Angels in Islam: Jalal Al-Din Al-Suyuti's Al-Haba'ik Fi Akhbar Al-mala'ik 2011027021, 9780415672924, 9780203144978

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Angels in Islam

Angels are a basic tenet of belief in Islam, appearing in various types and genres of text, from eschatology to law and theology to devotional material. This book presents the first comprehensive study of angels in Islam, through an analysis of a collection of traditions (RadCth) compiled by the fifteenth-century polymath Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc (d. 911/1505). With a focus on the principal angels in Islam, the author provides an analysis and critical translation of hadith included in al-Suyeuc’s al-Haba”ik fi akhbar al-mala ”ik (‘The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels’) – many of which are translated into English for the first time. The book discusses the issues that the RadCth raise, exploring why angels are named in particular ways; how angels are described and portrayed in the RadCth; the ways in which angels interact with humans; and the theological controversies which feature angels. From this it is possible to place al-Suyeuc’s collection in its religious and historical milieu, building on the study of angels in Judaism and Christianity to explore aspects of comparative religious beliefs about angels as well as relating Muslim beliefs about angels to wider debates in Islamic studies. London, UK. Broadening the study of Islamic angelology and providing a significant amount of newly translated primary source material, this book will be of great interest to scholars of Islam, divinity and comparative religion. S. R. Burge is a Research Associate at the Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK. His main areas of research are in the life and works of al-Suyeuc, RadCth studies, tafsCr and angelology.

Culture and Civilization in the Middle East General Editor: Ian Richard Netton Professor of Islamic Studies, University of Exeter

This series studies the Middle East through the twin foci of its diverse cultures and civilizations. Comprising original monographs as well as scholarly surveys, it covers topics in the fields of Middle Eastern literature, archaeology, law, history, philosophy, science, folklore, art, architecture and language. While there is a plurality of views, the series presents serious scholarship in a lucid and stimulating fashion. PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED BY CURZON The Origins of Islamic Law The Qur’an, the Muwatta’ and Madinan Amal Yasin Dutton A Jewish Archive from Old Cairo The History of Cambridge University’s Genizah Collection Stefan Reif The Formative Period of Twelver Shi>ism Hadith as Discourse Between Qum and Baghdad Andrew J. Newman Qur’an Translation Discourse, Texture and Exegesis Hussein Abdul-Raof Christians in Al-Andalus 711–1000 Ann Rosemary Christys Folklore and Folklife in the United Arab Emirates Sayyid Hamid Hurriez The Formation of Hanbalism Piety into Power Nimrod Hurvitz

Arabic Literature An Overview Pierre Cachia Structure and Meaning in Medieval Arabic and Persian Lyric Poetry Orient Pearls Julie Scott Meisami Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily Arabic-Speakers and the End of Islam Alexander Metcalfe Modern Arab Historiography Historical Discourse and the Nation-State Youssef Choueiri The Philosophical Poetics of Alfarabi, Avicenna and Averroes The Aristotelian Reception Salim Kemal PUBLISHED BY ROUTLEDGE 1. The Epistemology of Ibn Khaldun Zaid Ahmad

2. The Hanbali School of Law and Ibn Taymiyyah Conflict or Conciliation Abdul Hakim I Al-Matroudi 3. Arabic Rhetoric A Pragmatic Analysis Hussein Abdul-Raof 4. Arab Representations of the Occident East-West Encounters in Arabic Fiction Rasheed El-Enany 5. God and Humans in Islamic Thought Abd al-Jabbar, Ibn Scna and al-Ghazalc Maha Elkaisy-Friemuth 6. Original Islam Malik and the madhhab of Madina Yasin Dutton 7. Al-Ghazali and the Qur>an One Book, Many Meanings Martin Whittingham 8. Birth of The Prophet Muhammad Devotional Piety in Sunni Islam Marion Holmes Katz 9. Space and Muslim Urban Life At the Limits of the Labyrinth of Fez Simon O’Meara 10. Islam and Science The Intellectual Career of Nizam al-Din al-Nizaburi Robert G. Morrison 11. Ibn ‘Arabî – Time and Cosmology Mohamed Haj Yousef 12. The Status of Women in Islamic Law and Society Annotated translation of al-oahir al-laddad’s Imra’tunA fi ‘l-sharC “a wa ’l-mujtama“, with an introduction Ronak Husni and Daniel L. Newman 13. Islam and the Baha>i Faith A Comparative Study of Muhammad ‘Abduh and ‘Abdul-Baha ‘Abbas Oliver Scharbrodt

14. Comte de Gobineau and Orientalism Selected Eastern Writings Translated by Daniel O’Donoghue Edited by Geoffrey Nash 15. Early Islamic Spain The History of Ibn al-Qeucya David James 16. German Orientalism The Study of the Middle East and Islam from 1800 to 1945 Ursula Wokoeck 17. Mulla nadra and Metaphysics Modulation of Being Sajjad H. Rizvi 18. Schools of Qur’anic Exegesis Genesis and Development Hussein Abdul-Raof 19. Al-Ghazali, Averroes and the Interpretation of the Qur’an Common Sense and Philosophy in Islam Avital Wohlman, translated by David Burrell 20. Eastern Christianity in the Modern Middle East Edited by Anthony O’Mahony and Emma Loosley 21. Islamic Reform and Arab Nationalism Expanding the Crescent from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean (1880s–1930s) Amal N. Ghazal 22. Islamic Ethics Divine Command Theory in Arabo-Islamic Thought Mariam al-Attar 23. Muslim Fortresses in the Levant Between Crusaders and Mongols Kate Raphael 24. Being Human in Islam The Impact of the Evolutionary Worldview Damian Howard

25. The UAE and Foreign Policy Foreign Aid, Identities and Interests Khalid S. Almezaini 26. A History of Early al-Andalus The Akhbar Majmu’a David James 27. Inspired Knowledge in Islamic Thought Al-Ghazali’s Theory of Mystical Cognition and its Avicennian Foundation Alexander Treiger 28. Shi’i Theology in Iran The Challenge of Religious Experience Ori Goldberg

29. Founding Figures and Commentators in Arabic Mathematics A History of Arabic Sciences and Mathematics, Volume 1 Roshdi Rashed, translated and edited by Nader El-Bizri 30. The Muslim Conquest of Iberia Medieval Arabic Narratives Nicola Clarke 31. Angels in Islam Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyetc’s al-LabA”ik fC akhbAr al-malA”ik S. R. Burge

Angels in Islam Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik

S. R. Burge

ROUTLEDGE

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2012 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2012 Stephen Burge The right of Stephen Burge to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Burge, S. R. Angels in Islam : Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA”ik fC akhbAr al-malA”ik / S. R. Burge. p. cm. – (Culture and civilization in the Middle East ; 31) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Angels–Islam. I. Suyuti, 1445–1505. LabA”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik. English. II. Title. BP166.89.B87 2011 297.2a15–dc23 2011027021 ISBN: 978-0-415-67292-4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-14497-8 (ebk) Typeset in Baskerville by Graphicraft Limited, Hong Kong

Dedicated to Laurelin

Contents

Acknowledgements

xii

PART I

Angels, Islam and al-Suyeuc ’s al-LabA»ik fC akhbAr al-malA »ik

1

1

3

Angels in Classical Islam and contemporary scholarship Classical sources on angels 5 Modern scholarship on angels in Islam 9

2

Al-Suyeuc and his works

16

Al-SuyEUC in his historical and religious context 17 JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC: methodology and sources 21 The purpose of al-laba’ik and its audience 26 PART II

Themes in Islamic angelology

29

3

31

Naming angels Theophoric names 34 Function names 39 Function names without malak 43 Other miscellaneous angelic names 45 Trends in angelic nomenclature in Islam 48

x 4

Contents Imagining angels

52

The physical form of angels 56 Angels of great size 60 Finer detailing, clothing, jewellery and colours 64 Angelic iconography in Islam 66 5

Angelic companions

70

From cradle to grave and beyond 71 Angels and God’s presence on earth 75 Angels and ritual 80 Angelic intermediaries 86 6

Angels and theology

88

Hierarchy and status 90 Angelic substance 98 God, angels, salvation history and prophecy 102 Are theological beliefs about angels incoherent? 107 PART III

Translation of al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA»ik fC akhbAr al-malA »ik

109

7

111

Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA »ik fC akhbAr al-malA »ik

A Description of the manuscripts used 112 [B] British Library, Or. 9026(1) fol. 1r–65r, l. 9 112 [L] University of Leiden, Or. 474(28) fol. 187v–245r 113 The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels 114 What is mentioned concerning the necessity of belief in angels 114 The origin of the creation of the angels and the proof that they are bodies in contradiction to the philosophers 114 The great abundance of the angels 115 The four archangels who are in charge of the command of the world 118 What is said concerning Gabriel (peace be upon him) 120 What is said concerning Michael (peace be upon him) 127 What is said concerning IsrAfCl (peace be upon him) 128 What is said concerning the Angel of Death (peace be upon him) 132 What is said about the Bearers of the Throne (peace be upon them) 145

Contents

xi

What is said about the Spirit (peace be upon him) 149 What is said about RiQwAn, MAlik and the Keepers of the [Garden and the] Fire (peace be upon them) 151 What is said about al-Sijill (peace be upon him) 154 What is said about HArEt and MArEt [peace be upon them both] 154 What is said about the SakCna (peace be upon him) 159 What is said about the Noble Watching Scribes (peace be upon them) 159 PART IV

Conclusions

175

8 Angels in Islam and Islamic angelology

177

Angels and cross-cultural exchange 179 Angels in Islam: al-SuyEUC’s perspective 181 Appendix A: Summary of the radcth not translated

184

Appendix B: Named sources of radcth in al-laba>ik fc akhbar al-mala>ik

222

Notes

226

Bibliography

284

Abbreviations ( Journals, Encyclopaedia and Monographs) 284 Abbreviations ( Jewish and Christian Texts) 286 Primary Sources (Muslim) 288 Primary Sources (Non-Muslim) 292 Secondary Sources 295 Indexes Index Index Index Index

of of of of

323 Qur ”Anic Citations 323 Bible, Talmud, Psuedpigrapha and Apocrypha 325 Medieval Muslim Authors 327 Names and Subjects 330

Acknowledgements

There are an inordinate number of people who deserve my thanks for their comments, advice and suggestions for this monograph. Firstly, I would like to thank Prof. Julia Bray, now of the Université de Paris VIII, who first introduced me to al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik sometime in the Martinmas Term of 2002, during my undergraduate studies at the University of St. Andrews. The work has kept me busy for a number of years, and will probably continue to do so. A number of colleagues and friends have commented on the text of this monograph, but mention must be given to Dr. Jokha al-larthc, Dr. Nuha al-Sha‘ar and Dr. Asma Hilali, for commenting on my Arabic translations; Dr. Stuart Foyle for his advice on philosophical matters; and especial thanks to Dr. Saeko Yazaki and Dr. Alex. Mallett, who both commented on my work extensively, as we all pursued our doctoral studies at the University of Edinburgh. I would also like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) for funding my studies, and the Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, for allowing me to complete this monograph. I must also thank all my colleagues in the Qur’anic Studies Unit, particularly Dr. Omar Alí-de-Unzaga. I could not have even begun this work without the never-ending help, support and encouragement given to me by my supervisor, Prof. Carole Hillenbrand OBE. Her suggestions, comments and criticisms of my work have, without doubt, come to influence how I think and approach Islamic Studies a great deal. I am also indebted to my two thesis examiners, Prof. David Thomas and Dr. Andrew Newman. Much of the new material in this monograph reflects their comments and queries, for which I have been very grateful. I would also like to thank my editing team at Routledge, namely Prof. Ian Netton, editor of the series Culture and Civilization in the Middle East, and commissioning editor Joe Whiting for their support of this project; and to my editor, Suzanne Richardson. I also need to thank Miss Tara Woolnough, of the Institute of Ismaili Studies, who read this entire monograph and has made extensive comments and suggestions, and it is much better for all of her efforts. Above all I would like to thank my family. My parents have supported me through my academic studies, and have always encouraged me to explore new ideas. My two children, Christian and Peter, constantly remind me that there is more to life than a monograph, and that recreation and relaxation are essential components of academic life. The final, and most important person to thank, is Laurelin. I could not have completed this without her constant and steadfast support and love. This book is as much hers as it is mine: I dedicate it to her.

PART I

Angels, Islam and al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA”ik fC akhbAr al-malA”ik

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1

Angels in Classical Islam and contemporary scholarship

In an article published in The Muslim World in 1937, the American missionary Samuel M. Zwemer commented: ‘The angelology of Islam is very extensive and has been treated only partially by western scholars, although it holds such an important place in the belief of popular Islam . . .’1 There still remains a large gap in the scholarly literature on the role of angels in Islam, with only two early monographs available on the subject.2 Admittedly, there are a number of studies in areas that include material about angels, but none is devoted exclusively to them. This is quite surprising as angels are a fundamental part of Islamic belief: ‘The Islamic concepts of creation, revelation, prophecy, the events that occur in the world, worship, the spiritual life, death, resurrection, and the central position of man in the cosmos cannot be understood without reference to angels.’3 In fact, belief in angels is necessary in Islam and their rejection constitutes kufr (unbelief ).4 This strong stance on angels can be seen quite clearly in the Qur’an itself: ‘Whoever is an enemy to God and His angels and His messengers, Gabriel, and Michael – surely God is an enemy to the unbelievers.’5 In some of the exegeses of this verse, the belief in angels is linked clearly to belief in the revelation of the Qur’an to Murammad.6 This is why believing in angels is a fundamental part of the Islamic worldview and why they deserve attention. Despite the lack of a recent monograph exploring angels in Islamic thought, it would be inaccurate to suggest that there has been no scholarship on the subject. The roles of the angels in specific mythic events, such as the prostration of the angels to Adam, and their role in eschatological works, including the mi“rAj, have been discussed, albeit not always in much depth. Angels encompass a range of different areas of study: Qur’anic and LadCth studies, accounts of the mi “rAj and Islamic eschatology, notions of popular religion and discussions in systematic theology (kalAm) and philosophy. Although not the focus of a single work, angels have often been featured in all of these areas of Islamic Studies. There are a number of problems that can be encountered when analysing the role of angels in Islam, or, for that matter, in any religious tradition. One difficulty is the fluidity, instability and diversity of beliefs about angels within a religious or textual tradition. The Jewish, Christian and Islamic scriptural traditions do not present a systematic homogenous dogma of angels. If one looks at the Hebrew Bible, for example, the beliefs about angels mentioned in the texts are not particularly

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

coherent, as André Caquot notes: ‘Man darf im [Alte Testament] keine fix und fertige „Angelologie“ suchen. Das alte Israel hat gar night versucht, ein dogmatisches System mit einem eigenen Kapitel Angelologie zu erarbeiten.’7 Furthermore, beliefs about angels are usually moulded to fit a larger theological viewpoint. For this reason, one religious tradition will have a range of theological beliefs about angels, some of which may even be contradictory. There will also be great variance across different textual genres and media. For example, the angelology described by the protestant theologian Karl Barth presents a spatially dualist universe,8 in which angels act as intermediaries between the divine and human realms.9 This has much more in common with Jewish angelology, such as expressed by Philo of Alexandria in his De Cherubim,10 in which angels act as messengers between two closed, divided worlds, in which: ‘God is transcendent; separating him and his creation, man, there is an infinite gulf. Yet between this transcendent being and mankind there exist relations of prayer, revelation and guidance.’11 The dualist cosmology found in Barth is at odds with other Christian theological traditions, which often dispute such a finite separation between the heavenly and the earthly.12 Essentially, it is impossible to talk of ‘Islamic angelology’ or ‘Christian angelology’, as there is no systematic ‘theology’ of angels that transcends all individuals or groups within a religion. Likewise, descriptions of the physical form of angels are not the same across different media, even those dating from the same period. This is particularly apparent in textual descriptions of angels and their representation in visual art. Each genre and time period has its own iconographic vocabulary, as authors or artists use contemporary imagery to convey messages and symbols to their audiences. Furthermore, as angels are of the supramundane world, they can take whatever forms an author or painter wishes to give them.13 Whereas a human has to take a set form, an angel can largely take any imaginable, and the author or artist is given a relative amount of iconographic freedom. Images and specific motifs are then used by the author or artist to articulate or highlight particular theological ideas, such as purity or status: Very early in the history of Art a system of religious symbolism existed, a knowledge of which greatly enhances the pleasure derived from representations of sacred objects. In no case was this symbolism more carefully observed than in the representation of angels. The aureole or the nimbus is never omitted from the head of the angel, and is always, whenever used, the symbol of sanctity.14 Angels dressed in white, for example, show an outer manifestation of an inward purity and closeness to the divine;15 but angels can also be dressed in green, or any other colour, and each colour carries symbolism that brings a specific meaning to the angel.16 This is seen particularly in the features of the Angel of Death, who has a ‘pleasant’ form for believers and a terrifying form for non-believers.17 There is a need for caution when approaching traditions about angels. In an Islamic context, it is necessary that conclusions are not extrapolated from single

Angels in Classical Islam and contemporary scholarship

5

RadCth and taken as being representative of the tradition as a whole. A RadCth may be unusual or uncommon, and, as such, wider conclusions cannot be drawn from it. It is important to make more general conclusions about a group or ‘bundle’ of motifs or traditions. To take an example that will be seen later, the number of wings that angels are said to have in the RadCth literature varies greatly. The differences do not present an insurmountable inconsistency, because the point of such traditions is to convey their method of movement from one realm to the other, their beauty, their size or their origin from the supramundane. It is the underlying basis of the motif, rather than the motif itself that should be basis of any analysis of the material. Likewise, there is a need to be aware of the fact that angels, including both beliefs about them and their iconography, are largely dependent on an underlying theology. The varied traditions about angels and the motivations behind certain images or beliefs must be navigated carefully. The fact that there is no unified ‘angelology’ needs to be accepted, taken into account, and held in mind at all times.

CLASSICAL SOURCES ON ANGELS This book will be focusing on angels in the RadCth literature, particularly through an examination of a RadCth collection of Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc (d. 911/1505) entitled al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik (‘The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels’). Before looking at this work in detail, it will be useful to present a brief summary of the types of works that reflect on angels in Islamic thought to show their presence throughout Islamic culture. There are a great many references to angels in the Qur’an,18 particularly in relation to their roles in eschatology and revelation, and, as such, the Qur’an provides a solid basis from which the Islamic tradition developed. One of the aims of this book is to assess the course of this development and to understand the varied influences exerted upon it. The interpretation and elucidation of scripture, particularly when the supramundane is concerned, has a tendency to expand the text greatly. If one looks at the references to angels in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, a great increase in the number of angels can be seen. This is not unusual and such an expansion in angelic traditions over time is also found in Judaism,19 and Zoroastrianism.20 The developed Jewish, Zoroastrian and Islamic angelologies all show a high degree of interaction between the divine and human spheres. Christianity, particularly in the late-Antique period and beyond, developed in a slightly different way.21 Whilst Christian angelology is not always expanded quite as readily as in Judaism and Islam, the growth in the cult of saints does bear some similarity to the intermediation between humans and God, particularly in the association of saints with different aspects of daily life.22 Although the RadCth literature shows an augmentation in beliefs about angels, they are often related directly to the Qur’anic text itself – albeit not always in an obvious way. As the Qur’an is the principal source of authority in Islamic thought,23 ideas about angels can be seen either to be a development of a Qur’anic

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

theme, or ‘pegged’ onto a particular verse. These approaches to exegesis highlight the nature of the interdependent relationship between scripture and exegesis (Deutungsbedürfigkeit): exegesis is dependent on scripture, but scripture needs to be explained by the exegetical tradition. In his Qur”Anic Studies, Wansbrough comments: This is not merely to say that the content of scripture is enhanced by commentary, or that it may be made to bear any number of (complementary and/or contradictory) interpretations, but that the scriptural style is itself incomplete without commentary.24 This is particularly evident in an area such as angelology, where the material presented in the Qur’an is not always clear or fully developed.25 In the context of angelology, the Qur’an needs the exegetical tradition to elucidate ideas about angels made in passing, and, at the same time, traditional Islamic angelology is influenced and informed by the Qur’anic worldview. There are a number of aspects of Islamic angelology that are developed in tafsCr and the RadCth literature. One example, out of a great many, is the treatment of the Angel of Death. The Qur’an does refer to the angel in Q. 32:11, ‘Say: “The Angel of Death, who has been charged with you, shall gather you, then to your Lord you shall be returned.” ’26 Whilst death is mentioned frequently throughout the Qur’an,27 this verse is the only one to mention the Angel of Death specifically. As a result, the exegeses use this verse to expand and develop ideas about the angel, such as his appearance, how the angel ends life and how the angel can deal with multiple deaths at the same time.28 There are many other examples of ideas mentioned briefly in the Qur’an that are then expanded in the exegetical and RadCth literature. Another example is the reference to qa“Cdun (‘sitting’) in Q. 50:17: ‘When the two angels meet together, sitting one on the right and one on the left.’ Islamic tradition maintained that there were two angels, one each on the left and the right, who were called the ‘noble watching scribes’ (al-kAtibAn al-RafiVAn).29 Some exegetes, such as al-Suyeuc, maintained that the reference to qa“Cd in Q. 50:17 was third angel, or a name for one of the two scribes.30 ‘Pegging’ an idea or narrative to a particular word or verse is a relatively common feature in Islamic exegesis. It shows the potential of exegesis to move the Qur’anic text into a new area of debate or reflection. The asbAb al-nuzEl (‘reasons for the revelation’) material is another example of the use of ‘pegging’. In these cases the RadCth are used to contextualize a particular verse of the Qur’an, often having an effect on its interpretation.31 Andrew Rippin has shown that asbAb can even be used to contradict or subvert the most obvious and apparent intention of the Qur’an.32 The best example of this in the context of Qur’anic angelology is the mythical story of the two angels HArEt and MArEt. The Qur’an only refers to the two angels briefly: When there has come to them a Messenger from God confirming what was with them, a party of them that were given the Book reject the Book of

Angels in Classical Islam and contemporary scholarship

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God behind their backs, as though they knew not, and they follow what the Satans recited over Solomon’s kingdom. Solomon disbelieved not, but the Satans disbelieved, teaching the people sorcery, and that which was sent down upon Babylon’s two angels Harut and Marut; they taught not any man, without that they said, ‘We are but a temptation; do not disbelieve.’ From them they learned how they might divide a man and his wife, yet they did not hurt any man thereby, save by the leave of God, and they learned what hurt them, and did not profit them, knowing well that whoso buys it shall have no share in the world to come; evil then was that they sold themselves for, if they had but known. (Q 2:101–2) In the various stories preserved in the RadCth literature, often included in the tafsCr material,33 the two angels come down to earth to try to live as humans, having boasted that angels would never behave in such an ungodly manner as humans.34 They are tested, fail and are duly punished. The story is essentially a commentary on the nature of the human condition, and the fact that committing sins is ‘natural’ for humans; but also that God is compassionate to those who seek forgiveness. The mythic narrative found in the tafsCr, ta”rCkh and qiTAT al-anbiyA” traditions, then, bears little resemblance to the depiction of HArEt and MArEt in these two Qur’anic verses seen above. The myth, evidently popular in Islamic folklore, is pegged onto this verse, and this verse in particular because it is the only one to mention the angels by name. Another famous example of ‘pegging’ can be seen in the accounts of the mi “rAj, common in the sCra traditions,35 as well as the RadCth literature more generally,36 which, despite the verse referring only to the night journey (isrA”),37 associate the event with Q. 17:1: Glory be to Him, who carried His servant by night from the Holy Mosque to the Further Mosque the precincts of which We have blessed, that We might show him some of Our signs. He is the All-hearing, the All-seeing. The exegetical tradition, including genres such as qiTAT al-anbiyA”, can be seen to take the Qur’anic text in unexpected and unforeseen directions. Outside of the exegetical tradition and its dependent genres,38 such as qiTAT al-anbiyA”, the RadCth literature expands beliefs about angels exponentially. Whilst tafsCr allows a certain degree of freedom to develop Qur’anic ideas, as can been with the story of HArEt and MArEt, the RadCth literature, released from a need to respond directly to the text of the Qur’an, expands and develops beliefs about angels a great deal. This is seen particularly in works about eschatology and the Prophet’s ascent to heaven. LadCth collections on eschatological themes, such as al-Ghazalc’s (alleged) work al-Durra al-fakhCra,39 and ‘Abd al-Rarcm al-Qaqc’s DaqA ”iq al-akhbAr fC dhikr al-janna wa-’l-nAr 40 describe the end of time and angels in detail. Likewise, the accounts of the Prophet’s ascension to heaven (mi “rAj ) contain elaborate descriptions of the inhabitants of both heaven and hell.41 Some angels do not appear in the Qur’an but became important in Islamic angelology. These

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

angels can be seen as later developments in Islamic angelology, such as the cockerel (al-DCk ), who appears in some accounts of the mi“rAj, and the two grave angels (Munkar and NakCr ), who have a role in personal eschatology. When considering angels in Islam, it is necessary to accept that beliefs about angels developed over a significant period of time. This means that generalizations cannot be made about Islamic angelology as a whole; but, rather, there is a need to place beliefs about angels in the context of their wider developmental history. Whilst the RadCth literature is the main focus of this book, angels are also found readily in other forms of intellectual discourse in the mediaeval period. Theological angelology, particularly the substance of angels and the relative status of angels and prophets, is a topic encountered in Islamic philosophy and theology.42 Angels also have an important place in Sufism. Most Sufi texts approach angelology in much the same way as non-Sufi Islam; however, one area stressed in Sufism is the use of beings to signify and testify to the reality of a seer’s vision,43 which is a trend common to many religious traditions.44 As divine beings, angels are also used to highlight the legitimacy of certain Sufi practices and beliefs,45 a use of angels also seen in Islamic law and the RadCth more generally.46 At times, some Sufi philosophers such as Ibn al-‘Arabc and Shihab al-Dcn al-Suhrawardc have used angels in a more heterodox fashion,47 and it is important to remember that, however influential these philosophers may be, their angelology diverges from that of the genres of RadCth and tafsCr. There is, then, much discussion of angels and angelology outside of tafsCr and RadCth. It is not always easy to assess the influence that such discussions had on tradition-based angelology, such as al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik; but such works did not originate in a vacuum, and it is important to place the RadCth material in their intellectual milieu. The final area of Islamic religion and culture which has an impact on Islamic angelology is popular religion. The nature of popular, folkloric beliefs about angels means that it is very difficult to find textual evidence for the mediaeval period. An obvious problem is encountered: when does folklore become ‘tradition’?48 In his discussion of the Arabian Nights, Robert Irwin comments: ‘There are peculiar problems in studying a body of fiction which is part literature and part folklore and partaking of the characteristics of both written and oral culture.’49 Much of the material about angels inhabits this grey hinterland between ‘popular’ and ‘official’ beliefs about angels. The mythic stories about HArEt and MArEt are clearly ‘folkloric’, but become normative, ‘canonized’, and even ‘official’. Such a move from popular to official is well attested in the history of religions.50 Whilst it is possible to see such narratives becoming ‘canonical’, it is difficult to tell whether more obscure and heterodox beliefs found in the RadCth literature, for example, can be simply designated ‘popular’ or ‘folkloric’, or whether their inclusion in a RadCth collection gives the ideas a more ‘official’ status. Likewise, the use of angels in magic in Islamic culture blurs these differences between official, normative and popular.51 Popular beliefs about angels can undoubtedly come to influence mainstream Islamic angelology, and as Islamic angelology developed over a prolonged period, it must be acknowledged that popular beliefs may have shaped the later tradition.

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This brief survey of beliefs about angels in Islamic texts has attempted to show that Muslim writers engaged with angels in a wide range of ways. Whilst this book focuses on the RadCth literature, other areas of religious thought such as philosophy, Sufism and popular religion were concurrent with the emergence of the tradition literature and RadCth collections. The extent to which the RadCth literature reacted to these other genres and intellectual areas is difficult to assess; but it is, nevertheless, necessary to bear in mind the context in which the RadCth material evolved when exploring the world of angels in mediaeval Islamic tradition.

MODERN SCHOLARSHIP ON ANGELS IN ISLAM Although the study of angels in modern scholarship has been rather limited, there have been a number of studies on the origins of particular Muslim beliefs about angels. These have focused on two main areas: firstly, the Jewish or Christian provenance of particular angels or narratives involving angels and, secondly, the development of Islamic angelology and its relation to pre-Islamic religion, both usually relating to the study of the Qur’an. That the Qur’an is the principal source for Muslim beliefs about angels is undeniable, but a number of scholars have attempted to analyse and find the origins of specific Qur’anic narratives. Sometimes the association of angels in Islam, such as Gabriel, with their Jewish or Christian antecedents are quite obvious and were also acknowledged in mediaeval Islamic sources.52 Some early twentieth-century studies of Islam, such as Arthur Jeffery’s Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur ”An of 1938,53 incorporated lexicological and philological studies in an attempt to locate and situate the origins of Islam in a particular milieu.54 Such approaches have gained more attention recently.55 The aims of these investigations are often associated with some degree of polemic, or, at the least, an intention to place the development of the Qur’an within a specific locale: by associating vocabulary with Syriac, or any other language, it is possible to argue that the Qur’an was not the divine word, as is implied by Christoph Luxemburg.56 There have been few studies, however, which have looked at the way in which Muslims themselves have understood philology and lexicology, save for a number of articles by Andrew Rippin.57 Similar source-critical methods were also used in the study of various Qur’anic narratives, originally as part of a broader polemic against Islam.58 These polemical works often attributed ‘sources’ to the Qur’an without much analysis. They often made connections between the Qur’an and Jewish or Christian works simply on account of a similar theme. The establishment of parallels in source criticism was also popular in Old Testament Studies, where links were made between the Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern texts;59 but a number of methodological problems have been raised with these studies.60 More recently, the methodology has been used to understand the shared heritage of Jewish, Christian and Muslim stories, motifs and traditions more broadly.61 Steven

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Wasserstrom’s work on the relationship between Islamic tradition and Jewish Pseudepigrapha is the best example of this type of approach in recent years.62 These studies do not aim, as with the early polemicists, to establish a link between the Qur’an (as well as RadCth) and earlier Jewish works, but to explore the intricate relationships between Jews, Christians and Muslims in the early period of Islam.63 The secondary literature on narratives involving angels has tended to focus on the Qur’an and its exegetical literature (including both tafsCr and qiTaT al-anbiyA”). Taking the narrative of the angelic prostration to Adam as an example, it can be seen that some scholars look at the Qur’anic accounts specifically,64 whilst others look at the narrative more broadly, but always with the Qur’anic episode in mind.65 The earliest articles and studies on this Qur’anic pericope attempt to find a ‘source’ for the story.66 William St. Clair Tisdall comments that the story ‘is doubtless borrowed from a misapprehension of Heb. i. 6.’67 More recent studies, however, have tended to treat the material interpretively. For example, M.J. Kister attempts to place the traditional qiTaT literature about the prophets in the context of the Qur’an, arguing that: ‘The rich treasure of stories and traditions relating to fdam, lawwa’ and their progeny is closely connected to the narrative verses of the Quran which deal with their creation, temptation, vicissitudes, and fate.’68 Likewise, Annemarie Schimmel is less interested in the sources of the narrative, but explores Muslim responses to the story in theology and mysticism.69 In Sufism, it is IblCs that becomes an important subject; as IblCs refused to bow down to something other than God, he comes to be seen, by some, as a kind of proto-Sufi and strict monotheist.70 Other commentaries have included a contextualization of the narrative in its Arabian context,71 thematic analyses and comparative approaches.72 However, there is a tendency in all of these studies to discuss events and characters other than the angels; authors are interested in what the angelic prostration says about Adam and humans more generally, or in the case of Sufism, IblCs. There has been relatively little work pursued on the role of angels in Islamic tradition more widely. The second focus of the secondary literature on the origins and development of angelology in Islam focuses on its relationship with pre-Islamic paganism.73 The most notable studies have been by Joseph Chelhod, Jacques Waardenburg and Alford T. Welch.74 These studies relate the development of Qur’anic angelology to the decline of pre-Islamic paganism, with particular focus on the various verses of the Qur’an that accuse the Meccans of angel and jinn worship.75 There are a number of problems with this type of research. The idea that Arabian religion progressed from animism to monotheism, through various other stages (including polydaemonism, polytheism and panentheism) is based on the concept of religious evolutionism.76 Religious evolutionism has been largely rejected by anthropologists of religion because of the results of anthropological research, as well as on account of its strong imperialist assumption that monotheism is ‘best’ and the purest form of religion. Both Waardenburg and Welch approach Qur’anic angelology on evolutionist lines, but their arguments frequently encounter problems. Welch, for example, bases his thesis on the chronological ordering of the

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verses of the Qur’an and the historiographical and practical problems associated with this are well known.77 For those who argue from an evolutionist perspective, the Qur’an uses angels in a larger polemic against polytheism, in which other pre-Islamic Meccan deities become labelled ‘angels’ to prove that they have no power or authority. Have you considered El-Lat and El-’Uzza (sic) and Manat the third, the other? What, have you males, and He females? That were indeed an unjust division. They are naught but names yourselves have named, and your fathers; God has sent down no authority touching them. . . . How many an angel there is in the heavens whose intercession avails not anything, save after that God gives leave to whomever He wills and is well-pleased. Those who do not believe in the world to come name the angels with the names of females. (Q. 53:19–27) The message of this passage from the Qur’an is to emphasize the futility of seeking intercessions through angels and/or goddesses. There is little in the verse to suggest angelolatry. The use of angels in evolutionist arguments often leads to strange conclusions. For example, Welch states that: ‘The angels become little more than symbols and extensions of divine power . . .’78 Why is this surprising? This is exactly what angels are and what they are supposed to be. Welch believes that the Battle of Badr (or the changing of the qibla) marked a moment in which the angels moved from being conceived as humans to taking invisible forms.79 Again, this is a misunderstanding of the angelology and the result of an attempt to place Qur’anic angelology in a developmental scheme. Even a very brief survey of Judeo-Christian literature shows that angels are often conceived in different ways, with both human and divine forms. Taking Welch’s argument, the Gospel of Luke, in which Gabriel takes a ‘human’ form, would have to predate the mysterious angels found in Isaiah, Daniel and Ezekiel. There is no reason to suggest that the use of two different iconographies marks a development in the angelology of the Qur’an. Welch and Waardenburg fundamentally misrepresent angelology and attempt to force Qur’anic angelology into a developmental scheme that does not necessarily exist.80 G.R. Hawting provides a different account of the use of angels in antipolytheist polemic in his Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam. Hawting’s general thesis in this work is that the Qur’an is not directed towards Meccan polytheists, but rather, towards other monotheists. The direct reference in the Qur’an to the ‘daughters of God’ (BanAt AllAh: al-LAt, al-“Uzza and ManAt) obviously presents problems for this argument: if the Qur’an is aimed at monotheists, who are these pagan deities? In the final chapter of the monograph,81 Hawting argues that the BanAt AllAh are actually angels and that the Qur’an is referring to angel worship. Hawting argues that, like the BanAt AllAh, angels in Judaism are often female and associated with astral bodies.82 However, there are a number of problems

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with his argumentation. Firstly, angels are rarely gendered in Judaism and even when they are given gender, they are usually conceived as being male, with the phrase ‘sons of God’, mentioned in the Bible and other Jewish and Christian literature,83 being associated with angels. ‘Daughters of God’ simply is not found, although there are a few exceptions found amongst the Ebionites and Gnostic texts. For example the Ebionites ‘talked of a pair of great angels who were the Son of God and the Holy Spirit, male and female. Several Gnostic writings describe twofold angels with a male and female aspect.’84 However, these angels were part of a pair, male and female, which is notably different to the ‘Daughters of God’ seen in pre-Islamic Meccan religion. The genderlessness of angels is made clear in al-Nasafc’s creed, in which it is stated: ‘The angels are servants of God fulfilling His command. They are not characterised by masculinity or femininity.’85 There is evidence that in pre-Islamic Arabian religion, the ‘morning star’ (Venus) was associated with the male god ‘Athtar.86 Angelic beings, isfahbAds were responsible for astral bodies in Zoroastrianism,87 but again these are not usually considered female. Furthermore, the names of the BanAt AllAh are clearly Arabic names, and are not in the standard form of Jewish and Christian angelic nomenclature. Hawting also does not take into account any angel cults that existed in the Near East prior to the expansion of Islam. Angelolatry was evidently a problem for the Early Church,88 with the Council of Laodicea (343–81 CE) explicitly banning the practice: Christians must not forsake the Church of God, and go away and invoke angels and gather assemblies, which things are forbidden. If, therefore, any one shall be found engaged in this covert idolatry, let him be anathema; for he has forsaken our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and has gone over to idolatry.89 Lastly, there is archaeological evidence that these goddesses did exist in other Semitic religions in surrounding areas, such as South Arabia and Palmyra,90 which raises the question whether it is more likely that these goddesses are related to these established Semitic deities, or whether they are ‘angels’. The simplest solution is that they are goddesses and that the Qur’an is making a comment about the futility of worshipping them when it describes them as ‘angels’: there simply is no benefit in doing so. Hawting’s general thesis in The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam that polemic accusations of idolatry can be made against those who see no idolatry in their own worship is an intriguing one, particularly the comparison with views held by theologians during the Reformation.91 However, the references to the BanAt AllAh appear to refer to real deities, and not ‘polemicized’ angels. Beyond Qur’anic Studies, angels are most frequently discussed in the eschatological and mi “rAj literature, in which they play a key role. As with the study of angels in the Qur’an and its exegesis, the focus is not generally on the angels themselves. There is no need to outline the vast body of scholarship on Islamic

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92

eschatology, but it should be noted that there are three main areas of study within the field: (i) the events of the eschaton;93 (ii) death and personal eschatology;94 and (iii) the ascent literature, including Murammad’s mi“rAj.95 To a lesser extent, angels have featured in theological and philosophical discussions in Islam. These usually focus on particular issues that were discussed in the mediaeval period, such as the status of angels in relation to humans;96 or on the use of angels by philosophers and theologians in a wider cosmology.97 These examples are important to consider, albeit very briefly, as they show the ways in which angels have been treated in Islamic studies. In addition to the work done on Islamic eschatology, Biblical and Jewish studies have much to offer in regard to the theoretical approaches to angelology and beliefs about angels more broadly. These studies could be incorporated into Islamic studies with beneficial results, and the discussions in the chapters which follow make much use of this material.98 A large number of works on angels is available, ranging from studies of Biblical99 and sectarian angelologies100 to apocalypticism and eschatological literature.101 There have been a number of studies of angels in the Arab world, and angels continue to hold an important place in Islamic theology. Many modern Muslim scholars continue to regard belief in angels as a ‘pillar’ (rukn) of the faith. This is particularly so amongst salAfC scholars, who see the rejection of angels and the spirit world as an innovation brought about by the growth of secularism and scientific advances. The negative reaction to Nasr Abe Zayd’s Qur’anic hermeneutics102 included accusations of unbelief (kufr), based on his questioning of the existence of angels, other supernatural phenomena, and beliefs in concepts such as the divine Throne.103 This should be no surprise, since the Qur’an refers to the existence of angels explicitly, and in Q. 2:97 requires belief in them. In twentieth-century exegesis of Q. 2:97, the reason behind the necessity of belief in angels is often discussed. For many exegetes, the verse is placed in the context of Jewish resistance to Murammad’s message. Exegetes, such as al-Mawqedc, argue that the Jewish rejection of Gabriel, is also a rejection of the Qur’an, as it is through Gabriel that the Qur’an is revealed.104 There is also a tendency in Muslim scholarship, particularly from those approaching the Qur’an with a ‘radical hermeneutics’,105 to reject much of the material about angels, on the grounds that it is not authentic. Sayyid Quub writes concerning the story of HArEt and MArEt that: It is not our intention in this work to pursue the myths and legends woven around the event and personalities we come across in our study of the Qur’an, not least because of the lack of authentic historical information.106 Similarly, ‘Umar Sulayman al-Ashqar rejects much of the traditional material about angels found in works such as al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, in his “Flam al-malA ”ika al-abrAr (‘The World of Dutiful Angels’).107 Al-Ashqar only accepts sound traditions of the Prophet, and so discounts many beliefs, such as the name “AzrA”Cl for the Angel of Death, and the story of HArEt and MArEt.108 Al-Ashqar is also dismissive of scholars that accept this material, stating that

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik it is not possible to use [these RadCth], since the soundness of these is an assumption made by the “ulamA”, and they are not infallible – perhaps they see strength in the use of IsrA“CliyyAt.109

The use of IsrA“CliyyAt,110 Jewish and Christian material, remains a contentious issue in the study of angels in the Muslim world. Other studies in Arabic, such as ‘Abd al-Khaliq al-‘Auuar’s “Flam al-malA ”ika al-akhyAr wa-“Alam al-shayUAn al-ashrAr (‘The Righteous World of the Angels and Unrighteous World of the Devils’),111 are summaries of beliefs found in the Qur’an and the RadCth, but often provide a useful resource. More discursive material on angels and angelology can also be found, such as Khalid al-laj’s LaqA ”iq al-CmAn bi’l-malA ”ika,112 and in exegeses by figures such as the late Murammad lusayn Faql Allah.113 In general, the study of angels in Islam has been quite restrictive, with scholars only looking at angels as and when necessary. Angels have rarely been the primary focus of research, and any discussion of them tends to be incidental to other wider issues. The study of angels has also been largely compartmentalized into specific areas: eschatology, Qur’anic studies, exegesis, the mi “rAj literature, theology, philosophy and so on. Surprisingly, there has been virtually no study of angels in non-eschatological material. There does not appear to be any real reason for this, simply seeming to be a lacuna in the field that has yet to provoke much interest. One of the aims of this book is to open up the study of the angelic world of the RadCth beyond the eschatological material and to show the vitality of Muslim beliefs about angels in Islamic tradition. This book hopes to move scholarship in the field away from Qur’anic Studies, focusing instead on the role of angels in the RadCth literature more generally, using Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik as a basis from which to begin an exploration of Islamic beliefs about angels. It is certainly not a corpus of RadCth about angels, but it does go some way to collect a significant number of traditions, and there are few comparable muTannaf works (i.e. collections based on a theme or topic) focused specifically on angels. This means making a survey of angels in Islamic tradition much harder, if not impossible, as the sources become hard to locate. Al-Qazwcnc’s K. “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, Abe ’l-Shaykh’s K. al-“AVama, and al-Bayhaqc’s K. Shu“ab al-CmAn all contain RadCth about angels, but al-Suyeuc’s collates many more in a single place.114 Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik presents a late-Classical distillation of the RadCth on angels. It may not be comprehensive, but it does enable the process of understanding RadCth about angels to begin. The following chapter will present a background to Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc and his life. Although a collection of RadCth, these RadCth are still presented through al-Suyeuc’s eyes, and the selections that he makes and the way in which he arranges the material will have been affected by his own knowledge, his environment, and the aims he had in compiling the work. This chapter, along with this introduction, hopes to give this book some context. There is much about angels that will not be discussed in the chapters that follow, and the focus of this book has been defined by ideas generated by the material that al-Suyeuc includes. Part II presents an analysis of four different

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themes about angels. Chapter 3 analyzes the different ways in which angels are named. Jewish and Christian angels have often been suggested as having had a strong influence on Islamic angelology, and this chapter questions the extent of these influences through the use of nomenclature. Chapter 4 carries on the theme of problematizing the perceived strength of the Judeo-Christian influence on Islamic angels, through a study of the ways in which angels are described. The focus of al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik is on the presence of angels in everyday life, and Chapter 5 looks at the interaction between humans and angels. Angels do not simply communicate with ‘special’ humans, such as prophets and saints, but every human encounters angels in the Islamic worldview. The final chapter in Part II discusses some of the theological and philosophical disputes in which angels were involved. The chapter also aims to explain why ideas and images about angels are so varied within one religious tradition. Part III consists of a translation of selections from al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik (Chapter 7). The translation includes chapters from the work concerning the most important angels in Islam. The translation is accompanied by some basic notes, along with evidence from two manuscripts. Part IV, which provides the conclusion (Chapter 8), summarizes the problems that can be encountered when dealing with traditions about angels, and how the great variety of ideas and beliefs about angels can be navigated safely.

2

Al-Suyeuc and his works

The great Egyptian polymath Abe ’l-Faql ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Abc Bakr b. Murammad Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc al-Khudayrc (849/1445–911/1505)1 was one of the leading scholars of his day, famous for his wide knowledge, as well as his contempt for contemporary scholars.2 His work is significant, not simply because of his historical context, writing at the end of the classical period, but because his astonishingly prolific output covered many different subjects: from linguistics and philology to history, medicine, cosmology and zoology.3 Al-Suyeuc was well respected in his own lifetime, although to a lesser degree in Egypt, and specifically Cairo, because of his arrogant demeanour,4 and there is evidence of his influence stretching from Takrer in East Africa,5 all the way to India.6 Indeed, he became a dominant force in the study of RadCth in the following centuries, with, as John O. Voll has noted, the vast majority of RadCth collections being based on the authority of three scholars: al-Suyeuc, Ibn lajar al-‘Asqalanc (d. 852/1449), and Zakariyya al-Antarc (d. 926/1520).7 Al-Suyeuc, particularly on account of his works on philology and exegesis, continues to hold an important place in both Muslim and non-Muslim studies on Islam.8 Despite this, there has been relatively little attention focused on him in the secondary literature in the west, with only one monograph devoted to his work, life and ideas. However, he has been the focus of a number of different studies in Arabic, from monographs on his life as a scholar,9 examinations of particular areas of al-Suyeuc’s scholarly activity,10 to conferences devoted to al-Suyeuc and his thought.11 To understand al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik more fully, it is necessary to place al-Suyeuc and his works in their wider historical and social context. The work emerged during the waning of the Circassian (BurjC ) Mamluk sultanate,12 and only a few years after al-Suyeuc’s death the Ottomans had gained control of the majority of the Near East and North Africa, save Iran. Mamluk society, especially the relationships between the different classes and faith-communities, has received much attention in the past;13 an environment worth noting when placing al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik in its religious milieu.

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AL-SUYjoh IN HIS HISTORICAL AND RELIGIOUS CONTEXT Whilst the Mamluks faced increasing political, social and economic problems during the fifteenth century,14 the scholarly élite remained relatively strong and productive, with Cairo being the centre of academic achievement in the Near East. Jonathan Berkey comments: ‘. . . the immense number of manuscripts that survive from, say, the fifteenth century, testify to the important role of the book in a highly literate academic world that. . . . [was] vibrant throughout the Middle Ages.’15 Most importantly, academia in late Mamluk Egypt became increasingly independent and secure through the establishment of endowments (waqf, pl. awqAf ): ‘The scholarly establishment owed its relative freedom of action to the autonomy of the endowed academic position, unlike either the bureaucracy or the judiciary – both of which were tied to the state.’16 There was a great number of colleges and institutions of higher education, and Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc grew up in a highly educated and cultured environment.17 As Islamic education was primarily based on the personal relationship between teacher and pupil, most scholars came from local Cairene families with a long history in the scholarly world;18 but some, like al-Suyeuc’s father, were able to succeed, having come to Cairo from the provinces.19 Whilst scholarship was relatively fruitful in this period, academics and judges were involved in a number of controversies that have some bearing on the cultural and religious milieu of the fifteenth century.20 The place of Christians, particularly Coptic Christians, in Mamluk society was the cause of a number of disputes, both in Cairo and Damascus,21 often involving accusations of blasphemy against the Prophet.22 There were particular moments when the tensions between Coptic Christians and local Muslims became particularly strong, but, generally, the relationship between each of the groups was acceptance, albeit peppered with a little mutual distrust. In Egypt, for example, the Copts from time to time during the Mamluk period incurred the wrath of the populace and consequently the government in Egypt, either by displays of conspicuous consumption in violation of Muslim sumptuary laws, by playing too prominent a role in the financial bureaux, or by acts of blasphemy or terrorism. Because such acts disrupted the political and social stability that the Mamluks were so keen to maintain, they attracted the interest of Muslim historians, both Egyptian and Syrian.23 Earlier in the Mamluk period, the secretaries of the court, who were mainly Copts,24 were legislated against, largely due to resentment from the Muslim majority, and subsequently secretaries could only be Muslims. This prompted a large number of Copts to convert to Islam, as the court was their main employer.25 However, their conversions were not usually whole-hearted, with many still celebrating Christian festivals, being only Muslim in name.26 These converts to Islam, especially the second and third generations, would undoubtedly have

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

brought some Christian material with them into popular Muslim interpretation of the Qur’an and RadCth. Not only were there Christian converts to Islam, but there was frequent adoption and celebration of Coptic festivals by the Muslim population in Mamluk Egypt. The most famous of these is the Nile festival held in January (“Hd al-ghiUAs).27 At the same time, there was also a growth in the observance of other Muslim festivals,28 which reformers, such as Ibn Taymiyya in the previous century had strived to ‘correct’, seeing them as innovations (bida“ ) that needed to be purged from Islam.29 The celebration of the Prophet’s birthday (mawlid al-nabC ) and the practice of tomb visitation (ziyAra) are the most prominent of these innovative practices, and there has been much secondary literature written on both of these topics.30 What is most interesting is the fact that the scholarly and legal classes did not present a united front against these ‘innovative’ festivals: In opposition to Ibn Taymiyya, the vast majority of the mamluk ulama valorized the petitioning of the holy dead and the visiting of their tombs. The ulama also set forth a careful etiquette for these activities, an etiquette which, judginig (sic) by the learned complaints, ordinary people, especially women, often ignored.31 Some scholars, such as al-Suyeuc, actually argued that some of these practices were acceptable and should be encouraged, although al-Suyeuc does discourage the general revelry associated with the mawlid al-nabC festivities.32 Mamluk Cairo was not, then, an environment in which there was a distinct divide between ‘popular’ and ‘orthodox’ religion, but one where the divisions were much more blurred. Not all the scholars and judges believed that particular festivals were innovations (bida“), and the ‘dividing line between popular and normative Islam is sometimes unclear. As in every religion, there are within Islam tensions between orthodox and unorthodox, or popular religion.’33 Despite this blurring between ‘popular’ and ‘orthodox’ religion, there was a strong divide between the academic elite and the masses. Many scholars went to great lengths to attack uneducated purveyors of religious teaching: especially the preachers (wA “iV, pl. wu““AV) and the story-tellers (qATT, pl. quTTAT).34 Al-Suyeuc was one of many to write treatises attacking such people.35 Éric Geoffroy comments of this period: ‘Les “ulamA ”, ajoute Suyeuc, ont toujours eu la role ingrate de lutter contre l’ignorance des quTTAT et de leur auditoire de bas étage.’36 Many of these antiquTTAT works highlight the fact that the utilization of RadCth required training in the religious sciences, and that without it (i.e. without an appropriate ijAza), an individual was not allowed to engage in their study or propagation.37 There was a strong sense that the religious scholars had a monopoly on religious knowledge, which they were keen to maintain. Given the political and economic instability that characterized the fifteenth century, a desire for some sense of stability can be easily understood. Scant evidence means that it is difficult to assess whether the scholarly community was simply attempting to protect its own interests, or whether it was

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genuinely concerned about the religious path along which popular preachers could lead their followers. Scholars in this period certainly include a number of more ‘popular’ materials in their works, especially their RadCth collections. Is this an attempt to appeal to the masses, or is it indicative of the absorption of popular material into normative religion? Jacques Waardenburg has argued that popular elements of religion can become absorbed into ‘normative’ religion;38 but there is also likely to be a conscious effort by scholars of the day to appeal to the masses and weaken the influence of the preachers and story-tellers. There is some evidence to suggest that scholars in Mamluk Egypt responded to the needs of the ordinary Cairene public; for example, after a series of plagues in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,39 the genre of ‘books of consolation’ emerged in response to an emotional need of ordinary people.40 There is also a wide number of other RadCth collections written by noted academics that would appear to have a more ‘popular’ audience. Al-Suyeuc wrote many of these more popular works, encompassing: short collections of RadCth, such as his compilation on the merits of ‘Alc, al-Qawl al-jaliyy fC faQA ”il “AlC;41 religious rulings favouring popular expressions of religion, such as his al-Lusn seen above; and works of a devotional nature, like his “Amal al-yawm wa’l-layla.42 This suggests that Mamluk academics were engaging with the non-academic community, composing and compiling scholarly works for a wider audience. The leading scholars of the fifteenth century, such as al-Sakhawc and al-Suyeuc, were all involved in the compilation of what are normally referred to as ‘encyclopaedic’ works (i.e. non-canonical RadCth collections);43 al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, falls into this category. Evidence shows that the Cairene libraries were extensive,44 and these non-canonical RadCth collections tend to draw on and develop a wide range of earlier works; as Jonathan Berkey notes, the scholarship ‘. . . in the civilizations on both sides of the Mediterranean . . . consisted largely of replicated, and commenting upon, the literary productions of previous generations.’45 Scholars such as al-Sakhawc and al-Suyeuc were very adept at drawing RadCth from a number of different texts into new compilations on new subjects. A.J. Arberry comments: It must have been a very elaborate card-index of traditions and traditionists that al-Sakhawc kept, with such excellent cross-references that he was obviously able at very short notice to compile a new treatise on the subject to satisfy one or other of the eccentric demands made of him by his friends and pupils.46 As will be seen below, al-Suyeuc also makes use of a comprehensive range of sources in his RadCth collections. These encyclopaedic works tend to avoid technical, scholarly material, instead pursuing a more general approach to a subject or theme, and they frequently serve as summaries of more complex material. The lack of more ‘scholarly’ material would seem to suggest that they are aimed at a literate, but uneducated audience, perhaps the Egyptian middle classes.47 Similarly, their themes also seem

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

to address more popular devotional and theological ideas. It is always difficult to suggest a definitive reason behind the compilation of these works, but they do seem both to be aimed at the general public and to act as educational tools for the spiritual life of ordinary people. As it has been argued above, it is also difficult to say whether this was driven by an attempt by the “ulamA ” to correct or reform the beliefs of the general public on purely theological grounds, or whether there was an underlying political motivation, notably the curbing of the growing power of popular preachers and story-tellers. It is likely to be a mixture. Late mediaeval authors also seem keen to involve themselves in self-promotion, at which many scholars were very adept. When al-Suyeuc’s students left Cairo, he would often give them a copy of one of his works to give to academics in other cities.48 Al-Suyeuc also encouraged his reputation as a mufti, and received legal questions from around the Islamic world. His great ability in promoting his own scholarship can be seen in the extent to which he managed to influence wide swathes of the Islamic world. His personal demeanour, his arrogance and his contempt of his contemporaries in Cairo may have not made him popular in Egypt, but he certainly was in other parts of the Islamic world, and, as Nehemia Levtzion notes, he ‘must have been gratified by his reputation in Takrer’,49 as well as other areas. Writing popular pamphlets, fatAwa and short encyclopaedic works would, undoubtedly, have played a key role in this self-promotion. Whilst the scholarly elite was a well defined and relatively insular section of Cairene society, the scholars do appear to have been engaged actively with those outside its circle, particularly in the spiritual education of the middle and lower classes: The social networks through which knowledge was transmitted also included large numbers of urban Muslims who had no formal ties at all to the world of institutional education, who relied not at all upon employment in those institutions, and who held no promise of any career in education. It included, in other words, the common people of the city.50 This interaction is seen particularly clearly in the role of the qAri“ al-kursC, a type of popular preacher, who was responsible for providing education to anyone who might want it, and who gave ‘readings’ of RadCth, tafsCr and other disciplines.51 Although it is impossible to ascertain whether some of the more popular works written by scholars such as al-Suyeuc were intended for transmission by the qAri “ al-kursC, it is important to acknowledge the active involvement of the masses in education and learning. Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik should, therefore, be seen as emerging in this complex social and religious environment. Firstly, al-Suyeuc was a major scholar in his day, producing a number of useful works in the fields of Qur’anic commentary,52 philology,53 history,54 and philosophy.55 Secondly, as part of the scholarly élite, he was concerned with protecting the scholarly monopoly on religious teaching and wrote works that explicitly argue for this, such as his TaRdhir al-khawATT min akAdhib al-quTTAT. However, al-Suyeuc was also engaged in

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compiling RadCth collections, with an educative and didactic motivation, encouraging the people of Cairo to return to ‘proper’ Islamic beliefs and practices, rather than collections aimed at the scholarly elite, such as his al-JAmi“ al-kabCr.56 Al-Suyeuc was not, by any means, comparable to figures such as Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and Ibn lazm (d. 456/1064), yet there are similarities: all of these authors, as well as al-Suyeuc’s contemporaries, like al-Sakhawc, were attempting to promote a renewed Islam. Al-Suyeuc even took his ‘reformist’ credentials to their limit, portraying himself as the mujaddid of the fifteenth century.57 The main difference is that the earlier reformist figures of Ibn lazm, Ibn al-Jawzc (d. 598/1201), Ibn al-lajj (d. 737/1336), and Ibn Taymiyya are more forceful in their attacks on ‘popular’ religion and innovations (bida“ ),58 whilst authors in the fifteenth century are, in most cases, more muted in their objections and are seen to engage with popular religion, rather than to attack it openly and directly. Their aims may have been largely similar (i.e. the ‘reform’ of Islam), but al-Suyeuc and Ibn Taymiyya went about them in very different ways. Furthermore, Ibn Taymiyya typically attacks specific ‘non-Islamic’ practices, whereas al-Suyeuc and his contemporaries seem more interested in encouraging the religious education of the wider public. Why does al-Suyeuc approach ‘popular’ religion in this way? Firstly, the fact that al-Suyeuc was a TEfC may be crucial to understanding his interaction with popular religion.59 This aspect of al-Suyeuc’s life is one that has received very little attention, but a number of his works do have distinct TEfC characteristics. Secondly, al-Suyeuc was a Shafi‘c, rather than a lanbalc, which may account for his less vitriolic attacks on popular religion. His more popular works definitely seek to encourage religious belief and ‘proper’ practice, rather than criticizing specific actions. Al-Suyeui, as well as many of his contemporaries, appears to have been more willing to accept and interact with popular religion.

JALfL AL-DhN AL-SUYjoh: METHODOLOGY AND SOURCES There has been relatively little study of al-Suyeuc and his approach to RadCth, despite his popularity.60 Furthermore, the sheer quantity of his output makes it difficult to suggest any firm conclusions about his methods of RadCth compilation. However, it is feasible to analyse al-Suyeuc’s methods for al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik and, through a heuristic approach, come to some conclusions about al-Suyeuc’s methodology in general. Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik is divided into two sections: (i) the collection of around 750 RadCth,61 and (ii) a fairly substantial postscript (khAtima) on theological issues regarding angels. The sources of these two sections need to be treated separately, as they draw on different scholarly disciplines. The relationship between the RadCth and the postscript also needs to be explored. Lastly, the actual content of the RadCth and the khAtima will also indicate what issues al-Suyeuc was engaging with, which, in turn, will aid understanding of al-Suyeuc’s target audience for the work.

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

Al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik looks at the angelic world, but it is not the only compilation to focus on the mysteries of the supernatural. Al-Suyeuc also compiled works about jinn, Islamic cosmology, the MahdC and the events in the grave.62 His al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik seems to complement these other works, although it is difficult, if not impossible, to know whether al-Suyeuc intended them to be read in conjunction with each other. What these works do show is that al-Suyeuc was clearly interested in exploring the divine world and that he devoted a number of RadCth compilations to the topic. With a large number of works in a similar area, it might be expected that al-Suyeuc re-used material he had included in other works. However, there is remarkably little cross-over between some of these collections. For example, both his al-LabA ”ik and his al-Hay”a al-saniyya f C’l-hay”a al-sunniyya contain RadCth stating that angels accompany raindrops as they fall from heaven and note down where they land and which humans benefit from them. However, there is not a single RadCth that is repeated verbatim in these two collections. Take, for example, the two RadCth below, which are very similar, taken from the same source, Abe ’l-Shaykh’s K. al-“AVama, yet are quite different: There is no year more abounding in rain than another year; but God directs it wherever He wishes. And with the rain He sends down such and such of the angels in order to note down where that rain falls, whom it provides with sustenance, and what results from every drop. (al-Hay”a)63 He sends down with the rain [such and such] from the angels, more numerous than the sons of Adam and the sons of IblCs. [The angels] record every raindrop, where it falls and who is sustained by that plant [that benefited from the rain]. (al-LabA ”ik; §19) Each of the RadCth includes a similar basic matn (‘. . . He sends down with the rain [such and such] from the angels . . . [The angels] record every raindrop, where it falls and who is sustained by that plant . . .’), but the RadCth included in each of the works is slightly different and is suited to the respective works. The RadCth in al-Hay”a focuses on the physical phenomenon of rain, and the RadCth in al-LabA ”ik, which is in the chapter entitled ‘The Great Abundance of Angels’, emphasizes the quantity of angels, using raindrops as a comparison and implying their great number. Although this is just one example, it is a very revealing one. It shows that al-Suyeuc employed RadCth very carefully, using the most appropriate version of a RadCth for a particular work. This would also seem to suggest that al-Suyeuc was conscious of which RadCth had been included in his other collections and may indicate that these two works were compiled at the same time, or at the very least, relatively closely together. Al-Suyeuc often gave different sections of larger works individual titles,64 so it is possible that al-LabA ”ik may either be linked to

Al-SuyEUC and his works

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other works or be part of a larger one. Above all, it shows that there can be great subtlety in al-Suyeuc’s method of RadCth compilation, perhaps more than he has been given credit for in the past. It is a great help that al-Suyeuc provides details of the authors and works from which he has taken his RadCth, making it possible to gain some insight into the way in which he worked and engaged with primary sources. In al-LabA ”ik al-Suyeuc draws on eighty-three different authors for his RadCth,65 which gives an average of one author for every nine RadCth, and he mentions thirty-two theologians in the khAtima.66 This shows how knowledgeable al-Suyeuc was in these fields, and the wide variety of sources that he utilized. As a writer of the ninth/fifteenth century, it might have been expected that al-Suyeuc would have drawn on collections of RadCth compiled in later periods, but the majority of the authors that al-Suyeuc cites, died in the third and fourth centuries hijrC. This is important to note, as it shows that al-Suyeuc turned to works written in the ‘golden’ period of Islamic literature and RadCth science, neglecting later RadCth compilations. A similar use of sources can be seen in alSuyeuc’s al-Hay”a. Al-Suyeuc’s sources are, however, quite different in the khAtima. Here al-Suyeuc makes much more use of later sources, predominantly from the seventh and eighth centuries RijrC, with no sources at all coming from the first to third centuries. This change in the types of sources in the RadCth and the khAtima reflects the different genres, audiences and milieu of each of the sections. The most important period in RadCth collection was from the third to fourth centuries RijrC, when the collections of authentic (TaRCR) RadCth were compiled and the RadCth sciences were developed.67 The majority of Radith compilations after this period were commentaries on established works,68 or muTannaf works, which 40 35 30

% Used

25 Hadith Khatima

20 15 10 5 0

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ird

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fth

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Figure (i) Graph of al-Suyeuc’s sources in al-LabA ”ik.

th

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

took RadCth from various collections on a specific theme, as al-Suyeuc does in al-LabA ”ik. As a result of this intense period of studying RadCth, Islamic scholarship produced a vast corpus of (authentic) RadCth from which figures like al-Suyeuc could draw. Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik is a representation or reorganization of RadCth, from earlier, respected and reputable scholars applied to a ‘new’, more focused, subject area. Al-Suyeuc is not including ‘new’ RadCth, but arranging old RadCth in a new way. In the khAtima, however, al-Suyeuc places his discussion of the angels in Islamic theology in the wider context of past theological debate. Theology, unlike the RadCth, is not static. Al-Suyeuc was not attempting to reflect the theological opinions of a specific period, but engaged instead with various theological opinions about the angels. Whilst al-Suyeuc cites a great many authors in al-LabA ”ik,69 there is a tendency to focus on a few authors in particular. For example, in the RadCth section the authors Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc are key sources. A similar trend can be seen in al-Suyeuc’s ItqAn, although a direct comparison cannot be made, as the text integrates both RadCth and uTEl al-dCn material. A comparison can, however, be made with al-Hay ”a, with some interesting points of note. Firstly, Abe ’l-Shaykh is the most cited author in both al-Hay”a and al-LabA ”ik, but especially so in alHay”a, where Abe ’l-Shaykh dominates the work. K.E. Nolin’s study of al-Suyeuc’s sources for his ItqAn shows that he adapted and enlarged al-Zarkashc’s BurhAn; the data above seem to reveal a similar relationship between his al-Hay”a and Abe ’l-Shaykh’s K. al-“AVama. The same relationship is not so evident in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, although the work does also feature Abe ’l-Shaykh prominently. There is also a great number of common authors, with only four out of forty-one authors appearing in al-Hay ”a that do not appear in al-HabA ”ik.70 Despite this, the frequency of the authors being used in each of the works shows only a weak correlation. This evidence suggests that al-Suyeuc had a core set of works which he consulted for his RadCth collections, but the frequency of their use depends on the RadCth that they contain, and their usefulness to a particular work. It also suggests that al-Suyeuc, as Nolin has shown, uses one or two particular works as a basis, essentially an Urtext, from which to expand a larger collection: in the case of al-Hay”a, it appears to be based exclusively on Abe ’l-Shaykh, whereas al-LabA ”ik focuses on the works of Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc.71 The khAtima shows a slightly different relationship between al-Suyeuc and his sources, which is more difficult to analyse empirically. As has been seen above, the khAtima draws on a wide range of sources, collecting and presenting various mediaeval materials on angels in kalAm. Al-Suyeuc makes extensive citations throughout the khAtima with little personal comment, from both brief statements of doctrine, such as al-Kalabadhc’s K. al-Ta“arruf li-madhhab ahl al-taTawwuf, from which al-Kalabadhc’s thoughts are not reproduced in full,72 to the citations of entire chapters, such as the thirty-third chapter (BAb f C an al-malA ”ika afQal aw al-anbiyA) of Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc’s K. al-Arba“Cn.73 Such extensive quotation suggests that the khAtima was written to act as a primer, presenting the views of past scholars on the issue of the precedence of angels and prophets. A number of such works were composed in this period, and

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it was common to include such a large amount of cited material: ‘By the later medieval period, scholars in institutions of higher learning established in several cities and towns of the Mamluk empire had generated myriad texts, treatises, commentaries, handbooks, and primers for curricular use.’74 Furthermore, the relative lack of analysis or ideas on al-Suyeuc’s part would seem to suggest that it was not necessarily aimed at the scholarly community. It is true that extensive quotation is common in later theological works; yet, there is a tendency to engage with the material and challenge it significantly at some juncture in the work. Despite the high consideration of his own abilities, al-Suyeuc never really considered himself to be a mutakallim.75 Murammad Jalal Abe ’l-Futer Sharaf provides an extremely useful portrayal of al-Suyeuc’s relationship with kalAm. He states: There is no doubt that al-Suyeuc’s position on the discipline of kalAm was one of suspicion and mistrust of its influence on the doctrines of Islam and its capability to mislead and cause deviant [views]. But it will be seen that al-Suyeuc distinguishes between the disciplines of kalAm that are founded on pure senseless debate, which can be seen in the mutakallimEn of the innovators and between kalAm that is based on the Book, the Sunna and defence of Islamic doctrines and the refutation of the innovators and those that have deviated [from Islam].76 For al-Suyeuc kalAm did have its benefits for the study of Islam, but he distanced himself from speculative theology. KalAm was acceptable, as long as it sought to support the Qur’an, the Sunna and the creeds.77 In the khAtima in al-LabA ”ik, al-Suyeuc engages with elements of kalAm that support the Sunna, but not necessarily with kalAm as a discipline in its entirety. The khAtima presents a summary of kalAm arguments that support orthodox beliefs, rather than advancing new ideas into the field. The khAtima also appears to reassert the importance of the RadCth material in many of the debates about angels ( pace rational arguments), which is a common approach in many of al-Suyeuc’s works. This survey of al-Suyeuc’s use of sources has shown a number of aspects of al-Suyeuc’s methodological approach, although much more work needs to be done to understand it more fully. Firstly, al-Suyeuc appears to have used an Urtext for his compilations, around which he adds, removes and expands material. In some cases, this Urtext is extremely prominent, in others, such his al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, it is less so. Secondly, al-Suyeuc applied different types of sources in the RadCth and kalAm sections. The RadCth are sourced from early Radith collections, from the third to fourth centuries RijrC, whereas the kalAm material is derived principally from material from the seventh century onwards. This appears to reflect the need for the RadCth to be taken from the formative period of RadCth collection, and the kalAm material to reflect more contemporary discussions. Lastly, the khAtima makes use of extended citation, and appears to have the recapitulation of key ideas and expositions of the theological problem being discussed as its main aim.

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

THE PURPOSE OF AL-LABF”IK AND ITS AUDIENCE The purpose and intended audience of al-Suyeuc’s RadCth compilations can, at times, be a little difficult to ascertain. The discussions above have shown that the RadCth section and the khAtima utilize different types of sources and approaches, and that the historical milieu of fifteenth-century Cairo was complex and dynamic. There are many different audiences at which al-LabA ”ik could be aimed: the masses, the literate public, students or academics. The juxtaposition of the RadCth and the khAtima does little to help resolve the issue. Éric Geoffroy has commented that: ‘. . . [al-Suyeuc] prefigures the modern period by certain aspects, such as being partly an autodidact, presenting to the public, which he wanted to be widened, manuals which were centred around precise themes.’78 If his works were intended for the general public, some of them certainly required a degree of learning: the khAtima that follows al-LabA ”ik, for instance, contains detailed theological discussions. Yet, at the same time, there is a tension in his collections between the use of this overtly scholarly material and his frequent reliance on weak and non-Prophetic RadCth,79 as well as elements of folklore.80 As has been seen above, there is textual evidence that al-Suyeuc was engaged in promoting scholarly RadCth studies during his lifetime and that he attacked those who used RadCth without having had any proper training in the field.81 However, Marlis Saleh suggests the best explanation: Al-Suyeuc came to feel that he had been born into an age of widespread ignorance and scholarly decline, and that as the most knowledgeable person of his time he had a special mission to assemble and transmit the Islamic cultural patrimony before it disappeared entirely due to the carelessness of his contemporaries.82 It would seem that al-Suyeuc was engaged in two different activities at the same time: firstly, promoting particular ideas about different subjects (in this case, angels) to the wider Muslim public; and, secondly, addressing more academic and theological issues, preserving them for future generations of scholars and students. It is, perhaps, for this reason that in al-LabA ”ik the theological arguments are kept within the confines of the khAtima; those who did not understand kalAm, or were not interested in it, could simply ignore it. The RadCth found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik are often part of the qiTaT al-anbiyA ” genre. As has been seen above, al-Suyeuc and his contemporaries like al-Sakhawc were involved in attempts to combat the growth of the preachers and the storytellers. These popular preachers, in the opinion of the “ulamA ”, were using RadCth inappropriately. The quTTAT narrated stories in the qiTaT al-anbiyA ” tradition, which itself had a strong association with ‘popular religion’: ‘The classification of Kisai’s [QiTAT al-anbiyA ”] as popular religious literature may be suggested by its tendency to simplify Biblical-Quranic legends for the education and enjoyment of the masses . . .’83 The use of qiTaT material in al-LabA ”ik may be an indication of its

Al-SuyEUC and his works

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target audience: such material is being used in an attempt to wean the general public off the quTTaT onto the works of the orthodox, acceptable and scholarly “ulamA ”. Naturally, much of this qiTaT material is also found in the tafsCr works, but al-Suyeuc does appear to have utilized this material much more frequently than scholars of earlier generations. This trend can be seen in both his general encyclopaedic RadCth collections and his more formal exegeses, such as his al-Durr al-manthEr. Such a blurring between formal and popular works was common in late Mamluk literature, which ‘. . . transcends boundaries: the boundaries between the everyday and literary communication; between popular and high literatures; between poetry and prose; between the private and public; between theory and praxis.’84 Whether or not such a blurring was a direct response to the growth of the wu““aV and the quTTAT is difficult to ascertain, but there certainly seems to be an engagement with ‘popular’ material in this period, which al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik also exhibits. This more ‘popular’ material is juxtaposed with the khAtima – a section that clearly requires a high degree of intellectual ability. Al-Suyeuc refers to the khAtima in his introduction to the work as the whole, and states: ‘I have ended it with a useful lesson, which will make those who see it glad.’85 Al-Suyeuc clearly intended it to be read, but by whom? The material in the khAtima and its recapitulation of the work of earlier mutakallimEn seems to suggest that the postscript was aimed towards students, acting as a primer or summary of kalAm arguments about angels. The relationship between the RadCth section and the khAtima is difficult to comprehend, because, except for the presence of the angels, the two sections appear to have little in common in their approach, sources and contents. There is, however, one quite general theme that unites both the RadCth and the kalAm materials. Over the whole text there is a sense that the work is attempting to outline all beliefs about angels in Islam, those raised both in the RadCth and in Islamic theology, making the work almost a ‘text book’ on belief in angels. All of this would seem to suggest that al-LabA ”ik was aimed at a literate audience, but not necessarily those at the highest level of academia. It is not really an ‘academic’ work in that sense. Al-Suyeuc wrote many works that could be considered as being fully academic, engaging in logic, law, exegesis and the uTEl al-dCn, among many other subject areas. This material is quite different in nature and form to al-LabA ”ik. Furthermore, an analysis of al-Suyeuc’s works shows that he also wrote much material that could be considered as being more popularist. Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik sits somewhere in between these two audiences: neither fully academic, nor aimed entirely at the masses, but whether it was aimed at the literate general public or students specifically is difficult to tell. It would seem likely that both groups would have benefited from the work. Appreciating al-Suyeuc’s target audiences produces some interesting insights on al-Suyeuc as an author. He appears to have been engaged with a wide range of different groups of society: academics, students and the general public. His arrogant nature may not have enamoured him to the Cairene intelligentsia, but he does appear to have achieved a degree of fame and reputation, a fact not missed

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Angels, Islam and al-SuyEUC’s al-laba”ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

by Reynold Nicholson. After discussing al-Suyeuc’s various disputes with contemporary scholars, Nicholson comments: ‘Be this as it may, he saw what the public wanted. His compendious and readable handbooks were famed throughout the Moslem world . . .’86 Al-Suyeuc knew what sort of books and RadCth collections were wanted, and he obligingly responded, writing works for a wide range of different social groups in Mamluk Cairo. Others, such as al-Sakhawc and Ibn lajar al-‘Asqalanc, appear to have acted similarly;87 this would seem to imply that scholars of the late Mamluk period were more deeply involved in the world outside academia than previous generations of scholars. This period is often accused of being a period of stagnation and intellectual malaise: Elle semble avoir marqué l’entrée de la pensée religieuse musulmane en une longue période de stagnation . . . on peut situer au cours de ce IXe siècle de l’hégire le début effectif de l’ankylose qui se prolognera plus de quatre siècles.88 However, authors such as al-Suyeuc show an awareness and interaction with the whole range of audiences residing in Mamluk Cairo. The Mamluk era was a period of great intellectual activity, not stagnation, seen especially in the interaction of scholars with the wider community – an academic model that, perhaps, has much to resonate with the contemporary world.

PART II

Themes in Islamic angelology

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3

Naming angels

The way in which objects and people are named often reveals much about both the named and the person that did the naming. The study of names, onomastics, has some bearing on the naming of angels. Philosophers and logicians have questioned the relationship between the etymology of a name and the name itself. John Stuart Mill, for example, believed that proper names only alluded to a meaning, but had no meaning in and of themselves.1 Mill argues that whilst a name such as Dartmouth, etymologically means ‘at the mouth of the River Dart’, in actuality people do not really understand the name in the context of etymology, but just consider it to be the name of a particular place. Essentially, Dartmouth is just Dartmouth. Others, such as Gottlob Frege and Bertrand Russell,2 believe that names ‘stand in’ for more complicated concepts: so a name like Westminster is ‘shorthand’ for the more convoluted ‘area in central London on the north bank of the Thames’. In the context of angelic nomenclature, it is important to consider the relationship between the name and the angel: is the name incidental or a sign of a more important concept? Does a name mean anything, or is it just a purely arbitrary name? It is not only the etymological and philological aspects of an angel’s name that are important, but also the way in which they are named. John Carroll, in his monograph What’s in a Name?, examines the psychology of naming and the processes that individuals undergo when naming things. Carroll notes that when ‘we make up names for things, we take into account the nature of the thing we want to name.’3 Although dealing with a faith community rather than an individual introduces different variables to the process of naming, it is important to consider the extent to which Islamic nomenclature takes the role, function and nature of an angel into account. The act of naming also ‘implies that the naming group has a measure of control.’4 Again, this is something to bear in mind as the names of the angels in Islamic tradition are analysed: to what extent can we see Islam, or groups within Islam (i.e. the “ulamA”, the mufassirEn, etc.), attempting to exert power and authority, through the process of naming? A study of the way that angels are named reveals two key aspects: firstly, the physical origin of the angelic name; and secondly, the way in which the angel

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Themes in Islamic angelology

was perceived by a particular group. The analysis that follows will show that there is often a disjunction between the philological and historical origin of an angel’s name and its usage in Arabic. A name may have a philological link to a Jewish, Christian or Zoroastrian angel, but it is not necessarily the case that that particular angel is conceived in the same way after its assimilation into Islamic angelology. It is possible, and quite common, for a name to be transferred from one religion to another, but for the conceptualization associated with the angel not to be assimilated. Likewise, it is possible for a conceptualization of an angel to be adopted by the Muslim community, without the actual name being appropriated at the same time. In the Bible named angels only appear in the post-exilic book of Daniel, and were developed in the inter-testamental period. As a result, many scholars have thought that this expansion was the result of an influence of Zoroastrianism during the exilic period,5 but this has now been largely rejected.6 A similar trend can be seen in scholarship on angels in Islam. The data found in Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik shows that there are many angels in Islamic tradition. Many early scholars, such as Maurice Gaudefroy-Demombynes, argued for a simple movement of beliefs about angels from the Judeo-Christian tradition into Islam, believing that: ‘From Judaism and Christianity, Islam learned the names of spirits not known before, and it gave them definite forms . . .’7 Just as the Zoroastrian influence on Jewish angelology has been rejected, the analysis that follows will show that the names of angels are not simply transferred from Judaism and Christianity to Islam. The main sources for Jewish and Christian angelic names are the Talmud, midrashCm, other rabbinic texts, Old and New Testament Pseudepigrapha, and the Dead Sea Scrolls, as well as magical incantation texts and later Jewish and Christian mystical treatises.8 The development culminated in a great proliferation of angelic names witnessed in pseudepigraphical texts,9 the Hekhalot literature,10 and magic incantation texts.11 In these texts the names of the angels are important, as they often associate an angel with particular phenomena, both physical and abstract. In Pseudepigrapha and midrashCm, the names of the angels often indicate important theological ideas, and the development of angelology often parallels debates in theology.12 In the Hekhalot literature, knowledge of angelic names allows the visionary to control them;13 and in magic, throughout many cultures, the knowledge of angelic or divine names is based on the assumption ‘that human beings, through their knowledge of the correct invocations and divine names, possess the power to persuade or force the gods or angels to fulfill their desires.’14 In the Hebrew Bible, there are few angels that are named, only Gabriel and Michael, but in the Pseudepigrapha there are many named angels. In his commentary on 1 Enoch George Nickelsburg highlights a number of reasons why named angels became popular in the inter-testamental period, concluding that the process of naming angels has the effect of reifying the heavenly world. If it does not give personalities to these beings, it does give definition and an increasing sense of reality to

Naming angels 33 these beings – whether they be good or evil – concretizing their functions on their names . . .15 So, an attempt to make the divine world more understandable can be seen. The process of naming and articulating an angelology, including elements describing their roles and responsibilities, allowed members of the community to acknowledge their interaction with specific divine beings, and by extension with the divine itself, rather than with physical or natural phenomena.16 Another way that angelic names were developed in Judaism arose out of exegeses of passages in the Hebrew Bible. In these instances, heavenly objects found in scripture become angelic, often forming a group of angels rather than individuals. As a result, these groups usually take the form of the standard Hebrew plural (-Cm) of the hypostasised object. For example, the wheels of God’s chariot become the group of angels called the ophannCm [‘the wheels’].17 In these cases there is a close link between the exegesis of scripture and the development of angels and the names of angels. Saul Olyan argues that it is natural that ‘theophanic and angelophanic texts and divine council descriptions became the primary focus of the ancient and medieval interpreter searching the Hebrew Bible for knowledge of angels and the heavenly sphere.’18 Olyan, however, does have a tendency to overstate the role of exegesis in the development of Jewish angelology, as Morray-Jones comments: ‘Beliefs about angels were not simply generated, within a religious and social vacuum, by anomalies in the text of Scripture.’19 The pattern of naming angels in the Judeo-Christian tradition can be seen to have two main influences: the first is from Biblical exegesis and the second is from extra-Biblical tradition, as witnessed by the Pseudepigrapha and other Jewish and Christian literatures. Whilst angels are most often named with the suffixes ‘-Bl’ and ‘-Cm’, angelic names taking neither of these forms can also be found. These angels are usually conceptual, i.e. anthropomorphic, or rather angelomorphic, representations of abstract ideas such as ‘Death’, ‘Wisdom’ and so on;20 or they are ultimately derived from other, non-Semitic, languages, such as Greek, Coptic, Armenian or Slavonic.21 In Islamic tradition, as can be seen in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, there is a relatively large quantity of angels that are singled out and ‘named’; albeit not always with individual personal names. The way in which angels are named varies greatly, and reflects the variety seen in Judeo-Christian tradition. This, in itself, suggests that angels and their names were incorporated into Islam in different ways and that the origins and development of Islamic beliefs about angels are more complex than some scholars have believed in the past; just as Jewish and Christian angels are no longer considered to be simply generated by interaction with Zoroastrians during the Babylonian exile. This chapter will look at the different types of angelic names included in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, attempting to locate their origin and the significance of their nomenclature. In Islam, there are four main ways in which Islamic angels are named: (i) use of the suffix ‘-Cl’; (ii) function names using the formula ‘the Angel of X’; (iii) function names formed without malak; and (iv) other miscellaneous names of varied or disputed origin.

