The lamellae are clearly present on the surface and crossed by radiating wrinkles. The starch grains have a compound form of a large egg shape joining another small one, but sometimes a few small egg shapes bound to each other. Once the bound grains are separated they can leave a binding mark on the surface (Fig. 7: A, B). Cistanche has been identified from two sites, Adunqiaolu and Luanzagangzi. Comparing the ancient starch granules with those of reference plants, we find that the ancient granules are varied in form, more likely deformed during the grinding process. For instance, one granule from Adunnqiaolu seems to be flatted somehow (Fig. 7: C, F), and

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

43

Figure 7 Starch grains of Cistanche deserticola: A, B samples of reference plants; C, D, E, F samples from the Adunqiaolu site; G, H, I samples from the Luanzagangzi site. Photo: © Peter Weiming Jia.

a few from Luanzagangzi appears to be deformed and also flattened (Fig. 7: G, H). All these deformations are very likely to be the result of the external force during the food processing. It is possible that the granules become deformed and flattened during the grinding or pounding process.

Discussion This study has suggested that various plants were exploited in Xinjiang from the late 3rd to the end of 2nd millennium BC. The cereals identified through the starch residue analysis contain wheat, barley, millets, and various beans (possibly haricot bean, mung bean, garden pea, and adzuki bean), indicating a diversity of agricultural economy in the prehistory. All the crops are still cultivated in the regions of Xinjiang and Central Asia today. Two specific dry land plants, Herba Cynomorii and Cistanche, were likely exploited (Table 3).

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Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

Date

Adunqiaolu

Saensay Cemetery

Kalasu

Luanzagangzi

c.1600 BC - 2000 BC

c.800 BC - 1300 BC

c.1800BC - 2200BC

c. 1700BC

Wheat (Triticum aestivum)

√

√

Barley (Hordeum vulgare)

√

√

Oats (Avena sativa)

√

Foxtail millet (Setaria italic)

√

√

Broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum),

√

√

Beans (Leguminosae) includes Haricot bean (Phaseolus vulgaris) Mung bean (Vigna radiata) Garden pea (Pisum sativum) Adzuki bean (Phaseolus calcaratus)

√

Suo-Yang (Songaria Cynomorium) Da-Yun (Cistanche deserticola ) Archaeological Property

√ √ Qiemuerqiek /Andronovo

√ Qiemuerqiek

Andronovo

Luanzagangzi

Table 3 Archaeological sites with starch residue recoveries.

What the starch evidence of this study has presented is that the starch residue analysis has shed light on the early wheat and barley cultivation. The starch evidence found in Burial No. 38 at the Saensayi cemetery implies that the date of wheat and barley cultivation in the Tianshan Mountains is no later than the late 3rd millennium BC. Having a close look at the early phase of the Saensayi cemetery, particularly Burial No. 38, we find some similarities of the ritual practice and material culture to those of the Chemurchek culture found in the Altai region dated to around 2400 BC.16 This early Bronze Age remain is believed to have a close relation with Xiaohe in the south and Tianshanbeilu in the east. The wheat starch residue has shown a possible route, through which wheat farming came from the Altai region moved southward across Tianshan, and eastward to the Hami region, and then further eastward during the early Bronze Age. The starch evidence also provides that during the late Bronze Age to the wheat and barley cultivation was added oat and various beans from Central Asia. Moreover, the millets from east, that is, the Yellow River Valley, as evidenced by the starch residue recovered from the Kalasu and Luanzagangzi sites17, arrived in Xinjiang almost in the same period. In addition, various starch evidence implies that prehistoric people in Xinjiang were well-adapted to local environments by modifying their economic activities. For instance, 16 Jia and Betts 2010 17 Jia, Betts, and Wu 2011

Early Wheat Cultivation and Plant Use in Xinjiang Prehistory – New Evidence from Starch Analysis

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Figure 8 A dwelling discovered at the Kalasu site. Photo: © Florence M. Chau, Peter Weiming Jia.

the characteristics of dwelling and pottery sherds unearthed from the Kalasu site are very close to the Andronovo culture. Although its economy is based mainly on agropastoralism at the very early stage before expansion, it is traditionally considered to be livestock-based economy after expansion to the southern and eastern Central Asia. The Andronovo remains found at the Kalasu site present a kind of economy where multicrop cultivation economy prevails (Fig. 8). Similar discoveries with much lesser crop cultivation have been reported at the Tasbas site of eastern Kazakhstan around 400 km west of Kalasu, suggesting that the same group of people were adapted to a diversity of environmental settings. 18 In the Semirech’ye region in south-eastern Kazakhstan, a carbonized wheat grain was discovered in an ash-pit next to the burials at the Begash site dated to the late 3rd to the early 2nd millennium BC (2460–1950 cal BC).19 Together with Kalasu and Saensayi, Tasbas and Begash sites may be some points of a route of eastern expansion of wheat farming along the Tianshan corridor further east.20 Herba Cynomorii and Cistanche, which were recovered from Adunqiaolu and Luanzagangzi through the starch residue analysis, have been used in Chinese traditional herbal medicine for thousands of years. Herba Cynomorii is one of the most commonly

18 Spengler, Frachetti, and Domani 2014 19 Frachetti et al. 2010 20 Frachetti and Mar’yashev 2007

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Peter Weiming Jia, Florence M. Chau

used ‘potency-invigorating’ Chinese traditional medicine,21 in pharmaceutical practice prescribed for treating lumbar weakness and enhancing sexual ability for both men and women.22 It is mainly distributed across the dry and deserted areas of Central Asia and Western China, including Xinjiang, Qinghai, Gansu, Ningxia, Inner Mongolia, and Shanxi province. Cistanche, a common tonic herb which grows in desert, exhibits marked activities for improving memory and/ or sexual potency. It has been used in treating kidney-deficiency syndrome in Chinese traditional medicine.23 The ancient starch grains of the two medicinal plants are the earliest evidence of exploiting these plants in this region, possibly for both food and medicine.

Acknowledgements This study is supported by CSC seeds fund. Florence Zhau, a student from University of Sydney, conducted some microscopic analysis and starch photomicrographs. Junfeng Ma from Bureau of Cultural Relics, Yuquan Ma from Quanzijie Township of Jimsar County, and Yining Xue from Beijing University, collected modern reference plants. Feng Ying from Natural Museum of Institute of Geography, Xinjiang Branch of Chinese Academy of Sciences, identified the botanic names of the reference plants. Yangying Liang from Beijing University and Chang Liu from Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Science, participated in the collection of ancient samples. Yuzhong Zhang, Yong Wu, and Qiurong Ruan from Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology have fully supported this study.

References

Betts, Alison, Peter Weiming Jia, and John Dodson. 2014. The origins of wheat in China and potential pathways for its introduction: A review. Quaternary International 348. Elsevier: 158–168. doi: 10.1016/j.quaint.2013.07.044. Chen, Jihang, Hoi Shan Wong, and Kam Ming Ko. 2014. Ursolic Acid-enriched herba cynomorii extract induces mitochondrial uncoupling and glutathione redox cycling through mitochondrial reactive oxygen species generation: protection against menadione cytotoxicity in h9c2 cells. Molecules 19 (2): 1576–1591. doi: 10.3390/molecules19021576. Chen, Kwang-tzuu, and Fredrik T. Hiebert. 1995. The Late Prehistory of Xinjiang in Relation to Its Neighbors. Journal of World Prehistory 9 (2). Springer: 243–300. Chinese Medicine Division of Department of Health of Hong Kong. 2014a. Cynomorii Herba. 21

Chinese Medicine Division of Department of Health of Hong Kong 2014a; Chinese Medicine Division of Department of Health of Hong Kong 2014b 22 Chen, Wong, and Ko 2014 23 Qiu et al. 2008

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http://www.cmd.gov.hk/html/b5/service/hkcmms/vol6/eng/25-Cynomorii%20Herba.pdf (viewed on 24.07.2014). Chinese Medicine Division of Department of Health of Hong Kong. 2014b. Cistanches Herba. http://www.cmd.gov.hk/html/b5/service/hkcmms/vol4/Vol4_pdf_English/D_ Monographs/06-Cistanches%20Herba.pdf (viewed on 24.07.2014). Field, J. 2006. Reference Collection. In: Ancient Starch Research, eds. Robin Torrence, and Huw Barton, vol. 26, 95–113. California, Walnut Creek. Frachetti, Michael D., and Alexei N. Mar’yashev. 2007. Long- Term Occupation and Seasonal Settlement of Eastern Eurasian Pastoralists at Begash, Kazakhstan. Journal of Field Archaeology 32 (3): 221–242. doi: 10.1179/009346907791071520. Frachetti, Michael D., Robert N. Spengler, Gayle J. Fritz, and Alexei N. Mar’yashev. 2010. Earliest direct evidence for broomcorn millet and wheat in the central Eurasian steppe region. Antiquity 84 (326): 993–1010. doi: 10.1017/S0003598X0006703X. Fullagar, Richard. 2006. Starch on artefacts. In: Ancient Starch Research, eds. Robin Torrence, and Huw Barton, vol. 26, California, Walnut Creek. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (IACASS), Bortala Mongolian Autonomous Prefectural Museum, Wenquan County Bureau of Cultural Relics. 2015. The Adunqiaolu Site and Cemetery in Wenquan County, Xinjiang (新疆温泉县阿敦乔鲁遗址与墓 地). Kaogu(考古)1: 27–32. Jia, Peter Wei Ming, and Alison V. G. Betts. 2010. A re-analysis of the Qiemu’erqieke (Shamirshak) cemeteries, Xinjiang, China. Journal of Indo-European Studies 38 (3&4): 275–317. Jia, Peter Weiming, Alison Betts, and Xinhua Wu. 2011. New evidence for Bronze Age agricultural settlements in the Zhunge’er (Junggar) Basin, China. Journal of Field Archaeology 36 (4): 269–280. doi: 10.1179/009346911X13140904382057. Jia, Weiming. 2013. A report of analysis of the starch residue from the Saensayi Cemetery (萨恩 萨伊墓地淀粉残留物分析报告). In: Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, ed. The Saensayi Cemetery of Xinjiang (新疆萨恩萨伊墓地). Beijing: Wenwu Press. Jianjun, Mei, and Colin Shell. 1999. The existence of Andronovo cultural influence in Xinjiang during the 2nd millennium BC. Antiquity 73 (281): 570–578. doi: 10.1017/S0003598X00065121. Liu, Li, and Xingcan Chen. 2003. State Formation in Early China. London: Duckworth. Liu, Li, and Xingcan Chen. 2012. The Archaeology of China: From the Late Palaeolithic to the Early Bronze Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Liu, Li, Judith Field, Richard Fullagar, Sheahan Bestel, Xingcan Chen, and Xiaolin Ma. 2010. What did grinding stone grind? New light on Early Neolithic subsistence economy in the Middle Yellow River Valley, China. Antiquity 84 (325): 816–833. doi: 10.1017/S0003598X00100249. Liu, Li, Sheahan Bestel, Jinming Shi, Yanhua Song, and Xingcan Chen. 2013. Palaeolithic human exploitation of plant foods during the last glacial maximum in North China. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 110 (14): 5380–5385. doi: 10.1073/ pnas.1217864110. Liu, Li, Wei Ge, Sheahan Bestel, Duncan Jones, Jinming Shi, Yanhua Song, and Xingcan Chen. 2011. Plant exploitation of the last foragers at Shizitan in the Middle Yellow River Valley China:

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evidence from grinding stones. Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (12). Elsevier: 3524–3532. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2011.08.015. Qiu, Yunping, Minjun Chen, Mingming Su, Guoxiang Xie, Xin Li, Mingmei Zhou, Aihua Zhao, Jian Jiang, and Wei Jia. 2008. Metabolic profiling reveals therapeutic effects of Herba Cistanches in an animal model of hydrocortisone-induced ‘kidney-deficiency syndrome’. Chinese Medicine (Open Access Journal) 3 (10). doi: 10.1186/1749-8546-3-3. Spengler III, Robert N., Michael D. Frachetti, and Paula N. Domani. 2014. Late Bronze Age agriculture at Tasbas in the Dzhungar Mountains of eastern Kazakhstan. Quaternary International 348. Elsevier: 147–157. doi: 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.03.039. Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology. 1999. Xinjiang Chawuhu – A Report on the excavation of a large clan cemetery (新疆察吾呼-大型氏族墓地发掘报告). Beijing: Dongfang Chubanshe. Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology. 2008. Brief report on the Kalasu site, Nileke County, Xinjiang (尼勒克县喀拉苏遗址考古发掘简报). Xinjiang Relics (新疆文物) 3-4: 33–43. Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology. 2013. Xinjiang Saensayi Cemetery《新疆萨 恩萨伊墓地》. Beijing: Relics Press. Yang, Xiaoyan, Jianping Zhang, Linda Perry, Zhikun Ma, Zhiwei Wan, Mingqi Li, Xianmin Diao, and Houyuan Lu. 2012. From the modern to the archaeological: starch grains from millets and their wild relatives in China. Journal of Archaeological Science 39 (2). Elsevier: 247– 254. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2011.09.001.

Ganch as Historical Building Material and the Kundal Wall Painting Technique in the Mausoleum Ishrat Khana, Samarkand, Uzbekistan

Steffen Laue, Pamela Kleinmann Abstract: The building material Ganch and Kundal wall painting technique of the mausoleum Ishrat Khana (constructed in 1464) were investigated in detail to prepare an appropriate concept for conservation and restoration of the structure and the decorating surfaces. Ganch is a local name of a building material which was often used as plaster, mortar and levelling coat to construct buildings and monuments or as ground, relief and stucco to decorate surfaces. In this study, Ganch from the Ishrat Khana mausoleum was analysed in detail to understand the binder, aggregates and structures of this typical building material in Central Asia. Ganch consists of low burned gypsum as a binder and aggregates of marl (quartz, clay minerals, feldspar, mica, and calcite). Kundal wall painting technique is a kind of gilded relief painting to decorate surfaces. Kundal murals are dominated by gold and blue, with additions of white, red, green, purple and other colours for flowers and leaf tendrils. Kundal paintings have parts of gilded ornaments. In Ishrat Khana, three different layering sequences of the Kundal paintings could be distinguished and are presented in this paper. Keywords: Samarkand, Ishrat Khana, Ganch, Gypsum Plaster, Kundal Wall Painting Technique

Introduction Since 2004, the departments of Architecture, Conservation and Restoration and Civil Engineering at the University of Applied Sciences Potsdam have been involved in several interdisciplinary conservation and restoration projects in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Examples are the conservation and restoration of the mausoleum Shadi-Mulk-Aga in Samarkand and the conservation of tiles at the Medrese Abdul-Aziz-Khan in Buchara. Starting with a summer school in 2007,1 the Ishrat Khana mausoleum in Samarkand attracted attention to the research activities of the University of Applied Sciences. During a research project between 2009 and 2013, supported by the German Foreign Office, 1

Dorner et al. 2009

50

Steffen Laue, Pamela Kleinmann

the German Academic Exchange Service, the Gerda Henkel Foundation, and the Volkswagen Foundation, the building materials and wall paintings of the mausoleum were investigated extensively to prepare an appropriate conservation plan for the structure and the decorating surfaces. In this paper, we present the studies on the plaster and mortar material Ganch and the wall painting technique Kundal, which were applied in the Ishrat Khana mausoleum as well as in many other historical buildings in Central Asia. Ganch (so-termed by the local artists and craftsmen) is an almost white building material which was and is frequently used for plasters, joint mortars and stucco in buildings in Uzbekistan. It is described as a gypsum plaster2 but it is not clear exactly which binders and aggregates it contains and what the binder/ aggregate ratio of the material used in different performances is. The Kundal wall painting technique is a gilded relief technique. In Uzbekistan, several monuments with kundal-painted interiors survive from the period between 1450 and 1650 when this specific kind of painting was executed in eminent monuments like mosques, mausoleums or koran schools.3 In Ishrat Khana, Kundal wall paintings exist in several rooms on which we focus in this paper.

Mausoleum Ishrat Khana The Ishrat Khana mausoleum (Fig. 1) is the most prominent protected monument in Samarkand; it is located South of the town centre in an artfully designed garden. The mausoleum consists of brick masonry with decorative surfaces like wall paintings and glazed bricks. Badly damaged by two earthquakes and then left to fall into further disrepair for more than 100 years, the Ishrat Khana mausoleum offered a fascinating opportunity to undertake a direct study of the building materials, and structural details are revealed. Some remains of the original rich interior decoration are also retained, like Kundal wall paintings and polychrome stucco (e.g. “stalactite” ornaments). Habibah Sultan Begum, the oldest wife of the last Timurid ruler Abu Said (1451–69), commissioned the mausoleum in 1464 for her deceased daughter. The Ishrat Khana was subsequently used as a mausoleum for the royal wives of the Timurid ruling dynasty. Historical excavations uncovered the graves of 20 women in an underground cruciform burial chamber.4 The layout of the complex today is dominated by the prominent pishtak (a towering walled section crowning a portal, see Fig. 1). The damaged portal of the mausoleum is 17 2 3 4

Brandenburg 1972; Vinner 1953 Kleinmann 2012 Pugachenkova 1963

The Mausoleum Ishrat Khana, Samarkand, Uzbekistan

51

Figure 1 Mausoleum Ishrat Khana, front view in 2010. Photo: Steffen Laue.

m wide and 20 m high. Despite the serious dilapidation of the building, the whole structure could be seen clearly. The building is laid out following a rectangular ground plan (Fig. 2). This was the typical plan of a single-room mausoleum with a square floor plan and two-side aisles. The roof structure consisted of several flattened domes. The most significant design element, however, was the central dome with its towering tambour (the cylindrical support for a dome) above the main central room of the mausoleum.5 In 1860, an earthquake caused the destruction of the dome, and the earthquake of 1903 destroyed the ceiling vaults. Since then the rooms with their decorations have been left open to erosion by weather. However, there has been a long, substantial scientific interest in the ruins of Ishrat Khana and their contents.6 Today, the Ishrat Khana mausoleum is in a decomposed state (see Fig. 1) which allowed for the detailed investigation of the structure and the materials of the building, like ganch and the kundal wall painting technique.

5 6

Brandenburg 1972 Pugachenkova 1963

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Figure 2 Ground plan of the mausoleum Ishrat Khana and the sample locations, modified from Pugachenkova 1963. Draft: Pamela Kleinmann.

Analytical Methods During this project, the materials and techniques were studied in detail starting with a digital documentation. The new plans were used for mapping the building materials and the damage. Samples were taken, and the materials were studied in detail. Combined different analytical methods give evidence to the composition and structure of plasters and mortars. The structure and aggregates of the plasters were analysed by polarising light microscopy (PLM)7 in the form of thin-sections which had been impregnated with blue coloured resins. In order to identify the crystalline and mineralogical phases of the binders and aggregates, X-ray diffraction (XRD) was carried out. Quantita-

7

BX51 Olympus

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tive analyses of gypsum and calcite were determined with a simultaneous thermogravimetry/ differential scanning calorimetry (TGA/ DSC) using powdered sample materials. Detailed studies and mapping of the Kundal wall paintings were executed in situ.8 Wall painting samples were embedded in Technovit® 2000LC, grinded and polished. Images of cross-sections were taken using a microscope9 in dark field mode and under ultraviolet illumination. Pigment analyses were executed by PLM, microchemistry and portable X-ray fluorescence (p-XRF)10. Gilded surfaces could be detected on samples by p-XRF.