34

Themes in Islamic angelology

THEOPHORIC NAMES A theophoric name is one in which the name of God, or in an Islamic context, one of the names of God, is incorporated into the name of a person or creature. Such names were common in the ancient world, particularly in Semitic religions and cultures from Palmyra to Arabia.22 Theophoric names are found frequently in the Hebrew Bible, and they were used as ordinary personal names, such as Eli (”BlC ), Samuel (š%mE”Bl ), Daniel (dAniyyBl ) etc., with each name including the name of God ‘”Bl’.23 The most common form of name for an angel also incorporates the name of God, which is often retained in Christian angelic names in other, non-Semitic, languages. These types of angelic names have meanings associated with God (”Bl ); for example, MCkhA”Bl, means ‘who is like God?’ and GabrC ”Bl means ‘power of God’. A number of angelic names included in Islamic tradition derive from Hebrew, Aramaic or Syriac, with some changes in vocalization, and many of these can be found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik. The most common theophoric name in Islam is, of course, Gabriel/JibrCl. The Qur’anic muTRaf reads JibrCl for the angel Gabriel, but there are a number of variations extant, including: JabrA ”Cl, JabrCl, JabrAll, JabrCn.24 These variations suggest that the name is of foreign origin, and it was thought to be either Hebrew or Syriac in traditional lexicography.25 Despite the retention of the suffix -Cl, the Arabic equivalent of the Hebrew -Bl, the angelic name often loses its original meaning when transferred to Arabic and, even when it could be retained, the original Hebrew sense is usually ignored. For example, §89 states that Gabriel’s name [means] servant of God (“abd AllAh); Michael’s name [means] servant of God (“ubayd AllAh); and IsrAf Cl’s name [means] servant of the Merciful (“abd al-RaRmAn).26 This RadCth and others like it give the three names meanings that are not strictly correct in the Hebrew sense; but the new meanings are revealing. Whereas the Hebrew names enhance the power and might of God, through the direct association of phenomena with God, the Arabic names highlight the angels’ subservience to God.27 These translations do, however, still retain the correct translation of ”Bl/”Cl as ‘God’.28 The etymology of JibrCl (Gabriel) as “abd AllAh can be found quite readily in the exegetical tradition, including al-oabarc, al-Zamakhsharc, Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc, as well as in al-Suyeuc’s al-Durr al-manthEr.29 It also appears in the early exegesis of Zayd b. ‘Alc (d. 120/738), which shows that there was an early attempt to understand what a foreign name, such as JibrCl, meant.30 The -Cl ending also has a more explicative gloss in two of the RadCth found in al-LabA ”ik: §37 states that ‘every name has -Cl in it, and this means they are subservient to God (ma“bad li-AllAh).’31 However, in the Arabic exegetical and lexicographical traditions Cl is most often given the simple explanation, ‘a name of God, Most High.’32 A number of these trends can be seen in discussions of names and naming in the philosophy of language and linguistics. For example, in The Grammar of Names,

Naming angels 35 John Anderson argues that the ‘knowledge of the etymology fades, as usually does allusion to it, except by nagging relatives, perhaps.’33 Anderson refers to this alienation of meaning and name as opacity: the meaning is no longer clearly discernible. This loss of meaning is not surprising, especially in the context of Islamic theophoric names assimilated from Judaism, as the movement of a name from one language to another creates a divide between the name and its philological and etymological history, since opacity is particularly obvious when names are ‘imported’ from other systems, as with many modern personal names in English, or when they remain as testimony to a system no longer being used in the society, as with many Scottish place names . . . Such circumstances can also, of course, given the persistent interest in ‘making the meaningless meaningful’, encourage the formulation of ‘folk etymologies’ . . .34 All of these trends can be seen in Arabic theophoric names for angels: (i) the divorce of the original Hebrew meaning from its new Arabic environment; (ii) the ‘meaninglessness’ of the name in Arabic; and (iii) the attempt to make sense of the word through a folk etymology. This is particularly important in the case of the theophoric names, since the name becomes deprived of any meaning, and the name is simply a name; it is only the ‘nagging relatives’, here the exegetes and the lexicographers, who attempt to provide a meaning for the name. Returning to the data provided in al-LabA ”ik, there are eleven angelic names ending in -Cl: JibrCl (Gabriel), MCkA ”Cl (Michael), IsrAfCl, IsmA “Cl, RiyAf Cl, RamyA ”Cl, SharahCl, HarahCl, ArtiyA ”Cl, “AzrA ”Cl/“IzrA ”Cl and REfCl. The Hebrew suffix almost always includes an aleph as part of the name of God -”Bl. This is found as a hamza in some of the Arabic orthographies of the theophoric ending (e.g. JibrA »Cl ); however, the hamza is commonly dropped (e.g. JibrCl ). Both endings can be found for some angels, but often an angel will only be attested with one form of the suffix. The origin of the angels JibrCl/JibrA ”Cl (Hebrew: Gabri”Bl ) and MCkA ”Cl (Hebrew: MCkhA ”Bl ) are both well known and have been frequently discussed;35 the others are relatively unknown, except for IsrAfCl, “AzrA ’cl and IsmA “Cl who feature in a number of Islamic sources.36 The use and adaptation of JudeoChristian theophoric names for angels would, at first sight, produce a strong case for a Judeo-Christian influence on this type of Islamic nomenclature. However, there are a number of idiosyncrasies in the Arabic names that make this relationship more complex. Some of these names have strong philological links with Jewish angels: JibrClGabri”Bl; MikA ”Cl-MCkha”Bl; IsmA “Cl-Sama“Bl; IsrAfCl-Saraphi”Bl;37 RamyA ”Cl-Rami”Bl. Other names are philologically further removed. Take, for example, the two angels REfCl, also given as RufA ”Cl in al-Suyeuc’s al-Hay”A al-saniyya,38 and RiyAfCl. Both appear to derive from the Hebrew Rupha”Bl (Aramaic Rapha”Bl )39 with a fairly straightforward etymology. There are, however, a few problems with the origins of the name REf Cl. Firstly, did the Hebrew Rupha”Bl generate two different angels, REf Cl and RiyAfCl? The RadCth in al-LabA ”ik show that these angels are different beings:

36

Themes in Islamic angelology Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of ‘Amr b. Bajjad al-Ash‘arc, he said; the Messenger of God said: God’s name for the clouds is al-“anAn. Thunder is [the noise of ] the angel who drives the clouds, and lightning is the blinking of an angel. It is said that he is called REfCl. (§266) Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Abe Ja‘far on the authority of his father; he said: Dhe ’l-Qarnayn had a friend from amongst the angels, and it is said that he was RiyAfCl. He would come to him and visit him. [Dhe ’l-Qarnayn] said to him: ‘Tell me how you worship in heaven.’ [RiyAfCl ] said: ‘In heaven, there are angels which stand and never sit down; [there are angels] that prostrate themselves and never raise their heads; [there are angels] that kneel, who straighten their backs; [there are angels] that raise their faces [to God], maintaining a fixed stare, saying: ‘Praise the Holy Angel, the Lord of the Angels and the Spirit; Lord! We have not worshipped you as your worship demands (mA “abadnAka Raqqa “ibAdatiki ).’ (§275)

These two RadCth show that RiyAf Cl and REfCl are not the same angel; yet they are etymologically linked, both to one another and to the Hebrew Raphael.40 Whilst it is possible, although quite rare, to find two names to describe a single angel,41 it is very unusual for a single name to generate two separate, distinct angels. There is also a noteworthy discrepancy between the angels’ positions and status in the Judeo-Christian tradition and Islam. Raphael is a prominent angel in both Judaism and Christianity,42 but in Islam REfCl and RiyAfCl are not. Furthermore, whilst RiyAfCl performs a role similar to Raphael, as a guide and an angelus interpres,43 REf Cl is the Angel of the Clouds, a role not played by either the Jewish or Christian Raphael. In this case, a strong etymological link can be established between REf Cl-RiyAfCl and Raphael, but the Jewish and Christian conceptions of the angel are not assimilated with the name. The Angel of Death is occasionally given the theophoric name “AzrA ”Cl or “IzrA ”Cl and both of these vocalizations are found in Islamic tradition.44 The form of the name suggests a Jewish borrowing,45 and this is confirmed by archaeological evidence, namely five Aramaic incantation texts,46 found in Jewish settlements in Mesopotamia and the Levant from the seventh century CE,47 pre-dating the emergence of Islam.48 However, these texts simply list names of angels, so it cannot be known whether the angel was associated with death at this stage. Whilst the name is known before Islam, it is only after the Islamic conquests that the name becomes popular in both Islamic and Jewish literature and folklore.49 Attempts have been made to identify the name “AzrA ”Cl/“IzrA ”Cl with a Jewish (or Christian) angel, and the most likely candidate is that it is a corruption of “ATri”el.50 The only change is the consonant shift from samekh to zayin, one that was relatively common in the move from Biblical to Rabbinic Hebrew.51 The Angel of Death/“AzrA ”Cl/“IzrA ”Cl is an interesting example of Islamic angelic nomenclature. Firstly there is a greater preference for the use of the title ‘Angel of Death’, as

Naming angels 37 opposed to the personal name(s) “AzrA ”Cl/“IzrA ”Cl. Secondly, the name “AzrA ”Cl can be found in Judaism before the coming of Islam, but it does not appear to have been popularized until after becoming a name of the Muslim Angel of Death. It is much more difficult to find Jewish or Christian cognates of some of the other theophoric names found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik. Take, for example, the angel ArtiyA ”il, about whom there are two RadCth in al-HAbA ”ik (§411 and 412). The first reads: Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Sa‘cd b. ‘Abd al-‘Azcz said that Abe Muslim al-Khawlanc was awaiting news of the army in Byzantium, and while he was in that state, a bird came to him suddenly, settled down and said: ‘I am ArtiyA ”Cl, the Angel who gets rid of the memory of grief (al-malak muslC al-Ruzn) from the hearts of the Children of Adam.’ And he told him the news about that Army. Abe Muslim said to him: ‘You did not come until I began to feel that you were delayed (istabUa”tuka).’ (§411) The actual form of the name, ArtiyA ”Cl, bears some very loose philological similarity to the angel Uriel (Hebrew: ”Uri”Bl ), but there is little to link them definitively. There is also a vague conceptual link between the two, as in the pseudepigraphical text the Life of Adam and Eve, Uriel is involved in the burials of Adam and Abel.52 Although it should be noted that the text does not directly associate Uriel with comforting the grieving. Another possibility is that it is linked to the name ArC ”Bl, ‘lion of God’ or Arî ”Bl, ‘hearth of God’. All of these are possibilities, but none of the potential Hebrew sources of the name have anything to do with the function of the angel ArtiyA ”Cl. Without further evidence it is difficult to gain a fuller understanding of the name’s origin. Similar problems are encountered with the pair of angels HarAhCl and SharAhCl (§409–10), the angels responsible for the sun and the moon. In 1 Enoch 8:3 there is a reference, not to an angel with the same name, but to the fallen angel or demon that taught humans the courses of the moon (i.e. astrology).53 The name is given as Asder ”el or Asrad ”el,54 which is possibly a corruption of Sahariel.55 The Arabic SharAhCl could be derived from Sahariel, with the philological changes being sCn to shCn, a common and easily acceptable alteration,56 and the more problematic metathesis of ha and ray. As with ArtiyA ”Cl, it is hard to establish a firm etymological link between SharAhCl and Sahariel. If the two were linked, there is a further problem. Whilst this would account for the angel of the moon, the angel of the sun (HarAhCl ) is not included as part of a pair of demons. In JudeoChristian tradition the angel of the sun is often associated with Uriel;57 however, another Enochic text, 3 Enoch, does refer to an angel called Shimsi”Bl, but this angel is paired with the angel Laili ”el, not Sahariel.58 The reason why the name Shimshiel was not appropriated into Islam along with Sahariel is unclear, especially as the name could easily be converted into *shamsA ”Cl or *shamsCl in Arabic. No other sources extant can attest to the origins of HarAhCl and its philological history must remain unknown.

38

Themes in Islamic angelology

This discussion has focused on those angels mentioned in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, but other theophoric names for angels can be found elsewhere. For example, alQazwcnc includes names of angels responsible for each of the seven heavens, which he gives as: IsmA “Cl, MCkhA ”Cl, NA “adiyA ”Cl, NalTA ”Cl, KalkA ”Cl, SamakhA ”Cl, and REfA ”Cl.59 Of these IsmA “Cl and MCkhA ”Cl (an obvious variant of MCkA ”il, but bear a close resemblance to the Hebrew) are encountered quite frequently. These forms of the names in this list of names suggests Hebrew in origin, which is a distinct possibility given the authority of the RadCth is Ka‘b al-Arbar. What is important to acknowledge is that whilst these names are encountered in traditional material, they are not necessarily particularly common or popular angels. A survey of the theophoric names reveals some interesting perspectives on Islamic angelology. Firstly, the use of theophoric names is limited, with only a few instances in the entire collection. Some of these names refer to important Judeo-Christian angels, such as Gabriel and Michael; others are much more obscure, such as SharahCl and ArtiyA’ Cl. This creates a confusing picture of the way in which angelic names were used by the Muslim community. The use of Gabriel and Michael in the Qur’an clearly points to usage in the earliest nascent community, but is this the case for other theophoric names for angels? Some names such as IsrAfCl are very common and can be found easily in tafsCrs and other RadCth collections, others are much rarer. It would seem plausible to suggest that the more popular angels and angelic names probably entered Islamic tradition early on in the development of its angelology, whilst the rarer names were adopted at a later stage. The retention of the -Cl ending indicates closer connections with Hebrew, Aramaic or Syriac angelic nomenclature, possibly made known through magic incantation texts, popular in the mediaeval period or through other Jewish or Christian texts. The way in which the names were appropriated into Islamic tradition remains, at best, speculative, particularly in cases where no other attestations of the name exist. However, Jewish folk-religion, as reflected in magical incantation texts, an area of religious thought that appears to have provided fruitful interaction between Muslims and Jews, must present an important influence on the use of some of these theophoric names in Islam.60 However, it is necessary to contextualize the relatively limited use of theophoric names for angels in Islam against the large volume of names formed by the formula ‘the Angel of X’. This would seem to suggest that Islamic nomenclature favours that construction, which, in turn, makes angelic neologisms formed with the suffix -Cl less likely. In Islamic texts more widely we can see the use of other theophoric names for angels not found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik. For example, in his study of the mi“rAj literature, Frederick Colby refers to a number of theophoric names for angels;61 however, many of these angels remain obscure and achieved neither longevity, nor popularity. The mi “rAj literature presents a similar use of theophoric names for angels, with a mixture of important angels, such as Gabriel, Michael, IsrAf Cl and IsmA “Cl and angels that are almost unknown outside of individual texts. This implies that theophoric names, save those few popular angels, were not the main form of angelic nomenclature in Islam.

Naming angels 39 FUNCTION NAMES The way in which angels are named in Islam is predominately by their function, using the formula ‘the Angel of X’. This is important as it means the angel is essentially nameless. This is in direct conflict with the main trend in JudeoChristian angelology of giving angels an actual personal name, albeit a personal name that reflects its function. In Jewish angelology the power and authority of God is seen in the theophoric element of the name. When the theophoric element becomes meaningless, as it does when it has been translated into Arabic, the angel achieves some degree of independence as a named being. In his discussion of Jewish folk-religion, Joshua Trachtenberg comments that: the personality of the angels was more clearly delineated through an effort to describe them, to name the more important ones, and to accord them peculiar spheres of influence, so that we have ‘princes’ of fire, of hail, of rain, of night, of the sea, of healing and so on . . .62 The preference for descriptive function-formulae may reveal an attempt in Islamic tradition to move the focus from the angel to God directly, to emasculate the angels of their individuality and personal power. This has already been encountered in the folk etymologies of Gabriel, Michael and IsrAfCl. In al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik there are thirty-two angels, or pairs of angels, whose names are formed in this way, reflecting a wide range of angelic functions. There are four main groups to consider: (a) angels of abstract concepts; (b) cosmological angels; (c) angels of specific things and places; (d) other angels. The relationship between function and angel is central to most angelologies. This can be seen in both Judaism and Zoroastrianism, where angels are assigned different tasks and responsibilities.63 Function is an important concept in Islamic angelology as well, and in the RadCth it can be seen that no angel has multiple functions. Situations in which multiple functions could occur are given two or more angels. For example, the Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of souls and nothing else and there are other angels responsible for delivering the soul to grave (§107–71). There are two Scribes that do two different jobs: one records the good deeds that an individual does; the other, the individual’s bad deeds (§312–406). In some other cases there are multiple angels performing the same roles, but in each of these cases the group of angels only performs one task. The angels’ functions are important, since in: ‘La plupart du temps les Anges sont définis par leur fonction et non par leur essence; ce sont précisément des êtres fonctionnels.’64 The idea that angels can only perform one task is, generally speaking, a rule throughout the RadCth in the collection, the only exceptions being two of the four archangels (ru”Es al-malA ”ika),65 Gabriel and Michael.66 The first group of angels considered are those responsible for abstract concepts. The personification of abstract ideas is common to many late antique religions, including Zoroastrianism,67 Christianity and Judaism. Lady Wisdom (Sophia) is the most common example, which is personified in the wisdom literature of the

40

Themes in Islamic angelology

Hebrew Bible, e.g. Proverbs.68 It is also common for these abstract ideas to be represented figuratively in the art of the late antique and early mediaeval period.69 Angels representing abstractions also bear some similarity to pre-Islamic pagan deities such as ManAt (Fate).70 In early twentieth-century scholarship, it was thought that many beliefs in angels and spirits in monotheist religions were rooted in early animistic or polytheistic beliefs, so these angels of abstract concepts could be viewed as a remnant of an earlier polytheistic system.71 In al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik there are a number of angels of abstract concepts included. The most prominent angel that personifies an abstract idea is the Angel of Death, a figure common to many different religious traditions.72 This personification of abstract ideas is found particularly clearly in the following RadCth: Al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlisa on the authority of Anas b. Malik; he said: When God gathered the creations at Babel, he sent Eastern, Western, Southern and Northern winds and gathered them at Babel. They congregated at that time, and when they saw that they had been called together before Him, a representative cried out: ‘Whoever made the West on his right, and the East on his left (i.e. the north), as he comes to the house in front of him; then he has the speech of the angels.’ So Ya‘rib b. Qaruan rose, and [the man] said: ‘Are you Ya‘rib b. Qaruan?’ He was the first to speak Arabic and he never erred in using the vocative; he cried out: ‘Who will speak such and such [a language]?’ And [someone was allotted] such and such [a language to speak], until they had been divided into seventy-two languages, and the voices separated from each other and the languages became confused, and the Angels of Good and Evil, the Angel of Life, the Angel of Faith, the Angel of Health, the Angel of Suffering, the Angel of Wealth, the Angel of Nobility, the Angel of MurE ”a, the Angel of Loathing, the Angel of Ignorance, the Angel of the Sword and the Angel of Courage descended, and they moved about until they ended up in Iraq, and one of them spoke to the others: ‘They have separated themselves.’ The Angel of Faith said: ‘I am going to live in Medina and Mecca.’ The Angel of Life said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of Suffering said: ‘I will live in the desert.’ And the Angel of Health said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of Loathing said: ‘I am going to live in the West.’ The Angel of Ignorance said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of the Sword said: ‘I will live in Syria.’ The Angel of Courage said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of Wealth said: ‘I will stay here.’ And the Angel of Muruwwa’ said: ‘I will stay with you.’ And the Angel of the East said: ‘I will stay with the two of you.’ (§472) This RadCth shows the personification as angels of a number of different abstract ideas; each angel and abstract idea is then associated with a physical location: war and courage with Syria; faith and life with Medina, and so on. There is much going on in this tradition, and it appears to be providing an aetiological assessment of the Arab lands, as well as important theological statements about the faith-based centres of Mecca and Medina. This RadCth and these angels are

Naming angels 41 also very rare; with some of these angels, such as the Angel of MurE ”a, not appearing elsewhere. Nevertheless, this RadCth does provide an important example of how angels are named, and how abstract concepts can be angelomorphized. The RadCth shows how any idea, even a purely Arabian concept such as MurE ”a, can be turned into an angel. It is also interesting to note that the personification of ideas such as ‘wisdom’ and ‘fate’, which can be found in other religious traditions are conspicuously absent in Islam. The next group of angels to be considered here are the cosmological angels, which form the largest group of angels with this particular style of nomenclature. Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik includes references to angels of rain, mountains, the leaves of trees, thunder, clouds, lightning, the sun, shadow, plants and the sea.73 The angels have similar roles in Jewish tradition, particularly in Pseudepigraphical texts, such as Jubilees and Enoch.74 However, as Harold Kuhn comments: These references indicate that the writers in question thought of angels as controlling intermediaries between God and the inanimate world; and further that they considered them to be rather indistinct personifications of powers, rather than as clear-cut personalities.75 There are a number of meteorological gods in Semitic and pre-Islamic Arabian religion, but these divinities have individual power over the phenomenon, whereas the meteorological angels in Jewish and Muslim thought have none.76 These meteorological angels are not individuals, like gods or demigods, but are merely designated as the beings that control an aspect of meteorology or cosmology on behalf of God. This depersonalization is made clearer in Islam where the angels are stripped of a personal name, reversing the reification process of the Jewish theophoric names. As a result, these meteorological angels reflect God’s influence and power over the created world, which is a particularly strong and well-known theme of the Qur’an.77 Another important area is the association of angels using this nomenclature with specific objects and places. It is common for angels or spirits to be associated with holy sites in many religious traditions and Islam is no exception.78 In alSuyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik angels are associated with: the veil (§178), cemeteries (§413–14), the Yemeni Column (§458–60), the three jimAr at Mina (§461) and the Prophet’s Tomb (§448–9). These are all sites and objects with particular religious significance in Islam, and it is only natural that angels were made responsible for maintaining them and noting down whomever performed the rituals associated with them. For example, the angel responsible for the Yemeni Column says to whoever passes it: ‘Amen! Amen!’ (§458–60). Likewise, the seventy thousand angels that visit the Prophet’s Tomb each day demonstrate its sanctity (§488–9). The Angel of the Veil is the angel responsible for the veil which surrounds God in the Seventh Heaven. Whilst there may be similar angels in Jewish and Christian traditions,79 it is difficult to establish the extent to which these ideas influenced Islamic angelology. There are also a number of angels that cannot be easily placed into any of the groups discussed thus far. Some of these refer to specific incidents in the

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history of angelic interaction with humans, such as the Angel of the Prophet of the River (§256) and the Angel of lasan and lusayn (§478–84). Angels are also responsible for certain ritual actions, namely: the Angel of the Qur’an (§462–5), which corrects in an individual’s ‘book’ any misreading of the Qur’an that he or she makes when reciting the Qur’an; the Angel of the Blessing of the Prophet (§445–7), who records any occasion when someone says: ‘God have mercy upon him and grant him salvation’; the Angel who is responsible for noting down whoever says: ‘The Most Merciful of those that are merciful’ (§466); the Angel of Private Prayer (§467–70); the Angel of Ritual Prayer (§474); the Angels of Funerary Rites (§475–7); and the Angel of the Prophet’s Prayer (§449–57), who tells Murammad about who has blessed him. These angels work in addition to the noble watching Scribes (al-RafiVAn) and they provide an extra encouragement and motivation for Muslims to perform certain ritual practices.80 The Angels of the Womb and the Embryo (§436–44) are the two angels involved in instilling God’s predetermined course for the individual and in protecting the embryo throughout gestation.81 Another example found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik relates to RadCth describing the formation of the world. The world is believed to be standing on a succession of different layers, at the bottom of which is a fish, which is itself supported by an angel. In other conceptions a rock is at the very bottom, but in this case the rock has an angel associated with it (§415–22), ‘the angel bearing the fish and the rock’ (al-malak al-hAmil lC’l-REU wa’l-sakhra). There is another angel that ‘. . . creates pieces of jewellery for the people in the Garden from the Day of the Creation until the Resurrection Hour’ (§448). Another RadCth also states that crying is the result of an angel rubbing an individual’s liver with its wing (§471). These angels are difficult to classify: they are often very rare and the RadCth themselves tend to be very short, and accordingly hard to place in a wider context. What these function formulae show is that Islam often associated events, physical things, meteorological phenomena, abstract ideas and ritual behaviour with specific angels. The construction of the name allows this to be done relatively easily and, whilst there are sometimes parallels with Jewish and Christian angelology, any links are weak and unlikely to be the result of significant influence. For example, the Jewish angel Sandalfon is said to make crowns of flowers from the prayers of the faithful,82 which bears some resemblance to the Islamic angel who creates jewellery for those in paradise; but there is unlikely to be any ‘genetic’ link between the two angels and, at the very most, one can only note the similarity of the two ideas. The use of angels, particularly in the case of these functional angels, creates a bridge between this world and the divine world, between the heavenly and the earthly. The nomenclature gives religious authority to certain ritual actions, particular places, and, in the case of the Angel of the Womb, also restates theological ideas such as predestination. In these RadCth, the angelic world penetrates almost all forms of human experience and the use of the function-name formula goes further and associates individual angels with a large number of specific actions, places and phenomena.

Naming angels 43 FUNCTION NAMES WITHOUT MALAK There are some angels named in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik which have names linked to their function, but which are not expressed by the angelic function-formula. These angels include: the Bearers of the Throne, the Spirit, the Cockerel, the SakCna, the Tempters of the Grave, the Scribes, the Scroll, the Cherubim and the Guardians of the Wind. These angels are all closely associated with the Qur’anic text itself, and were developed in Islamic tradition and exegesis. In many religious traditions, the scriptures themselves are used to generate angelic beings, particularly so in Judaism, where the ‘interpretation of texts of the Hebrew Bible by ancient and medieval exegetes is certainly responsible for the vast majority of angelic brigade designations, and many angelic personal names.’83 A parallel can be seen between the influence of exegesis and the growth of angels in both Judaism and Islam. The Bearers of the Throne (§179–206) are mentioned in Q. 40:7 and 69:17,84 in a relatively general way, and the material presented in the exegetical literature is much more developed.85 Q. 69:17 states: ‘And the angels shall stand upon its borders, and upon that day eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord.’ On the whole, there is no attempt to assign the Bearers of the Throne with personal names, but the angel IsrAf Cl is occasionally believed to be one of the Bearers (§194–5), although this is less common in the exegeses. This trend highlights the importance of the angels’ function, as the majority of the angels in this group remain unnamed. The Spirit (al-RER) is an angel that has aroused much debate in both Qur’anic and Islamic studies,86 as the Qur’an varies in the ways in which it both uses and conceives the Spirit. In the exegetical material the Spirit is most often associated with Gabriel, but it is also often conceived as being an angelic being in its own right. In his tafsCr of al-rER al-qadEs (Q. 2:87), al-oabarc refers to three main interpretations: (i) Gabriel; (ii) the InjCl (Gospel), or (iii) God. Al-oabarc argues that al-RER refers to Gabriel.87 This is the position adopted in most exegeses of this verse.88 The idea that the Spirit (of God) is an angel began to become popular in Hellenic Judaism.89 Outside of the exegetical tradition, there is a second conception of al-RER as an angel with many mouths and tongues that glorifies God. This angel is encountered in narratives of the mi “rAj.90 So there is a rather confused conception of ‘the Spirit’ in Islamic tradition. This is complicated by a further idea that al-RER refers to a species of angel, rather than an individual angelic being. For example, in the chapter on the Spirit in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik (§210–28) these two positions can be seen: Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: The Spirit is in the Fourth Heaven, and he is greater than the heavens and the mountains and the angels. He praises God every day by saying ‘I praise you’ ten thousand times; God, Most High, creates an angel from every saying of ‘I praise you’. He will come in a rank by himself on the Day of Resurrection. (§216)

44

Themes in Islamic angelology Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-Sha‘bc, concerning His Word: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks.’ [Q. 78:38] Al-Sha‘bc said: Both of them are ranks of the Lord of the two worlds; on the Day of Judgement there will be a rank of the Spirit and a rank of angels. (§225)

The interpretation of al-RER as a group of angels rather than a single angel appears to be a development in later exegesis,91 and the fact that the term arwAR (‘spirits’, plural of rER)92 is also found in Islamic tradition makes this usage of al-RER quite unusual. To a certain extent it is difficult to determine the original place and role of the Spirit in the Qur’an and early tradition, so understanding its origins is problematic; but Jewish and Christian influences are plainly evident. Strong Christian, and, particularly, Jewish influences can also be seen in the karrEbiyyEn (Cherubim) and the SakCna (§295–7). The SakCna fulfils much the same role as the Shekina in post-Biblical Jewish thought.93 In the Qur’an the SakCna is usually associated with the invisible help which came to the Muslims’ aid in battle; however in Q. 2:248, the sakCna carries the Jewish association with the Ark of the Covenant.94 The Cockerel (al-DCk) appears only in Islamic tradition and there are fifteen RadCth in al-LabA ”ik (§280–94) devoted to the Cockerel,95 which is closely connected to the mi “rAj literature.96 The nomenclature in this case is simple; the dCk is an enormous angel in the form of a cockerel, which gives the times of prayer to the angels and the human world (via earthly cockerels), a motif also found in 3 Baruch: This is what wakens the cocks on earth, for just as articulate beings do, thus also the cock informs those on the earth according to its own tongue. For the sun is being prepared by the angels and the cock is crowing.97 Likewise the angel al-Sijill (‘the Scroll’) is named as an angel in al-LabA ”ik, but it is most commonly found in the form of a scroll, appearing in Q. 21:104, but not as an angel.98 The RadCth (§243–7) suggest that the angel has some responsibility for collecting humans’ ‘books’ and has some relationship with the Umm al-KitAb. The Tempters of the Grave ( fattAn al-qabr), the Scribes (al-RAfiVAn) and The Guardian of the Wind (khaznat al-rCR) are angels that have obvious functions, which their names reflect. Angels with names not formed with the suffix -Cl, or by the function-formula the Angel of X are, on the whole, some of the more important angels in Islamic tradition. In most cases the angelic names are derived from the Qur’an itself and its exegesis. Saul M. Olyan has highlighted the important role of exegesis in the development of Jewish angelic nomenclature,99 and this trend is replicated in the Islamic exegetic tradition. Although some of these angels may have equivalents in the Judeo-Christian tradition (e.g. the Spirit and the SakCna), their development as angels in Islam is most likely to be largely internal, with a less prominent influence from Judaism and Christianity.

Naming angels 45 OTHER MISCELLANEOUS ANGELIC NAMES The majority of the angelic names that have been encountered thus far have been named by their function, with only eleven having personal, theophoric names. There are other names that are not formed in a logical manner, which either have been borrowed from other cultures, or originate within Islam itself. The angels with no formal nomenclature include: RiQwAn, MAlik, HArEt, MArEt, Nadluqan, DhE ’l-Qarnayn, DhE ’l-Nurayn, DEma, MCUAUrEsh, Qa“Cd, Munkar, NakCr (with the variants Ankar and NAkEr) and REmAn. Some of these are important in Islamic angelology, especially RiQwAn, MAlik, and the two pairs of angels HArEt-MArEt and Munkar-NakCr; whilst others only appear in a limited number of RadCth, namely, Nadluqan (§274), Qa“Cd (§323), DhE ’l-Qarnayn as an angel (§277 and 278) and DhE ’l-Nurayn (§279). This section will briefly look at their etymological history and attempt to understand the way in which these names entered Islamic tradition. The most interesting etymological history is that of the two angels HArEt and MArEt (§248–55). HArEt and MArEt are two angels that wished to experience human life, after complaining that humans were sinning and boasting that they did not; the two angels are then tricked by al-Zuhara (Venus) into drinking alcohol and they subsequently commit murder and fornicate. The story is alluded to in the Qur’an,100 but it is greatly expanded by the exegetes and in the qiTaT al-anbiyA” literature.101 The two names are quite different to other angelic names found in both the Qur’an and other traditional material, and various attempts have been made to suggest an origin. However, there are a few personal names that follow this pattern ( fA “El ) in the Qur’an, which, the Qur’an tends to use ‘for foreign names, giving YAjEj and MAjEj for Gog and Magog, QArEn for Corah, HArEn for Aaron, JAlEt for Goliath, etc.’102 Some of the names have origins in Hebrew or Aramaic ( JAlEt, DA ”Ed ), but the exact derivation and philological history of this form of name is not really understood.103 A.J. Wensinck suggested a possible Syriac origin for the names HArEt and MArEt, and Margoliouth suggests Ethiopic,104 but it is now generally thought that the names originate from the Zoroastrian Am%sha Sp%ntas Haurvatat and Amretetat, through an intermediary language, possibly Middle Persian, Sogdian or Armenian.105 Direct influence from the Persian tradition can be seen in two RadCth (§251 and 253) in which there are direct references to AnAhCd, a Zoroastrian yazata that was associated with both fertility, love and the planet Venus.106 Another RadCth contains the following exchange: [Al-Zuhara] said: ‘Regarding faith, it is not right for anyone to come to me, without being the same.’ The two said: ‘What is your faith?’ She said: ‘Zoroastrianism (majEsiyya).’ (§255) All of this suggests a strong Zoroastrian influence on the names of the two angels; however, the actual story of HArEt and MArEt has other characteristics in common with Jewish and Christian stories about the fall of the angels, particularly the two angels Shamhazai and Azael.107 Georges Dumézil argues that the HArEt and MArEt

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story has a close parallel with a narrative found in the Mahabharata,108 citing the story of the fidelity of Sukanya to her husband Chyvana as a possible source. 109 However, this seems less likely, as there are a number of differences between the two mystic narratives, and it is difficult to establish a connection between the Mahabharata and Islamic tradition; but there are number of myths or folktales with similar themes of wifely fidelity.110 The fattAn al-qabr (Tempters of the Grave) play an important part in Islamic beliefs about life after death. Most commonly, there are two Tempters of the Grave, traditionally given the names Munkar and NakCr. There are two variants included in al-LabA ”ik, Ankar (§309) and NAkEr (§309, 310), although these variants appear to be very rare. A third angel, REmAn, is occasionally associated with the two angels (§309 and 310) and one RadCth states that NakCr and NAkEr are two different angels (§310). The names do not appear until relatively late in Islamic tradition, but their names are found in some of the early creeds, for example Ibn lanbal includes the following statement: Belief in the punishment of the tomb and the test of the tomb; the human being is asked about faith and Islam – who is his Lord, what is his religion and who is his prophet? And (belief in) Munkar and Nakcr.111 However, in some other creeds the angels associated with the punishment in the grave are not given any names. This led Arent Jan Wensinck to conclude that there seem to be four stages in the traditions regarding the subject: the first without any angel being mentioned, the second mentioning ‘the angel’, the third two angels, the fourth being acquainted with the names Munkar and Nakcr.112 The origin of the names is not at all clear, although some have suggested that both the names are related to the base root NKR, but Wensinck felt this was unlikely.113 Two other angels, RiQwAn and MAlik, the guardians of Heaven and Hell (§229–47), have similar etymological histories and roles in Islamic angelology. The name RiQwAn may simply be a personified abstraction of riQwAn114 and MAlik, a reference to his dominion over Hell. The remaining five angels included in al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik are only referred to once and have a wide range of influences. Dhe ’l-Qarnayn is generally associated with Alexander the Great and much has been written about this tradition.115 However, there is very little evidence in Islamic tradition to suggest the belief that Dhe ‘l-Qarnayn was an angel was common, as given in the following RadCth and by al-Suyeuc in his ItqAn:116 Ibn Abc Hatim on the authority of Jubayr b. Nufayr; [he said] that Dhe ’l-Qarnayn was one of the angels, whom God sent down to earth. Everything came to him for a reason. (§277)

Naming angels 47 Minoo Southgate, in his study of the Alexander romances, concludes: ‘In spite of his higher roles as a sage, a protector of mankind, a fighter for religion, and a prophet, the Alexander of Persian romances remains essentially human.’117 This suggests that Dhe ’l-Qarnayn was not generally considered an angel. Dhe ’l-Nerayn is normally used in reference to the caliph ‘Uthman, who had two beautiful wives who were the Prophet’s daughters,118 but the reference in §279 to DhE ’l-Nurayn being an angel is clearly not a reference to ‘Uthman. Al-NErayn is sometimes used, particularly by Shi‘cs, to refer to Murammad and ‘Alc,119 but, again, this does not appear to be intended, particularly in the phrase DhE ’l-NErayn (‘The Possessor of the Two Lights’). DhE ’l-NErayn is sometimes used in relation to the nEr “alA nEr of the Light Verse (Q. 24:35), although there is almost nothing to suggest that DhE ’l-NErayn was commonly believed to be the name of an angel. The only possible example is found in Ibn al-‘Arabc’s K. “Anqa” mughrib, which Gerald Elmore suggests is a reference to Ibn al-‘Arabc himself.120 The particular reference in question reads: On his precious Right was the ‘Faithful One’ (al-NiddCq [sci. Abe Bakr]); on his most-holy Left was the ‘Discriminator’ (al-FArEq [sci. ‘Umar ibn al-Khauuab] ); and before him knelt the Seal [sci. Jesus], recounting to him the story of the Female (RadCth al-unthA) as ‘Alc [b. Abc oalib] (May God bless him and keep him!) was translating the seal’s [words] into his own language, while ‘He of the Two Lights’ (dhE l-nErayn), wrapped in the mantle of his modesty (riQA’ RayA’ihi ), for his part [also] faced the Prophet Murammad.121 There is so little context or evidence for the history of this name to establish the origin of the angel DhE ’l-NErayn. Other angels can be found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik that have clear Jewish provenances. The angel DEma, for example, is the ‘Angel who is responsible for souls of the unbelievers . . .’ (§301). The same angel appears in the Babylonian Talmud with the same function, in which it is written: ‘But [the wicked and the intermediate] are delivered to Dumah.’122 The source of this RadCth is given as: ‘Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in Dhikr al-mawt through the intermediary of Aban b. Taghlib on the authority of a man from amongst the People of the Book (rajul min ahl al-kitAb).’ This indicates an almost tacit acceptance of its roots in the Talmud, and an approval of Jewish material (IsrA “CliyyAt ).123 Another direct borrowing from Judaism can be seen in §178: Israq b. Rahuya/Rahwayh in his Musnad, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU and Abe ’l-Shaykh from al-Rabc‘ b. Anas; he said: The sky of this world has invisible waves, and the second is white marble, the third is iron, the fourth is copper, the fifth is silver, the sixth is gold, and the seventh is made of rubies, and the thing that is above that is a desert of light and no one knows what is above it except God, Most High, and the angel responsible for the veil. It is said that his name is MCUAUrEsh.

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This is clearly the Jewish angel Metatron,124 and Steven Wasserstrom has discussed the place of Metatron/MCUAUrEsh in Islamic angelology.125 Wasserstrom argues that the suffix -Esh is common in texts on magic, and is likely to indicate the provenance.126 A Jewish origin seems possible for another angel, Nadluqan (§274), although the etymology is rather more complex. Making the analysis more complicated is the fact that the RadCth about the angel Nadluqan is relatively short: God has an angel called Nadluqan; the seas of the world would fit into the hollow (nuqra) of his thumb. This angel appears to be very rare in Arabic tradition and the fact that the Leiden MS (fol. 203r, ll. 4–5) vocalizes the name would seem to imply that Muslim readers were unfamiliar with it. The name could be derived from the Jewish angel NandalphDn,127 the ‘partner’ of the important Jewish angel Metatron.128 The etymological history of Nadluqan is not clear, and there are no other attestations of the name in any other Semitic language through which its development can be traced. The loss of the nEn could be explained by the assimilation of the nEn to the following dAl; probably through another Northern Semitic language, possibly Syriac as both Aramaic and South Semitic favour nasalization.129 However, the nunation is usually marked by a doubling of the letter into which it has been assimilated, so *Naddluqan would be expected, but this is not found. The change from pB to qAf is less clear. Some similar Aramaic words show a change from pB to kaf: e.g. TandalpDnCn (gems) has the variant form TandalkDnCm,130 but such a form is unattested for NandalphDn, and a number of factors still remain unexplained. Islamic exegetes did also associate the malA ”ika muqarrabEn (Q. 4:172) with the karrEbiyyEn (i.e. QRB and KRB), but this appears to be an isolated example.131 However, whether or not Nadluqan is actually NandalphDn is not that important. The fact that NandalphDn, a major angel in later Judaism, was not appropriated into Islam (save possibly for this one, rare example), shows that the influence of Jewish angelology on Muslim beliefs about angels may have been rather limited.

TRENDS IN ANGELIC NOMENCLATURE IN ISLAM The survey of angelic names provides an interesting background to Islamic beliefs about angels. The picture is more complicated than may, at first sight, be expected. When angels are given personal names, there is a strong Judeo-Christian influence present. However, Jewish, Christian and, in the case of HArEt and MArEt, Zoroastrian influences are relatively limited. In Islam there is a preference to use the formula ‘the Angel of X ’. In the past there has been a tendency for scholars to stress the Judeo-Christian influences on Islamic angelology, presumably because of the prevalence of angels such as Gabriel and Michael. Whilst these angels are important, and are clearly taken from Judaism and/or Christianity, it is necessary to contextualize these influences in view of the relatively limited amount of

Naming angels 49 named angels in Islamic tradition. Furthermore, the influence of the JudeoChristian tradition is often restricted to the etymology of the name, and frequently the conception of the angels and their roles are markedly different after their assimilation into (popular) Islamic belief. The influence of culture on angelic nomenclature can also be seen when the context of Islamic nomenclature is expanded to include Persian literature. Persian texts include a number of names for angels that are not found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik or Islamic traditions more widely. A brief survey of Steingass’s PersianEnglish Dictionary,132 reveals a great number of angelic names with a Persian provenance. Gabriel, for example, is often referred to as Sardsh,133 the equivalent of the Zoroastrian angel Sroša. Murammad Md‘in notes that in ‘later Zoroastrian literature Sardsh was the bringer of benefits and the bearer of the revelation of God. In Persian literature he became associated with Gabriel.’134 The Sufi philosopher Shihab al-Dcn al-Suhrawardc also refers to Sroša in his Persian treatises,135 but he does not use the name in his Arabic works, notably his Likmat al-ishrAq,136 in which many other Zoroastrian angels are referred to.137 This indicates that texts written in a Persian milieu could utilize Persian variations for names of Islamic angels. Furthermore, it also shows the extent to which names of angels can be transferred from one tradition to another, and how easily this can be done. It implies that names, particularly personal names, may have a degree of ‘weakness’, in that the name can be transferred without the conceptualization of the angel in its former religious tradition. This is important in the context of al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, as it has also been seen that angels were assimilated into Islamic angelology without the conceptualization, role, or significance of those angels being assimilated at the same time. The angels REf Cl and IsrAfCl typify this use of a Judeo-Christian name in Islam, but are essentially devoid of their original Jewish and Christian contexts. This trend has support in the study of onomastics, where etymologies of names are easily lost when removed from their native origin. The creation of folk etymologies, to give the meaningless meaning, can also be seen in the interpretation of Gabriel as ‘servant of God’ (“abd AllAh). The main trends in Islamic angelic nomenclature, however, are those that represent an internal development within the Islamic tradition. Whilst Islamic traditions do make use of Jewish and Christian angels, particularly in works, say on the mi“rAj, the use of theophoric nomenclature appropriated from Judaism and Christianity is rare. The majority of angels are named by their function. The act of naming has often been regarded as a product of, or a claim to, power and authority: what, then, does this mean for angels? There appears to have been an attempt by the learned classes, particularly exegetes and traditionists, to move away from personally named angels and to utilize the function-formula, ‘The Angel of X’. This is in direct contrast to Jewish and Christian angelic nomenclature concurrent with the development of Islamic angelology. If, as many have argued in the past, Islam simply received or inherited its angelology from Judaism and/or Christianity, more theophoric names would be expected. This suggests that there was an element of ‘internal’ development in Islamic angelology that is likely to have drawn on Jewish and Christian sources, but which exerted a

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degree of independence in their actual naming. It is difficult to ascertain why there is such an aversion to named angels, but it would not seem to be beyond possibility that there were concerns about idolatry or angelolatry in the use of theophoric names for angels. By giving an angel a personal name it can achieve a degree of independence from the divinity, and polytheism or associationism (shirk) could inevitably become a risk. Works, such as Hisham al-Kalbc’s K. al-ATnAm, attest to Muslim concerns about idolatry.138 The tendency toward angelomorphism seen in the Jewish exegetical tradition, as discussed by Saul Olyan, is also found in Qur’anic exegesis and Islamic traditions. Physical objects, such as the scroll (al-Sijill ), and abstractions, such as riQwAn are turned into angels. Other angels, such as HArEt and MArEt, the Angel of Death, and the Scribes are mentioned only briefly in the Qur’an, but become popular and dominant angels in Islamic tradition. Other angels, such as Munkar and NakCr, do not appear in the Qur’an at all, but still achieve importance in Islamic theology, albeit after a period of development. Above all, excluding certain angels like Munkar and NakCr, a great number of angels are linked to the Qur’anic text in exegesis and tradition more widely. As the Qur’an is the principal source of religious authority, there is a need to find a Qur’anic ‘proof text’ with the angels in it; such a process is to be expected and other examples can be found. Frederick Colby, in his analysis of the mi “rAj literature notes that Whether to lend their stories greater legitimacy in the eyes of fellow Muslims, or to add a qur’anic flavor to their mix, early Muslim narrators would often draw words and phrases from the Qur’an to enrich their accounts of these other worldly experiences through what Neuwirth calls ‘mythologizing exegesis?’139 This can also be seen in RadCth about angels, where beliefs about angels and their names are linked to verses of the Qur’an. This enabled the angel and the name to gain authority and acceptance. The evidence of Islamic angelic nomenclature, as seen in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik and other Islamic sources, exhibits many of the tendencies in the assimilation of Jewish ideas into Islamic tradition, as described by Steven Wasserstrom. Much of this material is undoubtedly of Judeo-Christian origin and it would be wrong to suggest that Muslims were not aware of this. Wasserstrom comments: In the case of Isra‘iliyyat, a new religion overcomes its ‘anxiety of influence’ by re-creating its own sacred histories. This rewritten history, without question, draws from pre-existing histories. But it is nonetheless created by a new person, and therefore cannot usefully be reduced to ‘the derivative.’ And so it follows that we must treat a new religion as a new adult and not just the product of its parents.140 Muslim beliefs about angels have frequently been seen as having been simply borrowed or assimilated from Judeo-Christian tradition. The way in which angels are named, however, is much more complicated. Whilst some angelic names show

Naming angels 51 an obvious link to a Jewish or Christian angel (e.g. IsrAfCl-Seraphiel, MCUAUrEshMetatron etc.), there are many that show that this link has been severed. The explanation of the name Gabriel is good evidence of such a split: despite being a Jewish name, the actual name has become divorced from its original Hebrew meaning. Other angels, such as IsrAfCl, may have a Jewish cognate, but the role, function and status of the angels can differ from one religion to another. Likewise, the prominence of Raphael in Judeo-Christian tradition, particularly in Tobit, is not transmitted into Islamic angelology. These disparities surely indicate that Islamic angelology is not simply derived from Judaism; even the names of angels which appear to parallel Judaism and Christianity, have a more complex history. Returning to the question raised at the beginning of this chapter: do angelic names mean anything in Islamic tradition, or are they just names? Some of these names have become separated from any lexical meaning. Proper names like Gabriel, HArEt, MCUAUrEsh, and REf Cl are essentially just names: disembodied from any philological or etymological meaning. However, personal names, particularly the important ‘foreign’ theophoric names, are subsequently associated with a folk etymology. This means that the name is not just a name, because it does acquire a meaning, albeit not its original one. The naming of angels with the functionformula, although not a formal ‘proper’ name, does show a different process of naming. This ‘naming’ may be impersonal, but the function-formula does still provide a more indirect name and serves to show the authority of God over the created world. Likewise, the angels which are derived from words in the Qur’anic text show a similar empowerment in the exegeses and RadCth collections. Through angelic nomenclature Islam is able to articulate God’s control over the supernatural world and to provide mechanisms for God’s involvement in the human world. The names of angels are, therefore, an important source for understanding the interactions between Muslims, Christians and Jews, and the complexity of such transmissions. Names of angels in Islam are not simply assimilated from Judaism, but show a variety of different forms and histories of transmission.

4

Imagining angels

Stories in which angels play a role abound in the Jewish, Christian and Islamic traditions. However, the way in which angels are perceived and conceived can vary from one text to another. This is because the depiction of angels is largely subservient to the theology of the text in which they appear: the imagery of an angel grows out of the theology of the text. Judaism, Christianity and Islam never created a systematic dogma about angels before their incorporation into each faith’s scriptures and folkloric traditions. The representation of angels is so fluid and variable, even within one religion, because there is a range of competing factions attempting to concretize the conceptualization of the angels in the religious imaginaire: from formal exegesis to folkloric beliefs, to competing religious and sectarian identities. Whilst angelology is not usually at the heart of such controversy and dispute, beliefs about God are, and the image of the angel is directly associated with theology. Furthermore, because many folkloric beliefs were developed concurrently with ‘orthodox’ theology, the two positions often come into conflict. Whilst the majority of scholarship tends to focus on ‘high’ theology and formal exegesis, folklore remains an important part in the development of religious ideas.1 This makes angels and the narratives in which they appear particularly difficult to approach, as there is no ‘Jewish angelology’, ‘Christian angelology’ or ‘Islamic angelology’ that one can speak of; but, rather, each faith has a range of ‘angelologies’ that changes from text to text and theological stance to theological stance. Harold Kuhn notes that: There is no uniform view of the nature and character of angelic beings in the literature of the [inter-testamental] period under consideration. The thought of the apocalyptic school of writers tended to be non-metaphysical; much free play was left to the imagination, and there appears to be little attempt upon the part of the numerous writers to build a systematic doctrine of angelic nature.2 A brief survey of the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha shows angels described in different, often seemingly contradictory, ways, in order to convey theological ideas. Angels are responsible for teaching humans the ‘dark arts’ in 1 Enoch,3 they are

Imagining angels

53

4

used as examples of righteousness in the Apocalypse of Elijah, and to symbolize the fear and might of God in the Ladder of Jacob.5 Images of angels, then, are malleable and can be moulded to help accentuate a pertinent theological point, making angelic iconography a window onto the theology of the text. The theological symbolism of iconography is crucial to this discussion of the description and portrayal of angels in Islamic tradition. It is an area that has, naturally, gained much attention in the philosophy of art and semiotics. E.H. Gombrich highlights three main ways of looking at an image. The two most basic observations are that: We are used to making a clear distinction between two functions of the visual image – that of representation and that of symbolization. A painting may represent an object of the visible world, a woman holding a balance, or a lion. It may also symbolize an idea.6 The third reaction, according to Gombrich, is an onlooker’s personal reaction to an object or image. An individual may, through past-experiences, associate the image in a different way. Gombrich goes on to argue, however, that as soon ‘as we leave the ground of rational analysis we find that these neat distinctions no longer hold.’7 This problem is also encountered when reading texts about angels, because an image of an angel is often presented as ‘reality’, i.e. with a description of a form, but at the same time functions as a symbol. The nature of the text will also encourage a reader to react personally and even culturally to the use of the iconography. Above all, it is necessary to remember that these texts are religious texts and they are designed to generate a personal reaction within the context of a particular religious tradition, and part of this personal reaction is generated by the imagery of the angels. When encountering angels in the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament it is not always obvious that it is an angel that is being encountered. For example, Gerhard von Rad notes that in Genesis 16 it is ‘not clear whether Hagar recognised [the Angel of the Lord] at once as a divine being. Such messengers of God, who we must not imagine as winged, are often not recognised in the beginning at all.’8 This is because the words for angel in both Hebrew and Greek (mal “ak and angelos respectively) mean ‘messenger’.9 In English these are usually translated as either ‘messenger’ or ‘angel’, depending on the relevant context. However, this is slightly misleading as the English translations make distinctions between earthly messengers and divine messengers, despite there being no distinction being made in the original Hebrew and Greek. The similarities between earthly and divine messengers are not simply lexical. Two studies of messenger practices in the Ancient Near East, by Samuel Meir and John Green,10 show that the way in which earthly messengers are commissioned in the Bible is very similar to the way in which messengers are commissioned in the evidence from the Ancient Near East,11 making a separation between earthly and divine messagegiving conceptual as well as lexical. The distinction between divine and earthly messengers made in English is the result of a lexical decision standardized by

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Jerome’s translation of the Bible into Latin. Jerome used nuntius (and sometimes legatus) for earthly messengers and angelus for divine messengers.12 The meaning of the word malak in Arabic is also often translated as ‘messenger’,13 but its usage in the Qur’an clearly implies that the malak was conceived as a special creature of the divine world.14 The noun malak appears to have become divorced from any association with its verbal root: the angel is no longer conceived as a ‘messenger’, but is simply a species of creation.15 If the angelic origin of a messenger is ambiguous – since the ‘messenger’ can refer to anyone, be they human or divine, who delivers a message of God – how, then, does a text inform its reader that an angel is being encountered? Sometimes it is only through specific descriptions and allusions that a particular character in a narrative can be understood to be angelic, or to have angelic qualities.16 In some texts, humans are given angelic attributes or are described as being like angels to illustrate their righteousness; in these cases the individuals are not angels, but iconographic details associated with angels are used to describe them.17 A number of studies on the Bible and Judaism have attempted to understand the meaning of iconographic elements used to describe angels in different texts that indicate, or, at the very least, could indicate, angelic status.18 As such, a vocabulary or iconography of angels evolved in which certain features are designated as being related to angels. It is these features and their use in Islamic angelology that will be discussed in this chapter. It should be noted, however, that symbols and emblems typically used to describe angels in Islamic literary works are not necessarily found in other forms of religious expression, such as art. For example, both Byzantine and Islamic art have specific motifs to describe angels that are not found in their respective textual traditions. For this reason, the symbols that make up the ‘angelic language’ are not necessarily universal throughout different media. For example, in Islamic art angels are often seen to wear crowns or coronets,19 an image that is not found in any of the RadCth in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik.20 Why not? When Islamic art developed in the East, much of the imagery and iconography of angels was influenced by East Asian symbolism.21 This is important to acknowledge, because it stresses the flexibility of the depiction of angels. Although set motifs did emerge, the supernatural origin of angels allows for freedom to refer to different (symbolic) attributes.22 Whilst these variations are observed most profoundly across the artistic media of one particular religion, the same can also be seen within a textual tradition; even in a single work like al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik there are a number of examples where RadCth provide contradictory information about a particular angel. To give a basic example, Munkar and NakCr are said to be bluish-black (aswAdAn azrAqan) in §302, but only black (aswAdAn) in §305.23 The colour motifs are used to convey the terrifying form that the two angels take, the actual colour (be it bluish-black or black) is not important. Angels are normally included in texts for specific purposes. For example, in apocalyptic texts angels are used most often to confirm the veracity of a prophetic vision. The visions of God’s throne (merkebah visions) in the Bible (viz. Isaiah 6; Ezekiel 1 and 10; Daniel 7) typify this use of angels; the angels are present, but

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there is a clear focus on God. This is developed in the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the midrashim. In his study of apocalypticism, Ithamar Gruenwald cites the Apocalypse of Isaiah 6:10–12 as an example of the importance of angels in attesting to the veracity of a vision: Isaiah goes into some detail when he describes the glory of that angel. . . . Obviously, this remark is directed to distinguish between this vision – which entailed a heavenly ascent – and the one in Isaiah vi, which the writer apparently believed to entail no such experience.24 Another example can be seen in the opening of the Throne Vision of the Testament of Levi. Paulo Augusto de Souza Nougeira comments that the vision of heaven ‘. . . shows too that the seer has special access to hidden secrets and the knowledge of these secrets is crucial, and should have immediate consequences for the everyday lives of his readers.’25 The angels are part of the vision to express divine power and authority, as well as the need for God to be worshipped. George Nickelsburg argues that the transcendence of God, ‘is understood in the descriptions of the heavenly throne room, in the accounts of Enoch’s call and ascent, and in the references to the eschatological theophany.’26 Angels become very useful signifiers of the fact that the seer is witnessing a vision of the divine world. Although both angelologies and iconographies can differ from one text to another,27 a number of supernatural, non-human characteristics were used in Jewish and Christian texts to distinguish angels from humans. It is this angelic iconography, developed further in the inter-testamental period, which alerts both the visionary and the reader that they are encountering the divine.28 Angels are not simply used to confirm the reality of a vision, but they are also used to confirm the righteousness of the visionary. For example, in the Testament of Levi, the visionary is robed in priestly garments by angels, which ‘. . . is meant to reinforce the divine favour of the priesthood for his descendents, to legitimate Levi in his priestly duties.’29 Angels, then, are frequently used in Biblical and Pseudepigraphical texts to convey certain ideas or beliefs. Islamic texts behave in similar ways. This is not surprising as the mi “rAj literature draws on Judeo-Christian imagery, and the Prophet’s tours of heaven and hell were influenced by, although not directly sourced from, Pseudepigraphical texts, such as the Apocalypse of Peter and the Apocalypse of Paul.30 Angels are used in these tours of Heaven and Hell ( Jewish, Christian and Islamic) to portray the power and might of God and the consequences of human action, in the hope that the reader might return to righteousness or even convert, as Vuckovic argues: ‘Through these descriptive tales, the scholars establish narratives that reiterate the moral code of the Quran and convey a careful set of expectations, warnings, and exhortations for the members of Muhammad’s community.’31 The focus of the mi “rAj works have often been on the potential punishments that await sinners,32 in this way the mi “rAj literature seeks to promote righteous behaviour. In Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, there are actually few RadCth in the collection that give full descriptions of what angels look like, with most of the

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information only given in passing. This creates a slight methodological problem in that RadCth may have different conceptions of a particular angel (or even angels in general), so care must be taken when attempting to reconstruct the image and form of particular angels. However, this chapter attempts to focus on some general trends in the depiction of angels, ignoring the fact that other individual RadCth could be cited to the contrary. The chapter will discuss the physical form of the angels, angels of great size, and finer detailing in the iconography of angels.

THE PHYSICAL FORM OF ANGELS In Islam, as in Judaism and Christianity, angels are often represented in anthropomorphic forms. In the Hebrew Bible, God’s angels are usually seen in the role of a messenger, but, as noted above, there is actually no philological or textual distinction between divine and human messengers.33 It is only in the prophetic literature that angels adopt more supernatural or heavenly features, (wings, animal characteristics, etc.), culminating in the literature of the inter-testamental period and beyond, in which angels are described in both human and heavenly forms.34 The following extract from the early Pseudepigraphical text Joseph and Aseneth combines anthropomorphic and supernatural elements: And Aseneth raised her head and saw, and behold, (there was) a man in every respect similar to Joseph, by the robe and the crown and the royal staff, except that his face was like lightning, and his eyes like sunshine, and the hairs of his head like a flame of burning torch, and hands and feet like iron shining forth from a fire, and sparks shot from his hands and feet.35 In this example, the angel is described with the divine imagery of light, such as having a face ‘like lightning’ and ‘eyes like sunshine’, alongside the comment that the angel was a ‘man in every respect similar to Joseph’. The anthropomorphic form of the angel is the most common form in both Jewish and Christian religious writings,36 and it is an obvious form for the angel to take, as for both Christians and Jews, God created humans in his own image.37 In early Jewish and Christian art angels were depicted without wings until the fifth century, as Glenn Peers comments: In Early Christian art, angels were most often depicted in this earthly guise, as a man either bearded or unbearded, and, in this way, artists described one comprehensible aspect out of the many that scripture ascribes to angels.38 Even in the later development of Jewish angelology, angels continued to retain two different forms: one human or ‘anthropomorphic’ form and a second ‘supernatural’ or divine form.39 Angels are no different in Islam, and in the Qur’an angels are described in both forms.40 In the Qur’anic presentation of the annunciation to Mary, the

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Spirit, which is associated with Gabriel in the exegetical tradition, is described in anthropomorphic terms: ‘Then we sent unto her Our Spirit that presented himself to her as a man without fault.’ (Q. 19:17). The term actually used in the Qur’an is basharan sawCyan. The term is commonly translated as ‘well-formed’, but this is in the sense of being a ‘perfect’ form, or even a ‘normal’ form.42 The Qur’an is merely stating that Gabriel did not take any supernatural form. In the analysis of this episode by Jane Idleman Smith and Yvonne Haddad, they comment: ‘Al-oabarc offers several possibilities in reference to S. 19:20 . . . He cites traditions confirming that God’s spirit (as the angel Jibrcl or Gabriel) appeared to Mary as an average man.’43 This sense of the basharan sawCyan being a ‘normal’ or ‘well-proportioned’ human is also seen in Q. 12:31, in which Joseph is described by the ladies in Potiphar’s house as a noble angel (malak karCm).44 At the same time, angels are also described as having wings in one verse in the Qur’an: ‘Praise belongs to God, Originator of the heavens and the earth, who appointed the angels to be messengers, having wings, two, three and four, increasing creation as He wills.’ (Q. 35:1). The Qur’an, then, provides two conceptions of an angel: one like a human, and one with wings. Throughout al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik, the exegetical tradition, and the RadCth literature more widely, there are numerous references to angels taking human form, or, at the very least, having a number of human characteristics. These anthropomorphic images are counter-balanced with images rooted in the supernatural and the heavenly: having wings, zoomorphic forms, wearing or bearing heavenly articles, being of a great size, and so on. These make the anthropomorphisms less human; the angel still remains ‘like a human’, but the imagery plants the angel firmly in the divine world. In al-LabA ”ik there are a number of general references to angels being in human form.45 The anthropomorphic form is normally associated with great beauty (cf. Q 12:31) and this is echoed in al-LabA ”ik,46 with one RadCth even likening the angel Gabriel to Dirya al-Kalbc.47 The angels are given a number of different body parts, particularly distinguishing ones, such as the head, feet, legs, hands, and face.48 There are a number of references to facial features, including the mouth, nose, forehead, teeth, hair, ears and eyes.49 Added to this are some references, but more limited, to other areas of the body; including: the neck, shoulders, collarbone and heart.50 There are 129 RadCth with direct references to angels being in human form or having human body parts, which is roughly seventeen per cent of the collection. This is a relatively high percentage, and it shows the important place that anthropomorphic imagery had in Islamic traditions. It contrasts strongly with the relatively few references to angels having wings, with only thirty RadCth (around four per cent) explicitly referring to them.51 The notion that angels have wings is a common one in Islam, but there are few references to angels having wings in either the Qur’an or the RadCth.52 In this collection, some of the RadCth do not give much more information other than the fact that the angels have wings,53 with one simply stating that the angel’s wings are feathered.54 Other references to angels’ wings are used by the RadCth to express the great size of the angels by stating they stretch from the East to the West, for example: ‘. . . [IsrAfCl ] has four wings, [and] from them are two wings, one of

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which is in the East, and the other of which is in the West . . .’55 As will be seen below, the wings are given further detailing, including: being strung with precious stones (§45 and 49), being green (§54), being like peacock’s feathers (§49), and two references to a wing serving to cover an angel’s modesty (§93 and 744). However, with only six RadCth mentioning such specific details, this finer detailing is rare. There are a number of RadCth that refer to the number of wings that each angel has, but the numbers vary, from two (§50, 54 and 743), three (§94 and 743), four (§93, 189 and 743), six (§744), to twelve (§53), and even seventy thousand (§511). Although the Qur’an gives the number of angels’ wings as ‘two, three and four’ (mathnA, wa-thulAth, wa-rubA “ ), (Q. 35:1), in Islamic tradition many more wings were added. For example, during the mi “rAj, Murammad sees Gabriel with six hundred wings.56 The increase in wings is justified through the exegesis of the phrase ‘yazCdE fC’l-khalqi mA yashA ”u’ in Q. 35:1, for example, al-oabarc writes: He increases what He wills for his creation, whatever He wills for it; and he decreases as He wills, whatever He wills for a creation; His is the creation, and the power, His is the ability and the authority.57 These RadCth highlight an important aspect: the actual physical details about the wings are not necessarily generally agreed. This is because such detailing is there to express a theological idea, such as the divine origin of the (angelic) messenger, rather than giving a concrete description of what angels look like; for example, take the following RadCth: [Gabriel’s] two wings are green and his feet are immersed in green, and the form which he takes fills the horizon. [The Prophet] said: ‘I wanted to see you in your true form, Spirit of God.’ Then he transformed himself and filled the horizon. [§54] In this RadCth, the finer detailing is not aimed at giving the reader a full description of what an angel looks like, but the references to green feet highlight the divine origin of the angel and the size of the angel focuses the reader on the marvels of God’s creation.58 Beyond the anthropomorphic imagery and the basic idea that angels have wings, there are a few references to angels having the forms of animals. One of the most interesting examples is that of the Bearers of the Throne (Ramlat al-“arsh), who are associated with two forms; the first is that of the four-faced angel, which is derived from the Jewish RayyDt (‘living creatures’) that bear the Throne or Chariot of God; the second is that the four Bearers of the Throne are in the form of a mountain goat (wA “il ). In Judaism, the RayyDt take the forms of a bull, a lion, a human, and an eagle.59 The use of animal-angels in the imagery of God’s Throne may have its antecedents in pagan deities,60 but, in Judaism and Christianity, the four RayyDt came to represent the whole of creation, as Richard Bauckham comments:

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Their representative function is to worship on behalf of all creatures, and therefore it is fulfilled when the circle of worship expands to include not only humans, but ‘every creature in heaven and on earth and under earth and in the sea’ (5:13)61. There are six RadCth in al-LabA ”ik that describe the Bearers of the Throne in these zoological forms, which is found quite widely in Islamic tradition.62 However, there is no consensus as to whether each angel has four faces or whether there are four different angels with one form.63 One of the RadCth alludes to the idea in Revelation 5:13 that the four forms intercede for different types of creatures on earth: An angel from amongst them has the likeness of a human, which intercedes for the children of Adam in their need, and an angel has the likeness of an eagle, which intercedes for birds in their need, and an angel has the likeness of a bull, which intercedes for livestock in their need, and an angel has the likeness of a lion, which intercedes for predatory animals in their need . . . (§191) As noted above, six of the RadCth in the collection refer to the Bearers of the Throne having horns like mountain goats or otherwise looking like mountain goats.64 David Halperin suggests that similar RadCth may be referring to a passage in the Babylonian Talmud (Lag 13a), which refers to the horns of the RayyDt, but can draw no further conclusions.65 This imagery remains unclear, but horns did have religious significance in Semitic religion, particularly as representations of divinity,66 and such iconography is also found in a Greek temple dedicated to Apollo on the island of Delos.67 In relation to the divine throne, there are some images of Semitic gods seated on zoomorphic thrones and some evidence of thrones being supported by horns,68 but it is difficult to ascertain whether the goat imagery of the Bearers of the Throne is related to these wider Semitic and pagan ideas. Beyond these few limited cases of zoomorphic images of angels in al-LabA ”ik, there are also two other RadCth that include a reference to IsrAfCl making himself smaller ‘. . . until he became like a small sparrow (was“ ) . . .’ (§53), and the Angel of the Thunder having a tail (§267). These are only minor references and it is difficult to draw further conclusions from them. There is also the angelic cockerel (al-dCk):69 God has a Cockerel in the lowest heaven; its chest is made of gold, its stomach is made of silver, and its legs are made of sapphires, and its claws are made of emeralds, and its claws are under the lowest earth. It has a wing in the East and a wing in the West, its neck is under the Throne and its crest is made of light; protecting the space between the Throne and the Seat; it flutters its wings every night, three times. (§285)

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However, this angel should be treated differently, as the imagery is purely ‘supernatural’, that of a gigantic bejewelled cockerel, rather than that of an angel with certain features of a cockerel. There is a similar angel in 3 Baruch,70 which may have its origins in Zoroastrianism, and is possibly related to the notion of the phoenix.71 In the case of the DCk, we do not see an anthropomorphized angel being given more supernatural features, but the DCk exhibits the ‘supernaturalization’ of an animal. This is quite different to the Bearers of the Throne, which are largely anthropomorphic. In Islamic tradition angels are most frequently described as having human, rather than animal, characteristics. The RadCth frequently draw on Judeo-Christian imagery and the Bearers of the Throne are a prominent example of such an influence. The trend, however, is quite a general one. Images do not appear to be derived directly from Jewish or Christian ones, rather general ideas about angelic iconography are adapted by Islam from their use in Judaism and Christianity. This is seen most clearly in the use of the anthropomorphic angel: the image is clearly indebted to a Judeo-Christian iconography, but is adapted, used and developed in Islamic traditions independently.

ANGELS OF GREAT SIZE The concept of angels as being of a great size is common in Judeo-Christian angelology. Numerous sources, particularly Pseudepigrapha, often describe angels in this way.72 There are a number of texts that refer to angels, or Jesus,73 being of a great size in broad terms, such as the Gospel of Philip, in which it is said that: ‘. . . when [ Jesus] appeared to the disciples in glory on the mountain, he was not small – he became great – but he made the disciples great, that they might see him in his greatness.’74 Although only a general comment, this passage from the Gospel of Philip reveals the meaning of the angel of great size: the size is a sign of the truth of the vision.75 Whilst many Jewish, Christian and Islamic texts that feature angels usually include very little in the way of descriptions, one of the most common motifs is that the angels are of great size, and very rarely are they said to be small.76 There are a number of ways in which their vast size is described, with four of the most common being: (i) describing measurements in terms of travelling long distances; (ii) stating that the angel has a wing in the East and a wing in the West; (iii) descriptions of the angel filling the horizon; and (iv) describing the angel stretching from the earth to the heavens. There are a number of Jewish and Christian texts that portray angels in similarly large-scale terms, which becomes an important theme in the fifth/sixth century Hebrew Apocalypse of Enoch (3 Enoch): The vast size of angels is a theme of 3En . . . In the Hekhalot texts size conveys the idea of majesty and sublimity. It is found not only in the motif of the measurements of the angels, but in Ši‘ur Qomah, the measurements of the body of God, and in the motif of the dimensions of the heavens.77

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The following extract from 3 Enoch is a typical example, the prophet Enoch says: I was enlarged and increased in size till I matched the world in length and breadth. He made to grow on me 72 wings, 36 on one side and 36 on the other, and each single wing covered the entire world.78 Another common method that the RadCth use to describe the angels’ huge size is to give the length between two points in terms of the distance equivalent to many years’ travel. This often takes the form: ‘the distance from X to Y is a journey of N hundred years.’ This phrasing appears some twenty times through the compilation.79 Both the two points of reference for the distance, and the distance itself vary from RadCth to RadCth, as can be seen in Table 1. Table 1 shows that a distance of five hundred years is the most common and that there is no general trend in the body parts used for the measurements. The measurements given are usually short distances making the angels appear even larger. Some of the RadCth also use further phrases to clarify the distance, such as §71, in which it is said that the distance is ‘a journey of seven hundred years for a bird.’80 The phrase is used most often in connection with the Bearers of the Throne and, by extension, with God’s Throne and, ultimately, God. Such imagery is typified in the Jewish Shi “Er Qomah texts, dating from fifth to ninth centuries CE.81 These texts give similar measurements, not of an angel, but of God.82 The scales are enormous; for example R. Ishmael b. Elosha is said to have remarked that ‘. . . the entire measurement (of the Creator) is 2,000,000,000,000,000,000 (i.e. Table 1 Distances between body parts in al-LabA’ik f C akhbAr al-malA’ik §

Angel

From

To

Distance (in years)

20 51 180 180 180 180 183 197 202 209 231 231 485 490 494 499 500 500 545

Bearers of the Throne Gabriel Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Bearers of the Throne Keepers of the Fire Keepers of the Fire Bearers of the Throne Cherubim Unnamed Angel Bearers of the Throne Unnamed Angel Unnamed Angel Unnamed Angel

Head Shoulder Balls of Feet Tip of Nose Tip of Nose Earlobe Inner part of eye Horns Ankles Bottom of Horn Shoulder Shoulder Ankles Earlobe Shoulder Horn Wing Earlobe Earlobe

Throne Shoulder Ankles Collarbone Earlobe Shoulder Outer part of eye Head Bottom of the foot Top of Horn Shoulder Shoulder Shoulder Collarbone Head Horn Wing Shoulder Collarbone

100 700 500 500 500 700 500 500 500 500 100 500 500 500 100 500 300 400 7000

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2×1018 ) parasangs in height, and 10,000,000,000 parasangs in width.’83 However, there is some debate about what the exact intention is of the text giving these measurements. Some commentators believe the Shi “Er Qomah texts may, actually, be an unusual attempt to de-anthropomorphize God. Gedaliahu Stroumsa, for example, argues that the texts appear to be referring to an archangelic divine hypostasis, rather than the actual essence of God;84 Joseph Dan argues that the measurements are so exceptionally incomprehensible that they become meaningless.85 Whatever the purpose may be in giving God and angels such measurements, the fact that they are provided in both Judaism and Islam is of note. Just as in the RadCth in al-LabA ”ik, a wide number of different measurements are made; for example, one of the Shi “Er Qomah texts, Siddur Rabbah,86 includes the following measurements: Table 2 Table of Distances between Body Parts in Siddur Rabbah p.

line

From

To

Distance (in parasangs)

38 38 44 44 44 44 45 45 45 45 46 46 46 48 48 48 48 48 49 49

4 5 57 58 58 63 65 67 67 68 75 76 78 90 92 93 96 97 98 103

Right eye Left Arm Soles of Feet Foot Ankle Knee Thigh Shoulder Neck Head (circumference) Forehead Pupil White of the eye Lips Left Shoulder Right Arm Hand Right Arm Fingers Right Foot

Left Eye Right Arm N/A Ankle Knee Thigh Shoulder Neck N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A Right Shoulder N/A N/A Left Arm N/A N/A

33,000 770,000 30,000 120,000,000 450,000,000 600,002,000 600,000,080 190,000,000 180,000,000 500,000,333 180,000,000 11,200 22,000 21,000 120,000,000 150,000,000 70,000,000 770,000,000 300,000,000 10,000,000

A basic comparison between the RadCth in al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik and Siddur Rabbah shows that the practice of giving measurements between specific body parts of cosmic proportions is common to both texts. However, there is a notable difference in that Siddur Rabbah, as well as the Shi “Er Qomah in general, do not tend to give the measurements in years, but by physical units of distance (usually parasangs).87 Measuring the distance between two specific body parts is less common in other Jewish and Christian texts,88 and in these cases the distances are also given in actual physical measurements, rather than ‘years’.89 This shows a divergence between Judeo-Christian and Islamic angelic traditions. However, anthropomorphic representation of the divine on a cosmic scale is a custom generally found in the Ancient world.90

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Another way that the RadCth describe the great size of the angels is by stating that the angels, or the angels’ wings, stretch from the East to the West, which is fairly common throughout al-LabA ”ik, appearing explicitly fifteen times.91 This description is only applied to named angels and is only used in reference to Gabriel, IsrAf Cl, the Spirit, the Angel of Death and the Cockerel. The phrase normally comes in the form: the angel has a wing in the East and a wing in the West; for example: Ka‘b said to ‘f’isha: ‘Did you hear the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) say anything about IsrAfCl?’ She said: ‘Yes, I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saying, “He has four wings, [and] from them are two wings, one of which is in the East, and the other of which is in the West; and the Tablet is between his eyes . . .” ’ (§95) This phrase occurs eleven out of the fifteen times, but is only used of the Cockerel and the angel IsrAf Cl.92 Gabriel is said to have ‘filled the space between East and West’ (§42); the Angel of Death is said to have a spear that reaches from the East to the West (§158–9) and the stride of the Angel of Death is said to stretch from the East to the West (§202).93 Although this phrase is only used of Gabriel twice (§42 and 53), another related description, stating that Gabriel filled the horizon, is used more frequently (§43, 46, 47 and 54). So far the gigantic size of the angels has been described by units of measurement and by breadth (i.e. East to West), but height is also used relatively frequently.94 Some of the RadCth refer to great height in a general way; for example, Gabriel is said to fill ‘the space between Heaven and Earth’ in §41. However, the most common way to express height is to say that an angel’s feet are on the Seventh, or lowest, Earth and its head in the Seventh, or highest, Heaven; for example:95 The Messenger of God said: Listen to me! I was told about an angel whose two legs pass through the Seven Earths and that the Throne was on his shoulders, [this angel] says: ‘I worship you [Lord], where you are and where you will be.’ (§181) The concept of the angels’ heads reaching heaven is found in the Acts of John where it is said of an angel that: ‘. . . his feet were whiter than snow, so that the ground was lit up by his feet, and his head stretched up to the heaven.’96 However, whilst there are similar motifs used in Jewish and Christian texts, such as the Acts of John or the Shi “Er Qomah texts, to describe the angels as being of great size, it is unlikely that direct sources could be traced for the RadCth found in al-LabA’ik, or Islamic tradition more widely. The description of these massive angels clearly owes a large debt to the vocabulary and imagery of Judeo-Christian angelology, but sourcing such imagery is likely to be an unproductive and illusive task.

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FINER DETAILING, CLOTHING, JEWELLERY AND COLOURS The majority of the descriptions about angels in al-LabA ”ik are fairly general, usually emphasizing the size of the angel. However, just as the size of the angel attests to the reality of the vision, certain iconographical details are used to highlight and refine the image of the angel. One angel is often only distinguishable from another by certain props or other characteristics. It is in the use of these different props that an iconographic vocabulary emerges.97 The use of iconographic details is more important in visual media, as a picture, mosaic, or carving tends not to make use of written names; for example, in Byzantine art angels are often pictured holding a sceptre and robed in priestly garments.98 Clothing is an important iconographical detail, as the way in which someone is clothed often reveals much about their status,99 as well as distinguishing individuals from others, since clothing ‘. . . serves to preserve the boundaries among persons of different statuses.’100 Likewise, vestments play an important part in the iconography of angels in Islamic art, although this is usually expressed in different ways to the literary tradition.101 In al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik there is some evidence that Islamic tradition developed its own iconographic vocabulary, with a number of angels being associated with particular accessories, colours and clothes. The most prominent item of clothing is a robe, with which angels are particularly associated in Jewish and Christian scriptures, as well as visual media.102 In Jewish tradition, the robe is normally believed to be white, developing out of exegeses of Ezekiel 1 and Daniel 7:9.103 The imagery of a white robe is transferred into the Old and New Testamental Pseudepigraphical literature, such as the book of Jannes and Jambres.104 Similar imagery can be found in al-LabA ”ik, e.g. ‘Gabriel came to me just as a man comes to his friend in a white gown . . .’105 The white of the angels’ gowns normally reflects two main ideas: the purity of the angels’ faith and their dazzling brightness, as ‘[Weiß] bezeichnet jede Art von Helligkeit, darunter auch die Helligkeit des Weiß, aber ebenso des Strahlen und Leuchten des Lichts und das Funkeln und Schillern reflektierender Gegenstände.’106 In Islam, white also carries connotations of purity, as Khalil ‘Athamina comments: . . . white garments symbolize the modesty incumbent upon all Muslims in their attitude toward the Creator, especially during prayer. It is for this reason Muslims of all social strata and walks of life have followed the practice of praying in white as a sign of their modesty and piety.107 Colour is used to convey certain characteristics of the angel, as colours have important meanings in Islamic culture, as they do in any culture.108 It is for its symbolism of spiritual and ritual purity that Muslims don white robes when entering the state of iRrAm during the pilgrimage (Rajj ).109 White is not the only colour used of angels in al-LabA ”ik and there are some references to green (akhQar).110 Gabriel, for example, is associated with the colour

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111

with one RadCth stating that the ‘soles of his feet are green’ and another that Gabriel wore a green headband (§690). The use of green, the Prophet’s colour, gives these angelic traditions a more distinctly Islamic symbolism, differentiating the imagery from Judaism and Christianity. Green is also an important colour because of its associations with paradise, as David Alexander comments: ‘In the Qur’an green is associated with life itself and as one of the signs of God. Green evoked the idea of tranquillity and refuge.’112 Although green is used to designate paradise in other religions of the Near East (particularly Zoroastrianism),113 the association of green with paradise and fertility in an arid environment is quite obvious.114 The symbolism of the colour does not appear to have played such an important part in Jewish and Christian angelic imagery. More generally, the colour green simply carries notions of creation and the physical order of the universe in Judaism and, by extension, the divine – in the sense that the world is God’s creation.115 However, green can have negative connotations, for example, in 3 Enoch the souls of the ‘intermediates’ in Hell are green.116 However, the use of colours for angels is not ‘static’ within the RadCth literature; for example, al-Qazwcnc describes Gabriel’s face as ranging from white to red.117 This highlights the flexibility that can be encountered in the use of imagery about angels. Jewels also play an important part in the Islamic iconography of angels. In al-LabA ”ik, Gabriel’s clothing is often described as being encrusted with jewels (normally rubies, pearls or chrysolite), which is a sign of his status in the angelic world. The Cockerel, although not wearing a robe or gown, is also described as having body parts made out of precious metals and jewels.118 Precious stones play an important part in Jewish and Christian iconography and they are usually associated with God or those that have dealings with the divine, such as priests.119 For example, in the Letter of Aristeas, an account of the dedication of the Jewish Temple, the High Priest was said to be robed in ‘. . . all the glorious vestments, including the wearing of the “garment” with precious stones upon it in which he is vested . . .’120 and that the ‘. . . house faces east, and the rear of it faces west. The whole foundation was decked with (precious) stones . . .’121 The Letter of Aristeas describes the earthly temple, but the heavenly temple and those making the journey to heaven are also described in similar terms in other Pseudepigraphical works.122 The importance of precious stones is their association with wealth, power and majesty. Certain angels, particularly Gabriel in Islamic tradition, are given status through the use of jewels and precious stones. This can be seen in a RadCth describing the qualities of the different heavens: The sky of this world has invisible waves, and the second is white marble, the third is iron, the fourth is copper, the fifth is silver, the sixth is gold, and the seventh is made of rubies, and the things that are above that is a desert of light . . . (§178) Here, as the hierarchical ordering of the heavens shows a progression through more and more expensive and precious metals and stones. Such imagery is widespread in religious iconography of the divine in general.

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There are two further motifs in al-LabA ”ik that are slightly unusual. The first is that some angels wear turbans and a second which describes one of the angels’ clothing like a pair of sarAwCl (trousers).123 The turbaned angels are the angels that helped the Muslim community at Badr.124 This imagery is not found in the Judeo-Christian tradition to any great extent, so the use of turbans marks a distinctly Islamic image and it reflects the association of angels with contemporary dress.125 The image of the angel being covered with a wing has obvious resonances with the seraphim in Isaiah 6:3;126 but the motif appears to be very uncommon (only appearing three times) and is only used in reference to Gabriel and IsrAfCl.127 The last form of finer detailing that will be discussed here is the use of props and accessories, some of which have already been mentioned. Props and accessories are normally used to symbolize a specific angel or a particular function of an angel, a trend that is seen most clearly in the visual arts. IsrAfCl is the most notable example of this trend; IsrAfCl is associated with the trumpet that announces the Last Day, and so he is often described as holding it.128 Other angels, such as the Angel of Death, the Guardian of the Fire and the Angel of the Thunder, are also associated with objects relating to their cosmic function. The Angel of Death is said to hold a spear, with which ‘he cuts the vein of life.’ (§159) The Guardians of Hell and the angel MAlik are believed to have spears or rods with which to persecute those in Hell.129 Lastly, the Angel of the Thunder (who is, also, responsible for the clouds) is said to have a whip made of iron (or light) and a rope, with which he moves the clouds through the sky.130 Occasionally, the relationship between the prop and the angel is different, with the object not reflecting the function of the angel, but the status of the angel. Gabriel is said to have a belt strung with pearls (§50 and 54) and IsrAfCl is associated with the Preserved Tablet (al-lawR al-mahfEV), the Qur’an and the Throne of God.131 The closeness of IsrAfCl to God explains both his prestige and his function as it is IsrAfCl who delivers the messages of God to His angels. The use of finer detailing allows the RadCth to highlight certain aspects of an angel. Clothing, jewellery and props allow the reader to understand both the angel’s function and status. Such detailing is common to Islam, Judaism and Christianity in almost all media. In visual media, finer details are often used to distinguish one angel from another.132 This resulted in the development of a specific iconographic language, in which different angels are represented by different objects. In textual material, however, the ability to name angels verbally makes the use of specific iconographies less important; but a set language did appear to develop, in which objects came to signify certain characteristics, especially references to colour, costume and precious stones.

ANGELIC ICONOGRAPHY IN ISLAM The basic and most common iconographical form of an angel in Islam is the same as that found in Judaism and Christian, that of the anthropomorphized

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angel. However, the way in which the angel is actually anthropomorphized is different in Islamic tradition. In Judaism and Christianity, there are fewer references to specific body parts in the description of angels, and their anthropomorphic form is achieved by stating the angels are ‘like a man’. References to body parts are not unknown in Judaism and Christianity but they are much rarer, so their use distinguishes Islamic iconographic vocabulary from the other Abrahamic faiths. This is seen further in particular angelic motifs, such as the great size of the angels. These general motifs can be found elsewhere, but the way in which this motif is expressed in Islam is unique. The use of divine measurements can be found in Jewish works (e.g. the Book of Elchasai, and the Shi “ur Qomah traditions), but they are not frequently used when referring to or describing angels. The influence of Jewish and Christian beliefs about angels should not, however, be underestimated. In a number of specific examples, the Islamic tradition draws on Jewish and Christian motifs directly. The Bearers of the Throne, for example, appear to have been assimilated directly from Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature. Angels robed in white, the trumpet that heralds the Last Day, the use of precious stones and so on, all relate to Judeo-Christian angelic imagery as well. This should not be surprising, because the use of props, accessories, clothing, and actions are part of a wider symbolic framework. Particular objects are used to tell the reader what the function of a particular angel is and other finer details are used to confirm the status and divine origin of an angel. When Islamic traditions about angels began to develop, it was only natural that they developed within the existing symbolic framework; Islamic traditions grew in a similar milieu and so similar symbolism is often encountered. The discussions about angelic iconography seen in this chapter suggest that Islamic traditions about angels are both similar to and yet distinct from Jewish and Christian beliefs about angels. Why? And how can this be explained? It would seem sensible to suggest a certain number of traditions drew on a common, natural vocabulary that is more universal in nature, rather than specific to the Judeo-Christian tradition. Precious stones, for example, will be associated naturally with wealth and power; things of a great size with the supernatural and the realm of the divine, and so on. These types of iconographic details can be seen throughout Semitic religion in general, as well as beyond.133 They are basic images of power and, by extension, the power and authority of the divine. Other images, such as the anthropomorphic form of the angel, would appear to be more closely aligned with Jewish and Christian thought. These basic symbols of the divine and the Judeo-Christian emphasis on anthropomorphic angels form the foundation from which an Islamic iconography of angels developed. Not all of Islam’s angels have their origins in Judaism or Christianity, especially angels such as HArEt and MArEt, the angel IsrAfCl and the Cockerel (DCk). However, the influences of other religions traditions, such as Zoroastrianism, are markedly weaker and appear to affect only a few, specific examples.134 The examination of angelic iconography in Islam, as represented chiefly by al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, reveals the tension between the influence and independence of Islamic beliefs about angels. Islam often represents angels in

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the same vein as Judaism and Christianity, but, at the same time, maintains a sense of independence from the Judeo-Christian tradition. The reason behind this tension could be rooted in the history of Islam itself. The references to angels in the Qur’an clearly indicate some knowledge of Jewish and Christian beliefs about angels, especially the direct references to Gabriel and Michael. From the foundation of the Qur’an, the Islamic exegetical tradition proceeded to generate a number of distinct beliefs about angels. This is reflected by the fact that there are sixty-four RadCth in the work (c. nine per cent) that include direct Qur’anic quotations in their mitAn,135 with many more than that more loosely based in the Qur’anic exegetical tradition; eighty-eight RadCth (c. 11 per cent) are attributed to Ibn ‘Abbas, one of the principal sources of Islamic exegesis,136 and so on. All this indicates that exegesis was, as in Judaism,137 an important springboard from which Islamic beliefs about angels developed. The similarity between Jewish and Islamic angelology is seen more strongly in the traditional material rather than exegesis, particularly the Pseudepigrapha, the Talmud and the midrashim. In these types of texts, the angels become responsible for various objects in the human world, maintaining them and protecting them, on behalf of God. This is also found in Islamic angelology, and much of the traditional material that developed out of the exegetical movement turn to this sort of interpretation. Traditional material, both the various collections of RadCth in Islam and the Jewish midrashim, often reflect a popular expression of beliefs about angels, which is corroborated by similar beliefs found in magical incantation texts and studies of Jewish and Muslim folklore. The nature of these types of texts does, however, make it extremely difficult to assess how Islamic, Jewish, and Christian beliefs about angels in the later mediaeval period interacted; but at a basic level, it must be assumed there was a fairly high level of cultural exchange in this area. As a result of the nature of RadCth, it is hard, if not impossible, to gain a detailed understanding of how particular beliefs developed; however, beliefs about angels appear to have been influenced by a number of different factors and at different stages. The first stage is the pre-Qur’anic and Qur’anic periods in which Judaism and Christianity played an important part in shaping the celestial world of seventhcentury Arabia. This stage seems to have been followed by a period of largely internal exegesis of the Qur’an, during which beliefs about angels were developed with a limited amount of influence from Judaism and Christianity. This is seen particularly clearly in the development of a distinctively Islamic system of angelic nomenclature, traditions about angels that are peculiar to Islam, angels derived from the Qur’an, and so on. However, this does not mean to say that Jewish and Christian beliefs had no influence on Islamic angelology during this period. IsrA “CliyyAt traditions, for example, often reflect Jewish and Christian angelology and popular beliefs must also not be underestimated. The third stage may show the return of stronger Jewish and Christian influences. Descriptions with strong Judeo-Christian imagery appear much later, as additions to the available material. It is difficult to tell whether this was a result of a greater understanding of Judaism

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and Christianity by the educated classes; a wish by Muslim scholars to find Jewish and Christian attitudes to certain angels or phenomena; a generally higher degree of interaction between the faiths; or, the percolation of popular folkloric beliefs into formal works. In this later period, it becomes increasingly more difficult to know which faith influenced the other. The Near East became a place where ideas, especially ones about subjects that interested both those in the academic and popular strata of society, were freely and commonly exchanged. The interaction between Islamic beliefs about angels and their Jewish and Christian counterparts is complex. Many commentators have simply argued that Islamic angelology has its origins in Judaism and Christianity. When looking at the Qur’an, the influence of Judaism and Christianity is certainly unmistakable, but surely this is not surprising. However, the influence of Judaism and Christianity appears to diminish during the formative period of Islamic theology and Qur’anic exegesis. Above all, Islamic angelology always remains distinctly Islamic and this distinctiveness cannot be attributed to Jewish and Christian influences. The two other Abrahamic faiths may have provided some basic core beliefs, imagery and conceptualizations, but the Muslim community developed them in their own unique way.

5

Angelic companions

In monotheist traditions there are various types of interaction between the human and divine worlds, and, if possible, it is useful to be able to distinguish between them, as they describe quite different forms of communication. Within the JudeoChristian and Islamic traditions, the most obvious and essential form of communication in scripture are those moments when God communicates directly with humanity through prophets. These missions have a direct impact on notions of salvation history, and show God’s concern for His creations.1 Prophecy is, however, a rare event and a mode of communication that often has a specific target audience in mind. In an Islamic context, the Qur’an shows God selecting messengers to preach to a named tribe or city.2 The significance of the message that is being sent and delivered to a people or a city can be seen in the differentiation between the prophet (nabC) and the messenger (rasEl ), with the rasEl having a higher status.3 The same prophetic typology can be seen in the Hebrew Bible, where prophets interact with both kings and cities, revealing God’s intentions for the community.4 Communication between the divine and human worlds is not, however, simply through special messengers; there are also other forms of communication. Ritual and worship, both formal and private, are a means of communicating with God.5 In some religious contexts the communication has to be made through an elite class of individuals (priests), often at a specific site of religious significance (a temple, church sanctuary) that excludes the wider population.6 This can be seen with Jewish worship in the Temple, and in contemporary celebrations of the Eucharist, where only ordained ministers can preside over the ritual. In these cases, the priests offer prayers on behalf of the people.7 The priests act as intermediaries between the people and God, just as the angels act as intermediaries between God and humans. In other religious contexts, such as the articulation of personal piety, mediation through a select religious elite is not needed. This is the case in Islam, where the religious elite is removed and worship becomes an individual and personal act, without any mediation.8 Although the religious scholars (“ulamA”) and Sufi shaykhs could be considered to fulfil similar roles. Prophecy and ritual worship are moments of direct communication, suggesting a dichotomy between the human and divine worlds that is only bridged on particular occasions. Although the Islamic worldview creates a theological division between the human and divine worlds (spatial dualism),9 continuity between the

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two realms is maintained by the interaction of humans with angels. In a sense, human remembrance of God (dhikr) also acts as a means of maintaining a link between man and God. Mediation between the two worlds can also be gained through spiritual ascent and dreams.10 What is seen, then, is the division between heaven and earth is eroded, resulting in a spiritual reality in which, whilst the human and divine worlds are discrete realms, spiritual mechanisms evolve to circumvent such a divide. In Sufism, self-annihilation ( fanA”) allows for full union with the divine.11 The ideas that divine transcendence does not bar communication between humans and God, and that divine communication is not only enacted in a temple context, are phenomena not unique to Islam, or indeed monotheistic faiths. In Greek thought, the daimon offered a different type of interaction with the divine world outside of the Temple cult,12 as did household worship and household gods in Greek and Roman religion.13 The intricacy of the relationship between humans and angels is a major theme of al-Suyeuc’s al-HabA ”ik. The general sense that the reader gets from the work is that al-Suyeuc is highlighting the physical presence of angels in the contemporary world, and the need for believers to be aware of this relationship. This is because the presence of angels has an effect on believers’ individual personal ethics and eschatology: by behaving in certain ways, angels may curse an individual; by acting righteously, or by performing certain rituals, a human may be able to harness the will and intercessions of the angels and receive blessing (baraka), both in the immediate present and in the eschatological future. This chapter will firstly examine how angels are integrated into normal, everyday life; and secondly, look at the ways in which this relationship is used to encourage and discourage certain behaviour and actions.

FROM CRADLE TO GRAVE AND BEYOND14 The interaction between angels and humans begins before birth, and in al-LabA ”ik al-Suyeuc includes nine RadCth (§436–44) about one particular ante-natal event. Soon after conception, God sends an angel to the mother’s womb, which then forms the foetus and records what God has ordained for that child. The RadCth do not provide a strict consensus about when this happens precisely, but it is said to happen at some stage between forty and seventy-two days.15 The majority of the Radith say that only one angel is sent to the womb (§437–43), but one RadCth states that, God, Most High, has made an angel responsible for the womb; [he said] that is, one responsible for the sperm (nuUfa), one responsible for the clot (“alaqa) and one responsible for the embryo (muQgha). (§436) This sees God, and his angels, being involved with human life from the start of existence. This is also seen in a mythic narrative found in the qiTaT al-anbiyA”

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tradition. The first two RadCth in the section on the Angel of Death in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik do not, as one may expect, give descriptions of how the Angel of Death takes the souls of humans or how the angel looks, but begin with a story about the creation of Adam. In this story, God commands various angels to collect some mud from the Earth, out of which Adam is created. The various angels fail in their mission and only the Angel of Death succeeds (§107–8). Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc latim from Abe Hurayra; he said: When God, may He be praised and glorified, wanted to create Adam, He sent an angel from the Bearers of the Throne to fetch some dust from the earth. When [the angel] came down to take [it], the Earth said: ‘I implore you, by the One who sent you, not to take anything from me today, part of which is to be for the Fire [of Hell] tomorrow.’ So [the angel] left it, and when he ascended to his Lord, He said: ‘What prevented you from fetching what I ordered you to fetch?’ He said: ‘The Earth sought Your [protection] and I was worried about bringing back something that had been protected [by You].’ So He despatched another [angel] to [the Earth], and it said the same thing until He had sent all of them; and so He sent out the Angel of Death and [the Earth] said the same to him; so [the Angel of Death] said: ‘The One who sent me is more deserving of obedience than you.’ So he took [mud] from the face of the whole Earth, from its goodness and its wickedness, and took it to his Lord, and He poured water of the Garden onto it and it became moulded mud and he created Adam from it. (§107) This was a popular story and can be found in al-Tha‘ labc’s QiTaT al-anbiyA”,16 aloabarc’s Ta”rCkh,17 and al-Mas‘edc’s al-MurEj al-dhahab.18 This story is important because it establishes a link between the birth and death of human life. Furthermore, the Angel of Death is involved in both the creation of Adam, and in the ‘termination’ of Adam and his children; or as Haim Schwarzbaum notes ‘. . . at the very moment of his birth man already carries within himself the germs of death.’19 Having been born, every human is then accompanied by two (or more) angels (al-RAfiVAn), usually called the ‘Watchers’ or the ‘Scribes’ in English. The function of these angels is given simply in §313: ‘. . . They record against you your livelihood (rizq), your deeds (“amal ) and your time (ajal ).’20 The Scribes are associated with four verses of the Qur’an in particular: 6:61; 13:11; 50:17–18; and 82:10–12. The majority of the information about the Scribes in the mediaeval Islamic exegeses is found in the entry for Q. 13:11,21 although more detail can be found on specific issues in the tafsCrs of the other three passages. The RadCth included in al-Suyeuc’s collection (§312–406) and the tafsCrs agree that the RafiVAn are angels and are responsible for writing down the actions that humans take.22 The RadCth, in both the exegetical literature and in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, differ from the Qur’anic presentation of the material in the descriptions of the technical and practical ways in which the Scribes behave. For example, a number of

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RadCth state there are two sets of angels, two for the day and two for the night.23 The development of such technicalities can be seen particularly clearly in the exegeses of Q. 50:17–18. The Qur’anic verse states there are two angels ‘sitting one on the right and one on the left.’ The RadCth in al-LabA ”ik and the exegeses such as al-Quruubc’s JAmi “ al-aRkAm,24 add that: ‘The one on his right writes down the good deeds and the one on his left writes down the sins . . .’ (§319) This moral distinction between left and right is not explicit in the original Qur’anic verse; but the notion that the left is bad, and so the angel that writes down bad deeds is on the left, is a very traditional and ancient distinction that is mentioned frequently in the Qur’an.25 The association of the left with evil is common to many social and religious traditions.26 The RadCth included in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik regarding the Scribes are used in different ways to describe similar concepts. The main ideas contained in the RadCth are (i) the specific details regarding their location and their functions; (ii) God’s mercy towards the repentant; (iii) answers to specific questions of theological and legal concern; and (iv) the use of angels in matters of (ritual) law.27 The RadCth show that the Scribes are not simply recorders of human deeds, but are used to encourage certain modes of righteous behaviour. The stress on the intimacy of the angels with individuals is great, as is their place in the human world. The final result of these angels’ work will send the individual to Paradise or the Fire, but al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik focuses on the present and what these angels are doing in this world, at this very moment. Despite the fact that death is an important theme of the Qur’an,28 there is only one reference to the Angel of Death: ‘Say: “Death’s angel, who has been charged with you, shall gather you, then to your Lord you shall be returned.” ’ (Q. 32:11). In Islamic tradition, however, the Angel of Death became very important and was recognized as one of the four Islamic archangels (ru”Es al-malA ”ika).29 The RadCth included in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik (§107–71) give a wide range of information about the angel, which can be divided into three different categories: (i) physical descriptions of the Angel of Death; (ii) the function and processes of the Angel of Death; and (iii) narratives about the Angel of Death meeting various prophets. Throughout these RadCth is the sense that death is imminent and that death is part of human existence, with eight explicitly stating that ‘. . . the Angel of Death studies every person, without exception, twice a day.’ (§111)30 After death, the souls of the believers are also said to be subsequently handed over to an angel called RamyA ”Cl and the souls of the unbelievers to an angel called DEma (§300–1). After burial, there are a number of angels that interact with an individual after death and in the afterlife; namely, the fattAn al-qabr (Tempters of the Grave, §302–11) and the guardians of Heaven and Hell, RiQwAn and MAlik (§229–42), along with their subordinates. Soon after someone has been buried, they are visited by angels and their faith is tested; if they are found to have been believers, they are rewarded and if they are not, they are punished.31 Although it should be noted, as F.E. Peters comments, that ‘. . . the events following an individual Muslim’s death unfold in a somewhat confused fashion in the literature on the subject.’32

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In Islamic tradition the two angels that come to the deceased are normally named as Munkar and NakCr. However, some other names are given in al-LabA ”ik: Ankar, NAkEr, REmAn (§309),33 and they are also referred to more generally as ‘. . . two angels from the Angels of Mercy, and one angel from the Angels of Torment.’ (§308) These angels are not mentioned in the Qur’an, but became an important part of traditional Islamic beliefs about the afterlife, and belief in them and the ‘torture of the grave’ is included in the confessions of faith; for example al-Fiqh al-akbar II includes the clause: The interrogation of the dead in the tomb by Munkar and Nakir is a reality and the reunion of the body with the spirit is a reality. The pressure and punishment in the tomb are a reality that will take place in the case of all infidels and a reality that may take place in the case of some sinners belonging to the faithful. (§23)34 Munkar and NakCr are not ‘evil’ angels, nor are they devils. Their function is to test the soul of the deceased by asking simple, basic questions of the individual’s beliefs, e.g. ‘The two will sit with him and ask him what he used to worship, and who his prophet was.’ (§303) These are fundamental questions, relating directly to the beliefs of the shahAda, rather than a judgement based on an individual’s actions. The guardians of Heaven and Hell are also named in Islamic tradition as MAlik and RiQwAn. Although the name RiQwAn is derived from the Qur’an, there is nothing in the Qur’anic text itself to imply an angelic being. For example, the word riQwAn appears in Q. 3:15: Say: ‘Shall I tell you of a better than that?’ For those that are godfearing, with their Lord are gardens underwhich rivers flow, therein dwelling forever, and spouses purified, and God’s pleasure (riQwAn min AllAh). And God sees his servants.’ The angel RiQwAn appears to be a personification of God’s ‘pleasure’ in paradise, and whilst the verse does place riQwAn in the context of the Garden, the exegeses do not refer to the angel RiQwAn. The angel gained some popularity, appearing in later works, particularly belles-lettres.35 The reference to MAlik in Q. 43:77 is identified in the early exegesis of Muqatil b. Sulayman as the ‘guardian of Hell’,36 but does come to hold a dominant position in Islamic angelology, save in descriptions of Hell.37 Both RiQwAn and MAlik figure fairly prominently in the mi “rAj literature,38 but are less important in other genres. The majority are descriptions of these angels in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik are of those responsible for Hell and its punishments: (i) MAlik, the angel in charge of Hell; (ii) the guardians who punish hell’s inhabitants; and (iii) the zabAniyya (Q. 96:18), another group of angels who are also responsible for punishments. A human’s journey through life, from conception until death and beyond, is one of continual interaction with the angelic world. Islamic conceptions of the

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universe may suggest that God is utterly transcendent and remote. However, at the same time, God is ever-present with humans on earth, through the ministration of angels. A discussion of this close relationship between the divine and human worlds is at the heart of al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, and the daily interaction acts as both a comfort and a threat: individuals can feel closeness to the divine, but angels record all human actions, the good and the bad.

ANGELS AS GOD’S PRESENCE ON EARTH Although many traditions about angels appear contradictory, there is often an underlying logic to the role of angels within Islam. One such idea is the role of angels as mediators, bridging the gap between the beliefs that God is both utterly transcendent and at the same time has active control over the universe. God’s control over the universe can only manifest itself through the mediation of angels – they are a necessity in such a cosmology: La nécessité de cette function théophanique découle du concept de la divinité comme absoluement transcendante, et l’on perde souvent de vue le fait que, sans l’angélologie, ce qu’on appelle si facilement le monothéisme périt dans un triomphe illusoire.39 The supremacy of God’s power is the main theological point being made in the Qur’an, for AllAh, as opposed to other gods in the pre-Islamic pantheon, was the source of all creative power.40 God is the one who created the universe, and the one who will destroy, or to use Shinya Makino’s terminology, ‘terminate’ the world.41 Alongside the notion of God’s power is the development of an ethical framework, in which God will judge all of humanity for their conduct on earth and for their belief in, and submission to God.42 There are a number of angels that appear in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik that can be seen as the manifestation of God’s power and authority; indeed, the angels are the ones responsible for mediating that power. In this way, angels can be seen bringing ‘down’ their message from heaven to earth.43 The ‘message’ comes in many forms, from the bringing of revelation, which is the most intimate and dramatic divine action. God presents humans with an opportunity for guidance and salvation, through the mediation of angels such as Gabriel.44 Other forms, for example, the annihilation of unfaithful peoples, such as the people of ‘fd and Thamed, are similarly dramatic displays of God’s anger and punishment. The message is given to both historically the people of ‘fd, but also to those hearing the revelation and to the reader of the Qur’an: The moral summoning to those that listen to the Qur’anic message from the mouth of Murammad could not therefore be more explicit: not believing in his message will result in the same tragedy which fell on those who in the past reject the prophets and the messengers of God.45

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God, however, does not simply act on such large scales; but, according to the RadCth, God interacts with humanity continually, through the angels, to affect changes in the course of salvation-history on all levels, national and personal. God’s involvement with humanity begins at birth. In al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, the nine RadCth included about the angels of the embryo, discuss two important ideas: the first provides an account of traditional embryogenesis, and the second concerns the issue of predestination. Five of the nine RadCth included describe the early stages in the growth of the embryo in basic terms.46 These RadCth are similar to the Qur’anic accounts, especially Q. 23:12–14: We created man of an extraction of clay, then We set him, a drop, in a receptacle secure, then We created of the drop a clot, then We created of the clot a tissue, then We created of the tissue bones, then We garmented the bones in flesh. The exegetical tradition and the RadCth literature develop this basic account of embryogenesis, including the developments seen in medical knowledge, and they reflect a ‘. . . further development of the thought found already in some Koranic passages dealing with the stage of the development of the embryo.’47 Such advances in science enabled scholars, such as Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc, to provide detailed descriptions of embryogenesis.48 In al-LabA ”ik the RadCth tend to take a form similar to this: When forty-two nights have passed by the semen, God sends an angel to it, and it shapes it, and creates its ears, its eyes, its skin, its fat and its bones. (§439)49 The development of the embryo and the stages outlined in this example played an important part in the classical Islamic law of torts, especially in attempting to rule when compensation was liable in cases of injury that subsequently induce a miscarriage.50 However, whilst the scientific understanding behind these texts and their application in Islamic law are interesting, there are greater theological points being made: birth and ante-natal development are all driven by God.51 Despite being transcendent and divided from the created world, God is still able to maintain a connection with, and great influence over, the universe. God’s will is equally important in the concept of predestination alluded to in these few RadCth.52 The most important aspect of the Angel of the Womb’s role is that in the womb, God preordains certain aspects of the foetus’ life; take the two following RadCth: [The angel] says: ‘Lord, it is male or female?’ And your Lord decrees what He wills, and the angel writes. Then he says: ‘Lord, what will his sustenance be?’ Your Lord decrees what He wills, and the angel writes. Then the angel leaves the page on his hand, and never ceases from the command nor shakes it off. (§439)

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And [the angel] says: ‘Lord, is it male or female? Lord will it be wretched or happy?’ And God decrees what He wills. Then the one responsible says: ‘What is its time?’ And God decrees what He wills. Then he closes the book and it is not opened until the Day of Resurrection. (§440) These two RadCth show that some aspects of a human’s life are preordained: gender, sustenance (rizq), happiness or wretchedness, and life-span (ajal ). Montgomery Watt calls this type of predestination ‘modified fatalism’, because the elements that are predestined for the individual are limited in scope: ‘Here not everything a man does is predetermined, but only the date of his death and the outcome or general effect of his activity.’53 Some of these preordained elements of life, such as the ajal bear some relation to comparable notions of fate in preIslamic religion (cf. dahr),54 but as Smith and Haddad note, ‘. . . the emphasis is not on an impersonal determinism but on divine prerogative; God ascertains the life-spans of persons and of communities, and in His hands lies the fate of all that He has brought into being.’55 The juxtaposition of the statements about embryogenesis and this modified determinism seek to place God at the centre of human existence. Although Montgomery Watt doubts that the types of RadCth seen above were originally intended to be interpreted so forcefully,56 predestinationist RadCth such as these became important in the subsequent theological disputes over the issue,57 with whole chapters on qadar appearing in the canonical RadCth collections58 and whole works devoted to the subject.59 Above all, the modified determinism of these RadCth highlight God’s control of, and power over, creation, as well as the role of the angels in the process. The angels are God’s emissaries and act on his behalf, revealing the close relationship between God, man and angels, even from the very beginnings of life. If God is present at the moment of conception, then it should be no surprise that God is also involved in the process of death. The relationship between God’s creative and destructive power has been explored by Shinya Makino, who sees the dualism of creation and termination at the heart of the Qur’anic worldview. One common theme in the Qur’an is the imminence of death and the fact that humans do not know when death will come.60 This is developed extensively in the RadCth included in al-LabA ”ik, where death is presented as an ever present reality, and possibility. One RadCth in al-LabA ”ik even goes as far to say ‘. . . if the servant, to whom [the Angel of Death] has been sent, laughs, then he says: “Wonderful! I have been sent to take his soul while he is laughing!” ’ (§118) This stresses the inescapable nature of death; even when someone is laughing, if the appointed time (ajal ) comes, the person will die. In §112 the Angel of Death appears almost arrogant, comic even, saying to a grieving family: There is no sin for me [in doing this] against you! I am one with orders. By God! I have not eaten your food (rizq), I have not reduced your age, and I have not shortened your appointed time (ajal ). I am going to return to you, and I will return to you again and again until there is none of you left! (§112)

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These two RadCth emphasize the nature of the angel’s work and the lack of compassion reflects the impersonality of death and its inevitability. Above all, the Angel of Death is not a judge, only a functionary of God and cannot act independently. There are a number of RadCth that describe the way in which the Angel of Death is informed of who is to be killed and when. There are two main theories: firstly, that God reveals to the Angel of Death who is to die at the moment before death (e.g. §319); or secondly, the Angel of Death is informed about the deaths that are to occur during the whole year in the month of Sha‘ban (e.g. §144). Despite these two positions, both stress the idea that it is God, and God only, who decides when an individual’s life is to come to an end, as Smith and Haddad write: ‘It is clear in these eschatological materials that the angel of death himself, as God’s instrument, has no responsibility for determining the moment of the individual’s death.’61 The fact that the Angel of Death is not acting independently, also means that the Qur’anic statement in Q. 39:42 that ‘God takes the souls at the time of their death’ remains valid. Obedience to God is a key characteristic of all angels in all monotheist religions, and disobedience is often perceived as the origin of evil.62 As Awn comments: ‘[The angels] act only in accordance with God’s will, and function as His instruments. For them to rebel is unimaginable, and in fact, impossible . . .’63 The idea that the Angel of Death does not act independently is also found in Judaism, in which God is regarded as ultimately responsible for the individual’s death, since Hebrew monotheism could not allow for the existence of an evil principle or a death-god that operated among men, contrary to the will of God.64 The angels, the Angel of Death included, do not operate on their own wishes, but act according to God’s will. There are also a number of stories about the Angel of Death in the qiTaT al-anbiyA” tradition, in which one common theme is the attempt by various prophets and individuals to escape death: Enoch, Moses, Abraham and a friend of Solomon all attempt to evade the Angel of Death and prolong their appointed time (ajal ). Enoch and Abraham both seek confirmation from God that they are supposed to die; Moses challenges the angel directly by slapping him and gouging out his eye; and Solomon’s friend asks Solomon to transport him to India, so that the Angel of Death does not know where he is.65 All these attempts are futile, as all are taken by the Angel of Death at their appointed time (ajal ), although Moses is able to extend his ajal a little (§146).66 This is part of a wider theological position in which the moment of death and the length of a human’s appointed time are conceived as being immovable and unchangeable. Montgomery Watt comments: ‘Both [ajal and rizq] are thought as determined by God, but, once they have been determined, they seem to have a certain fixity and there is no question of God’s altering them.’67 The immovability of the ajal can also be seen in some RadCth relating to the Scribes, which state that:

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Every servant has guardians, who protect him. A wall does not fall down on top of him, he does not fall down a well, and an animal (dAba) does not hit him until his time has come. The guardians leave him, so that whatever God has willed should hit him, hits him. (§402) These RadCth show the angels defending the individual; but, in effect, they are also protecting the predestined moment of death. These RadCth (§393–404) present a world that is much more hostile to humans than is normally encountered in Islamic texts.68 In the sCra tradition, the Angel of Death is also described in some accounts surrounding the death of Murammad. In the story of Murammad’s death, the Angel of Death seeks permission to enter the Prophet’s house, and the RadCth concludes: ‘It reached [Khaythama] that the Angel of Death did not greet anyone before [the Prophet], and will not greet anyone after him.’ (§169)69 However, the main difference between the encounters of Murammad and the other prophets with the Angel of Death is that the death of Murammad is treated with a great deal more emotion, where the pain and suffering of the Prophet are stressed.70 Murammad, when asked by Gabriel how he feels, replies: ‘Gabriel, I find myself distressed, and I find myself scared.’ (§170) Murammad is also one of the only prophets (save David)71 not to challenge the Angel of Death in an attempt to live a longer life. In §170, the Angel of Death says to Murammad: ‘God has sent me to you, and has commanded me to obey you; if you command me to take your soul, then I will take it; but if you do not want [me to], then I will leave it.’ [Murammad] said: ‘Do [it], Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Yes, as you command.’ In the RadCth there is juxtaposition between the honouring of Murammad as a prophet and his depiction as an ordinary human being, fearing death. In this way, Murammad becomes an example of human behaviour: accepting of God’s will, yet simultaneously fearful of it – even when given the choice of extending his ajal. The Prophet, the exemplar of human submission to God, experiences pain and fears death; as al-Ghazalc writes: Did you think that the office of Prophethood would ward off from him that which was destined? Did the Angel respect his family and relations for his sake? . . . Absurd! Rather he followed that which he found inscribed upon the Tablet.72 The importance of these narratives of the prophets is that they make informative statements about the subject of death within a rich narrative framework, allowing concepts to be made more subtly. As a whole, the activities of the Angel of Death focus on four main areas: (i) the imminence of death; (ii) the fixed nature of the ajal; (iii) the treatment of humans by the Angel of Death based

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on belief; and (iv) the practical question of how the Angel of Death can take everyone’s souls. The descriptions of both embryogenesis and death articulate important theological ideas, particularly predestination. The RadCth about the angelic roles in life and death, demonstrate clearly that God is involved actively in the processes of creation and ‘termination’, albeit through the work of the angels. Ideas about predestination also dominate the RadCth, and God is seen to have power over all moments of time. Gerhard Böwering comments that: Combining pre-Islamic notions of all-pervasive time with the idea of God’s decree in the Qur’an, Muslim tradition saw time as a series of predetermined events binding divine omnipotence to the certain occurrence of each instant of a person’s life span. Unavoidable as fate and irreversible as time, each instant happened solely through God’s very own action.73 Through the administration of the angels, it is possible to maintain the two competing elements within the Qur’anic worldview of God’s supreme authority over the universe and God’s transcendence. Birth and death mark moments of particular significance, since death is no longer subject to an impersonal conception of ‘fate’, but is linked to the divine will. God’s power over creation begins from conception and continues through life, to death, and beyond.

ANGELS AND RITUAL Muslims’ lives are constantly regulated by the principle of sharC “a, the divine law, which the fuqAhA” strive to interpret and understand. SharC “a does not simply govern criminal, civil and ritual law, but it also addresses ethical and moral concerns more generally.74 In al-LabA ”ik there are a number of RadCth that attempt to discourage certain types of behaviour in a whole range of different situations and circumstances, ranging from people’s bad habits during the ritual prayer to questions of ritual purity.75 In al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik angels are used to warn believers of the consequences of certain practices in a number of ways: (i) stating that certain actions offend the angel that writes down good deeds (with the implication that this may affect the individual’s own record of good deeds); (ii) by stating that angels do not come into the presence of certain substances and events; and (iii) stating that the angels curse individuals for certain actions.76 The RadCth literature, and not simply those found in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, show the angels behaving in such a way in a number of different circumstances to provide a warning to the community for the consequences of particular events. al-Bazzar on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God prohibited you from unveiling yourselves. God’s angels become embarrassed; those which are

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with you, the Noble Scribes. They only leave you when one of these three things is present: human excrement, major ritual impurity (al-janAba), or when ritual ablution is needed (al-ghusl ). (§368) al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU, on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. Yazcd, that the the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Do not leave urine to stagnate in a bowl in a house, because angels do not enter a house if there is stagnant urine in it. (§589) These two RadCth, and many others like it, suggest that there is a need for Muslims to remain in perpetual purity, rather than purity being of concern only before the performance of specific ritual actions.77 The angels react negatively to the presence of pollutants such as urine, those who have had sexual intercourse, and so on; but the angels are also affected by the presence of other quasi-polluting substances. These quasi-polluting actions and substances are those that would not normally be considered as polluting, but still receive a negative response from the angels. Such substances include playing the tambourine to eating onions, and having idols to leaving bowls of urine to stagnate.78 The function of these RadCth, often containing the phrase ‘angels do not enter’, are used to try and discourage the performance of certain actions, as well as promoting a concept of perpetual purity. The angels are not, however, just used to discourage certain behaviour by the threat of their absence; the angels are also affected by individuals’ actions in other ways. There are some RadCth that describe actions as hurting or embarrassing angels. The majority of these RadCth in al-LabA ”ik are concerned with ritual prayer. Fiddling with stones whilst performing the ritual prayers, placing sandals on the ground, spitting and resting on the qibla are all addressed.79 There is no consensus on how these misdemeanours affect the angels; for example, regarding fiddling with stones during the ritual prayer, §359 states that: ‘Fiddling with stones in the mosque [causes] pain to an angel.’ And §361: ‘Do not fiddle with stones during the ritual prayers, for that [habit] is from the Devil.’ These two RadCth clearly indicate that those praying should concentrate wholly on the performance of the ritual prayers, albeit expressed in different ways. The RadCth present specific circumstances in which angels react negatively to human behaviour; but, generally, the discouragement of certain actions usually occurs in less explicit ways. The story of HArEt and MArEt is a good example of a narrative that is used to warn of the consequences of certain behaviour, particularly drinking alcohol. It is only after the angels have become drunk that they worship al-Zuhara’s idols, fornicate with her and commit murder. Whilst the Qur’an focuses on the two angels and their introduction of magic, the stories of HArEt and MArEt are also concerned with the human propensity to sin and the dangers of alcohol. Their story is used as an example of how not to behave, as Annemarie Schimmel writes:

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Themes in Islamic angelology The traditional Sufi leaders recognised seven gates to hell: pride, cupidity, lust, anger, envy, avarice, and hatred, and the story of the two fallen angels, Haret and Maret, as told in the Koran (Sura 2:96f.), could well illustrate the danger of followings one’s own sexual desires.80

The two angels are not inherently ‘evil’ (as Jacques Waardenburg seems to suggest),81 they simply fall foul to the problems and difficulties that are part and parcel of human life. If the angels are used to discourage certain types of negative behaviour, they are also used to encourage positive actions. For example, the angel of good deeds writes down righteous deeds ten times for every righteous action, and the angel of misdeeds allows time for repentance. The companion on the right has authority over the companion on the left. If a servant does a good act, he writes it down ten times; if he does a sinful act, the companion on the left wants to write it down, [but] the companion on the right says: ‘Leave it!’ And he leaves it for six hours, or seven hours. If he seeks forgiveness for it from God, Most High, he does not write anything down against him, if he does not seek forgiveness from God, he writes it down the sinful act once. (§336)82 Another angel, the Angel of the Prophet’s Prayer, encourages the use of the taTliyya: Gabriel came to me and said: ‘Murammad, whoever blesses you from your community, God, Most High, writes a blessing for him. In [the blessing] are ten good deeds, which cancel out ten misdeeds . . .’ (§445) There are a number of other specific ritual actions that generate a positive response from the angels, either the individual’s scribes or other angels. The angels bless: pious young men (§604); those who wear turbans on Fridays (§621 and 628); those that seek knowledge (§622–3); those who perform the fast in Ramaqan (§665 and 718); those who remember God (§666); those who put on a sword for the jihAd (§672); those who make their way to Mecca for the Rajj on foot (§676); those who pray for the deceased (§712); those who attend the Friday prayers and hear the sermon (§719–22 and 728); those who circumambulate the Ka“ba (§671); and if someone sneezes and then says ‘Praise be to God!’, the angels reply ‘the Lord of the Two Worlds’ [Q. 1:1] (§634–5). The role of the angels in these RadCth is to encourage certain ritual actions through praise, support or blessing. On more specific issues there are a number of RadCth that encourage Muslims to recite the Qur’an in its entirety or on set occasions.83 The recitation of the Qur’an was an important part of the ritual of the early Muslim community and there are numerous RadCth describing the merits of the Qur’an ( faQA ”il al-Qur ”An).84

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The reading and recitation of the Qur’an is important as it is the word of God, and as Frederick Denny comments, it ‘is akin to a sacramental act in that divine power and presence are brought near.’85 This divine presence is made particularly evident in al-LabA ”ik by the depictions of the angels, aiding the believers in their recitation or memorization of the Qur’an, e.g., ‘The house in which the Qur’an is recited comes into the view of the people of heaven, just as the stars come into the view of the people of earth.’ (§708) This RadCth and others like it attempt to show a reward for reciting the Qur’an, but whilst this just refers to the recitation of the Qur’an in the home, another states that: ‘If the servant finishes [memorizing] the Qur’an, sixty thousand angels pray for him . . .’ (§713) If there is intention to memorize the Qur’an and an individual dies before being able to do so, ‘. . . an angel comes to him, and teaches it to him in his grave, and so when he meets God, Most High, he knows it by heart.’ (§696) An angel is also responsible for ‘correcting’ any misreading that a Qur’anic reciter may make (§462–5), showing that the intention of reciting the Qur’an is more important than necessarily achieving a perfect vocalization of the text. There is also a number of RadCth that refer to specific verses and sEras of the Qur’an being particularly associated with angels, e.g. ‘The [sEra of the] Cow is the hump of the Qur’an, and its climax. He sent down eighty angels with every verse.’ (§699)86 All these RadCth help to encourage Muslims to read and recite the Qur’an by highlighting the benefits of doing so and the angels act as the mediators of these blessings. Just as Qur’anic recitation and knowledge of the Qur’an are a part of Islamic spirituality, the performance of the ritual prayers plays a central role. The prayers act as a ‘. . . bridge between the human being and God. In their essential form, the canonical prayers in Islam are an affirmation, as indeed all faith is, of God’s mercy and majesty.’87 In this collection, the angels are also seen to bless and support Muslims in the performance of the TalAt. The majority of the Radith on this subject in al-LabA ”ik are positive, showing angelic support or praise for reciting the Qur’an.88 The main manifestation of this support is the presence of angels with Muslims as they pray: When a man stands up to perform the prayers in the desert of the Earth, he performs the prayers with two angels behind him. If he is called to prayer, and stands up to perform the prayers, angels like the mountains are behind him. (§568)89 The angels are also said to continue praying for an individual who has performed the ritual prayers (§576, 578–80 and 598), and to say ‘Amen’ to an individual’s prayers (§614–15, 617–18). One RadCth also states that the angels say ‘O God forgive him! O God, have mercy upon him’ for ‘as long as [he] is in his place of prayer’ (§716); encouraging Muslims to spend more time at prayer. The RadCth also praise other supererogatory acts of devotion and piety, including: blessing the Prophet (§446, 447, 449–57);90 saying a prayer whilst passing the Yemeni

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corner of the Ka“ba (§458–60); saying ‘The Most Merciful of those that are Merciful’ (§466); and praying for the dead (§467–70). The idea behind all of these RadCth is not simply to encourage adherence to the prescribed regulations of ritual law (i.e. the performance of the ritual prayers), but to add to the religious and spiritual development of the individual. Above all, these actions play a key role in the daily remembrance of God (dhikr): As long as man is occupied with the remembrance (dhikr) of God, he is free from worldly concerns, and thus there is little chance for Satanic insinuation and temptation (waswAs).91 These RadCth introduce and encourage a spirituality that is based on baraka. The individuals that perform them are given blessing, not only by virtue of the fact that by doing them the individual is diverted from acting unrighteously, but they are also given an eschatological reward. Angels also provide a template for more formal ritual actions, a use of angels which can be seen clearly in the Qumran community and their liturgical work, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice.92 At Qumran human worship replicates the angelic community and both humans and angels pray and worship simultaneously. Martha Himmelfarb comments that: ‘The recitation of the Sabbath Songs with their description of the liturgy in the heavenly temple was intended to create a feeling of participation in the service on high.’93 This is also a key part in the understanding of the role of angels in Islamic ritual.94 Before looking at the role of angels in specific ritual actions, it is important to highlight the way in which angels are held to be exemplars of faith. In alLabA ”ik the angels are said to be continually praising and worshipping God. There are a number of RadCth that state: ‘There is no place in heaven without an angel, be it bowed down in worship or standing upright until the Hour comes.’95 Heaven is described as a world crammed full of angels, constantly praising God.96 Of all the angels that are in existence the great majority praise and worship God, with a mere ten per cent given specific tasks – the roles normally associated with angels.97 In one of the RadCth it says explicitly that the main purpose of the angels is to worship: I said to Ka‘ b: ‘What is your opinion about the Word of God: ‘glorifying Him by night and in the daytime and never failing’ (Q. 21:20) – particularly regarding those that are occupied with [delivering] messages and those that are occupied with [seeing to people’s] needs?’ He said: ‘God gave them worship, just as [he gave] you souls. Have you not eaten and drunk, and stood up and sat down, and come and gone, and talked while you breathed? In that way, He created worship for them.’ (§549) The worship and praise of God is a natural function of the angel. The actual words of the angels are also important and often reflect invocations used

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commonly in Muslim ritual, again something seen in Jewish and Christian contexts.98 The most important of these is the saying of the tasbCR,99 which is an integral part of Muslim devotional practices: ‘Muslim prayer-manuals show that for the Muslim worshipper too, his act of praise is a sharing in the worship of “angels and men in a wonderful order”.’100 The RadCth also show the angels performing or supporting specific rituals associated with the Ka“ba. The angels are said to have been the first to perform a circumambulation (UawwAf ) of the Ka“ba: ‘Adam circumambulated the Holy House, and the angels said: ‘Your piety obeys [God], Adam; we have circumambulated this House before you, for two thousand years.’ (§609) Adam, as the first man and the first to come into contact with the Ka “ba, is associated with its rituals. However, there is also a deeper sense that the Ka“ba is a form of recompense for Adam’s expulsion from paradise, as Adam is not left abandoned by God. Another Radith establishes a link between the practice of UawwAf in heaven and on earth: ‘And [Adam] walked around it, just as he had walked around the Throne, and he performed the prayers by it, just as he had performed them by the Throne.’ (§624) This RadCth refers to God’s Throne: in this case the Ka“ba can be seen as a representation of God’s Throne, rather than the bayt al-ma“mEr. However, another RadCth states that God, may he be praised, placed a House under the Throne, on four pillars made of green jewels, and he covered them in rubies, and he called the House ‘The Remote Place’ (al-QirAR). Then God said to the angels: ‘Circumambulate around this House and pray to the Throne.’ The angels circumambulated the House, and they left the Throne . . . (§684) This suggests that some RadCth viewed the Throne and the bayt al-ma“mEr as different places. The angels are also said to wear the izAr (§625); to protect the jimAr (§461); and to circumambulate in the air above the earthly Ka“ba during Ramaqan (§736), bless those who say a prayer as they pass the Yemeni column of the Ka “ba (§458–60) and surround the tomb of the Prophet (§488). The function of these hadCth is to validate the use of these specific ritual and devotional acts by the Muslim community. Angels, therefore, play an important role in the encouragement and support of the community to perform both obligatory and supererogatory prayers and worship. The angels pray and worship with humans on earth, which creates harmony between divine and human devotions. The RadCth encourage certain types of behaviour by stating that if humans behave in a certain way, the angels will pray for them. Other RadCth state that good actions are given more weight in the individual’s book. All these indicate that certain actions give individuals blessing (baraka).101 All of the actions that the angels encourage are those that focus the individual on God: recitation of the Qur’an, the performance of the TalAt, listening to the Friday sermon, saying particular invocations etc. The performance of these

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actions generates blessings and prayers from the angels, which have clear benefits for the individual in his or her individual eschatological future. This relationship is reciprocal: whilst the angels constantly supervise and note down human actions, a close link is also established between the human and the divine worlds, and, along with it, a sense of protection. Whilst it is the angels that are the celestial beings that interact with God, there is a constant stress in the RadCth that they are mere functionaries. All of the angels’ actions originate from God.

ANGELIC INTERMEDIARIES Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik is quite different to other works of mediaeval Islam that describe the heavenly realm. Eschatological works, such as al-Ghazalc’s, al-Durra al-fakhCra, ‘Abd al-Rarcm al-Qaqc’s, DaqA ”iq al-akhbAr fC dhikr al-janna wa-’l-nAr, other apocalyptic or eschatological works,102 and the accounts of Murammad’s ascension (mi “rAj ) collected by scholars such as Ibn Israq in his SCrat RasEl AllAh,103 usually serve as a warning against certain modes of behaviour by describing the future rewards of heaven and the punishments of hell: Through these descriptive tales, the scholars establish narratives that reiterate the moral code of the Qur’an and convey a careful set of expectations, warnings, and exhortations for the members of Murammad’s community.104 Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik uses similar supramundane material, but approaches it from a different angle.105 The purpose of al-LabA ”ik is to describe the function of the angels in the universe and their mediation between God and humans. The aim is to present an angelic world, not of the potential future, but of the contemporaneous world, to the extent that narratives about both past and future events are used to illustrate what the angels are doing in the present. This angelic present is used to explain how God interacts with the human world, how humans are judged, how they die, how revelation is given and how ritual actions should be performed. The role of the angels in the daily lives of every human is an underlying theme in al-LabA ”ik. The work could be called eschatological in the sense that it is, in part, concerned with the final judgement, but it is not ‘eschatological’ as it is normally understood. In Biblical Studies, Christopher Rowland has argued that eschatology is not simply concerned with the future, but can reflect contemporary events.106 However, even in Rowland’s understanding of eschatology, the eschatology of the present still remains eschatological: a text may be using eschatology to discuss contemporaneous events, but it still presents the material in a similar vocabulary and milieu to an eschatology rooted in the future. Willem Bijlefeld, who applies the notion of eschatology in Biblical Studies to an Islamic context, comments that:

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Most scholars in this field reject this narrow interpretation of the term and see it as applicable to statements regarding the world to come and the last day(s) as well as to pronouncements regarding decisive turning points at a future date with the ongoing history of this world.107 Despite being concerned with the divine world and notions of judgement, alSuyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik still remains quite distinct and cannot really be considered to be eschatological, because the vocabulary and language is not one of an impending crisis, a dramatic end to the world, or decisive moments of political change. Describing the divine world or divine creatures, then, does not necessarily mean that a text is eschatological or apocalyptic, but is simply seeking to explore the realities of the divine world. It is, however, misleading to suggest that al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik is not at all concerned with the eschatological future, as much of the information provided in the RadCth is related to an individual’s eschatological future.108 However, the compilation continually contextualizes this eschatological future in terms of the interaction of humans and angels at this very moment in time. The ‘tours of Hell’ genre (including the mi “rAj literature) tends to use Heaven and Hell generally – warning Muslims of the consequences of right and wrong actions, and exhorting them to follow the true path. Vuckovic comments: ‘These stories of reward and punishment play an integral role in the mi‘raj narratives and in the ongoing dialogue regarding appropriate morality, behaviour and even political allegiance.’109 Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik and the mi “rAj literature are both didactic, in that they attempt to teach and inform their readership, but they differ in their approaches. The mi “rAj literature tends to be parabolic: the descriptions of Heaven and Hell, although a future reality, are used to describe a potential future to which the reader must respond in order to avoid the punishments described. Al-LabA ”ik is not parabolic: it is descriptive of the current realities of this world, with the belief that certain actions will affect the individual’s personal eschatology. Essentially, Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik informs its readers that the angels are ever present with humans in this life, at this very instant, and that human actions affect their relationship with the angels.

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Angels and theology

The theological postscript that follows the long RadCth section in al-Suyeuc’s alLabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik attests to the fact that angels were frequently involved in discussions of theology. This should not come as a surprise, since, by their nature, they are speculative creatures. Furthermore, the scriptural traditions do not tend to provide much detail about their precise roles, their status in the universe, or their relationship with other creations. As has already been seen, different genres and reflections on the Qur’an have elaborated on some of these details. The same can be seen in the philosophical and theological traditions of Judaism and Christianity. Theologians have sought to provide answers to some of the difficult questions regarding the nature, status and function of angels within the universe. Philosophers and theologians in all three of the Abrahamic traditions have attempted to explain whether angels are corporeal or incorporeal, that is: do angels have a physical substance? Or are they purely spiritual beings? Others have explored the status of angels within the cosmos. Can one presume, for example, that the angels’ closeness to God means that they have a higher status than humans? And what does that higher status mean? Or does that the fact that humans do not know God as angels do, mean that human faith in the ‘hidden’ God, made known only through revelation, gives humans privilege over angels? Other theologians have sought to establish why there are angels in the first place: what function do they serve? Could the universe exist without them? These may appear to have little relevance to a wider theology. When does the corporeality or incorporeality of angels really have any bearing on issues of faith? The answer is that, in a way, they do influence how theologians view the world, since ‘angels provide privileged grounds for exploring a whole range of issues from epistemology and metaphysics, to philosophy of mind and language.’1 If theologians could begin to understand what function angels have in the universe, it could also be possible to gain a more nuanced perception of the function of both humanity and God. Likewise, by understanding what physical form angels take, philosophers and theologians could begin to make conclusions about what form humans might take in the afterlife. These questions, then, may appear to be a little obtuse at times; but they have a bearing on issues regarding theological anthropology, and the place that humans, and not just angels, have in the universe.

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This chapter will look at the appearance and use of angels in three different theological and philosophical discussions: (i) ideas about angelic hierarchy and status; (ii) angelic substance and ontology; and (iii) God’s transcendence and salvation history. The final part of the chapter will ask whether beliefs about angels are coherent or incoherent. It would be wrong, however, to think that these debates about angelic hierarchy and ontology were limited to Islamic philosophy and theological-philosophical readings of the Qur’an. The role of RadCth in the development of Islamic theology has been studied in great detail in relation to the early controversy about free will and predestination.2 However, there has been a tendency to focus on this particular theological problem and to neglect other areas of Islamic theology.3 Discussions of doctrines of God, the nature of man, the divine world and so on, abound in the RadCth literature. Indeed, even in the early development of RadCth compilation, short collections exploring one particular theological theme can be easily found. The most notable example is Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya (d. 281/894) who compiled many of these theological RadCth compilations, such as his KitAb al-Mawt.4 As is the case with many theological discussions of RadCth (and compilations of RadCth), the theological idea being promoted is not necessarily stated openly, and can only be inferred from the content of the RadCth, and the consequences that such statements may have. This makes understanding the angelology of the RadCth a complex undertaking. The RadCth collections were not compiled in a vacuum, without knowledge of developments in rationalist theology and philosophy. For example, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya devotes much of his KitAb al-RER to a discussion of the trial of the grave,5 and the work ‘was written in response to requests for clarification, since the question of the createdness and essence of the soul, etc., had always stirred discussions.’6 LadCth collections, therefore, present the main resource for tradition-based theology, much of which engaged with kalAm and philosophy. LadCth collections are also used to propagate a particular viewpoint, often articulated in the selection or exclusion of RadCth, and by their arrangement. Andrew Newman has argued that the three main Shc‘ c RadCth collections – the al-MaRAsin of al-Barqc, the KitAb al-KAfC of al-Kulaync, and the BaTA ”ir al-DarajAt of al-naffar – reveal a debate about the nature of the Imamate, articulated through the selection and arrangement of RadCth.7 Similar theological statements can be seen in al-Bukharc’s approach to compilation in his NaRCR.8 It is, therefore, necessary to consider what areas of theology the RadCth in al-Suyeuc’s al-LAbA ”ik engage with, and whether the work was compiled with kalAm in mind. To place al-Suyeuc and his al-LabA ”ik in context, kalAm and philosophy was still being actively pursued in the ninth/fifteenth century, although not as strongly as it had been previously. Works, such as al-Zamakhsharc’s al-KashshAf, although viewed with a little suspicion for its Mu‘tazilc stance, were still being studied in Mamluk Cairo.9 Mu‘tazilc theology was revived from the thirteenth century onwards,10 with Natcr al-Dcn al-oesc (d. 672/1274)11 being a notable example, culminating in the Isfahan School, which came to dominate Twelver philosophy a century after al-Suyeuc’s death.12 In the intervening period a number of scholars,

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including Jamal al-Dcn al-lillc (d. 726/1325)13 and Ibn Abc Jumher al-Arsa’ c (d. 906/1501), advanced such theological thinking.14 Rational theology was present in al-Suyeuc’s academic world, and the number of sources that al-Suyeuc cites in his postscript suggests that he was well acquainted with the material.15 With so many works ascribed to al-Suyeuc it is difficult to highlight general themes. However, many of his works, such as his al-Lay”a al-saniyya f C ’l-hay ”a al-suniyya, realign Islamic scholarship with the Qur’an and the RadCth.16 His al-LabA ”ik can be read in the same terms: there is an interest in returning to a RadCth-based angelology, rather than a purely speculative one. The material below will look at ideas and themes raised in Islamic philosophy and theology, and the ways in which the RadCth material engages with similar ideas.

HIERARCHY AND STATUS Neo-Platonic notions of hierarchy came to dominate philosophy in Judaism, Christianity and Islam in the late antique and early mediaeval periods.17 Whilst the emanationist hierarchies that formed much of Muslim ontological and cosmological thought are not the focus of the discussion here, such an emphasis on hierarchy came to influence a wide range of areas. Given that the Qur’an promotes a worldview that is broadly egalitarian, in theory at least, the dominance of hierarchical systems in Islamic thought may, perhaps, be surprising.18 Beliefs in angels were no exception to this hierarchical tendency, and the relative status between different types of angels and other created beings was discussed in detail. In Plotinus’ Enneads, the emanative descent of being from the One, from the simplex outwards into the world of multiplicity, creates a chain of being, with each successive being having a relationship with those above and below it.19 Being proceeds out of each level to the next in the chain below it ( proodos); but, at the same time, each level has a longing (epistrophe) towards those higher in the chain and nearer the One.20 This model, through development in other NeoPlatonic works, such as in Proclus’ Elements of Theology, became established as the basic structural premise of Neo-Platonic philosophy.21 Working within this particular cosmological milieu, Christian theologians began to adapt the emanationist model to their own theological discussions of being and existence, with theologians such as Gregory of Nyssa equating creatio ex nihilo with Neo-Platonist emanationism.22 The interest in Neo-Platonism and mysticism developed, culminating in the works of Pseudo-Dionysius,23 particularly the Divine Names and the Mystical Theology.24 Pseudo-Dionysius argues that the cosmos is hierarchical, with hierarchies established in both the divine and earthly worlds.25 Both being and knowledge are, for Pseudo-Dionysius, gained through a progression and emanation from God. Dionysius defines hierarchy in such a fashion that it involves a dynamic concept of the relations among superiors and inferiors in the angelic hierarchy and the structure of the church. Hierarchy involves in particular the

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mediation of angels in passing down to humans illuminations that the lower angels received from the higher angels and the higher angels received directly from God.26 As in Plotinian thought, there is also a relationship upwards, creating a system in which ‘there is a movement downward from the Good, that is from God, to the lowest creature, and a return by the same level back to the Good.’27 This chain of elements within the cosmos is most often used to describe the creation of being and its origin in the One, i.e. God. However, a further implication of the philosophy is that there is a natural hierarchy, with the most important beings in creation being those closest to God: ‘The greater the participation in God that a creature enjoys, the closer it approaches to him. The result is an ordering among creatures.’28 Pseudo-Dionysius takes the various ranks of angels mentioned in the scriptures and ranks them in three groups of three.29 The Celestial Hierarchy marked one of the earliest attempts to integrate angels fully into a Neo-Platonist hierarchical structure;30 and Dionysian angelology and cosmology came to dominate Christian theology over the succeeding centuries, despite some early opposition.31 When Islam turned to Neo-Platonism as a guide and inspiration for its own philosophical reflection on the divine and human worlds, it too sought to integrate scripture within Neo-Platonist ideas. The cosmological structures proposed by Islamic peripatetic philosophy, being based on Neo-Platonism, integrate notions of being (ontology) within hierarchical structures based on emanation from the One.32 Whilst the Dionysian Corpus does not seem to have been referred to often in Islamic philosophy, it was translated into Arabic,33 and a comparative integration of angels into a hierarchical system and chain of being can be found quite readily.34 However, it is not only philosophy that sought to place angels within a hierarchy: speculative theology (kalAm), the exegetical literature (tafsCr) and the RadCth also allude to natural angelic hierarchies. Although the hierarchies seen in the RadCth are, in some respects, less sophisticated than the systematic thought of a philosopher such as Ibn Scna, there is, nevertheless, an attempt to rank the angels into some sort of order. This can be seen in al-Suyeuc’s al-HabA ”ik in a number of different ways. Firstly, the designation of four archangels (ru”Es al-malA ”ika) – Gabriel, Michael, IsrAfCl and the Angel of Death – is, in effect, the creation of a hierarchy, with these four angels given a special status. This special status is often indicated in terms of a special relationship that these angels have with God: The creations closest to God are Gabriel, Michael and IsrAfCl; the distance between them and God is a journey of fifty thousand years: Gabriel is on His right and Michael on the other [side], with IsrAfCl between them. (§30) This RadCth gives a further indication of hierarchy: IsrAfCl, as the angel at the centre is the most important, followed by Gabriel on the right, and lastly Michael

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on the left.35 The position of the angels on the left and the right was also used in Judaism to mark the supremacy of Michael, rather than Gabriel.36 The idea that closeness to God signifies a higher rank can be seen in a RadCth about IsrAfCl. The closest of the angels to God is IsrAf Cl; he has four wings: a wing in the East, a wing in the West, he is covered by the third [wing], and the fourth is between him and the Preserved Tablet (al-lawR al-maRfEV). If God wants to reveal a command, the Preserved Tablet comes down until it slams into IsrAf Cl’s forehead; and he raises his head and looks; when the command is written, he calls out to Gabriel and he responds. And he says: ‘You are commanded to do such and such an order.’ Gabriel does not descend from one heaven to another without its people becoming terrified with fear of the Hour . . . (§93) IsrAfCl has privileged position as the angel nearest God, and IsrAfCl acts as a mediator between God and the angels, mainly Gabriel and Michael, just as Gabriel acts as the mediator between the human and divine worlds. This RadCth includes a further notion of hierarchy: the different layers of the seven heavens.37 Again, there is a sense, albeit only implied, that the further down the angels are, the lower they are in status. Although not a source for Islamic beliefs, there are remarkable similarities with Dionysian and Neo-Platonist ideas holding that closeness to God was an indicator of status.38 The RadCth have, thus far, simply highlighted the different ranks of specific named angels. Some other RadCth create a hierarchy of angelic species. Take the following RadCth: Humans and jinn are ten parts: humans make one part and the jinn make nine parts; the angels and the jinn are ten parts: jinn make one part and the angels make nine parts; the angels and the Spirit are ten parts: the angels make one part and the Spirit makes nine parts; the Spirit and the cherubim are ten parts: the Spirit makes one part and the cherubim make nine parts. (§226)39 The increasing numbers appear to indicate higher rank, especially given that the cherubim (karrEbiyyEn) are associated with God’s Throne in the exegetical literature.40 The position of the cherubim, Metatron/MCUAUrEsh and the Bearers of the Throne could be seen to be challenging earlier statements about the angels nearest God. If IsrAf Cl is the angel nearest to God, and God’s favoured angel, how can the Bearers of the Throne (§197–209) or Metatron (§196) be closer? The RadCth about the Bearers of the Throne are attempting to explain references to them in the Qur’an, but also to emphasize God’s majesty. The RadCth about the archangels are an attempt to organize a hierarchical structure in heaven, and to promote one angel over another. There are some attempts to harmonize the

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conflicting views, for example §194 states that there ‘is no-one higher amongst the Bearers of the Throne, save IsrAfCl. He said: Michael is not one of the Bearers of the Throne.’41 This may indicate an awareness of this particular disharmony, but such inconsistencies are not problematic: they illustrate how angels are described different to articulate different, and sometimes conflicting, theological points. This results in an angelology in which beliefs about angels and their imagery are fluid and change from case to case. The second aspect of angelic hierarchy discussed at great length in Islamic thought, especially in kalAm, was the relationship between angels, humans and prophets. The relative merits of different types of angels and humans are compared and contrasted in kalAm texts such as al-Zamakhsharc’s exegesis, al-KashshAf, and Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc’s K. al-Arba“Cn.42 It is also the question that is given the most attention in the postscript (khAtima) at the end of al-Suyeuc’s al-HabA ”ik.43 The discussion may appear a little abstract, but the aims of these debates are ultimately focused on the merits of prophecy, as well as the nature of the forms of belief. Can the faith of angels, as beings with an intimate and real knowledge of God, be adequately compared to the faith of prophets, who do not have such a relationship with divine reality? Furthermore, by asserting the primacy of prophecy, Murammad is also able to be promoted above the angels. The main narrative that is cited as indicating the supremacy of humans over angels is the prostration of the angels to Adam. This has been discussed at great length in the secondary literature, most recently by M.J. Kister, Leigh Chipman, Roberto Tottoli, and Gabriel Reynolds.44 Reynolds is right to highlight the anthropological stress implied in this narrative; he comments: In part the Qur’an uses this account as an etiology, to explain the devil’s fall from heaven. Yet it also uses this account to make an anthropological point, to illustrate the high status of Adam, and thereby his humanity.45 The question that many Muslim theologians, as well as many modern commentators, have sought to answer is the reason behind the supremacy of Adam and humanity. In the Qur’anic account, the angels cannot understand why God should even consider creating something that will ‘do corruption there, and shed blood, while We proclaim Thy praise and call Thee Holy?’ (Q. 2:30) Most commentaries on the narrative look to the use of the term khalCfa, which in both the classical exegetical tradition and in modern scholarship is often seen as the basis for the prostration. The exegetical tradition interprets the word in two ways: (i) as successor, either of God, or of the jinn, who traditionally inhabited the world before humans, but were unrighteous; (ii) as a representative of God on earth.46 However, there has been a tendency to overlook another important narrative, that of HArEt and MArEt. This story has been neglected from the debate because it is not often associated with the creation of Adam. The Qur’an links them to Solomon in Q. 2:101, and in the QiTaT al-anbiyA” genre they are often said to have come down to earth during the time of Enoch/IdrCs.47 However, in many accounts of the story, the words of the angels in Q. 2:30 are cited. The following account

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clearly takes place after the creation of Adam, but the citation of Q. 2:30 relates the narrative to the question of theological anthropology. It will be useful to look at this account in more detail. When the people after Adam fell into the situation that they fell into and began to be disobedient and to not believe in God, the angels in Heaven said: ‘Lord of this World, who created [men]! You only created them to worship you and to obey you, but they now fall into the situation that they have fallen in to, committing unbelief, committing suicide, eating unlawful food, fornicating, stealing and drinking wine; they have begun to curse each other, and they do not circumcise themselves.’ . . . And it was said to them: ‘Choose from amongst you the two best angels and I will give the two of them a task; and I will prohibit the two of them [from doing certain things].’ And they chose HArEt and MArEt. So the two of them were sent down to Earth and the desires of the sons of Adam were aroused in them. [God] ordered the two that they should serve Him and not associate anything with Him. He banned them from killing prohibited individuals, from eating prohibited foods and from fornicating, stealing and drinking wine. The two remained on the Earth for a time ruling the people with justice. This was during the time of Enoch. And at that time there was a woman, who was the most beautiful woman, just as the beauty of Venus is amongst the rest of the stars. The two of them came to her, spoke softly to her, and wanted her on her own; but she refused unless the two took her orders and her faith. So the two asked her about her faith and she brought out to them an idol and said: ‘This is what I worship.’ And the two said: ‘There is no need for us to worship this.’ So they went and stayed away for a while. Then the two came to her and they wanted her on her own and she said as she had said before, so they went away. Then they came to her [again] and they wanted her on her own, and when she saw that they refused to worship the idol, she said to the two of them: ‘Choose one of three faults: worshiping this idol, killing this person, or drinking wine.’ And the two said: ‘None of these are right, but the least contemptible of the three is drinking the wine.’ So they drank the wine. [The wine] was taken from them both and they fornicated with the woman. The two then feared that the person would reveal what they had done, so they killed him. When the drunkenness lifted from them and they realised what sin they had done, they wanted to go up to heaven; but they could not, as it had been made inaccessible to them. And the cover that was between the two of them and between the people of heaven was lifted up, and the angels looked down at what had come to pass. They wondered with great wonder and they came to understand that whoever is hidden [from God], is the one with less fear. After that they began to ask for forgiveness for whoever was on the earth. It was said to the two of them: ‘Choose between the punishment of this world and the punishment of the next.’ The two said: ‘As for the punishment of this world, it will come to an end and it will pass. As for the pain of the

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next world, it will not come to an end.’ So they chose the punishment of this world. The two stayed in Babylon and they were punished. (§254) This particular narrative is loaded with many different theological points. At its most basic, it is a morality tale about the dangers of consuming alcohol, but it is far more complex than that. The story also explains why angels are inferior to humans. Firstly, the angels are unable to understand the implications of the human condition.48 All that the angels see are humans behaving unrighteously and impiously: ‘committing unbelief, committing suicide, eating unlawful food, fornicating, stealing and drinking wine’. God responds with a simple test: if the angels think that their own moral standing is so unimpeachable, they should try being human. HArEt and MArEt begin well, maintaining their faith and their integrity, remaining ‘on the Earth for a time ruling the people with justice’. Despite the appeal of al-Zuhara, who in some accounts was sent to the angels by God as a test (e.g. §250), they remain steadfast in their obedience, but ultimately give into their lust, drink the wine, fornicate and murder. They accept their punishment and have learnt their lesson. The most important statement is this: And the cover that was between the two of them and between the people of heaven was lifted up, and the angels looked down at what had come to pass. They wondered with great wonder and they came to understand that whoever is hidden [from God], is the one with less fear. After that they began to ask for forgiveness for whoever was on the earth. This provides an explanation for why humans are superior to angels: angels behave just as badly in the same circumstances. This is at the heart of the difference between angels and humans. The nature of the moral obligations and struggle that humans face (taklCf ) distinguishes the two creations.49 This story illustrates that, in reality, the angels have no greater will or propensity to act righteously – the very belief on which they base their own claims for superiority over humans. In the HArEt and MArEt narrative, their experience leads the angels to decide to ‘ask for forgiveness for whoever was on the earth’. As an act of sympathy, since the angels have come to know the risks and trials that being human entails, they both begin to intercede for humans. This is not the only place where angels behave like this. LadCth in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik include numerous references to angelic intercession (e.g. §83, 191, 196 and 713). The act of intercession could be further evidence of the angels’ subservience to humans. In some cases, angelic intercession is clearly designed to promote certain activities, such as the recitation of the Qur’an; but in others, the prayers of the angels are an act of empathy for humans.50 Angelic intercession is also found in the Pseudepigrapha,51 and in Christianity the intercession of the Saints became extremely important.52 In later Islam, the intercession of Sufi shaykhs was sought; and in Shc‘ism the Imams could be petitioned, for example, al-Majlisc believes that intercession

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The act of intercession does not necessarily imply a natural hierarchy, but it does serve as an acknowledgement of the differences between angels and humans. The very fact that humans require or could benefit from intercession provides much information about the nature of humanity, and the difficulties that humans face in adhering to the laws of God. The debate about the status of angels tended to focus not on the relative merits of angels and all humans, but the relative status of angels and prophets. Lutpi Ibrahim has discussed the various arguments found in some kalAm texts, particularly those of al-Zamakhsharc and al-Bayqawc in detail,54 and others, such as Frederick Colby have highlighted the prevalence of these themes in non-kalAm works.55 These arguments relate to the discussion of the intercession of the angels and Muslim theological anthropology, as it places humanity within a wider cosmological structure. Al-Bayqawc argues, that since ‘human beings are not naturally created to be obedient like the angels, it would be difficult for them to fulfil the religious obligations. Therefore, their deeds are highly appreciated and deserve great reward.’56 The superiority of the prophets over the angels can be found in numerous examples other than the prostration of the angels. There are a number of RadCth in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik that describe angels serving prophets, for example: It reached me that the Angel of Death was made responsible for Solomon and he was told: ‘Go into his presence every day, and ask what he needs; then do not leave him until you have performed it.’ He used to enter upon him in the image of a man, and he would ask him how he was. Then he would say: ‘Messenger of God, do you need anything?’ If he said: ‘Yes’, then he did not leave him until he had done it; and if he said: ‘No’, then he left him until the following morning . . . (§167) Likewise, the Angel of Death seeks Murammad’s permission to enter his house, showing the high esteem in which the Prophet is held: The Angel of Death went to the Prophet during the illness which he contracted and he sought permission to enter [his presence] while his head was in ‘Alc’s lap. He said: ‘Peace be upon you, and the mercy of God and his blessings.’ ‘Alc said: ‘Come back again [at another time]! We are too busy to deal with you.’ The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Do you know who this is, Abe ’l-lasan? This is the Angel of Death. Bring him in, in good faith.’ . . . (§169)

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The deferential way in which the Angel of Death behaves indicates Murammad’s higher status. Murammad’s status is not, however, a result of his being human, but because of his role as a prophet. This has a considerable impact on the Islamic conception of its own religious leader. A preacher, or even some lesser prophets, would not be shown such respect by the angels, with the implication that Murammad is a true prophet, indeed, the greatest Prophet – a sentiment echoed in the statement ‘the Angel of Death did not greet anyone from a household before [Murammad], and will not greet anyone after him.’ (§169) Essentially, the angel’s behaviour seeks to authenticate Murammad’s prophethood, and by extension the legitimacy of Islam as an Abrahamic faith.57 Similar uses of angels can be seen in Christian texts’ treatment of Jesus and some Rabbinic discussions of Moses. The author of Hebrews argues that Jesus’ message is superior to the law, i.e. the Mosaic law, because the message was not revealed through the mediation of angels,58 a belief maintained in early Jewish reflection on the events at Sinai,59 but rather directly from God in the person of Jesus. However, in a likely reaction to this Christian attack on the authority of the Jewish law, later Rabbinic tradition ‘emphasizes the directness of the communication and the absence of angelic mediation in the revelation of the Sabbath law, the authority of which is based immediately on divine utterance.’60 There is, then, a comparative use of angels in the articulation of religious and prophetic authority in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. All three faiths argue that their principle figure of revelation is superior to the angels, thereby giving their teachings greater authority. Returning to the prostration of the angels to Adam, there are a number of different ideas competing for the reader’s attention. The story explains the fall of IblCs, and, by extension, the origin of evil; but on another level, it explores notions of theological anthropology, and the nature of the human condition. It also comments on the nature of prophethood, and its inherent superiority over angelic beings. This superiority is not simply articulated in the narratives of the prostration to Adam, but the RadCth express similar ideas – if in a slightly more cryptic and subtle way. Angels serve prophets, show them respect, honour them, and seek their permission to enter their houses. Angels also accept, principally in the story of HArEt and MArEt, the vicissitudes of being human, and, in an act of great sympathy, intercede on behalf of humans and the Muslim community. As a whole, all of these different elements point towards the superiority of Murammad and his message. The angelic hierarchies seen in Islamic philosophy, theology and the RadCth literature show the complexity of beliefs about angels. Each of the three disciplines develops a hierarchy. Hierarchy develops a sense of order and intelligibility for a realm of thought that is largely unintelligible. However, the function of the angelic hierarchy in each of the different disciplines differs. In Islamic philosophy, the angelic hierarchy is a bi-product of the adoption of emanationism, integrated with Ptolemaic cosmology. The angelic hierarchy, although presenting a token gesture to the scriptural tradition, is really an afterthought – an attempt to graft Qur’anic and RadCth-based beliefs into an otherwise alien philosophical

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system; a criticism that was levelled at Dionysian and Thomist angelology. For the theologians, angelic hierarchies, and the relative status of angels, humans and prophets, enables them to engage with discussions about the nature of God and prophecy. The RadCth material engages with all of these different ideas, most often an extension of development of ideas found in the Qur’an.