Results Ganch In Ishrat Khana, Ganch was used as plaster, levelling coat, joint mortar, relief plaster, stucco, and ground for wall paintings and glazed bricks.11 14 samples were analysed by PLM in the form of thin-sections, XRD, TGA/ DSC and by chemistry defining the compositions of Ganch. The investigation of thin-sections could demonstrate clearly that gypsum is the binder and calcite (lime) was not used as a binder but was added together with quartz, feldspar, mica and clay minerals as aggregates, meaning marl is the aggregate material (see Fig. 3). The soils around Ishrat Khana consist of marl. The analyses demonstrate that Ganch materials applied in Ishrat Khana exist in broad variations (40–62%) in the quantity of gypsum (binder) resulting in binder/ aggregate ratios between 0,6 and 1,4.12 By trend in relief plaster and stucco, the content of gypsum is a little higher than in plaster and joint materials. As almost no anhydrite (CaSO4) could be detected by XRD, and because of the typical crystallization structure of gypsum in the thin-sections (see Fig. 3), it can be inferred that gypsum was probably burned using low temperatures up to around 200°C to produce the binding material.

8 9 10 11 12

Kleinmann 2011 BX51 Olympus Niton XL3t (Thermo Electron) For definitions: Weyer et al. 2015 Further details: Laue and Kamilov 2016

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Figure 3 Thin-section of Ganch, sample 1, gypsum (G) is the binder and calcite (C), quartz, feldspar, clay minerals, and mica (M) are the aggregates. Photo: Steffen Laue.

Kundal Wall Painting Technique The term kundal was first used in specialist literature in 1928 by the Russian painter I. K. Mročkovskij, one of the first scientists who studied interior ornamentation of the Temurid structures in Uzbekistan. From Abdukadir Bakiev, the Samarkand master, Mročkovskij learned that kundal refers to the type of relief mural painting he found in the Ak-Sarai mausoleum in Samarkand; according to Bakiev, the word kundal means roll – similar to a bulge on a patterned brocade.13 In fact, the murals resemble a wall curtain of precious brocade with slightly raised ornament in gold thread on blue silk. Apparently, creating semblance to brocade was the intention that resulted in the emergence of this technique. Play of light and shade is the basic principle in the architectural ornamentation of Islamic art, which was also important for the kundal technique. Light streaming into the room through the window lattice

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Mročkovskij 1925

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Figure 4 Reconstructed kundal painting in the Ak-Sarai mausoleum in Samarkand, built around 1470. Photo: Pamela Kleinmann.

was reflected by curved gilded elements at different angles, making the room sparkle and shimmer (Fig. 4). Kundal murals are characterized by picturesque design and usually a great variety of forms. Ornamentation is predominantly vegetable, yet geometric shapes can also be found – medallions and cartouches create an interesting contrast with vegetable designs. Epigraphic ornaments appear as belts or inscription-cartouches, often forming a single intertwined signature. Vegetable designs are stylized. One can find different forms of flowers and leaves, including lotus flowers, peonies, and chrysanthemums, in full bloom or in buds (Fig. 5). Floral motifs are often connected by shoots in the form of arabesques.14 Kundal murals are dominated by gold and blue, with additions of white, red, green, purple and other colours for flowers and leaf tendrils. Gilded and coloured ornaments are created in fine drawing with black outline. Unlike other Central Asian relief mural techniques, where relief is created with plaster or papier-mâché, the bulges in kundal are 14 Kleinmann 2011

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Figure 5 Flowers and leaves of kundal wall painting in Ishrat Khana, image length ca. 60 cm. Photo: Steffen Laue

made of kyzyl-kessak. Kyzyl-kessak is a red ochre containing iron and fine grained silicates (e.g. clay). It is still mined today in several places; for instance, in the vicinity of Gijduvan town (Bukhara Province). As a polyment in gilding technique common in Europe, kyzyl-kessak also functions as a primer for gold coatings. Kundal relief is a few millimeters high, and the height can vary substantially within one mural. Besides, kundal paintings always have parts of gilded ornament, which are flat and show no bulging.15 In Ishrat Khana, Kundal wall paintings are present in the South-Eastern gallery (rooms 3, 4 and 5 – see Fig. 2). Additionally, some remains of paintings exist in protected areas in the main chamber (room 1). Today, the paintings are in different states of preservation, most of them are matured. Nearly no gilding is visible, but gold (Au) could be determined by p-XRF measurements. In the South-Eastern gallery, soffits and pendentives are decorated with slightly raised ornaments, while gilded patterns on the vertical surfaces of walls are flat. In some areas, it is impossible to clearly isolate kundal from other flat kinds of mural paintings which also show kyzyl-kessak as a primer for gilding, but the primer was flat, rather than raised.16 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid.

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Detailed studies of the paintings preserved in the South-Eastern gallery and the main chamber of the Ishrat Khana mausoleum identified three different options/ techniques of layering (A, B, and C – see Fig. 6):

Figure 6 Design and structures of options A, B, and C. Drawings and photos: Pamela Kleinmann.

Option A: Layering with White Primer (Layers are Numbered from Bottom to Top) No. 0 1 2 3 4 5

Layer Description Plaster (primer for painting) White layer (primer, partially with pre-notching) Partially applied black coat of paint (preliminary drawing for ornaments) Red coat (ornaments, under-liner for gold, partly multi-layered and slightly raised) Dark-red coat (adhesive layer for gilding) Gold (on red ornaments)

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Blue paint (between golden ornaments) Coat of deep-blue or other colours (ornaments on light-blue coat) Black coat of paint (very thin, within drawing and outlining for the golden ornaments)

This layering sequence is found in the South-East gallery of the Ishrat Khana mausoleum on the soffits, pendentives, and domes. Such a sequence was also identified in the Balyand mosque paintings in Bukhara. Option B: Layering with White Primer and a Laminary Coat of Light-Blue Paint No. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Layer Description Plaster (primer for painting) White layer (primer) Blue paint (laminary, layer between golden ornaments) Partially applied dark-red coat of paint (fine preliminary drawing for ornaments) Red coat (ornaments, under-liner for gold, partly multi-layered and slightly raised) Dark-red coat (adhesive layer for gilding) Gold (layer on red ornaments) Possibly black coat of paint (within drawing and outlining for golden ornaments)

The layering sequence of option B is found in the South-East gallery on concave moulds, inscription bands, and frame moulding, as well as on vertical surfaces of the walls. Matured condition of the murals makes it impossible to accurately determine whether the gilded ornaments had black outlining. In some places, the blue coat bears fine pre-drawing lines in dark-red colour. Option C: Layering without White Primer No. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Layer Description Plaster (primer for painting) Partially applied black coat of paint (preliminary drawing for the ornaments) Red coat (under-liner for gold; partly multi-layered and slightly raised in ornaments) Dark-red coat (adhesive layer for gilding) Gold (layer) Blue paint (layer on flat surfaces) Partially applied white, red, green and other paints (layer of coloured ornaments) Black coat of paint (within drawing and outlining for golden ornaments)

Option C is found in most of the preserved paintings in the main chamber of the Ishrat Khana mausoleum, as well as in three original painting fragments from the Ak-Sarai

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mausoleum kept in the Samarkand Museum of Culture and Art History.17 The main distinction between the three options is the white layer applied over the plaster to serve as a painting primer. This primer is found in options A and B, whereas in option C the red layer is applied directly on the plaster. Options A and B can be distinguished by the time when blue background paint was applied. In option A, it was applied only towards the end, after the raised ornaments had been gilded, while in option B the blue coat was applied immediately after the white primer that covered the entire surface. As a primer for kundal paintings, the masters used gypsum plaster (ganch – definition see above). The white primer is a layer of gypsum applied in a thin, even coating. Probably a substance that delayed plaster gripping (possibly a protein or polysaccharide binder) was added, although we could not substantiate this yet. Ornaments were partially created by preliminary drawing or notching on plaster or gypsum primer. It is assumed that only the main elements of ornamental compositions were pre-designed and transferred to the finished plaster, while other elements (mostly smaller shapes, such as “stalactite” cells ornaments) were created arbitrarily, by free hand and by sight. Some paintings reveal that the kyzyl-kessak red primer was applied in many layers on raised parts. In Ishrat Khana, the bulges of the paintings are built up to 3–5 mm (Fig. 7). In all paintings, above the kyzyl-kessak primer surface, one can see a thin darkred layer. Usually, it is present in polygonal shapes and resembles a piece of gold leaf. This

Figure 7 Cross-section, bulges or relief of the kundal painting are made of kyzyl-kessak = red ochre containing iron and fine grained silicates (e.g. clay), for explanation of numbers, see table option A. Photo: Pamela Kleinmann. 17 Ibid.

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Figure 8 Cross-section of a blue layer: relatively large blue grains of lapis lazuli. Photo: Steffen Laue.

layer probably glues the gold leaf, functioning as a binding medium. Literature on the subject also mentions honey and mucilage.18 In Ishrat Khana, gold was often applied in little pieces, with primer showing in between. This method of applying gold might have had economic reasons; anyway, this lent lightness to gilding that better integrated visually with colour-painted areas of the composition. One can also see on small sections that the red primer gives a warmer tone to the gilding. Contours of gilded bulging ornaments are painted with a thin black outline within the drawing. This outline was used to draw the shapes of golden ornaments, to highlight and detail flowers and other elements of the composition, as well as to enhance contrasts between golden ornaments and a blue background. Flat areas in a kundal mural were often painted in blue. The blue pigment consists of lapis lazuli (lazurite) which was determined by microscopy and p-XRF. Microscopic studies of cross-sections reveal relatively large blue pigment grains of different size and 18

Mročkovskij 1925: 29; Vinner 1953: 517

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brightness – a sign of natural mineral (Fig. 8). Presumably, the blue mineral (lazurite) for the pigment came from the Badakhshan area on the territory of present-day Afghanistan – the place is still known for its lazurite mines. To lighten a blue tone, the masters added gypsum (no calcite was found). As for the binding medium for different layers of paint in a kundal mural (as well as in other kinds of wall paintings), specialists refer to mucilage – glue that belongs to resins extracted from the root of Eremurus spectabilis of the lily genus.19 Egg yolk is also mentioned as a pigment binder.20 Kundal murals preserved in Uzbekistan until today create an experience of divinity in the shrines they adorn; these artful ornamental compositions in harmonious colours are evidence for the remarkable skills of their creators. For these works, masters used local, often precious materials that cannot be replaced by other (modern) materials without considerably distorting the original.