ANGELIC SUBSTANCE Arguments about the bodies of angels appear in both Christianity and Islam, and many philosophers have sought to determine the physical substance of angelic beings, often leading to controversy. This is because this area marked a place of conflict between philosophy and the revealed scripture. To provide a comparison, in Christian thought the largely Graeco-Arabic inspired angelology typified in Thomism,61 was rejected by Étienne Tempier in the Parisian Condemnations of 1270 and 1277.62 The objections to Neo-Platonism raised by both Tempier and Muslim thinkers such as al-Ghazalc focus almost entirely on the conflict between the Aristotelian incorporeal intellects and the explicitly physical representation of angels in scripture. Biblical angels are spiritual creatures, playing various roles in the history of salvation. . . . On the other hand, the intellectual substances of Greek philosophy are conceived in relation to their cosmological function and as necessary elements in the triple order of being, causation and intelligibility that holds together the universe. These two different pedigrees could not be easily reconciled.63 Both pagan and Christian Neo-Platonists conceived angelic beings, or similar cosmological entities, as incorporeal and spiritual.64 Although Neo-Platonist thought did not incorporate angels as such, Neo-Platonist models were used by Jewish, Christian and Muslim theologians, and angels were likened and compared to certain elements within Neo-Platonist cosmologies. Early attempts by Christian theologians to synthesize Greek philosophy and Biblical angelology can be seen in the works of Clement of Alexandria and Origen, but it is not until PseudoDionysius’ Celestial Hierarchy, that a fully-fledged Neo-Platonic ontology of angels can be found. In a Christian context, there are obvious conflicts with the scriptural tradition in which angels are given clear anthropomorphic and zoomorphic forms.65 Pseudo-Dionysius rejects such descriptions of angels believing that ‘[w]e cannot, as mad people do, profanely visualize these heavenly and godlike intelligences as actually having numerous feet and faces . . .’66 Pseudo-Dionysius provides two defences for his position. The first is that angels are given form in scripture to provide a symbolic representation of the divine and to make contemplating the divine easier for humans.67 His second position emphasizes a mysticism in which it is fitting that

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the sacred and hidden truth about the celestial intelligences be concealed through the inexpressible and the sacred and be inaccessible to the hoi polloi. Not everyone is sacred, and, as scripture says, knowledge is not for everyone.68 This digression into the Dionysian ontology of angels provides a backdrop to similar discussions and debates in Islam, and illustrates the way in which angels can become involved in wider philosophical and theological debates. The emanationist cosmology favoured in Islamic peripateticism, saw, as typified in Ibn Scna’s system, a series of Ten Intellects emanating from God.69 The Intellects were based on a combination of Plotinian emanation and Ptolemaic cosmology, and were then subsequently associated with angels.70 The association of angels with the celestial bodies (the seven planets, the sun and the moon), is not innovative, as such. Indeed, it was common in the Judeo-Christian and Greek philosophical traditions to associate angels and/or demons with celestial bodies;71 and in Zoroastrianism there are angels that govern the planets and the signs of the zodiac.72 In this respect, the amalgamation of angels into structures of emanative descent allowed for an Islamic philosophy to develop in line with traditional material. This can also be seen in the cosmology of al-Farabc, who did not hesitate to refer to the various supralunar incorporeal beings in terms recognizable to monotheists. For instance, he says that one ought to call the Intellects the ‘spirits’ and ‘angels’, and the Active Intellect the ‘Holy Spirit,’ i.e. the angel of revelation.73 This harmonization of philosophy and scripture can only be taken so far. The underlying belief that angels do not have bodies, and that the divine world is purely intellectual, is incompatible with the Islamic scriptural tradition. In his al-ShifA ”, Ibn Scna explicitly refers to angels as incorporeal intellects, referring to ‘al-malA ”ika al-rERAniyya al-mujarrada allatC tasmiyya “aqElan’ [‘. . . spiritual angels denuded [of matter] that are called “intellects” . . .’].74 For Ibn Scna, angelic ontology, along with life after the resurrection, must be purely intellectual.75 Such a denial of the frequently mentioned belief in full bodily resurrection in the Qur’an,76 led to great conflict, including a fierce attack on philosophy by alGhazalc.77 The discussions of (human) bodily resurrection in the afterlife are integral to understanding angelic ontology and other theological concepts.78 The relationship between angelic ontology and emanation sees an interesting harmonization in Shihab al-Dcn al-Suhrawardc’s Likmat al-ishrAq.79 Suhrawardc presents a complex cosmological system, based on emanation from the One Light,80 in which light is used not only as a symbol or metaphor for the process of emanation from God, but also as the basis of ontology. Many commentators, particularly Henry Corbin, have argued that such a strong association with light suggests a development of Zoroastrian ideas of ontology, with its strict dualism of light and dark.81 However, light is an important metaphor in Islam more generally.82 Al-Suhrawardc attempted to unite the philosophical and scriptural traditions, because in the Qur’an and the RadCth literature, angels are believed to

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be made of light (§2–4). Although Suhrawardc’s illuminationist (ishrAqC) system may go some way to bridge the gap between philosophy and the scriptural traditions, there still remains a significant difference between the two conceptions of angelology. After the sustained attacks on philosophy by figures like al-Ghazalc and Ibn Taymiyya,83 Islamic peripatetic angelology, with its belief in incorporeal angelic bodies, receded, despite attempts by philosophers to defend their position.84 This pattern was mirrored in the Christian world after the Parisian Condemnations of 1270 and 1277, when theologians, such as Duns Scotus and Peter John Olivi, moved away from Thomist angelic incorporeality, to a more ‘scriptural’ belief in angels.85 Although not overtly apparent, al-Suyeuc is engaged with these debates. The fact that one of the earliest chapters in al-LabA ”ik is entitled ‘The Origin of the Creation of the Angels and the Proof that they are Bodies in Contradiction to the Philosophers’86 would seem to suggest that al-Suyeuc believed the issue was significant. In this small chapter, including only four RadCth, al-Suyeuc emphasizes the corporeality of angels: [Muslim] from ‘f’isha; she said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The angels were created out of light, the Father of the Jinn was created out of a mixture of fire, and Adam was created out of what characterizes you. Abe ’l-Shaykh in his K. al-“AVama from Ibn ‘Amr; he said: God created the angels out of light. Abe ’l-Shaykh in K. al-“AVama from ‘Ikrima; he said: The angels were created from the light of the Glorious One. Abe ’l-Shaykh from Zayd b. Reman; that he heard that the angels were created from the spirit of God. The first RadCth in the chapter seeks to define the ontology of different types of being: humans, jinn and angels. Above all, the emphasis is on an angelic ontology of light. The final RadCth could, perhaps, be read in emanationist terms, as a kind of hypostasis of the divine Spirit, but this does not appear to be the intention of the RadCth, and it is unlikely that it was interpreted in such a manner. Al-Suyeuc also includes other RadCth that address this issue. As has already been seen, angels are often described in the RadCth as having specific forms (TEra). The anthropomorphic tendencies in the RadCth show that angels had physical form. In one RadCth, Gabriel shows his true ‘form’ to Murammad: And the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) fainted as soon as he saw him, then he came round while Gabriel supported him, placing one of his hands upon his chest and the other between his shoulder blades . . . (§53)

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This shows Gabriel as having a clearly physical form: Gabriel is able to hold Murammad. Likewise, the Spirit (al-RER), here a species of angel, are described in extremely anthropomorphic terms: ‘The Spirits eat: they have two hands, feet and heads, whereas the angels do not [eat].’ (§219) Even the more esoteric RadCth still show angels having bodies, even if they are extremely difficult to comprehend; take the following: The Spirit is an angel. It has seventy thousand faces; every face has seventy thousand tongues; every tongue has seventy thousand languages, which praise God in all of those languages; and from every act of praise God creates an angel, which flies with the angels until the Day of Resurrection. (§212) This may be an angel with seventy thousand faces, but however incomprehensible that may be, it is still an angel with a body. The various descriptions of Gabriel, IsrAfCl and the Angel of Death revealing their ‘true’ form are also indicative of this position. Their ‘divine’ form (or TEra) is still very much a body: While Abraham (peace be upon him) was in his house one day, suddenly a man of beautiful appearance came into his presence, and [Abraham] said: ‘Servant of God, who admitted you into my house?’ He said: ‘Its Lord admitted me into it.’ He said: ‘Its Lord is the most right [to do] that. Who are you?’ He said: ‘The Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Things have been described to me about you [that I cannot see in you].’ [Abraham] said: ‘Turn around.’ And so he turned around, and there were eyes at the front and eyes at the back and every one of his hairs were like people standing on end. So Abraham begged God for protection against that and said: ‘Return to your first form.’ He said: ‘Abraham, when God sends me to someone He wants to meet, He sends me in the form which you saw first.’ (§120) In the RadCth literature and in orthodox understandings of angels, angels have bodies. Angels may take on the appearance of a human, as a basharan sawCyan (Q. 19:17), but even in their true or divine form they still have a body. The human form of an angel is related to their appearance to humans; other angels which interact with other creations adopt the form of those creatures. For example, the four Bearers of the Throne each take the form of the animals they intercede for (§191), and the Cockerel takes that form (§280–94). The belief that angels have bodies is also echoed in a few RadCth which describe Gabriel, Michael, IsrAfCl and the Angel of Death as dying and being resurrected on the Day of Judgement, and states that [they were] the first of the creations of God, [and they will be] the last whom God will cause to die; [and] the first of those whom God will bring to life . . . (§31)

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Such a comment is incompatible with Avicennan philosophy: Ibn Scna denied physical bodily resurrection, believing that the resurrection was purely spiritual. Al-Suyeuc’s chapter on angelic bodies stresses that the angels are corporeal and that they are made of fire or light, the traditional understanding of angelic substance. There is little to suggest that al-Suyeuc is responding to a specific text that propounds the belief in the incorporeality of angels, and he simply appears to be reiterating the case against Islamic peripatetic philosophy. In the use of angelic hierarchies, it was seen that philosophy, theology and the RadCth literature all used the notion of hierarchy for different purposes. Despite each discipline considering angelic hierarchies in differing ways, there was little to generate open conflict between the reflections on angelic hierarchy. However, when the question of whether angels have bodies or are incorporeal is raised, there is open hostility between the RadCth-based and philosophical perspectives. The two positions are mutually incompatible. Some attempts were made to try to reconcile the two positions, such as al-Suhrawardc’s philosophy of illumination, but these were ultimately unsuccessful. This was an area where the RadCth-based theologians had to maintain the corporeality of angels, in direct conflict with the philosophical tradition.

GOD, ANGELS, SALVATION HISTORY AND PROPHECY In Islamic theology, as in Jewish and Christian theology, there has always been a tension between the idea of monotheism (tawRCd ), the immanent presence of God in the world and in humans (tashbCR) and the remoteness and transcendence of the divine (tanzCR). The conflict between divine immanence and transcendence is embodied in the question of how it is possible to affirm the absolute and ineffable transcendence by God of all categories of finitude, while upholding at the same moment the relevance of God in morals and law, the presence of God in history, the interest of God in man and creation at large?87 Whilst questions about the transcendence and immanence of God are not necessarily of great concern to ordinary humans, the relationship between God and his prophets raises distinct problems in a cosmology that provides distance between God and creation. It is a problem to which Ibn Scna devotes a chapter of the Metaphysics. Ibn Scna, whilst maintaining his emanationist cosmology, provides a prophetic loophole, by which direct, or almost direct, communication can take place between God and prophet.88 This psychological perspective on prophetology allows the prophet to interact with the divine on a spiritual and intellectual level. In kalAm, discussions about divine transcendence and ineffability were focused not on prophetology, but rather on anthropomorphism and the attributes of God. The theologians strove to understand what can be known about God, with many

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maintaining that very little can be said of God. Such notions of God distance the divine from the earthly. If God cannot be described, how can God be known and understood? But at the same time the Qur’an describes God and God’s action in the world.89 Furthermore, whilst God cannot be described, the angels can; and Islamic tradition responds with a proliferation of RadCth about the heavenly world. The RadCth included by al-Suyeuc in his collection do not answer these questions of divine transcendence directly, but as with the other discussions of theological ideas above, many engage with similar ideas in a nuanced and subtle way. There are a number of RadCth that convey quite complex theological ideas, although the reader might not be immediately aware of them. The idea that God is utterly transcendent, unapproachable and unintelligible can be found in the RadCth literature quite readily. The most obvious examples of God’s hiddenness are found in the descriptions of God’s Throne and certain angels that protect the universe from the fullness of God’s presence. The only RadCth to mention the angel MCUAUrEsh (Metatron) describes the space above the angel and the angel’s role: . . . and the thing that is above that is a desert of light and no one knows what is above it except God, Most High, and the angel responsible for the veil. It is said that his name is MCtaUrEsh. (§178) The belief that God is hidden, almost literally behind a veil is also found in Jewish and Christian texts. In Jewish texts Metatron is not described as being responsible for a ‘veil’, but one exists to shield God. For example, in 3 Enoch, ‘[a] curtain ( pargôd ) hangs before God’s throne separating his immediate presence from the rest of the heavenly world. This curtain shields the angels from the full glare of the divine glory.’90 Direct contact with the divine was a cause of concern in later Judaism, and a number of intermediaries were introduced to distance the divine from the human,91 including Metatron, who in 3 Enoch is called the ‘Prince of the Divine Presence’ (SAr ha-PhanCm).92 This role is part of the divine court imagery used in late Biblical texts (cf. Dan. 7) and in the Pseudepigrapha, and the angel acts in much the way as senior courtiers, delivering the divine world to the rest of the court. In later Judaism, the role of Metatron grew to such an extent that the angel became associated with the Godhead itself;93 but there is no such danger in Islam. Notions of the veiling of God and God’s unveiling as a metaphor for divine revelation became important in mystical experiences of the divine, a prominent theme of al-lujwirc’s Kashf al-mahjEb.94 The aim of such imagery, and the need for there to be an angel to pull back the curtain hiding God, assert God’s remoteness and ineffability. Not only is it philosophically and theologically difficult to conceive and understand God, there is a physical barrier, maintained by a divine creature. Metatron/MCUAUrEsh fulfils the role of an angelic intermediary between humanity and the divine. Other RadCth, although not describing a veil, describe the Throne of God surrounded by angels,95 which is a common theme in Jewish and Christian texts.96 These angels do two things: firstly, they convey the glory

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and majesty of God; secondly, they describe the perpetual glorification and remembrance of God. That God is worthy of perpetual praise is a profoundly theological statement. Understanding the roles of angels within the cosmos allows a more nuanced understanding of not only the Muslim conception of God, but also cosmology, anthropology, as well as angelology. To have an idea about what angels are, there is also a need to understand what angels do. Despite the fact that it appears unlikely that the Arabic malak was understood at the time of the revelation of the Qur’an in terms of its verbal root (”-l-k),97 giving messages is, undoubtedly, a role that some angels perform. One RadCth in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik stresses that the number of these messengers is relatively small: God, Most High, divided the angels into ten parts, nine parts are the Cherubim, and they are the angels who bear the Throne, and they are also those who worship God night and day, without rest. He said: The remaining angels are for God’s orders and messages. (§22) This RadCth states clearly that only 10 per cent of the angels are responsible for delivering messages. It is also important to acknowledge that both in the Judeo-Christian and the Islamic traditions, angels only usually deliver messages to a select group of people: (i) prophets; (ii) the mothers of prophets; (iii) key protagonists in narratives. It is necessary to place the role of the act of angelic message giving in the context of an overarching salvation historical narrative: angels give messages in order to illustrate and manifest God’s mercy and care for the world. Historians have grappled with the problem of how to accommodate salvationhistorical elements in historical narratives: should they be ignored as religious incursions into an otherwise historical account, or do such religious statements and beliefs add to the history in question?98 Wansbrough comments that the ‘motive of all salvation history is interpretation, and to that extent salvation history is always mythic.’99 Wansbrough, here, focuses on the place of salvationhistorical material or topoi in historical works (i.e. sCra, maghAzC). The idea is that historical narratives are framed within the context of Islam as the final revelation, with the result that the earlier prophets from Adam to Jesus pre-figure the ministry of Murammad.100 For example, in the Qur’an, Noah preaches the same message as Murammad (cf. Q. 70). When considering RadCth, the inclusion and exclusion of certain salvation-historical themes can reveal the theology of a RadCth or RadCth compilation.101 This allows for an appreciation of the development and popularity of theological beliefs: if many RadCth explore a particular topos, it was important to the theology of the RadCth, and vice-versa. The role of angels in salvation history can be seen throughout al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik. Certain themes, such as the role of angels in announcing good news; praying for humans; encouraging certain pious actions; and supporting the community in battle undergo development in the Qur’an. The announcement

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of good news, most famously in the annunciation of Jesus’ birth to Mary, is brought by an angel. The angels, then, form a central role in the interaction between God and humans, taking their part in human salvation history.102 The announcement of the birth of a prophet is, obviously, not a routine task; but the theology of the annunciation is not simply the revelation of a birth – it also presents wider theological statements. In Ibn Israq’s SCrat RAsEl AllAh, fmina, the Prophet’s mother, has a similar experience of annunciation: fmina bt. Wahb, the mother of God’s apostle, used to say when she was pregnant with God’s apostle that a voice said to her, ‘You are pregnant with the Lord of this people and when he is born say, “I put him in the care of the One from the evil of every envier; then call him Muhammad.” ’ As she was pregnant with him she saw a light come forth from her by which she could see the castles of Butra in Syria.103 The question of whether this was or was not a ‘real’ event is not important; rather, the fact that the traditional accounts describe the birth of Murammad with similar vocabulary and themes shows the Muslim wish to make Murammad a prophet at the end of a chain of Judeo-Christian prophets. It also raises another central theological belief: the selection of a prophet by God is a manifestation of God’s own concern and mercy for humanity, of God’s justice in presenting humans with the opportunity of salvation; and of God’s constant communication with the world.104 Kenneth Cragg comments that there has to be some inner divine meaning to the place of agency as necessary to the divine economy. For necessary it must be seen to be, inasmuch as prophethood is a fact, and a factor in the activity of Allah. Messengers do not ‘send’ themselves. Only in not doing so are they authentic.105 The role of the angels may only be incidental in the process of salvation history, since the angels, like the prophets, are merely vehicles of revelation; but nevertheless, they are necessary and integral to the process.106 Their role also reveals the theological rationale behind their creation. The Qur’an proclaims that God ‘appointed the angels to be messengers having wings two, three and four’ (Q. 35:1). The verse begins with the statement that God created (or divided) the heavens and the earth, which is followed by the belief that angels have wings.107 This seems to imply a spatially dualist universe, in which the act of delivering messages between heaven and earth demands that angels have wings to cross between the two realms.108 The delivering of messages, particularly revelation, necessitated the creation of the angels on a cosmological and theological level. Salvation history not only looks at a ‘positive’ relationship, but can also take the form of punishment. In the Hebrew Bible, the opening chapters of Genesis (viz. Gen. 1–11) mark a relationship between man and God that is defined through man’s disobedience.109 This theme of divine punishment on the unrighteous also came to dominate the prophetic literature in which oracles are given

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describing the destruction of peoples and cities.110 There are also a number of similar narratives in the Qur’an which describe the destruction of cities or peoples, on account of their rejection of God’s messenger. The RadCth literature makes angels responsible for such actions of destruction. The Qur’anic narratives about the people of Noah, and the Arabian tribes of ‘fd and Thamed are the most notable examples of angelic destruction: [God] only sends down any rain in small measure (mikyAl ), [carried down] by the hands of an angel, except in the time of Noah; permission [then] was given to the water, without the keepers, and the water gushed against their keepers, and went out, and so the Word of the Most High: ‘Lo, when the waters rose’ [Q. 69:11]. He does not send any wind save by the hand of an angel, except in the time of ‘fd; permission was given to it, without the keepers, and it went out, and so the Word of the Most High: ‘by a wind, clamorous, violent’ [Q. 69:6]. And it raged against the keepers. (§427) It is important to note that the angelic activity is to prevent the destruction of the world, but when God has decreed that cities should be destroyed, the angels permit the waters and rains to descend to earth. A more active role is given to Gabriel, who is responsible for military intervention: Gabriel is responsible for the Book, which he brings down to the Messengers, and Gabriel is also responsible for the acts of destruction when God has willed [Gabriel] to annihilate peoples; and he is responsible for victory in battle. (§28) In Jewish tradition it is Michael that is often described as the ‘Prince of Israel’, and the angel who is responsible for defending the Jewish people.111 However, in Jewish tradition Gabriel is also believed to have been the angel responsible for the destruction of Sodom (Gen 18–19),112 and the army of Sennacherib.113 The Islamic exegetical tradition often assigns Gabriel this role.114 The support of the nascent Muslim community at the Battle of Badr by the angels is a slightly different version of the same idea. The idea of God sending angels to help and support the Muslim community in battle is an early one, found both in the Qur’an and in RadCth.115 . . . and God most surely helped you at Badr . . . ‘Is it not enough for you that your Lord should reinforce you with three thousand angels sent down upon you? Yea if you are patient and godfearing, and the foe come against you instantly, your Lord will reinforce you with five thousand swooping angels.’116 The idea that angels support a community in military affairs is also found in the Dead Sea Scrolls; for example the War Scroll includes the belief that ‘each man who

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is not [clean in regard to his genitals] that [nig]ht [shall] no[t g]o out with them to battle. For the holy angels are with their battle lines to[gether].’117 In both the Judaism of the Qumran community and in Islam, the angels’ participation and support of the community are crucial to understanding the relationship between God and his creations. The accounts of destruction are as much part of the Muslim salvation-historical worldview, as the moments of divine revelation; but they are also used to communicate to the Qur’anic audience: The biblical themes found in the Koran were not intended to constitute, solely or primarily, a record of sacred history. Their function was didactic, and they were addressed, purposively, to Muhammad’s people. The personalities and events of the past speak out a message from God to the people.118 Both revelation and acts of destruction are also intricately related to ideas of prophecy: even the accounts of the destruction of cities and peoples are used by the Qur’an and Islamic tradition as part of salvation-historical narrative of warning. The concepts of salvation history, revelation and prophecy cannot then be understood without reference to the participation of the angels in these processes.

ARE THEOLOGICAL BELIEFS ABOUT ANGELS INCOHERENT? The aim of this chapter has been to show the wide range of debates and controversy in which angels became embroiled. However, even in those arguments in which angels appear to be the prime focus (such as angelic hierarchies), the actual debate is often located elsewhere. The question of angelic ontology is concerned with the substance of heavenly bodies, including God; the debates about hierarchy are related to notions of prophetic authority; the glorification of God seeks to develop notions of divine transcendence; and so on. Many ideas about angels are the bi-products of theological disputes, cited, or perhaps created, to support their means. It is no wonder that the body of RadCth about angels ended up being confused, conflicted and contradictory. The other reason for the confusing nature of theological RadCth lies in their form: as RadCth, presenting isolated fragments of information, without a wider context. Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, midrashim, and other Judeo-Christian texts present angelological data within a greater whole, and often within a narrative frame. Placing details and beliefs in these wider contexts allows the information that they convey to be understood more easily; beliefs and iconographies can be situated and confirmed by the theological ideas that surround it. For example, visions of God’s throne are used in Judeo-Christian tradition to articulate different ideas: in the Testament of Levi angels are used to confirm the superiority and priestly role of Levi;119 in the Ladder of Jacob the authority of God is emphasized;120 the Sibylline Oracle uses the throne vision to denounce idolatry.121 The same occurs in the RadCth material, with some RadCth describing God’s ultimate

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transcendence, hidden behind a veil, whilst others describe a vision of the divine throne with many attendant angels. At a basic level these are contradictory, but to read the RadCth in such a manner would be to miss the point. Metatron/ MCUAUrEsh, as the Angel of the Veil makes a valid point about God’s remoteness, God’s oneness, and God as completely ‘other’. The throne angels – the Bearers of the Throne and the Cherubim – seek to present the glory of God, and God’s need to be worshipped. These are both entirely valid and coherent theological beliefs. Islamic angelology is, then, incoherent; but most religions would fail to produce a coherent angelology. Incoherency is not necessarily problematic, as the incoherency itself can act as a testament to the wide variety of uses to which angels are put. This reveals much about the theological stance being maintained by an author. By employing angels as a vehicle through which to describe theological ideas, the author reveals a desire to couch, often extra-Qur’anic, ideas within a Qur’anic context. Muslim philosophers, with their rejection of such imagery, take a similarly strong hermeneutic position, looking to rationalism, rather than scripturalism. It is, therefore, necessary to look beyond the specificity of a RadCth about an angel – it is likely to be conveying a theological point, that might not be apparent at first reading. This indicates the complexity of RadCth material. Like parables, RadCth have an ability to convey quite complex ideas in simple ways. When dealing with traditions about angels there is a need to enter into an almost paradoxical world, in which ideas and imagery which are mutual incompatible and contradictory, exhibit, at the same time, theological coherence and compatibility. Imagery, after all, just acts as a symbol pointing to something beyond itself. In the case of angels, the imagery is used as a vehicle to demonstrate theological ideas. When comparing theology, philosophy and the RadCth literature, there are times when the imagery is different, but there is little conflict. This was the case in the notions of angelic hierarchy. At others, however, the underlying theology leads to conflict between each of the disciplines. Here, both the theology and the imagery used to articulate the theology, clash. The RadCth material may appear to be in conflict, especially if the RadCth are read literally. It is necessary to look beyond the basic meaning of the text and to understand the underlying message that the RadCth conveys. Angels, and traditions about them, are necessarily spectral: angels transmogrify to suit and promote an underlying theological or philosophical agenda. Angels, therefore, are susceptible to change and to conflict. This means that there can never be an Islamic ‘angelology’ as such. It is composed of a series of too many mutually conflicting parts to provide anything as neat as a systematic ‘angelology’. That does not mean, however, that there are no angelologies; in fact, there are a great many. It is quite plausible to talk of Qur’anic angelology, Avicennan angelology, or angelology in Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc; but to cast the net as wide as ‘Islamic angelology’ is simply impossible.

PART III

Translation of al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA»ik fC akhbAr al-malA»ik

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Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA »ik fC akhbAr al-malA »ik

Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc provides in his al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik one of the largest collections of RadCth about angels in a single volume. The RadCth explore the physical forms and functions of the angels, as well as the different way in which the human and divine worlds interact. Al-Suyeuc is famous for his RadCth compilations, particularly for their wide-ranging subject matter, including works on: history, cosmology, earthquakes, philology, prayer, the pyramids, and pornography.1 Al-Suyeuc’s collections are often on subjects that were yet to have received a specific volume devoted to them, and al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik is original in its specificity on angels.2 This book presents a translation, with critical analysis based on two manuscripts of 346 RadCth, with a further 145 translated in the Appendix (although without any critical analysis or notes). Many of the RadCth in al-LabA ”ik are quite rare, and the size of the work has meant that it is inpractical to translate the the entire volume. Instead of bowdlerizing the collection and making selections from across the collection, whole chapters have been translated to retain the integrity of each chapter of the work. As al-Suyeuc provides no personal comments about the RadCth that he includes, it is only through an appreciation of his selection and contextualization that one can begin to understand al-Suyeuc’s agenda for the work. There has been some attempt to understand methods of compilation in mediaeval Arabic literature, with studies looking at Abe ’l-Faraj al-Itbahanc’s K. al-AghAnC,3 al-oabarc’s Ta”rCkh,4 and other literary anthologies.5 As yet, there has been relatively little study of the way in which RadCth are arranged by a compiler; but the form in which a compiler presents his collection, as well as the selections that he makes, will reveal something of the viewpoint of the collector.6 This is the main reason for presenting chapters in their entirety, over making personal decisions about which RadCth to include and exclude. A summary of the RadCth that have not been translated has been included in the Appendix, to provide further contextualization of the collection. The RadCth in al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik are organized into short to medium length chapters, each looking at a particular angel, or group of angels. The chapters begin logically, with RadCth about the necessity of belief in angels, their great number and the most important angels (Gabriel, Michael, IsrAfCl and the Angel of Death) appearing first (§1–171). Beyond the four archangels there is

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not any obvious pattern to the arrangement of the RadCth. The last three chapters (§493–744) are general and do not appear to be arranged with much intent. As is al-Suyeuc’s usual style, isnAds do not precede each RadCth (except in a few cases), but the traditions are taken from a written source with the name of the authority given.7 Al-Suyeuc typically gives an author’s name, without citing the work, except in cases where he uses more than a single text of one author.8 This method of compilation can be seen in most of al-Suyeuc’s collections. The work’s name follows the pattern of many of al-Suyeuc’s works, using a rhyme, pun or metrical title.9 The title al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik is difficult to translate precisely. Firstly, the most common form of the plural of malak is malA ”ika and the plural malA ”ik is, although acceptable in classical Arabic, relatively rare. Al-LabA ”ik is also another rare word. The basic meaning of the verb Rabaka means ‘to plait or braid (hair)’, but it is also used in connection with the courses of the planetary bodies, so there is an obvious pun linking RabA ”ik to the celestial beings, rather than the celestial bodies. The word still poses a problem, especially in the context of akhbAr – how can RadCth have a ‘course’ or a ‘trail’? This difficulty may account for a common translation of the work as The Book of Angels, but this is not that suitable as it avoids a translation of RabA ”ik.10 The best translation, although not entirely acceptable, would seem to be The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels. Just as hair is braided and arranged, and the heavenly bodies are ordered in the heavens, al-Suyeuc arranges the RadCth about angels in this collection. The translation has been based on a modern edition, edited by Abe Hajir Murammad al-Sa‘ cd b. Basyenc Zaghlel (Z ),11 and supported by manuscript evidence; namely, a copy held in the Warner Collection at the University of Leiden (L), and a copy kept in the British Library, London (B). Another MS is in the Mingana Collection, held at the University of Birmingham (MS Ar. 651i), but it is much later than either B or L, dating to 1666–7 CE. Another manuscript is held in the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin, and numerous copies are held in the Arab world, notably in Istanbul.12

A DESCRIPTION OF THE MANUSCRIPTS USED

[B]

British Library, Or. 9026(1) fol. 1r–65r, l. 9

The manuscript is a collection of works by al-Suyeuc on supramundane topics,13 dating to 973/1566. The text is written in a clear nakhsh with a text box containing twenty-seven lines per folio. The text is written in black ink, with titles and the opening of each RadCth (i.e. akhraja) usually written in red ink. Throughout hamza is never written over a kursC but is simply marked by the long vowel, or, very occasionally, not at all; and alif maqTEra is also usually written as a final-yA’. This manuscript has a tendency to add honorifics, especially ta“AlA (‘Most High’) after AllAh; and occasionally raQC AllAh “anhu/“anhA after companions. The MS contains no miniatures or ornamentations, apart from the occasional addition of text-stops.

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[L]

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University of Leiden, Or. 474(28) fol. 187v–245r

The manuscript is a collection of forty-one texts,14 of which forty are attributed to Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc and they are all dated to 987/1579–80 CE. The manuscript has had a relatively stable history, being collected by Levinus Warner (1619–65), an ambassador of the Dutch Republic at the Ottoman court and held by the University of Leiden since 1669.15 The text is written in a clear nakhsh with a text box containing thirty-one lines per folio. The text is written in black ink, with titles and the opening of each RadCth (i.e. akhraja) usually written in coloured ink. As in the B, hamza is not marked and alif maqTEra is also usually written as a final-yA’. There are no miniatures or ornamentations, apart from the occasional addition of text-stops.

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THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE TRADITIONS ABOUT ANGELS In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.16 ‘Praise belongs to God, who appointed the Angels to be messengers, having wings, two, three and four . . .’ [Q. 35:1] Blessings and peace upon our lord Murammad, and upon the House, the Companions and the Successors. I have put together this small compilation of traditions about the righteous angels. I have included in it those traditions and narrations which mention them, and I have ended it with a useful lesson, which will make those who see it glad. I have called it: The Arrangement of the Traditions About Angels. By God, the Helper!17 Trust is in him!

What is mentioned concerning the necessity of belief in angels God, Most High, says: ‘The Messenger believes in what was sent down to him from his Lord, and the believers; each one believes in God and His angels’ [Q. 2:285] Al-Bayhaqc says in Shu“ab al-CmAn:18 Belief in angels incorporates [the following] ideas: firstly, faith in their existence; secondly, [that] their being sent down [by God] is [evidence of ] their status [in the universe] and a proof that they are servants of God. He created them like humans and jinn, ordered and entrusted [with a task]. They have no authority, save that over which God gives them authority and it is right that they should die;19 but God, Most High, has given them an end in distant time; indeed, he will not receive them until they reach it.20 They are not described by anything that would, through describing them by it, lead to them being associated with God, Most High; and so they are not called gods, as the ancients called them.21 Thirdly: recognition that from amongst [them are messengers, which he sends to whichever human he wishes, and it is also allowed that he sends some of them to some;]22 from recognition of that, it follows that among them are the Bearers of the Throne, the Rangers, the Guardians of Paradise, the Guardians of Hell, the Recorders of Deeds, and the Cloud Drivers; indeed the Qur’an shows all of it or most of it. [1] We related (rawaynA)23 on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar, [on the authority of ‘Umar],24 on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), when he was asked about faith; he said: Believe in God, His angels, His Book and His messengers.25

The origin of the creation of the angels and the proof that they are bodies in contradiction to the philosophers26 [2] [Muslim]27 on the authority of ‘f’isha; she said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The angels were created out of light,

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the Father of the Jinn (al-JAnn) was created out of a mixture of fire and Adam was created out of what characterizes you. [2b]29 Abe ’l-Shaykh in his K. al-“AVama on the authority of Ibn ‘Amr; he said: God created the angels out of light. [3] Abe ’l-Shaykh in K. al-“AVama on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: The angels were created from the light of the Glorious One. [4] Abe ’l-Shaykh30 on the authority of Zayd b. Reman; that he heard that the angels were created from the spirit of God.

The great abundance of the angels [God] Most High said: ‘And none knows the hosts of the Lord but He.’ [Q. 74:3] [5] al-Bazzar, Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn Manda in K. al-Radd “alA al-jahamiyyah on the authority of Ibn ‘Amr; he said: God created the angels out of light and He brought them to life out of it. Then He said: ‘Let there be a thousand thousands of you.’ A single angel is smaller than a fly;31 and there is nothing more numerous than the angels. [6] al-Bayhaqc in al-Shu“ab on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: There is no place in the heavens without a face of an angel or its two feet; then he recited: ‘we are the rangers (TAfEna).’ [Q. 37:165] [7] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Sa‘ cd b. Jubayr; he said: There is no place in heaven without an angel, be it bowed down in worship or standing upright32 until the Hour comes. [8] Armad, al-Tirmidhc, Ibn Maja, and al-lakim on the authority of Abe Dharr; he said: The Messenger of God33 (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Heaven groaned – and it could do nothing but groan!34 There is no place in [heaven] to set four fingers except upon the place of an angel’s forehead.35 [9]36 Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘f’isha; she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There is nowhere to place a foot in heaven, except upon an angel prostrating or standing upright – and so the Word [of the Most High]:37 ‘None of us is there, but has a known station; we are the rangers’. [Q. 37:164–5] [10] Ibn Abc latim, al-oabaranc, al-kiya’ in al-MukhtAra, and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of lakcm b. lizam;38 he said: While the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) was with his friends, he said to them: ‘Did you hear what I heard?’ They said: ‘We have not heard anything.’ He said: ‘Indeed, I heard the creaking of the heavens, and it is not to blame for its creaking; [for] there is no place in it [for a foot],39 except upon an angel bowed down in worship or standing.’

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[11] al-oabaranc on the authority of Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There is no place for a foot in the Seven Heavens, nor a hand outstretched, nor a palm of the hand, without an angel standing or an angel prostrating in [that place]; when it is the Day of Resurrection, they will say [together]:40 ‘We worship you! We have only worshipped You in a manner worthy of You. We have not associated anything with You.’41 [12] al-Dcnawarc in al-MujAlasa on the authority of ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Zayd b. Aslam; he said: There is nothing more numerous in God’s creation than the angels: [for] none of the sons of Adam are without two angels,42 the driver who drives him, and the watcher, who watches him;43 therefore, there are twice the number of the sons of Adam; then in addition to that, the heavens [and the earth]44 are crammed full [of them], and beyond the heavens are yet still [more]: those around the Throne45 are more numerous than those which are in the heavens. [13] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Abe Sa‘ cd, on the authority of the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation), he said: In the Garden [there is] a river.46 Gabriel does not enter it, get out and shake himself, without God creating an angel from every drop that falls from him.47 [14] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb b. Munnabih; he said: God has a river in the air, covering the earths, all of them. Seven times [a day] God sends into that river an angel from heaven, and it gets into it, immersing the whole of its body, then it washes in it. When [the angel] gets out, raindrops of light (qaUarAt min nEr) fall off [the angel] (qaUara minhu), and from every raindrop emanates48 an angel, which praises God; all of creation praises God.49 [15] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-Awza‘ c; he said: Moses (peace be upon him) said: ‘Lord, who is with you in heaven?’ He said: ‘My angels.’ He said: ‘How many are there, Lord?’ He said: ‘Twelve tribes.’ He said: ‘How many does each tribe add up to?’ He said: ‘The sum of the dust [of the earth].’ [16] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ka‘ b; he said: Nothing trickles from an angel’s eye unless there is an angel flying from the fear of God.50 [17] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-‘Ala’ b. Haren; he said: Every day, Gabriel is immersed in the al-Kawthar,51 and then he shakes himself; and so every raindrop is created from an angel. [18] Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary (min UarCq)52 of Mujahid on the authority of Ibn ‘fbbas, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: There is no creation of God more numerous than the angels; there is nothing that grows without an angel being responsible for it. [19] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-lakam; he said: I heard that He sends down with the rain [such and such]53 from the angels, more numerous than the sons of Adam and the sons of IblCs. [The angels] record every raindrop, where it falls and who is sustained by that plant.

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[20] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: The Seven Heavens are filled with angels; if you measured a hair,54 you would not be able to compare it with something you had already measured.55 Amongst them one is standing still, one prostrated and one worshipping, terrified and shaking their wings in fear of God (khawfan min AllAh).56 Not even the blink of an eye disobeys him. The distance between the back and the head of one of the Bearers of the Throne is a journey of a hundred years. [20b]57 Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ka‘ b; he said: There is no place [the size] of the eye of a needle58 without an angel being responsible for it, raising knowledge about it up to God and the angels of heaven. [The angels] are more numerous than the number of specks of dust and as small. [21] Ibn al-Mundhir in his TafsCr on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr; it was attributed to [Murammad] (marfE “an); he said: The angels are in ten parts: nine parts are Cherubim, who glorify God night and day, without rest; and one part is responsible for everything that is hidden. There is no place in the heavens without a worshipper or an angel bowing; and the sacred place is around the Throne, and the Inhabited House (bayt al-ma“mEr)59 is around the Ka‘ba; if it were to come down, then it would come down on top of it. Every day seventy thousand angels pray in it;60 then they do not come back to it. [22] Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of ‘Amr al-Bakalc; he said: God, [Most High],61 divided the angels into ten parts, nine parts are the Cherubim, and they are the angels who bear the Throne, and they are also those who worship God night and day, without rest. He said: The remaining angels are for God’s orders and messages.62 [23] Ibn Abc Hatim through the intermediary of Khabcb63 b. ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Salman Abe ’l-A‘ays, on the authority of his father; he said: Humans and jinn are in ten parts, humans form one part and jinn nine parts; the jinn and the angels are in ten parts, the jinn are one part, the angels nine; the angels and the Spirit are ten parts, the angels are one part, the Spirit nine; the Spirit and the Cherubim are ten parts, the Spirit forms one part of it, the Cherubim are nine parts.64 [24] Abe ’l-Shaykh, al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn, al-Khaucb and Ibn ‘Asakir through the intermediary of ‘Ubbad b. Manter, on the authority of ‘fdc b. Arua, on the authority of one of his worthy friends – ‘Ubbad said: I have forgotten his name – on the authority of the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: God has angels which tremble [in fear of Him].65 There is no angel from amongst them that does not shed a tear from its eyes, except an angel found standing, praising God. Angels were prostrating when God created the heavens and the earth and they did not raise their heads,66 and they will not raise them until the Day of Resurrection; angels were bowing, and they did not raise their heads, and they will not raise them until the Day of Resurrection; and those that were posted, they have not left their posts, and they will not leave them until the Day of Resurrection. Thus, when it is the Day of Resurrection,

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it will be made manifest to them by their Lord (may He be praised and glorified) and they will look at Him, and they will say, ‘Praise be to You, we have served You just as we should.’ [25] Ibn Manda in al-Ma“rifa and Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of ‘Abd alRarman b. al ‘fla’ of the Bane Sa‘ada, on the authority of his father al-‘fla’ b. Sa‘d, on the authority of someone who submitted on the Day of Victory ( yawm al-fatR),67 that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said that day at a gathering, ‘Did you hear what I heard?’ They said: ‘What have you heard, Messenger of God?’ He said, ‘I heard the sky groan, and it could do nothing but groan! There is no place for a foot in it without an angel standing or bowing down or prostrating in [that place]; then he recited: [We are the rangers,]68 We are they that give glory.’ [Q. 37:166] [26] Ibn Jarcr [al-oabarc] on the authority of al-Rabc‘ b. Anas concerning His Word: ‘And he taught Adam the names, all of them’ [Q. 2:31] he said: The names of the angels.

The four archangels who are in charge of the command of the world [27] [Ibn Abc Shayba],69 Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama, al-Bayhaqc in al-Shu“ab on the authority of Ibn Sabiu; he said: Four are in charge of the command of this world: Gabriel, Michael, the Angel of Death and IsrAfCl.70 As for Gabriel, he is responsible for the winds and the army;71 Michael72 is responsible for the rain and the plants;73 the Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of the souls; and IsrAfCl, he is sent down to them with the commands [of God]. [28] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn Sabiu; he said: ‘In the Mother of the Book (Umm al-KitAb), is contained everything that will come into existence [from the beginning of creation] until the Day of Resurrection. Three of the angels are responsible for preserving [what is written in the Umm al-kitAb]: Gabriel is responsible for the Revealed Scripture (al-kitAb), which he brings down to the Messengers. Gabriel is also responsible for the acts of destruction when God has willed [Gabriel] to annihilate peoples; and he is responsible for victory in battle.74 Michael is responsible for preservation [of life], rain and the plants of the earth. The Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of the souls. When this world comes [to an end], [God] will gather those that have been entrusted with a task, and He will compare [what they have been instructed to do] with the Umm al-KitAb,75 and they will find it to be the same. Ibn Abc Shayba narrated it.76 [29] Al-Bayhaqc, al-oabaranc and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: While the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) was with Gabriel, who was confiding in him;77 suddenly, the highest heaven was split open and Gabriel began to become smaller and [another angel]78 drew close and came nearer to the earth, and an angel stood directly in front of the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation), and said: ‘Murammad,

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your Lord greets you; and He gives you the choice between becoming an angelic prophet (nabiyyan malakan) or a human prophet (nabiyyan “abdan).’ The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Then Gabriel signalled to me with his hand that [I] should be humble (UawAQa“a), and, as I knew he gave me good counsel (annahu lC nATiR),79 I said: ‘A human prophet.’ Then that angel ascended into heaven, and I said: ‘Gabriel, I have wanted to ask you about this, but seeing your [new] form80 distracted me from my asking the question. [I wanted to ask:] Who is this, Gabriel?’ He said: ‘This is IsrAfCl. On the day of his creation, God created him with his feet lined up directly in front of him; he does not look up; between him and the Lord are Seventy Lights; and from these there is no light close to Him, save it being consumed by fire; between his hands is the Preserved Tablet (al-lawR al-maRfEV);81 when God allows (adhana) anything in heaven or in earth [to happen], that tablet ascends, [descends]82 and hits [IsrAfCl ] on the forehead. Then [IsrAfCl ] sees and if there is anything for me to do, he orders me to do it; and if there is anything for Michael to do, he orders him to do it; and if there is anything for the Angel of Death to do, he orders him to do it.’ I said: ‘Gabriel, What are you responsible for?’ He said: ‘For the winds and the army.’ I said: ‘What is Michael responsible for?’ He said: ‘For the plants and the rain.’ I said: ‘What is the Angel of Death responsible for?’ He said: ‘For the taking of the souls.’ [Murammad said]: ‘And I do not think that [IsrAfCl ] will descend [to earth] until the coming of the Hour. What you have seen [in the way of my behaviour] is nothing but fear of the coming of the Hour.’ [30] Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama on the authority of Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The creations closest to God are Gabriel, Michael and IsrAf Cl; the distance between them and God is a journey of fifty thousand years:83 Gabriel is on his right and Michael on the other side, with IsrAf Cl between them. [31] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: These four are angels (amlAk):84 Gabriel, Michael, IsrAf Cl and the Angel of Death; [they were] the first of the creations of God [to be created], [and they will be] the last whom God will cause to die; [and] the first of those whom God will bring to life. They are the ones who organize a command (al-mudabbarAt),85 and they are the ones who carry out an order (al-muqassimAt).86 [32]87 Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Khalid b. Abc ‘Imran; he said: Gabriel is the agent of God to His messengers, and Michael receives the Book which is sent up concerning the deeds of the people; and IsrAfCl is in the role of the gatekeeper. [33] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Ikrima b. Khalid that a man said: ‘Messenger of God, which angel is the dearest to God?’ He said: ‘I do not know.’ Gabriel came to him, so he said: ‘Gabriel, which of the creations is dearest to God?’ He said: ‘I do not know.’ So Gabriel ascended, then descended and said: ‘Gabriel, Michael, IsrAf Cl and the Angel of Death. As for Gabriel, he is

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responsible for war and the messengers; as for Michael, he is responsible for every raindrop that falls, every leaf that grows and every leaf that falls; as for the Angel of Death, he is responsible for the taking of the soul of every servant on land and sea; and as for IsrAf Cl, he is the intermediary of God between Him and between them.’ [34] al-oabaranc and al-lakim on the authority of Abe ’l-Malcr on the authority of his father, that he was performing the two ritual prostrations of the morning prayers with the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), and he was praying near him; and the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) performed two lively prostrations, and I heard him say three times: ‘O God, the Lord of Gabriel, Michael, IsrAf Cl and Murammad, I take refuge in you from the Fire.’88 [35] Armad in al-Zuhd on the authority of ‘f’isha that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) fainted while his head was in her lap,89 and she began to wash (tamsaRu) his face and pray for him to be cured. When he came to, he said: ‘No! Do not stroke [my face], but ask God, the Highest, the Friend (al-Raf Cq), with Him are Gabriel, Michael, and IsrAfCl – peace be upon them.’

What is said concerning Gabriel (peace be upon him) [36] Ibn Jarcr and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Alc b. lusayn; he said: Gabriel’s name [means] ‘Servant (“abd ) of God’, Michael’s name [means] ‘Servant (“ubayd)90 of God’, and IsrAf Cl [means] ‘Servant (“abd ) of the Merciful’; Everything derives from Hl, meaning subservient to God91 – may He be praised and glorified. [37] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: Gabriel [means] ‘the Servant of God’; Michael [means] ‘the Servant of God’; every name has Hl in it, and this means ‘subservient to God.’ [38] Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Abd al-Azcz b. ‘Umayr; he said: Gabriel’s name amongst the angels is ‘Servant of His Lord’ – may He be praised and glorified. [39] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Mesa b. Abc ‘f’isha; he said: I heard that Gabriel is the imam of the people of Heaven. [40] Al-oabaranc on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Indeed, I tell you that the best of the angels is Gabriel. [41] Muslim on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saw Gabriel, in a green robe;92 he filled the space between Heaven and Earth. [42] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘f’isha that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I saw Gabriel descending and he filled the space between East and West, wearing a silk gown93 encrusted with pearls and rubies.94

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[43] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘f’isha (God be pleased with her); she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘I would like to see you in your [true] form.’ He said: ‘You would like that?!’ He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘Meet me96 on such and such a night at Baqc‘ alGharqad.’97 So he met him at the appointed time, and [Gabriel] spread out one of his wings,98 and it blotted out the horizon until he could not see anything in the sky. [44] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed concerning His Word: ‘Indeed he saw him another time.’ [Q. 53:13] He said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saw Gabriel hanging in the air, on his feet were pearls, like raindrops on the grass. [44b]99 Al-oabaranc on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas on the authority of Waraqa al-Antarc; he said: I said: ‘Murammad, how does the creature, [which comes to you],100 come to you?’ – meaning Gabriel; He said: ‘He comes to me from the sky, his two wings are pearls and the soles of his feet are green. [45] Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Anas; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘Do you see your Lord?’ He said: ‘Between me and Him there are seventy veils101 of fire and light, if I were to see the lowest of them, I would be consumed by fire.’ [46] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Shurayr b. ‘Abd Allah that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), when he ascended into Heaven, saw Gabriel in [his] true form,102 his wings strung with chrysolites, pearls and rubies. He said: ‘It seemed to me that the space between his eyes filled the horizon, but I used to see him before that in a different form, and I used to see him in the form of Dirya al-Kalbc more often.103 Sometimes I used to see him just as a man sees his friend through the bottom of a sieve (ghirbAl).’104 [47] Armad, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) only saw Gabriel in his true form twice; as for the first time, he asked to see his soul, and he saw his soul, and it filled the horizon; as for the other, it was on the Night Journey ‘by the Lote-Tree.’ [Q. 53:14]105 [48] Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of ‘Aua’, on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: The space between Gabriel’s shoulders is a [ journey of ]106 five hundred years for a quick-flying bird. [49] Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Israq [al-Hashimc]107 on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: Gabriel has six hundred wings [adorned] with pearls and he spread them out like peacocks’ feathers.108 [50] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of ludhayfa, Ibn Jurayj109 and Qatada – it was a tradition which was transmitted amongst them (RadCth ba“Qihim fC ba“Q ): Gabriel

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has two wings, and he has a belt strung with pearls;110 his front teeth shine like a bald forehead; his head is platted tightly like small pearls, and the pearls are like snow; his feet are greenish. [51] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb b. Munnabih that [a question] was asked about the creation of Gabriel; [Wahb] reported that the space between his shoulders, from this one to that one, is [a journey]111 of seven hundred years for a bird. [52] Ibn Sa‘d and al-Bayhaqc in al-DalA ”il on the authority of ‘Ammar b. Abc ‘Ammar that lamza b. ‘Abd al-Muuualib said: ‘Messenger of God, show me Gabriel in his true form.’ He said: ‘You are not able to see him.’ He said: ‘Yes, but show him to me.’ He said: ‘Sit down!’ So he sat down; [then] Gabriel [came down and]112 was on one of the wooden beams which were in the Ka‘ ba ( “alA khashba kAnat fC ’l-ka“ba).113 The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Raise your eyes and look!’ So he raised his eyes and looked and he saw his feet, like green chrysolite; and he fell down unconscious. [53] Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd on the authority of Ibn Shihab that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) asked Gabriel to show himself to him in his true form. Gabriel said, ‘You will never be able to bear it.’ He said, ‘I would like you to do it.’ So the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) went to pray on a moonlit night and Gabriel came to him in his true form. And the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) fainted as soon as he saw him, then he came round while Gabriel supported him, placing one of his hands upon his chest and the other between his shoulder blades, and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘I did not think that there could be a creation like that!’ Gabriel said: ‘Just imagine what it would have been like if you had seen IsrAf Cl! He has twelve wings, of which one is in the East and one is the West; the Throne is on the nape of his neck, and sometimes, for the glory of God, he makes himself smaller until he has become like a small sparrow (al-was“)114 so that only [God’s] glory can carry His Throne.115 [54] Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Gabriel came to me just as a man comes to his friend in a white gown,116 hemmed with pearls and precious stones. His head is like a mountain,117 and his hair like small pearls, and he is the colour of snow.118 [He has a] bald forehead [which] is [like] the glistening of the front teeth, and he [wears] two belts made of strung pearls, and his two wings are green and his feet are immersed in green, and the form which he takes fills the horizon. [The Prophet] (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘I wanted to see you in your true form, Spirit of God.119 Then he transformed himself and filled the horizon. [55] Ibn ‘Asakir in a weak chain of authority (bi’snad Qa“Cf )120 on the authority of ‘f’isha; she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God created Gabriel’s skull as large as the oasis of al-Gheua.121

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[56] al-oabaranc on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) visited a man from among the AnsAr; when he came near to his home, he heard him talking in the doorway. After he had sought permission [to enter], he entered, but he did not see anyone. The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to him: ‘I heard someone other than you talking.’ He said: ‘Messenger of God, [I entered, worried by [the sound] of someone talking, which I sought sanctuary from]122 and he came to me. I have never seen a more noble man after you sitting there and there is no better narrator than him.’ He said: ‘That is Gabriel. From amongst you there is a man; if one of them swears an oath by God, then [Gabriel] will fulfil it.’123 [57] Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: Gabriel (peace be upon him) said: ‘If my Lord sends me to do something, and I then go to it; I find the being, but He has arrived there before me.’ [58] Al-oabaranc on the authority of Maymena bt. Sa‘d; she said: I said: ‘Messenger of God, can someone in a state of ritual impurity (al-junub)124 go to sleep?’ He said: I would not advise him125 to go to sleep until he has performed the ritual ablutions; for I fear that if he were to die, then Gabriel would not be with him. [58b]126 Armad in al-Zuhd on the authority of Rabbar; he related that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘You only ever come to me with a tear in your eye.’ [Gabriel] said: ‘I have not laughed since the Fire was created.’ [59] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: The angel closest to God is Gabriel, then Michael. If God singled out a servant for a very good action that he did, He says so-and-so has done such-and-such a pious act, My blessings are upon him. Then Michael asks Gabriel: ‘What did our Lord say?’ And he says: ‘So-and-so was singled out for a very good action that he did, and the blessings of God are upon him.’ Then Michael asks: ‘Which of the people of heaven can see [so-and-so]?’ They say: ‘What did our Lord say?’ And he says: ‘So-and-so was singled out for a very good action that he did, and the blessings of God are upon him.’ And it continues to descend from heaven to heaven until it reaches the earth. If God singled out a servant for a very bad action that he did; he says: ‘My servant, so-and-so, has done such-and-such a disobedient act, my curse is upon him.’ Then Michael asks Gabriel: ‘What did our Lord say?’ And he says: ‘So-and-so was singled out for a very disobedient action that he did, and the curse of God is upon him.’ It continues to descend from heaven to heaven until it reaches the earth.127 [60] al-nabenc in al-Mi ”atayn and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: Gabriel is responsible for the human desires. If a believer prays, then [God]128 says: ‘Gabriel withhold from my servant what he wants,129

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for I love him and I love his voice.’ If a non-believer prays, God says: ‘Gabriel, give my servant what he wants, for I hate him and I hate his voice.’ [61] al-Bayhaqc on the authority of Thabit, he said; we heard that God, Most High, made Gabriel (peace be upon him) responsible for the needs of the people. When a believer asks for something, He says: ‘Gabriel, withhold from my servant what he wants, for I love his prayer.’ If a non-believer asks for something, God says: ‘Gabriel, give my servant what he wants, for I hate his prayer.’ Al-Bayhaqc said this is how I memorized it. [62] Ibn Abc Shayba through the intermediary of Thabit, on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umaryr130 he said: Gabriel is responsible for [people’s] needs; if a believer asks his Lord for something, He says: ‘Hold back! Hold back out of love for his prayer, so that [his prayer] may increase.’ If an unbeliever asks for something, He says: ‘Give it [to him]! Give it [to him] out of hatred for his prayer.’ [63] al-lakcm al-Tirmidhc on the authority of Abe Dharr; he said; God said: ‘Gabriel, take away from the believing heart of my servant the sweetness which I used to find in [his heart].’ [God] said: ‘The faithful servant has become love-sick (wAlihan), seeking what he used to feel in his soul, [because] I have sent down to him misfortune, the like of which had never been sent to him before.’ When God saw him in that state, He said: ‘Gabriel, go back to the heart of my servant. I did not take it away from him [for ever]. Indeed, I put him to the test, and I have found him to be faithful, and I will help him increasingly from my heart.’ [64] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Amr b. Murra; he said: Gabriel is on the South Wind. [65] Ibn ‘Asakir in his Ta”rCkh on the authority of ‘Alc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I was not expecting to see Gabriel (peace be upon him) perched on the curtains of the Ka‘ ba, as he said: ‘O the one who finds, O illustrious one; you never cease from blessing me; yet you bestow it upon me, without having seen Him.’ [66] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Abd al-Azcz b. Abc Ruwad; he said: God looked at Gabriel and Michael, and the two of them were crying; so God said: ‘What has made you cry? You know that I have not committed an outrage.’ The two said: ‘Lord, we do not feel safe from your devising.’ And He said this, and they were affected by it: ‘The only ones who feel safe from my devising are all the losers.’131 [67] Imam Armad in al-Zuhd on the authority of Abe ‘Imran al-Jawni that he heard that Gabriel came to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) crying and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to him: ‘What is making you cry?’ He said: ‘Why should the mouth of God not make me cry? I did not dry my eyes when God created the Fire; for fear that were I to disobey Him, He might throw me into it.’

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[68] al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn, Abe Murammad ‘Abd Allah b. Yesuf alItfahanc informed us, Abe Bakr Armad b. Sa‘ cd b. Farqakh al-Akhmcmc informed me in Mecca; al-Walcd b. lammad told us; Abe Murammad ‘Abd Allah b. alFaql b. ‘ftim b. ‘Umar b. Qatada b. al-Nu‘man al-Antarc; Abe ’l-Faql narrated it on the authority of his father ‘ftim on the authority of his father ‘Umar on the authority of Qatada b. al-Nu‘man; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said:133 ‘God sent Gabriel (peace be upon him) down in the most beautiful form that I had ever seen,134 and he said: ‘God salutes you, Murammad, and He says to you: “I revealed to the world, in such a way that [the world] should be bitter, troubling, oppressive and that it should act harshly towards my close associates, so that they want to meet me; and that [the world] should be [made comfortable, agreeable, and good for my enemies, so that they are loathe to meet me].135 Indeed, I created it as a prison for my friends and a paradise for my enemies.” ’ Al-Bayhaqc said: We only write it with this isnAd and there are unknown transmitters (majAhCl)136 amongst the [names]. [69] Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Wathila b. al-Asqa‘; he said: the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) came across a curly-haired,137 cross-eyed, short-necked, feet-deformed, small-eared,138 left-handed, emaciated, bandy-legged Yemeni, who said: ‘Messenger of God, explain to me why God has given me [so many deformities].’ When [Murammad] told him, he said: ‘I swear to God that I will not do any more religious duties.’ [Murammad] said: ‘Why [do] that?’ He said: ‘Because he created me, and created me deformed.’ Then he ran away. [Later] Gabriel came to [Muhammad] and said: ‘Muhammad, where is the one who rebuked [God]? He rebuked a beautiful Lord, so He has castigated him. [God] said: ‘Say to him: Truly, [Messenger of God],139 he should be happy that God will raise him (ba“athahu) in Gabriel’s form on the Day of Resurrection.’ So Murammad said [this] to [the Yemeni]; and he said: ‘Yes, Messenger of God, I am rebuking God for not making my body sufficiently strong to do any of the duties that please God except the deeds that I have done for him.’ In [the isnAd of this RadCth] is al-‘Ala’ b. Kathcr; al-Bukharc said that he transmitted unknown (munkar) RadCth.140 [70] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Sa‘ cd b. Jubayr concerning His Word: ‘Save only to such a messenger as He is well-pleased with: then He despatches before him and behind him watchers.’ [Q. 72:27] He said: He only sends down Gabriel for the Revelation, and with him are four angelic RufaVa.141 [71] al-oabaranc in a chain of trusted authorities (bi-‘snAd rijAlihi thiqAt),142 on the authority of Umm Salama that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: In Heaven there are two angels; one of the two is responsible for misery and the other is responsible for tenderness; the appropriate ones responsible are Gabriel and Michael. And there are two Prophets, one of the two is responsible for tenderness and the other is responsible for misery, the appropriate ones are responsible, [and he said that these are Abraham and Noah. I have two companions; one of the two is responsible for tenderness and the

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other for misery.]143 The appropriate ones are responsible and he mentioned Abe Bakr and ‘Umar.144 [72] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: Gabriel came to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) and he said: ‘Gabriel, I think that I have good standing with you.’ He said: ‘Of course – by the One who sent you in Truth! I have not been sent to a prophet whom I have loved more than you.’ He said: ‘I would like you to tell me about my standing with you here.’ He said: ‘I am able to do that.’ He said: ‘By the One who sent you in truth! I was drawn unprecedently close to my Lord [regarding my standing], and I have never approached the like of Him before. And He had decreed that I could approach Him. It was a journey of five hundred years. The closest creation of God (may he be praised and glorified) is IsrAf Cl. And [IsrAfCl ] decreed that [Murammad] could approach [IsrAf Cl ]; the distance [between IsrAfCl and God] is a journey of seventy years; among them are seventy lights and the lowest light blinds the eyes, so how could I have come to know what is beyond that? But it appeared to me on the Tablet;145 then he called us and then sent us away. [73] Armad in al-Zuhd on the authority of Rabbar; he said: I narrated that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘You only come to me looking like you are grieving.’146 He said: ‘I have not laughed since the Fire was created.’147 [74] al-Firyabc and Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘For the trumpet148 shall be blown and whosoever is in the heavens and whosoever is in the earth shall swoon, save whom God wills.’ [Q. 39:68] They said: ‘Messenger of God, who are these whom God, may he be praised and glorified, will exclude?’ He said: ‘Gabriel, Michael, the Angel of Death, IsrAfCl and the Bearers of the Throne. For when God grasps the souls of the created beings, he will say to the Angel of Death: ‘Who remains?’ And he will say: ‘I praise you, my Lord, and I extol the One of Glory and Generosity. Gabriel, Michael, IsrAfCl and the Angel of Death remain.’ And he will say: ‘Take the soul of IsrAf Cl!’ So he will take the soul of IsrAf Cl. And God will say to the Angel of Death: ‘Who remains?’ And he will say: ‘I praise you and I bless my Lord and extol the One of Glory and Generosity. Gabriel, Michael and the Angel of Death remain.’ And He will say: ‘Take the soul of Michael!’ So he will take the soul of Michael, and he will fall down like a great mountain. And He will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ He will say: ‘Gabriel and the Angel of Death.’ And He will say: ‘Die, Angel of Death!’ and he will die. Then He will say: ‘Gabriel, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal and everlasting face remains.’ And Gabriel is about to die and pass away. He said: it was necessary for him to die, and he fell down prostrating, his wings flapping. [Anas] said; the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said that [Gabriel’s] creation was honoured ( fuQila) over the creation of Michael as a great mountain (ka-”l-Uawd al-“aVCm).

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[75] Ibn Mardawayh and al-Bayhaqc in al-Ba“th on the authority of Anas, which was attributed to the Prophet (rafa “a), concerning His Word: ‘For the trumpet shall be blown . . .’ [Q. 39:68] (and the rest of the verse); he said: From these God, may He be praised and glorified, will exclude three: Gabriel, Michael and the Angel of Death. God, the most knowledgeable, will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal and compassionate face remains and your servants Gabriel, Michael and the Angel of Death.’ He will say: ‘Take the soul of Michael.’ Then God, the most knowledgeable, will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal face remains and your servants Gabriel and the Angel of Death.’ He will say: ‘Take the soul of Gabriel.’ Then He, the most knowledgeable, will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal and generous face remains and your servant the Angel of Death.’ When he is about to die, he will say: ‘Die!’ Then he will proclaim: ‘I began the creation then I take it back.’ [76] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of ‘Aua’ b. al-Sa’ib; he said: The first among those who are held to account is Gabriel because he is the representative (amCn) of God to His messengers. [77] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of ludhayfa; he said: The one responsible for the Scales (al-mawAzin)149 on the Day of Resurrection is Gabriel (peace be upon him).

What is said concerning Michael (peace be upon him) [78] Ibn al-Mundhir150 on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: Gabriel’s name [means] Servant (“abd ) of God, Michael’s name [means] Servant (“ubayd ) of God. [79] Armad and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Anas that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘Why have I never seen Michael laughing?’151 He said: ‘Michael has not laughed since the Fire was created.’ [80] al-lakcm al-Tirmidhc in NawAdir al-uTEl on the authority of Zayd b. Raf c‘; he said: Gabriel and Michael came to the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) while he was cleaning his teeth and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) gave Gabriel the toothpick.152 He said: Gabriel said, ‘God is Great!’ Al-lakcm said: that is, [Murammad] gave [it] to Michael and then [Gabriel] said: ‘God is Great!’ [81] al-lakim on the authority of Abe Sa‘ cd; he said; the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: My two ministers from the heavenly world are Gabriel and Michael, and from the earthly world are Abe Bakr and ‘Umar.153 [82] al-Bazzar, al-oabaranc, and Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God supports me with four ministers: the two from the heavenly

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world are Gabriel and Michael; the two from the earthly world are Abe Bakr and ‘Umar. [83] al-Daylamc through the intermediary of al-Sarc b. ‘Abd Allah al-Sulamc, on the authority of ‘Abd al-lamcd b. Kanana, on the authority of Abe Umama, on the authority of ‘Alc b. Abc oalib; ascribing it to the Prophet (rafa“ahu), [he said]: The muezzin of the heavenly host is Gabriel and Michael is their Imam,154 who leads them in the prayers in the Inhabited House. The angels of the heavens congregate and circumambulate the Inhabited House and they perform the ritual prayers and pray for forgiveness. God gives their reward, their forgiveness and their praise of God to the community of Murammad (God bless him and grant him salvation). [84]155 Ibn al-Najjar said (qAla) in his Ta ”rCkh: I swear by God that Abe ‘Abd Allah al-Adcb related to me an oral tradition in Isfahan on the authority of Abu oahir b. Abc Natr al-Tajir that ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Murammad b. Israq b. Manda [related to him; he said: I swear by God that Abe ‘Abd Allah al-lusayn b. Murammad b. al-lusayn al-Dcnawarc]156 informed him; he said: I swear by God that Abe ’l-Qasim ‘Abd Allah b. Ibrahcm al-Jurjanc informed him; he said: Abe ’l-lassan Murammad b. ‘Alc al-lusayn b. al-Qasim b. al-lassan b. Zayd b. ‘Alc b. al-lusayn b. ‘Alc b. Abc oalib157 informed him; he said: I swear by God that Armad b. ‘Abd Allah al-Shu‘abc158 al-Baghdadc told him; [he said: I swear by God that al-lassan b. ‘Alc al-‘Askarc told him;]159 he said: I swear by God that Abe ‘Alc b. Murammad told me; he said: I swear by God that Murammad b. ‘Alc b. Mesa told me; he said: I swear by God that Abe ‘Alc b. Mesa [told me; he said: I swear by God that Abe Mesa b. Ja‘far]160 told me; he said: I swear by God that Ja‘far b. Murammad161 told me; he said: I swear by God that Abe Murammad b. ‘Alc told me; he said: I swear that Abe ‘Alc b. al-lusayn [told me; he said: I swear by God that Abe ‘Alc b. Abc oalib]162 told me; he said: I swear by God that Murammad, the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) [told me; he said: I swear by God that Gabriel]163 told me; he said: I swear by God that Michael told me; he said: I swear by God that IsrafCl told me on the authority of the Preserved Tablet that God the Blest and the Most High said: The wine-drinker is like the idolater. The RafiV Ibn lajar said in his LisAn al-mCzAn: This matn with this aforementioned isnAd is [attributed] to ‘Alc b. Mesa; Abu Nu‘aym excludes him from his isnAd in al-Lilya. Whoever does not know its status, [see] al-lasan al-‘Askarc as well, but he only mentions Gabriel; Murammad said: ‘The wine addict is like the idolater.’164 Ibn libban attributed the matn in his NaRCR to a RadCth of Ibn ‘Abbas.

What is said concerning IsrAfCl (peace be upon him) [85] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: God, Most High, created the Trumpet165 out of white pearls with the purity of glass; then He said to the Throne: ‘Take the trumpet and keep hold of it.’ Then He said: ‘Be!’ And IsrAfCl

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came into being, and He ordered him to take the Trumpet, so he took it and it had a hole for the number of every created soul (rER) and spirit (nafs) that is born; two souls do not go through one hole. In the middle of the Trumpet there is an aperture like the roundness of the Heaven and the Earth. And IsrAf Cl placed his mouth over that aperture. Then the Lord said to him: ‘I have made you responsible for the Trumpet, and yours is the blowing and the shouting.’166 And IsrAf Cl came before the Throne, placed his right foot under the Throne and his left foot [as well]; he has not looked away since God created him, so that he can wait for what He commands him [to do]. [86] al-Tirmidhc and declared it to be fair (Rassanahu), al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc in al-Ba“th on the authority of Abe Sa‘ cd al-Khudrc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘How can I be happy when the possessor of the trumpet has already put the mouthpiece to his mouth, tilted his head and inclined his ear? He will wait until he is commanded to blow it.’ They said: ‘What should we say?’ He said: ‘Say: “God is sufficient for us; an excellent Guardian is he” [Q. 3:173] “In God have we put our trust.” ’ [Q. 7:89/10:85] [87] al-lakim and he declared it to be sound (TaRRaRahu), Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Abe Hurayra; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The Possessor of the Trumpet looks fixedly whilst he is responsible for it. Prepared, he looks towards the Throne, fearing that [if he were to look away], he would be ordered to let out a cry before he [could] return his gaze; his eyes are two milky stars.167 [88] Ibn Abi latim on the authority of Abe Sa‘ cd al-Khudhrc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The two Possessors of the Trumpet168 do not stop holding onto the trumpet, waiting until they are ordered [to blow it]. [89] al-Daylamc on the authority of Abe Umama; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Gabriel’s name [means] servant (“abd ) of God; Michael’s name [means] servant (“ubayd ) of God; and IsrAfCl’s name [means] servant (“abd ) of the Merciful. [90] al-oabaranc, Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya and Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Abe Hurayra [(God be pleased with him)];169 that a Jew said: ‘Messenger of God, tell me about the angel of God which is near him.’ [He said: ‘The angel which is near Him is]170 IsrAf Cl, then Gabriel, then Michael, then the Angel of Death.’ [91] Armad, al-lakim [and Ibn Mardawayh]171 on the authority of Abu Sa‘ cd; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: IsrAfCl is the Possessor of the Trumpet and Gabriel is on his right and Michael is on his left.172 [92] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Abe Bakr al-Hudhalc; he said: No created thing is closer to God than IsrAf Cl, and between him and between God are seven

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veils. And he has a wing in the East, and a wing in the West; a wing on the Seventh Earth and a wing on his head. His head is between his two wings. When God gives him an order, the tablets (alwAR) are lowered down to IsrAfCl with God’s command [written] on them, then IsrAfCl will look at them; Gabriel then calls out and [IsrAfCl ] answers him. As none of the angels can hear his voice without being made unconscious, when they come round, they say: ‘What [was that]?’ [IsrAfCl ] says: ‘[It was] your Lord.’ They will say: ‘The Truth, and He is the All-High, the All-Great.’ [Q. 34:23] The Angel of the Trumpet (who is the one responsible for it)173 [has] one of his feet on the Seventh Earth, whilst he kneels on his knees, staring fixedly at IsrAf Cl. He has not looked up since God made him; he will look when he is given the signal and then he will blow the Trumpet. [93] Ibn Abc Zamancn in al-Sunna on the authority of Ka‘ b; he said: The closest of the angels to God is IsrAf Cl; he has four wings: a wing in the East, a wing in the West, he is covered (tasarwala)174 by the third [wing] and the fourth [wing] is between him and the Preserved Tablet (al-lawR al-maRfEV). If God wants to reveal a command, the Preserved Tablet comes down until it slams into IsrAfCl’s forehead; and he raises his head and looks; when the command is written, he calls out to Gabriel and he responds. And he says: ‘You are commanded to do such and such an order.’ Gabriel does not descend from one heaven to another without its people becoming terrified with fear of the Hour, until Gabriel says: ‘the Truth is from the Truth!’175 And he descends to the Prophet and gives the revelation to him. [94] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. al-larith;176 he said: I was with ‘f’isha, while Ka‘ b was with her and she said: ‘Ka‘ b, tell us about IsrAfCl.’ And he said: ‘He is the Angel of God (malak AllAh). There is nothing in his presence. He has a wing in the East and he has a wing in the West, and a wing is on the nape of his neck and the Throne is on the nape of his neck. ‘f’isha said: ‘I heard the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) say the same.’ Ka‘b said: ‘The Tablet is on his forehead, so when God wants to give a command, he writes it on the Tablet.’ [95] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘fbd al-Rarman b. al-larith that Ka‘ b said to ‘f’isha: ‘Did you hear the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) [say anything about IsrAfCl ?’ She said: ‘Yes, I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation)]177 saying, “He has four wings, [and] of them are two wings, one of which is in the East, and the other of which is in the West; and the Tablet is between his eyes, so if God wants to write a revelation, He inscribes it between his eyes.” ’ [96] Abe ’l-Shaykh and Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: It is said that one of the Bearers of the Throne [is IsrAfCl ]; and that IsrAfCl has one of the corners of the Throne on the nape of his neck; his feet go down to the lowest part of the Seventh Heaven and his head passes through the highest part of the Seventh Heaven.

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[97] Al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of al-Muuualib that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I said to Gabriel: ‘Gabriel, why have I not seen IsrAf Cl laughing? None of the angels have come to me without me having seen them laughing.’ Gabriel said: ‘We have not seen that angel laughing since the Fire was created.’178 [98] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) heard a crash,179 and he said: ‘Gabriel, is the hour coming?’ He said: ‘No, this is IsrAf Cl coming to earth.’ [99] ‘Abd b. lamcd, al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. al-larith; he said: I was with ‘f’isha while Ka‘ b al-labr180 was at her house, and he mentioned IsrAf Cl. ‘f’isha said: ‘Tell me about IsrAfCl.’ Ka‘b said: ‘Feel free to ask.’181 She said: ‘By all means! So tell me.’ Ka‘b said: ‘He has four wings; two wings are in the air, a wing, with which he is clothed (tasarbala),182 and one wing is on the nape of his neck; the Pen is on his ear; when He sends down revelation, the Pen writes, then the angels wipe it off [the Tablet]. The Angel of the Trumpet is lower than him, and he genuflects on one of his knees and he raises the other; and he puts the Trumpet to his mouth, bending his back and his side towards IsrAf Cl. When he has been ordered, he will look at IsrAfCl, and when [IsrAfCl’s] two wings are closed, [the Angel of the Trumpet] will blow into the Trumpet. ‘f’isha [(may God be pleased with her)]183 said: I [also] heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) [talking]184 in this way. [100] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-Awza‘ c; he said: When IsrAfCl glorifies God, he cuts off the ritual prayers and the hearing of all the angels in heaven. [101] Also on his authority;185 he said: None of God’s creations have a better voice that IsrAf Cl; when he begins to glorify God, he cuts off the ritual prayers and praising of the people of the Seven Heavens. [102] [Abe ’l-Shaykh] through the intermediary of al-Layth; Khalid told me on the authority of Sa‘ cd; he said: I was told that IsrAfCl is the muezzin of the people of heaven,186 and he makes the call to prayer [twelve times during the day]187 and twelve times at night; and at every hour’s proclamation, whoever is in the Seven Heavens and whoever is in the Seven Earths hears his proclamation, except jinn and humans. Then he, the greatest of the angels, goes to the front of them and performs the ritual prayer for them. [Sa‘ cd] said it reached me that Michael leads the angels in the Inhabited House. [103] Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd on the authority of Ibn Abc Jabala in his IsnAd; he said: The first of those to be called on the Day of Resurrection will be IsrAfCl; God will say, ‘Have you delivered my covenant (“ahd )?’ And he will say, ‘Yes, Lord, I delivered it to Gabriel.’ And he will summon Gabriel, and it is said: ‘Did IsrAfCl deliver my covenant to you?’ He will say, ‘Yes.’ So he will leave IsrAf Cl. And he will say to Gabriel, ‘What did you do with my covenant?’ And he will say, ‘Lord, I delivered it to the Messengers.’ So he will summon the

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Messengers, and it will be said to them: ‘Did Gabriel deliver my covenant to you?’ And they will say, ‘Yes.’ So he will leave Gabriel. [104] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Abe Sinan; he said: The created thing closest to God is the Tablet, and it is suspended from the Throne; and if God wants to reveal something, He writes on the [Preserved] Tablet [and the Tablet moves],188 and the Tablet goes [down] until it hits IsrAfCl ’s forehead;189 IsrAfCl covers his head with his wings so that he does not raise his eyes to the majesty of God [and he looks at it];190 if it is [a command] for the people of the heaven, then he hands it over [to Michael; if it is [a command] for the people of the earth, then he hands it over]191 to Gabriel. The first to be called to account on the Day of Resurrection will be the [Tablet. It is called by Him. Its whole body will tremble in fear, and it will be said to it: ‘Did you send out [my commands]?’ It will say: ‘Yes.’ It will be said: ‘Who saw you?’ And it will say, ‘IsrAf Cl.’ Then IsrAf Cl ]192 will be called and his body will tremble with fear. And it will be said to him: ‘Did the Tablet send [my commands to] you?’ When he has said ‘yes’ the Tablet says: ‘Praise be to God, who saved me from evil reckoning.193 Then so on like that.’ [105] Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of kamra; he said: I heard that the first to bow down to Adam194 (peace be upon him) was IsrAfCl; God rewarded him by putting the Qur’an on his forehead. [106] al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU, al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt and al-Bazzar on the authority of Ibn ‘Amr; he said: A group of people came to the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) and they said: ‘Messenger of God, Abe Bakr claimed that righteous actions are from God and unrighteous actions are from humans, but ‘Umar has said that both righteous actions and unrighteous actions come from God, and a group follows this one and a group follows that one.’195 The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘The judgment between you both is [found] in the judgment of IsrAfCl between Gabriel and Michael: Michael said the words of Abe Bakr; and Gabriel the words of ‘Umar; Gabriel said to Michael: “When the people of the heavens differ, [or] the people of the earth differ, we should seek a legal ruling from IsrAfCl.” And so the two of them went to seek a legal ruling from him and he made a ruling between the two of them concerning the truth about predestination: “His kindness, His wickedness, His sweetness and His bitterness, all of them come from God.” ’ Then [Murammad] said: ‘Abe Bakr, if God did not want disobedience then he would not have had created IblCs.’ Abe Bakr said: ‘God and His Prophet have spoken the truth.’

What is said concerning the Angel of Death (peace be upon him) [107] Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Abe Hurayra; he said: When God, may He be praised and glorified, wanted to

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create Adam, He sent an angel from the Bearers of the Throne to fetch some dust from the earth.197 When [the angel] came down to take [it], the Earth said: ‘I implore you, by the One who sent you, not to take anything from me today, part of which is to be for the Fire tomorrow.’ So [the angel] left it, and when he ascended to his Lord, He said: ‘What prevented you from fetching what I ordered you to fetch?’ He said: ‘The Earth sought Your [protection] and I was worried about bringing back something that had been protected [by You].’ So He despatched another [angel] to [the Earth], and it said the same thing until He had sent all of them;198 and so He sent out the Angel of Death and [the Earth] said the same to him; so [the Angel of Death] said: ‘The One who sent me is more deserving of obedience than you.’ So he took [mud] from the face of the whole Earth, from its goodness and its wickedness, and took it to his Lord, and He poured water of the Garden onto it and it became moulded mud199 and he created Adam from it. [108] Ibn Jarcr, al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt and Ibn ‘Asakir through the intermediary of al-Suddc on the authority of Abe Malik, Abe Salir, Ibn ‘Abbas, Murra, Ibn Mas‘ed and some of the companions;200 they said: God sent Gabriel to the Earth to fetch some clay (UCn) from it. The Earth said: ‘I seek protection in God from you taking [any mud] away from me!’ So [Gabriel] returned without taking anything; and [Gabriel] said: ‘O Lord, [the Earth] sought Your protection, so I respected [the protection that the Earth sought].’ So [God] sent Michael and it was as before; and so He sent the Angel of Death, and [the Earth] sought protection from him; but [the Angel of Death] said: ‘I seek God’s protection that I may return, without not having carried out His command.’ And so he took [mud] from the face of the Earth. [109] al-Daylamc on the authority of Zayd b. Thabit; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: If you were to learn of the moment of [your] death (ajal ),201 and know how far it were away, then you would come to hate hope and its deception; there is no-one of any family without the Angel of Death coming to them twice every day. Whoever senses him, then indeed his moment of death has come. [The Angel of Death] takes his soul (rER),202 and if his family cries and mourns, he says: ‘Do not cry and do not mourn! By God! I have not lessened your age, nor have I kept your livelihood from you, and there is no sin (dhanab)203 for me [in doing this], and I will return to you again and again, until there are none of you left.’ [110] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Armad in al-Zuhd, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Mujahid; he said: There is no tent,204 nor any mud-brick house on the surface of the Earth, without the Angel of Death going around it twice a day. [111] Ibn Abc Shayba in al-MuTannaf and ‘Abd Allah b. Armad in ZawA ”id al-Zuhd on the authority of ‘Abd al-‘Ala al-Tamcmc; he said: There is no inhabitant of a house, without the Angel of Death studying them twice a day.

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[112] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in Dhikr al-mawt and Abe ’l-Shakyh on the authority of al-lasan; he said: Every day without exception, the Angel of Death studies every house three times, and if one of them senses him, then his sustenance (rizq) has indeed come to an end, and his appointed time of death (ajal ) has come. [The Angel of Death] takes his soul (rER) and [when he has taken his soul],205 his family draws near to him wailing and crying; and the Angel of Death takes hold of two posts of the doorframe and says: ‘There is no sin for me [in doing this] against you!206 I am one with orders. By God! I have not eaten your207 food (rizq), I have not reduced your age, and I have not shortened your appointed time (ajal ). I am going to return to you, and I will return to you again and again until there is none of you left!’ Al-lasan said: By God! If they were to see his place or hear his words, then they would forget their dead and cry for their own souls. [113] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Zayd b. Aslam; he said: The Angel of Death watches every house five times every day and he studies the face of the sons of Adam every day. He said: And from [this experience] is the terror which hits people, meaning ( ya“nC )208 shaking and shuddering (intifAQ ).209 [114] Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shakyh on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: Every day without exception, the Angel of Death studies the Book of people’s lives.210 Some say [‘Ikrima] said three times, and some say he said five times. [115]211 Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ka‘ b; he said: There is no-one in any house, without the Angel of Death being at his door seven times [every day],212 looking to see whether there is anyone in it, whom He has ordered to be taken [up to God]. [116] Sa‘ cd b. Manter and Armad in al-Zuhd on the authority of ‘Aua’ b. Yas ar; he said: There is no person in a house, without the Angel of Death studying them five times every day [to see] if he has been commanded to take anyone from among them. [117] Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Thabit al-Bananc; he said: Night and day, [all] twenty four hours, there is not a single hour that passes one who breathes,213 without the Angel of Death standing over [the soul]; if he has been ordered to take [a soul],214 he takes it; otherwise he goes away. [118] Ibn al-Najjar in his Ta”rCkh on the authority of a RadCth attributed to the Prophet (marfE “an) given on the authority of Anas that the Angel of Death looks upon the faces of the servants of God seventy times a day; if the servant [of God], to whom he has been sent, laughs, then he says: ‘Wonderful! I have been sent to him to take his soul (rER) while he is laughing!’ [119] Al-oabaranc in al-KabCr, Abe Nu‘aym, Ibn Mandah, both of them in their works called al-Ma“rifa through the intermediary of Ja‘far b. Murammad on the authority of his father, on the authority of al-larith b. al-Khazraj [on the authority of his father];215 he said: I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him

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and grant him salvation) say, as he looked at the Angel of Death while he was [standing by] the head of one of the anTAr: ‘Angel of Death, be kind to my friend, he is a believer.’ The Angel of Death said: ‘Be of good cheer! Be happy! I am kind to every believer, and know, Murammad, that I am going to take the soul of [every] son of Adam! If he gives out a great shout; then I come to the house, and his soul (rER) is mine. And I say: “What is this cry? By God! We have not wronged him,216 and we have not [taken his soul] before his appointed time (ajal ), nor have we hastened his destiny (qadar). There is no sin for us in taking his soul.” If they are pleased by what God has arranged [for them], then they are rewarded; if they are displeased, then they are sinning and transgressing. We will return to you, again and again, so be on your guard! There is no person who lives in a tent, or in a mud house, on the land, or on the plain, or on the mountain, without me studying them every day and night until I know the trivialities and the great things in their souls; by God! If I wanted to take a soul of a mosquito (ba“EQa),217 I could not do it until God had let it be – He is the One who orders its taking.’ Ja‘far b. Murammad said: I heard that when [the Angel of Death] studies [people] during the appointed times for the ritual prayer, if [someone] is about to die (idhA RaQara “ind al-mawt),218 and if he is one of those who remembers the ritual prayers, then the angel approaches him and drives Satan away from him, and the angel whispers the talqCn219 to him at that great moment: ‘There is no god, but God, and Murammad is the Messenger of God.’ [120] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in his KitAb Dhikr al-mawt on the authority of ‘Ubayd b. ‘Umayr; he said: While Abraham ( peace be upon him) was in his house one day, suddenly a man of beautiful appearance came into his presence, and [Abraham] said: ‘Servant of God, who admitted you into my house?’ He said: ‘Its Lord admitted me into it.’ He said: ‘Its Lord is the most right [to do] that. Who are you?’ He said: ‘The Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Things have been described to me about you [that I cannot see in you],’220 [Abraham] said: ‘Turn around.’ And so he turned around, and there were eyes at the front and eyes at the back and every one of his hairs were like people standing on end. So Abraham begged God for protection against that and said: ‘Return to your first form.’ He said: ‘Abraham, when God sends me to someone He wants to meet, He sends me in the form which you saw first.’221 [121] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of Ka‘b; he said: Abraham (peace be upon him) saw a man in his house, and he said: ‘Who are you?’ He said: ‘I am the Angel of Death.’ Abraham said: ‘If you are right, then show me a sign so that I might know that you are the Angel of Death.’ The Angel of Death said: ‘I shall appear before you.’ And he appeared, then [Abraham] looked and he saw [the Angel of Death] in the form in which he takes the believers; he saw that he was made of light and dazzlement, which only God, Most High, could have told him about. Then [the Angel of Death] said: ‘I will appear before you.’ And he appeared before him, then [Abraham] looked and the Angel of Death showed him the form in which he takes unbelievers and adulterers; and Abraham was

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so afraid that he trembled and his stomach clung to the Earth, and his soul (nafs) was about to leave. [122] [Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya]222 on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed and Ibn ‘Abbas; the two said: When God, Most High, took Abraham as a friend, the Angel of Death asked his Lord for permission to send [Abraham] the good news [about it].223 And so he came to Abraham and gave him the good news about it, and he said: ‘Praise be to God!’ Then he said: ‘Angel of Death, show me how you take the souls of the unbelievers.’ He said: ‘Abraham, you will not be able to bear it.’ He said: ‘On the contrary!’ He said: ‘I will come before you.’ And [the Angel of Death] came before him, then [Abraham] looked [and there was] a black man, his head reaching the sky, and flames of fire were coming out of him; there were no hairs on his body, except it being in the form of a man coming out of him, with flames of fire coming out of his ears. Abraham fainted. When he came round, the Angel of Death had changed back into his previous form. Then he said: ‘Angel of Death, if an unbeliever, in his grief and distress, saw only your form, then that would be enough for him! Show me how you take the believers.’ [The Angel of Death] said: ‘I will come before you.’ And he came before him, then [Abraham] looked and he was a young man, whose face was very beautiful, the most pleasing of odour, [wearing] a white gown. [Abraham] said: ‘Angel of Death, if a believer at the moment of death saw in the way of happiness and kindness only this face of yours, then that would suffice!’ [123] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama on the authority of Ash‘ath b. Aslam; he said: Abraham (peace be upon him) asked the Angel of Death, whose name is “AzrA ”Cl, and who has two eyes in his face and two eyes on the back of his head;224 [Abraham] said: ‘Angel of Death, what do you do if there is a soul (nafs) in the East and a soul in the West, whilst a plague (wabA“)225 strikes a [particular place on] earth and two armies meet [at the same time]; how do you deal with them [both]?’ He said: ‘I call the spirits (arwAR), by the permission of God, and they are between these two fingers of mine.’ He said: The earth is flattened for him, it was made like a basin (tasU),226 and [the Angel of Death] takes out of it when He wants. [124] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of al-lakam that Jacob (peace be upon him) said: ‘Angel of Death, is [it right that] from every person’s soul (nafs) without exception, you take its spirit (rER)?’ He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘How? While you are here with me, souls (anfus) are in the outermost parts of the Earth?’ He said: ‘God has flattened the Earth for me, and it is like a bowl placed in front of one of you, and He takes whoever is at its outermost parts [that He] wants.227 That is how the world is for me.’ [125] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Armad in al-Zuhd, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama and Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Mujahid; he said: The Earth was created for the Angel of Death like a bowl; [God] takes from it whenever He wishes, and He created helpers for [the Angel of Death], who receive the souls; then [the Angel of Death] takes [the souls] from [the helpers].

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[126] Ibn Jarcr and Abe ’l-Shaykh from al-Rabc‘ b. Anas that it was asked of the Angel of Death whether it is he alone who takes the souls (arwAR). He said he is the one who is responsible for the [fulfilment of the] command of the souls (arwAR)228 but he has helpers for that; however, the Angel of Death is in charge and every stride of his [goes] from the East to the West. [127] Ibn Abc Shayba, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh in his TafsCr on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas concerning His Word, Most High: ‘Our messengers take him.’ [Q. 6:61] He said: The helpers of the Angel of Death are from the angels. [128] ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh in his TafsCr on the authority of Ibrahcm al-Nakha‘ c concerning His Word: ‘Our messengers take him.’ [Q. 6:61] He said the angels take the souls (anfus), then the Angel of Death takes [the souls] from [the angels] afterwards. [129] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Ibn Jarcr and Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama on the authority of Qatada concerning His Word: ‘Our messengers take him.’ [Q. 6:61] He said: The Angel of Death has messengers, and he makes the messengers responsible for taking [the souls], then they hand them over to the Angel of Death. [130] Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama on the authority of Wahb b. Munnabih; he said that the angels who are associated with the people (alladhCna yuqarinEna bi’l-nAs),229 are the ones who receive them, and they [are the ones who] write down their time [of death]. When they take the soul [to God], they hand them over to the Angel of Death, who is like the one who comes after (al-“Aqib)230 – meaning the tax collector (al-“ashAr),231 who draws up to himself what is beneath him. [131] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya, Abe ’l-Shaykh and Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Shahar b. lawshab; he said: The Angel of Death is seated and the world is between his knees, and the Tablet (al-lawR) is in his hands, on which is [written] the appointed times of death of the sons of Adam; with angels standing in front of him, he studies the Tablet, not raising his eyes. And when he comes to an appointed time of a servant [of God],232 he says: ‘Take this one!’ [132] Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shakyh on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that it was asked about [a situation in which] two souls that came to die in the twinkling of an eye, one in the East and the other in the West; how is the Angel of Death in a position to deal with them both? [Ibn ‘Abbas] said: The ability of the Angel of Death to [deal with] creatures in the East and the West, in darkness, in the air and in the seas is like a man with a table in front of him, taking from it whatever he wishes. [133] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Zuhayr b. Murammad; he said: It was said: ‘Messenger of God, the Angel of Death is alone; but [there are] two armies meeting between the East and the West, and in the area between that there are the fallen and the dead?’ He said: ‘God, may He be praised and glorified, made the Angel of Death able [to cope]: He made [the Earth] like a bowl

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between one of your hands, and [the Angel of Death] can pass over anything in it. [134] Juwaybir on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Angel of Death is the one who takes all of the souls [to God]; indeed he has power over what is on the earth, just as one of you has power over his leisure. Angels from amongst the angels of mercy and angels from amongst the angels of suffering are with him. When he receives a good soul, he gives it to the angels of mercy; when he receives a wicked soul, he gives it to the angels of suffering. [135] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Abe ’l-Shakyh on the authority of Abe ’l-Muthanna al-limtc; he said: The world, with its lowlands and its mountains, is between the thighs of the Angel of Death, and with him are angels of mercy and angels of suffering. When he takes the souls (arwAR), these hand over to these, and those over to those, meaning the angels of mercy and the angels of suffering. It is said [that] if there is a fierce battle and the sword is like lightning, then [he said], he summons them and the souls come to him. [136] al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlisa on the authority of Abe Qays al-Azdc; he said: It was said to the Angel of Death: ‘How do you take the souls?’ He said: ‘I summon them, and they come to me.’ [137] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Khaythama; he said: The Angel of Death came to Solomon, son of David,233 while he had a friend with him. Solomon said to [the Angel of Death]: ‘Why is it that you either come to a household and take them all together, or you go away from a household, leaving them alone, without taking anyone from them?’ He said: ‘I do not know what I take from them, rather I am under the Throne, and He sends down the deeds (TikAk)234 on which the names [are written].’ [138] Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Khaythama; he said: Solomon, son of David, said to the Angel of Death: ‘When you want to take my soul (rER), would you let me know about it?’ He said: ‘I do not know when your [time] will be. It is something written that comes down to me, one which there are the names of who is to die.’ [139] Armad in al-Zuhd and Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of Ma‘mar; he said: It reached me that the Angel of Death does not know when the appointed time of a person’s death is going to happen until he is ordered to take it. [140] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of Ibn Jarcr; he said: It reached me that it is said to the Angel of Death: ‘Take so-and-so at a certain time on a certain day!’ [141] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of ‘Ikrima concerning His Word, Most High: ‘It is He who recalls you by night . . .’ [Q. 6:61] He said: [The Angel of Death] receives souls during sleep; there is no night – by God! – without Him grasping souls – all of them! [God] asks every soul about what its owner did

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during the day, then He calls the Angel of Death, and he says: ‘Take this one! Take this one!’ [142] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of ‘Aua’ b. Yisar; he said: When it is the middle night of Sha‘ban,235 He hands over a page to the Angel of Death, and it is said: ‘Take from those on this page!’ If the servant is lying in bed, or couples marry, or someone builds a building,236 [he does so] while his name has already been copied into the [book of the] dead. [143] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of ‘Umar Mawla Ghafara; he said: [The names of ] whoever is going to die on the Night of Power237 until the [Night of Power] of the following [year]238 is copied to the Angel of Death. [The Angel] will find the man who has married a woman, and the man who has planted the plant; but [only] when the name is amongst the dead. [144] al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlisa on the authority of Rashid b. Sa‘ cd that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: On the middle night of Sha‘ban, God reveals to the Angel of Death [information] regarding the taking of every soul that He wants to be taken during that year. [145] al-Khaucb and Ibn al-Najjar on the authority of ‘f’isha; she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) used to abstain239 during the whole of Sha‘ban until Ramaqan; but he only fasted for a whole month during Sha‘ ban.240 She said: ‘Messenger of God, is it because Sha‘ ban is the dearest month for you that you fast during it?’ He said: ‘Yes, ‘f’isha, the taking [of souls] is written for the Angel of Death during it; I do not want my name to be deleted, so I fast.’ [146] Armad, al-Bazzar and al-lakim, and he declared the RadCth to be sound (saRRaRahu), on the authority of Abe Hurayra, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: The Angel of Death used to come to people manifestly, but he came to Moses and [Moses] slapped him and gouged out his eye, and [the Angel of Death] went to his Lord; and he said: ‘Lord, your servant Moses has gouged out my eye. Unless you favour him, tear him open.’ He said to him: ‘Go to my servant [Moses] and say to him that he should place his hand on a skin of an ox, and then he will have a year for every hair that his hand has covered.’ So he came to him and [Moses] said: ‘What is after this?’ He said: ‘Death.’ And he said: ‘Let it be now.’ And so [the Angel of Death] smelt [Moses], took his soul and God gave him back his eye. After that he came to people in stealth.241 [147] Abe Nu‘aym on the authority of al-A‘mash; he said: The Angel of Death used to be visible to people, but he came to [one particular] man, saying: ‘Finish your business, for I want to take your soul.’ And [the man] made a complaint [to God]; consequently, [God] then sent down disease and made death a secret. [148] al-Marwazc in al-JanA ”iz, Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Abe ’l-Shakyh on the authority of al-Sha‘tha’ Jabir b. Zayd that the Angel of Death used to take souls

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without pain, but the people insulted him and cursed him, so he complained to his Lord. Consequently, God established diseases and they forgot about the Angel of Death. It is said someone dies like this or like that.242 [149] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that an angel sought permission from his Lord to go down to Enoch;243 and he came to him and greeted him, and Enoch said to him: ‘Is there anything between you and the Angel of Death?’ He said: ‘He is one of my brother angels.’ He said: ‘Are you able to help me with something concerning him?’ He said: ‘[If you want to] delay [death] any [amount of time],244 or hasten it, then no, but I will ask him for you, and he will treat you kindly concerning death.’ He said: ‘Ride between my wings!’ So Enoch rode and ascended into the highest heaven, and he met the Angel of Death, with Enoch between his wings; and the Angel [of Death]245 said to him: ‘I have need of you.’ He said: ‘I already know about your need; you spoke to me about Enoch, [and what remains of his age,]246 but his name has been wiped out, and none of his appointed term (ajal )247 remains, save half the blinking of an eye, and then Enoch died between the wings of the angel.’ [150] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Murammad b. al-Munkadir that the Angel of Death said to Abraham (peace be upon him):248 ‘Your Lord has ordered me to take your soul in the most peaceful way that I have taken the soul of a believer.’ He said: ‘I ask you in the truth of the One who sent you that you consult Him about me.’ He said: ‘Your friend (khalCl )249 asked that I consult with you about him.’ [God] said: ‘Go to him and say to him: Your Lord says: the Friend wants to meet His friend.’ So he came to him, and he said: ‘I was in pain when you ordered him [to take my soul].’ He said: ‘Abraham, have you drunk wine?’250 He said: ‘No.’ Then [the Angel of Death] asked him to breathe over him (istankaha)251 [and] he took his soul (nafs) in that way. [151] Armad on the authority of Abe Hurayra that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: David252 ( peace be upon him) was extremely jealous,253 and he had the habit that when he went out, the doors [of his harem] would be shut. No-one would go into his family until he returned. One day he went out and returned, and there was a man standing in the doorway of his house. [David] said to him: ‘Who are you?’ He said: ‘I am the one who does not revere kings, and the one who is not prevented from passing through the veil.’ David said: ‘You, therefore, by God! – are the Angel of Death. [I] welcome the command of God!’ And David hurried (zamala)254 to his place [before the Angel of Death] and his soul was taken. [152] Ibn Maja on the authority of Abe Umama; I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saying: God, may He be praised and glorified, made the Angel of Death responsible for the taking of the souls (arwAR), except those martyred at sea – He takes charge of taking their souls Himself.255 [153] Juwaybir on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of human souls, and he is the one who orders the

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taking of their souls; and [there is] an angel for the Jinn, an angel for the shayUAns, and an angel for the birds, wild animals, the predatory animals, the large fish and the ant; so there are four angels. Angels die in the first strike of the lightning. The Angel of Death is responsible for taking of their souls, then [the angel] dies. As for those who are martyred at sea, God is responsible for the taking of their souls. [God] does not give the responsibility for that to the Angel of Death, for their honour is with Him when they travel through the depths of the sea for His sake. [154] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of Murammad b. Ka‘ b al-Qurvc; he said: It reached me that the last to die is the Angel of Death; it is said to him: ‘Angel of Death, die!’ So with that he will let out a cry, (if the creatures of the heavens and the earth were to hear it, they would die of fright); then he will die. [155] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of Ziyad al-Numayrc; he said: I have read in a certain book that death is harder for the Angel of Death than it is for the rest of the creations. [156] al-‘Uqaylc in al-Ku“afA ”, Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama and al-Daylamc on the authority of Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The allotted time (ajal ) for all livestock and insects of the earth is [devoted to] the worship of God. When their glorification of God is completed, God takes their souls and there is nothing for the Angel of Death [to do] in that. [157] al-Khaucb in RuwAt MAlik on the authority of Sulayman b. Ma‘mar al-Kilabc; he said: I was with Malik ibn Anas, when a man asked him about fleas: ‘Does the Angel of Death take their souls (arwAR)?’ He bowed his head for a long while and then said: ‘Do they have a soul (nafs)?’ He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘Then the Angel of Death takes their souls (arwAR) [and] God receives their souls (anfus) in full when they die.’ [158] Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Mu‘adh b. Jabal; he said: The Angel of Death has a spear (Rarba),256 which has the East to the West in its reach. When the appointed time of death of a servant of the world comes, he hits [the person’s] head with that spear and he says: ‘Now the army of death is called upon you.’ [159] Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas which is attributed to the Prophet (marfE “an); that the Angel of Death has a poisoned spear, which has one end in the East, and another end in the West, and he cuts the vein of life with it.257 [160] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Zuhayr b. Murammad; he said: The Angel of Death sits on a ladder between Heaven and Earth and he has messengers258 from amongst the angels. When the soul (nafs) is in the throat [of the person dying],259 the Angel of Death sees him from his ladder, and he looks intently at him, [the person] sees him, then after [that] he dies. [161] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya on the authority of al-lakam b. Uban; he said: ‘Ikrima was asked: ‘Does a blind man see the Angel of Death when he comes to take his soul (rER)?’ He said: ‘Yes.’

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[162] Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Mujahid; he said: A servant does not get ill from any illness without the messenger of the Angel of Death being with him, until the end of the illness, which the servant had, comes. [Then] the Angel of Death comes to him, and says: ‘Messenger after messenger has come to you, but you did not care about them. Now a messenger has come to you, who will cut your ties (athar)260 with this world!’ [163] Abe ’l-lusayn b. al-‘Arcf in his FawA ”id, and Abe ’l-Rabc‘ al-Mas‘edc in his FawA’id, on the authority of Anas b. Malik; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When the Angel of Death comes to a friend of God, Most High, he greets him and his greeting is to say: ‘Peace be upon you, friend of God. Rise and leave your house, which you have left in ruin,261 [and go] to your house which you have built [with your good deeds].’262 When it is not a friend of God, he says to him: ‘Rise and leave your house, which you have made comfortable, and [go] into your house, which you have ruined [with your misdeeds].’263 [164] Abe ’l-Qasim b. Mandah in KitAb al-AhwAl wa-’l-CmAn concerning a question [answered] on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: When God, may He be praised and glorified, wants to take a soul of a believer, He reveals to the Angel of Death: ‘Recite to him from me: “Peace!” ’ And when the Angel of Death comes to take his soul, he recites: ‘Your Lord says to you: Peace!’ [165] al-Marwazc in al-JanA ”iz, Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Abe ’l-Shaykh in his TafsCr on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: When the Angel of Death comes to take the soul of a believer, he says: ‘Your Lord says to you: Peace!’ [166]264 Ibn Abc Shayba, Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya, Ibn Abc latim, al-Hakim, who declared it to be sound (saRRaRahu), and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn, on the authority of al-Bara’ b. ‘fzab concerning the Word, Most High: ‘[Their greeting], on the day that they shall meet Him, will be “Peace!” ’ [Q. 33:44] He said: On that day, they will meet the Angel of Death; whoever is a believer, [the Angel of the Death] will take their soul more peacefully for him. [166b] Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd, Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama, Abe ’l-Qasim b. Mandah in KitAb al-AhwAl and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn, on the authority of Murammad b. Ka‘b al-Qurvc he said: When the soul of the believing servant is spent, the Angel of Death comes to him and says to him: ‘Peace be upon you, Friend of God! God says to you: Peace!’ Then he recites this verse: ‘. . . whom the angels take while they are godly saying, ‘‘Peace be on you!” ’ [Q. 16:32] Al-Silafc said265 in al-Mashaykha al-BaghdAdiyya: I heard Abe Sa‘ cd al-lasan b. ‘Alc al-Wa‘iv saying; [I heard Murammad b. al-lasan saying;]266 I heard my father saying: I saw in a book that God, Most High, makes the phrase ‘In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful’ appear on the palm of the Angel of Death in writing of light (bi-khaUU min al-nEr); then He commands [the Angel of Death] to stretch out his hand to the Knower (al-“Frif )267 at the

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time of his death, and that writing is shown to him; when the soul of the one who knows sees it, it flies towards Him268 more quickly than a blink of an eye. [167] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Da’ed b. Abc Hind; he said: It reached me that the Angel of Death was made responsible for Solomon (peace be upon him), and he was told: ‘Go into his presence every day, and ask what he needs; then do not leave him until you have performed it.’269 He used to enter upon him in the image of a man, and he would ask him how he was. Then he would say: ‘Messenger of God, do you need anything?’ If he said: ‘Yes,’ then he did not leave him until he had done it; and if he said: ‘No,’ then he left him until the following morning. One day he entered upon him while there was an old man with him. [Solomon] stood up, and greeted [him], then [the Angel of Death] said: ‘Do you need anything, Messenger of God?’ He said: ‘No.’ The [angel] glanced at [the old man] and the old man trembled; the Angel of Death left and the old man stood up and said to Solomon: ‘I beg you, by the truth of God! to command the wind270 to carry me and throw me down on the furthest lump of mud in the land of India!’ So [Solomon] commanded it and it carried him [there]. The Angel of Death came into Solomon the next morning and asked him about the old man. [The Angel of Death] said: ‘His book271 came down to me yesterday, [saying] that I should take his soul tomorrow at the rising of dawn in the furthest lump of mud in the land of India; but when I came down, and thinking that he was there, I then found him with you. I was astonished and could not think of [anything] other than him;272 I came down to him today at the break of dawn and found him on the highest lump of mud in the land of India, and he trembled, and I took his soul (rER).’ [168] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Khaythama; he said: The Angel of Death went into Solomon and began to look at one of his companions who continued to look at him. When he left, the man said: ‘Who was that?’ He said: ‘That was the Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘I saw him looking at me as if he wanted me.’ He said: ‘What do you want [me to do]?’ He said: ‘I want you to carry me on the wind until you put me down in India.’ So [Solomon] called the wind and he carried him upon it, and he put him down in India. Then the Angel of Death came to Solomon, and [Solomon] said to him: ‘You were looking at the man from my companions.’ He said: ‘I was astonished by him. I was ordered to take him in India and he was with you!’ [169] al-oabaranc on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Angel of Death went to the Prophet during the illness which he contracted273 and he sought permission to enter [his presence] while his head was in ‘Alc’s lap.274 He said: ‘Peace be upon you, and the mercy of God and his blessings.’ ‘Alc said: ‘Come back again [at another time]! We are too busy (mashAghCl )275 to deal with you.’ The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Do you know who this is, Abe ‘l-lasan? This is the Angel of Death. Bring him in, in good faith.’ When [the Angel of Death] entered, he said: ‘Your Lord says to you: Peace!’ [Murammad] said: ‘Where is Gabriel?’ He said: ‘He is not near me, but

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he is coming.’ The Angel of Death left until Gabriel came down to him. And Gabriel said to him while he was standing at the door: ‘Why did he expel you, Angel of Death!’ He said: ‘Murammad asked for you.’ When the two sat down, Gabriel said: ‘Peace be upon you, Abe ‘l-Qasim!276 This is a farewell for you and for me.’ It reached me that the Angel of Death did not greet anyone from a household before him, and will not greet [anyone]277 after it. [170] al-oabaranc on the authority of al-lusayn that Gabriel came down to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) on the day of his death, and he said: ‘How do you find yourself ?’ He said: ‘Gabriel, I find myself distressed and I find myself scared.’ The Angel of Death sought permission to enter from the door. Gabriel said: ‘Muhammad, this is the Angel of Death, who is seeking permission to enter your house. He has not sought permission from me [to come to] a human before you, and he will not seek permission from me [to come to] a human after you.’ [Murammad] said: ‘Give him permission!’ So [Gabriel] let him in. [The Angel of Death] approached until he stood before [Murammad] and said: ‘God has sent me to you and has commanded me to obey you; if you command me to take your soul (nafs), then I will take it; if you do not want [me to take it], then I will leave it.’ He said: ‘Do [it], Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Yes, as you command.’ Gabriel said to [Murammad]: ‘God indeed desires to meet you.’ Then the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Carry out what you have been commanded [to do] by Him.’ [171] Ibn al-Najjar in his Ta”rCkh said:278 Yus ef b. al-Mubarak b. al-Kamil279 alKhaffaf told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Murammad b. ‘Abd al-Baqc al-Antarc told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe Bakr [Armad]280 b. ‘Alc b. Thabit al-Khaucb told me; [he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that al-Qaqc Abe al-‘Ala Murammad b. ‘Alc al-Wasiuc told me;]281 he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe Murammad ‘Abd Allah b. Armad [b. ‘Abd Allah]282 ibn al-Mulcr al-Sijzc told me; I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that ‘Alc b. Murammad al-Harawc283 told me; I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that ‘Abd al-Salam b. nalir told me; I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that ‘Alc b. Mesa al-Riqa told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe Mesa b. Ja‘far told me; [he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe Ja‘far b. Murammad told me;]284 [he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe Murammad ibn ‘Alc told me;]285 he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe ‘Alc b. al-lusayn told me; he said: [I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe ‘l-lusayn b. ‘Alc b. al-lusayn told me; he said:]286 I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abe ‘Alc b. Abc oalib told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Gabriel told me; [he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Michael told me;]287 he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness

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to God that ‘Azra’ cl told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that God, Most High, told me; he said: The one addicted to wine is like the slave of an idol.288

What is said about the Bearers of the Throne289 (peace be upon them) The Most High said: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord . . .’ [Q. 69:17] [179] ‘Abd b. lamcd, ‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd al-Darimc [in KitAb al-Radd “alA aljaRmiyya,]290 Abe Ya‘la, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Khuzayma, Ibn Mardawayh and al-lakim who declared it to be sound (saRRaRahu) [in al-KitAb al-radd “alA aljaRmiyyah]291 one the authority of al-‘Abbas292 b. ‘Abd al-Muuualib concerning His Word, [Most High]293: ‘[eight] shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord’ – Eight angels in the form of goats (“alA TErat al-aw“Al ). [180] ‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas: The Bearers of the Throne have horns, which have points (ku“Eb) like the points of spears. The distance from one of their balls of their feet to their ankles is the distance that it would take to travel five hundred years. The distance from294 the tip of his nose to his collarbone is the distance that it would take to travel five hundred years; and the distance from the tip of his nose to the earlobe is five hundred years. [181] ‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd and Abe Ya‘la, in a sound chain of authorities (bi’snAd TaRCR) on the authority of Abe Hurayra, [may God be pleased with him];295 he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Listen to me! I was told about the Angel of Death,296 whose two feet pierce the Seventh Earth and the Throne is on his shoulders. He says: ‘I worship you, where you are and where you will be.’ [181b]297 Abe Da’ed, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA ” wa-’l-TifAt on the authority of Jabir, [may God be pleased with him],298 that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Listen to me! I was told about one of the angels who carry the Throne; the distance between his earlobe to the shoulder is a distance of seven hundred years. [182] Abe Da’ed, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt on the authority of Jabir299 that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Listen to me! I was told about one of the angels who carry the Throne: his two feet are on the lowest Earth and the Throne is on his horn. The distance between his earlobe and his shoulder is the distance it would take a bird to fly (khafaqAn al-Uayr) for seven hundred years. That angel says: ‘I worship you wherever300 you are!’ [183] Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Abe Qabcl that he heard ‘Abd Allah say: The Bearers of the Throne; the distance that is between the inner corner of one of their eyes (mu”q) to the outer corner of his eyes (mu ”akhkhar “aynayhi) is the distance of five hundred years.

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[184] ‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of lassan b. ‘Auiyya; he said: The Bearers of the Throne are eight. Their feet are firmly fixed on the Seventh Earth, their heads pass through ( jAwazat) the Seventh Heaven, their horns are the same as their height, and on top of [their horns] is the Throne. [185] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Zadhan;301 he said: The Bearers of the Throne; their feet are on the limits [of the universe]. They are not able to look up because of the beams of light.302 [186] Ibn al-Mundhir, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in Shu “ab al-CmAn on the authority of Haren b. Ri’ab, he said: The Bearers of the Throne are eight and they call back to each other in merciful voices; four of them saying: ‘We worship You and [we are] in praise of You for Your clemency after Your knowledge [of sins committed]!’; [and [the other] four saying: ‘We worship You and [we are] in praise of You for Your forgiveness of sins, according to Your decree!’]303 [187] ‘Abd b. lamcd on the authority of al-Rabc‘ concerning His Word, [Most High]304: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord.’ [Q. 69:17] [Eight]305 from the angels.306 [188] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Ibn Zayd;307 he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Four carry him today, eight [will carry him] on the Day of Resurrection.308 [189] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: The Bearers of the Throne: the ones that carry him are four angels, and each angel has four faces and four wings, with two wings over its face, which [prevent it from]309 looking at the Throne, [for if it were to look] it would be struck unconscious, and two [other] wings, with which they fly. Their feet are on the ground and the Throne is on their shoulders. Each one of them has a face of a bull, a face of a lion, a face of a human (insAn), and a face of an eagle.310 They do not say a word, except saying: ‘Holy! God Almighty, your glory fills the heaven and the earth!’311 [190] Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of al-Suddc on the authority of Abe Malik; he said: The rock which is under the Earth312 is the extent of creation and on its limits are four angels;313 each one of them has four faces: a face of a human, a face of a lion, a face of an eagle and a face of a bull. While they are standing around [the rock] they encompass (aRAUE) the Heavens and the Earth, and their heads are under the Throne. [191] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: The Bearers of the Throne: today they are four, but when the Day of Resurrection comes, they will be supported by four others. One angel from amongst them has the likeness of a human, which intercedes ( yushafa“u) for the children of Adam in their need ( fC arzAqihim); one angel has the likeness of an eagle, which intercedes for birds in their need;314 one angel has the likeness of a bull, which intercedes for livestock

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(bahA ”im) in their need; and one angel has the likeness of a lion, which intercedes for predatory animals (sibA“) in their need. Each angel has four faces: a face of a human, a face of an eagle, a face of a bull and a face of a lion. When they carry the Throne, they fall down onto their knees because of the glory of God. They whisper: ‘There is no power and no strength save in God.’ Then they stand up straight on their feet. [192] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Makrel; the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There are four angels amongst the Bearers of the Throne; an angel is the master of the forms (sayyid al-Tuwar) and that is the human;315 an angel has the likeness of the master of the predatory animals, and that is the lion; an angel is in the likeness of livestock, that is the bull (and he has been angry since the day of [the worship of ]316 the calf 317 until now);318 and an angel has the likeness of the master of the birds, and that is the eagle. [193] ‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd al-Darimc and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt on the authority of ‘Urwa; he said: The Bearers of the Throne; one of their forms is in the likeness of a human; one of their forms is in the likeness of an eagle; one of their forms is in the likeness of a bull, and one of their forms is in the likeness of a lion. [194] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn Zayd; he said: None of the Bearers of the Throne is named, save IsrAfCl. He said: Michael is not one of the Bearers of the Throne. [195] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) came up to his friends and said: ‘Why are you meeting?’ And they said: ‘We have come together to remember our Lord and we are contemplating His glory.’ He said: ‘You will never [be able to] continue meditating on His glory, unless I tell you about something of the glory of your Lord.’ They said: ‘Indeed, Messenger of God!’ He said: ‘An angel from amongst the Bearers of the Throne, called IsrAf Cl, has one of the corners of the Throne on the nape of his neck, his feet pierce the lowest Seventh Earth and his head pierces the highest Seventh Heaven; the created world of your Lord is in his likeness.’ [196] al-Daylamc on the authority of ‘Alc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When the month of Ramaqan begins, God, Most High,319 orders the Bearers of the Throne to refrain from saying the tasbCR and they ask [God’s] forgiveness for the community of Murammad and the believers. [197] al-Dcnawarc in al-MujAlasa on the authority of Malik b. Dcnar; he said: I heard that in a part of the heavens there is an angel which has eyes the number of little pebbles [on earth].320 There is no eye among them that does not have a tongue and two lips underneath it, praising God, the Blessed and the Most High, in a language which is not understood by its neighbours. The Bearers of the

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Throne have horns between their shoulders. Their horns and their heads are a distance of five hundred years apart and the Throne is above that. [198] al-Dcnawarc on the authority of Abe Malik concerning His Word, [Most High]321: ‘His Throne comprises the heavens and the earth’ [Q. 2:255] He said: The Rock which is under the Seventh Earth; on its four sides are four from amongst the angels; each of the angels has four faces: a face of a human, a face of a lion, a face of an eagle, and a face of a bull. They stand around the sides [of the rock] and they surround the Earth and the Heavens. Their heads are under the Seat and the Seat (kursC ) is under the Throne.322 [199] al-Dcnawarc on the authority of Khalid b. Ma‘dan; he said: The Throne has been heavy for the Bearers of the Throne from the very beginning; when those who are praising [God] stand up, it becomes lighter for them. [200] al-Bayhaqc in Shu “ab al-CmAn through the intermediary of Qutayba on the authority of Bakr b. Maqr, on the authority of nakhr b. ‘Abd Allah, on the authority of Ziyad b. Abc layya; he said: I heard something about the Bearers of the Throne: [tears] stream from their eyes, the likeness of rivers of tears.323 When one raises its head, it says: ‘I worship You! We do not fear You as much as You deserve to be feared!’ God, may He be praised and glorified, says: ‘Those who swear falsely by My name are liars, they do not know [that they should be fearful].’ [201] Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Umm Sa‘d; she said: I heard the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) say: The Throne is on an angel made of pearls in the image of a cockerel, its feet are on the limits of the earth, and its two wings are in the East and his neck is under the Throne.324 [202] ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn Mardawayh, al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Bearers of the Throne; the [distance] between one of their ankles to the bottom of their foot is the distance of five hundred years. [Ibn ‘Abbas] mentioned that the stride of the Angel of Death [reaches] from the East to the West. [203] ‘Abd b. lamcd on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: All of the Bearers of the Throne are Tawr. ‘Ikrima was asked: ‘What is meant by Tawr? He said: ‘He bows his cheek a little.’325 [204] ‘Abd b. lamcd on the authority of Maysara; he said: The angels who carry the Throne are not able to look at what is above them because of the beams of light. [205] ‘Abd b. lamcd on the authority of Maysara; he said: The Bearers of the Throne; their feet are on the lowest earth and their heads pierce the Throne. They are humble and do not raise their eyes. They have a more intense fear [than the people of the Seventh Heaven, and the people of the Seventh Heaven have a more intense fear than]326 the people of the heaven which is below, and that which is below [that] has a more intense sense of fear than that which is beneath it.

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[206] Ibn Abc Shayba in al-MuTannaf on the authority of Abe Umama; he said: The angels who carry the Throne talk in Persian (bi’l-fArisiyya).327 [207] ‘Abd b. lamcd and Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Maysara concerning His Word, Most High: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of Thy Lord.’ [Q. 69:17] He said: Their feet are on the limits [of the earth] and their heads are with the Throne (“ind al-“arsh). They are not able to raise their eyes because of the beams of light. [208] Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas concerning His Word, [Most High]328: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of Thy Lord.’ [Q. 69:17] He said: Eight ranks of angels – only God knows their number. [209] ‘Abd b. lamcd on the authority of al-karrak concerning the verse; [i.e. Q. 69:17] he said: It is said: Eight ranks (TufEf ), only God knows their number.329 [209b]330 [‘Abd b. lamcd and Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Maysara concerning the verse (i.e. Q. 69:17)];331 it is said: The heads of the eight angels are with the Throne in the Seventh Heaven and their feet are on the lowest Earth; they have horns like mountain goats and the distance between the roots of their horns to their tips is a journey of five hundred years.

What is said about the Spirit (peace be upon him) The Most High said: ‘in it the angels and the Spirit descend’ [Q. 97:4] and He said: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks.’ [Q. 78:38]332 [210] Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt through the intermediary of Ibn Abc oalra on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: This Spirit is one of the greatest angels created (min a“Vam al-malA ”ika) created.333 [211] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-karrak; he said: The Spirit is the veil (RAjib)334 of God, [Most High].335 He will stand in front of God on the Day of Resurrection, and he is the greatest of the angels. If he were to open his mouth, there would be enough room for all of the angels together. The creations look towards him; but out of fear of Him, they are not able to raise their eyes to what is above him. [212] Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt in a weak chain of authorities (bi’snad Qa“Cf ), on the authority of ‘Alc b. Abc oalib; he said: The Spirit is an angel. It has seventy thousand faces; every face has seventy thousand tongues; every tongue has seventy thousand languages,336 which praise God in all of those languages. From every act of praise (min kulli tasbCRa) God creates an angel, which flies with the angels until the Day of Resurrection. [213] Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of ‘Aua’ on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Spirit is a single angel;337 he

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has ten thousand wings; two wings [span the distance] between the East and the West; he has a thousand faces and on every face are a thousand tongues, two eyes, and two lips, which praise God until the Day of Resurrection. [214] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Wahb; he said: The Spirit is one of the angels; he has ten thousand wings, two wings of which [span the distance] between the East and the West; he has a thousand faces, and on every face are a thousand tongues and two lips, which will praise God until the Day of Resurrection. [215] Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Muqatil b. layyan; he said: The Spirit is the most exalted (ashraf ) angel, and the nearest (aqrab) of them to the Lord, and he is the one responsible for revelation (waRy).338 [216] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: The Spirit is in the Fourth Heaven and he is greater than the heavens, the mountains and the angels. He praises God every day by saying the tasbCRa ten thousand times. God, Most High, creates one of the angels from every act of praise (tasbCRa). He will come in a rank by himself on the Day of Resurrection.339 [217] Muslim, Abe Da’ed, al-Nasa’ c on the authority of ‘f’isha that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) used to say during his kneelings (rukE“) and prostrations (sujEd ): ‘Glory to the Holy One, the Lord of the Angels and the Spirit.’340 [218] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt on the authority of Mujahid; he said: The Spirit was created in the likeness of a human.341 [219] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn al-Mundhir, Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Mujahid; he said: The Spirits eat;342 they have two hands, feet and heads, whereas the angels do not. [220] ‘Abd b. lamcd and Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: The Spirit is the greatest creation from among the angels and no angel descends without the Spirit. [221] ‘Abd b. lamcd and Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Mujahid on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Spirit is one of the creations of God, [Most High],343 in a human form. An angel does not come down344 from heaven without one of the Spirits (wARid min al-rER) with him. [222] Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh through the intermediary of Mujahid on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The Spirit is one of the armies of God; they are not part of the angels; they have heads, two hands and feet. Then he recited: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks’ [Q. 78:38] and he said: These are an army and these are an army.345 [223] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn al-Mundhir, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-’l-TifAt on the authority of Abe nalir; he said: The

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Spirits are a creation similar to people, but they are not people; they have two hands and feet. [224] Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. Burayda; he said: The Jinn, the humans, the angels and the devils do not make one tenth of the Spirit.346 [225] Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-Sha‘bc concerning His Word, [Most High],347 ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks.’ [Q. 78:38] He said: Both of them are ranks (simAUa)348 of the Lord of the Worlds; on the Day of Judgement there will be a rank of the spirits and a rank of angels. [226] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Salman; he said: Humans and jinn are ten parts: humans make one part and the jinn make nine parts; the angels and the jinn are ten parts: jinn make one part and the angels make nine parts; the angels and the spirits are ten parts: the angels make one part and the Spirit makes nine parts; [the Spirit and]349 the cherubim are ten parts: the Spirit makes one part and the cherubim make nine parts.350 [227] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn Abc Najcr; he said: The Spirits (al-RER)351 are the RufaVa the angels.352 [228] Ibn al-Anbarc in KitAb al-AQdAd on the authority of Mujahid; he said: The Spirits are a creation amongst the angels, but the angels do not see them; just as you do not see the angels.

What is said about RiQwAn, MAlik and the Keepers of the [Garden and the]353 Fire (peace be upon them) The Most High said: ‘And they shall call, ‘O Malik, let thy Lord have done with us!’ He will say, ‘You will surely tarry.’ [Q. 43:77]354 And the Most High said: ‘And those who are in the Fire will say to the keepers of Gehenna’ [Q. 40:49] and the rest of the verse; and the Most High said: ‘and over which are harsh, terrible angels’ [Q. 66:6] and the rest of the verse; and He said: ‘over it are nineteen. We have appointed only angels to be masters of the Fire’ [Q. 74:30] and the rest of the verse; and the Most High said: ‘the guards of hell’. [Q. 96:18] [229] al-Qutbc355 in “UyEn al-akhbAr on the authority of oa’us356 that God, may He be praised and glorified, created MAlik 357 and He created as many fingers as the numbers of people in the Fire for him. None of the inhabitants of the Fire (ahl al-nAr) is tortured without MAlik torturing him with one of his fingers; by God! if MAlik were to place one of his fingers in heaven, then it would melt it. [230] al-kiya’ al-Maqdisc in Nifat al-nAr on the authority of Anas; I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grand him salvation) saying: By the one who [holds] my soul in his hand!358 The Angels of Hell ( Jahannam) were created a thousand years before Hell; every day they increase their power.

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[231] ‘Abd Allah b. Armad in ZuwA ”id al-Zuhd on the authority of Abe ‘Imran al-Jawnc; he said: I heard that there are nineteen Keepers of the Fire.359 The space between one of their shoulders is a journey of a hundred autumns. There is no mercy in their hearts; indeed, they were created to torture. One of these angels beats one of inhabitants of the Fire360 vigorously, then he leaves him crushed [like dust] from his head to his feet. [232] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Ka‘b; he said: The space between the shoulders of one of the Keepers is a journey of [five]361 hundred years; every of them has a pole with two prongs, and he prods [the inhabitants of Hell] vigorously with it; he harasses seven hundred thousand [people] with it. [233] Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Mujahid; he said: I was told that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) described the Keepers of Hell; he said: Their eyes are like lightning, and their mouths are like cockerels’ spurs, their hair trails [on the floor],362 they are as strong as humans and jinn (althaqalayn).363 One of them receives a [whole] community of people [and] he herds them. On his neck is a mountain ( jabal ), he casts them into the Fire, and then he throws the mountain on top of them. [234] Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd, Ibn Abc Shayba, ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn alMundhir and al-Bayhaqc in al-Ba“th through the intermediary of al-Azraq b. Qays on the authority of a man from the Bane Tammcm; he said: We were with Abe ’l-‘Awwam, when he recited this verse: ‘over it are nineteen.’ [Q. 74:30] He said: ‘What do you say: nineteen angels or nineteen thousand?’ I said: ‘There is no doubt:364 nineteen angels.’ And he said: ‘How do you know that?’ I said: ‘For God, Most High, said: ‘and their number we have appointed only as a trial for the unbelievers’ [Q. 74:31] He said: ‘You are right. There are nineteen angels, and in the hand of every one365 of them is an iron rod (mirzabba), with two prongs, and he beats [people] vigorously with it, with it coming down on seventy thousand [people]. Between the shoulders of every angel is a distance of this much.’ Al-Quruubc said: ‘The intention of His Word is nineteen of their heads, as for the number of the Keepers, no-one knows their number, except God, may He be praised and glorified!’366 [235] Hannad b. al-Sarc in KitAb al-Zuhd on the authority of Ka‘b; he said: When He orders men into the Fire, a hundred thousand angels await him. [235b]367 al-Firyabc, ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc Hatim, on the authority of Mujahid, concerning His Word: ‘the guards of hell’ [Q. 96:18]: [They are] angels. [236] al-Firyabc, ‘Abd al-lamcd, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc Hatim on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. al-Harith;368 he said: The guards of Hell (alzabAniyya);369 their feet are on earth and their heads are in heaven. [237]370 al-Waridc in AsbAb al-nuzEl and Ibn ‘Asakir in his Ta”rCkh through the intermediary of Israq b. Bishr, [on the authority of Juwaybir, on the authority

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of al-karrak, on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas;]371 he said: When some polytheists (mushrikEn) reproached the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) for being poor (bi’l-fAqan), they said: ‘What ails this Messenger that he eats food and goes in the markets?’ [Q. 25:7] The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) was saddened (Razina) by that, so Gabriel came down to him,372 and said: ‘Peace be upon you, Messenger of God, the Lord of Power says to you: “Peace!” And He says to you: “We have not sent any messengers before you who did not eat food whilst walking in the markets.” ’ While Gabriel and the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) were talking to each other, Gabriel suddenly made himself smaller (dhAba)373 until he was like a bird (TAra mithl al-hEda).374 The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Why have you made yourself smaller until you are like a bird?’ He said: ‘Murammad, one of the gates of heaven has opened and it had not been opened before [I did] that.’375 Suddenly Gabriel returned to his [normal] state, and he said: ‘Murammad, may I introduce you to this [angel], RiQwAn, the Guardian of the Garden.’ Then RiQwAn drew closer until he greeted [him]. Then he said: ‘Murammad, the Lord of Power says to you: “Peace!” ’ (And he had with him, a basket made of light (safaU min nEr),376 which glistened) ‘And your Lord says to you: “These are the keys to the treasuries of this world.377 Whatever [you take] will not decrease the reward which you will have in the next world, since [for me] it is [as inconsequential] as the wing of a flea.” ’378 Then the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) looked [at Gabriel],379 who was like the advisor to him,380 and Gabriel beat the ground with his hand; saying: ‘Humble yourself before God, [Most High]381!’ [Murammad] said: ‘RiQwAn, there is nothing that I need on earth.’ RiQwAn said: ‘You are right, God is with you.’ They narrate ( yarEna) that this verse was sent down by RiQwAn: ‘Blessed be He who, if He will, shall assign to thee better than that – gardens underneath which rivers flow, and he shall assign to thee palaces.’ [Q. 25:10] [238] al-Bukharc and Muslim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: During my night journey I saw Moses, son of ‘Imran with me, as a tall man with curly hair ( ja “dan), as if he were a man from the tribe of Shane’a.382 I saw Jesus, son of Mary, [who was of medium height],383 and of moderate complexion, [ranging between] red and white; with a handsome head (sabU al-ra ”s). I saw MAlik, the Guardian of Hell and al-DajjAl in the signs in which God, [Most High]384 has shown them.385 [239] Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of ‘Umar; he said: When the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) travelled by night,386 he saw MAlik, the Keeper of the Fire. When a person frowns, he can see the anger in his face. [240] Abe Bakr al-Wasiuc in FaQA ”il Bayt al-Maqdis on the authority of Abe Salama; he said: I saw ‘Ubada b. al-namit east of the Holy House, crying; and it was asked of him: ‘What is making you cry?’ He said: ‘In this place, the Messenger

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of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) told me that he saw MAlik387 turn over a live coal ( jamr) like a bunch [of grapes].’ [241] al-Daylamc on the authority of ‘Alc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When God wants a servant to be good, he sends an angel from the Keepers of the Garden to him; [the angel] rubs his back and bestows his soul (nafs) with integrity (zakA). [242] al-Khalclc in his Mashaykha on the authority of Anas; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I will be the first [person] to knock on the Gate of the Garden, and the Keeper will [stand up and]388 say: ‘Who are you?’ And I will say: ‘I am Murammad.’ And he will say: ‘I will go and open it for you. I have not got up for anyone before you, and I will not get up for anyone after you.’

What is said about al-Sijill (peace be upon him)389 [243] ‘Abd b. lamcd on the authority of ‘Alc concerning the Word of the Most High: ‘as a scroll is rolled’ [Q. 21:104]390 He said: MAlik. [244] ‘Abd b. lamcd [on the authority of ‘Auiyya];391 he said: Al-Sijill is an angel’s name.392 [245] Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar; he said: Al-Sijill is an angel, when he makes forgiveness ascend, he says: ‘Write it in light!’ [246] Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of al-Suddc; he said: Al-Sijill is an angel responsible for the books (TuREf ). When a person dies, he hands over his book to al-Sijill, who shuts it and stores it until the Day of Resurrection. [247] Ibn Abi latim and Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Abu Ja‘far al-Baqir; he said: Al-Sijill is an angel, and HArEt 393 and MArEt were amongst his helpers. Every day he had [the opportunity] to take three quick looks (lamaRAt), during which he would glance at the Umm al-KitAb, and have a look [at it]. [The book] was not his. [One day] he caught sight of some information in it about the creation of Adam,394 and what was in [the Umm al-KitAb] concerning [Adam]. He secretly told HArEt and MArEt about it, and when the Most High said: ‘ “I am creating on earth a viceroy.” They said, “What, wilt Thou set therein one who will do corruption there.” ’ [Q. 2:30]; the two of them said: ‘That is disrespectful to the angels.’

What is said about HArEt and MArEt 395 [peace be upon them both]396 [248] Armad b. lanbal, ‘Abd b. lamcd in their Musnads, Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in KitAb al-“AqEbAt, Ibn libban in his SaRCR, and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar that he heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) say: Adam; when God brought him down to earth, the angels said: ‘What, wilt Thou set therein one who will do corruption

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there, and shed blood, while We proclaim Thy praise and call Thee holy?’ He said, ‘Assuredly I know that you know not.’ [Q. 2:30] [The angels] said: ‘Our Lord, we are more obedient than the Children of Adam.’ God, Most High, said to the angels:397 ‘Pick out two angels, so that we can send them down to Earth and see how the two [angels] will do. The angels said: ‘Our Lord, HArEt and MArEt!’ And so both of them were sent down to Earth, and al-Zuhara appeared to the two of them as the most beautiful woman (imra” min aRsan al-bashar).398 She came to the two of them and they asked her for her soul [i.e. they desired her] ( fa-sa ”alAhA nafsahA), and she said: ‘No! By God! Not until you accept the worship of idols.’399 The two of them said: ‘No! By God! We will never associate anything with God.’ So she went away from them. Then she returned with a baby bo y,400 whom she was carrying; and they asked her for her soul, and she said: ‘No! By God! Not until you kill this baby boy (TAbiyy).’401 And the two of them said: ‘No! By God! We will never kill him!’ So she went away and then she returned with a glass of wine (qadaR min khamr), which she was carrying. They asked her for her soul and she said: ‘No! By God! Not until you have drunk this wine.’ So they drank,402 became drunk, fornicated with her ( fa-waqa“AhA),403 and killed the boy. When the two woke up, the woman said: ‘By God! There is nothing you have not done! You both denied me it, but you did it when you were drunk!’ As a result the two had to make a choice between the punishment of this world or the next and they chose the punishment of this world. [249] al-Bayhaqc in Shu “ab al-CmAn on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The angels looked down upon this world and they saw the children of Adam being disobedient. They said: ‘Lord! How ignorant these [humans] are! How little knowledge they have of your Majesty!’ God, may He be praised and glorified said: ‘If you were in their skin ( fC malAkhihim), then you would disobey me.’ They said: ‘How can this be? We worship Your praiseworthiness and we glorify You.’ He said:404 ‘Choose two angels from amongst you!’ And they chose HArEt and MArEt; then the two of them came down to earth and [the earth] roused in them human desires (shahawAt). A woman presented herself to them but they did not disobey until they fornicated with her. God said: ‘Choose between the punishment of this world or [the punishment of ]405 the next!’ And one of the two looked to his friend and said: ‘Whatever you say, I will choose.’ [The other] said: ‘I say that the punishment of this world will end, but the punishment of the next world will not end.’ So, the two chose the punishment of this world.’ The two are those two whom God mentions in His Book: ‘and that which was sent upon Babylon’s two angels . . .’ and the rest of the verse. [Q. 2:102] [250] al-lakim in al-Mustadrak and he declared it to be sound (TaRRaRahu), on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar that he used to say: ‘Has the red one406 appeared yet?’ When he saw it, he said: ‘It is not welcome.’407 Then he said: ‘Two angels from amongst the angels, HArEt and MArEt, asked God if they could go down to earth. So [HArEt and MArEt]408 went down to earth, and judged the people. When it was evening, they would say some words and they would ascend to heaven by saying it.

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[God]409 sent to them the most beautiful woman. She asked them questions about desire and she asked them questions about their souls; and they did not leave until she promised them a meeting. Then she came to them for the meeting and she said: “You two can teach me the words which allow you to ascend.” And they taught her [the word].410 She said it and ascended into heaven. She was transformed and made just as you have seen. At the very moment that the two said the word, they could not ascend, so [God] sent them [a message] that the two should choose between the punishment of the afterlife or choose the punishment of this world. One of the two said to the other: “Indeed, we should choose the punishment of his world.” ’ [251] Israq b. Rahwayh in his Musnad, ‘Abd b. lamcd in his TafsCr, Ibn Abc ’lDunya in his KitAb al-“AqEbAt, Ibn Jarcr, Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama and al-Hakim in al-Mustadrak and he declared it to be sound (TaRRaRahu), on the authority of ‘Alc b. Abc Talib; he said: This is al-Zuhara: the Arabs call her al-Zuhara and the Persians call her AnahCd.411 The two angels passed verdicts on the people [of Earth]. She came to the two of them, and they saw her.412 Al-Zuhara said to the two: ‘Will the two of you not tell me how you go up to heaven and how you come down to earth?’ (And the two used to say ‘In the name of God, the Greatest.’)413 She said: ‘I will not leave you both414 until you teach it to me.’ One of the two said to his companion: ‘Teach it to her!’ The [other angel] said: ‘How severe God’s punishment will be for us!’ The [other angel] said: ‘We will hope in the great abundance of God[’s mercy]!415’ So [one of the angels] taught it to her; she said it and she flew to heaven. An angel of heaven was terrified by her ascent; so he bowed his head and did not sit down afterwards; God transformed her and she became a star. [252] Ibn Rahwayh and Ibn Mardawayh in his TafsCr on the authority of ‘Alc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God cursed al-Zuhara, for it was she who seduced the two angels HArEt and MArEt. [253] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The people of the lowest heaven looked down on the [people of ]416 Earth and they saw them acting disobediently, so they said: ‘Lord, the people of Earth are acting disobediently.’ God, may He be praised and glorified, said: ‘You are with me, but they are hidden from me.’ And it was asked of them: ‘Choose three of you.’417 So they chose three from them on the condition that they came down to earth and judged between the people of earth. Human desire would be aroused in them, but they were ordered that they could not drink wine, that they could not kill anyone, that they could not fornicate, and that they could not prostrate themselves before idols. And from them was one that wished to be released [from this task], and he asked and two were sent down to the earth. The most beautiful woman came to the two of them, and said she was called AnahCd, and the two together fell in love with her. Then the two came to her house, they met with her and they wanted her. She said [to them]:418 ‘Not until you drink my wine, kill my neighbour’s son

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and bow down before my idols (wathannC).’ The two of them said: ‘We will not bow down [to your idols].’ Then the two drank the wine, killed [the boy], then bowed down [before the idols]. The angels in heaven were looking down at them both, when she said to them: ‘Tell me the word which, when you both say it, the two of you can fly away.’ And they told her,419 and she flew away. She was then turned into a live coal, and this is al-Zuhara. As for the two, Solomon, son of David, sent for them, and they had to make a choice between the punishment of this world and the [punishment of the]420 next. They chose the punishment of this world and they are suspended between heaven and earth. [254] Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, al-lakim, and he declared it to be sound (TaRRaRahu) and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: When the people after Adam started to do what they were doing, and began to be disobedient and to not believe in God, the angels in Heaven said: ‘The Lord of This World, when you created them; you only created them to worship you and to obey you, but they have now started to do what they are doing, committing unbelief, committing suicide, eating unlawful food, fornicating, stealing and drinking wine; they have begun to curse each other, and they do not circumcise themselves.’ (Some say that they had been led astray and then did not circumcise themselves). And it was said to them: ‘Choose from amongst you the two best angels and I will give the two of them of them a task; and I will prohibit the two of them [from doing certain things].’ And they chose HArEt and MArEt. So the two of them were sent down to Earth and the desires of the sons of Adam were aroused in them. [God] ordered the two that they should serve Him and not associate anything with Him. He banned them from killing prohibited individuals, from eating prohibited foods and from fornicating, stealing and drinking wine. The two remained on the Earth for a time ruling the people with justice. This was during the time of Enoch.421 And at that time there was a woman, who was the most beautiful woman, just as the beauty of Venus is amongst the rest of the stars. The two of them came to her, spoke softly to her,422 and they wanted her desperately;423 but she refused unless the two took her orders and her faith. So the two asked her about her faith and she brought out to them an idol and said: ‘This is what I worship.’ And the two said: ‘There is no need for us to worship this.’ So they went and stayed away424 for a while. Then the two came to her and they wanted her desperately,425 [but she said as she had said before, so they went away. Then they came to her [again] and they wanted her on her own,]426 and when she saw that they refused to worship the idol, she said to the two of them: ‘Choose one of the three faults (khilAl ):427 worshiping this idol, killing this person, or drinking wine.’ And the two said: ‘None of these are right, but the least contemptible of the three is the drinking of the wine.’ So they drank the wine, and she took the wine from them both and they fornicated with the woman. The two then feared that the man428 would reveal what they had done, so they killed him. When the drunkenness lifted from them and they realized what sin they had done, they wanted to go up to heaven; but they could

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not, as it had been made inaccessible to them.429 And the cover that was between the two of them and between the people of heaven was lifted,430 and the angels looked down at what had come to pass. They wondered with great wonder and they came to understand that whoever is hidden [from God], is the one with less fear. After that they began to ask for forgiveness for whoever was on the earth. It was said to the two of them: ‘Choose431 between the punishment of this world and the punishment of the next.’ The two said: ‘As for the punishment of this world, it will come to an end and it will pass. As for the pain of the next world, it will not come to an end.’ So they chose the punishment of this world. The two stayed in Babylon and they were punished. [255] Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Mujahid; he said: I was camping with ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar during a journey, when, one night, he said to his servant: ‘Look the red one has risen. There is no welcome in it, nor any greeting; God does not give life to it; it is the friend (TARib) of the two angels. The angels said: ‘Lord, how can you ignore the disobedience of the sons of Adam, while they are shedding blood unlawfully, violating your prohibitions and spreading corruption in the land?’ He said: ‘Indeed, I have put them to test; perhaps if I tested you in the same way as I have tested them, you would do as they have done.’ They said: ‘No!’ He said: ‘Choose two from the best of you.’ So they chose HArEt and MArEt. He said to the two of them, ‘I [am going to permit] your going down to earth. I am going to make you swear that you will not associate [anything with Me], that you will not fornicate and that you will not act treacherously. So they came down to earth and lust overwhelmed them both. Al-Zuhara came down to them, in the form of a most beautiful woman, and paraded herself in front of them, and they wanted432 her desperately. She said: ‘Regarding faith, it is not right for anyone to come to me, without them being the same [religion as me].’ The two said: ‘What is your faith?’ She said: ‘Zoroastrianism (majEsiyya).’ The two said: ‘This is idolatry.433 We cannot associate ourselves with it.’ So she left them for a period of time. Then she came up to them, and they wanted her by herself. She said: ‘What you wish is only [the right of ] a husband of mine. I would not like it if [someone] were to catch sight of me doing this; [as] this [would cause me] to be dishonoured.434 If you two profess my faith to me and you promise that you will take me up to heaven, then I will do it.’ So they professed her faith to her, and they came to her [whilst she was in the form that] they saw; then the two took her up to heaven, and when they got to heaven, she grabbed them and cut off their wings, and the two fell [down to Earth] frightened, remorseful, and crying. There was a prophet on Earth, who spent his time in personal devotion from one Friday to the next, and on Friday his prayers would be answered. The two said: ‘We should go to someone, and ask him to teach us [how to] repent. And they came to him, he said: ‘May God have mercy upon you both!’ How can inhabitants from the earth teach an angel?!’ And they said: ‘Indeed, we have been put to the test.’ He said: ‘Come to me on Friday.’ So they came to him and he said: ‘I have nothing to say to you. Come to me on the following Friday!’ So

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they came to him, and he said: ‘Choose! Indeed, you must choose if you want to be released from the earth and [receive] the punishment of the afterlife; or if you want the punishment of this life, the judgement of God will be upon you both on the Day of Resurrection.’ One of the two said: ‘This world will only last a short time.’ And the other one said: ‘Woe unto you! I have obeyed you from the beginning, so I will obey you now.’ So the two chose the pain of this world. This story can be enhanced by many other chains of transmission (Uuruq);435 the RAfiV Ibn lajar collected them into a single section and he said in his book al-Qawl al-musaddad f C-’l-dhabb “an musnad ARmad, that anyone who had concerns about [the story], could attest with certainty to the veracity of this story, because of the many different chains of transmission and the strength of their sources.436 He said that he had studied a portion of these, which Armad had compiled, and he mentioned over ten different chains of transmission; and [Ibn lajar said:] I collected the different chains of transmission from exegeses and I reckoned them to amount to some twenty-odd chains.

What is said about the SakCna (peace be upon him)437 [295] al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU on the authority of ‘Alc (may God be pleased with him); he said: When the pious (TAliREn) are mentioned, be quick to mention ‘Umar. We, the Companions of Murammad, did not think it unlikely that the SakCna articulated itself on the tongue of ‘Umar (may God be pleased with him). Ibn al-Athcr said in al-NihAya: The SakCna is an angel. [296] al-oabaranc on the authority of Usayd b. ludayr that he came to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) and he said: ‘Messenger of God, yesterday while I was reciting SErat al-Kahf,438 something came and covered my mouth.’ The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘That is the SakCna. It came to hear the Qur’an.’439 [297] al-oabaranc on the authority of Abe Salama; he said: When Usayd b. luqayr al-Antarc was praying, [he said],440 at night; [Usayd said]: Suddenly [something] like a cloud covered me, and in it were things like lights. [My] wife was sleeping beside me and she was pregnant. [My] horse was tethered in the courtyard and I feared that the horse441 would bolt away. [My] wife was terrified and she delivered her child; so I concluded my prayers.’ So [the Prophet] said: ‘Recite, Usayd! That was an angel listening to the Qur’an.’442

What is said about the Noble Watching Scribes (peace be upon them) God, [Most High,]443 said: ‘yet there are over you watchers noble, writers who know whatever you do.’ [Q. 82:10] And the Most High said: ‘When the two angels meet together, sitting one on the right, and one of the left, not a word he utters, but by him an observer is ready.’ [Q. 50.17]

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[312] Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Ibn alMubarak on the authority of Ibn Jurayj; he said: [There are] two angels. One of them, which writes down [good actions, is on [a person’s] right, and an angel on his left, which writes down sins. The one which is on his right records [actions committed,]444 without a testimony (bi-ghayr shahAda) from his companion. The one, which is on his left, only records [actions committed] with the testimony of his companion. If he is sitting down (qa “ada), one of the two is on his right and the other is on his left. If he is walking, one of them is in front of him, and the other is behind him. If he is sleeping, one of them is by his head, and the other is at his feet. Ibn al-Mubarak said: Five angels are responsible for him; two angels during the night; two angels during the day. The two come and go. The fifth angel does not leave, neither at night nor day. [313] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Qatada concerning the Word of God: ‘He sends recorders.’ [Q. 6:60] He said: They record against you your livelihood, your deeds and your time [of death]. When you die (tawaffayta), that [record] is taken to your Lord. [314] Ibn Abc Zamancn in al-Sunna on the authority of al-lasan; he said: There are four Scribes, who take turns to follow [an individual]; two angels at night and two angels during the day. These four angels come together at the dawn prayer (TalAt al-fajr); His Word says: ‘surely the recital of dawn is witnessed.’ [Q. 17:78] [315] Malik, al-Bukharc, Muslim, al-Nasa’ c and Ibn libban on the authority of Abe Hurayra, [may God be pleased with him],445 that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Angels follow ( yuta“AqqabEna) you at night, and angels [follow you] during the day. They come together at the dawn and afternoon prayers (TalAt al-“aTr). Then those which spent the night with you ascend,446 and their Lord (and He is the Most Wise) asks them: ‘How did you leave My servants?’ And they say: ‘We left them while they were praying, and we came to them while they were praying.’ Ibn libban said: In this report is the clearness of light, that the angels of the night only descend, when people are performing the afternoon prayer, and at that time, the angels of the day ascend; this is contrary to those who argue that the angels of the night descend after the setting of the sun. [316] Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas concerning His Word, [Most High]447: ‘he has attendant angels’ [Q. 13:11] He said: They are the angels who follow, night and day; they write [things] down about a son of Adam. [317] Ibn Jarcr and Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Mujahid concerning His Word: ‘he has attendant angels’ [Q. 13:11] He said: [They are] the Scribes (al-RufaVa). [318] Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Mujahid concerning His Word: ‘he has attendant angels’ [Q. 13:11] He said: The angels alternate (ta“Aqabba) between day and night.

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[319] And I heard that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘They gather around you during the afternoon prayer (al-aTr) and the morning prayer (TalAt al-TubR).’ Concerning His Word: ‘in front of him and behind him’ [Q. 13:11] He said: this is the same as His Word: ‘one on the right, and one of the left’ [Q. 50:17] [The angel of ] good deeds is in front of him and [the angel of] sins is behind him. The one on his right writes down the good deeds and the one on his left writes down the sins. The one on his right writes down without the testimony of the one on his left; but the one on his left does not write [anything] without the testimony of the one on his right. If he is walking, one of them is in front of him, and the other is behind him; if he is sitting, one of them is on his right and the other is on his left; if he is sleeping, one is by his head and the other is at his feet. It is in His Word: ‘watching over him at God’s command.’ [Q. 13:11] He said: they observe him. [320] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Aua’, concerning His Word: ‘he has attendant angels’ [Q. 13:11] He said: They are the Noble Scribes. The watching of [an individual] is [a decree] from God concerning the sons of Adam, they are ordered by Him. [321] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Mujahid, concerning His Word, [Most High]450: ‘When the two angels meet together, sitting one on the right, and one of the left.’ [Q. 50:17] He said: There are two angels with [every]451 person: one angel on his right and another on his left. As for the one on his right, it writes down the good (al-khayr); the one on his left (shimAl) writes down the bad (al-sharr). [322] al-Daylamc on the authority of Mu‘adh b. Jabal; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God was kindly towards the two watching angels, so he sat them both on the two molars (al-nAjadhayn). He made [the person’s] tongue their pen (qalam) and his spit their ink (midAd ). [323] Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Mujahid; he said: The name of the scribe of misdeeds is Qa“Cd.452 [324] Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas concerning His Word, [Most High]453: ‘not a word he utters, but by him an observer is ready.’ [Q. 50:17] He said: [The Scribe] writes down everything that [the person] talks about, good and bad (khayr aw sharr). He even writes down him saying: ‘I have eaten, I have drunk, I have been, I have gone, I have seen’; [he does this] until it is Thursday, when he turns his attention (“araQa) to what he says and what he does. [The angel] records (aqarra) against him both what was good and bad, and sends reports about his companion (sA ”ir) [to God]. [325] Ibn Abc Shayba, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Ibn Mardawayh and al-lakim, who judged it to be sound (TaRRaRahu), on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, concerning His Word, ‘not a word he utters, but by him an observer is ready.’ [Q. 50:17] He said: They write down the good and the bad. They do not write down [words such as]: ‘Slave (ghulAm), saddle the horse!’ or ‘Slave, give me some water to drink!’

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[326] Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of ‘Ikrima; he said: They do not write,454 except [actions] that reward him and strengthen him. [327] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in al-Tawba on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: The Scribe of good deeds is on his right, and the Scribe of sins is on his left. When he does a good deed, the one on the right writes it down ten times. When he does a sinful act, the one on the right says to the one on the left: ‘Leave him until he praises God or asks for forgiveness.’ When Thursday comes, he writes down what he did, good and bad; and he reports exactly as it happened. Then it is handed over to the Umm al-KitAb,455 everything about him is found in it. [328] Ibn Abc Shayba and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of lassan b. ‘Auiyya; he said: Once a man was riding a donkey, when suddenly it stumbled (“athara); and he said: ‘I have fallen.’ The companion on the right said: ‘That is a good deed!’ So he wrote it down, but the companion on the left said: ‘That is a sin!’ and wrote it down. The companion on the left was called away; the companion on the right did not leave, and wrote it down. [329] Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Mujahid; he said: He writes down against a son of Adam everything that he says, even the groans of illness (anCnihi f C ’l-maraQ). [330] Al-Khaucb in RuwAt MAlik on the authority of Malik, that he heard that everything was written down, even the groans of an ill man (anCn al-marCQ ). [331] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: God has made two Scribes [responsible] for a son of Adam at night, and two Scribes during the day. They record his deeds, and write down his report. [332]456 Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in al-Namt on the authority of ‘Alc; he said: The human’s tongue is the angel’s pen (qalam), and his spit his ink (midAd ). [333] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of al-Arnaf b. Qays concerning His Word, [Most High]457: ‘sitting one on the right, and one of the left’ [Q. 50:17] He said: The companion on the right writes down the good things, and he has command (wa-huwa al-amCr) over the companion on the left. If the servant happens to sin, he says: ‘Stop! If he seeks forgiveness from God, Most High, leave writing it.’ And he continues to insist on writing it down. [334] Abe ’l-Shaykh in his TafsCr on the authority of lassan b. ‘Auiyya; he said: A group was holding discussion, amongst whom were Makrel and Ibn Abc Zakariyya, in which it was [said] that the servant, when he does a sinful act, it is not written against him for three hours, so that he can seek forgiveness [for it], and then it is not written down against him. [335] al-oabaranc and Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya on the authority of Abe Umama; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The companion on the left keeps the pen up for six hours for a Muslim servant

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who has committed a sin. If he repents and seeks forgiveness from God, Most High, then he casts it away from him; otherwise writes it once. [336] al-oabaranc, Ibn Mardawayh and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of Abe Umama; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The companion on the right has command (amCr) over the companion on the left. If a servant does a good act, he writes it down ten times. If he does a sinful act, the companion on the left wants to write it down, [but] the companion on the right says: ‘Leave it!’ And he leaves it for six hours, or seven hours. If [the person] seeks forgiveness for it from God, Most High, [the angel] does not write anything down against him; but if he does not seek forgiveness from God, he writes down the sinful act once. [337] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of al-Faql458 b. ‘hsa; he said: When the man is brought into the presence [of God] (iRtaQara), it is said to the angel that used to write down [his actions]: ‘Stop!’ He said: ‘I do not know – perhaps he might say “There is no God but God.” [In which I case] I would write it down for him [as a good action].’ [338] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and al-lakim on the authority of ‘Uqba b. ‘fmir; he said: The first to know about the death of a servant is the Scribe because it ascends with his deeds and descends with his livelihood (rizq); when the livelihood (rizq) is not given out to him, he knows that he is going to die. [339] Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) told me: The Angel raises the actions of [his] servant [to heaven], seeing the joy that will come to him ( fC yadayhC sarEran),459 when the appointed time (al-mCqAt)460 comes that God has proscribed for him (waTafa AllAh lahu), and He finishes his actions. The Almighty (al-JabbAr), may He be praised and glorified, calls to him, from above: ‘Put what is with you into the Book (al-SijjCn).’ The angel says: ‘I have not brought anything up to you, except the truth.’ [God] says: ‘You are right. ‘Put what is with you into the Book (al-SijjCn).’461 [340] al-oabaranc on the authority of Abe Malik al-Ash‘arc; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When a son of Adam sleeps, the angel says to the devil:462 ‘Give me your book!’ So he gives it to him. And for [every] good deed he finds in his book, he wipes out ten sins in the devil’s book, and he writes them down as good deeds. When one of you wants to sleep, you should say ‘God is great (AllAhu akbar)!’ thirty three times, ‘Praise be to God (al-Ramd li’llAh)!’ thirty four times; and ‘I worship God (subRAn AllAh)!’ thirty three times. That makes a hundred.463 [341] Armad in al-Zuhd on the authority of Salman al-Farisc; he said: a man said, ‘Praise be to God!’ many times, and the angel that wrote them down, multiplying them (a“VamahA) to such an extent that his Lord responded to them. [The angel] said: ‘I just wrote down what my servant said many times.’

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[342] ‘Abd Allah in his ZuwA ”id and al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlasa on the authority of Abe ‘Imran al-Jenc; he said: I heard that the angel credits in his book in this world’s sky every evening after the evening (“aTr) prayers, and the angel calls out: ‘Report on that page!’ The other angel calls out: ‘Report on that page.’ They say: ‘Our Lord! They have said good things and we have recorded them for them.’ And He says: ‘They do not seek my presence in [their actions], and I will not be near [anyone] save those who seek my presence in [their actions].’ And the other angel calls out: ‘I have written against so-and-so such-and-such.’ And [the angel] says: ‘Lord, he did not do it!’ Lord he did not do it! And he says [that] because he is his enemy. [343] Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd, Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in al-IkhlAT, and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of kamra b. labcb; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The angels ascended with the deeds of one of the servants of God, and they enlarged it, and increased it ( yazkEnahu) until464 it reached the place where God wills His power. Then God revealed to them, [saying]: You have watched over the deeds of my servant, but I have observed (anA raqCb) what he has said in his soul (mA f C nafsihi). This servant of mine has not been devoted ( yukhliTu) to me in his actions. Record [that] in the Book of the Unrighteous (al-SijjCn). And the angels ascended with the deeds of one of the servants of God, and they thought little of it ( yastaqillEna), and thought it contemptible ( yastaRqirEnahu) until it reached the place where God wills His power. Then God revealed to them, [saying]: You have watched over the deeds of my servant, but I have observed (anA raqCb) what he has said in his soul (mA fC nafsihi), and you should magnify it (QA “ifEhu) and him. Record [that] in the Book of the Righteous (“IlliyyEn).’ [344] al-Daylamc on the authority of ‘Alc in a Prophetic tradition (marfE“an): He reveals to the Watchers: ‘Do not write anything against my servant [while he is] in anger (“ind al-Qajar).’ [345] Ibn Abc Shayba in al-MuTannaf and al-Bayhaqc in Shu “ab al-CmAn on the authority of Mu‘adh; he said: When God puts a servant to the test (ibtAla)465 during an illness; he says to the companion on the left: ‘Go up!’ And he says to the companion on the right: ‘Write down for my servant, the good deeds that he used to do normally.’ [346] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and al-Bayhaqc on the authority of Abe Hurayra; he said: When a Muslim is ill (maraQa), [God] calls out to the companion on the right; [saying:] ‘Reward my servant with [the] right [actions] that he used to do.’ And it is said to the companion on the left, ‘Hold back from my servant what [bad actions he commits] when [he is] in my chains.’ [347] Armad, Ibn Abc Shayba and al-Bayhaqc on the authority of Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When God puts a Muslim servant to the test with some bodily affliction (bi-balA” fC jasadihi ), God says to the angel: ‘Write for him his good deeds that he used to

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do. If he is cured, wash him and cleanse him; and if [the illness] takes him, then seek forgiveness for him and have mercy upon him.’ [348] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Hajjaj b. Dcnar; he said: I said to Abe Ma‘shar,466 ‘How do the angels record details of when a man who remembers God in his soul?’ He said: ‘They come across [its] smell (al-rCR).’467 [349] al-Tirmidhc, and he declared it to be fair (Rassanahu), on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When a servant tells a lie, the angel is separated from him by a mile from the stench (natn) which comes from him. [350] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of ‘Aua’ b. Yisar; he heard it on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation): When a servant is ill, God says to the noble scribes: ‘Write for my servant, as if he were doing [things] until I take him or save him.’ [351] Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Makrel; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When a servant falls ill, it is said to the companion on the left: ‘Raise your pen from him!’ And it is said to the companion on the right: ‘Write down for him the best deeds that he used to do!’ For I know about him, and I have put him in chains. [352] al-lakim and he declared it to be sound (TaRRaRahu) on the authority of Abe Umama; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When a servant is ill, God reveals to his angels: ‘I have bound my servant in some of my chains (qayd min qayEdC). If I take him, I will forgive him; if I keep him alive, during the time [of his illness], I will stop his sin [being recorded].’ [353] al-oabaranc on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar;468 he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: If a servant suffers (ishtakA), God says to his angels: ‘Write for my servant what he used to do when he was free [from pain], until it seems right for me to take him or to free him.’ [354] Ibn Abc Shayba, al-oabaranc, al-Daraquunc in al-AfrAd and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn on the authority of Ibn ‘Amr; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: No Muslim acts righteously during an affliction of the body (bi-balA” fC jasadihi ), without God ordering the Scribes, who watch him, by saying: ‘Write down for my servant every day and night what good he used to do, for as long as he is bound in my chains (withAqC ).’ [355] Armad and al-Bukharc on the authority of Abe Hurayra, [may God be pleased with him];469 he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Whenever one of you stands to pray, he should not spit in front of him; he is confiding in God, Most High, for as long as he is in his position of prayer;470 and neither [should he spit] on his right, for there is an angel on his right; he should spit on his left or under his feet.

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[356] Sa‘ cd b. Manter on the authority of Abe Hurayra; he said: Keep your two sandals on your feet or keep them in your hands. Do not place them on your right, for an angel is on your right. Do not place them on your left, for they will then be on your brother’s right. [357] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of ludhayfa; he narrated; he said: When one of you stands to perform the prayers, he should never spit in front of him, nor on his right; for on his right is the Scribe of good deeds, but he should spit on his left or behind him. [358] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Abe Sa‘ cd; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) entered the mosque with a bunch of dates in his hand – he used to love dates – and he saw some spit on the qibla,471 so he rubbed it off. Then approached the people and he said: ‘People! If one of you is standing to pray, then he is turning his face to God, and there is an angel on his right. Would one of you like it if a man faced him and spat in his face? Do not spit in front of you, in the direction of the prayer, nor on your right. He should spit under his left foot or on his left. If there is a sudden rush, then he should do this.’ Meaning in his clothes. [359] ‘Abd al-Razzaq and Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Talra b. Matraf; he said: Fiddling with stones (taqlCb al-RisA) in the mosque [causes] pain to an angel. [360] Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of ‘Abd al-‘Azcz that he said to his son, ‘Abd al-Malak, when he spat (baTaqa) on his right while he was walking (maysara): ‘You have hurt your companion, spit on your left.’ [361] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar; he said: Do not fiddle with stones during the ritual prayers, for that [habit] is from the Devil. [362] Ibn Maja and al-oabaranc on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) narrated to them: A servant from among the servants of God, [Most High],472 said: ‘Lord, to You is the praise, as it should be, according to the greatness of Your face, and to the might of Your power.’ [But this presented a problem (a “Qalat) for the the two angels, as they did not know how they should write it down. So they ascended into heaven and they said: ‘Our Lord, your servant said something, but we do not know how we should write it down.’ God, knowing what his servant had said, said: ‘What did my servant say?’ The two said: ‘Lord, he said: “Lord, to You is the praise, as it should be, according to the greatness of Your face, and to the might of Your power.” ’]473 God, Blessed and Most High, said: ‘Write it down just as my servant said, [do this] until my servant meets me, and I will reward him for it.’ [363] al-Bazzar on the authority of Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There are no two Scribes, who send up to God, Most High, [records of ] what they have witnessed during the day,

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which then [God] sees on the first page and those that follow it, regarding their seconding forgiveness, without God, Most High saying: ‘Indeed I have forgiven my servant what is between the covers of the book.’ [364] al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU on the authority of Abe Hurayra; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When one of you comes to his family,474 let him cover himself. If he does not cover himself, the angels feel embarrassed and leave, but the devils remain. If there were a boy between them, the devils would have a share (naTCb)475 in him.’ [365] al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn and he judged it to be weak (Qa ““afahu), on the authority of Abe Hurayra; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Your angels get embarrassed by you, just as someone gets embarrassed in front of two virtuous neighbours. They are both with him night and day. [366] al-Bayhaqc, and he judged it to be weak (Qa ““afahu), on the authority of Zayd b. Thabit; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Have I not forbidden you from unveiling (al-ta“arC) yourselves? Have I not forbidden you from unveiling yourselves? With you is one that never leaves you when you sleep or when you are awake, except when one of you comes to his family or when he is revealing himself. So be embarrassed in front of them and show them respect. [367] ‘Abd al-Razzaq on the authority of Mujahid; he said: An angel stays away from ( yajtanibu) people in two places, those with human excrement (“ind ghA ”itihi ) and those where sexual intercourse is taking place (“ind jamA “ihi).476 [368] al-Bazzar on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God prohibited you from unveiling yourselves. God’s angels become embarrassed; those which are with you, the Noble Scribes. They only leave you when one of these three things is present: human excrement, major ritual impurity (al-janAba), or when ritual ablution is needed (al-ghusl).477 [369] Ibn Mardawayh on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) went out at midday and he saw a man ritually washing himself in open country with earth,478 and [Murammad] praised him a great deal (athnAhu). Then he said: ‘Now then (amA ba “du): fear God! Act reverently towards the two Scribes who are with you! They never leave you, except in two circumstances: when a man is on the toilet (“alA khilA”) or when he is with his wife,479 [They do this because]480 they are noble, just as God, Most High, has named them. So you should cover yourselves because of that when you are going to the toilet behind a wall or a camel,481 so that in that act of sin ( fa-innahum bi-jaram), they do not have to look at you. [370] al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlasa on the authority of Sufyan al-Thawrc; he said: If a man finishes [memorizing] the Qur’an, the angel kisses [him] between his eyes.482

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[371] Ibn Abc Shayba in al-MuTannaf on the authority of ‘Alc b. Abc oalib; he said: Whoever uncovers his genitals (“awra),483 the angel has turned away from him. [372] [‘Abd al-Razzaq and]484 Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of ‘Aua’; he said: The angels never look when you are revealing yourself. [373] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Abe nalir al-lanafc; he said: When a man goes to bed virtuously, the angel anoints him. [374] al-Bayhaqc on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saying: When a servant is ill, the Lord says: ‘My servant is in my chains (withAqC).’ If the illness came down to him, while he was making an effort in religious devotion ( fC ijtihAd ), he says: ‘Write for him the reward, according to what he is doing in his effort of religious devotion.’ And if the illness came down at a time when he was indifferent [to his religious devotions] ( fitra minhu), He says: ‘Write down for him the reward according to what he was doing in his indifference to religious devotion.’ [375] al-oayalisc and al-Bayhaqc on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: We were with the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation), and he smiled. And we said: ‘Messenger of God, [why] did you smile?’ He said: ‘I am amazed at the believer and his anxiety about illness (suqm). If he only knew what happens during an illness, he would want to be ill until he met God!’ And he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) raised his eyes to heaven, and then he lowered them. We said: ‘Messenger of God, why did you do that?’ He said: ‘I am amazed at the two angels who come down to earth, who search for a servant at his prayers, but they do not find him. They go up to heaven, to their Lord, and they say: ‘Lord, we used to write for your believing servant, day and night, about such and such an act; we found him, but You had trapped him (Rabastahu) in Your net (RibAla). So, we did not write anything down for him.’ The Blessed and Most High said: ‘Write down for my servant what he does, by day and by night, but nothing will diminish his reward, while he is in my net, and he will be rewarded for what he used to do.’ [376] al-lakim, and he declared it to be sound (saRRaRahu) on the authority of ‘Uqba b. ‘fmir, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: There is nothing from a day’s work that is not recorded. If a believing servant is ill, the angels say: ‘Our Lord, your servant, so-and-so has secluded himself [because he is ill].’ The Lord will say: ‘Record against him, just as he used to do, until he recovers or dies.’ [377] Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn, [on the authority of Anas,]485 that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘God has made two angels responsible for a believing servant, who records his actions. When he dies, the two angels, who were responsible for him, say ‘He has died, so can we ask permission for us to go up to heaven.’ God says: ‘My heaven is filled with my angels praising me.’ So the two say: ‘Can we live on Earth, then?’ And God

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says: ‘My earth is full of my creations praising me!’ And the two said: ‘So where [shall we go]?’ So He says: ‘Watch over (qEma)486 the grave of My servant, and worship Me, and praise Me and profess your faith in Me; and write [those praises] down for my servant until the Day of Resurrection. Al-Bayhaqc said: ‘Uthman b. Mauar is unique in narrativing this RadCth [tafarrada], and there is no strength in it. Then he narrated it through another (min wajh akhar), on the authority of Anas, and he said: the isnAd is rare ( gharCb).487 [378] al-Daraquunc in al-AfrAd on the authority of Abe Sa‘ cd al-Khudrc, [may God be pleased with him];488 I heard the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) saying: ‘When God takes the soul (rER) of a servant, his two angels go up to heaven, and they say: ‘Our Lord, You have made us responsible for your believing servant. We wrote down his deeds, and now You have taken him to Yourself. And we seek your permission for us to dwell in heaven.’ And He says: ‘My heaven is full of my angels, praising me!’ And the two said: ‘We seek your permission for us to dwell on earth.’ And He says: ‘My earth is full of my creations, who praise me. So watch over (qEmA) his grave, and worship Me, praise Me, and profess your faith in Me, and record all of that for my servant until the Day of Resurrection.’ [379] Ibn al-Jawzc on the authority of Abe Bakr al-nadiq; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When a believing servant dies,489 his two angels go up to heaven, and God says to them, even though he knows: ‘What happened to you both?’ And they say: ‘Lord, You have taken Your servant.’ And He says to them: ‘Return to his grave, praise me and profess faith in me until the Day of Resurrection! Indeed, I have given him a reward. Your worship, your praise and your profession of faith in me is his reward from me.’ When an unbelieving servant dies, the two angels go up to heaven, and God, Most High, says, even though he knows: ‘What happened to you both?’ And they say: ‘Lord, you have taken your servant, [and so we have come to you].’490 And He says to them: ‘Return to his grave [and his distress]491 until the Day of Resurrection. He denied me, and renounced me; and so I have given him a punishment. I will punish him on the Day of Resurrection.’ [380] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in KitAb al-MuRtaQarCn on the authority of Wahb b. alWarad; he said: I heard that no man dies (mA min mayyit) until the two angels, who have been guarding him, have shown him the deeds that he has done in this world (al-dunyA). If their companion has been obedient to God, the two say to him: ‘May God reward you! For you have given us a good place to be ( jalCs khayran) and He gave us a righteous man to reside with, he acted righteously, and we were there to experience it; and he spoke beautiful words, and we heard them. May God, Most High, reward you for giving us a righteous place to have been!’ If their companion was not like that, and he did not do anything [in his life] for God, Most High, to gain pleasure in His heart, then the two say: ‘May God not give you a reward! For He gave us a wicked man to reside with. When he acted unrighteously, we were there to experience it, and when he spoke ugly

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words, we heard them. May God not give you a reward!’ He said: Then an individual sees death. [382] Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When a servant repents, God makes the Watchers forget his sin. [383] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Sammawayh and al-oabaranc on the authority of Abe Ayyeb; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘How good are those that clean food from their teeth (al-mutakhallilEn),492 as part of the ritual cleansing (bi’l-wuQE”). The takhlCl of the ritual purification (al-wuQE”) is achieved by washing the mouth out with water (al-maQmaQa)493 and by drawing water into the nose (al-istinshAq) and [pouring water] through the hands. As for the takhlCl of food, it is done to remove food because the two angels find it very hard when they see some food between the teeth of their companion when he is performing the ritual prayers.’ [384] Abe Nu‘aym in al-Oibb on the authority of Jabir that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘How good are those that clean food from their teeth (al-mutakhallilEn)! You should clean your teeth of food, when you have eaten. There is nothing harder for the two angels than seeing a believer performing the ritual prayers, while there is a morsel of food in the mouth [of their companion].494 [385] Abe Nu‘aym in Ta”rCkh ITfaRAn on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ed; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Clean your mouths with a toothbrush (khilAl ). They are the seats of the two Noble Watching Scribes. Their ink is your saliva and their pen is your tongue. There is nothing more harmful to them than a remnant of food between the teeth. [386] al-Shcrazc in al-AlqAb on the authority of Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Whoever takes a bath (man dakhala al-RamAm) uncovered (bi-ghayr mi ”zar), the two angels curse him.495 [387] al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlasa on the authority of Isma‘ cl that Abe Uways said: We were with Sufyan b. ‘Uyayna at the end of his life in Mecca, and he related to us on the authority of Yarya b. ‘Ubayd Allah al-Taymc on the authority of his father, on the authority of Abu Hurayra, on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) that he said: God, Most High said to the angels: ‘When my servant has a good action in mind, write it down once; if he does it, write it down ten times. When my servant has a bad action in mind, do not write it down; if he does it, write it down once.’ Then a man said: ‘Abe Murammad, do the two [angels]496 know about what is hidden?’ He said: ‘The two angels do not know about hidden things, but when a servant intends to do a good action, he gives off the fragrance of musk, so the two know that he intended to do a good action; if he intends to do a bad action, he gives off the smell of decay, so the two angels know that he was intending to do a bad action.’