Conclusions Because of the now decayed and decomposed state of the Ishrat Khana mausoleum, the authors used their chance to investigate the structure and materials of the building (like ganch) and the kundal wall painting technique in detail. In Ishrat Khana, all plasterworks (plaster, mortar, levelling coat, ground, relief, and stucco) were executed with the same material named ganch which is a typical building material in Central Asia. Gypsum is the binder, and the aggregates consist of marl (calcite and earth minerals). The kundal painting is a gilded relief technique and is, in Ishrat Khana, mainly preserved in the South-Eastern galleries in a matured state. We could demonstrate in our investigation that for these paintings, the masters used local, often precious materials to create these unique wall decorations. It is difficult to comprehend and learn the technique of ancient masters in the production and use of the materials – an art refined over centuries, and, unfortunately, almost completely lost today. Therefore, it is particularly important to protect the surviving kundal murals and develop appropriate conservation plans.

Acknowledgements The authors are very grateful that the studies could be developed within the project 19 Vinner 1953 20 Mročkovskij 1925: 30

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“Ishrat Khana” financed by the German Foreign Office, the German Academic Exchange Service, the Gerda Henkel Foundation and the Volkswagen Foundation, thank you very much! Additionally, the authors wish to thank Martina Abri, Christiane Kaiser, Khabibilla Kamilov, Shukrullo Kamilov, Abdukabil Tulaganov, Julia Schaal and Sven Wallasch for very good collaborations and helpful discussions.

References

Birstein, V.J. 1975. On the Technology of Central Asia Wall Paintings: the Problem of Binding Media. Studies in Conservation 20 (1): 8–19. Brandenburg, Dietrich. 1972. Samarkand: Studien zur Islamischen Baukunst in Uzbekistan (Zentralasien). Berlin: Hessling. Dorner, Elke, Christiane Kaiser, Steffen Laue, and Sven Wallasch. 2009. History of Structural Design: a Hands-on Approach – First Uzbek-German Summer School for Preservation of Monuments 2007. In: Proceedings of the Third International Congress on Construction History, 491–498. Cottbus. Kleinmann, Pamela. 2011. Unpublished master thesis: Die Wandmalereitechnik «Kundal» in Usbekistan/ “Kundal” Mural Painting Technique in Uzbekistan. University of Applied Sciences Potsdam – Department of Civil Engineering. Kleinmann, Pamela. 2012. Kundal Mural Painting Technique in the Monuments of Uzbekistan. Journal of the Academy of Arts of Uzbekistan 3: 12–15. Laue, Steffen, and Shukrullo Kamilov. 2016. Ganch as Historical Building Material in the Mausoleum Ishrat Khana, Samarkand, Uzbekistan. Proceedings of the 4th Historic Mortars Conference, 10–12 October 2016, Santorini, Greece, in print. Mročkovskij, I. K. 1925. Doklad hudożnika I. K. Mročkovskogo o rezultatah obsledovaniâ mavzoleâ „Ak-Saraj“, Arhiv Komiteta po Ohrane Pamâtnikov, Inv. No. 2053. Pugachenkova, G. A. 1963. Íschrat-Kaneh and Ak-Saray, Two Timurid Mausoleums in Samarkand. Ars Orientalis: 177–189. Vinner, Aleksej Vladimirovič. 1953. Materialy i tehnika monumental´no-dekorativnoj živopisi. Stennaâ, plafonaâ i dekorativnaâ živopis´. Moskva, Gosudarstvenoe Izdatel´stvo „Iskusstvo“. Weyer, Angela, Pilar Roig Picazo, Daniel Pop, JoAnn Cassar, Aysun Özköse, Jean-Marc Vallet, and Ivan Srša, eds. 2015. EwaGlos European Illustrated Glossary of Conservation Terms for Wall Paintings and Architectural Surfaces. Petersberg: Michael Imhof.

Ancient Torpedo Jars of Iran (Persian Gulf)

Hossein Tofighian Abstract: Recent archaeological surveys and excavations on the coast of the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea have brought to light large collections of ceramic wares, particularly torpedo jars, of the Parthian and Sasanian periods, which provide evidence for maritime trade. Often coated with bitumen on the interior and featuring a distinctive form, the torpedo jars are suitable not only for being loaded aboard ship but also for carrying liquids. Yet they are morphologically distinguished from the Greek amphora, and their distribution denotes the extent of the maritime trade network of ancient Iran. The current paper offers a comprehensive survey of torpedo jars discovered at the inland and underwater sites in Iran, Southern Asia, and East Africa, so as to extrapolate the geographic and chronological scopes of the maritime trade network of the Parthian and Sasanian Empires. Keywords: Persian Gulf, Sasanian Period, Torpedo Jar, Maritime Trade

Introduction Torpedo jars are ancient jars with double handles that have been found in large quantities. In ancient times they were commonly used in maritime trade, for carrying wine, oil, cereal, wheat, barley, and salty fish. It was well-known in Greece since the 10th century BC, but it was used in Levant and Jordan even earlier; and it remained in use till the 10th century AD in the Byzantine period. Most of these wares have been found in the sunken ships in the Mediterranean region. They were produced at most of the commercial centres in this region; and because of their varying techniques and other characteristics it is possible to classify and date them, and extract historical and archaeological data from archaeological sites. For instance, Greek classical amphora has a flat base and can stand on the ground. Roman amphora, or better called Greco-Roman, has a conical base; for it to stand on the ground, one would need a support of stone, clay, and wood. In 2002 a sunken ship was discovered by fishermen, who collected many ceramic dishes from the bed of sea at the Rig Port in the Bushehr province in the southern part of Iran. After this discovery an underwater archaeological team was sent by the Institute of Archaeology to the site. Camping at the village of Ginaveh South Island of the Bandareh lengeh region, the team surveyed the site 35 km to the south-east. During the survey several archaeological materials were discovered at the depth of 5–10 m. Before excavation

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the archaeological materials found on the bed of sea were documented. A variety of types of jars, which have been used for storing liquids and food, suggest the presence of several sunken ships. During the primary excavation, several clay dishes, turquoise-glazed potsherds, different sizes of jars, amphora fragments, several metallic pieces of helmet and shield, and a limestone anchor were discovered. A glance at the materials reveals that they date to the Sasanian period, as several Sasanian jars have been found with long necks (Fig. 1). The discovery coincides with the historical fact that the Sasanian Empire, after establishing its power, took control of the Persian Gulf till the end of its political life. Possibly favouring the maritime route over the overland route, it built several ports or rebuilt the old ports, which had been built from the time of Alexander the Great, so as to deliver the commodities from its inland territory.

Archaeological Discoveries About the history of the Rig Port there is not much written document. The historical document shows that this port was as old as the 16th century AD. Etamadul Saltaneh wrote in his book Meratul Buldan, Nercus that Alexander the Great travelled from the Sind delta and arrived at the Rig Port in 326 BC.1 Among the archaeological discoveries one conical jar is 80 cm high, and 45 cm in diameter. This jar has its interior lined with bitumen and a hole in the middle part. Because of the conical bottom, it does not have the capability to stand upright alone. It has a buff paste, which is fixed in a special place inside the ship. This type of jar, called torpedo jar, has been discovered on the shore of the Persian Gulf specially at the archaeological sites of Hazar Mardana, Gorestan Shighab, the shore of Jalali Bushahr, and other Parthian and Sasanian ones (Fig. 1). At the site of Gorestan Shighab, it was used for the funeral purpose, similar in shape but different in size, and in some items trace of breakage and restoration is visible.2 On the southern shore of the Persian Gulf in the United Arab Emirates similar specimen have been reported from the Sasanian strata.3 The torpedo jars are characterized by cylindrical necks, rounded rims, and long hollow bases. They are similar to the amphora in the Mediterranean region but different from them in having no handle but wide mouth. Such wares have also been discovered by Rahbar in the plain of Khuzestan, especially at the site Shushtar,4 in the Parthian strata of the site of Susa. More torpedo jars have been uncovered at the Sasanian sites of 1 2 3 4

Etemadul Saltaneh 1294: 469 Unpublished report of Rahbar and Mirfatah, submitted to the Institute of Archaeology, Tehran. Kennet 2002 Unpublished report of the excavation at Mianab Shushtar.

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Figure 1 Distribution of torpedo jars on the Persian Gulf coast of Iran. © Google Earth.

Mahrayan, Siniz, Bushahr peninsula, Siraf and Nay Bandar port (Fig. 1). Items of two centuries after the Islamization have also been found, but the majority of them are of the Sasanian period. The torpedo jars have been further found beyond the Persian Gulf in the contemporary sites of Mesopotamia.5 As a rule, the torpedo jars found at many inland sites were usually used for funeral purpose (Gorestan Shoghab), whereas those at the port site for carrying liquid in ships, which sailed in the Persian Gulf.

Torpedo Jars These ceramic wares were in use from the late Parthian (247 BC – 224 AD) to the early Islamic period (7th century AD),6 and circulated over a vast area extending from Mesopotamia to the Indian Ocean, where they have been found at several archaeological sites.7 Probably originated in Mesopotamia, the torpedo jars were made of clay from different sources and varying techniques. Some torpedo jars were coated with bitumen for waterproofing. Several archaeological reports suggest that bitumen was at that time being ex5 6 7

Kennet 2002 Tomber 2007: 974 Potts 1991; Carter 2008; Carter et al. 2006

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ploited within Iran.8 Analysis of bitumen from a torpedo jar discovered at Anuradhapura suggests that it was produced near Susa between the 3rd and 9th centuries AD. It also suggests that the source of bitumen was the Luristan region in Iran.

Underwater Sites around the Indian Ocean Mahruyan During the recent excavations at Mahruyan, a number of torpedo jars were found in the earliest levels of the site.9 The jars are characterized by pointed bases and inverted or everted rims, exhibiting parallel grooves below the rims and on the shoulders. They are made of greenish buff or greyish-green clay tempered with sand and grog. They are well-fired and usually painted with buff-green slip on the exterior. They are coated with bitumen on the interior. Radiocarbon dates assign the deposit containing the artefacts to the late Sasanian period. In addition, the torpedo jars are associated with distinctive monochrome turquoise-glazed pottery.

Siniz The lower part of a torpedo jar was identified at the site of Siniz. This large fragment consists of the conical base and a part of the bitumen-coated body. This fragment of amphora, found by a local resident under the newly-built wall of the Imam Hassan Airport (Siniz), was used as a funeral jar. This was most probably a Sasanian item. Analogous items have been discovered at the Sasanian cemetery of Shaghab (Fig. 2). Figure 2 Lower portion of a broken torpedo jar from Siniz. Photo: © Hossein Tofighian.

8 9

Connan and Van de Velde 2010: 10 Tofighian and Esmaeili 2009

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Rig The discovery of pottery and metal objects by the local fishermen at a depth of 10 m off the coast of the village Jazire Jonubi, in the vicinity of the Rig Port, attracted the attention of archaeologists, who worked to demarcate the extent of the underwater scatter during the two seasons of survey. The pottery assemblage includes torpedo jars, fragments of turquoise-glazed pottery, a helmet, a piece of armour, and a large piece of an irregular stone anchor. An interesting find from the survey program off the coast of Rig is a big jar of 80 cm height, 20 cm diameter at mouth, 45 cm diameter at the waist; and pointed base with trace of marine sediment. The vessel, with its bituminized interior, shows a mark of bitumen on its body and a hole at the waist. It is dark buff in fabric (Fig. 3).

Figure 3 Different forms of torpedo jars from Rig. Photo: © Hossein Tofighian.

Hezarmardan

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The site of Hezarmardan is comprised of the uneven coastal area in the south-eastern Bushehr that extends for 1.5 km in length and 0.4 km in width and contains surface scatters of Sasanian pottery. Over the surface of this historical harbour Indian red burnished wares and Sasanian wares, particularly torpedo jars, are visible. Two bases belonging to torpedo jars from Hezarmardan have light red fabric and fine sand temper; the exterior is painted with red slip, whereas the interior is coated with bitumen.

Shaghab Cemetery At the Shaghab cemetery on the rocky low-lying shore of the Bushehr peninsula, a number of torpedo jars containing human remains have been discovered in a profile paralleling the materials from the royal tombs of Susa. All of them have bituminized interior, but they either lack handles or have their rims and handles separated. Some have globular bodies and high bases. Various types of tombs have been uncovered at the Shaghab cemetery, including tombs cut in coral stone and coastal rocks, as well as jar burials along with stone-cut square and rectangular ossuaries in the midst of architectural space. An interesting point about the jar burials is that they are all broken. The top of the vessel was opened and the dismembered bones were put into it, after which the broken part was reversed and a stone was used to seal the opening. In the light of the other finds from the Shaghab cemetery, such as coins, it dates to the late Parthian and the early Sasanian periods.10

Rishehr Surveys of Rishehr, located at the port city of Bushehr, have produced base and rim sherds of torpedo jars. These are made of dark buff, red, red-brown or buff-red clay with inorganic temper. Some have buff-slipped exterior, but un-slipped sherds predominate. The interior surface is invariably coated with bitumen.11 They have rounded or flat inverted or everted rims, and their form differs slightly from that of the torpedo jars from Siraf and Mahruyan. The only published base is flat and cylindrical. Unlike the examples from Siraf and Mahruyan, their interior lacks the decorative grooves.

10 Rahbar 1983 11 Ataei 2005: Figure 2

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Figure 4 Fragments of torpedo jars from the Jalali Coast, Bushehr. Photo: © Hossein Tofighian.

Jalali Coast At several points on the shore of the Bushehr Peninsula, torpedo jars comparable with those from Rig have been spotted by the local fishermen. During his field work in recent years, Dr. Iraj Nabipour from Bushehr University of Medical Sciences recorded other examples of torpedo jars on the Jalali Coast. This part of the sea, which is opposite to the Bushehr Port, is about 5–7 m deep. The vessels are made of bright yellow fabric and lined with bitumen on the interior (Fig. 4).

Siraf During the recent excavations at Siraf, torpedo jars were uncovered from the earliest settlement deposit dating to the Sasanian period. They have buff and brown fabric, which contains sand inclusions and, sometimes, fine white particles. The vessels are all wheelmade, and occasionally coated with a thin brown slip on the exterior. The interior has the characteristic bitumen coating. These torpedo jars differ from the ones from Mahruyan in shape and technical details. They have square or rounded rims and sharper carination. Fabric colour differs as well. As with the Mahruyan examples, the objects from Siraf have incised grooves on the exterior. A report by private divers sighting a number of torpedo jars and a film recorded by R.O.V. make it clear that a large number of them lay on the sea bed at a depth of 72 m. The first step of investigating this underwater site was taken through closer examination of the film and comparing the torpedo jars with similar examples. Given the dense scatter of about 50 items in a limited area, the site appears to be related with a ship that was sailing off the coast of Siraf when it was hit by a storm and sank together with its cargo.

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Figure 5 The torpedo jars sampled from the shipwreck off the coast of Siraf. Photo: © Hossein Tofighian.

The large number of torpedo jars uncovered at Siraf is indicative of the widespread use of the wares in the transportation of liquids and its special role in maritime trade across the Persian Gulf. These vessels, thanks to their particular form, could be easily piled up in ships; all coated with bitumen, they represent a highly characteristic cultural material in the world-wide maritime trade in the Parthian and Sasanian periods. One of the jars was removed from the sea-bed with great difficulty for analysis. Albeit heavily incrusted, it is made of dark buff clay and coated with bitumen on the interior (Fig. 5).

Nayband Archaeological surveys of the Persian Gulf have identified two important ports, namely Nayband and Basatin (Haleh). A base fragment of a torpedo jar was collected during the surface survey at Nayband. It has a red fabric and a bitumen-coated interior.

Susa In 1885, Marcel-Auguste Dieulafoy and his wife Jane became the director of excavation at Susa. This was the second excavation, and the first conducted by a French team. Starting from the first day of the excavation, funeral jars have been discovered inside the walls. At Acropole and the Ville Royale, the Parthians used the fortification walls to bury their dead. At Acropole, a shaft turns into a tunnel inside a brick wall, and the tunnel contains

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large numbers of torpedo jars, most with broken upper parts. A short wall made of very hard tauf separates the vessels from each other. A few coins of the Parthian period help to date the burials. The shafts are very deep, with some going 10–15 m into the ground. Some are widened to become large rooms. Although such cemeteries were obviously influenced by the Greek tradition, the use of bitumen attests to a concentrated effort to prevent soil contamination, which is the Eastern tradition. However, these cemeteries represent the very wide distribution of torpedo jars, so they were used extensively for the funeral purpose in Susa.

Mianab Plain Torpedo jars occur at many Parthian and Sasanian sites in Khuzestan. During his work in 1970–1977 Robert Wenke identified multiple Parthian and Sasanian sites, including Ks-703 near Haft Tepe, many of which yielded sherds of torpedo jars.12 In the course of the survey and reconnaissance of Mianab by Abbas Moghaddam several sites with fragments of torpedo jars were recorded. These are base fragments from sites 1510, 1540, 1548 and 1594, which date mainly to the mid and late Parthian period.13

Gelalek Cemetery At the cemetery of Gelalek in Shushtar there is an Elamite tomb with a wide array of mortuary practice. Rahbar excavated a tomb with clay coffins. Apart from the coffin burial within a tomb, jar burial was attested at the cemetery. The vessels for such purpose are torpedo jars, which resemble the Sasanian examples in the Persian Gulf, having coiled rims, narrow mouths, cylindrical bodies, and conical bases but without shoulder. They likewise have the characteristic bitumen coating on the interior.

National Museum of Iran A burial jar of the torpedo type, with bituminized interior, is kept at the National Museum of Iran. The vessel was re-used for burial, but trace of bitumen is visible on the exterior. It is 72 cm high, with a mouth diameter of 21 cm, but the base is 6 cm high (Fig. 6). The provenience remains totally unknown.

12 13

Wenke 1975: pl. 24, 451 Moghadam 2005: Figure 50: 240

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Figure 6 A complete torpedo jar at the National Museum of Iran. Photo: © Hossein Tofighian.

The Southern Coast of the Persian Gulf Fragments of Parthian torpedo jars occur at Meleiha and ed-Dur.14 They are also known at Suhar and al-Ghanam.15 Similar sherds have been attested at Uruk,16 Kush,17 Qana in Yemen, 18 and al-Qusur in Kuwait.

East Africa Archaeological excavations of the recent decades on the East African coast, including Ethiopia, Somalia, Mozambique, Madagascar, and Tanzania, have uncovered large collections of cultural materials originating from the Persian Gulf and Iran. Among them, the Parthian and Sasanian coins, turquoise-glazed pottery, and torpedo jars are particularly important. One may also refer to Chibuene on the Mozambique coast,19 and the Main and West sites of Ras Hafun in Somalia.20 Other African sites include Kilva on 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

Benoist, Mouton, and Schiettecatte 2003: 72; Potts 1991: 278 De Cardi, Vita-Finzi, and Coles 1975: Figure 8: 15 Benoist, Mouton, and Schiettecatte 2003: 69 Kennet 2004: 63 Tomber 2007: 977 Horton 1996: 445 Smith and Wright 1988

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the East African coast in Tanzania,21 Shanga in Somalia, Pate in the Lamu Archipelago,22 Zanzibar in Tanzania,23 Darba Darmmo in Ethiopia,24 Pokomer in north-east Kenya and the adjacent Orma,25 KwaGandaganda near Durban in South Africa,26 Dombani in Comoros and Erodo. On the north-eastern coast of Madagascar no torpedo jars have been reported,27 but the discovery of turquoise-glazed pottery and Parthian and Sasanian coins attests to the presence of the Iranian culture from the Parthian, Sasanian, to the Islamic period.