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[388] al-Dcnawarc on the authority of Ibn al-Mubarak; he said: I heard that there is no son of Adam without five angels being with him: one on his right, one on his left, one behind him, one in front of him and one above him, which drives away from him whatever comes down from above or from the sky (al-hawA”). [389] al-Dcnawarc on the authority of Sufyan b. ‘Uyayna concerning His Word, Most High: ‘but by an observer ready.’ [Q. 50:18] He said: the two angels are between a person’s two canines (nAbay al-insAn).’ Armad said: ‘You never hear a man of knowledge (al-rajul min al-“ilm) without these two angels [saying] much.’ [390] al-Daylamc on the authority of Abe ’l-Darda’; he said: the Messenger of God (blessings and peace be upon him) said: ‘Stay kneeling down (Rabs al-rak “atayn) after sunset prayers, it delights the two angels.’ [391] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Kanana al-‘Aduwc; he said: ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan went into the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) and he said: ‘Messenger of God, tell me how many angels are with a servant.’ He said: ‘An angel is on your right for your good deeds, and he has responsibility over the one on the left. When you do a good action, he writes it down ten times, when you do a bad action, the one on the left says to the one on the right: ‘Should I write it down?’ He says: ‘No, perhaps he might seek forgiveness from God, and God would forgive him [for it].’ When [the angel] has asked for the third time. [The Angel of Good Deeds] says: ‘Yes, God has given us permission to leave him [now], so may he be cursed for his neglect of thinking about God, Most High, and for his lack of modesty!’ God, Most High, said: ‘not a word he utters but by an observer ready.’ [Q. 50:18] [There are] two angels, one in front of you and one behind you: God, Most High said: ‘he has attendant angels, before him and behind him, watching over him by God’s command.’ [Q. 13:11] And [there is] an angel holding your forehead; when you act humbly towards God, he raises you; and when you show yourself proud over God, he beats you. [There are] two angels on your lips. They do not record anything against you except the prayer over Muhammad: God bless him and grant him salvation. [There is] an angel standing over your mouth, that prevents a snake from entering it; and [there are] two angels on your eyes. These ten angels are on every human, the angels of night come down to the angels of day because the angels of night are the same [number] as the angels of the day. These twenty angels are on every human. [392] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Firyabc, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas concerning His Word, Most High: ‘he has attendant angels’ [Q. 13:11] He said: The angels protect him: in front of him, and behind him. When the ordained moment (al-qadar) comes to him, they leave him. [393] Ibn Jarcr, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ibrahcm concerning His Word: ‘watching over him by God’s command.’ [Q. 13:11]: He said: ‘From jinn.’

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[394] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Mujahid; he said: ‘There is no servant without an angel responsible who protects him while he sleeps ( fC nawmihi ), and who protect him from jinn, humans and animals beating ( yuqiVu) him. None of these things can come to him if it wanted, with the angels saying ‘You are protected.’497 [This happens] unless something has been given permission [to attack the person] by God, Most High. [In which case], it hits him. [395] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Abe Majalaz; he said: A man from Murad came to ‘Alc and said: ‘Beware! A man from Murad498 wants to kill you.’ He said: ‘Every man has two angels who protect him, from what has been ordained [that he should be protected from]. When the ordained moment comes, they open the way for it [to happen]. [396] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Abe Usama;499 he said: There is no human without an angel being with him, who protects him until he is handed over intact to the One who has authority over him. [397] Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of al-Suddc concerning His Word, [Most High]:500 ‘he has attendant angels’ [Q. 13:11] [and the rest of the verse; he said: There is no servant without attendants]501 from amongst the angels [with him].502 Two angels are with him during the day. When night comes, they go up [to heaven]. Two angels follow the two of them, and they are with him at night until morning. They guard him, both in front of him and behind him. Nothing hits him, that has not been prescribed ( yaktabu) for him. If one of these [events] comes to him, they drive it away from him. Have you not seen someone pass by a wall, when it seemed it might have fallen down? When the Book [announcing the person’s death] comes, they then open the way for what has been prescribed for him. They are commanded by God, and He commands them to protect him. [398]503 Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, that he used to recite: ‘he has attendant angels, before him and guardians behind him, watching over him by God’s command.’ [Q.13:11] (lahu mu “aqqibAt min bayn yadayhi wa ruqbA” min khalifihi ) [399] Ibn Jarcr on the authority of Qatada; he said according to the reading of Abe b. Ka‘b [the verse reads]: ‘he has attendant angels, before him and a guardian behind him, watching over him by God’s command.’ [Q. 13:11] (lahu mu“aqqibAt min bayn yadayhi wa raqCb min khalifihi ) [400] Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Abc latim on the authority of al-Jared b. Abc Sabra;504 he said: Ibn ‘Abbas hear me recite: ‘he has attendant angels, before him and behind him . . .’ [Q. 13:11] He said: [the word raqCb] is not there [in the verse] (hunAk): ‘he has attendant angels, before him and a guardian (raqCb) behind him . . .’ [Q. 13:11] [401] Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of ‘Alc concerning His Word: ‘he has attendant angels, before him and behind him, watching over him by God’s command.’ [Q. 13:11] He said: There is no servant without angels

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with him, who protect him from a wall falling on him, or from falling down wells, or from a lion (sabu“) eating him, or from drowning, or from being burned. When the decree comes, they open the way for the ordained event [al-qadar].505 (khalE baynihi wa-bayn al-qadar) [402] Abe Da’ed in KitAb al-Qadar, Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Ibn ‘Asakir on the authority of ‘Alc b. Abc oalib [may God be pleased with him];506 he said: Every servant has guardians (RufaVa), who protect him. A wall does not fall down on top of him, he does not fall down a well, and an animal does not hit him until his time (al-qadar) has come. Then the guardians leave him, so that whatever God has willed should hit him, hits him. [403] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in MakAyid al-ShayUAn and al-oabaranc in al-MA’itayn on the authority of Abe Umama, [may God be pleased with him];507 he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Three hundred and sixty angels are responsible for a believer. They drive away anything that He has not ordained for him. From these, there are seven angels who drive [these things] away from his eyes (baTar), just as one drives away flies from a bowl of honey on a summer’s day. If it could be shown to you, you would see [devils] on every plain and hill, all of them stretching out their hands to you, opening the mouths. If [God] had not made the [angelic] servant responsible for his soul, in the blink of an eye, the devils (shayUAn) would take him. [404] Ibn Jarcr and Abe ’l-Shaykh on the authority of Ka‘ b; he said: If a man could free himself of the way in which he sees the world,508 then he would see a devil (shayUAn) on every plain and mountain, each one stretching out its hand to him, opening its mouth to him, wanting to destroy him. [And that would happen], if God had not made angels responsible for you, who drive away [the devils] from you: from in front of you, from behind you, from your right and from your left, as surely as you are captivated by a flame.509 [405] Ibn Abc Shayba on the authority of Khaythama; he said: The angels said: ‘Lord, your faithful servant; this world is retiring from him, and it presented him with a [life of ] great trial (al-balA”).’ So, He said to the angels: ‘Show [the people] his reward. If they see his reward, they may say, ‘‘[O Lord!]510 he has not been disadvantaged ( yaQurru) by what has happened to him in this world.” ’ [Khaythama] said: [the angels] said:511 ‘Your unbelieving servant, the great trial has been [far] less for him, and this world was pleasant for him.’ So, He said to the angels: ‘Show [the people] his reward. If they see his reward, they may say: ‘Lord, he cannot not make use of what he has obtained in this world, [in the next].’ [406]512 ‘Abd Allah b. Armad in ZuwA ”id al-Zuhd on the authority of Nawf al-Bakalc; he said: A believer and an unbeliever went off fishing, and the unbeliever started to use his net, mentioning his gods (Alihatahu), and [the net] filled up. So the believer began to use [his net], mentioning the name of God, but nothing happened. So that happened again and again ( yu“Awidu) until the sun

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had set (ilA maghayyab al-shams). Then the believer caught a fish, he grabbed it in his hand, but it thrashed about (iQUaraba) and fell into the water. So the believer went back without anything, and the unbeliever returned with his net filled. [The believer’s angel was deeply saddened by this, so said to God: ‘Lord! This believing servant of yours has returned without anything with him, but this unbelieving servant of yours has returned, with his net filled.’]513 God said to the believer’s angel: ‘You should support him!’ And [God] showed [the angel] the place where the believer will be in the Garden, and [God] said: ‘My servant will not be disadvantaged ( yaQurru) by what has happened to him [on Earth], when he arrives in this place.’ And then God showed [the angel] the place where the unbeliever will be in the Fire, and [God] said: ‘Will he be able to profit from what he has got in this world?’ [The angel] said: ‘No. By God! O Lord!’

PART IV

Conclusions

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Angels in Islam and Islamic angelology

Discussions about the supernatural world will inevitably lead to some confusion: for, whilst most people have some idea of what constitutes material things, such as a chair or a table, the supernatural world is, by its very nature, essentially unknown and mysterious (gharCb). Some postmodernists may question the extent to which a group of individuals share similar ideas about the nature of material objects and concepts, but, by and large, most people would know what a table was when they encountered one, and would be able to agree with others to establish what qualities of ‘table-ness’ constitute a table. The same is not the case for angels. If Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik shows anything, it highlights the extreme fluidity of beliefs and images about angels found in Islam. A similar situation is found in Judaism and Christianity, and is likely to be found in other religious traditions. Angels and the heavenly world provide a particularly fertile environment for a proliferation of imagery and beliefs. The theological tradition of Islam has strong concerns with describing God as a physical or personal being, having attributes such as speech and hearing. The description of such attributes was also at the heart of many of the controversies in kalAm.1 The debate about the created and uncreated Qur’an centred around what God’s attribute of ‘speech’ implied; if God speaks, and the Qur’an is God’s word, then the Qur’an must, like God, be uncreated and eternal.2 Whilst some Muslim theologians were happy to accept anthropomorphic images of God, such beliefs were accompanied by the phrase ‘bi-lA kayfa’ (‘however it may be’).3 Beliefs about angels are, however, completely free from such restrictions. Angels can be described as they have form. The angels are created beings, not the creator; so it is possible to talk about them, just as any other created thing. This, however, creates something of a problem: whilst it is possible to discuss angels as having form and certain characteristics, how can the supramundane, supernatural world of heaven actually be described? The RadCth in Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik illustrate that angels are described in a number of different ways. Reading the RadCth literature about angels is something of a liberating experience, as there are few restrictions on how angels can be portrayed. If an artist, for example, wants to give an angel some wings, they can take a range of forms, numbers, or colours, and so on. The RadCth act

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in much the same way, with some stating that angels have two wings (§743), some believing angels have twelve wings (§744), and yet more giving the angels hundreds of wings (§675). Even the way in which such ideas are articulated can vary from one text to another: for example, Gabriel is often described as having six hundred wings (sitt mC ”a),4 but in al-Qazwcnc’s “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, a RadCth is included which says that Gabriel ‘has six wings, and on each of them are a hundred wings’.5 Both RadCth contain the idea that Gabriel has six hundred wings, but the latter is more specific in its description. As a reader, it is necessary to be aware of such subtleties as they often allude to an underlying theological statement. It may not always be possible to find a solution to a question that a text raises, but in many cases they are worth pursuing. Take, for example, the RadCth about Gabriel in al-Qazwcnc’s “FjA ”ib almakhlEqAt seen above: why does the RadCth use the phrasing ‘he has six wings, and on each of them are a hundred wings’? The fact that the RadCth describes the six hundred wings in such an odd way, and that this phrasing is not common, raises questions. Perhaps, and this is straying into conjecture, the text wishes to maintain some harmony with the reference to wings in Q. 35:1, ‘. . . having wings two, three and four, increasing creation as He wills.’ The final phrase, ‘yazCdu fC’l-khalqi mA yushA ”u’ is often the place where exegetes refer to Gabriel’s six hundred wings. 6 Whereas most versions of this RadCth assume that the increase is to the total number of wings that an angel has, the “AjA ”ib version implies that it is the individual wings that are increased. This is a subtle, but important difference, because the angel still has the six wings (‘three pairs’),7 mentioned in Q. 35:1, making the Qazwcnc version an elegant finesse of two competing ideas. However, it is not always possible to establish harmony between different beliefs about angels. For example, the RadCth provide conflicting accounts regarding which angels are stationed around God’s Throne. One RadCth (§178) states that God’s Throne is surrounded by a veil, protected by the angel MCUAUrEsh (Metatron); others describe God’s Throne in kingly imagery, with Throne Bearers (§179–209); yet, others refer to the cherubim (§490–1). Even the RadCth on one specific angel or group of angels often conflict. Is IsrAfCl one the Bearers of the Throne, or underneath the Throne in a separate heaven? Do the Bearers of the Throne look like goats, or have four faces? Do each of the Bearers of the Throne have a different face, or do they each have four different faces? AlSuyeuc feels quite happy to leave such contradictions in the text: both because he does not necessarily have the ‘right’ or ability to make such judgements; and, as is more likely, such contradictions were not necessarily problematic. Islamic scholars often present all the exegetical ‘cards’ available to a reader, and leave the reader to make up his or her own mind about an issue.8 Such an approach is extremely common in al-Suyeuc’s compilations, and he often does not provide his own opinion; this is particularly evident in his al-Durr al-manthEr.9 The modern reader may find such inherent contradictions unsettling, but that was not necessarily the case in late mediaeval Cairo. Despite beliefs about angels being incredibly fluid, with wide variances between one text and another on specific details, there are, however, a number of images

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and beliefs that remain constant. It is through these constants, to which a RadCth, author, theologian, philosopher or artist adds (symbolic) imagery, that some degree of coherence is maintained. The additional imagery is often in conflict, hence the debate about whether the Bearers of the Throne look like goats or have four faces; but the underlying idea – that God’s Throne is supported by angels – is common to both ideas. These commonalities are integral to understanding angels in Islam. Certain beliefs about angels are held in common amongst the majority of Muslim reflections on them, for example: that angels are from the divine world; that they have a supernatural form; that they act on behalf of God; that they interact with humans; that they can take different forms – all of these are central tenets about angels in Islam. If one looks at different genres with more specific terms of reference, for example ‘angels in the RadCth’, you could add a common belief that angels are made of fire, and that angels have bodies; although, such beliefs are not held in Islamic peripatetic philosophy. Different genres and academic disciplines will have different core beliefs in common. It is, important, therefore to acknowledge that much of the imagery of angels is ‘superficial’, in the sense that it is added on to a basic idea of what an angel is. The ‘superficiality’ of the imagery informs, and is informed by, the theological point being made.10 The overlaying of imagery on top of a basic conception of an angel allows the tradition to maintain a sense of unity and cohesion, along with an opportunity to convey theological ideas through symbolism, allegory, and metaphor.11 As a result, it is necessary to be aware of changes in imagery and belief, as they may indicate more substantial and defining theological ideas.

ANGELS AND CROSS-CULTURAL EXCHANGE The RadCth literature reveals a complex relationship with Judeo-Christian tradition. Many scholars in the past have suggested that Islam gained many of its beliefs from Jewish and Christian thought. For example, Toufic Fahd comments: Le problem des origins étant exclu du but initial de cet exposé qui vise essentiellement l’aspect actuel sous lequel se presentment angélologie et démonologie dans la doctrine, la sociologie et le folklore de l’Islam, nous n’aurons pas à établir les rapprochements qui s’imposseront avec le judaïsme – principale source de la tradition musulmane en la matière –, le mazdéisme et le gnosticisme dans le sens le plus large du terme.12 Fahd may not have focused on the ‘sources’ of material about angels in Islam, but he does believe that Judaism acted as the principal material source for Muslim beliefs about angels. The data presented in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik shows that, whilst Jewish and Christian imagery and beliefs about angels are an important source, the relationship is not a simple borrowing.13 The RadCth show a number of inconsistencies that would suggest a far more complex movement of ideas from Judaism and Christianity into Islam. After

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being subsumed into the Qur’an and Islamic tradition, Gabriel and Michael largely retain their Jewish identities: they have similar responsibilities, their names are philologically linked and so on. The only significant difference is the primacy of Gabriel over Michael, and some of their less important roles. This, however, does not appear to be a common path that beliefs about angels took. More often than not, the name of an angel, such as IsrAfCl, is derived from a Jewish angel (probably Seraphiel), appropriated into Islamic tradition, but comes to bear little resemblance to the ‘original’ Seraphiel. IsrAfCl is an important angel, Seraphiel less so. When looking at the ways in which angels are described, resonances can be found with the Judeo-Christian tradition. The angels are described in all three Abrahamic faiths as being exceptionally large, but the ways in which this is actually articulated is different in Islamic tradition. Likewise, the RadCth describe angels wearing turbans, which is not found in Judaism or Christianity.14 The movement, then, is not simply an appropriation of other beliefs; but ways of conceiving angels and certain characteristics are shared in common with the Judeo-Christian tradition. That is not to say that there was no Jewish or Christian influence, because, undoubtedly, there was. However, there is also evidence of Muslim beliefs, such as the name of the Angel of Death being “AzrA ”Cl, coming to influence Jewish angelology.15 So, rather than the influence being unidirectional, it is clear that there was cross-cultural exchange in both directions. The RadCth material also suggests significant internal development. In his monograph, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, Saul Olyan argues that Jewish angelology exhibits a strong relationship with the Hebrew Bible, and that much of the growth in the number of angels in Judaism can be derived from exegeses of the Biblical text.16 The same is seen in Islam, where reflection on the Qur’anic text led to the development of angelology. The two Noble Watching Scribes are a good example of this. Much of the material about these angels is a direct response to verses of the Qur’an. The exegetical material, most of which is present in al-Suyeuc’s alLabA ”Ck fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, explains the function of these angels with reference to the Qur’an, making references to them made in passing clearer, and filling in lacunae. The vast majority of the angels in Islam can be associated, albeit in some cases quite imaginatively, to the Qur’anic text. The Angel of Paradise, RiQwAn, is a fitting example: the reference to riQwAn in the Qur’an (Q. 3:15) has nothing to do with an angel, but the angel grows out of the development of the verse. This reliance on the Qur’an for beliefs, images and ideas about angels is important since the Qur’an provides them with legitimacy and authority. Beliefs about angels are, naturally, also influenced by the theological and ethical worldview of the Qur’an. The Qur’an forbids nudity, and the angels react negatively to it; the Qur’an encourages the remembrance of God (dhikr), and the angels give baraka to those who remember God, and so on. The expansion of beliefs about angels in Islam is not simply a result of those verses in the Qur’an that refer to angels, but the angels come to be involved in a wide range of activity: from regulations about performance of rituals (e.g. the circumambulation of the Ka“ba), to exhortations to behaving ethically, and from the dangers of impurities, to the roles of angels in history. Angels are used throughout the RadCth literature as a

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vehicle to implement the Qur’anic worldview and to encourage Muslims to live by the principles expounded in the Qur’an. This leads on to notions of Muslim salvation history. If angels are used to act as intermediaries between God and man, they play a role in Muslim salvation history. This is articulated on two levels, both the macro and micro. Angels are involved in the great events of history: the destruction of unrighteous cities, the announcements of the births of prophets, and the instances of divine revelation; but angels are also intimately involved in the everyday lives of humans. Angels are used to watch over humans, to note down their deeds, acting as a manifestation of God’s omniscience and omnipresence; but, angels can also bring blessing (baraka), support and protection. Such support and protection is, for al-Suyeuc, a means for a Muslim to lead a better life and to gain a place in the Garden. Angels provide both a warning and a reward. The role that angels play in Muslim salvation history is clearly reliant on the Qur’anic worldview. As a result, the beliefs about angels seek to explore or illustrate the Islamic belief that the Qur’anic worldview cannot, or should not, be influenced from other religious traditions to any great extent. Influence from outside the Islamic tradition could potentially threaten the Qur’anic (and Islamic) theology, except those that are consonant with it. Whilst Islam, without doubt, was influenced by Judaism and Christianity, and whilst the Judeo-Christian tradition provided some material sources for angels in Islam, the relationship is complex. It would be misguided to think that such a simple movement of ideas from Judaism and/or Christianity to Islam could take place, without being subject to change. Similarly, there is always likely to be a strong element of internal development. If authority is derived from the Qur’an, then that link needs to be maintained. The concerns about the use of IsrA “CliyyAt material in Islam boiled down to a debate about the extent to which the use of Jewish and Christian material threatened the integrity of the Qur’an. Beliefs about angels in Islam show a sophisticated development. Judaism and Christianity appear to have provided a strong basis for essential beliefs about angels, and it is from this foundation that, through reflection and analysis of the Qur’an, the RadCth began to build an ‘Islamic angelology’ that is distinctive from its Jewish and Christian counterparts. After an initial period of appropriation of material from Judaism and Christianity, as well as Zoroastrianism, Gnosticism etc., there seems to have been a strong internal development within Islam, in which period angels that are unique to Islam emerged, such as HArEt and MArEt, IsrAfCl etc. A third stage, likely to have been later, saw the appropriation of more Jewish material, as seen with the angels MCUAUrEsh and Nadluqan. These angels are usually very rare, only appearing in collections such as al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik.

ANGELS IN ISLAM: AL-SUYjoh’S PERSPECTIVE Despite the fact that the relationship between humans and angels has a bearing on an individual’s eschatological future, al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik is quite different

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from the standard Islamic eschatological material (as well as from Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature). Traditionally, descriptions of Heaven and Hell are used as a warning, focused on the potentiality of punishment and reward. Hell is the potential future for those that do not return to the straight path, heaven is the reward for those that do. Sins and crimes in this kind of literature tend to be quite general, or when they are specific, they are major sins such as murder, kufr and so on. Crudely, these works argue: Do not [commit murder], because those who [commit murder] will be sent to the Fire; and those that do not [commit murder] will be admitted into the Garden. In contrast, al-LabA ”ik does not refer to major sins, but discusses the relationship between humans and angels at a much more basic, everyday level; and raises the question of the effects that certain human actions have on angels. The collection says that angels are present in this world and that the reader should be aware of their existence, as human actions have an effect on their behaviour and, consequently, on the reader’s eschatological future. This is a very different argument. The work appears to have been aimed at either a literate public or students, both of whom would have found al-Suyeuc’s approach of spiritual and educational benefit. The world in which al-LabA ”ik was written was in a state of political and social decline, with the Mamluks falling to the rising power of the Ottomans only a few years after al-Suyeuc’s death. However, the ‘ulamA” and the highereducation establishments in Cairo were able to flourish in this period, a result of their independence through the waqf system. There also seems to have been a deeper engagement with society at large in this period, with whole genres emerging to reflect the needs of the contemporary society. Many of these trends in late-Mamluk scholarship can be seen in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, both in the main body of the RadCth compilation, as well as in the theological khAtima that follows it. The two sections act to convey the importance of angels in Islam, belief in their existence; and their place in the universe. Al-LabA ”ik acts as a compendium of information about angels, suitable for both the growing literate public and the significant amount of students that passed through the Cairo madrasas. Al-Suyeuc is famed for his ability to compile collections of RadCth in original subject areas, and al-LabA ”ik is no exception. His extensive knowledge of RadCth is shown throughout, with the work drawing on a wide range of authors and texts. Likewise, the khAtima shows a strong familiarity with many mutakallimEn. There has been some analysis of al-Suyeuc’s use of sources in the past, and the analysis of the sources in al-LabA ”ik shows that the RadCth are principally drawn from the third and fourth centuries hijrC; whereas the sources for the khAtima are much later. This shows that al-Suyeuc wished to engage with more contemporary sources in the theological postscript and with accepted reputable collections of RadCth in the main body of the text. The analysis of the sources also suggests that al-Suyeuc used the works of Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc as an Urtext for his new compilation. Nevertheless, the great number of other works incorporated in al-LabA ”ik shows that it was not simply an act of plagiarism. Above all, an analysis of his sources in al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik reveals the impressive

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skill that al-Suyeuc demonstrates in the arrangement and compilation of material. He takes material from diverse sources and reshapes them into an accessible and readable resource. Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik reveals the wonders of the angelic world, as well as its intimacy with this world. At the heart of this relationship is the fact that the angels are God’s emissaries, and that everything that the angels do is done on behalf of God. The angels act as intermediaries between humans and God and this intermediation works in both directions: the angels keep watch over human actions on God’s behalf, but they also bring blessings to humans, and pray for humanity, especially pious Muslims. It has not been possible to explore all of the questions that the angelology of the RadCth raise, but it is hoped that this study has highlighted the possibility of further research into this interesting and exciting area of Islamic belief and spirituality. This book has argued that the term ‘Islamic angelology’ is something of a misnomer, since the term is too broad, ultimately incorporating too many conflicting ideas and beliefs for it to be meaningful. However, it is possible to talk about ‘Islamic angelologies’, alluding to the various ways in which angels are described in specific texts (the Qur’an, eschatology, the accounts of the mi “rAj etc.), or intellectual contexts (tafsCr, kalAm, lanbalc texts, Sufi poetry etc.). A number of studies in Judaism, early Christian thought and mediaeval theology have been made on specific themes relating to angels, and the field would benefit from similarly focused studies on Islam. The mythic narratives in the Qur’an and the mi “rAj accounts have begun to broach the subject of angelology, and it is also hoped that this book has opened up, albeit in a small way, some of the RadCth literature taken more broadly. There is still much to be done in the study of angels in Islam. Angels provide a fascinating insight into a wide range of different fields, from ontology to eschatology, and theology to psychology, and in the RadCth literature, discussed in this book through al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, is seen one of the many faces of Islamic angelology.

Appendix A Summary of the RadCth not translated

The following provides a brief précis of the RadCth in Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik, which were not translated in Chapter 7. The translations and summaries have been made from the DAr al-Kutub al-“Ilmiyya edition [Z ]. The text has not been checked against any manuscript evidence, and no notes have been provided. The aim is to present some further contextualization to the RadCth translated in Chapter 7, and also to provide a resource for other scholars looking for other RadCth about angels. Some of the RadCth are very short and full translations of the RadCth are included – these have been marked with an asterisk (*). As many of these RadCth have been translated as possible, but some RadCth have considerably long matns, and, in these cases, it has only been possible to include a short summary of their contents. Al-Suyeuc’s sources and authorities have also been listed. §1–4 §5–26 §27–35 §36–77 §78–84 §85–106 §107–71

Belief in Angels The Multitude of Angels The Four Archangels Gabriel Michael IsrAfCl The Angel of Death

§172–7 The Angel of the Rain (?) 172* al-Baghawc in al-ME“jam al-TaRAba and al-oabaranc (Anas) The Angel of Rain sought permission from his Lord to visit the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), and permission was given to him on a day when Umm Salama was [there]; and the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Umm Salama: ‘Protect the door! Do not let anyone enter upon us.’ While she was at the door, al-lusayn entered (dakhala al-Lusayn), rushing and jumping up to the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation), and the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) made to kiss him and embrace him, then the Angel said to him: ‘Do you love him?’ He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘Your community will kill him; if you want, I will show the place where he will be killed.’ And he showed him it, and he brought some sand (sihla) and red earth, and Umm Salama took it, and she put it into her dress.

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173 al-oabaranc (Abe ’l-oufayl) An angel comes to Murammad and tells him that his community will kill lusayn at Karbala’. 174* Ibn Jarcr (Sa‘ cd b. Jubayr) When Abraham, the Friend of the Merciful One (al-RaRmAn), was thrown into the fire, the angel [who was] the Guardian of the Rain said: ‘O Lord! [Your] friend! Abraham!’ He hoped that He had listened to him, and that he would send the rain. The command of God, may He be praised and glorified, was quicker than that. 175* Abe ‘Awana and al-kiya’ in al-MukhtAra (Ibn ‘Abbas) A cloud covered [us], when we wanted it to; and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘The angel, which drives the clouds, has come to me previously and he greeted me, and mentioned that he drove them to a valley in Yemen; it is said he has a rope.’ 176 al-oayalisc, Armad and Muslim (Abe Hurayra) A man hears a voice in the clouds and then follows the clouds to Yemen; he then meets the Angel of the Rain. 177* al-Dcnawarc in al-MujAlasa (Bakr b. ‘Abd Allah al-Mazanc) When they wanted to throw Abraham (peace be upon him) into the fire, all of the creations together made a great shout to their Lord, saying: ‘Lord, your friend is being thrown into the fire, do you hear us?’ He put it out for him. He, may He be praised and glorified, said: ‘This is my friend. I have no other friend on earth but him, and I am his God; and he has no god other than me. If he seeks help from you, then help him, without being asked by him.’ And the Angel of Rain came and he said: ‘Lord, your friend has been thrown into the fire, do you hear me?’ And he put out the fire with a single raindrop, and He, may He be praised and glorified, said: ‘He is my friend, I have no friend on earth other than him, and I am his God, and he has no God other than me, if he seeks help from you, help, and without being asked by him.’ §178 The Angel of the Veil 178 Israq b. Rahwayh in his Musnad, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, aloabaranc in al-AwsaU and Abe ’l-Shaykh (al-Rabc‘ b. Anas) The sky of this world has invisible waves, and the second is white marble, the third is iron, the fourth is copper, the fifth is silver, the sixth is gold, and the seventh is made of rubies, and the things that are above that is a desert of light and no one knows what is above it except God, Most High, and the angel responsible for the veil. It is said that his name is MCUAUrEsh. §179–209 §210–28 §229–47 §248–55

The Bearers of the Throne The Spirit RiQwAn, MAlik and the Keepers of Hell HArEt and MArEt

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Summary of the radcth not translated

§256 A Story of another Angel 256 Ibn Abc Shayba in al-MuTannaf (‘Abd Allah b. ‘hsa) A pious man wishes to worship God in the sea and he is taken there by a group of people. The man asks to be left by a tree in a river. An angel wanted the pious man to go to heaven, so God commands the Angel of Death to take his soul. §257–67 Thunder and Lightning 257 Armad, al-Tirmidhc, al-Nasa’c, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh in al-“AVama, Ibn Mardawayh, Abe Nu‘aym, in al-DalA ”il, and al-kiya’ in al-MukhtAra (Ibn ‘Abbas) An angel is responsible for the clouds; the angel has a whip to drive the clouds; thunder is the sound of his voice. 258*

Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in K. al-MaUar, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and al-Bayhaqc, in his Sunan (‘Alc b. Abc oalib) Thunder is an angel and lightning is the sound of the clouds being driven with a whip of iron. 259* Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas) Thunder is an angel who drives the clouds by [saying] the tasbCR, just like the camel-driver (RAdy) with his calling (bi-hudA ”ihi ).

260* al-Bukharc in al-Adab, and Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya (Ibn ‘Abbas) When he heard thunder, he said: Praise the one who praises Him! Thunder is an angel who calls out ( yan“iqu) in the same way as a shepherd (rA “C ) calls out to his sheep. 261* Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Mardawayh (Ibn ‘Abbas) The thunder is one of the angels, and his name is Thunder (al-Ra“d ). He praises God with his voice, and lightning is a whip of light (sawU min nEr), which the angel uses to hold back the clouds. 262* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Amr) He was asked about Thunder, and he said: God made him responsible for driving the clouds. When [God] wills that he should move it to a country, He commands him, and [the angel] drives it on. When [the clouds] are separated from him, he scolds them with his voice, until they are together, just as one of you herds back his mount. 263 Ibn Mardawayh ( Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah – the Prophet) An angel is responsible for moving the clouds; lightning is the raising of the angel’s whip and thunder is the sound of the whip being cracked. 264* Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in al-MaUar and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas) Lightning is an angel coming into view. 265* Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ka‘b) Thunder is the sound of the angel setting the cold into motion (taTf Cq al-malak al-bard ), and if [the angel] looks at the people of the Earth, there is lightning.

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266* Ibn Mardawayh (‘Amr b. Bajjad al-Ash‘arc – the Prophet) The word (ism) for ‘the clouds’ (al-saRAb) in heaven ( “ind AllAh – [‘with God’]) is ‘the clouds’ (al-“anAn). Thunder is an angel, who drives away the clouds; lightning is the look of an angel, called REfCl. 267* Ibn Abc latim (Murammad b. Muslim) Lightning is an angel; the angel has four faces: a face of a human, a lion, an eagle and a bull. Lightning is when the angel flicks its tail. §268–73 IsmA«Cl 268* al-oabaranc and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abe Sa‘ cd – the Prophet) When he ascended, he said: There is an angel in heaven called IsmA “Cl who is in charge of seventy thousand angels; every one of them is in charge of seventy thousand angels (as well). 269

Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Ibn Mardawayh and al-Bayhaqc, in al-DalA ”il (Abe Sa‘ cd – the Prophet) During the mi “rAj Murammad sees IsmA “Cl, who is responsible for the Second Heaven; he is in charge of seventy thousand angels; each angel has an army of a hundred thousand angels. 270 Abe ’l-Shaykh (‘Ikrima) In heaven there is an angel in heaven called IsmA “Cl. 271 al-‘Adanc, in his Musnad ( ‘Alc) Before the Prophet’s death, Gabriel comes to him three times; on the third day Gabriel shows Murammad the angel IsmA “Cl, who is in charge of seventy thousand angels, and who is the Angel of Death. 272 al-Shafi‘c in his Sunan (no authority given) IsmA “Cl has command over a hundred thousand angels; each of these angels has command over a hundred thousand angels. 273* al-Bayhaqc, in al-DalA ”il (no authority given) When it was the third day (of the Prophet’s illness), Gabriel came down with the Angel of Death, with (another) angel in air, called IsmA “Cl. [IsmA “Cl ] has command over seventy thousand angels; each of these angels has command over seventy thousand angels. §274 Nadluqan 274* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Shahr b. lawshab) God has an angel called Nadluqan; the seas of the world would not fit into the hollow of his thumb ( fC nuqrat ibhAmihi ). §275–6 RiyAfCl 275 Abe ’l-Shaykh (father of Abe Ja‘far) RiyAfCl was the angel that accompanied Dhe ’l-Qarnayn; he tells Dhe ’l-Qarnayn how the angels worship God in heaven.

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276

Ibn Abc latim (Abe Ja‘far Murammad b. ‘Alc b. lusayn b. ‘Alc b. Abc oalib) Dhe ’l-Qarnayn asks RiyAfCl about the Water of Life. §277–8 DhE ’l-Qarnayn 277* Ibn Abc latim ( Jubayr b. Nufayr) Dhe ’l-Qarnayn is one of the angels. God sent him down to earth, and everything came to him for a reason. 278

Ibn ‘Abd al-lakam, in FutER al-MiTr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh (‘Umar b. al-Khauuab) ‘Umar heard a man calling Dhe ’l-Qarnayn; ‘Umar told him he was an angel. §279 DhE ’l-NErayn 279 Ibn ‘Asakir in his Ta ”rCkh (no authority given) A man mentioned Dhe ’l-Nerayn and the Prophet said: ‘You have mentioned a great angel.’ §280–94 The Cockerel (al-DCk) 280 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abe Bakr b. Abc Maryam) There is an angel in heaven called the Cockerel (al-DCk); when the Cockerel praises God in heaven, the earthly cockerels reply. 281 Abe ’l-Shaykh (a Kufan) The Cockerel is underneath the Throne; its claws are made of pearls, and its spurs are made of green chrysolite; it causes the cockerels to crow at dawn. 282* Abe ’l-Shaykh (‘f’isha – the Prophet) God has a Cockerel, whose feet are on the Seventh Earth and it passes through the Seven Heavens, and no earthly cockerel can prevent itself from answering it. 283

al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-lakim (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) The Cockerel’s feet are on the Seventh Earth and its head is under the Throne. 284 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Thawab – the Prophet) The Cockerel’s claws are on the Seventh Earth, its neck is under the Throne and its wings are in the air. 285 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas) God has a Cockerel in the lowest heaven; its chest is made of gold, its stomach is made of silver, and its legs are made of sapphires, its claws are made of emeralds, and its claws are under the lowest earth. It has a wing in the East and a wing in the West, its neck is under the Throne and its crest is made of light, veiling the space between the Throne and the Seat; it flutters its wings every night, three times.

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286 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) God has a Cockerel; its two wings are ornamented with chrysolite, pearls and sapphires. It has a wing in the East and a wing in the West, its feet are on the lowest earth and its folded head is under the throne. It causes the cockerels to crow at dawn. On the Day of Resurrection it will be told to stop beating its wings. 287 al-oabaranc and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The Cockerel’s feet are on the Seventh Earth and its neck is under the Throne. It calls out to the Earth three times each night. 288* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abe nadiq) Cockerels reply to the angels and praise God. Have you ever seen a bird cry out at night? 289* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn Abc ‘Umra) When the angel says ‘Praise the Holy One’, the cockerels on earth flap their wings at that moment. 290* Abe ’l-Shaykh (‘Abd al-lumayd b. Yesuf ) A cockerel crowed in the presence of Solomon and, he said: ‘Do you know what this said?’ They said: ‘No.’ He said that it was saying: ‘Remember God, forgetful ones!’ 291* al-oabaranc (nufyan b. ‘Asal) God has a Cockerel under the Throne; its wings are in the air and its claws are on the earth. When it is dawn, and it is the time of the call to prayer, [the Cockerel] flaps its wings and praises God, then the cockerels praise God, replying to him with the tasbCR. 292

Ibn ‘Adc and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn, and he declared to be weak ( Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah – the Prophet) God has a cockerel, whose feet are on the extremities of the Earth and its folded neck is under the Throne. It calls out to the Earth three times each night. 293* Ibn ‘Adc (al-‘Arsh b. ‘Umayra – the Prophet) God has a Cockerel; its claws are on the lowest earth and its neck is under the Throne. It calls out when it is the time for the ritual prayers; the cockerel calls out to the heavens: ‘Exalt! Exalt!’ Then the Cockerel of the heavens and the cockerels of the earth call out: ‘Praise to the Holy One! Lord of the Angels and the Spirit!’ 294 al-Daylamc in Musnad Firdaws (Umm Sa‘d – the Prophet) The Throne is on an angel made of pearls in the image of a cockerel; its feet are on the boundaries of the lowest [earth] and its folded neck is under the Throne; its wings are in the East and the West; when that angel worships God, nothing remains except the praise of God, may He be praised and exalted.

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§295–7 The SakCna §298–9 The Angel of the Mountains 298 Armad, al-Bukharc and Muslim (‘f’isha – the Prophet) Ibn ‘Abd Yalayl b. ‘Abd Kalal was approached by Murammad to enter into a treaty, but he refused. At Qarn al-Tha‘alib Murammad looked to heaven and saw Gabriel. Gabriel tells him that God has sent him the Angel of the Mountains to help Murammad. The Angel of the Mountains asks Murammad if he would like him to cause the mountains to fall upon Ibn ‘Abd Yalayl and his people. Murammad says no, but asks that their children may become Muslims. 299 Ibn Abc latim (‘Ikrima – the Prophet) Gabriel informs Murammad that God has sent him the Angel of the Mountains to help Murammad. The Angel of the Mountains tells Murammad that he can do anything he wants. Murammad says that he does not want anything, other than for people to profess tawRCd. The Angel tells Murammad that he is very merciful. §300 RamyA»il 300* Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya, in Dhikr al-mawt (Wahb b. Munnabih) When the souls of the believers are taken, they are handed over to an angel called RamyA ”Cl. He is the guardian of the souls of the believers. §301 DEma 301 Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya in Dhikr al-mawt (a ‘Person of the Book’) The angel who is responsible for the souls of the unbelievers is called DEma. §302–11 The Tempters of the Grave 302 al-Tirmidhc, and he declared it to be sound (Rassanahu), Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya, al-fjurrc in al-SharC “a and al-Bayhaqc in K. “AdhAb al-qabr (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When the deceased has been buried, two blue angels come to him. It is said that one of the two is Munkar and the other is NakCr. They interrogate the deceased. If he worshiped God and follow His messenger they make his grave spacious. If he did not worship God and follow His messenger they gather earth on top of him. 303*

al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU and Ibn Mardawayh (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) I was at a funeral with the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation). When he had finished the burial, and people had left, he said: ‘Now he will hear the sound of your sandals. Munkar and NakCr have come to him. Their eyes are like copper kettles, their fangs are like bulls’ horns and their voices are like thunder. The two will sit with him and ask him what he used to worship, and who his prophet was. If he is one of those who worship God, he says: ‘I used to serve God, and Murammad (God bless him and grant him salvation) was my Prophet. He brought us clear proofs and he is the one who sets himself as an example for us, and we are under his authority.’ And it is said to him:

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‘Certainly, you will live.’ Then he opens the door to Paradise for him, and it is roomy for him in his grave. If he was a doubter, he says: ‘I do not know! I heard the people saying something, so I said it: It is said to him: “Perhaps you will live.” Then he opens the door to the Fire for him.’ 304*

Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Abe Nu‘aym in al-Lilya ( Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah – the Messenger of God) How ignorant men are of what God has created for them! When God, may He be praised and glorified, wanted to create him, He said to an angel: ‘Write down his blessings (rizq)! Write down his report (athar)! Write down his allotted time! Write him down as damned or blessed!’ Then that angel ascends and God sends an angel, and it sustains him until he reaches puberty, then that angel ascends. Then God assigns him to two angels who write down his good deeds and his misdeeds. When he is in the presence of death, those two angels ascend, and the Angel of Death comes to him to take his soul (rER). When he enters his grave, the spirit (rER) returns to his body ( jasad ), and the two Angels of the Grave come to him. The two test him. Then the two ascend. When the Hour comes, the Angel of Good Deeds and the Angel of Misdeeds come down to him and they untie the bound books on his neck. Then the two are with him and one drives him and the other bears witness. Then the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Before you is a great command which you have power over, so call for the help of God Almighty.’ 305 al-Bayhaqc in K. “AdhAb al-qabr (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) A description of Munkar and NakCr. They are black, their hair flowing; their voices like roaring thunder; their eyes like a flash of lightning; the two dig the earth with their fangs, and they sit next to you [and you are] terrified. 306* al-oabarani in al-AwsaU (Ibn ‘Abbas) The names of the two angels who come to the grave are Munkar and NakCr. 307 Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) A description of Munkar and NakCr. Their voices are like roaring thunder, and their glance is like a flash of lightning; they walk on their hair, and they dig with their fangs; the two of them have a rod of iron. 308* Juwaybir (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) He said about the deceased: ‘He does not hear the beating of your sandals. When you follow behind [the deceased], three angels come to him, two angels from the Angels of Mercy, and one angel from the Angels of Torment. Then the Angel of Torment ascends and one of the two says to his companion: ‘I will treat the friend of God nicely.’ And he says: ‘Who is your Lord?’ And [the deceased] says: ‘God.’ And he says: ‘What is your religion?’ He says: ‘My religion is Islam.’ And he says: ‘Who is your prophet?’ He says: ‘Murammad.’ So the two [angels] say: ‘What do you know?’ He said: ‘I recited the book of God, and I believed in him and I have spoken the truth.’

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309* Abe Nu‘aym (kamra b. labcb) There are three Angels of the Grave: Ankar, NAkEr and REmAn. 310* Abe ’l-lasan al-Qauuan in al-OuwAlAt (kamra b. labcb) There are four Angels of the Grave: Munkar, NakCr, NAkEr and their master, REmAn. 311* Ibn al-Najjar said in his Ta ”rCkh I read in the book of al-‘Abbas b. ‘Alc b. Ibrahcm al-Selc, in his handwriting: Armad b. Abc Bakr al-Qashabc told me; Abe Israq Murammad b. Haren al-Hashimc told me from Walad al-Manter; Murammad b. Armad al-Haytham al-Tamcmc Abe ’l-lasan told me; Armad b. Murammad b. al-Hajjaj told me; Khalad b. ‘Abd al-Salam al-nefc told me; Murammad b. ‘Abd Allah al-Asadc told me; he said: I was present at the burial of some relations of ‘Abd al-namad b. ‘Alc. And he began to urge them and hurry them saying: ‘May we bury him before evening!’ We said to him: ‘God has brought you luck! Can you say something about this?’ He said: ‘Yes. My father told me from my grandfather, ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Abbas on the authority of the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: ‘The angels of the daytime are kinder than the angels of the night.’ §312–406 The Noble Watching Scribes §407–8 The Angels Responsible for the Leaves of the Trees 407 al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Ibn ‘Abbas) Angels write down and record details about leaves as they fall off trees. 408 al-Bayhaqc (Armad b. lanbal) A story about an angel that helps a Muslim to find his way when he is lost on his way to Mecca. §409–10 SharAhCl and HarAhCl 409 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Salman) SharAhCl is the angel responsible for the night; HarAhCl is the angel responsible for the day. 410 al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU (Khuzayma b. lakcm al-Salamc – the Prophet) God created angels to fill the sky with blackness at night and brightness during the day. §411–12 ArtiyA»il 411 Ibn ‘Asakir (Sa‘ cd b. ‘Abd al-‘Azcz) Abe Muslim al-Khawlanc was awaiting news of his army in Byzantium, when he was visited by a bird, who said: ‘I am ArtiyA ”il, the angel that removes grief from human hearts.’ 412 Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya and Ibn ‘Asakir (al-‘Arbaq b. Sariyya) ArtiyA ”il removes grief from human hearts.

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§413–14 The Angel responsible for Cemeteries 413 Ibn Bauua (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) God has an angel who is responsible for cemeteries; the angel calls to those burying the deceased. 414 al-Daylamc, Abe ’l-Faql al-oesc in “UyEn al-akhbAr (Anas – the Prophet) An angel is responsible for cemeteries; the angel calls to those burying the deceased. §415–22 The Angel which bears the Fish and the Rock 415 al-Bazzar, Ibn ‘Adc and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Umar) Under the earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish. 416* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ka‘b) The Seven Earths are on a rock. The rock is in the hand of an angel. The angel is on the wing of the fish (al-LEt). The fish is on the water (al-mA”). The water is on the wind (al-rCh). 417* Ibn Abc latim (al-Suddc) Concerning His Word: ‘and though it be in a rock’ (Q. 31:16); He said: This rock is not in the heavens, and it is not on the earth; but it is under the Seven Earths, and an angel is standing by it. 418* Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abe Malik) The rock which is under the earth is the lowest created thing. On its corners are four angels whose heads are under the Throne. 419 Ibn Abc latim (Ka‘b) Under the earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish. 420 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Umar) There are four angels responsible for each of the corners of the rock. 421 Ibn Abc latim (‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr – the Prophet) The distance between each of the earths is five hundred years and under the Seventh Earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish. 422 Ibn Jarcr and Ibn al-Mundhir (Ibn Mas‘ed) Q. 68:1; under the earth is a fish; under the fish is a sea; under the sea is an angel; the angel is on a rock; and the rock is on the wind. §423–9 The Guardians of the Winds 423 Ibn Abc latim and al-lakim (‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr – the Prophet) The wind is kept in the Second Earth and was released when God destroyed the people of ‘fd. 424 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ka‘b) The wind was released when God destroyed the people of ‘fd.

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Abe ’l-Shaykh, al-Daraquunc, Ibn Mardawayh and Ibn ‘Asakir (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Water and wind are only dropped onto the Earth by a set amount, except for Noah’s flood and the destruction of the people of ‘fd. 426 al-Firyabc, ‘Abd b. lamcd and Ibn Jarcr (Ibn ‘Abbas) Water and wind are only dropped onto the Earth by a set amount, except for Noah’s flood and the destruction of the people of ‘fd. 427 Ibn Jarcr (‘Alc b. Abc oalib) Water and wind are only dropped onto the Earth by a set amount, except for Noah’s flood and the destruction of the people of ‘fd. 428 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The wind was released when God destroyed the people of ‘fd. 429 Ibn ‘Asakir (Qabcta b. Dhe’ayb) The wind was released when God destroyed the people of ‘fd. §430–34 The Angel of the Sun 430 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Wahb) The noblest angel is the Angel of the Sun and he is the most influential over the Angel of Death. 431* Ibn Abc Shayba, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Sa‘ cd b. Musayyib) The sun does not rise until three hundred and sixty angels urge it on, who detest those who worship things other than God. 432*

al-oabaranc, Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh (Abe Umama al-Bahalc – the Prophet) Seven angels are responsible for the sun. They throw snow at it every day. If they were not to do that, nothing would happen without it being set on fire. 433 Ibn al-Mundhir (‘Ikrima) The sun does not rise until seventy thousand angels have called out to it. 434 Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh (‘Alc b. Abc oalib) Two angels are responsible for the sun. §435 The Angel of the Shade 435 Ibn Jarcr (al-Suddc) As the fire was being extinguished for Abraham, they looked at Abraham, and they saw him and another man with him. Abraham’s head was in his lap, and [the man] was stroking his face. It is said that that man was the Angel of the Shade (malak al-Vill ). §436–43 The Angel of the Womb 436 Armad, al-Bukharc and Muslim (Anas – the Prophet) One angel is responsible for the sperm, another for the clot and another for the embryo; God predestines whether the individual will be happy or wretched, male or female, and the individual’s rizq and ajal.

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437 Armad (Ibn Mas‘ed – the Prophet) After forty days an angel comes to the womb and writes down whether the individual will be happy or wretched, male or female, short or tall; and the individual’s rizq, health and ajal. 438

al-Bazzar, Abe Ya‘ la and al-Daraquunc, in al-AfrAd (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) God predestines whether the individual will be happy or wretched and male or female. 439 Muslim (ludhayfa b. Ascd – the Prophet) After forty-two days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be male or female and the individual’s rizq. 440 al-oabaranc (ludhayfa b. Ascd – the Prophet) After forty days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be male or female and the individual’s ajal. 441 al-Bawardc, in al-Ma“rifa (ludhayfa b. Ascd – the Prophet) After seventy-two days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be male or female and the individual’s ajal. 442

‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd al-Darimc in al-Radd “alA al-jahamiyya (Abe Dharr – the Prophet) After forty days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be wretched or happy. 443 Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (Murammad b. Ka‘b al-Qurvc) An account of embryogenesis. §444 The Angel of the Foetus 444* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas) An angel is responsible for the foetus; when the mother sleeps or lies down (nAmat aw iQUaja“at), the angel raises [the foetus’] head so that it does not drown ( gharraqa) in blood. §445–7 The Angel responsible for the person who blesses the Prophet (al-malak al-muwakkal bi’l-TalAt «alA nab TallA «alA a-nabC ) 445 al-oabaranc (Abe ‘l-oalra – the Prophet) If a Muslim blesses the Prophet, God blesses him with a blessing that is worth ten good deeds and which cancels out ten bad deeds. 446* al-oabaranc and al-Baghawc (Abe ‘l-oalra – the Prophet) He said: Gabriel came to me with good news about my Lord. He said: God, Most High, has sent me to you as your Good News, and all from your community who prays for you, God and the angels will pray for him ten times.

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447 al-oabaranc (Abe ’l-oalra – the Prophet) Gabriel came to me and said: ‘God said: Whoever prays for you, they will receive my prayers and the prayers of my angels ten times; whoever grants you peace, I and my angels will grant him peace ten times.’ §448 The Angel which Creates Jewellery for the People in the Garden 448 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ka‘b) God has an angel that makes jewellery for the inhabitants of paradise, from the day of creation to the coming of the Hour. §449–57

The Angel of the Prophet’s Prayer (al-malak bi-tablCgh al-nabC al-TalAt) 449 al-‘Uqaylc, al-oabaranc, Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn al-Najjar (‘Ammar b. Yasir – the Prophet) An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

450* al-oabaranc (‘Ammar b. Yasir – the Prophet) God has an angel that gives [the Prophet] news about what the angel has heard humans say (a“tAhu sam“ al-“ubbAd ). No person praises me without me being informed of it. 451* Ibn Abc Shayba (Yazcd al-Raqashc) God has an angel who is responsible for whoever blesses the Prophet, who says: ‘So-and-so from your community blessed you.’ 452* al-Khaucb (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Whoever prays for me at my grave, I will hear him. Whoever prays for me away [from my grave], God has made an angel responsible for informing me [of him]. 453* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Ibn ‘Abbas) No-one from the community of Murammad who prays for him, without it being related to [Murammad] by an angel, who says: ‘So-and-so prayed for you.’ 454* al-Daylamc (Abe Bakr – the Prophet) Increase your prayers for me. God has made an angel responsible for me at my grave, and if a man from my community prays for me, then that angel says to me: ‘Murammad, so-and-so is praying for you now.’ 455* al-oabaranc (al-lasan – the Prophet) ‘God, may He be praised and glorified, made two angels responsible for me. No Muslim servant mentions me, and prays for me, without those two angels seeking forgiveness for him.’ [Murammad] said: ‘God and his angels respond to your statement of faith (li-dCnika), saying “Amen”.’ 456 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Anas – the Prophet) An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him and extra blessings are granted for those that do so on Friday and Friday nights.

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457*

Armad, al-Nasa’c, Ibn libban, al-oabaranc, al-lakim, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc (Ibn Mas‘ed – the Prophet) God has angels that roam the earth, who tell me of the peace of the community. §458–60 The Angel Responsible for the Yemeni Corner (bi’l-rukn al-yamAnC ) 458* Ibn Abc Shayba and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Ibn ‘Abbas) An angel has been responsible for the Yemeni Corner since God created the heavens and the earth, and it says: ‘Amen! Amen!’ So say: ‘Our Lord, give to us in this world good, and good in the world to come, and guard us against the chastisement of the Fire.’ (Q. 2:201) 459* Ibn Mardawayh (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Do not pass by the corner without seeing the angel upon it, who says ‘Amen!’ Whenever you pass it, say: ‘Our Lord, give to us in this world good, and good in the world to come, and guard us against the chastisement of the Fire.’ (Q. 2:201) 460* al-Janadc, in FaQA ”il Makka ( ‘Aua’ b. Abc Rabbar) He was asked about the Yemeni column, while he was performing the circumambulations; he said: Abe Hurayra told me that the Prophet said: Seventy angels are responsible for it. Whoever says ‘Praise be to God!’ I will ask forgiveness for you, and well-being in this world and the next: ‘Our Lord, give to us in this world good, and good in the world to come, and guard us against the chastisement of the Fire.’ (Q. 2:201) The [angels] say: Amen. §461 The Angel responsible for the Stoning Pillars of MinA 461 al-Azraqc in Ta ”rCkh Makka (Ibn ‘Abbas) An angel is responsible for the jimAr (stoning pillars). §462–5 The Angel responsible for the Qur>an 462* al-lakim in his Ta ”rCkh, al-Shcrazc in al-AlqAb (Anas – the Prophet) An angel is responsible for the Qur’an. Whoever recites it in a foreign language, or in Arabic, but it has not been done so correctly, the angel corrects it and sends it up [to God] in its correct form. 463*

Abe Sa‘ cd al-Salman, in his Mashaykha and al-Rafi‘c, in his Ta ”rCkh QazwCn (Anas – the Prophet) An angel is responsible for the Qur’an. If someone pronounces anything in it incorrectly whilst reciting it, an angel corrects it and sends it up [to God] in its correct form. 464* al-Daylamc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) If a reciter recites [the Qur’an], but makes an error, makes a grammatical error, or speaks in a foreign language, the angel writes it in his book in the correct form (al-TawAb), then sends it up [to God]. 465* al-Khaucb in his Ta ”rCkh (Ibn ‘Amr) If a man recites the Qur’an in Persian (bi’l-fArisiyya), makes an error, or pronounces the words of the Qur’an incorrectly ( yukhUarifu), an angel writes it in his book in the correct form, then sends it up [to God].

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§466 The Angel Responsible for saying ‘The Most Merciful . . .’ 466 al-lakim (Abe Umama – the Prophet) An angel blesses and grants the requests of those that say: ‘The Most Merciful of those that are Merciful’ three times. §467–70 The Angel responsible for the Prayer to the hidden 467 Ibn Sa‘d in al-OabaqAt (Umm al-Darda’) Abe ‘l-Darda’ used to have three hundred and sixty friends in God, and he sought intercession for them in his performance of the ritual prayers. Umm al-Darda’ said, I spoke to him about this, and he said: ‘No man seeks intercession for his brothers who are hidden, without God making two angels responsible for it.’ 468

Ibn Abc Shayba, Muslim, Abe Da’ed and Ibn Majah (Abe ’l-Darda’ – the Prophet) A believer’s prayer is answered for his brother. 469 Ibn Abc Shayba (Umm al-Darda’ – the Prophet) An angel prays for someone who prays for the deceased. 470 Ibn Abc Shayba (Umm al-Darda’) An angel says ‘Amen! Amen!’ to the intercessions being sought for the dead. §471 The Angel responsible for Crying 471* Ibn ‘Asakir (Ka‘b) A human does not cry until God sends him an angel, which rubs [the person’s] liver with his wing; when he rubs his liver, [the person] cries. §472 The Angels responsible for Faith, Life and other things 472* al-Dinawarc in al-MajAlisa (Anas b. Malik) Al-Dcnawarc in al-MajAlisa on the authority of Anas b. Malik; he said: When God gathered the creations at Babel, he sent Eastern, Western, Southern and Northern winds and gathered them at Babel. They congregated at that time, and when they saw that they had been called together before Him, a representative cried out: ‘Whoever made the West on his right, and the East on his left (i.e. the north), as he comes to the house in front of him; then he has the speech of the angels.’ So Ya‘rib b. Qaruan rose, and [the man] said: ‘Are you Ya‘rib b. Qaruan?’ He was the first to speak Arabic and he never erred in using the vocative; he cried out: ‘Who will speak such and such [a language]?’ And [someone was allotted] such and such [a language to speak], until they had been divided into seventytwo languages, and the voices separated from each other and the languages became confused, and the Angels of Good and Evil, the Angel of Life, the Angel of Faith, the Angel of Health, the Angel of Suffering, the Angel of Wealth, the Angel of Nobility, the Angel of MurE ”a, the Angel of Loathing, the Angel of Ignorance, the Angel of the Sword and the Angel of Courage descended, and they moved about until they ended up in Iraq, and one of them spoke to the others: ‘They have separated themselves.’ The Angel of Faith said: ‘I am going to live in Medina and Mecca.’ The Angel of Life said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of Suffering said: ‘I will live in the desert.’ And the Angel of Health said:

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‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of Loathing said: ‘I am going to live in the West.’ The Angel of Ignorance said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of the Sword said: ‘I will live in Syria.’ The Angel of Courage said: ‘I will go with you.’ The Angel of Wealth said: ‘I will stay here.’ And the Angel of MurE ”a said: ‘I will stay with you.’ And the Angel of the East said: ‘I will stay with the two of you.’ §473 The Angel responsible for Livelihoods 473 al-lakcm al-Tirmidhc in NawAdCr al-uTEl Angels are responsible for giving sustenance to humans. §474 The Angel responsible for Ritual Prayer 474 al-oabaranc in al-AwsaU, and al-kiya’ al-Maqdisc in al-MukhtAra (Anas – the Prophet) God has an angel that calls out to humans at the times of the ritual prayers. §475–7 The Angel responsible for funerary rites 475* al-Rafi‘c, in his Ta ”rCkh (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) God has angels which walk with the funeral procession, who say ‘Praise God for his power in his action, and his subjugation of the servants in death.’ 476* Sa‘ cd b. Manter (Ibn Ghafala) Angels walk in front of the funeral procession, saying: ‘What is going to happen to so-and-so?!’; while the people say: ‘What did so-and-so do?’. 477*

al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn and al-Daylamc (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When the deceased person dies, the angels say: ‘What is going to happen to so-and-so?!’; while the people say: ‘What did so-and-so do?’. §478–84 The Angel that Brought the Good News of lasan and lusayn 478* al-oabaranc and Ibn ‘Asakir (ludhayfa – the Prophet) I was with the Prophet at night and someone was reciting the Qur’an; the Prophet said to me: ‘Do you see [him]?’ I said: ‘Yes.’ He said: This angel came down to me from heaven, and he has not come down to me until he was sent, except on this night, when he told me the good news that lasan and lusayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven. 479 Ibn Manda and Ibn ‘Asakir (ludhayfa – the Prophet) Murammad is told that lasan and lusayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven and that Fauima will be responsible for the women. 480

Ibn Mandah, Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Ma“rifa and Ibn ‘Asakir (‘Abd al-Rarman b. Ghanam al-Ash‘arc – the Prophet) Murammad is told that lasan and lusayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven and that Fauima will be responsible for the women. 481 Armad (Umm Salama – the Prophet) If an angel comes down to earth, it has never been down to earth before.

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482* al-oabaranc (ludhayfa – the Prophet) This is one of the angels, who sought permission from his Lord to grant me peace, when he visited me. He had not come down to earth before then, and he gave me the good news that lasan and lusayn will be lords of the young men in heaven. 483* al-oabaranc (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) This is an angel from heaven that does not usually visit me, but he sought permission from his Lord to visit me, and to give to me the good news that lasan and lusayn will be lords of the young men in heaven. 484 al-Bayhaqc, in al-DalA ”il (ludhayfa – the Prophet) Murammad is told that lasan and lusayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven. §485 The Angel responsible for the plants 485 Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ka‘b) Angels are responsible for plants; the distance between the ankles and shoulders of the Bearers of the Throne is a distance of five hundred years. §486–7 The Angel responsible for the Sea 486 Armad in his Musnad, and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas) He was asked about the ebb and flow of the sea; he said: An angel is responsible for the oceans of the sea; when it puts its foot into the sea, the sea rises; and when it lifts it out, the sea falls; this is the ebb and flow of the sea. 487 Ibn Abc latim (‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr) An angel is responsible for the sea; if it did not hold it back, it would flood the earth. §488–9 The Angel responsible for the Noble Tomb 488 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ka‘b) Every dawn, seventy thousand angels visit the Tomb of the Prophet, beat their wings and pray for the Prophet. 489* al-Azraqc, in Ta ”rCkh Makka (Muqatil – the Prophet [marfE“] ) It is called the Inhabited House (al-bayt al-ma“mEr) because seventy thousand angels pray in it every day. Then, when evening has come, they come down [to Earth] to circumambulate the Ka‘ ba. Then they pray for the Prophet, and then roam [the Earth] – no misfortune befalls them until the coming of the Hour. §490–91 The Cherubim 490* Ibn ‘Asakir ( Jabir – the Prophet) God has angels, the Cherubim; the distance between one of their earlobes and their collar bone is a distance of five hundred years for a quick-flying bird in descent. 491* Abe ’l-Shaykh (‘Uthman al-A‘raj) The location of the Spirit is under the wings of the Cherubim, who carry the Throne.

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§492 The Spirits 492 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( ‘Alc b. Abc oalib) The spirits are in the Seventh Heaven; on the Night of Power they descend to Earth and pray for all those who are praying in the mosque. §493–545 On the Characteristics of the Angels of those which have vagueness by being unnamed 493* al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) God, may He be praised and glorified, has an angel. If it were said to him to devour the Seven Heavens and Earths, he could do it in a single bite. He praises God: ‘Praise be to God wherever You are!’ 494 Abe ’l-Shaykh (no authority given – the Prophet) The distance between an unnamed angel’s shoulder and ear is a distance of a hundred years. 495* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Mu‘adh b. Jabal – the Prophet) God has an angel: half of it is made of light, and half of it is made of snow. [The angel] says: ‘Praise be to You! The one who could join snow to light!’ Neither the light overcomes the coldness of the snow, nor does the coldness of the snow overcome the heat of the light. He united the hearts of your believing servants. 496* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Khalid b. Ma‘dan) God has an angel; half of it is made of light and half of it is made of snow. It says: ‘Praise be to you O God! You combined this light to this snow; and so you unite the hearts of the believers.’ He does nothing save praise God. 497* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ziyad b. Abc labcb) There is an angel in heaven that was created out of snow and fire. One of the prayers of that angel [is this]: ‘Praise be to You! Just as you combined this snow and this fire, so You unite your believing servants.’ 498 Abe ’l-Shaykh (al-karrak) The angels fall silent when they see an unnamed angel with three hundred and sixty heads, which praises God. 499 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Malik b. Dcnar) The angels fall silent when they see an unnamed angel, which has a vast number of eyes and tongues which praise God. The Bearers of the Throne have horns, and the distance between the horns and their heads is five hundred years. 500 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Wahb) There are seventy thousand angels standing in ranks around the Throne, who praise God day and night. Behind them are another seventy thousand ranks, who praise God day and night. Another hundred thousand are behind that rank. The distance between the wings of the angels is a journey of eight hundred years, and the distance between the earlobe and the nape of the neck is a

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journey of four hundred years; and the distance between the shoulders is five hundred years. 501 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Mujahid) God has eight angels, four of which are in the East and four of which are in the West. The angels praise God. 502 Ibn ‘Asakir (‘f’isha and Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The Prophet saw an angel that was the same size as the Ka“ba. 503 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) God has angels in heaven who watch humans and their actions from the stars. When they see a human act obediently, they tell God; and when they see a human act disobediently, they tell God. 504

Abe ’l-Shaykh, and al-Bayhaqc in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) There is an angel at the gates of heaven. 505* Abe Ya‘ la and Ibn ‘Asakir (Al-Zubayr b. al-‘Awwam – the Prophet) There is no morning when humans get up, without the shout being raised [of ]: ‘Creation! Praise the Holy Angel!’ 506* Ibn ‘Asakir (al-Zubayr – the Prophet) There is no morning, without the angels calling out: Praise the Holy Angel! 507 al-oabaranc ( ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Abc Sabra al-Ja‘fc – the Prophet) Do you not know that an angel shouts out in heaven in praise of God? 508

Armad, al-Bukharc, Muslim, al-Tirmidhc, Ibn libban and Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) A long RadCth concerning the judgement of humans. 509* ‘Abd b. lamcd, in his Musnad, and al-lakim ( Jabir – the Prophet) God, may He be praised and glorified, has two platoons of angels, who come down to sit amongst dhikr sessions on Earth. 510 Ibn al-Najjar (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) God has platoons of angels that come down from heaven and stop to listen to people remembering God. 511 Abe ’l-Shaykh (al-Sha‘bc – the Prophet) The Throne is made of rubies. God has an angel that looks at him, which sees His greatness. 512* al-oabaranc (Abe ’l-Darda’ – the Prophet) God has angels that come down every night, to spur weariness away from the steeds of the holy-warriors (al-ghAza), except those steeds with a bell around their necks. 513 Ibn Lal, in MakArim al-akhlAq (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) God created the angels in the form that He willed.

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514* al-Daylamc ( Jabir – the Prophet) God has made angels responsible for the sacred precinct (ansAb al-Raram) [in Mecca]; since God created this World until the coming of the Hour, they pray for whoever makes the pilgrimage from his city by foot. 515* al-Daylamc (Anas – the Prophet) God, may He be praised and glorified, has angels on Earth that discuss what the tongues of humans [have said] both good and bad. 516 al-Daylamc (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) Angels cry out every day and night: ‘Sons of the forty seeds, the time for harvest is approaching.’ 517* al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Anas – the Prophet) The bayt al-ma“mEr is in the Seventh Heaven and seventy thousand angels enter it every day and will not return to it, until the coming of the Hour. 518

al-‘Uqaylc, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim and Ibn Mardawayh (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Gabriel enters a river of paradise and from the drops of rain, angels are created. The bayt al-ma“mEr is in the Seventh Heaven and seventy thousand angels visit it every day and will not return to it. 519* al-oabarani and Ibn Mardawayh (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The angel brought me up to the Seventh Heaven until he came to a building. [The Prophet] said to the angel: ‘What is this?’ [The Angel] said: ‘This building was built by God for the angels: seventy thousand angels enter it every day and praise God, and worship him, but they do not return. 520*

Israq b. Rahwayh, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim and alBayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (‘Alc) The bayt al-ma“mEr: seventy thousand angels pray in it every day, but they never return. 521* al-Bayhaqc (Ibn ‘Amr) The bayt al-ma“mEr: seventy thousand angels pray in it every day, but they never return. And there is no place to put a thumb, without it touching an angel prostrating or standing up. 522* al-Janadc, in FaQA ”il Makka ( ‘Abd Allah b. Ta’es) The bayt al-ma“mEr is in the Seventh Heaven. It is opposite this house [in Mecca]. [The angels] make pilgrimage to it on the day of this pilgrimage of yours. 523* ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and al-Janadc ( ‘Aua’) God, may He be praised and glorifed, revealed to Adam: ‘Build me a House. Encircle it, just as you have seen the angels encircling the one in Heaven.’ 524* Ibn Jarcr (Ibn ‘Amr) When Adam came down from the Garden, [God] said: I have sent down a House with you. Circumambulate around it, just as you used to circumambulate

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the Throne, and pray towards (“ind ) it, just as you used to pray towards the Throne. 525 al-‘Azraqc (lusayn b. al-Qasim) When Adam feared Satan, he sought help from God and God sent angels to protect him in the Ka“ba and made it a sacred site. 526 Hannad b. al-Sarc, in al-Zuhd (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) There are two angels in heaven who comment on hypocrisy and greed. 527 Ibn Maja (Rafi‘ b. Khadcj – the Prophet) Gabriel tells Murammad that the angels seen at the Battle of Badr were the best of the angels. 528* al-oabaranc (Rafi‘ b. Khadcj – the Prophet) The angels which you saw in the sky at the Battle of Badr have more merit than those that did not appear. 529* Ibn Jarcr, Abe Ya‘la, al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc, in al-DalA ”il ( ‘Alc) At the Battle of Badr, Gabriel came down with a thousand angels on the Prophet’s right hand side; Michael came down with a thousand angels and IsrAfCl came down with a thousand angels on the Prophet’s left hand side. 530* Ibn Abc Shayba (Mujahid) Angels have not died, except at the Battle of Badr. 531 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Abbas) A detachment of angels came down to Earth at the Battle of Badr, wearing white turbans; at the Battle of lunayn they wore red turbans; the angels have not been hit on any day other than the Battle of Badr. 532* Ibn Abc latim (al-Rabc‘ b. Anas) People know of two ways by which the angels killed on the day of Badr: they killed them by hitting them on the neck, and with their fingertips (banAn), just like the way in which a flame is extinguished by [using the fingers]. 533* al-oabaranc and Ibn Mardawayh (Ibn ‘Abbas) The detachment of angels wore black turbans at the Battle of Badr and red turbans at the Battle of lunayn. 534 Ibn Jarcr (Abe Usayd) The angels wore yellow turbans at the Battle of Badr. 535 Ibn Abc Shayba and Ibn Jarcr (‘Umayr b. Israq) The angels were the first rank at the Battle of Badr. 536* Ibn Abc Shayba, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc H=tim ( ‘Alc b. Abc oalib) The detachment of angels on the day of Badr had white wool on the sides of their horses’ faces and their noses.

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537 ‘Abd b. lamcd and Ibn Jarcr (Qatada) Q. 3:125; The angels’ horses had white wool on the sides of their faces and their noses. 538 Armad and Muslim (Ibn ‘Abbas) A Muslim became harassed by a polytheist and then he heard the cracking of a whip behind him, and the sound of a horse and the polytheist was struck by the whip and went green. The Prophet told him it was from the auxiliaries in the Third Heaven. 539

Abe Nu‘aym and al-Bayhaqc, both in their works al-DalA ”il ( ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan) At the Battle of lunayn Malik b. ‘Awf saw a man in white. 540

al-Waridc and al-Bayhaqc, in al-DalA ”il (Kharija b. Ibrahcm – the Prophet) Murammad asks Gabriel about the angels at the Battle of Badr. 541 Abe Nu‘aym, in FaQA ”il al-TaRAba (Ibn Mas‘ed – the Prophet) A vision concerning Abe Bakr and ‘Umar. 542 al-lakim (Abe Ayyeb – the Prophet) The Prophet has a dream about a black sheep; Abe Bakr interprets the vision. 543* Ibn Sa‘d (Khuzayma b. Thabit – the Prophet) I saw the angels washing Hanvala b. Abc ‘fmcr being [in the space] between heaven and earth with water from the clouds in a silver bowl. 544*

al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU, and Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abu Hurayra – the Prophet) An angel came down to me which had not come to me before, [it came] with a message from God. Then [the angel] raised his foot and placed it above the sky, while the other remained fixed on earth, and he did not raise it. 545 Abe ’l-Shaykh ( Jabir – the Prophet) God has an angel: the space between the angel’s earlobe and its collarbone is a distance of seven hundred years for a fast-flying bird. §546–681 General Traditions about the Angels 546* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Yarya b. Abc Kathcr) God created angels as eternal beings (Tamadan); they do not have anything inside of them (laysa lahum ajwAf ). 547* Abe ’l-Shaykh (al-lasan) ‘Glorifying Him by night and in the daytime and never failing.’ [Q. 21:20] The souls of the angels were created for them to praise [God]. 548* al-Bukharc, in al-Ta ”rCkh (Ibn ‘Amr) God created the angels to be his servants.

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549

Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abc latim, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (‘Abd Allah b. al-larith) [Q. 21:20]; God created them for glorification [of Him], just as you were created to eat and drink. 550 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Wahb b. al-Warad) Concerning His Word: ‘and they tremble in awe of Him’ [Q. 21:28] An angelic prayer is given. 551 al-Bayhaqc, in K. al-Ru”ya, Ibn Asakir (‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr b. al-‘fs) Angels were created standing in ranks, kneeling and prostrating. 552* Armad, in al-Zuhd (Yarya b. Salcm al-oa’ifc – an old man) The word with which the angels can drive away devils (al-shayAUCn), when they try to slip ( yustariqEna) into heaven, is: ‘What God wills’. 553 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Yesuf b. ‘Abd Allah b. Salam) God created the angels standing up on their feet, raising their heads [to God], they praise God. 554 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Nawf b. Bakali) The angels worship God in heaven during the night. 555 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Zayd b. Aslam) God never speaks to an angel, from the moment it was created, and He does not talk to it until it has glorified Him, and He does not answer it until it has begun to praise Him. Then he recited: ‘ “Now tell me the names of these things, if you speak truly.” They said: “Glory be to Thee! We know not save what thou has taught us.” ’ [Q. 2:31] And he recited: ‘ “Was it you these were serving?” They shall say, “Glory be to Thee! Thou art our Protector apart from them.’’ ’ [Q. 34:40] 556 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The decrees of God pass through the heavens. 557 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn Mas‘ed) WaRy sounds like ringing to the angels and when they hear it, they think it is the Day of Resurrection. 558

al-oabaranc, Ibn Mardawayh, Abe ’l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqc in al-AsmA” wa-”l-sifAt (al-Nuwas b. Sama‘an – the Prophet) The decrees of God pass through the heavens and waRy sounds like ringing to the angels; when they hear it, they think it is the Day of Resurrection. 559* Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (nufyan b. Salcm) An angel does not go up from earth [to heaven] until it has said: ‘There is no power or strength, save in God.’ 560* al-Khaucb and al-Daylamc (Anas – the Prophet) The angels say (kalAm ahl al-samAwAt): ‘There is no power or strength, save in God.’

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561 Abe ’l-Shaykh and Ibn ‘Asakir (Sa‘ cd b. Jubayr) ‘Umar wished to punish a hypocrite, who performed the ritual prayers sitting down. The Prophet says that there are angels that are sitting down, worshipping God in heaven. 562

Abe ’l-Shaykh, al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Ibn‘Umar – the Prophet) Angels were created standing in ranks, kneeling and prostrating. An angelic prayer is given. 563 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Leu b. Abc Leu) A number of angelic prayers are given. 564 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Khalid b. Ma‘dan) A number of angelic prayers are given. 565 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Abe Bakr b. ‘Abd Allah b. Abc ’l-Jahm – the Prophet) A description of each of the Seven Heavens and the forms of the angels, and the prayers that they say. 566*

al-Shafi‘c, in al-Umm, al-Bayhaqc in al-DalA ”il (Murammad b. Ka‘ b al-Qurvc) Adam performed the pilgrimage and the angels met him. They said: ‘Be reverent in your pilgrimage, Adam! We have made the pilgrimage for two thousand years before you. 567

Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn Abc Shayba, in al-MuTannaf and al-Bayhaqc, in his Sunan (Salman al-Farsc) When a man is in the countryside ( fC arQ ) and stands up to pray, two angels are praying behind him. 568*

al-Bayhaqc (Salman – the Prophet [marfE“an]) and ‘Abd al-Razzaq (Sa‘ cd b. al-Massayyab) When a man stands up to perform the prayers, while he is in the countryside ( fC falA min al-arQ ), two angels pray behind him. If he makes the call to prayers, and stands to perform the prayers, behind him are angels the size of mountains. 569 ‘Abd al-Razzaq and Sa‘ cd b. Manter (Makrel) Angels are present with humans when they pray. 570* ‘Abd al-Razzaq (oa’es) When a man performs the prayers, two angels pray behind him. If he makes the call to prayers, and stands to perform the prayers, many angels are behind him. 571* When makes angels

‘Abd al-Razzaq (‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr) a man performs the prayers in the wilderness (bi-khalA ” min al-arQ ), if he the call to prayers, and stands to perform the prayers, four thousand are with him.