India Torpedo jars have also been found on the coast of the Indian subcontinent, at the sites of Kateshwar,28 Alagankulam,29 Saurashtra in Dwarka, Vallabipur on Elephanta Island,30 Pattanam on the Malabar coast, Denvimori, Nagara, Nenasa, Madvi, Dwarka, Vallabipur, Katheswar, Chaul, Sanjan, Maharashtra, Morabandar, Alagankulam, Arikemedu and Paunar.31 With a Persian or Mesopotamian origin, they were used in maritime trade for transporting liquids from the northern Persian Gulf. The torpedo jars, or “ringnecked handle-less storage jars,” were in use from the Parthian to the early Abbasid period throughout Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf.32 These wares have well-fired fabric red to pale yellow in colour, with large inclusions of sand and dense fine grit. As already stated, they have bituminized interior, coiled rim, cylindrical, neck-less body, high, hollow and thin base (Fig. 7).

Ceylon and Sri Lanka At Anuradhapura,33 Sigiriya, and the ancient port of Mantai, Parthian, Sasanian and early Islamic ceramics dating to the 2nd–9th century AD have been recorded.34 Torpedo jars 21 Whitehouse, Whithcomb, and Wilkinson 2009: 109; Kervran 1986 22 Horton 1996: 441 23 Ibid.: 447 24 Compareti 2002: 3 25 Townsend 1980: 102 26 Glover 2002: 167 27 Ibid.: 168 28 Tomber 2007: 979 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid.: 981 32 Simpson 1992: 291 33 Seely, Canby, and Coningham 2006: 107; Coningham and Batt 1999: 129 34 Wijayapala and Pricket 1986: 17; Stern et al. 2008: 411

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Figure 7 Sites on the Indian Subcontinent.

from Mantai are 100 cm high, without shoulder but with narrow mouth and pointed base; their bodies are 35 cm in diameter. In Sri Lanka, fragments of torpedo jars have been discovered at Tissamaharama, a military and historical port that was in use from 250 BC to 500 AD.35

35

Weisshaar, Roth, and Wijeyapala 2001

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Mesopotamia Torpedo jars are common finds over Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf.36 At Tell Abu Sarifa some sherds of torpedo jars have grooves below the rim.37 Similar forms have also turned up at ’Āna.38

Results and Discussion During the Sasanian period, commercial ships entered the Indian Ocean through the Red Sea, and some set off for the Persian Gulf.39 It was maritime transportation that necessitated the production of torpedo jars. At the time, Iranian maritime route connected Bushehr to Fars and Khuzestan (Fig. 1). Since the torpedo jars excavated in Mesopotamia and Iran are still pending for study, the available evidences consist mostly of burials, which are unfortunately very rare due to the lack of excavation during the 19th and early 20th century and the destruction of relevant archaeological sites. Most of the amphora in the Mediterranean Region have been found in sunken ships and seem to have been widely distributed between the 3rd century BC and the 3rd century AD. The importance of these vessels lies in the fact that they were produced at most of the ancient commercial centres, especially on the outskirt of the cities, which were located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea.40 In other words, these finds proved helpful in establishing the chronology of different sites, especially because of the diversity of production centres and techniques, as well as their importance in international commerce. Accordingly, the Greek amphora is classified on the basis of their production centres as well as the direction of trade. They can be grouped into two main categories: eastern Mediterranean and western Mediterranean. Excavations have brought into light another type of amphora, torpedo jars, which are covered with bitumen on the interior. They could have likewise been used as containers for liquids such as oil and wine, but they are morphologically different from the Greek amphora. Several sites and historic ports on the Persian Gulf have yielded sherds of these vessels. They are known from Gelalak in Shushtar,41 the Mianab plain in Shushtar and Level 17 of Susa dating to the Parthian period, the ports of Mahruyan, Siniz, Rig, Siraf,

36 37 38 39 40 41

Kennet 2004: 63 Adams 1970: Figure 6c-e: 100; Tomber 2007: 974 Killick 1988; Northedge 1988 Tomber 2007: 974 Begley and Puma 1991: 78 Rahbar 1994

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Nayband, and several sites on the Bushehr peninsula, including the Shaghab cemetery,42 Hezarmardan, Rishehr, and Radar Tole Pi-Tell dating to the Sasanian period (Fig. 1). The distribution of torpedo jars is not limited to the coast, as some have been found on the bed of the Persian Gulf such as the Jalali Coast and a Sasanian shipwreck near Siraf.

Conclusion The widespread use of torpedo jars coincides with the fall of the Seleucid kingdom and the eastward expansion of the Roman Empire. In spite of the deficiency of survey and excavation, the available evidence indicates the increased use of torpedo jars in ancient Iran. Perhaps they were also used extensively in Central Asia and eastern Iran, but systematic archaeological investigation is wanting there. It seems that the eastern production centres of the torpedo jars were concentrated in the Palestine region, Jordan, and Asia Minor, as no related workshop has yet been discovered in Iran. However, given the available evidence, there could have been trade between Iran and Western Europe, including Spain, Gaul, and Italy. This also points to the major and minor routes of the well-known Silk Road during the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, as well as extensive East-West economic ties. Interestingly, later archaeological and historical records suggest that philosophies and religions travelled along the same routes. Torpedo jars of the Persian Gulf, in terms of their general profile, especially the conical base and torpedo-like body, are comparable with amphora found in the Mediterranean Region. Unlike the latter ones, however, these items do not have neck and handle, but have open mouth and bitumen-coated interior, dating to between the early Parthian (second half of the 3rd century BC) and the late Sasanian period (second half of the 5th century AD) on the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf as well as other parts of Iran and Mesopotamia. Chronologically speaking, the torpedo jars of the Persian Gulf consist of a Parthian variant, which served as burial jars (as at the Gelalak cemetery in Khuzestan and the Parthian burial jars in Susa), and a Sasanian variant, which were used both as liquid containers in maritime trade as well as in funeral rite. In terms of form and size, the Parthian variant exhibit little variety and the known examples are generally similar (Gelalak and Susa in Khuzestan). The Sasanian variant, on the other hand, vary widely in both shape and size (Mahruyan, Siniz, Siraf, Hezarmardan, Rishehr, Nayband, etc.). Given the rough contemporaneity of amphora and torpedo jars in the Mediterranean Region and the Persian Gulf, it is assumed that they found their way to Iran through the maritime

42 Rahbar 1983

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trade. With slight modification, they were used as burial jars during the Parthian period and later as liquid containers as well as burial jars during the Sasanian period. The importance of the above-mentioned study on torpedo jars is reinforced by the fact that in most of the ancient commercial centres, both in the Mediterranean and in the Persian Gulf, this type of wares prevailed. Given the various production centres and different techniques as well as their importance in international trade, these attributes can effectively be used for establishing the chronology of the torpedo jars. Probably, after the collapse of the Hellenistic power, the Parthian controlled the maritime trade routes through their Hellenistic and semi-Parthian Hellenistic dynasties. The Hellenistic/ Parthian power developed in response to the development in the southern part of the Persian Gulf, and the Sasanian made a united frontier in the Persian Gulf and hence became the master of maritime trade in the region.

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Fragmentary Works of Art from the Simsim Grottoes – Methods of Analysing Detached Wall Paintings from Cave Number 40 under Special Consideration of Resting Soot Deposits

Birgit Angelika Schmidt Abstract: This paper is focussing on wall paintings from the Museum für Asiatische Kunst in Berlin, Germany. Their original painted surfaces are blackened with soot and are largely illegible. They were already detached in this condition in 1906 during a German expedition to the Northern Silk Road (nowadays Xinjiang, People’s Republic of China). Due to the removal from their actual site and the concomitant loss of the original function of these objects, they are subjected to different processes of de- and recontextualizations. Investigations aim to contribute an overall picture to the fragmentary wall paintings. Methodical techniques, but also their limits and problems, are discussed in this paper. To visualise authentic images and to transform them into today’s museum’s context are among the great challenges of this work. Within the project, the author discusses different tools that support the aim to identify the traces of the past. Keywords: Detachment of Wall Paintings, Central Asia, Silk Road, Fragments in Modern Contexts, Transformation

Introduction The Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin presents “a vast array of outstanding artworks from the diverse cultural regions spanning from Afghanistan to Japan, […]. Among the museum’s highlights are the Central Asian wall paintings and sculptures, which predominantly originate from the Buddhist cave temples from the so-called Silk Road. […]. They bear witness to the most highly developed craftwork, as well as the rich pictorial art of Asia.”1 The wall paintings were detached from their original archaeological site at the Northern Silk Road, and nowadays, next to their fragmentary appearance, their painted surfaces can hardly be recognized due to resting soot deposits. Next to the museum collection in Berlin, it is also important to introduce their archaeological site, the old Kingdom of Kucha, because most of the objects of the so-called Turfan collection in 1 http://www.smb.museum/en/museums-institutions/museum-fuer-asiatische-kunst/about-us/profil.html

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Figure 1 Sites along the Silk Roads. Adapted from Kizil on the Silk Road. Crossroads of Commerce & Meeting of Minds, ed. by Rajeshwari Ghose, map by Luxia.