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572 Armad b. ‘Abd al-Rarman b. ‘fmir (no authority given) A Muslim sees angels praying in a mosque at dawn. 573 Sa‘ cd b. Manter and Ibn Abc Shayba (Ibn Mas‘ed) A Muslim sees angels praying in a mosque at dawn. 574* Sa‘ cd b. Manter and Ibn Abc Shayba (Ibrahcm al-Nakha’c) The angels dislike those who rest facing the qibla after two prostrations during the dawn prayers. 575 al-Daylamc (Abe Sa‘ cd) God made the acceptance of tawRCd incumbent on humans and angels. 576* al-Bayhaqc, in his Sunan (‘Ubayd b. ‘Umayr) Angels do not stop praying for people, for as long as they are prostrating on their foreheads. 577 Abe ‘Ubayd, in FaQA ”il al-Qur ”An (Abe Minhal Siyar b. Salama) ‘Umar recited SErat al-FAtiRa [Q. 1] and said that it was the prayer that the angels said during the night. 578 Sa‘ cd b. Manter (‘Alc b. Abc oalib) Use of the siwAk (toothpick) is necessary. When a man stands up to perform the prayers, the angel comes to him and listens. The angel approaches until the angel comes to the person’s mouth. 579 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( Jabir – the Prophet) Angels are present with humans when they pray during the night. 580 al-Daylamc (‘Abd Allah b. Ja‘far) Angels are present with humans when they pray. 581 al-Rafi‘c, in Ta ”rCkh QazwCn (al-lasan) A description of an unnamed angel with a thousand heads, each head with a thousand faces (etc.) that praises God. 582* Malik, al-Bukharc and Muslim (‘f’isha) A house with idols in it is not entered by angels. 583* Malik, Armad, al-Tirmidhc and Ibn Maja (Abe Sa‘ cd) Angels do not enter a house with idols or images in it. 584* Ibn Maja (‘Alc – the Prophet) Angels do not enter a house with idols or dogs in it. 585*

Musaddad, al-Qani‘, al-Baghawc, al-oabaranc and Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (leu b. ‘Abd al-Azcz – the Prophet) Angels do not accompany troops with bells. 586*

Armad, Muslim, Abe Da’ed and al-Tirmidhc (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Angels do not accompany troops with bells or dogs with them.

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587* Armad (‘f’isha) Angels do not enter a house with a bell in it and they do not accompany riders who have a bell with them. 588* Sa‘ cd b. Manter Angels do not enter a house with urine in it. 589* al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU (‘Abd Allah b. Yazcd – the Prophet) Do not leave urine to stagnate in a bowl in a house, because angels do not enter a house if there is stagnant urine in it. 590* Ibn Abc Shayba (Suwayd) Angels do not enter a house with a tambourine (daff ) in it. 591* Ibn Abc Shayba (Shurayr) Angels do not enter a house with a tambourine in it. 592* al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Angels do not come near someone who is in a state of junub or anointed with khAluq, until they have been washed. 593* Armad and Abe Da’ed (‘fmir b. Yisar) Angels do not attend the funerals of unbelievers, or those anointed with saffron or who are ritually impure ( junEb). 594* al-oabaranc (‘Abd Allah b. Abc Awfc – the Prophet) An angel does not come down to a group that has severed the bonds of kinship. 595* Abe Da’ed, al-Nasa’c and al-lakim (‘Alc – the Prophet) Angels do not enter a house with someone who is in a state of junub in it, or if there is a dog or idols in it. 596* al-Nasa’c (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) Angels do not accompany troops who are carrying a cowbell. 597* Abe Da’ed (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Angels do not accompany troops who are carrying leopard skins ( jild al-namir). 598* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( ‘f’isha – the Prophet) Angels continue to pray for you for as long as their tables are set. 599*

al-Bukharc, Muslim and al-Bayhaqc, in al-Shu“ab al-CmAn ( Jabir – the Prophet) Whoever eats from these trees – garlic, onion and leek – do not go near the mosque, because the angels are offended by whatever offends a man.

600* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Sufyan – short isnAd given) I saw the Prophet in a dream, and I said: ‘Messenger of God, have you seen this report of yours which says that angels are hurt by whatever hurts humans?’ He said: ‘It is true.’

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601 Sa‘ cd b. Manter (‘Aua’ b. Salman) A person is told to wash the head of someone who has died with water and to sprinkle his bed with water. 602 Ibn Manda, in al-NaRAba ( Jabir) A man says a prayer before going to bed. 603

al-Tirmidhc, al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Abe Dharr – the Prophet) An angelic prayer, the words of which are the dearest to God. 604* Armad, in al-Zuhd (Abe labcb al-Qaqc) God boasts to the angels about the young believing men. 605 Ibn ‘Asakir (Abe Hurayra) Angels reward those who bless the Prophet on Thursday and Friday nights. 606 Ibn ‘Asakir (Wathila b. al-Asqab) Angels come to Damascus on Friday nights and pray for the sick. 607 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( Ja‘far b. Murammad) Angels reward those who bless the prophet on Thursday and Friday nights. 608* al-Daylamc (‘Alc – the Prophet) God has angels which he created out of light, and they do not come down [to Earth] except on the Friday nights (i.e. Thursday night) and Friday during the daytime. They hold pens of gold, and inkwells of silver, and papers of light. They write nothing except for the prayers on the Prophet. 609* Abe ’l-Shaykh (Murammad b. Ka‘b) Adam circumambulated the Sacred House and the angels said: May you be reverent and pious, Adam! We have circumambulated this house before you, for two thousand years. 610 Ibn Abc Shayba (Abe Sa‘ cd) When a specific prayer of supplication is used, seventy thousand angels pray for the believer to be forgiven. 611 Ibn Abc Shayba and al-Khara’iuc, in MakArim al-akhlAq (Ka‘b) People are protected from the devils if they say different prayers; the angels comment that they have acted correctly. 612* al-nartarc (‘Awn b. ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Utba – the Prophet) When a man leaves his house or wants to go on a journey, he should say the b’ismillah, ‘God protect me’, and ‘I rely on nothing except for God.’ The [person’s] angel will say: ‘May you be protected, may you be led on the right path, and may you be given safety.’ 613* Ibn Maja (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When a man goes out of his house or out of the doors of his dwelling, two angels are with him who are responsible for him. When he says the b’ismillah, the

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two [angels] say: ‘May you go the right way.’ When he says: ‘There is no power and no strength save in God!’ They say: ‘May you be protected!’ When he says: ‘I rely on nothing except for God!’ They say: ‘May you be given satisfaction!’ They do not leave him and remain close to him, saying what they desire of guidance, protection and safety for the man. 614

al-Bukharc, Muslim, Abe Da’ed, al-Tirmidhc, al-Nasa’c and Ibn Maja (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven. 615 al-Nasa’c and Ibn Maja (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When the Qur’an reciter says ‘Amen’, [the people] say ‘Amen’. The angels say ‘Amen’. 616* ‘Abd al-Razzaq (‘Ikrima) The ranks of people [at prayer] are based on (“alA) the ranks of the people of heaven. When it is right to say Amen on Earth, Amen [is said] in heaven, and the sins of the servants are forgiven. 617 ‘Abd al-Razzaq (‘Ikrima) Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven. 618*

Malik, al-Bukharc, Muslim, Abe Da’ed, al-Tirmidhc and al-Nasa’c (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When the Imam says ‘Amen’, God hears whoever praises Him. They say: ‘Praise God, our Lord! Yours is the Praise!’ When assent is given to His Word, the angels say: ‘May he be forgiven for the sins that he has committed.’ 619* Sa‘ cd b. Manter and Ibn Abc Shayba (Abe b. Ka‘b – the Prophet) The first row [in the mosque] is like a row of angels. 620 Muslim ( Jabir b. Samra – the Prophet) The rows of angels are crammed tight, one after the other. 621* Ibn ‘Asakir (Ibn‘Umar) The angels see those who wear turbans on Fridays and they bless people who wear turbans until the setting of the sun. 622 al-oayalisc (Sufyan b. Asal – the Prophet) The angels stretch out their wings for those who seek knowledge. 623* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (‘f’isha – the Prophet) The angels stretch out their wings for those who seek knowledge. 624* al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) The angels do not see any human entertainment except for betting and fighting.

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625 al-Daylamc (Ibn ‘Amr) Wear the izAr, just as I have seen the angels wear the izAr when they are in the presence of God. 626 al-oayalisc, and al-Bayhaqc, in his Sunan (‘Alc – the Prophet) The angels were wearing turbans at the battles of Badr and lunayn. 627* Ibn ‘Asakir (‘f’isha – the Prophet) I have seen many angels wearing turbans. 628 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) You should wear turbans, as angels wear turbans. 629 Abe ’l-Shaykh (Ibn ‘Abbas) Concerning the creation of horses. 630* ‘Abd al-Razzaq, ‘Abd b. lamcd and Ibn Jarcr (‘Urwa) The angels came down on the Day of Badr on piebald horses, they wore yellow turbans. 631 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When a believer is ill, two angels are responsible for the individual. 632 Malik and al-Bayhaqc (‘;ta’ b. Yisar – the Prophet) When a believer is ill, two angels are responsible for the individual. 633 al-Bayhaqc (Abe Sa‘ cd al-Khudrc – the Prophet) [As §632] 634* al-oabaranc and Ibn al-Sunnc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) If one of you sneezes, and says: ‘Praise belongs to God!’ and the angels say, ‘. . . the Lord of all Being’ [Q. 1:1–2]. If he says, ‘the Lord of all Being’, the angels say, ‘God have mercy upon him.’ 635* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Ibn ‘Abbas) If one of you sneezes, and says: ‘Praise belongs to God!’, the angels say, ‘. . . the Lord of all Being’ [Q. 1:1–2]. If he says, ‘the Lord of all Being’, the angels say, ‘God have mercy upon him.’ 636 al-Bukharc (‘f’isha – the Prophet) The angels come down to Earth in the clouds. 637 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Angels give people wisdom. 638

al-Bazzar and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) The same [as §637]. 639 Abe ’l-Fatr al-Azdc, in al-NaRAba ( Jamana al-Bahalc – the Prophet) God listened to the prayers of Moses.

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

213

640 al-Khara’iuc, in MakArim al-akhlAq (Abe Hurayra) On the right-hand side of the Throne is a caller who calls out to the Seven Heavens. 641* Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (Anas – the Prophet) If God loves a servant, He casts His love into the hearts of His angels; if God hates a servant, He casts His hate into the hearts of the angels, and they bring it down into the hearts of humans. 642 al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU (Anas – the Prophet) The angels bless the child of a slave-girl. 643 al-oabaranc, in al-SaghCr (Nabiu b. Sharcu – the Prophet) When a daughter is born to a man, the angels bless the family and cover her in their wings. 644*

Murammad b. Natr, in K. al-NalAt, Abe Ya‘la, Ibn libban and al-lakim ( Jabir – the Prophet) When someone goes to bed, an angel and a devil (shayUAn) come to him. The angel says: ‘Finish [the day] with a good action!’ The devil says: ‘Finish [the day] with a bad action!’ If he mentions God, then goes to sleep, the devil departs; and the angel spends the night with him, protecting him. When he wakes up, the angel and the devil hasten to him, and the angel says: ‘Start [the day] with a good action!’ The devil says: ‘Start [the day] with a bad action!’ 645 Abe ’l-Shaykh, in al-ThawAb ( Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah) When someone wakes up in the morning, an angel comes to him and encourages him to do a good action as his first action of the day; a devil also comes to him and encourages him to do a bad action as his first action of the day. Whichever action the individual chooses, the respective angel or devil remains with him for the day. 646 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) The angels reward the saying of a particular prayer during the ritual prayers. 647 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Amr – the Prophet) The angels reward the saying of a particular prayer during the ritual prayers. 648 al-oabaranc (‘Amcr b. Rabc‘ – the Prophet) The angels reward the saying of a particular prayer during the ritual prayers. 649 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Ibn Mas‘ed) A man should not engage in trade or military leadership until he is able to do so. 650* al-Bayhaqc (‘Alc b. ‘Atham) When God hates a servant, God sends an angel to him. [God] says: ‘Provide him with luxury. When he is in luxury, he will forget to be humble and to pray.’ 651 al-oabaranc and al-Bayhaqc (Abe Umama – the Prophet) God puts believers to the test.

214

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Summary of the radcth not translated

652* Ibn ‘Adc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) You should dye your hair [green]: the angels rejoice in believers who dye their hair [green] (i.e. with henna). 653

‘Abd al-Razzaq, in al-MuTannaf and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( ‘Ikrima b. Khalid) A devil comes to a man in human form and befriends him. An angel also comes to him in human form and befriends him. The devil recognizes that the angel is an angel, but the man does not. The angel then kills the devil. The man and the angel then receive hospitality and the angel steals a silver bowl. The man says that he cannot be a friend of someone who commits murder and steals. The angel then explains to the man that the other ‘human’ was a devil who wanted to kill him. 654

al-Bayhaqc, in al-AsmA” wa-’l-sifAt and Ibn ‘Asakir ( Jabir b. ‘Abd Allah – the Prophet) Concerning the creation of Adam and the protests of the angels. 655* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn and Ibn ‘Asakir (no authority given) The prophets are called by name, but then angels are not called by names. 656 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Amr – the Prophet) Humans eat and drink but angels do not. 657 Ibn ‘Asakir (Anas – the Prophet) Humans eat and drink but angels do not. 658* al-Bukharc and Muslim (‘f’isha – the Prophet) The Prophet was getting dressed when ‘Uthman came in [to his room]. He said: ‘Indeed! You should be ashamed by [seeing] a man [naked], [for] angels are ashamed by it.’ 659* al-oabaranc (Salama b. al-Akwa‘ – the Prophet) You are the ones who bear witness to God on earth, and the angels bear witness to God in heaven. 660 al-oabaranc ( ‘Imran b. lasin – the Prophet) None of the judgements of Solomon were made without two angels being with him, who led him to make the correct decision. 661* Armad and Ibn Maja (‘Ammar b. Rabc‘a – the Prophet) There is no servant that prays for me, without the angels praying for him for as long as he prayed for me, according to what the servant prayed and how much. 662

al-oabaranc, al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr – the Prophet) The first to enter the Garden are martyrs and the angels will praise God for them.

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

215

663 Armad, Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (Ibn ‘Amr – the Prophet) The first to enter the Garden are martyrs and the angels will praise God for them. 664 Ibn Maja (Ibn ‘Amr – the Prophet) The Prophet tells someone about the Gates of Heaven. 665 al-oabaranc (‘Ubayda b. al-namiu – the Prophet) The angels are proud of the Muslims during Ramaqan. 666 Armad, Muslim, al-Tirmidhc and al-Nasa’c (Mu‘awiyya – the Prophet) Murammad berates a group for sitting down whilst praising God and tells them that Gabriel boasts about the Muslims in heaven. 667

al-Bazzar, Ibn Jarcr and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( Jabir – the Prophet) On the Day of Resurrection, God will boast to his angels about his creations. 668 al-Daylamc (Talra – the Prophet) God boasts about humans to the angels. 669

Ibn libban, al-lakim and al-Bayhaqc, in his Sunan (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) God boasts about humans to the angels. 670 Armad and al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Amr – the Prophet) God boasts about humans to the angels. 671

Ibn ‘Adc, Abe Nu‘aym and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (‘f’isha – the Prophet) God boasts about humans and those that circumambulate the Ka“ba to the angels. 672* al-Khaucb, in his TA ”rCkh ( ‘Alc – the Prophet) God boasts to His angels about the one who takes up his sword in the Path of God; [the angels] pray for him for as long as he takes it up. 673* Armad, in al-Zuhd (al-lasan – the Prophet) When a servant sleeps whilst prostrating, God boasts about him to the angels, saying: ‘Look at my servant, his soul is with me and he is prostrating to me.’ 674 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Abe Sa‘ cd – the Prophet) On the Night of Power, Gabriel comes down to Earth with a troop of angels who pray for all those who are praying or sitting down making remembrance of God. When it is the day of their “Hd, God boasts about them to the angels. 675 al-Bayhaqc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) On the Night of Power, RiQwAn opens the Gates of Heaven and MAlik shuts the gates of Hell. Gabriel comes down to earth with a troop of angels and places a green flag on top of the Ka“ba. Gabriel has six hundred wings.

216

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

676 al-Bayahqc (‘f’isha – the Prophet) The angels bless those who are performing the pilgrimage and embrace those who make the journey on foot. 677* Armad (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Angels will curse one of you, when he makes a sign to their brother with a sword (RadCda), if he is brother by his father or in his community. 678 Ibn Jarcr, Ibn Abc latim and Abe ’l-Shaykh, in al-AVama (Abe ’l-‘fliyya) The angels were created on Wednesday, the jinn were created on Thursday and Adam was created on Friday. 679 Ibn Jarcr (Ibn Zayd) A narrative concerning the creation of Adam. 680* Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya, K. al-Tawba (Anas – the Prophet) The first to hear the call [of God] were the angels. God said: I shall create on earth a khalCfa. [Q. 2:30ff.] §682–744 Chapter on the Circumambulation of the Greatest House 682* al-Janadc, in FaQA ”il Makka (Wahb b. Munnabih) God, Most High, does not send an angel to perform a task until it has been sent to circumambulate the House, when it has done that it can fulfil the command. 683 al-Janadc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Adam is told by the angels that they have been circumambulating the Ka‘ba for two thousand years. 684 al-Azraqc (‘Alc b. al-lusayn) Concerning the creation of Adam, the protestation of the angels and the building of the Ka“ba and the bayt al-ma“mEr. 685 al-Azraqc (Layth b. Mu‘adh – the Prophet) There are fifteen houses of God, one in each of the seven heavens and earths and God’s house. They are all directly above each other. 686* al-Azraqc ( ‘Uthman b. Yisar al-Makkc) When God wants to send one of the angels to fulfil one of His commands on earth, that angel asks His permission to circumambulate His House, and the angel comes down praising God. 687 al-Azraqc ( ‘Ubayd Allah b. Abc Zayd) Adam is told to worship God in the Ka“ba, just as the angels worship God in the bayt al-ma“mEr. 688* al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Abbas) The first to circumambulate the House were the angels. 689 Ibn Abc Shayba and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (Anas – the Prophet) The angels performed the first circumambulation of the Ka“ba.

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

217

690 al-Azraqc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Murammad sees Gabriel wearing a green headband, which is covered by dust. Gabriel tells him that he has been prostrating at the bayt al-ma“mEr and the beating of the angels’ wings beat dust into the air. 691* Ibn Maja (Wathila – the Prophet) Whoever sells faulty goods and does not make it clear [that they are faulty], God’s hatred [of him] will not cease, and the angels will not stop cursing him. 692* Abe Nu‘aym, in al-Lilya (‘Umayr b. Sa‘ cd – the Prophet) Whoever finished reciting the Qur’an during the day, the angels will pray for him until evening comes; whoever finishes [reciting the Qur’an] after the end of the day, the angels will pray for him until morning. 693* Ibn al-Sunnc (Sa‘d – the Prophet) The angels curse those who pray in a name other than their own. 694* Ibn ‘Asakir (‘Alc – the Prophet) The angels curse those who give religious rulings, whilst knowing that a different ruling is the correct one. 695* al-Daraquunc, in al-AfrAd ( ‘Umar – the Prophet) No place of prayer is without an angel: one on the right and one on the left. When he has finished [the prayers], the two [angels] ascend from there, if he does not finish [the prayers], they hit him on the forehead. 696*

Abe ’l-lusayn b. Bashran in the first part of his FuwA ”id and Ibn alNajjar, in his Ta ”rCkh (Abe Sa‘ cd al-Khudrc – the Prophet) Whoever recited the Qur’an, then dies before he has been able to memorize it by heart, an angel comes to him and teaches it to him in the grave, so that when he meets God, Most High, he will have memorized it.

697 Abe Ya‘la (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) The angels feel ashamed in the presence of ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan, just as they feel ashamed in the presence of God and his Messenger. 698 Murammad b. Natr, in K. al-NalAt (Anas – the Prophet) The House which you mention when you recite the Qur’an is in the presence of angels, who drive away devils from it. 699* Armad and al-oabaranc (Ma‘qil b. Yasar) [SErat] al-Baqara is the hump of the Qur’an and its climax. Every verse was sent down with eighty angels. 700* al-oabaranc and al-Mardawayh (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) SErat al-An“Am [Q. 6] was sent down to me as a whole, and seventy thousand angels accompanied it. They let it go (zajala) by saying the tasbCR and the taRmCd.

218

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

701*

al-lakim (he judged it to be sound) and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( Jabir) When SErat al-An“Am was sent down, the Messenger of God praised God, then said: ‘This sEra was accompanied by angels, [of such great numbers] that they filled the horizon.’ 702 Armad, Muslim and al-Tirmidhc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) God’s commands pass through the heavens and the jinn hear, but do not pay heed to them. 703 al-Bukharc, al-Tirmidhc and Ibn Maja (Abe Hurayara – the Prophet) God’s commands pass through the heavens. 704 Muslim (Abe Hurayara – the Prophet) Two angels receive the soul of the deceased. 705 Ibn ‘Asakir (Ibn Mas‘ed – the Prophet) God’s favourite creation is the man who discusses the Law and is obedient. 706* Abe ’l-Shaykh, in K. al-AdhAn (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) The people of heaven cannot hear [anything] of the people on earth, except the call to prayer. 707* al-lakcm al-Tirmidhc, in NawAdir al-uTEl (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Believers’ homes are [like] lights to the Throne, believers’ homes light up when the Qur’an is being recited. 708 al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( ‘f’isha – the Prophet) The house, in which the Qur’an is being recited, shines for the people of heaven, just like the way in which the stars appear to the people of earth. 709

Armad and al-Tirmidhc (he judged it to be fair) (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) God came to Murammad in the most beautiful form. 710* al-oabaranc (Tamcm al-Darc – the Prophet) There is no house in Medina (Uayba MadCna) without an angel standing over the lintel with its sword unsheathed to prevent the Anti-Christ entering the house. 711 Armad, al-Bukharc and Muslim (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When a woman makes the midday-bed of her husband, angels help her. 712

Armad, Muslim, Abe Da’ed, al-Tirmidhc, al-Nasa’c and Ibn Maja (Umm Salama – the Prophet) When someone is in the presence of the deceased, the angels say ‘Amen’ to whatever prayers are said. 713* al-Daylamc (Ibn ‘Amr – the Prophet) If a servant finishes the Qur’an, sixty thousand angels pray for him at his completion of it.

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

219

714* Armad, al-Bukharc and Muslim (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) When you hear cockerels crowing, they are asking God for his blessing, because they have seen an angel. When you hear donkeys braying, they are seeking protection in God from the Devil, for they have seen a devil. 715* al-Bazzar (Abe Bakr – the Prophet) When a Muslim unsheathes his sword against his brother, the angels continue to curse him until he has sheathed it. 716* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn ( ‘Alc – the Prophet) When a Muslim man performs the prayers and then sits down after the prayers [in meditation], the angels pray for him for as long as he remains in that place of prayer, and their prayers are for him, that God may forgive him and have mercy upon him. 717 al-Khaucb, in his Ta ”rCkh (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Angels are present at the ritual prayers. 718*

Armad, al-Tirmidhc (he judged it to be sound), Ibn libban and alBayhaqc (Umm ‘Imara bt. Ka‘b – the Prophet) The faster: when food is in his presence, the angels continue to pray for him until he has left the food. 719

Armad, al-Bukharc, Muslim, al-Nasa’c and Ibn Maja (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays. 720 Armad, Abe Da’ed and al-Bayhaqc, in his Sunan ( ‘Alc – the Prophet) Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays. 721 Armad, Abe Ya‘la and al-oabaranc (Abe Umama – the Prophet) Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays. 722 Abe ’l-Shaykh, in al-ThawAb (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays. 723

al-lasan b. Sufyan, in his Musnad, al-Bawardc and al-oabaranc (Aws al-Antarc – the Prophet) Angels call out to Muslims on the Day of FiUr. 724 al-oabaranc (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The angels rejoice at the passing of winter. 725* al-Shcrazc, in al-AlqAb (Ibn ‘Abbas – the Prophet) The angels prayed for Adam and exalted him four times. 726 al-Daraquunc, in his Sunan, and Ibn ‘Asakir (Ibn ‘Abbas) Gabriel prayed for Adam and exalted him four times. Gabriel prayed with the angels on that day in the Mosque.

220

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

727 al-Daylamc ( Jabir – the Prophet) Concerning the Day of Resurrection 728 Ibn Maja (Abe ’l-Darda’ – the Prophet) The Prophet tells people to increase their prayers for him, as angels pray to bless him. 729 Ibn al-Najjar (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) Tented mosques: the angels sit in the [tent pegs]. 730

‘Abd al-Razzaq, in al-MuTannaf and al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-CmAn (‘Aua’ al-Khurasanc – the Prophet) Angels sit on the tent pegs of tented mosques. 731 Ibn ‘Asakir (‘Ammar b. Yasir – the Prophet) God has knowledge of the hidden. 732

Murammad b. Natr al-Marwazc, in K. al-NalAt (ludhayfa b. al-Yaman – the Prophet) A Muslim heard someone reciting a prayer; the Prophet told him that it was an angel. 733* Murammad b. Natr (Abe Hurayra) While I was praying, I heard someone talking, saying: ‘Praise be to You, O God! All praise [is Yours]!’ He mentioned the RadCth in this way. 734 Armad and al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU (Thawban – the Prophet) God’s blessings on his creations pass through the heavens. 735

Ibn ‘Asakir and Abe Bakr al-Wasiuc, in FaQA ”il Bayt al-Maqdis (Abe ’lZahariyya) A Muslim sees Gabriel, Michael and other angels praying in the Ka“ba. 736* al-Bayhaqc, in Shu“ab al-Cman (Abe Yarya b. Abc Murra) I circumambulate [the Ka“ba] on the twenty-seventh night of Ramaqan, because I saw the angels circumambulating the house in the sky. 737* Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn al-Mundhir and al-Bayhaqc (al-Sha‘ bc) The angels pray that people at the mosque may find peace, on the Night of Power, until the dawn rises. 738* Sa‘ cd b. Manter and Ibn al-Mundhir (Manter b. Zadhan) During the Night [of Power], the angels come down when the sun sets until the dawn comes the following day, and they pass over all the believers, saying: ‘Peace be upon you, believer!’ 739* Ibn al-Mundhir (al-lasan) On the Night of Power the angels continue to beat their wings, seeking peace and mercy from God from the dusk prayers until the dawn prayers.

Appendix A

Summary of the radcth not translated

221

740* Armad (Abe Hurayra – the Prophet) On the Night of Power, either the twenty-seventh or twenty-ninth [of Ramaqan], on that day, the angels are more numerous than the number of pebbles. 741 al-Daylamc (‘Abd Allah b. Zayd – the Prophet) I asked my Lord to make the morning prayers incumbent upon my community, and God says that it is the prayer of the angels. 742* al-oabaranc, in al-AwsaU (Ibn ‘Umar – the Prophet) The Prophet passed by an idol made of copper, and he hit the back of it with the back of his hand. He said: Whoever of your servants will fail and perish without God. Then Gabriel came to the Prophet with an angel, and the angel drew back. The Prophet said: ‘What caused him to draw back?’ [Gabriel] said: He found the smell of copper (rCR naRAs) on you, but I am not able [to detect] the smell of copper. 743* ‘Abd b. lamcd, Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Abc latim (Qatada) Concerning His Word, Most High, ‘who appointed the angels to be messengers, having wings two, three, four.’ [Q. 35:1] He said: Some of them have two wings, some of them have three wings, some of them have four wings. 744 Ibn al-Mundhir (Ibn Jurayj) Concerning His Word, ‘having wings’ [Q. 35:1] He said: The angels have two to three to twelve wings. Amongst them are the odd numbers of three wings and five. Gabriel has six wings.

Appendix B Named sources of RadCth in al-LabA»ik fC akhbAr al-malA »ik

The following is a list of the authors of RadCth collections cited by al-Suyeuc in al-LabA ”ik fC akbAr al-malA ”ik. The first item in the list is the name used by al-Suyeuc when he cites an author, followed by the author’s full name and date of death. In many cases it has been possible to confirm an author’s identity, either by fame or by reference to a specific work in al-LabA ”ik. Second Century Malik; Abe ‘Abd Allah Malik b. Anas b. Malik b. Abc ‘fmir al-Atbarc (d. 170/786) Juwaybir; Juwaybir b. Sa‘d (d. 150/767) Ibn al-Mubarak; ‘Abd Allah b. al-Mubarak b. Wadir al-lanzalc (d. 181/797) Third Century al-Shafi‘c; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Idrcs b. al-‘Abbas al-Shafi‘c (d. 204/820) ‘Abd al-Razzaq; Abe Bakr ‘Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam b. Nafi‘ al-limyarc (d. 211/827) al-Firyabc; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Yesuf b. Waqid al-Firyabc (d. 212/827) al-‘Azraqc; Abe ’l-Walcd al-‘Azraqc Armad b. Murammad b. al-Walcd b. ‘Uqba b. al-‘Azraq (d. 222/837) Abe ‘Ubayd; Abe ‘Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224/839) Sa‘ cd b. Manter; Abe ‘Uthman Sa‘ cd b. Manter b. Shu‘ba al-Khurasanc (d. 227/842) Musaddad; Musaddad b. Musarhad al-Asadc (d. 228/843) Ibn Sa‘d; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Sa‘d b. Mani‘ al-Batrc al-Zuhrc Katib al-Waqidc (d. 230/845) al-‘Adanc; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Yarya b. Abc ‘Umar al-‘Adanc al-Darawardc (d. 234/858) Ibn Abc Shayba; ‘Abd Allah b. Murammad b. ‘Abd Allah b. Abc Shayba al-‘Absc al-Kefc (d. 235/849) Ibn Raheya/Ibn Rahwayh; Abe Ya‘qeb Israq b. Ibrahcm b. Makhlad b. Raheya [Rahwayh] al-lanvalc al-Marwazc (d. 238/853)

Appendix B

Named sources of radcth in al-laba’ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

223

Armad; Abe ‘Abd Allah Armad b. lanbal (d. 241/855) Hannad b. al-Sarc; Hannad b. al-Sarc b. Mut‘ab al-Darimc al-Kefc (d. 243/857) ‘Abd b. lamcd; Abe Murammad ‘Abd b. lamcd b. Natr al-Kissc (d. 249/863) al-Bukharc; Murammad b. Isma‘ cl b. Ibrahcm b. al-Mughcra al-Bukharc al-Ju‘fc (d. 256/869) Ibn ‘Abd al-lakam; Abe ’l-Qasim ‘Abd al-Rarman b. ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Abd al-lakam (d. 257/871) Muslim; Muslim b. al-lajjaj al-Qushayrc al-Ncsaberc (d. 261/871) Ibn Maja; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Yazcd b. Maja al-Qawcnc (d. 273/886) Abe Da’ed; Abe Da’ed Sulayman b. al-Ash‘ath b. Israq al-Azdc al-Sijistanc (d. 275/888) Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya; Abe Bakr ‘Abd Allah b. Murammad b. ‘Ubayd b. Abc ’l-Dunya (d. 281/894) al-Darimc; Abe Sa‘ cd ‘Uthman b. Sa‘ cd b. Khalid al-Sijistanc al-Darimc (d. 282/895) ‘Abd Allah b. Armad; Abe ‘Abd al-Rarman ‘Abd Allah b. Armad b. Murammad b. lanbal al-Shaybanc (d. 290/903) al-Bazzar; Abe Bakr Armad b. ‘Amr b. ‘Abd al-Khaliq al-Batrc al-Bazzar (d. 292/905) Murammad b. Natr; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Matr al-Marwazc (d. 294/906) Fourth Century al-lasan b. nufyan; Abe ’l-‘Abbas al-lasan b. Sufyan al-Nasawc (d. 303/916) al-Nasa’c; Abe ‘Abd al-Rarman Armad b. ‘Alc b. Shu‘ayb b. ‘Alc al-Nasa’c (d. 303/915) Abe Ya‘la; Abe Ya‘la Armad b. ‘Alc b. al-Muhtanna al-Tamcmc al-Mawtilc (d. 307/919) al-Dcnawarc; Abe Murammad ‘Abd Allah b. Murammad b. Wahb al-Dcnawarc (d. 308/920) al-Janadc; Abe Sa‘ cd al-Mufaqqal b. Murammad b. Ibrahcm al-Janadc al-Sha‘ bc (d. 308/920) Ibn Jarcr; Abe Ja‘far Murammad b. Jarcr b. Yazcd al-oabarc (d. 310/923) Abe ‘Awana; Abe ‘Awana Ya‘qeb b. Israq b. Ibrahcm al-Ncsaberc al-Isfarayinc al-Shafi‘c (d. 316/928) Ibn Abc Da’ed; Abe Bakr ‘Abd Allah b. Abc Da’ed Sulayman b. al-Ash‘ath al-Azdc al-Sijistanc (d. 316/928) Ibn al-Mundhir; Abe Bakr Murammad b. Ibrahcm b. al-Mundhir al-Mundhirc al-Ncsaberc (d. 318/930) al-Tirmidhc; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. ‘Alc al-Tirmidhc al-lakcm (d. 318/930) al-lakim; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. ‘Abd Allah b. Hamdawayh al-kabbc al-lakim al-Ncsaberc (d. 321/933)

224

Appendix B

Named sources of radcth in al-laba’ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

al-‘Uqaylc; Abe Ja‘far Murammad b. ‘Amr b. Mesa b. Hammad al-‘Uqaylc al-Hijazc (d. 322/934) al-Khara’iuc; Abe Bakr Murammad b. Ja‘far al-Khara’iuc al-Samarrc (d. 327/938) al-oayalisc; Murammad b. Ja‘far b. Murammad b. Ja‘far al-oayalisc (d. 327/938) Ibn Abc latim; Abe Murammad ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Abc latim Murammad b. Idrcs b. al-Mundhir al-Tamcmc (d. 327/938) Ibn al-Anbarc; Abe Bakr Murammad b. al-Qasim b. Murammad b. Bishshar al-Anbarc (d. 327/939) al-Marwazc; Abe Bakr Armad b. Ibrahcm al-Marwazc (d. 339/951) Ibn Qani‘; Abe ‘l-lusayn ‘Abd al-Baqc b Qani‘ b. Mazreq al-Umawc (d. 351/962) Ibn libban; Abe latim Murammad b. Armad b. libban al-Busuc (d. 354/965) al-oabaranc; Abe ’l-Qasim Sulayman b. Armad b. Ayyeb al-Lakhmc al-oabaranc (d. 360/971) Ibn al-Sunnc; Abe Bakr Armad b. Murammad b. Israq b. Ibrahcm al-Dcnawarc b. al-Sunnc (d. 364/971) Ibn ‘Adc; Abe Armad ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Adc b. ‘Abd Allah al-Jurjanc b. al-Qauuan (d. 365/976) Abe ’l-Fatr al-‘Azdc; Abe ’l-Fatr Murammad b. al-lusayn b. Armad al-Azdc al-Mawtilc (d. 367/977) Abe ’l-Shaykh; Abe Murammad ‘Abd Allah b. Murammad b. Ja‘far b. layyan Abe ’l-Shaykh (d. 369/979) al-nabenc; Abe ‘Uthman Isma‘ cl b. ‘Abd al-Rarman b. Armad al-nabenc (d. 373/983) al-Daraquunc; Abe ’l-lasan ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar b. Armad b. Mahdc alDaraquunc (d. 385/995) Ibn Bauua; Abe ‘Abd Allah ‘Ubayd Allah b. Murmmad b. Murammad b. lamdan al-‘Ukbarc b. Bauua (d. 387/997) Ibn Manda; Abe ‘Abd Allah Murammad b. Israq b. Manda (d. 395/1005) Fifth Century Ibn al-Najjar; Abe ’l-lasan Murammad b. Ja‘far b. Murammad al-Tamcmc b. al-Najjar (d. 401/1011) Ibn Mardawayh; Abe Bakr Armad b. Mesa b. Mardawayh b. Ferah al-Itfahanc (d. 410/1019) Abe Nu‘aym; Abe Nu‘aym ‘Alc b. ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Alc b. Israq al-Itfahanc (d. 430/1038) al-Bayhaqc; Armad b. al-lusayn b. ‘Alc al-Bayhaqc (d. 458/1066) al-Khaucb; Abe Bakr Armad b. ‘Alc b. Thabit al-Khaucb al-Baghdadc (d. 463/1071) al-Waridc; Abe ’l-lasan ‘Alc b. ‘Alc b. Murammad b. ‘Alc b. Matteya al-Waridc al-Ncsaberc (d. 468/1075)

Appendix B

Named sources of radcth in al-laba’ik fc akhbar al-mala’ik

225

al-Shirazc; Abe Israq Ibrahcm b. ‘Alc b. Yesuf al-Shcrazc b. Fcrezabadc (d. 476/1083) Sixth Century al-Barwadc; Abe ’l-Muzaffar Murammad b. Abc ’l-‘Abbas b. Armad b. Murammad al-Abcwardc (d. 507/1113) al-Baghawc; Abe Murammad al-lusayn b. Mas‘ed al-Farra’ al-Baghawc (d. 510/1117) Ibn ‘Asakir; Abe ’l-Qasim ‘Alc b. al-lasan b. Hibat Allah Thiqat al-Dcn b. ‘Asakir (d. 571/1176) al-Silafc; Abe ’l-oahir Armad b. Murammad b. Armad al-Silafc (b. Silafa) (d. 576/1180) al-Daylamc; Shams al-Dcn Abe Thabit Murammad b. ‘Abd al-Malik al-Daylamc (d. 589/1193) Seventh Century al-Rafi‘c; ‘Abd al-Karcm b. Murammad al-Rafi‘c al-Qazwcnc (d. 623/1226) al-kiya’; kiya’ al-Dcn Murammad b. ‘Abd al-Warcd al-Maqdisc (d. 643/1245) Ibn natarc; Abe Zakariyya Yarya b. Yesuf al-Antarc al-Baghdadc al-natarc (d. 656/1258) Eighth Century Abe Bakr al-Wasiuc; Abe ’l-‘Abbas Armad b. Ibrahcm b. ‘Abd al-Rarman alWasiuc al-lanbalc (d. 711/1311) Ninth Century Ibn lajar; Abe ’l-Faql ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Alc b. Murammad b. lajar Shihab al-Dcn al-‘Asqalanc (d. 852/1449)

Notes

1 Angels in Classical Islam and contemporary scholarship 1 S.M. Zwemer, ‘The Worship of Adam by Angels (With Reference to Hebrews 1.6),’ MW 27, 1937, p. 115. 2 W. Eickmann, Die Angelologie und Dämonologie des Korans im Vergleich zu der Engel- und Geisterlehre der Heiligen Schrift, New York and Leipzig: Verlag Paul Eger, 1908; and P.A. Eichler, Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran, Leipzig: Klein, 1928. These are both focused on the Qur’an rather than RadCth; there is also a short, but fairly basic, article on Jewish, Christian and Islamic angelology: E.F.F. Bishop, ‘Angelology in Judaism, Christianity and Islam,’ ATR 46, 1964, pp. 142–54. 3 S. Murata, ‘The Angels,’ in S.H. Nasr (ed.), Islamic Spirituality: Foundations, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987, p. 324. 4 Belief in angels features in many of the creedal statements: cf. al-Ash‘arc §1 and 24; al-oahawc §20 and 24; al-Fiqh al-akbAr II §1; al-Qayrawanc §28 and al-Nasafc §23; W.M. Watt, Islamic Creeds, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994, pp. 41, 43, 52–4, 62, 72 and 83. In the contemporary world, disbelief in angels is still regarded as leading to kufr; for example, it was cited (fairly or unfairly) in the case of Natr Abe Zayd; see F.M. Najjar, ‘Islamic Fundamentalism and the Intellectuals: The Case of Natr lamid Abe Zayd,’ BJMES 27, 2000, p. 194. 5 Q. 2:97; A.J. Arberry, The Koran Interpreted, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 12; cf. Q 2:161, 177, 285 and 4:136. (All quotations from the Qur’an will be from this translation, unless otherwise stated; this is used in conjunction with the standard Cairo numbering). See also M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, ‘Qur’an and Hadith,’ in T. Winter (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008, p. 27; and H. Boubakeur, Traité moderne de théologie islamique, Paris: Editions Maisonneuve and Larose, 1985, pp. 63–71. 6 Cf. al-oabarc, JAmi “ al-bayAn “an ta ”wCl al-Qur ”An, Cairo: Mauba‘at Mutuafa al-Babc Halabc, 1954, vol. 1, pp. 439–40. 7 A. Caquot, ‘Die Biblische Angelologie: Das Alte Testament,’ in G.H. Tavard, with A. Caquot and J. Michl, Die Engel, Freiburg: Herder, 1968, p. 1. 8 For a discussion of the differences between ethical, spatial and cosmic dualism, see J.G. Gammie, ‘Spatial and Ethical Dualism in Jewish Wisdom and Apocalyptic Literature,’ JBL 93:3, 1974, pp. 356–85. 9 K. Barth (tr. G.W. Bromley and R.J. Ehrlich), Church Dogmatics: The Doctrine of Creation, Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1960, vol. 3, part 3, §51, p. 370. Cf. W.A. Whitehouse, ‘God’s Heavenly Kingdom and his Servants the Angels: An Account of Kirchliche Dogmatik III/3 §51 by Karl Barth,’ Scottish Journal of Theology 4, 1951, pp. 376–82. 10 Philo, De Cherubim, §19; C.D. Yonge, The Works of Philo: Complete and Unabridged, Peabody: Hendrickson Publishers, 1993. See also J. Dillon, ‘Philo’s Doctrine of Angels,’ in

Notes

11 12 13

14 15 16

17

18 19 20

21 22 23 24 25

26 27

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D. Winston and J. Dillon (eds), Two Treatises of Philo of Alexandria, Chico: Scholars’ Press, 1983, pp. 197–205. T. O’Shaughnessy, Word of God in the Qur’an, Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1984, p. 4. J. Macquarrie, Principles of Christian Theology, London: SCM Press, 2003, pp. 233–7. Cf. G. Peers, Subtle Bodies: Representing Angels in Byzantium, London: University of California Press, 2001, pp. 16–17; M. Bussagli, ‘Angels: From their Origins to the Middle Ages – Theology and Iconography,’ in F. Buranelli and R.C. Dietrick (eds), Between God and Man: Angels in Italian Art, Jackson: Mississippi Museum of Art, 2007, pp. 12–22. C.E. Clement, Angels in Art, L.C. Page and Co., 1898, p. 19. Cf. C. Rowland, ‘A Man Clothed in Linen: Daniel 10.6ff and Jewish Angelology,’ JSNT 24, 1985, pp. 99–110; and P.J. Heather, ‘Colour Symbolism: Part I,’ Folklore 59, 1948, pp. 169–70. A. Brenner, Colour Terms in the Old Testament, Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1982; L. James, ‘Color and Meaning in Byzantium,’ Journal of Early Christian Studies 11:2, 2003, pp. 223–33; G. Scholem, ‘Colours and their Symbolism in Jewish Tradition and Mysticism,’ Diogenes 27:108, 1979, pp. 84–111 and 28:109, 1980, pp. 64–76. See Chapter 4 below and S.R. Burge, ‘The Angels’ Roles in Death and Judgement: Al-Suyuti’s Approach to Hadith,’ in A. Phillips and R. Abu-Remaileh (eds), The Meeting Place of British Middle East Studies: Emergent Scholars, Emergent Research and Approaches, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009, pp. 47–55. The word for angel, malak (pl. malA ”ika), appears seventy-eight times in the Qur’an; see M.F. ‘Abd al-Baqc, al-Mu “jam al-mufahras li’l-alfAV al-Qur ”An al-karCm, Cairo: Dar al-ladcth, 1417/1996, pp. 771–2. S.M. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1993. See EIr, sv. ‘Fravaši’ [M. Boyce]; M.N. Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism, London: Oxford University Press, 1938, pp. 39–67 (Gathas) and 162–243 (Avesta); and M. Stausberg (tr. M. Priesler-Weller), Zarathustra and Zoroastrianism: A Short Introduction, London: Equinox, 2008, pp. 25–49. Similar developments in theology can be seen in the figure of Sraoša; see G. Kreyenbroek, Sraoša in the Zoroastrian Tradition, Leiden: Brill, 1985, pp. 164–83. See G.H. Tavard, ‘Die Ersten Christlichen Jahrhunderte,’ in Tavard, Caquot and Michl, Die Engel, pp. 20–34; and idem, ‘Die Hochpatristik,’ in Tavard, Caquot and Michl, Die Engel, pp. 35–49. D. Keck, Angels and Angelology in the Medieval Ages, New York: Oxford University Press, 1997; P. Brown, The Cult of Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Although, in practice, the authority of the Qur’an is more complicated and can be challenged by the sunna; cf. N.J. Coulson, A History of Islamic Law, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990, pp. 75–85. J. Wansbrough, Qur ”Anic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation – with a Foreword, Translations and Expanded Notes by Andrew Rippin, Amherst: Prometheus Books, 2004, p. 100. M. Khadduri (tr.), Al-ImAm MuRammad ibn Idris al-ShAfi “C’s Risala fc utel al-fiqh: Treatise on the Foundations of Islamic Jurisprudence, Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 2003, pp. 75–6; see also N. Calder, ‘Ikhtilâf and Ijmâ‘ in Shâfi‘î’s Risâla,’ SI 58, 1983, pp. 55–81. Arberry translates malak al-mawt as ‘Death’s angel’ instead of the more common ‘Angel of Death’; Arberry, Koran, p. 424. T. O’Shaughnessy, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death: A Thematic Study of the Qur’anic Data, Leiden: Brill, 1969.

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28 See Burge, ‘The Angels’ Roles in Death and Judgement: Al-Suyuti’s Approach to Hadith’, pp. 47–55; cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 21, pp. 97–8; and Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc, al-TafsCr al-KabCr (a.k.a. MafAtiR al-ghayb), Tehran: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1970, vol. 25, p. 176. 29 See Burge, ‘The Angels’ Roles in Death and Judgement: Al-Suyuti’s Approach to Hadith’, pp. 43–7; cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 26, pp. 157–60; al-Razc, TafsCr, vol. 28, p. 163; al-Suyeuc, al-Durr al-manthEr fC ’l-tafsCr bi’l-ma ”thEr, Beirut: Dar al-Ma‘arifa, 1978, vol. 6, p. 103. 30 See al-Suyeuc (ed. Murammad Abe ’l-Faql Ibrahcm), [K.] al-ItqAn f C “ulEm al-Qur ”An, Cairo: Maktabat wa-Mauba‘at al-Mashan al-lusaync, n.d., vol. 4, p. 69; and alSuyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, §323. 31 See A. Rippin, ‘Al-Zarkashc and al-Suyeuc on the function of the occasion of revelation material,’ IC 59, 1985, pp. 243–58; and ibid., ‘The Function of AsbAb al-NuzEl in Qur’anic Exegesis,’ BSOAS 51, 1988, pp. 1–20. 32 Concerning Q. 2:280, for which there is only one sabAb, Rippin comments: ‘Implicit in this sabAb, and that would seem to be the point, is that the verse refers not to the repayment of usury – which after all, would appear to have been the topic of this pericope – but rather, to the repayment of all debts.’ Rippin, ‘The Function of AsbAb al-NuzEl’, pp. 8–9. 33 E.g. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 444–67. 34 Interestingly, the narrative is linked to and often cites Q. 2:30 (‘[The angels] said, “What wilt Thou set therein one who will do corruption there, and shed blood, while We proclaim Thy praise and call Thee Holy?” ’); but the exegeses do not ‘peg’ the story to this verse. 35 E.g. Ibn Israq, SCrat RasEl AllAh; A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of IsRAq Scrat Rasel Allah, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1967, pp. 181–7. 36 F.S. Colby, Narrating Muhammad’s Night Journey: Tracing the Development of the Ibn “AbbAs Ascent Discourse, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2008. 37 For a discussion of the differences between the ascent (mi “rAj ) and the night journey (isrA ”), see T. Nünlist, Himmelfahrt und Heiligkeit im Islam: Eine Studie unter besondere Berücksichtigung von Ibn SCnA’s Mi “rAj-nAmeh, Berlin: Peter Lang, 2002, pp. 23–144. 38 The most famous exposition of the Qur’anic Sciences (“ulEm al-Qur ”An) is al-Suyeuc, K. al-ItqAn f C “ulEm al-Qur ”An. For an examination of the Qur’anic Sciences, see Wansbrough, Quranic Studies; J.D. McAuliffe, ‘Exegetical Sciences,’ in A. Rippin (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to the Qur ”An, London: Blackwell, 2006, pp. 403–19; and D. Krawulsky, Eine Einführung in die Koranwissenschaften: “UlEm al-Qur ”An, Bern: Peter Lang, 2006. 39 al-Ghazalc, al-Durra al-fAkhira fC kashf “ulEm al-Akhira; J.I. Smith (tr.), The Precious Pearl, Missoula: Scholars Press, 1979. 40 al-Qaqc, DaqA ”iq al-akhbAr fC dhikr al-janna wa-’l-nAr; A.A. at-Tarjumana (sic) (tr.), Islamic Book of the Dead, Norwich: Diwan Press, 1977. 41 B.O. Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, Earthly Concerns: The Legacy of the Mi “rAj in the Formation of Islam, London: Routledge, 2005, p. 97; see also C. Lange, Justice, Punishment, and the Medieval Muslim Imagination, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. pp. 101–75. 42 This will be discussed in much more detail in Chapter Six. 43 F.S. Colby, ‘The Subtleties of the Ascension: al-Sulamc on the Mi “rAj of the Prophet Muhammad,’ SI 94, 2002, pp. 167–83; F.S. Colby (tr.), The Subtleties of the Ascension: Early Mystical Sayings on Muhammad’s Heavenly Journey, Louisville: Fons Vitae, 2006. 44 Cf. I. Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkevah Mysticism: Studies in Apocalypticism, Merkevah Mysticism, and Gnosticism, Leiden: Brill, 1980, p. 31. 45 See I.R. Netton, NEf C Ritual: The Parallel Universe, Richmond: Curzon, 2000, pp. 145–7. 46 See S.R. Burge, ‘Impurity/Danger!’ ILS 17, 2010, pp. 320–49; and idem, ‘Angels, Ritual and Sacred Space,’ CIS 5, 2011, pp. 221–45.

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47 Cf. G. Webb, ‘Hierarchy, Angels, and the Human Condition in the Sufism of Ibn ‘Arabc,’ MW 81, 1991, pp. 245–53; and S.R. Burge, ‘The Provenance of Suhrawardian Angelology,’ ArOr 76:4, 2008, pp. 435–57. 48 Cf. Y. Frenkel, ‘Popular Culture (Islam, Early and Middle Periods),’ Religion Compass 2:2, 1998, pp. 195–225. 49 See R. Irwin, The Arabian Nights: A Companion, London: Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 2005, pp. 214–15. 50 J. Waardenburg, ‘Official and Popular Religion as a Problem in Islamic Studies,’ in P.H. Vrijhof and J. Waardenburg (eds), Official and Popular Religion: Analysis of a Theme for Religious Studies, The Hague: Mouton, 1979, pp. 361–2. 51 For more on magic, see T. Fahd, La Divination Arabe: Etudes Religieuses, Sociologiques, et Folkloriques sur le Milieu Natif de l’-Islam, Leiden: Brill, 1966; and E. Savage-Smith (ed.), Magic and Divination in Early Islam, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. 52 Cf. al-Zabcdc, TAj al-“arEs min jawAhCr al-qAmEs, Kuwait: Mauba‘at lukuma al-Kuwayt, 1965–2001, vol. 28, pp. 45–54; see also S. Reichmuth, ‘Murtaqa az-Zabcdc (D. 1791) in Biographical and Autobiographical Accounts. Glimpses of Islamic Scholarship in the 18th Century,’ WdI 39, 1999, pp. 64–102. 53 A. Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur ”An, Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938. 54 cf. T. Nöldeke, with F. Schwally, Geschichte des Qorans, Hildescheim: Georg Olms, 1962, pp. 6–20; C.C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, New York: Jewish Institute of Religion Press, 1933; and R. Bell, The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment, London: Macmillan, 1926; prior to these, there were a number of more polemic studies, obvious examples of which include A. Geiger, Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen, reprinted Leipzig: M.W. Kaufmann, 1902; W.S. Tisdal, The Original Sources of the Qur ”ân, London: SPCK, 1905; and H. Speyer, Die Biblische Erzählungen im Qoran, Hildescheim: Georg Olms, 1988. 55 C. Luxemburg, Die Syro-Aramäische Lesart des Koran: Ein Beitrag zur Entschüsselung der Koransprache, Berlin: Schiller, 2000. A new edition of Jeffery’s Foreign Vocabulary has also been published: A. Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur ”An, with a foreword by Gerhard Böwering and Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Leiden: Brill, 2007. Jeffery’s text has been unchanged, despite the various criticisms and comments on the text itself, e.g. D.S. Margoliouth, ‘Some additions to Professor Jeffery’s Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur ”An,’ JRAS 1, 1939, pp. 53–61. 56 Cf. R. Hoyland, ‘Epigraphy and the Linguistic Background to the Qur’an,’ in G.S. Reynolds (ed.), The Qur ”An in its Historical Context, London: Routledge, 2008, pp. 51–69. 57 E.g. A. Rippin, ‘Syriac in the Qur’an: Classical Muslim Theories,’ in Reynolds (ed.), The Qur ”An in its Historical Context, pp. 249–61; idem, ‘The Designation of Foreign Languages in the Qur’an,’ in J.D. McAuliffe, B.D. Wallfish and J.W. Goering (eds), With Reverence for the Word: Medieval Scriptural Exegesis in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, pp. 437–44; idem, ‘Qur’an 78/24: A Study in Arabic Lexicography,’ JSS 28, 1983, pp. 311–20. 58 See S. Sandmel, ‘Parallelomania,’ JBL 81, 1962, pp. 1–13. 59 For example, the story of the covenant made between God and Abraham in Gen. 15 was connected with a number of Ancient Near Eastern legal contracts; cf. G.F. Hasel, ‘The Meaning of the Animal Rite in Genesis 15,’ JSOT 19, 1981, pp. 61–78. 60 Cf. J.Z. Smith, ‘Adde Parvum Parvo Magnus Acervus Erit,’ HR 11, 1971, pp. 67–90. 61 E.g. G.D. Newby, ‘The Drowned Son: Midrash and Midrash Making in the Qur’an and Tafsir,’ in W.M. Brinner and S.D. Ricks (eds), Studies in Islamic and Judaic Traditions, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986, vol. 1, pp. 19–32; M.R. Waldman, ‘New Approaches to “Biblical” Materials in the Qur’an,’ in Brinner and Ricks, Islamic and Judaic Traditions, vol. 1, pp. 47–64; A. Sachedina, ‘Early Muslim Traditionists and their Familiarity with Jewish Sources’ TafsCr,’ in Brinner and Ricks, Islamic and Judaic Traditions, vol. 2,

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62

63

64

65

66 67 68 69 70

71 72 73 74

Notes pp. 49–59; D.J. Halperin, The Faces of the Chariot: Early Jewish Responses to Ezekiel’s Vision, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1988, pp. 467–76; and K. Wagtendonk, ‘The Stories of David in al-Tha‘labc’s QiTaT al-anbiyA ”,’ in Robert Mantran (ed.), La signification du Bas Moyen Age dans l’histoire et la culture du monde musulman: Actes du 8 eme Congrès de l’Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, Aix-en-Provence, 1976, Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 1978, pp. 343–52. S.M. Wasserstrom, Between Muslim and Jew: The Problem of Symbiosis under Early Islam, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995; and idem, ‘Jewish Pseudepigrapha and QiTaT al-AnbiyA ”,’ in B.H. Hary, J.L. Hayes and F. Astren (eds), Judaism and Islam: Boundaries, Communication and Interactions – Essays in Honor of William M. Brinner, Leiden: Brill, 2000, pp. 237–53. For example, Brannon Wheeler concludes in his study of Moses in tafsCr that early scholars actively used Jewish and Christian material: ‘The Muslim exegetical use of the Torah, Gospel, and other non-Quranic sources does not appear to be a confused or haphazard “borrowing” of Jewish and Christian ideas.’ B.M. Wheeler, Moses in the Quran and Islamic Exegesis, London: Routledge Curzon, 2002, p. 123. Cf. EI 1 sv. ‘Adam’ (M. Seligsohn); EI 2 sv. ‘Adam’ ( J. Pedersen); EI 2 sv. ‘Mala’ika’ (D.B. MacDonald); Zwemer, ‘The Worship of Adam by Angels’; K.E. Nolin, ‘Story of Adam,’ MW 54, 1964, pp. 4–13; L. Jung, ‘Fallen Angels in Jewish, Christian and Mohammedan Literature,’ JQR 15, 1925, pp. 467–502; JQR 16, 1926, pp. 45–88, 171–205 and 287–336; A. Schimmel, ‘Creation and Judgement in the Koran and in Mystico-Poetical Interpretation,’ in A. Schimmel and A. Falateri (eds), We Believe in One God, London: Burns and Oates, 1979, pp. 148–80; R. Tottoli, ‘Muslim Attitudes to Prostration (sujEd ). 1. Arabs and Prostration at the beginning of Islam and in the Qur’an,’ SI 88, 1998, pp. 5–34; and M. Mir, ‘Adam in the Qur’an and Islamic Literature,’ IC 62, 1998, pp. 1–11. Cf. J.-C. Vadet, ‘La création et l’investiture de l’homme dans le sunnisme ou la légende d’Adam chez al-Kisa’ c,’ SI 42, 1975, pp. 27–8; M.J. Kister, ‘fdam: A study of some legends in tafsCr and RadCth literature,’ IOS 13, 1993, pp. 113–74; L.N.B. Chipman, ‘Adam and the Angels: An Examination of Mythic Elements in Islamic Sources,’ Arabica 49, 2001, pp. 5–25; idem, ‘Mythic Aspects of the Process of Adam’s Creation,’ SI 93, 2002, pp. 429–55; and Wasserstrom, ‘Jewish Pseudepigrapha’. Cf. EI 1 sv. ‘Adam’; EI 2 sv. ‘Adam’. Tisdall, Sources, p. 196; cf. Speyer, Erzählungen, pp. 54–8; and A. Katsh, Judaism in Islam, New York: New York University Press, 1954, pp. 32–3. Kister, ‘fdam’, p. 115. Schimmel, ‘Creation and Judgement’, pp. 159–60. The most notable example is al-lallaj, TawAsCn; L. Massignon (tr. H. Mason), The Passion of al-HallAj: Mystic and Martyr, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982, vol. 3, pp. 282–326, especially pp. 306–16. See also P.J. Awn, Satan’s Tragedy and Redemption: IblCs in Sufi Psychology, Leiden: Brill, 1983. Tottoli, ‘Attitudes to Prostration’. E.g. Mir, ‘Adam in the Qur’an’; and Chipman, ‘Mythic Aspects’. The Egyptologist Wallis Budge also suggests that Islamic angelology may be related to Egyptian polytheism; see E.A.W. Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, New York: Dover, 1969, vol. 1, p. 6. J. Chelhod, Les Structures du Sacré chez les Arabes, Paris: G.P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1965; J. Waardenburg, ‘Changes of Belief in Spiritual Beings, Prophethood and the Rise of Islam,’ in H.G. Kippenburg (ed.), Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions, Berlin: Mouton, 1984, pp. 259–90; and A.T. Welch, ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings: The Emergence of the Qur’anic doctrine of tawRCd,’ JAAR 47, 1979, pp. 733–58; see also G.R. Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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75 Cf. Q. 34:40; 37:149–52; 43:19; 45:43; and 53:21. 76 Evolutionist views consider societies to be ‘. . . in a process of evolution during which they became more complex and more rational and less simple and “primitive”; but some seemed to have got stuck at lower steps of the escalator.’ D.N. Gellner, ‘Anthropological Approaches,’ in P. Connolly (ed.), Approaches to the Study of Religion, London: Cassell, 1999, p. 10. 77 N. Robinson, Discovering the Qur’an: A Contemporary Approach to a Veiled Text, London: SCM Press Ltd., 1996, p. 80; for more on Western dating of the verses see pp. 76–96; cf. M.R. Waldman, ‘The Development of the Concept of Kufr in the Qur’an,’ JAOS 88, 1968, pp. 442–55. 78 Welch, ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings,’ p. 750. 79 Ibid. p. 748. 80 Other accounts of the origins and development of Arabian monotheism do not force angelology into a developmental framework; Watt’s ‘High God Theory’ is the most notable; see, W.M. Watt, ‘Belief in a “High God” in pre-Islamic Arabia,’ JSS 16, 1971, p. 40; see also idem, ‘The Qur’an and belief in a “High God”,’ Isl. 56, 1979, pp. 205–11; and T. Fahd, Panthéon de l’Arabie centrale à la veille de l’hégire, Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1968. 81 Hawting, Idea of Idolatry, pp. 130–49. 82 Ibid. pp. 146–7. 83 See E. Huntress, ‘ “Sons of God” in Jewish Writings Prior to the Christian Era,’ JBL 54, 1935, pp. 117–23. 84 M. Barker, The Great Angel: A Study of Israel’s Second God, London: SPCK, 1992, p. 67. 85 al-Nasafc, “AqCda; Watt, Islamic Creeds, p. 83. 86 J. Gray, ‘The Desert God ‘ATTR in the Literature and Religion of Canaan,’ JNES 8, 1942, pp. 72–83; M.S. Moore, ‘Jesus Christ: “Superstar”: (Revelation XXII 16b),’ Novum Testamentum 24, 1982, p. 86; J. Henninger, ‘Zum Problem der Venussterngottheit bei den Semiten,’ Anthropos 71, 1976, pp. 129–86; and I. Zatelli, ‘Astrology and the Worship of Stars in the Bible,’ ZAW 103, 1991, pp. 86–99. 87 See D.N. Mackenzie, ‘Zoroastrian Astrology in the Bundahišn,’ BSOAS 27, 1964, pp. 511–29. 88 See C.E. Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism: The Interface Between Christianity and Folk Belief, Tübingen: Mohr, 1995, pp. 90–102. 89 Canon 35; H.R. Percival (tr.), ‘Synod of Laodicea,’ in H.R. Percival (ed.), The Seven Ecumenical Councils of the Undivided Church, Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1960, p. 151. 90 Cf. J.F. Healey, The Religion of the Nabateans: A Conspectus, Leiden: Brill, 2001, pp. 80–119; and J. Ryckmans, ‘Le Panthéon de l’Arabie du Sud Pré-Islamique: Etat des problèmes et brève synthèse,’ RHR 206, 1989, pp. 155–6. 91 Cf. Hawting, Idea of Idolatry, pp. 67–87. 92 For a good overview, see W.C. Chittick, ‘Eschatology,’ in Nasr, Islamic Spirituality: Foundations, pp. 378–409; M. Hermansen, ‘Eschatology,’ in Winter (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Islamic Theology, pp. 308–24; and V. Danner, ‘The Last Days in Judaism, Christianity and Islam,’ in Arvind Sharma (ed.), Fragments of Infinity: Essays in Religion and Philosophy – A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Huston Smith, Bridport: Prism, 1991, pp. 63–86; as well as various articles in encyclopaedias, e.g. EI 2 sv. ‘miyama’ (L. Gardet); EQ sv. ‘Apocalypse’ (F. Leemhuis); and ‘Gog and Magog’ (K. Lewinstein). 93 Cf. S. Makino, Creation and Termination: a semantic study of the Structure of the Qur’anic World View, Tokyo: The Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1970; D. Galloway, ‘The Resurrection and Judgment in Kor’an,’ MW 12, 1922, pp. 348–72; L. Kinberg, ‘Interaction between this world and the after world in Islamic tradition,’ Oriens 29, 1986, pp. 285–308; and S. Bashear, ‘Muslim Apocalypses and the hour: a case-study tradition re-interpretation,’ IOS 13, 1993, pp. 75–99.

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94 O’Shaugnessy, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death; J.I. Smith and Y.Y. Haddad, The Islamic Understanding of Death and Resurrection, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981; P. Casanova, Mohammed et la Fin du Monde: Étude Critique sur l’Islam Primitif, Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1911; L. Gardet, Dieu et la Destinée de l’Homme, Paris: Librairie Philosophique, 1967, pp. 237–57; J.I. Smith, ‘Reflection on aspects of immortality in Islam,’ HTR 70, 1977, pp. 85–98; and idem, ‘The understanding of nafs and rER in contemporary Muslim considerations on the nature of sleep and death,’ MW 69, 1979, pp. 151–61. 95 Cf. Colby, Narrating Muhammad’s Night Journey; Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, Earthly Concerns; Nünlist, Himmelfahrt und Heiligkeit im Islam; M. Asín Palacios, La Escatología musulmana en la Divina Comedia, seguida de la Historia y Crítica de una Polémica, reprinted Madrid: Escuelas de Estudios Árabes de Madrid y Granada, 1943; also available in translation: H. Sutherland (tr.), Islam and the Divine Comedy, London: John Murray, 1926; N. El-Azma, ‘Some notes on the impact of the story of the Mi “rAj on Sufi literature,’ MW 63, 1973, pp. 93–104; J.W. Morris, ‘The Spiritual Ascension of Ibn ‘Arabc and the Mi‘raj,’ JAOS 107, 1987, pp. 629–52 and JAOS 108, 1988, pp. 63–77; J. van Ess, ‘Vision and Ascension: SErat al-Najm and Its Relationship with Murammad’s mi “rAj’ JQS 1, 1999, pp. 47–62; and D.J. Halperin, ‘Hekhalot and Mi‘raj: Observations on the Heavenly Journey in Judaism and Islam,’ in J.J. Collins and M.A. Fishbane (eds), Death, Ecstasy, and Other Worldly Journeys, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995, pp. 269–88. 96 F. Jadaane, ‘La place des Anges dans la théologie musulmane,’ SI 41, 1975, pp. 23–62; L. Ibrahim, ‘The Questions of the Superiority of Angels and Prophets between AzZamakhsharc and al-Bayqawc,’ Arabica 28, 1981, pp. 65–75; S.M. Stern, Studies in Early IsmA “Clism, Leiden: Brill, 1983; and Gisela, ‘Hierarchy, Angels, and the Human Condition’. 97 Cf. I.R. Netton, Allah Transcendent: Studies in the Structure and Semiotics of Islamic Philosophy, Richmond: Curzon, 1994; and J.W. Sweetman, Islam and Christian Theology: A Study of the Interpretation of Theological Ideas in the Two Religions, London: Lutterworth Press, 1947, Part I, vol. 2, pp. 75–9; and Burge, ‘Suhrawardian Angelology’. 98 Willem Bijlefeld has adapted some of these ideas; see, W.A. Bijlefeld, ‘Eschatology: Some Muslim and Christian Data,’ ICMR 15, 2004, pp. 35–54. 99 Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him; Tavard, Caquot and Michl, Die Engel; and M. Mach, Entwicklungsstadien des jüdischen Engelglaubens in vorrabinischer Zeit, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1992. 100 M.J. Davidson, Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1–36, 72–108 and Sectarian Writings from Qumran, Sheffield: JSOT, 1992; K.P. Sullivan, Wrestling with Angels: A Study of the Relationship Between Angels and Humans in Ancient Jewish Literature and the New Testament, Leiden: Brill, 2004; P. Schäfer, Rivalität zwischen Engeln und Menschen: Untersuchungen zur rabbinischen Engelvorstellung, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975; R.M.M. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy: A Study of their Development in Syria and Palestine from the Qumran Texts to Ephrem the Syrian, Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007; C. Rowland, The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity, London: SPCK, 1982; and R. Elior, ‘Mysticism, Magic and Angelology: The Perception of Angels in Hekhalot Literature,’ JSQ 1, 1993, pp. 3–53. 101 Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkevah Mysticism; M. Himmelfarb, Tours of Hell: An Apocalyptic Form in Jewish and Christian Literature, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983; idem, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993; J.J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1998; there are also a number of collections of articles, which are very useful, particularly, Collins and Fishbane, Other Worldly Journeys; and R. Bauckham, The Fate of the Dead: Studies on the Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, Leiden: Brill, 1998. From a philosophy of religion

Notes

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104 105

106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114

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perspective, see I.P. Culianu, Psychanodia I: A Survey of the Evidence Concerning the Ascension of the Soul and Its Relevance, Leiden: Brill, 1983. For his own description of his ‘humanist hermeneutics’, see N. Abe Zayd, Rethinking the Qur ”An: Towards a Humanistic Hermeneutics, Utrecht: Humanistics University Press, 2004. N.H. Abe Zayd, MafhCm al-NaTT: DirAsa f C “ulEm al-Qur ”An (Second Edition), Beirut: al-Markaz al-Thaqafc al-‘Arabc, 1994, pp. 27–8; see also F.M. Najjar, ‘Islamic Fundamentalism and the Intellectuals: The Case of Natr lamid Abe Zayd,’ BJMES 27, 2000, pp. 177–200. S.A. Mawdedc, Towards Understanding the Qur ”An, Leicester: The Islamic Foundation, 1988, vol. 1, p. 95; see also S. Qutb (tr. M.A. Salahi and A.A. Shamis), In the Shade of the Qur ”An, London: MWH, 1979, vol. 1, pp. 94–5. This term is taken from W.A. Saleh, ‘Ibn Taymiyya and the Rise of Radical Hermeneutics: An Analysis of An Introduction to the Foundation of Qur ”Anic Exegesis,’ in Y. Rapoport and S. Ahmed (eds), Ibn Taymiyya and his Times, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 123–62. Quub, In the Shade of the Qur ”An, p. 101. U.S. al-Ashqar, “Flam al-malA ”ik al-abrAr, Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyya, 1986. Ibid. p. 14. Ibid. p. 5 [my translation]. R. Tottoli, ‘Origin and Use of the Term IsrA “CliyyAt in Muslim Literature,’ Arabica 46, 1999, pp. 193–210, especially pp. 208–10. ‘A. al-‘Auuar, “Flam al-malA ”ika al-akhyAr wa-“Alam al-shayUAn al-ashrAr, Cairo: Maktabat al-oibb al-Islamc, 1992. Khalid b. Murammad ‘Alc al-Haj, LaqA ”iq al-imAn bi’l-malA ”ika, Cairo: Maktabat alManar, 1408–1987. M.H. Faql Allah, Min waRy al-Qur ”An, Beirut: Dar al-Malak, 1998. Al-Qazwcnc (ed. Fareq Sa‘d), “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt wa-gharA ”ib al-mawjEdAt, Beirut: Dar al-Afaq al-Jadcda, 1973; Abe ’l-Shaykh, K. al-“AVama, Riyadh: Dar al-‘ftima, 1988; alBayhaqc, al-JAmi “ shu “ab al-CmAn, Bombay: al-Dar al-Salfcyyah, 1986. Al-Qazwcnc is often cited as an important source for RadCth about angels, but it is actually relatively limited in its material, cf. pp. 88–105.

2 Al-Suyeuc and his works 1 For a biography of al-Suyeuc, including his own autobiography al-TaRadduth bi-ni“mat AllAh), see E.M. Sartain, JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC: Biography and Background, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975; and M.J. Saleh, ‘Al-Suyeuc and His Works: Their Place in Islamic Scholarship from Mamluk Times to the Present,’ MSR 5, 2001, pp. 73–89. Claude Gilliot briefly discusses al-Suyeuc’s al-Durr al-manthEr, C. Gilliot, ‘Kontinuität und Wandel in der „klassischsen“ islamischen Koranauslegung (II./VII. – XII/XIX Jh.),’ Der Islam, 85, 2009, p. 67. 2 For a biography written by one of his disciples, see ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Shadhilc (ed. ‘Abd Allah Nabhan), Bahjat al-“AbidCn bi-tarjamat RAfiV al-“aTr JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC, Damascus, Majma‘ al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyya bi-Dimashq, 1998. For a contemporary and negative assessment of al-Suyeuc by a great rival see, al-Sakhawc, al-Kaw” al-lAmi“ li-ahl al-qarn al-tAsi “, Beirut: Dar al-Maktaba bi-’l-layat, 1966, vol. 4, pp. 65–71. 3 The number of works by al-Suyeuc, including short tracts and fatwAs, is not agreed, with estimates ranging from 550 to 980; see R. Jackson, Fifty Key Figures in Islam, London: Routledge, 2006, pp. 137–41; EI 2, sv. ‘al-Suyeuc’ (E. Geoffroy); and I. Goldziher, ‘Zur Charakteristik Gelâl ud-dîn us-Sujûuî’s und seiner literarischen Thätigkeit,’ GS vol. 1, pp. 52–73; available in translation, see J.O. Hunwick (ed.) and M. Barry, ‘Ignaz Goldziher on Al-Suyeuc: A translation of his article of 1871, with additional notes,’ MW 68, 1978, pp. 79–99.

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4 Marlis Saleh comments, ‘It appears that this recognition was more readily granted by those who were separated from al-Suyeuc by either time or distance.’ Saleh, ‘Al-Suyeuc’, p. 78; and EAL, sv. ‘Al-Suyeuc (849–911/1445–1505)’ (R. Irwin). For a contemporary and negative assessment of his work, see al-Sakhawc, al-Kaw” al-lAmi“ li-ahl al-qarn al-tAsi “, Beirut: Dar al-Maktaba bi’l-layat, 1966, vol. 4, 65–71. 5 E.M., Sartain, ‘Jalal al-Dcn al-Suyeuc’s Relations with the People of Takrur,’ JSS 16, 1971, pp. 193–8. 6 Ibn Taymiyya shows a similar trend, with his thought becoming influential in the Sultanate of Delhi; see K.A. Nizami, ‘The Impact of Ibn Taymiyya on South Asia,’ JIS 1, 1990, pp. 124–49. 7 J.O. Voll, ‘Hadith Scholars and Tariqahs: An Ulama Group in 18th Century Haramayn and their Impact on the Islamic World,’ JAAS 15, 1980, p. 265. 8 Cf. S. Musa, ‘The Influence of Tafsir al-Jalalayn on Some Notable Nigerian Mufassirun in the Twentieth-Century Nigeria,’ JMMA 20, 2000, pp. 323–8. Works of al-Suyeuc are commonly cited in both Muslim and non-Muslim scholarly works on almost any subject. For an assessment of his reception in modern Islamic thought, see Saleh, ‘Al-Suyeuc’, pp. 80–2. 9 M. Shalabc, Layat al-ImAm JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC, Beirut: Dar al-Jcl, 1998. 10 M.J.A. Sharaf, JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC: manRajuhu wa-ArA ”uhu al-kalAmiyya, Beirut: Dar al-Narda al-‘Arabiyya, 1981; Q.S. Dandarawc, Adab al-SuyEUC: DirAsa naqdiyya, Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘arif, 1994; H.A. Jagham, al-Jins f C a “mAl al-ImAm al-SuyEUC, Sesa: Dar alMa‘arif li’l-oaba‘a wa-’l-Nashr, 2001; and A.M. Salman, al-SuyEUC al-NaRwC, Baghdad: Dar al-Risala li’l-oaba‘a, 1976. 11 E.g. Y. al-Saba‘ c (ed.), JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC: BuREth al-qCt f C ’l-nadwa allatC aqamuhA almajlis al-a “lA li-ri “Ayat al-fanEn wa’l-AdAb wa’l-“ulEm al-ijtimA “iyya bi’l-ishtirAk ma“a al-JamC “a al-MiTriyya li’l-dirAsAt al-tArCkhiyya 6-10 MArs 1976, Cairo, al-Hay ’a al-Mitriyya al‘fmmah li’l-Kitab, 1978. 12 See EI 2, sv. ‘Mamleks’ (P.M. Holt); D. Ayalon, ‘The Circassians in the Mamlük Period,’ JAOS 69, 1949, pp. 135–47; J-C Garcin, ‘The Regime of the Circassian Mamluks,’ in C.F. Petry (ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt, Vol. 1: Islamic Egypt, 640–1517, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 290–317; I.M. Lapidus, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967, pp. 32–43; and S.J. Staffa, Conquest and Fusion: The Social Evolution of Cairo. A.D. 642–1850, Leiden: Brill, 1977, pp. 101–226. 13 A. Schimmel, ‘Some Glimpses of the Religious Life of Egypt During the Late Mamlek Period,’ IS 4, 1965, pp. 353–92; D.P. Little, ‘Religion under the Mamluks,’ MW 73, 1983, pp. 165–81; M. Winter, ‘Popular Religion in Egypt Since the Mamluks,’ The Arabist 9–10, 1994, pp. 103–18; and Frenkel, ‘Popular Culture’. 14 See D.P. Little, ‘Communal Strife in Late Mamlek Jerusalem,’ ILS 6, 1999, pp. 69– 96; B. Shoshan, ‘Exchange-Rate Policies in Fifteenth Century Egypt,’ JESHO 29, 1986, pp. 28–51; idem., ‘Money Supply and Grain Prices in Fifteenth Century Egypt,’ EHR 36, 1983, pp. 47–67; idem., ‘Grain Riots and the Moral Economy,’ JIH 10, 1980, pp. 459–78. 15 Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo, p. 24; see also C.F. Petry, ‘Scholastic Stasis in Medieval Islam Reconsidered: Mamluk Patronage in Cairo,’ PT 14, 1993, pp. 323–48. 16 C.F. Petry, ‘Geographical Origins of Academicians in Cairo during the fifteenth Century,’ JESHO 23, 1980, p. 140. 17 For more on Islamic higher education, see G. Makdisi, The Rise of the Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam in the West, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981. 18 See Petry, ‘Geographic Origins of Academicians’, p. 119; Jonathan Berkey comments: ‘The person connection – the education model relying not simply on close study of a text, but on intensive, personal interaction with a shaykh – has always been central to Islamic education, not simply in Mamluk Egypt.’ Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, p. 21.

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19 C.F. Petry, The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the Late Middle Ages, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981, p. 50; see also Waardenburg, ‘Official and Popular Religion’, pp. 361–2. 20 Maribel Fierro has used scholarly literature written against innovations (bida“) to attempt to understand Muslim society in medieval Spain; likewise, through the output of the Egyptian scholars, it is possible to gain an understanding of contemporary practices, as well as the preoccupations and concerns of the scholarly élite; see M. Fierro, ‘The treatises against innovations (kutub al-bida “)’ Isl. 67, 1992, pp. 204–46, especially pp. 238–40. 21 For more on these disputes, see M. Perlmann, ‘Notes on Anti-Christian Propaganda in the Mamlek Empire,’ BSOAS 10, 1939–42, 843–61; Little, ‘Communal Strife’; idem., ‘Coptic Conversion to Islam Under the Barrc Mamleks, 625–755/1293–1354),’ BSOAS 39, 1976, pp. 552–69 and idem., ‘Religion Under the Mamluks’. For the place of Jews in Mamluk society, see M.R. Cohen, ‘Jews in the Mamlek Environment: The Crisis of 1442 (A Geniza Study),’ BSOAS 47, 1984, pp. 425–48. 22 Cf. L. Wiederhold, ‘Blasphemy against the Prophet Murammad and his Companions (Sabb al-rasEl, sabb al-TaRAbah): The Introduction of the Topic into Shafi‘c Legal Literature and its Relevance for Legal Practice under Mamluk Rule,’ JSS 42, 1997, pp. 39–70; and F. Armanios and B. Ergene, ‘A Christian Martyr under Mamluk Justice: The Trials of nalcb (d. 1512) according to Coptic and Muslim Sources,’ MW 96, 2006, pp. 115–44. 23 Little, ‘Communal Strife’, p. 70; see also Little, ‘Coptic Conversion’; and S. O’Sullivan, ‘Coptic Conversion and the Islamization of Egypt,’ MSR 10:2, 2006, pp. 65–79. 24 See C.F. Petry, ‘Geographic Origins of Dcwan Officials in Cairo during the Fifteenth Century,’ JESHO 21, 1978, pp. 170–1. 25 Petry, ‘Dcwan Officials’, p. 175. 26 Little, ‘Religion under the Mamluks’, p. 179. 27 See H. Lutfi, ‘Coptic Festivals of the Nile: Aberrations of the Past?’ in T. Philipp and U. Haarmann (eds), The Mamluks in Egyptian Politics and Society, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 254–82. 28 For a comprehensive list of different popular practices and brief analyses of them, see Frenkel, ‘Popular Culture’, especially pp. 198–204. There are articles available on specific practices such as taRnCk, e.g. A. Gil‘adi, ‘Some notes on TaRnCk in Medieval Islam,’ JNES 47, 1988, pp. 175–9. 29 Cf. M.U. Memon, Ibn Taymiyya’s Struggle Against Popular Religion: with an Annotated Translation of his Kitab iqtiqa’ as-tirat al-mustaqcm mukhalafat atrab al-jarcm, The Hague: Mouton, 1976, especially pp. 2–7. 30 The most extensive study of the Mawlid is N.J.G. Kaptein, Muhammad’s Birthday Festival: Early History in the Central Muslim Lands and the Development in the Muslim West until the 10th/16th Century, Leiden: Brill, 1993; see also idem., ‘Materials for the History of the Prophet’s Birthday Celebration in Mecca,’ Isl. 67, 1992, pp. 193–203 and M.H. Katz, The Birth of the Prophet MuRammad: Devotional Piety in SunnC Islam, London: Routledge, 2007. On tomb visitation, see J.W. Meri, The Cult of Saints Among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002; and C.S. Taylor, ‘Saints, ZiyAra, QiTTa, and the Social Construction of Moral Imagination in Late Medieval Egypt,’ SI 88, 1998, pp. 103–20. 31 S.E. Marmon, ‘The Quality of Mercy in Mamluk Society,’ SI 87, 1998, p. 129. 32 See al-Suyeuc, al-Lusn al-maqTid f C “amal al-mawlid; translated in Kaptein, Muhammad’s Birthday Festival, pp. 48–67. Mamlek society was generally quite bawdy, as the works of Ibn Daniyal suggest; cf. L. Guo, ‘Paradise Lost: Ibn Daniyal’s Response to Baybar’s Campaign Against Vice in Cairo,’ JAOS 121, 2001, pp. 219–35. 33 Winter, ‘Popular Religion’, 115; for a more extensive discussion of these ideas, see B. Shoshan, ‘High Culture and Popular Culture in Medieval Islam,’ SI 73, 1991, pp. 67–107.