Berlin belonged to that area. That was a flourishing cultural centre of Buddhism between the 3rd–9th century.2 Situated on the Northern Silk Route in modern Xinjiang (Fig. 1), its inhabitants were Tocharians with their own language and impressive monumental and religious settings.3 Among the Buddhist kingdoms of Central Asia, Kucha is the best suited to reconstruct local Buddhism, because a great number of rock carved monasteries are still extant, although in various states of preservation.4 Since 2014, this region is part of the Silk Road UNESCO World Heritage Sites.5 Over a century ago, between 1902–1914, next to other countries, also German scholars-explorers travelled along the Northern Silk Roads and rediscovered architecture of Buddhist Caves during their altogether four expeditions. Their work marked the beginning of a kind of modern scientific investigation of the rock monasteries. The material collected by the explorers formed the first-hand data available outside of China. In addition to the large amount of artworks they brought back, it is

2 Yaldiz and Zieme 1987 3 Ibid. 4 Vignato and Howard 2015 5 http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1442

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important to mention the fieldwork notes and diaries, drawings, photographs and fragments of texts they produced in situ.6

Processes of De- and Recontextualization While investigating these fragmentary artworks, it is important to be aware of the special situation that there is an original archaeological site in Central Asia on one hand, and cultural heritage within a museum context nowadays in Europe on the other. Next to the different locations, a very important factor is the time. Time passed by in between the detachment at the beginning of the last century and the exhibition in the museum in Berlin (or other parts of the world where this collection is stored) nowadays. But time is still passing by at the different locations that involve a different development and two different histories separated from each other. This leads to an interesting question as to how to deal with these wall paintings under the special challenge, namely to connect the knowledge of all these different aspects – the original site, time and history, and the museum collections as a source of information. The detachment of wall paintings is always accompanied with the loss of its original function within an architectural complex, a loss of material that is accompanied with loss of information. This procedure is always irreversible (decontextualization).7 Within the museum context on the other hand, the artworks gain a new meaning and function (e.g. in an exhibition) (recontextualization) and that is something which is based on time and it describes a vivid process so it is changing constantly (reversibility depending on time). The objects experience a different history concerning material ageing after separation, because damage progressions differ depending on environmental deterioration, e.g. earthquakes in Central Asia, or the Second World War that affected the Berlin collection; nevertheless, also depending on different preservation and restoration interventions. It should be the aim to connect all these different sources to preserve the historical, artistic and scientific importance of cultural heritage in its complexity.

Methodology From a conservator’s point of view, the work mainly focuses on the research about technologies and structures the artistic works are made of, and the state and condition they are in, by analysing their materials and manufacturing methods.

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As a requirement, the observation and recording in documentation is necessary. The primary source is the artwork itself, and the first step is its observation. These must be supported by performing scientific analysis, e.g. by using microscopy and spectroscopy. Next to the artworks, it is also important to focus on secondary sources namely, studying documents and literature dealing with the object and its history, with the aim to connect this knowledge with the information from the primary source. The last tool is the exchange of knowledge, in working together with related disciplines, e.g. in the field of science, archaeological survey and the museological work of art historians. This interdisciplinary exchange is essential. Survey about materials and their condition is the basis for choosing and defining methods and materials for preservation and that mainly describes the work of a conservator. Mediation finally focuses on the presentation and exhibition of the artworks with the ambition to represent an authentic image of the past and this part is mainly fulfilled by curators and art historians. They should also focus on the same aim, namely presenting the importance of cultural heritage.

A Case Study To execute this methodology in a case specific example, cave number 40 in one of the rock carved monasteries of Kucha namely Simsim was chosen (Figs. 2, 3).

Figure 2 Exterior view of the Northern district of Simsim, showing the caves 39–41. Photo: © Birgit Schmidt 2014.

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Figure 3 Simsim, plan of the site. Adapted from Xinjiang Qiuci Shiku Yanjiusuo, ed. Senmusaimu shiku neirong zongle, 45. (Author has permission from Giuseppe Vignato to adapt the map).

Fig. 3 shows a map of the site with its complex arrangement of Buddhist caves and surface architecture. Moreover, 50 buildings belonged to this area, and cave number 40 is located in the Northern district. This paper refers to the Chinese system, namely giving each cave a number.

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Figure 4 Detached wall painting fragments at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin. Simsim, cave number 40. 2.45 x 0.90 m. Photo: © Birgit Schmidt 2014.

Expedition diaries document that some caves in Simsim were blackened with soot (Fig. 4) when the Germans arrived, so they were already detached in this condition in 1906 due to their high artistic quality.8 The walls of the neighbouring cave number 41 are also blackened with soot and the Berlin collection owns as well fragments belonging to this cave. Hence, survey of cave number 40 also includes the investigations of different fragments within the collection in making attempts to prove their affiliation to either cave. The knowledge concerning the architecture and function of the archaeological site is a requirement for understanding the secondary sources from the German expeditions in the Berlin Museum nowadays. For that purpose, the decades of fieldwork of the archaeologist Giuseppe Vignato is essential. In describing the rock-carved monasteries, he paid special attention to their layout and development, and their function as a place for living and worshipping.9 Cave number 40 and 41 are so-called Central Pillar Caves, based on the pillar with a niche for the central Buddha statue in the middle. In their function and design, these were the places for worshipping Buddha in practising ritual activities, and only these caves were fully decorated with wall paintings. Their colourful paintings, focussing on scenes surrounding the life of Buddha, were usually performed like shown in Fig. 5. Their support can be an adobe brick wall or like in the example from Kizil Kharga shown here, the soft sandstone of the cave walls itself. Different layers of clay-based earthen plasters were used. The magnification in the middle visualises the difference between a coarse layer, followed by a fine layer, e.g. with less straw but more clay. And, on a very smooth ground (visible in the cross-section on the right), the paint layer was performed in a single or 8 9

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Figure 5 Kizil Kharga, scheme of the wall painting technology. Photo: © Melodie Bonnat 2012.

multilayer arrangement by the use of inorganic mineral pigments and organic colorants in organic binders. As a conclusion of the archaeological excursus, it can be assumed that the participants of the expedition mainly detached wall paintings from selected types of caves, because monastic cells or caves for storage were simple in their design and decoration. With this in situ background it is getting easier to sort out the material in the Berlin collection, about 9000 pages of the so-called Turfan Files as well as 3000 exposed glass plates of historical expedition photos which are also online available.10 In focussing on materials and manufacturing methods, a description of the detachment technique shall be given: the Germans were performing a stacco method. The detailed description of the method they used is given by Von Le Coq.11 First, the surface of the painting was cut with a sharp knife into appropriate shape to have them fitting into the packaging for transport in crates. The cut had to be done through the whole plaster. Afterwards, they had to carve a hole into the side of the wall, allowing them the use of a pad-saw. The panel was sawed from the wall while pressing a wooden board on the wall painting surface. Depending on the thickness and quality of the plaster, the detached 10 http://turfan.bbaw.de/ 11 Von Le Coq 1926

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Figure 6 Theodor Bartus, the museum technician in the restoration workshop in Berlin (1932). © Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst.

wall painting was between 3–6 cm thick. They were next covered with layers of reeds, felt and cotton, kept between boards, and put into boxes for transport to Russia with donkeys, and from there by railway to Germany. Breakage into fragments and damage like extensive surface abrasion or the loss of the paint layer were caused by this transport. Their history in Europe is marked by two World Wars and the damage and losses they caused. Furthermore, “restoration and preservation measures and materials” which were used during the last century also caused problems. The outbreak of the First World War (1914–1918) prevented for years continuous, scientific and preventive treatment of the finds. In 1926, the Ethnological Museum reopened in the middle of Berlin. To prepare the wall paintings for exhibition, they were poured into plaster settings. The numerous fragments were sorted by their affiliation (Fig. 6), positioned picture-side down in big wooden boxes and were covered with a gypsum layer. With this method, the wall paintings were brought into a stable position. Unfortunately, originally arched paintings (e.g. from a dome) were fixed in a flat state permanently. And some of these pieces were placed erroneously.

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Another disadvantage was that the fragments became very heavy. Nowadays, the restoration workshop of the Asian Art Museum is of the opinion that there is no urgent need to exchange this gypsum bed support against a new and lighter material. The process of detaching the wall paintings would cause damage which is unnecessary from a conservator’s point of view. The Second World War caused huge damage and losses. With its outbreak, large parts of the Central Asian collection were disassembled and were transported outside of Berlin for safety. But the large wall paintings could not be removed from the exhibition. And the central location of the Ethnological Museum in the middle of Berlin was a disadvantage. After the end of the war, paintings could be recovered from the ruins, but partially only in pieces. Moreover, 50% of the Central Asian wall painting collection has been destroyed during the war or is nowadays in Russia, in the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg or in the Pushkin Museum in Moscow. Not only the artworks were damaged, but also the handwritten records, plans, maps and expedition diaries belong to the war losses. Unfortunately, detailed recordings of restoration documentations were also lost in the war.12 War destructions on the one hand, the difficult recovery and preservation of the objects on the other hand, have only made a reliable overview possible at the beginning of the 1950s. The inventory drawn up between 1951 and 1952 is the next source of information. Subsequently, from the beginning of the 1960s until the 1990s, synthetic binders were used for full-coverage on almost all the wall paintings. Scientific analyses support the survey in revealing parts of the chemical complexity of the fragments of cave number 40, with their individual arrangements. Based on material research, in order to estimate a risk at this certain point within the museum climate, there is no need for action from a conservator’s point of view. The soot layer is not causing any damage except disturbing the readability of the painting. Moreover, the soot layer can be considered as a source of information, and it is an historical document that owns treasures about the historical location and position of single fragments within the archaeological site. − Is there a connection between the function of the individual cave within the Buddhist site in dependency on the soot on the surface of its wall paintings? − Is there a dependency between soot and the location of a cave on site? − Can a methodology be defined that leads to a better understanding of the function of a cave? (e.g. in mapping all soot blackened caves within a complex) − Is there a correspondence in regard to the soot distribution in the interior space? Upper areas are more blackened with soot than the lower areas. Fragments in the Berlin collection also reveal this distribution as can be seen in Fig. 7.

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Figure 7 Detached wall painting fragments (Inventory number: IB 8917) at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin. Simsim, cave number 40. © Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Photo: Iris Papadopoulos.

In this specific case study, there is a clear secondary source that proves that the Simsim rock monastery or parts of it, mainly the surface buildings, revealed an almost complete destruction at the period of its rediscovery. In the expedition diaries, there is a detailed description of the Simsim valley saying that “everywhere are traces of fire, ashes, and charred beams beneath the sands”.13 This reference leads to the idea that maybe a fire scenario, a single historical circumstance, caused that appearance and not living or cooking inside the caves over a long period. The circumstances for Simsim, or in particular cave number 40, are still not clear, but it is obvious that there was no contact between the painting surfaces and the fire.

Future Prospects In this vivid process, it is important to gather all available information in order to develop conceptions of ancient spaces through conservation-restoration, description and 13

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reconstruction with the aim to visualise “authentic” images and transform them into today’s museum’s contexts.

References

Danzl, Thomas, and Carola Möwald. 2016. Lost in Translation. Zur Dekontextualisierung und Mobilisierung des mitteralterlichen Putzritzbildes aus Klösterlein Zelle bei Aue (Sachsen). In: Kunst-Kontexte. Festschrift für Heidrun Stein-Kecks, eds. Hans-Christoph Dittscheid, Doris Gerstl, and Simone Hespers, 316–332. Petersberg. Gabsch, Toralf, ed. 2012. Auf Grünwedels Spuren: Restaurierung und Forschung an Zentralasiatischen Wandmalereien. Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang. Grünwedel, Albert. 1912. Altbuddhistische Kultstätten in Chinesisch - Turkistan: Bericht über archäologische Arbeiten von 1906 bis1907 bei Kucˇa, Qarašar und in der Oase Turfan. Berlin: Reimer. Vignato, Giuseppe. 2013. Districts and Groups, an Archaeological Investigation of the Rock Monasteries of Kucha. Shanghai Classics Publisher. Vignato, Giuseppe, and Angela F. Howard. 2015. Archaeological and Visual Sources of Meditation in the Ancient Monasteries of Kuča. Brill Academic Publishers. Von Le Coq, Albert. 1926. Die buddhistische Spätantike in Mittelasien-Ergebnisse der Kgl. Preußischen Turfan-Expeditionen. Band I-VII. Berlin 1922–1926. Yaldiz, Marianne, and Peter Zieme. 1987. Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte Chinesisch-Zentralasiens (Xinjiang). Dritter Band Innerasien. Zweiter Abschnitt. In: Handbuch der Orientalistik. Siebente Abteilung. Kunst und Archäologie. Köln, ed. J. Stargardt, 1–232. http://turfan.bbaw.de/ http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1442 http://www.smb.museum/en/museums-institutions/museum-fuer-asiatische-kunst/about-us/profil.html

Archaeological Site of Persepolis (Iran) – the Finishing Technique of the Stone Monuments

Alireza Askari Chaverdi, Pierfrancesco Callieri, Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso, Stefano Ridolfi Abstract: One of the aims of the five-year Iranian-Italian project for Persepolis, named “From Palace to Town” was to contribute to the conservation of the stone monuments of the imperial site. Out of the activities dedicated to this purpose, a diagnostic study was carried out. Different aspects were considered: petrographical characterization of the stone, forms and factors of decay, in situ testing of suitable conservation treatments. The present paper reports on the unexpected results of the study of the finishing of architectural surfaces. The results obtained on a limited, but nevertheless significant number of samples collected from the monuments of the imperial terrace analysed by X-ray diffraction (XRD) and by scanning electron microscopy/ energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM/ EDS), and on a much larger number of samples, by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis by a portable instrument, a non-destructive technique, allow to state that the dark-grey limestone used for the Persepolis monuments was covered on purpose by a thin, fine whitish layer. The whitish layer was obtained by the use of gypsum on the monuments attributed to the Darius period, while the monuments attributed to Xerxes or to a later period contain fluorapatite, as a major component, and calcite. It is highly probable that fluorapatite was obtained from calcined animal bones and slaked lime was used as a binder. Keywords: Persepolis, Stone Finishing, Bone White, Fluorapatite, X-ray Fluorescence Spectrometry

Brief Historical Background on the Site and on its Re-Discovery Persepolis, known to the ancient Persians as Pârsa, is one of the most representative sites of the Achaemenid Persian Empire (6th–4th century BC), built at the foot of the Kuh-e Rahmat mountain, at the North-East limit of the Marvdasht plain (Fars, Iran). Its citadel is built as a huge artificial terrace, which dominates a vast and fertile flat land. It was Darius the Great (r. 522–486 BC) who decided to build this monumental citadel, to celebrate the power of his kingdom, as an inscription engraved on the Southern side of the wall supporting the terrace states: “[…] in this place there hasn’t been built a fortress before

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[…] and I built it durable and beautiful and strong, so as I wanted it”.1 Darius could occupy only a small part of the 12 ha of his terrace; he built a small palace, a treasury and started the construction of the imposing audience hall (Apadâna), finished by his son Xerxes (r. 486–465 BC).2 The sovereigns who followed further enriched the site with other magnificent, richly decorated buildings. In the year 330 BC Alexander the Great reached Fars (Persia), the heart of the Persian Empire, and conquered the city of Pârsa, lying at the foot of the citadel.3 After four months spent on the terrace, before continuing his march towards the Eastern Ocean, Alexander set fire to the magnificent buildings on the terrace.4 After the Achaemenids, the terrace came again in use, but even though it represented an important ideological reference until the Sasanian period (223–651 AD) it never returned to the ancient importance and magnificence. In the Middle Ages, it was practically forgotten, and information came again from a few European visitors who left us descriptions of the site from the 15th century onwards.5 The visits became more frequent from the beginning of the 19th century and many graffiti that can still be read on the surfaces of the “Gateway of All Lands” witness the enthusiasm raised in those visitors by the few, huge remains of the ancient splendour. The first photographic documentation was carried out in 1857 by Luigi Pesce, an Italian photographer, and his photos of the terrace show just a few, hardly legible ruins. A few decades later, the first limited diggings were carried out by the Governor of Shiraz.6 Only in 1931 systematic excavations and studies were initiated by the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, under the direction of the German archaeologist E. Herzfeld, who had studied the ruins and stressed the need of its excavations.7 In 1935, E.F. Schmidt replaced E. Herzfeld as the field director of the Persepolis Expedition of the Oriental Institute, until the end of 1939.8 The detailed report published by Schmidt and the very high quality photographic documentation of the excavated parts and of their reconstruction (including aerial views of the site), are now a very precious source of information not only for the archaeologists but also for those who have to care for the conservation of the stone monuments and of the precious carved reliefs.9

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Schmidt 1953: 61 Ibid.: 82 Briant 2002: 851 Ibid.; Sancisi-Weerdenburg 1993 Sancisi-Weerdenburg 1991 Weld-Blundell 1893: 539 Herzfeld 1929–30 Larson 2007 Schmidt 1953; Schmidt 1957; Schmidt 1970

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After the end of the Oriental Institute activity, Iranian archaeologists resumed the excavations in the 1950s and in the 1970s.10 The main restoration works (1964–1978) were entrusted to the Italian Institute for the Middle and Far East (IsMEO), which set a very advanced methodology for that time, according to the guidelines of the Central Italian Institute for Restoration; the activities, mainly focussed on anastylosis, were carried out under the supervision of G. Tilia and in close collaboration with archaeological studies by A.B. Tilia.11 Accurate and detailed documentation was an important part of this methodology, and it is now a precious source of information for scholars to better understand the site. It must, however, be mentioned that criticism was recently expressed by some Iranian scholars about the use of cement to join the broken huge fragments of the monuments to be reconstructed.12 Even more recently, the restoration of a zoomorphic capital in the “Gate of all Lands” was considered to jeopardize the authenticity of the monument due to a supposed wrong orientation decided by the IsMEO restorers.13 After 1978, the Iranian specialists continued the activities of restoration on the same guidelines under the supervision of H. Rahsaz, with a deep concern for the care of the monuments (e.g. sheltering of the most delicate parts) and of the site management.

The Iranian-Italian Project for Persepolis In 2008, a five-year project for Persepolis was launched jointly by Iran and Italy, named “From Palace to Town”. Partners in this project have been the University of Bologna, Department of Cultural Heritage, the Italian Institute for Africa and the East (IsIAO), the Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research, the Parse-Pasargadae Research Foundation (at that time directed by Dr. M. Talebian) and (since 2011) the Shiraz University. Prof. A. Askari Chaverdi and Prof. P. Callieri are the Joint Project Directors, respectively for Iran and Italy.14–15 The project was aimed on one side at widening the areas of interest from the sole terrace to its topographic and environmental context, at locating the nearby area of the inhabited settlements, known only from the written sources, and at studying the activities which were taking place, at least partly, at the service of the dynasty. On the other side, another important aim of the project was to contribute to the conservation of the stone monuments of the imperial site. This topic was thoroughly discussed by the archaeolo10 11 12 13 14 15

Sami 1970; Tadjvidi 1976 Tilia 1972; Tilia 1978 Harāti Ardestani 2004 Motamedmanesh 2015 Askari Chaverdi and Callieri 2012 Thanks to the additional financial contributions from the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGSP), the Italian Ministry of Education, University and Scientific Research (National Projects PRIN 2007 and PRIN 2009) and the Fondazione Flaminia, Ravenna, for this project.

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gists, and it was proposed to the Iranian authorities to shift from improved techniques for anastylosis to the conservation of stone, following the advice of G. Morganti, architect consultant of the project.

The Study of the Stone Finishing As in all conservation projects, also for the Persepolis monuments, the first step concerned the knowledge of the stone materials and a careful observation of their condition, in order to collect information useful to plan and to implement a new conservation policy.16 Two types of stones were mainly used in Persepolis: a light-grey stone coming from quarries not far from the terrace of Persepolis and the mountains around the plains of Marvdasht, and a dark-grey stone coming from the area of Majdabad, 40 km far from the West of Persepolis. The first type is a slightly marly bioclastic limestone of a light-grey colour with fossils of the Middle Cretaceous period; the second one is a marly limestone of dark-grey, almost black colour, which is more compact and has a finer grain, with micro-fossils of the Upper Cretaceous period.17 The petrographic and mineralogical properties of a few samples of the dark-grey stone collected from different monuments were further investigated by optical microscopy on thin-sections and by SEM/ EDS on polished cross-sections. The classification as biomicrite with foraminifera (Globigerina), algae and bivalves, was confirmed; a very fine dispersion of carbonaceous particles is responsible for the dark-grey colour of the stone, while the white veins frequently visible to the naked eye, are due to spatic calcite. The presence of a minor amount of clay minerals was also detected and carefully investigated. Actually, these minerals may play a very negative role in the decay process (mainly delamination and chipping) of stone. Finally, the porosity of the sound stone, as evaluated on the thin-sections, is rather low (