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34 EI 2, sv. ‘matt’ (Ch. Pellat), EI 2, sv. ‘Wa‘iv’ (B. Radtke and J.J.G. Jansen); J.P. Berkey, Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Middle East, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001; idem, ‘Tradition, Innovation and the Social Construction of Knowledge in the Medieval Islamic Near East,’ PP 146, 1995, pp. 38–65; idem, ‘Storytelling, Preaching, and Power in Mamluk Cairo,’ MSR 4, 2000, pp. 53–74; and B. Shoshan, ‘On Popular Literature in Medieval Cairo,’ PT 14, 1993, pp. 349–365. 35 See al-Suyeuc, TaRdhir al-khawAss min akAdhib al-quTTAT, Riyadh: al-Maktab al-Islamc, 1972. 36 É. Geoffroy, Le soufisme en Égypte et en Syrie sous les derniers Mamelouks et les premiers Ottomans: Orientations spirituelles et enjeux culturels, Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1995, p. 49. 37 Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, pp. 31–3. 38 Waardenburg, ‘Official and Popular Religion’, pp. 363–71. 39 See M.W. Dols, ‘The Second Plague Pandemic and its Recurrences in the Middle East: 1347–1394,’ JESHO 22, 1979, pp. 162–89. 40 See various articles by A. Gil‘adi; ‘Islamic Consolation Treatises for Bereaved Parents: Some Bibliographical Notes,’ SI 81, 1995, pp. 197–202; idem, ‘Nabr (Steadfastness) of Bereaved Parents: A Motif in Medieval Muslim Consolation Treatises and Some Parallels in Jewish Writings,’ JQR 80, 1989, pp. 35–48; and idem, ‘ “The Child was small . . . Not so the Grief for Him”: Sources, Structure and Content of al-Sakhawi’s Consolation Treatise for Bereaved Parents,’ PT 14, 1993, pp. 367–86. Al-Suyeuc wrote in this genre, e.g. BushrA al-ka ”Cb bi-liqA” al-RabCb, al-Zarqa’: Maktabat al-Manar, 1988; and al-Ta “allul wa’l-itfA” li-nAr al-tutfA”, al-Zarqa’: Maktabat al-Manar, 1987. 41 Al-Suyeuc, al-Qawl al-jaliyy f C faQA ”il “AlC, Beirut: Mu’ssasat Nadir, 1990; see also, S.R. Burge, ‘Al-Suyuti on the Merits of Imam Ali,’ IIS Academic Articles, 2010 (http://www.iis.ac.uk/view_article.asp?ContentID111675; accessed, 13th June 2011). The brevity of the work implies that it was for popular consumption; cf. al-Nawawc, Matn al-arba “Cn; Abdassamad Clarke (tr.), The Complete Forty Hadith, London: Ta-Ha, 1998. See also S.C. Lucas, ‘Major Topics of the Hadith,’ RC 2, 2008, pp. 226–39. 42 al-Suyeuc, ‘Amal al-yawm wa’l-layla, Cairo: Mutuafa al-Babc lalabc, 1946. 43 For more on al-Sakhawc, see EI 2, sv. ‘al-Sakhawc’ (C.F. Petry). 44 See Y. Eche, Les bibliothèques arabes: publiques et semi-publiques en Mésopotamie, en Syrie et en Egypte au Moyen Age, Damascus: L’Institut Français de Damas, 1967, pp. 249–64; and A.J. Arberry, Sakhawiana: A Study Based on the Chester Beatty Ms. Arab. 773, London: Emery Walker Ltd., 1951. 45 Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, p. 25. 46 Arberry, Sakhawiana, p. 32. 47 Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik does include a ‘postscript’ (khAtima) concerning angels in Islamic theology (kalAm), and the function and purpose of this will be discussed below. 48 For example, al-Suyeuc sent his exegesis, K. al-Durr al-manthEr fC l-tafsCr bi’l-ma”thEr to Mecca with a student in 879/1474. 49 N. Levtzion, ‘Mamluk Egypt and Takrer (West Africa),’ in M. Sharon (ed.), Studies in Islamic History and Civilization, Jerusalem: Cana and Leiden: Brill, 1986, p. 200. 50 Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, p. 201. 51 Makdisi, Rise of the Colleges, pp. 217–8; Berkey, Transmisson of Knowledge, p. 205. 52 E.g. al-Suyeuc, al-Durr al-manthEr f C ’l-tafsCr bi’l-ma”thEr, Beirut: Dar al-Ma‘arifa, n.d.; idem, al-ItqAn; idem, AsrAr tartCb al-Qur ”An, Cairo: Dar al-I‘titam, 1396/1976; LubAb al-naqEl f C asbAb al-nuzEl, Tunis: Dar al-Tunisiyya, 1981; as well as exegeses of specific verses, such as his AyAt al-kursC ma “AnChA wa-faQA ”iluhA, Cairo: Dar al-‘Ititad, n.d. 53 Al-Suyeuc, al-MutawakkilC ; W.Y. Bell, (ed. and tr.), The Mutawakkili of as-Suyuti, Cairo: Nile Mission Press, 1924; and idem, al-IqtirAR f C “ilm uTEl al-nahw, Istanbul: Jami‘at Istanbul, 1975. 54 One of his most famous works is his TArCkh al-khulafA ”, Cairo: Maktabat al-Tajariyya al-Kubra, 1389/1969.

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55 Most of his works on philosophy were concerned with logic, e.g. Nawn al-manUiq wa’lkalAm “an fann al-manUiq wa‘l-kalAm, Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al ‘Ilmiyya, n.d. 56 Al-Suyeuc, JAmi“ al-aRAdCth li’l-JAmi“ al-TaghCr wa-zawA ”idihi wa’l-JAmi“ al-KabCr, Damascus, n.p., 1979–81. 57 E. Landau-Tasseron, ‘The “Cyclical Reform”: A Study of the Mujaddid Tradition,’ SI, 1989, pp. 79–117, especially pp. 87–8; EI 2, sv. ‘Tadjdcd’ ( J.J.G. Jansen), and EI 2, sv., ‘Mudjaddid’ (E. Van Donzel). 58 Ibn Taymiyya frequently found himself in prison for his beliefs; cf EI 2, sv. ‘Ibn Taymiyya, Tasc al-Dcn Armad ibn Taymiyya’ (H. Laoust); D.P. Little, ‘Did Ibn Taymiyya Have a Screw Loose?’ SI 41, 1975, pp. 93–111; idem, ‘The Historical and Historiographical Significance of the Detention of Ibn Taymiyya,’ IJMES 4, 1973, pp. 311–27. 59 Al-Suyeuc was a member of the ShAdhilC order; cf. Ibn al-nabbagh, Durrat al-asrAr wa-tuRfat al-abrAr; Elmer H. Douglas (tr.), The Mystical Teachings of al-ShAdhilC, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Pierre Lory comments that it was successful because its ‘. . . strictly orthodox Sunnism and the respect for all exoteric tradition which it professed, its social discreetness (absence of distinctive garb or of spectacular public festivals or of begging), all of these aroused confidence and fervour.’ EI 2, sv. ‘Shadhiliyya’ (P. Lory). For an analysis of al-Suyeuc as a TEfC, see Sartain, JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC, pp. 33–7 and Geoffroy, Soufisme en Égypte, p. 49. 60 See S.R. Burge, ‘Scattered Pearls: The Sources of al-Suyeuc’s Al-Durr al-manthEr f C’ltafsCr bi’l-ma ”thEr,’ (forthcoming). 61 The manuscripts vary slightly, and there are also RadCth in the postscript (khAtima). 62 A.M. Heinen, Islamic Cosmology: A Study of as-SuyEUC’s al-Hay ’a as-sancya fc l-hay ’a assunncya, Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982; the MS of al-LabA ”ik held in the British Library is bound with his al-“Arf al-wardC f C akhbAr al-MahdC and al-Suyeuc’s abridgement of a compilation by Murammad b. ‘Abd Allah al-Shiblc, entitled LaqU al-marjAn fC akhbAr al-jAnn; see R. Vassie (ed.), A Classified Handlist of Arabic Manuscripts Acquired Since 1912: Volume 2 – Qur’Anic Sciences and LadCth, London: The British Library, 1995, §416–18, p. 3. 63 Al-Suyeuc, al-Hay ”a VII:27; see Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 163. 64 Saleh, ‘Al-Suyeuc’, p. 85. 65 This does not include the authors and RadCth found in the khAtima; this is because it is difficult to ascertain whether al-Suyeuc or another author is making the citation. 66 This is the number of authors mentioned, rather than the number of works explicitly cited. 67 See J. Burton, An Introduction to the Hadith, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005, pp. 119–47. 68 Al-Suyeuc made many such commentaries on earlier works: al-Suyeuc, MuwaUUA” alImAm MAlik wa-sharRuhu tanwCr al-RawAlik, Cairo: Mauba‘at al-Akhcra, 1370/1951; idem, Sunan al-NasA ”C bi-sharR al-RAfiV JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC wa-RAshiyyat al-imAm al-SindC, Cairo: al-Mauba‘at al-Mitriyya, 1348/1930; idem, al-DibAj “alA NaRCR Muslim ibn HajjAj, alKhubar: Dar ibn ‘Affan, 1996. For more on commentaries, see V. Tokatly, ‘The A “lAm al-RadCth of al-Khauuabc: A Commentary on al-Bukharc’s NaRCR or a polemical treatise?’ SI 92, 2001, pp. 53–5. 69 In total 123 authors: 83 in the RadCth and 32 in the khAtima, with two featuring in both sections (al-Bayhaqc and al-lakim al-Ncsaberc). 70 i.e. Ibn al-larith, Ibn Abc Zamcl, al-Quruubc and Abe ‘Ubayd. 71 For a larger study, see Burge, ‘Scattered Pearls’. 72 Cf. al-Suyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, p. 240 and A.J. Arberry (tr.), The Doctrine of the NEfCs, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977, p. 53. 73 Cf. al-Suyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, pp. 207–26; al-Razc, K. al-Arba “Cn fC uTEl al-dCn, Hyderabad: Mauba‘at Majlis Da’irat al-Ma‘arif al-‘Uthmaniyya, 1353/1934, pp. 368–84. 74 Petry, ‘Scholastic Stasis’, p. 324; see also Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, pp. 24–5.

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75 In his autobiography, al-Suyeuc highlights eighteen of his works as being particularly important, none of these are in the field of kalAm; see Sartain, JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC, vol. 2, p. 105 and Saleh, ‘al-Suyeuc’, pp. 86–7. 76 Sharaf, JalAl al-DCn al-SuyEUC, p. 73 [my translation]. 77 Cf. Sharaf, al-SuyEUC, pp. 113–16. 78 EI 2, sv. ‘al-Suyeuc’ (Geoffroy). 79 Cf. T. Bauer, ‘Islamische Totenbücher. Entwicklug einer Textgattung im Schatten al-xazalcs,’ in S. Leder (ed.) Studies in Arabic and Islam: Proceedings of the 19th Congress, Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, Halle 1998, Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2002, p. 424. 80 There has been much secondary literature written on popular Islamic literature: e.g. K. Abdel-Malek, ‘Popular Religious Narratives,’ CHAL, vol. 6, pp. 330–46; D.F. Reynolds, ‘Popular Prose in the Post-Classical Period,’ CHAL, vol. 6, pp. 245–69; J. Knappert, Islamic Legends: Histories of the Heroes, Saints and Prophets of Islam, Leiden: Brill, 1985; and W.M. Brinner, ‘Popular Literature in Medieval Jewish Arabic,’ in Norman Golb (ed.), Judeo-Arabic Studies: Proceedings of the Founding Conference of the Society for Judeo-Arabic Studies, Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1997, pp. 59–71. 81 See Berkey, ‘Social Construction of Knowledge’, pp. 61–5; and Berkey, ‘Storytelling, Preaching, and Power’. 82 Saleh, ‘Al-Suyeuc’, p. 76. 83 Shoshan, ‘High Culture’, p. 85. 84 Bauer, ‘Mamluk Literature’, p. 130. 85 al-Suyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, p. 9. 86 R.A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953, p. 455. 87 See EI 2, svv. ‘Ibn ladjar al-Assalanc’ (F. Rozenthal) and ‘al-Sakhawc’ (C. Petry). 88 Gardet, Louis, ‘De quelle manière s’est ankylosée la pensée religieuse de l’Islam,’ in R. Brunschwig and G.E. von Grunebaum (eds), Classicisme et Déclin Culturel dans l’Histoire de l’Islam, Paris: Editions Besson, 1957, p. 95. Such a position is now being questioned, see T. Bauer, ‘Mamluk Literature: Misunderstandings and New Approaches,’ MSR 9:2, 2005, pp. 105–32. 3 Naming angels 1 J.S. Mill (ed. J.M. Robson), A System of Logic: Ratiocinative and Inductive, Being a Connected View of the Principles of Evidence and the Methods of Scientific Investigation, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973, I:ii, vol. 1, pp. 24–45; see also, J.M. Anderson, The Grammar of Names, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 132–8; and W. Van Langendronk, Theory and Typology of Proper Names, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. 2 See J.M. Carroll, What’s in a Name? An Essay on the Psychology of Reference, New York: W.H. Freedman and Company, 1985, pp. 164–70. 3 Carroll, What’s in a Name?, p. 45. 4 F. Neussell, The Study of Names: A Guide to the Principles and Topics, London: Greenwood Press, 1992, p. 3. 5 See D. Winston, ‘The Iranian Component in the Bible, Apocrypha, and Qumran: A Review of the Evidence,’ HR 5, 1966, pp. 189–92. Some early commentators argued that Jewish angelology developed during the period of exile in Persia; e.g. A. Kohut, ‘Was hat die Talmudische Eschatologie aus dem Parsismus aufgenommen?’ ZDMG 21, 1867, pp. 552–91 and idem, Ueber die jüdische Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihrer Abhänigkeit vom Parsismus, Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1866. 6 J. Barr, ‘The Question of Religious Influence: The Case of Zoroastrianism, Judaism and Christianity,’ JAAR 53, 1985, pp. 201–36. 7 ERE, sv. ‘Demons and Spirits (Muslim)’ (M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes).

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8 For a comprehensive survey of angelic names see RAC, sv. ‘Engel V (Katalog der Engelnamen),’ ( J. Michl); E. Petersen, ‘Engel- und Dämonennamen. Nomina Barbara,’ RMP 75, 1926, pp. 393–421; and G. Davidson, A Dictionary of Angels, Including the Fallen Angels, London: Collier-Macmillan, 1967. Julia Creswell’s recent popular The Watkins Dictionary of Angels, London: Watkins, 2006, contains many angelic names and some details about them, but has little information regarding sources. 9 E.g. 1 Enoch contains a great number of angelic names formed in this way. 10 Elior, ‘Mysticism, Magic and Angelology’. 11 M.D. Schwartz, ‘Scribal Magic and its Rhetoric: Formal Patterns in Medieval Hebrew and Aramaic Incantation Texts from the Cairo Genizah,’ HTR 83, 1990, pp. 163–80. 12 Cf. M.J. Bernstein, ‘Angels at the Aqedah: A Study in the Development of a Midrashic Motif,’ DSD 7, 2000, pp. 263–91; and J.C. Vanderkam, ‘The Angel of the Presence in the Book of Jubilees,’ DSD 7, 2000, pp. 378–93. 13 J.R. Davila, Descenders to the Chariot: The People Behind the Hekhalot Literature, Leiden: Brill, 2001, pp. 196–213. 14 R. Lesses, ‘Speaking with Angels: Jewish and Greco-Egyptian Revelatory Adjurations,’ HTR 89, 1996, p. 42. 15 G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001, p. 45. 16 L.T. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology: A Study in Early Judaism and in the Christology of the Apocalypse of John, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1995, pp. 56–8. 17 See Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, pp. 34–41; and D.J. Halperin, ‘The Exegetical Character of Ezek. X 9 – 17,’ VT 26, 1976, pp. 129–41. 18 Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, p. 119. 19 C.R.A. Morray-Jones, ‘Review of Saul M. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him: Exegesis and the Naming of Angels in Ancient Judaism,’ JSS 42, 1997, p. 159. 20 Cf. S.G.F. Brandon, ‘The Personification of Death in some Ancient Religions,’ JJRL 43, 1960–61, pp. 317–35; and H. Ringgren, Word and Wisdom: Studies in the Hypostasization of Divine Qualities and Functions in the Ancient Near East, Lund: H. Ohlsson, 1947. 21 See A.A. Orlov, From Apocalypticism to Merkebah Mysticism: Studies in the Slavonic Pseudepigrapha, Leiden: Brill, 2000; and M.E. Stone, Selected Studies in Pseudepigrapha & Apocrypha with Special Reference to the Armenian Tradition, Leiden: Brill, 1991. 22 On Palmyra, see A. Negev, Personal Names in the Nabatean Realm, Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1991; and M.C.A. MacDonald, ‘Personal Names in the Nabatean Realm: A Review Article,’ JSS 44, 1991, pp. 251–89; on Arabia, see G.L. Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971. 23 J.D. Fowler, Theophoric Personal Names in Ancient Hebrew: A Comparative Study, Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988. 24 See Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 100–1 and 275–6. Variants of the name Gabriel can be found in the codices of Ubayy b. Ka‘b, ‘Alc, Ibn ‘Abbas, ‘Alqama, ‘Ikrima and al-A‘mash on Q. 2:97–8; see A. Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur ”An, Leiden: Brill, 1937, pp. 119, 189, 195, 242, 269 and 315; see also al-Suyeuc, al-ItqAn, vol. 4, p. 68; and al-Jawalcqc, (ed. Armad Murammad Shakir), al-Mu“arrab min al-kalAm al-a “jamC “alA “urEf al-mu “jam, Tehran: n.p., 1966, pp. 113–15 and 327. 25 See al-Zabcdc, TA, vol. 28, pp. 45–6; Jeffery suggests Syriac as the vocalization (Gabri”Bl ) is closer to the Arabic; Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, p. 100; cf. R. Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879, vol. 1, p. 648. 26 Cf. §36–8 and §78; these translations are also found in al-Zabcdc, TA, vol. 28, pp. 45–6.

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27 Rabbinic texts do, however, still stress that angels are ‘lower’ than humans, because of their inability to do other than that which God has commanded them to do; cf. S. Schechter, ‘Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology. III,’ JQR 7, 1895, pp. 195– 215. 28 Some Arabic texts do not attempt to give a precise meaning for the name, for example in one text about the mi “rAj, Michael says to Murammad, ‘I am called Mika’ cl simply because I am appointed over the rain and the plants.’ W. McKane, ‘A Manuscript on the Mi‘raj in the Bodleian,’ JSS 2, 1947, p. 370. 29 Al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 439–40; al-Zamakhsharc, al-KashshAf “an RaqA ”iq al-tanzCl wa-“uyEn al-aqAwCl fC wujEh al-ta ”wCl, Beirut: Dar al-Ma‘arifa, 1970, vol. 1, p. 299; alRazc, TafsCr, vol. 3, pp. 198–9; and al-Suyeuc, al-Durr al-manthEr, vol. 1, pp. 91–3. 30 See C.H.M. Versteegh, ‘Zayd ibn ‘Alc’s Commentary on the Qur’an,’ in Yasir Suleiman (ed.), Arabic Grammar and Linguistics, London: Routledge, 1999, p. 18. 31 §37; §36 also has a similar statement. 32 Al-Zabcdc, TA, vol. 28, p. 45; see also al-Suyeuc, ItqAn, vol. 4, p. 68 and al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 436–8. 33 Anderson, The Grammar of Names, p. 86. 34 Ibid., p. 87. 35 See Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 100–1 and 275–6; EI 2, svv. ‘Djibra’il’ ( J. Pedersen); and ‘Mckal’ (A.J. Wensinck). 36 Cf. Colby, Narrating MuRammad’s Night Journey, pp. 138–41. 37 Wensinck suggests that the name IsrAf Cl is derived from Seraphim. This is a species of angel, rather than a specific personality, so it is more likely that the name was adopted from the ‘chief of the seraphim’ Saraphiel, found in 3 En. 26:6. See EI 2, sv. ‘Israfcl’ (A.J. Wensinck). 38 A similar RadCth appears in al-Suyeuc’s al-HayA” al-sAniya, VIII:11 where the name is given as RufA ”Cl; see Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 31 [Ar.]; Heinen suggests that this is Raphiel, see p. 232. 39 See G.A. Barton, ‘The Origin of the Names of Angels and Demons in the ExtraCanonical Apocalyptic Literature to 100 A.D.,’ JBL 31, 1912, pp. 156–7. 40 There are variants of this name; see Barton, ‘The Origin of the Names of Angels and Demons’, p. 158. 41 See Barton, ‘The Origin of the Names of Angels and Demons’, pp. 156–67. 42 For a survey of the role of Raphael, see M. Barker, ‘The Archangel Raphael in the Book of Tobit,’ in M. Bredin (ed.), Studies in the Book of Tobit, London: T. and T. Clark, 2006, pp. 118–28. 43 §275–6; RiyAf Cl is the angel that accompanies Dhe ’l-Qarnayn, in much the same way that Raphael is Tobit’s guide; cf. Tob. 5:16. 44 Cf. al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, pp. 92–4; al-Zabcdc, TA, vol. 13, p. 27; and Lane AELex, p. 2035; this is rejected by some contemporary Islamic scholars, e.g. al-Ashqar, “Flam al-malA ”ik al-abrAr, p. 14. 45 For a discussion of the name’s origin, see S.R. Burge, ‘“ZR ”L, The Angel of Death and the Ethiopic Apocalypse of Peter,’ JSP 19, 2010, pp. 217–24. 46 C.D. Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls, Missoula: Scholars Press, 1975, §12:14 and 41:7, pp. 44 and 98; and J. Naveh and S. Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity, Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1985, §1:13; 2:16; 7:3, pp. 40–41, 46–7 and 68–9. The name also appears in a much later amulet on parchment; see I.M. Casanowitz, ‘Two Jewish Amulets in the United States National Museum,’ JAOS 37, 1917, p. 55. 47 See Isbell, Aramaic Incantation Bowls, pp. 3–12; and E.M. Yamuchi, ‘Aramaic Magic Bowls,’ JAOS 85, 1965, p. 511. 48 Concerning §2 and 3, Naveh and Shaked comment: ‘It seems likely to us that the two amulets belong to the later part of the occupation of Building 300, i.e. late 6th or early 7th century C.E.’ Naveh and Shaked, Amulets, p. 46.

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49 See EI , sv. ‘ ‘Izra’ cl’ (A.J. Wensinck); H.M. El-Shamy, Folk Traditions of the Arab World: A Guide to Motif Classification, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995, vol. 2, p. 236; and EJ, sv. ‘Angel of Death’ (D. Nov). 50 EI 1 sv. ‘‘Izra’ cl’ (A.J. Wensinck); however, this derivation is not found in Wensinck’s entry in EI 2; see also J. Bowman, ‘A British Museum Arabic Eschatological Fragment,’ MW 38, 1948, pp. 206–7. 51 Cf. M. Péréz Fernández (tr. J. Elwolde), An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew, Leiden: Brill, 1997, p. 13. 52 cf. LAE(V) 48:3, OTP, vol. 2, p. 290. 53 See H.B. Kuhn, ‘The Angelology of the Non-Canonical Jewish Apocalypses,’ JBL 67, 1948, p. 226. These two demons bear some resemblance to the story of HArEt and MArEt, [Q. 2:102; Arberry, Koran, pp. 12–13] in which the angels are said to have taught humans magic; cf. R. Bauckham, ‘The Fall of the Angels as the Source of Philosophy in Hermias and Clement of Alexandria,’ VC 39, 1985, pp. 313–30. 54 1 En. 8:3, OTP vol. 1, p. 16. The Ethiopic reads asadAr ”Bl; see J. Flemming (ed.), Das Buch Henoch: Äthiopische Text, Leipzig: J.C. Heinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1902, p. 8. 55 See Barton, ‘The Origin of the Names of Angels and Demons’, p. 163. 56 For the relationship between š, # and s in the Semitic language group, see S. Moscati et al., An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1964, §8; pp. 33–7. 57 Cf. NumR II:10, p. 39; 1 En. 75:3, OTP vol. 1, p. 54. 58 3 En. 14:4; OTP, vol 1, p. 267. 59 Al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 94. 60 Wasserstrom, Between Muslim and Jew, pp. 193–5. 61 Colby, Narrating MuRammad’s Night Journey, pp. 138–41. 62 J. Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion, New York: Atheneum, 1982, pp. 71–2. 63 Cf. GenR 50:1, p. 434. 64 Jadaane, ‘La place des anges’, p. 43. 65 Although there is no designation of ‘archangel’ in Islamic angelology as such, the Greek archangelos is translated into Arabic as ra ”Cs malA ”ika; cf. 1Th. 4:16; UBS p. 703; and the Mount Sinai Codex 151 (dated to 867 C.E.), H. Staal (ed.), Mt. Sinai Codex 151. I: Pauline Epistles, Louvain: E. Peeters, 1983, p. 173. This is also the standard translation in modern translations of the Bible into Arabic: see KitAb al-“ahd al-jadCd, Cambridge: Jam‘ cyyat al-Tawra al-Brcuancyya wa’l-Ajnabcyya, 1917, p. 233. 66 See §27–35; the other two are IsrAfCl and the Angel of Death. 67 The Zoroastrian Am%ša Sp%ntas are personifications of abstract ideas; see B. Geiger, Die Am%ša Sp%ntas: ihr Wesen und ihre ursprüngliche Bedeutung, Vienna: Hof- und UniversitätsBuchhändler, 1916; and P. Clark, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction to an Ancient Faith, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998, pp. 27–58. 68 See C.V. Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs, Sheffield: Almond, 1985; and A.M. Sinnott, The Personification of Wisdom, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005. 69 Cf. G. Downey, ‘Personifications of Abstract Ideas in the Antioch Mosaics,’ TPAPA 69, 1938, pp. 349–63. 70 See Fahd, Panthéon, pp. 123–6. 71 Cf. E. Langton, Good and Evil Spirits: A Study of the Jewish and Christian Doctrine, Its Origin and Development, London: SPCK, 1942; and S.S. Zwemer, ‘Animism in Islam,’ MW 7, 1917, pp. 245–55. 72 Brandon, ‘The Personification of Death in some Ancient Religions’. 73 §172–7 (rain and clouds); §298–9 (mountains); §407–8 (leaves); §257–68 (thunder and lightning); §409–410; 430–4 (sun); §435 (shadow); §485 (plants); and §486–7 (sea/tide). 74 E.g. Angels of fire (Gabriel), hail (Baradiel), wind (Ruhiel), lightning (Baraqiel), whirlwind (Za‘amiel), thunder (Ra‘amiel), comets (Ziqiel), tremors (Zi‘iel), hurricanes (Za‘apiel),

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77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85

86

87 88

89 90 91 92 93 94 95

96 97 98

Notes earthquakes (Ra‘ašiel), snow (Šalgiel), rain (Matariel), day (Šimšiel); night (Lailiel), sun (Galgalliel), moon (Opanniel), stars (Kokabiel) and constellations (Rahatiel) can be found in 3 En. 14:3–4, OTP vol. 1, pp. 266–7. Kuhn, ‘Angelology’, p. 226. Cf. A.R.W. Green, The Storm God in the Ancient Near East, Winona Lake: Eisenbaums, 2003; and D.A. Brown, The Deities Worshipped in Central and North-West Arabia at the Advent of Islam, their Temples and Rituals, Unpublished PhD. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1968, pp. 529–49. See. T. O’Shaughnessy, Creation and the Teaching of the Qur ”An, Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1965. See S.R. Burge, ‘Angels, Ritual and Sacred Space’. In Samaritanism, the heavenly temple is surrounded by an angel that is later associated with the Angel of the Lord; see J. Fossum, ‘The Angel of the Lord in Samaritanism,’ JSS 46, 2001, pp. 51–75. See also S.R. Burge, ‘Impurity/Danger!’. These angels will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 6. See EJ sv. ‘Sandalfon’ (G. Scholem). Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, p. 118. The Qur’an also refers to angels surrounding the Throne of God in Q. 39:75; Arberry, Koran, p. 479. For a discussion of the imagery of the Throne and the Throne Bearers see T. O’Shaughnessy, ‘God’s Throne and the Biblical Symbolism of the Qur’an,’ Numen 20, 1973, pp. 206–7. For a discussion of various traditions about the Ramlat al-“arsh and Jewish material, see Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 467–76. See T. O’Shaughnessy, The Development of the Meaning of Spirit in the Koran, Rome: Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1953; D.B. MacDonald, ‘The development of the idea of Spirit in Islam,’ AO 9, 1931, pp. 307–51; Eichler, Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran, pp. 123–7; E.E. Calverley, ‘Doctrines of the Soul (Nafs and RER) in Islam,’ MW 33, 1943, pp. 254–65; and M.A. Sells, ‘Sound, Spirit and Gender in Serat al-Qadr,’ JAOS 111, 1991, pp. 239–59. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 403–6. Cf. Muqatil b. Sulayman (ed. ‘A.M. Shirata), TafsCr MuqAtil b. SulaymAn, Cairo: al-Hay ’a al-Mitriyya al-‘fmma li’l-Kitab, 1976, vol. 1, p. 121; Fakr al-Dcn al-Razc, TafsCr, vol. 3, p. 177; and al-Suyeuc, al-Durr al-manthEr, vol. 1, pp. 86–7. See also, al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, pp. 91–2. See J.R. Levinson, The Spirit in First Century Judaism, Leiden: Brill, 1997. Colby, Narrating MuRammad’s Night Journey, pp. 138–41. See O’Shaughnessy, Meaning of Spirit, pp. 16–24. ArwAR is normally used to refer to human spirits, but it is used of a species of angelic being in some traditions; see Wensinck, CTM, vol. 2, pp. 317–18. The SakCna is mentioned in the Qur’an: 2:248; 9:26, 40; and 48:4, 18. There have been a number of studies on this word: e.g. I. Goldziher, ‘La notion de la Sakina chez les Mohamétans,’ GS vol. 2, pp. 296–308. See R. Patai, ‘The Shekina,’ JR 4, 1964, pp. 275–88 and U. Rubin, ‘Traditions in Transformation: The Ark of the Covenant and the Golden Calf in Biblical and Islamic Historiography,’ Oriens 36, 2001, pp. 196–214. See R. Tottoli, ‘At Cock-Crow: Some Muslim Traditions about the Rooster,’ Isl. 76, 1999, pp. 139–47; and for the cosmic cockerel, see pp. 142–3. This article is a survey of another RadCth collection of al-Suyeuc, K. al-WadCk fC faQl al-dCk (‘The Great Book on the Merits of the Cockerel’). See Colby, Narrating MuRammad’s Night Journey, throughout. Cf. 3 Bar. 6:16; OTP, vol. 1, p. 671. There is some debate about the derivation of sijill, but it is now generally accepted to have been derived ultimately from the Latin sigullum, and reached Arabic through

Notes

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102 103 104 105

106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115

116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123

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Greek, Aramaic, Syriac or Armenian. For a full discussion of its etymology see EI 1, sv. ‘Sidjill’ (V. Vacca); EI 2, sv. ‘Sidjill’ (F.C. de Blois); A.A. Ambros, with S. Procházka, A Concise Dictionary of Koranic Arabic, Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2004, p. 129; Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 163–4. al-Suyeuc believed it to be a foreign word, see al-Suyeuc, al-MutawakkilC, pp. 19 and 41. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him. Q. 2:102. E.g. al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 50–4; William M. Brinner (tr.), ‘ArA ”is al-majAlis fC qiTaT al-anbiyA ” or ‘Lives of the Prophets’, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 86–91; cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 454–9; see also D.S. Margoliouth, ‘Harut and Marut,’ MW 18, 1918, pp. 73–9. Margoliouth, ‘Additions’, p. 61. For a longer discussion of these names, see M. Carter, ‘Foreign Vocabulary,’ in Andrew Rippin (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to the Qur ”An, Oxford: Blackwell, 2006, pp. 134–7. Margoliouth, ‘Additions’, p. 61. See EI 1, sv. ‘Haret and Maret’ (A.J. Wensinck); EI 2, sv. ‘Haret wa-Maret’ (G. Vajda) and EQ , sv. ‘Haret and Maret’ (W.M. Brinner). For a fuller analysis of the etymology of the names, see P-J de Menasce, ‘Une légende indo-iranienne dans l’angélologie judéo-musulmanne: á propos de Haret et Maret,’ EA 1, 1947, pp. 10–18; P. Uhl, ‘Guillaume IX d’Aquitaine et le Sorcellerie de Babel – à Propos des Vers Arabes de la Chanson V (MS. C ),’ Arabica 38, 1991, pp. 19–20; W.B. Henning, Sogdica, London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1940, pp. 16 and 19; and Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 282–3 and EIr., sv. ‘Harut and Marut’ (S.A. Shabazi). Al-Jawalcqc states that the names are foreign; al-Mu“arrab, pp. 317 and 349. For more on AnAhCd, see J.K. Choksy, ‘Ancient Religions,’ IrSt 31, 1998, p. 663 and EIr., sv. ‘AnAhCd ’ (M. Boyce et al.). See Jung, ‘Fallen Angels in Jewish, Christian and Mohammedan Literature,’ JQR 16, 1926, pp. 287–95. G. Dumézil, Naissance d’Archanges ( Jupiter Mars Quirinus III), Paris: Librairie Gallimard, 1945, pp. 158–70. MahAbhArata, Vana Parva, Tirthayatra Parva, §122–4; M.N. Dutt (tr.), MahAbhArata (Revised Edition), Delhi: Parimal Publications, 2006, vol. 2, pp. 351–6. W. Donniger, Splitting the Difference: Gender and Myth in Ancient Greece and India, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999, pp. 133–203. Ibn lanbal, “AqCda ; W.M. Watt, Islamic Creeds, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994, p. 31. EI 2, sv. ‘Munkar wa-Nakcr’ (A.J. Wensinck); for more on the angels, see also Gardet, Destinée de l’Homme, pp. 247–53. EI 2, sv. ‘Munkar wa-Nakcr’. See EI 2, sv. ‘Riqwan’ (W. Raven). The name is usually associated with Q. 3:15. See M.S. Southgate, ‘Portrait of Alexander in Persian Alexander-Romances of the Islamic Era,’ JAOS 97, 1977, pp. 278–84; and R. Stoneman, ‘Alexander the Great in the Arabic Tradition,’ in S. Panayotakis, M. Zimmermann and W. Keulen (eds), The Ancient Novel and Beyond, Leiden: Brill, 2003, pp. 3–22. See also al-Suyeuc, ItqAn, vol. 4, p. 69. Southgate, ‘Portrait of Alexander’, p. 284. A. Schimmel, Islamic Names, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989, p. 33. A.S. Tritton, ‘Popular Shi‘ism,’ BSOAS 13, 1951, p. 829. G.T. Elmore, Islamic Sainthood in the Fullness of Time: Ibn al-“ArabC’s Book of the Fabulous Gryphon, Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 590 n. 10. Elmore, Islamic Sainthood, p. 590. Shab. 152b, p. 779; cf. Lag 5a and San. 94a. Cf. R. Tottoli, ‘The Origin and Use of the Term IsrA “CliyyAt in Muslim Literature,’ Arabica 46, 1999, pp. 193–210.

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124 For more on the name see EJ, sv. ‘Metatron’ (G. Scholem) and M. Black, ‘The Origin of the Name Metatron,’ VT 1, 1951, pp. 217–19. 125 Wasserstrom, Between Muslim and Jew, pp. 181–202. 126 Ibid., pp. 192–3. 127 EJ, sv. ‘Sandalfon’; Davidson, Dictionary of Angels, p. 257; and P. Schäfer, Der verborgene und offenbare Gott, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1991, pp. 99–101. 128 Cf. Lag 13b, p. 78. 129 Cf. M. Southern and A.G. Vaughn, ‘Where have all the nasals gone? nC  CC in North Semitic,’ JSS 42, 1997, pp. 264–82. 130 M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Balbi and Yerushalmi and the Midrashic Literature, reprinted, Peabody: Hendrickson, 2005, vol. 2, p. 1005. 131 See Wansbrough, Qur ”Anic Studies, pp. 30–31; and EI 3, sv. ‘Angels’ (G.S. Reynolds). 132 F. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary, reprinted, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 2008. 133 Cf. A. Schimmel, Gabriel’s Wing, Leiden: Brill, 1963, pp. 207–8; Steingass, PersianEnglish Dictionary, p. 680. 134 M. Mo‘ cn, MazdayasnA wa-tA ”thCrAn dar adabiyAt-i ParsC, Tehran, n.p., 1326/1947–8, p. 449 [my translation]. 135 See M.A. Razavi, Suhrawardi and the School of Illumination, Richmond: Curzon, 1997, p. 84. 136 Al-Suhrawardc, Likmat al-ishrAq; J. Walbridge and H. Ziai (eds and trs), The Philosophy of Illumination – likmat al-ihsraq – A New Critical Edition of the Text of the likmat al-ishraq, with English Translation, Notes, Commentary and Introduction, Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1999. 137 See S.R. Burge, ‘The Provenance of Suhrawardian Angelology,’ ArOr 76, 2008, pp. 435–57. 138 Ibn al-Kalbc, K. al-ATnAm; N.A. Faris (tr.), The Book of Idols, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952. 139 Colby, Narrating MuRammad’s Night Journey, p. 22. 140 Wasserstrom, Between Muslim and Jew, p. 181. 4 Imagining angels 1 See J. Trachtenburg, ‘The Folk Element in Judaism,’ JR 22, 1942, pp. 173–86; and Waardenburg, ‘Popular and Official Religion’. 2 Kuhn, ‘The Angelology of the Non-Canonical Jewish Apocalypses,’ p. 219. 3 1 En. 7:2–8:4, OTP, p. 16; see also 1 En. 69, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 47–8 and 3 En. 5:9, OTP, vol. 1, p. 260. 4 ApEl. 5:5–6, OTP, vol. 1, p. 750. 5 LadJac. 2:15–17, OTP, vol. 2, p. 408. 6 E.H. Gombrich, ‘Icones Symbolicae: The Visual Image in Neo-Platonic Thought,’ JWCI 11, 1948, p. 163. 7 Gombrich, ‘Icones Symbolicae’, p. 165. 8 G. von Rad, Genesis, London: SCM Press Ltd., 1972, p. 193. 9 See DDD, svv. ‘Angel I’ [S.A. Meier], and ‘Angel II’ [ J.W. van Henten]. 10 S.A. Meier, The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988; and J.T. Greene, The Role of the Messenger and the Message in the Ancient Near East, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989. 11 Greene, The Role of the Messenger, p. 80. 12 Cf. Gen. 16:7 (heavenly) and 32:4 (earthly); B. Fischer, I Gribonont, H.F.D. Sparks and W. Thiele (eds), Biblica Sacra Vulgata, Stuttgart: Württemburgische Bibelanstalt, 1969, pp. 22 and 47. See also P. Burton, The Old Latin Gospels, New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 93.

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13 Cf. W.M. Watt, Bell’s Introduction to the Qur ”An, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1970, p. 25. 14 S.R. Burge, ‘The Angels in SErat al-MalA ”ika: Exegeses of Q. 35:1,’ JQS 10, 2009, pp. 51–4. For example, Q. 22:75 states that God chooses his messengers (rusul) from malA ”ika and humans. If malA ”ika means ‘messengers’, this would say: ‘God chooses his messengers from messengers and men.’ This does not make sense. 15 Burge, ‘The Angels in SErat al-MalA ”ika’, p. 52. 16 Ithamar Gruenwald highlights six key elements found in throne visions, two of which are the presence of angels around God’s throne and the singing of hymns by angels; see Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 31. 17 This is seen particularly strongly in the Qumran community; cf. Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 316–19. 18 E.g. A. Piñero, ‘Angels and Demons in the Greek Life of Adam and Eve,’ JSJ 14, 1993, pp. 191–214; G.J. Brooke, ‘Men and Women as Angels in Joseph and Aseneth,’ JSP 14, 2005, pp. 159–77; and K.J. Ruffatto, ‘Raguel as Interpreter of Moses’ Throne Vision: The Transcendent Identity of Raguel in the Exagoge of Ezekiel the Tragedian,’ JSP 17, 2008, pp. 121–39. 19 Cf. al-Bel’ami MS [Freer Gallery of Art 57.16] fol. 182a and 184a; see P.P. Soucek, ‘The Life of the Prophet: Illustrated Versions,’ in P.P. Soucek (ed.), Content and Context of Visual Arts in the Islamic World, London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988, pp. 193–217; and the Saray-Album (Topkapı Museum) MS Hazine 1221, fol. 223b; Hazine 2152, fol. 60b; Hazine 2154, fol. 61b, 121a; see M.]. Ip1iroylu, Das Bild im Islam, Vienna: Schroll, 1971, pl. 23, 38, 39 and 104; and BNPer. 174, fol. 69r, 113r, 121v; M. Barrucand, ‘The Miniatures of the DaqA ”iq al-RaqA ”iq (Bibliothèque Nationale Pers. 174): A Testimony to the Cultural Diversity of Medieval Anatolia,’ IA 4, 1990–1, pp. 113–42. For a brief analysis of angels in Islamic art, see EI 3, sv. ‘Angels in Islamic Art and Architecture’ (R. Milstein). 20 Some of the RadCth, albeit very few, do refer to angels wearing turbans (§626–8) and yellow turbans (§630), and these are also found in Islamic Art (cf. FGA 57.16 fol. 138a, 170b; see Soucek, ‘Life of the Prophet’). However, whether the angels’ wearing of turbans is related to Islamic tradition or other external influences is difficult to ascertain. 21 Cf. E. Esin, ‘An Angel Figure in the Miscellany Album H. 2152 of Topkapı,’ in A. Oktay (ed.), Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte Asiens: in Memoriam Ernst Diez, Istanbul: Istanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesiu, 1963, pp. 264–82. Esin also includes other information on other motifs used for angels in Islam and their influence from EastAsian culture. 22 For example, in the miniatures of the DaqA ”iq al-RaqA ”iq, a number of the angels are depicted carrying different objects, representing the objects or seasons over which the angels have influence; see Barrucand, ‘Miniatures of the DaqA ”iq’. Also, in one version of the Mi “rAj-nama (Tokapı, Hazine 2154, fol. 61b), a miniature depicting Murammad’s encounter with the Cockerel (al-DCk) includes an angelic choir, a motif that is not found in any available text of the Mi “rAj-nama remaining extant; see R. Ettinghausen, ‘Persian Ascension Miniatures of the Fourteenth Century,’ in Richard Ettinghausen, Islamic Art and Archaeology: Collected Papers, Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1984, pp. 246–8. 23 Blue and black are often ‘negative’ colours in folklore; cf. F. Ugochukwu, ‘The Devil’s Colors: A Comparative Study of French and Nigerian Folktales,’ OTr. 21, 2006, p. 260. 24 Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 58. 25 P.A. de Souza Nougeira, ‘Celestial Worship and the Ecstatic-Visionary Experience,’ JSNT 25, 2002, p. 166. 26 Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch, p. 40.

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27 Cf. Kuhn, ‘Angelology’, pp. 217–32; R. Kasher, ‘Angelology and the Supernatural Worlds in the Aramaic Targums to the Prophets,’ JSJ 27, 1996, pp. 168–91; and A. Shinan, ‘The Angelology of the Palestinian Targums on the Pentateuch,’ Sefarad 43, 1983, pp. 181–98. 28 Cf. Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 31. 29 A.F. Segal, ‘Heavenly Ascent in Hellenic Judaism, Early Christianity and their Environment,’ in H. Temporini, W. Haase and J. Vogt (eds), Aufstieg und Niedergand der römischen Welt, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1972, p. 1361; see also J.H. Charlesworth, ‘The Portrayal of the Righteous as an Angel,’ in G.W.E. Nickelsburg and J.J. Collins (eds), Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism, Chico: Scholars Press, 1980, pp. 135–51. 30 See D. Cook, ‘Moral Apocalyptic in Islam,’ SI 86, 1997, pp. 37–8. 31 Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 97; cf. Alan Segal on 1En: ‘Though the workings of the physical universe are described, the most important message of Enoch is that the unrighteous will be punished and that the suffering of the righteous has meaning.’ Segal, ‘Heavenly Ascent’, p. 1360. See also J.R. Porter, ‘Muhammad’s Journey to Heaven,’ Numen 21, 1974, p. 75 and Martha Himmelfarb’s two key studies, Tours of Hell and Ascent to Heaven. 32 R. Tottoli, ‘Tours of Hell and Punishment of Sinners in Mi “rAj Narratives: Use and Meaning of Eschatology in Murammad’s Ascension,’ in C.J. Gruber and F.S. Colby, The Prophet’s Ascension: Cross-Cultural Encounters with the Islamic Mi‘raj Tales, Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2010, pp. 11–26. 33 ‘Divine messengers are usually depicted as indistinguishable from human beings . . .’ DDD, sv. ‘Angel I’, p. 48. 34 See also Vanderkam, ‘The Angel of the Presence in the Book of Jubilees’; and G. Quispel, ‘Ezekiel 1:26 in Jewish Mysticism and Gnosis,’ VC 34, 1980, pp. 1–13. 35 JosAsen 15:9, OTP, vol. 2, p. 225. 36 See DDD, svv. ‘Angel I’ and ‘Angel II’ ( J.W. van Henten). The two forms (celestial and anthropomorphic) are also found in Gnostic and Hermetic texts; see G.G. Stroumsa, ‘Form(s) of God: Some Notes on Meuauron and Christ,’ HTR 76, 1983, pp. 269–88. 37 See Sullivan, Wrestling with Angels, p. 83. 38 Peers, Subtle Bodies, p. 23. See also, EdAM, sv. ‘Angelo’ (M. Bussagli); and RZBK, sv. ‘Himmelsmächte, Erzengel und Engel’ (D.I. Pallas). For depictions of angels with wings in Jewish art, see F. Landsberger, ‘The Origin of the Winged Angel in Jewish Art,’ HUCA 20, 1947, pp. 227–54. 39 Cf. Stoumsa, ‘Form(s) of God’, p. 274. 40 Cf. Q. 19:16–19 and 35:1. 41 See Smith and Haddad, ‘The Virgin Mary in Islamic Tradition and Commentary,’ MW 70, 1989, p. 165. 42 Lane, AELex, pp. 1476–7. 43 Smith and Haddad, ‘The Virgin Mary’, p. 167. 44 See J. MacDonald, ‘Joseph in the Qur’an and Muslim Commentary: A Comparative Study,’ MW 46, 1956, pp. 113–31. 45 §46, 54, 56, 120–24, 151, 160, 167, 175, 218, 220 and 223. 46 §46, 120 and 122 (Gabriel and the Angel of Death). 47 Dirya al-Kalbc is said to have been of ‘such outstanding beauty that the Angel Gabriel took his features.’ EI 2, sv. ‘Dirya’ (H. Lammens [-Ch. Pellat]). 48 head: §50, 54, 55, 92, 96, 104, 122, 184, 190, 195, 197, 219, 222, 243, 234, 494, 498, 499 and 684; feet: §29, 44a, 44b, 50, 52, 54, 96, 180, 181, 184, 195, 202, 205, 219, 222, 223, 274, 415, 485 and 486; legs: §180, 544 and 625; hands: §29, 166, 219, 222, 229, 234, 257, 269, 306, 487, 653 and 684; and face: §122, 189, 212 and 214. 49 Mouth: §211, 233, 303, 305, 306, 493, 498 and 500; nose: §180; forehead: §54, 94, 104 and 105; teeth: §50; hair: §54, 120, 122, 233, 305 and 306; ears: §99, 122, 181, 270, 490 and 545; and eyes: §87, 95, 120, 123, 146, 183, 197, 199, 233, 303, 305, 306 and 499.

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50 Neck: §53, 94, 96, 99, 195 and 233; shoulders: §48, 51, 181, 231, 494 and 499; collarbone: §490 and 499; and heart: §549. 51 §20, 43, 45, 49, 50, 53, 54, 92–5, 99, 104, 149, 189, 213, 214, 284–7, 294, 416, 499, 511, 622, 623, 743 and 744. 52 See Burge, ‘Angels in SErat al-MalA ”ika’. This is, also, reflected in Jewish and Christian literature, where there are only a few references to angels having wings: cf. 2 En. 12:2 and 72:9, OTP vol. 1, pp. 122–3 and 210–11; 3 En. 9, OTP vol. 1, p. 263; ApAbr. 18:6, OTP vol. 1, p. 698; QuesEzra 27–30, OTP vol. 1, p. 598 and LadJac 2:15, OTP vol. 2, p. 408. 53 Eg. §20, 94, 99, 149, 416, 622, 623, 690 and 744. 54 §744; some modern commentators have argued against conceiving angels as being like birds, e.g. ‘We need not suppose that angelic “wings” have muscles and feathers, like the wings of birds.’ Y.H. Ali, The Holy Qur’an, Lahore: Sheikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1938, p. 1152 n. 3871. 55 §94; see also §43, 92–5, 213, 214 and 499. 56 See al-Bukharc, NaRCR, Riyadh: Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyya, 1998, §4856, p. 593; alQuruubc, al-JAmi“, vol. 14, pp. 319–20 and al-Bayqawc, AnwAr al-tanzCl wa-asrAr al-ta ”wCl; H.O. Fleischer (ed.), Commentarius in Coranum, Leipzig: Vogel, 1846–48, vol. 2, p. 148. 57 al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 22, p. 114. 58 See below for a discussion of the significance and symbolism of the colour green in Arabic. 59 Ezk. 1:5–14; Rev. 4:6–8; ApAbr. 18:3–7, OTP, vol. 1, p. 698. 60 Cf. J. Eggler, Influences and Traditions Underlying the Vision of Daniel 7:2–14: The Research History from the End of the 19th Century to the Present, Fribourg: University Press and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2000, pp. 42–54. 61 R. Bauckham, The Theology of the Book of Revelation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993, pp. 33–4. 62 §189–93 and 198; the Angel of the Thunder is also described like this, see §267; cf. al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 90. 63 Single form: §192 and 193; four faces: §189–91, 198. 64 Goats: §179; horns: §180, 181, 184, 197 and 209. 65 Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, p. 470. 66 S.A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine in the Light of Archaeology, London: Oxford University Press, 1930, p. 29; see also H.T. Obbink, ‘The Horns of the Altar in the Semitic World, Especially in Jahwism,’ JBL 56, 1937, pp. 43–9; see also, ER 2, svv. ‘Horns’ (A. Coudert); and ‘Sheep and Goats’ (B.A. Litvinski). 67 The altar is called the keratinos bumos; see P. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Délos à l’époque hellénistique et à l’époque impériale, Paris: Boccard, 1970, pp. 22–9. The altar was destroyed, but is referred to by the poet Callimachus; see Callimachus, Eis ApollDna, l. 61; William, F., Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo: A Commentary, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978, pp. 59–60. The altar of the Jerusalem temple, also, had stone ‘horns’, see EJ, sv. ‘Altar’ ( J. Milgrom and B.M. Lerner). 68 See I. Cornelius, The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Ba “al: Late Bronze Age and Iron Age Periods (c. 1500–1000 BCE), Fribourg: University Press and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1994, pp. 245–53; and M. Metzger, Königsthron und Gottesthron: Thronformen und Throndarstellungen in Ägypten und in Vorderen Orient im dritten und zweiten Jahrtausend vor Christus und deren Bedeutung für das Verständnis von Aussagen über den Thron im Alten Testament, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985, p. 253. 69 §280–94. 70 3 Bar. 6:16; OTP, vol. 1, pp. 670–1. 71 See D.C. Harlow, The Greek Apocalypse of Baruch (3 Baruch) in Hellenistic Judaism and Early Christianity, Leiden: Brill, 1996, p. 138; and B.Z. Wacholder and S. Bowman, ‘Ezechielus the Dramatist and Ezekiel the Prophet: Is the Mysterious Z8ON in the ’EXAGWG6 a Phoenix?’ HTR 78, 1985, pp. 253–77.

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72 Cf. 3 En. 2:1, OTP, vol. 1, p. 257; Elch., NTA, vol. 2, p. 687; GPhil 26a, NTA, vol. 1, p. 191; DialSav 42 and 67, NTA, vol. 1, pp. 4–11; and QuesBart 13; NTA, vol. 1, p. 546. For a short discussion of this see: A.D. de Conick, ‘The “Dialogue of the Savior” and the Mystical Sayings of Jesus,’ VC 50, 1996, pp. 190–93. 73 This relates to imagery of Jesus as an angel (angelomorphic Christology); see C.A. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology: Antecedents and Early Evidence, Leiden: Brill, 1998; and Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology. 74 GPhil 26a; NTA, vol. 1, p. 191. Cf. DialSav 42 and 67; NTA, vol. 1, pp. 4–11. 75 Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 31. 76 One RadCth (§5) states that a ‘single angel is smaller than a fly.’ However, this is part of a different argument discussing the great number of angels. Another RadCth states that the angel IsrAf Cl can be both huge and incredibly small (§53). 77 P. Alexander, ‘3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of ) Enoch,’ OTP vol. 1, p. 293 n. 9c. 78 3 En. 9:2–3, OTP, vol. 1, p. 263. 79 §20, 51, 180 (three times), 181, 183, 197, 202, 209, 231 (bis), 485, 490, 494, 499 (four times) and 545. 80 See, also §181 (bird); §231 (100 autumns); §490 (quick-flying bird going downwards); §494 (angel flying) and §545 (quick-flying bird). 81 cf. G. Stemberger (tr. M. Bockmuehl), Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash, reprinted, Edinburgh: T. &. T. Clark, 1997, pp. 348–9. 82 M.S. Cohen, The Shi “Er Qomah: Texts and Recensions, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1995, pp. 1–2; and idem, The Shi “ur Qomah: Liturgy and Theurgy in Pre-Kabbalistic Jewish Mysticism, London: University Press of America, 1983, pp. 51ff. 83 Sefer Hashi “Er, ll. 5–6; Cohen, The Shi “Er Qomah: Texts and Recensions, p. 29. 84 Stroumsa, ‘Form(s) of God’, p. 277. 85 J. Dan, ‘Concept of Knowledge in the Shi “ur Qomah,’ in S. Stein and R. Loewe (eds), Studies in Jewish Religious and Intellectual History Presented to Alexander Altmann, Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press 1979, pp. 67–73. 86 Cohen, The Shi “Er Qomah: Texts and Recensions, pp. 38–53. 87 In Siddur Rabbah ‘years’ are not used, but in another text, Sefer ha-Shi “Er, there is one distance given in ‘years’ amongst many measurements taken in parasangs: ‘The distance that a man can walk in a (single) day is ten parasangs, which is to say that, in a year consisting of 365 days, (he can) walk 3,656 parasangs (!). In ten years, the sum totals 36,400 parasangs, and (therefore,) in one hundred years, it reaches, 365,000 parasangs, and in five hundred years, it reaches 1,825,000 parasangs – this is the span of the Creator, may He be blessed.’ Siddur Rabbah ll. 9–12; Cohen, The Shi “Er Qomah: Texts and Recensions, pp. 28–9. 88 The distance ‘shoulder to shoulder’ does, however, appear in the Book of Elchasai: an angel is said to be 96 miles high (24 schoinoi ) and the distance from shoulder to shoulder to be 14 miles (6 schoinoi ); NTA, vol. 2, p. 687; this fragment is taken from Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, IX:13.2; M. Marcovich (ed.), Hippolytus: Refutatio Ominum Haeresium, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986, p. 357. 89 Although year-measurements can be found, usually in relation to the size of the earth. In addition to the use in Sefer ha-Shi “Er (see above), it can, also, be found in DeutR 2:10, p. 29 and CantR 6:9, §2–3, p. 266. See also S. Gandz, ‘The Distribution of Land and Sea on the Earth’s Surface According to Hebrew Sources,’ PAAJR 22, 1953, pp. 23–53; especially p. 33. This use can be found in al-Mas‘edc, MurEj aldhahab wa-ma“Adin al-jawAhir, Beirut: Mu’sassa al-A‘lamc li-’l-Maubu‘at, 1321/2000, §I:16; vol. 1, p. 172. 90 Cf. Stroumsa, ‘Form(s) of God’, p. 269; see also H.M. Jackson, ‘The Origins and Development of Shi “ur Qomah Revelation in Jewish Mysticism,’ JSJ 31, 2000, pp. 373–415. Jackson looks at representations of the divine in other, non-Jewish, religious traditions. 91 §42, 53, 92–5, 158–9, 201, 202, 213, 214, 285, 286 and 294.

Notes 92 93 94 95 96 97

98

99

100 101 102 103

104

105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112

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§53, 92–5, 201, 202, 213, 214, 285, 286 and 294. This is also found in al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 92. §41, 96, 180, 181, 184, 190, 195, 201, 205, 284, 286, 287, 294 and 544. See also, §96, 180, 181, 184, 195, 201, 205, 284, 286, 287, 294 and 544. ActsJ 90; NTA, vol. 2, pp. 180–1. Cf. M.D. Swartz, ‘The Semiotics of the Priestly Vestments in Ancient Judaism,’ in A.I. Baumgarten (ed.), Sacrifices in Religious Experience, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 57–80. Garments were also used to distinguish gods from mortals in Semitic religion; see A.L. Oppenheim, ‘Golden Garments of the Gods,’ JNES 8, 1949, pp. 172–93. For a comprehensive list of various iconographic details associated with angels, see RZBK, sv. ‘Himmelsmächte’. Another interesting article by Catherine Jolivet-Lévy discusses the semiotics of dress in Byzantine art and particularly the way in which the Imperial costume of the angels was also used to stress the worldly power of the Emperor; see C. Jolivet-Lévy, ‘Note sur la representation des archanges en costume impèrial dans l’iconographie byzantine,’ CA 46, 1998, pp. 121–8. For a discussion of the place of clothing in Judaism and Christianity, see J.H. Kim, The Significance of Clothing Imagery in the Pauline Corpus, London: Continuum, 2004. For a discussion of the semiotics of clothing and dress (in general), see R.P. Rubinstein, Dress Codes: Meaning and Messages in American Culture, Oxford: Westview Press, 1995. N. Rubin, and A. Kosman, ‘The Clothing of the Primordial Man: Adam as a Symbol of Apocalyptic Time in the Midrashic Sources,’ HTR 90, 1997, p. 163. Emel Esin includes a discussion of angelic dress in Islamic art and its East-Asian influences, see Esin, ‘Angel Figure’, pp. 269ff. For a discussion of angelic clothing in Byzantine art, see M.G. Parani, Reconstructing the Reality of Images: Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th–15th Centuries), Leiden: Brill, 2003, pp. 42–50. ‘As I watched, thrones were set in place, and an Ancient One took his throne; his clothing was white as snow and the hair of his head like pure wool . . .’ (NRSV ); cf. 20:12; ‘and he saw two angels in white . . .’ (NRSV). Martha Himmelfarb discusses the use and symbolism of God’s white gown and argues that there are two main ideas: (i) judgement and (ii) purity. She also alludes to the wearing of a plain white robe by the Jewish High Priest on the Day of Atonement; see Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven, pp. 16–18; see also Rowland, ‘A Man Clothed in Linen’. Cf: JanJam 25a, OTP vol. 2, p. 437 and ApEl. 5:5–6: ‘Then Gabriel and Uriel will become a pillar of light leading them into the holy land. It will be granted to them to eat from the tree of life. They will wear white garments. . . . and angels will watch over them.’ OTP, vol. 1, p. 750. This text is referring to the righteous, rather than angels, but the intention of the white garments is to signify their righteousness and their place in heaven. §54; see also §122 (Angel of Death). W. Fischer, Farb- und Formbezeichnungen in der Sprache der altarabischen Dichtung: Untersuchungen zur Wortbedeutung und zur Wortbildung, Wiesbaden: Otto Harassowitz, 1965, p. 244. K. ‘Athamina, ‘The Black Banners and the Socio-Political Significance of Flags and Slogans in Medieval Islam,’ Arabica 36, 1989, p. 311. Colours also feature prominently in al-Qazwcnc’s description of angels, see al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, pp. 100–5. W.C. Young, ‘The Ka‘ba, Gender, and the Rites of Pilgrimage,’ IJMES 25, 1993, p. 291. AkhQar can also refer to blue, see Fischer, Farb- und Formbezeichungen, p. 306; but, in these texts, ‘green’ is clearly intended. §54, see also §50 and 52. D. Alexander, ‘The Black Flag of the ‘Abbasids,’ Gladius 20, 2000, p. 224.

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113 For a discussion of the symbolism of colours in Near Eastern cultures, see A.G. Carbó, ‘El Viaje Espiritual al «Espacia Verde»: el «Jardín de la Visión» en el Sufismo,’ Convivium 20, 2007, pp. 65–90. 114 §42, 44b, 45 and 54; Green robes are, also, said to be worn by those in paradise: e.g. Q. 18:31 ‘. . . and they shall be robed in green garments of silk and brocade . . .’; see also Q. 55:76 and 76:21; and ‘Athamina, ‘Black Banners’, pp. 325–6. 115 ‘The color green is symbolic of the beginning of the things, of the creation, of the physical order and also of the fundamental wisdom which underlies creation.’ B.Z. Bokser, ‘The Thread of Blue,’ PAAJR 31, 1963, p. 11. 116 ‘Moreover, the faces of the intermediate were a greenish colour, on account of their deeds, for they are tainted until purified of their iniquity by fire.’ 3 En. 44:5; OTP, vol. 1, p. 295. 117 al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 102. 118 §281, 285, 286 and 294. 119 See R.M. Royalty, The Streets of Heaven: The Ideology of Wealth in the Apocalypse of John, Macon: Mercer University Press, 1998, pp. 45–58. For the use of precious stones in a whole range of different religions, see G.F. Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones, London: J.P. Lippincott, 1913, pp. 225–74. 120 LetAris 96, OTP vol. 2, p. 19; cf. Ex 28:4, 27–31. 121 LetAris 88, OTP vol. 2, p. 18; see also LetAris, 52–82, OTP vol. 2, pp. 16–18. 122 Cf. 1 En. 14:11 and 24:2, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 20 and 26; 3 En. 12, OTP, vol. 1, p. 265; 2 Bar. 5:7, OTP vol. 2, p. 623; ApAbr 11:1–3, OTP vol. 1, p. 694 and Ps.-Phil. 26:9–10, OTP vol. 2, p. 338. 123 Cf. al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 100. 124 §626–8 and 630. cf. Q. 3:123–4; Ibn Israq, SCra, pp. 303ff.; al-Waqidc, (ed. M. Jones), KitAb al-maghAzC, London: Oxford University Press, 1966, vol. 1, pp. 56–7, 79 and 113; and Malik b. Anas, al-MuwaUUA ”; MuwaUUa’ al-ImAm MAlik wa-sharRuhu tanwCr alRawAlik, Cairo: Mauba‘at al-akhcra, 1370/1951, vol. 1, pp. 291–2; A. Bewley (tr.), Al-Muwatta of Imam Malik ibn Anas: The First Formulation of Islamic Law, Granada: Madinah Press, 1992, §20.81.254, p. 171; for more on the significance of turbans, see M.J. Kister, ‘ “The Crowns of this Community” . . . Some Notes on the Turban in Muslim Tradition,’ JSAI 24, 2000, pp. 217–45. 125 This is also found in Western art, as Stephen Prickett comments about early renaissance art: ‘Biblical characters (once clothed) always wore contemporary dress and appeared in the local context.’ S. Prickett, ‘The Bible in Literature and Art,’ in J. Barton (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Biblical Interpretation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 165. 126 Cf. O. Kaiser (tr. R.A. Wilson), Isaiah 1–12, London: SCM Press, 1972, p. 76; and J. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1–39, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986, p. 179. See also, al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 100. 127 §93, 99 and 744. 128 §85–8, 91, 92 and 99; see also EI 2, sv. ‘Israfcl’. 129 §232 and 234. 130 §257, 258, 261 and 263. 131 See §85–106. 132 For example, in Byzantine art different kinds of holy people (martyrs, monks, warrior saints, bishops etc.) are dressed in different clothing to distinguish them; cf. C. Walter, Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003, pp. 270–4 and 285–90; and H. Maguire, The Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their Images in Byzantium, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. 133 See Kunz, Curious Lore, pp. 225–74. 134 For a discussion of the influence of Zoroastrianism on Islam, see M. Stepaniants, ‘The Encounter of Zoroastrianism with Islam,’ PEW 52, 2002, pp. 159–72.

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135 §1, 9, 25, 26, 44, 56, 74, 75, 128, 129, 141, 187, 198, 207, 208, 222, 225, 234, 237, 243, 247, 248, 249, 313–21, 324, 325, 333, 389, 391–3, 397, 399–401, 417, 422, 425 (bis), 426 (bis), 458–60, 537, 437, 549, 555 (bis), 617, 619, 678, 679, 743 and 744. 136 C. Gilliot, ‘Portrait «Mythique» d’Ibn ‘Abbas,’ Arabica 32, 1995, pp. 127–84. 137 Cf. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him. 5 Angelic companions 1 Cf. W.P. Griffin, The God of the Prophets: An Analysis of Divine Action, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997 and various articles in M. Ipgrave (ed.), Bearing the Word: Prophecy in Biblical and Qur ”Anic Perspective, London: Church House Publishing, 2005. 2 See U. Rubin, ‘Prophets and Prophethood,’ in A. Rippin (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to the Qur ”An, London: Blackwell, 2006, pp. 242–5. 3 See Rubin, ‘Prophets and Prophethood’, pp. 240–1; and W.A. Bijlefeld, ‘A Prophet and more than a Prophet?’ MW 59, 1969, pp. 1–28. 4 See various studies on the role of the prophets in the kingdoms of Israel and Judah; e.g. B. Lang, Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority: An Essay in Biblical History and Sociology, Sheffield: Almond Press, 1983; and B. Lehnart, Prophet und König im Nordreich Israel: Studien zur sogenannten vorklassischen Prophetie im Nordreich Israel anhand der Samuel-, Elija- und Elischa-Überlieferungen, Leiden: Brill, 2003. 5 Cf. É. Durkheim (tr. R. Nisbet), The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, London: George Allen and Unwin, 1965, pp. 326–414. 6 To see the role of temples and priests in society in different religions, see M.V. Fox (ed.), The Temple in Society, Winona Lake: Eisenbaums, 1988. 7 J. Blenkinsopp, Sage, Priest, Prophet; Religious and Intellectual Leadership in Ancient Israel, Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1995, pp. 80–83. 8 A.C. Eccel, ‘The Different Socio-Religious Impact of the Definition of the Religious Elite in Christianity and Islam,’ SC 31, 1984, pp. 105–23. This is also the case in Judaism, especially after the destruction of the Temple; see M.E. Stone, ‘Reactions to the Destructions of the Second Temple: Theology, Perception and Conversion,’ JSJ 12, 1981, pp. 195–204; H.W. Turner, From Temple to Meeting House: The Phenomenology and Theology of Places of Worship, The Hague: Mouton, 1979; and S. Fine, This Holy Place: On the Sanctity of the Synagogue during the Graeco-Roman Period, Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997. 9 Gammie, ‘Spatial and Ethical Dualism’. 10 See N. Green, ‘ The Religious and Cultural Roles of Dreams and Visions in Islam,’ JRAS 13, 2003, pp. 287–313. 11 Cf. H. Corbin, Mundus Imaginalis: Or the Imaginary and the Imaginal, Ipswich: Golgonooza Press, 1972. Corbin describes the aim of the mystic to go beyond the intelligible world, symbolized by Mount QAf to the ‘land of non-where’ (nA kojA AbAd ), the mundus imaginalis or imaginal world. 12 See W. Burkert (tr. J. Ruffan), Greek Religion, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985, pp. 179–81. 13 J.B. Rives, Religion in the Roman Empire, Oxford: Blackwell, 2007, pp. 117–22. 14 Parts of this chapter are developed from a previously published article: S.R. Burge, ‘The Angels’ Roles in Death and Judgement: Al-Suyuti’s Approach to Hadith,’ in A. Philips and R. Abu-Remaileh (eds), The Meeting Place of British Middle East Studies: Emerging Scholars, Emergent Research and Approaches, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009, pp. 40–59. 15 Forty days: §437, 440 and 442; forty-two days: §439; seventy-two days: §441. Forty days is also an important time period in Greek medicine: cf. Hippocratic Treatises, On the Nature of the Child, §18–19; see I.M. Lonie, (tr.), The Hippocratic Treatises “On

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16 17

18

19 20 21

22 23 24 25 26 27 28

29 30 31 32 33

Notes Generation”, “On the Nature of the Child”, “Diseases IV”, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1981, pp. 9–11 and 190–94. Also compare rabbinic law, in which a woman who miscarries before forty days have passed does not have to perform the rites of ritual purity associated with miscarriages and birth, as [the embryo] is not considered an embryo before forty days; see Bek. §21b, p. 140. Al-Tha‘labc, QA p. 26; Brinner, Lives, p. 43. Al-oabarc (ed. Murammad Abe ’l-Faql Ibrahcm), Ta”rCkh al-rusul wa-malEk, Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘arif bi-Mitr, 1960, vol. 1, pp. 89–90; F. Rosenthal (tr.), The History of Al-OabarC: Volume 1 – From the Creation to the Flood, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989, pp. 258–9. Al-Mas‘edc, MurEj al-dhahab, vol. 1, pp. 35–6. For a fuller list of references to this narrative in Arabic literature see A. Jeffery, ‘Ibn al-‘Arabc’s Shajarat al-Kawn,’ SI 11, 1959, p. 113, n. 1; and for references in Jewish and Christian literature, see Chipman, ‘Mythic aspects’, pp. 10–13. See also H. Schwarzbaum, ‘Jewish and Moslem Sources of a Falasha Creation Myth,’ in R. Patai (ed.), Studies in Biblical and Jewish Folklore, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1960, pp. 41–58; and E. Ullendorf, ‘The “Death of Moses” in the Literature of the Falashas,’ BSOAS 24, 1961, pp. 419–43. H. Schwarzbaum, ‘The overcrowded earth,’ Numen 4, 1957, p. 65. Similar ‘recording angels’ can be found in Jewish and Christian texts: e.g. 2 En. 19:5, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 132–3; ApZeph. 3:1–9 and 7:1–8, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 510–11 and 513; ApPaul 7, N TA, vol. 1, p. 718. Cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 7, pp. 216–18; vol. 13, pp. 114–23; vol. 26, pp. 157–60; and vol. 30, p. 88; and al-Quruubc, al-JAmi “ li-aRkAm al-Qur ”An, Cairo: Mauba‘at Dar al-Kutub al-Mitriyya, 1357–69/1938–50) vol. 7, p. 6; vol. 9, pp. 291–5, vol. 17, pp. 8–13 and vol. 19, pp. 245–6. For a brief survey, see Fahd, ‘Génies, Anges et Démons en Islam’, pp. 164–5; and Eichler, 93–5. E.g. §314, 315, 318, 319, 331. E.g. al-Quruubc, al-JAmi “, vol. 17, p. 9. yamCn appears 16 times in the Qur’an – see M.F. ‘Abd al-Baqc, al-Mu“jam al-mufahras li-alfAV al-Qur ”An al-karCm, Cairo: Dar al-ladcth, 1417/1996, p. 862. The opening of Q. 56 is a good example of the discourse of left and right. See R. Hertz, ‘La prééminence de la main droite: étude sur la polarité religieuse,’ RP 68, 1909, pp. 553–8, and J. Chelhod, ‘Contribution au problème de la prééminence de la droite, d’après le témoignage arabe,’ Anthropos 59, 1964, pp. 529–45. See Burge, ‘The Angels Roles in Death and Judgement’, pp. 43–7. See O’Shaughnessy, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death. Muhammad Abdul Haleem also comments: ‘The after-life is not treated in the Qur’an in a separate chapter at the end of the book, or as something on its own, for its own sake, but always in relation to life in this world.’ M. Abdel Haleem, ‘Life and Beyond in the Qur’an,’ in D. CohnSherbok and C. Lewis (eds), Beyond Death: Theological and Philosophical Reflections on Life After Death, London: Macmillan, 1995, p. 66. For a basic survey, see EI 2, sv. ‘‘Izra’ cl’ (A.J. Wensinck); Eichler, Die Dschinn, Teufel, und Engel im Koran, pp. 104–10; Fahd, ‘Génies, Anges et Démons en Islam’, pp. 170–2. The number of times varies, cf. §109–13, 115–19. Other RadCth in this section make similar statements, but in less explicit terms. For a basic summary, see L. Halevi, Muhammad’s Grave: Death Rites and the Making of Islamic Society, New York: Columbia University Press, 2007, pp. 197–233 and EI 2, sv. ‘Adhab al-sabr’ (A.J. Wensinck). F.E. Peters, Islam: A Guide for Jews and Christians, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003, pp. 256–7; see also Smith and. Haddad, Death and Resurrection, pp. 41–7. It should be noted that these other names appear to be very rare, and that both §309 and §310 are attributed to the same source, kamra b. labcb.

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34 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya also devotes much of his KitAb al-RER to a discussion of the trial of the grave, possibly in reaction to groups (such as the Kharijites and some Mu“tazilites) who denied the existence of Munkar and NakCr; Ibn Qayyim alJawziyya, KitAb al-rER, Hyderabad: Mauba‘at Majlis Da’irat al-Ma‘arif al-‘Uthmaniyya, 1357/1939. 35 See EI 2, sv. ‘Riqwan’ (W. Raven). 36 Muqatil b. Sulayman, TafsCr, vol. 3, p. 803. 37 See N. Rustomji, The Garden and the Fire, pp. 32–3. 38 Cf. KitAb ARwal al-qiyAma; M. Wolff (tr.), Muhammedanische Eschatologie, Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1872, p. 134. Vuckovic comments: ‘. . . Malik is a character that Muhammad meets occasionally, and he is the one, when asked who shows Muhammad hell.’ Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 37. 39 H. Corbin, Le paradoxe du monothéisme, Paris, L’Herne, 1981, p. 100. 40 See Fahd, Le Panthéon de l’Arabie Centrale à la Vielle de l’Hégire; W.M. Watt, ‘Belief in a “High God” in pre-Islamic Arabia,’ JSS 16, 1971, pp. 35–40; idem, ‘The Qur’an and belief in a “High God”,’ Der Islam 56, 1979, pp. 205–11. 41 Makino, Creation and Termination. 42 M. Fakhry, Ethical Theories in Islam (Second Edition), Leiden: Brill, 1994, pp. 11–30. 43 Cf. S. Wild, ‘ “We have not sent down to thee a book with truth” . . . Spatial and temporal implication of the Qur’anic concepts of nuzul, tanzCl, and inzAl,’ in S. Wild (ed.), The Qur ”an as Text, Leiden: Brill, 1996, pp. 21–40. 44 Cf. M. Arkoun, ‘The Notion of Revelation: From Ahl al-KitAb to the Societies of the Book,’ WdI 28, 1988, pp. 64–7. 45 R. Tottoli (tr. Michael Robertson), Biblical Prophets in the Qur ”An and Muslim Literature, Richmond: Curzon, 2002, p. 6. 46 §437, 439, 440, 441 and 443; cf. Nid. §31a, p. 214 and Yom. §95a, p. 420; for more on embryogenesis in Greek and Jewish thought, see S.S. Kottek, ‘Embryology in Talmudic and Midrashic Literature,’ JHB 14, 1981, pp. 299–315; J. Needham, A History of Embryology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1934, pp. 13–65; and D.A. Jones, The Soul of the Embryo: Enquiry into the Status of the Human Embryo in the Christian Tradition, London: Continuum, 2004, pp. 6–42. 47 H. Ringgren, Studies in Arabian Fatalism, Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1955, p. 119. 48 Al-Razc, MafAtCh al-ghayb [TafsCr al-kabCr], Cairo: n.p., 1889–91, vol. 6, pp. 188–90; and Ikhwan al-nafa’, RasA ”il IkhwAn al-NafA”, Beirut: Dar nadir, 1957, vol. 2, pp. 203–8. The accounts of the development of the embryo in the Qur’an and the RadCth have been discussed frequently, see O’Shaughnessy, Creation and the Teaching of the Qur ”An, pp. 10–29; D. Bakker, Man in the Qur ”An, Amsterdam: Drukkerij Holland N.V., 1965, pp. 9–19; S.S. Haas, ‘The “Creation of Man” in the Qur’an,’ MW 31, 1941, pp. 268–73; EI 2, sv. ‘Insan’ (R. Arnaldez); EQ , sv. ‘Biology as the Creation and Stages of Life’ (A.M. Ebrahim). 49 Cf. al-Dhahabc (attr.), Tibb al-NabbC, §23; see C. Elgood (tr.), Tibb-ul-Nabbi or Medicine of the Prophet, Bruges: Ex Officina “De Tempel”, 1962, pp. 165–75. This work has been attributed incorrectly to al-Suyeuc, and it is believed to have been compiled by al-Dhabahc; see E. Savage-Smith, ‘Attitudes to Dissection in Medieval Islam,’ JHMAS 50, 1995, p. 73 n. 14. 50 See M.H. Katz, ‘The Problem of Abortion in Classical Sunni fiqh,’ in J.E. Brockopp (ed.), Islamic Ethics of Life: Abortion, War and Euthanasia, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2003, pp. 30–34. 51 Cf. Bakker, Man in the Qur ”An, p. 18; the importance of birth and death is also reflected in Jewish literature, in which it is said that: ‘Three keys are in the hands of the Holy One, Blessed be He! – the keys of burial [i.e. resurrection], rain and the womb.’ GenR. 73:4, p. 670, cf. DeutR 7:6, p. 137.

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52 Cf. E.E. Salisbury, ‘Materials for the History of the Muhammadan Doctrine of Predestination and Free Will; compiled from original sources,’ JAOS 8, 1866, pp. 105–82; for RadCth, see pp. 122–47. 53 W.M. Watt, ‘Free Will and Predestination in Early Islam,’ MW 36, 1946, p. 131; see also Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, p. 5; Ringgren, Arabian Fatalism, pp. 117–21; and W.M. Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (Second Edition), Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995, pp. 25–31. 54 See M.M. Bravmann, The Spiritual Background of Early Islam, Leiden: Brill, 1972, pp. 288–95; and I. Goldziher (tr. S.M. Stern), Muslim Studies, reprinted, London: Aldine Transaction, 2006, vol. 1, pp. 209–38. 55 Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, p. 5. 56 ‘It is hardly conceivable that the words “whether he is to be miserable or happy” were originally interpreted in the way in which a Muslim would normally interpret them, as referring to Hell and Paradise.’ W.M. Watt, Free Will and Predestination in Islam, London: Luzac, 1948, p. 25. 57 Cf. J. van Ess, Zwischen LadCt und Theologie: Studien zum Entstehen prädestinatianischer Überlieferung, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975, pp. 16 and 24–5. 58 E.g. al-Bukharc, NaRCR, Riyadh: Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyya, 1998, KitAb al-qadar, §6594– 620, pp. 1261–5; for a collection of different RadCth on the subject, see A. de Vlieger, KitAb al-qadr: Materiaux pour servir à l’étude de la doctrine de la prédestination dans la théologie musulman, Leiden: Brill, 1902. 59 E.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, KitAb ShifA” al-“alCl fC masA ”il al-qaQA” wa’l-qadar wa’l-Rimah wa’l-ta ”lCl, Riyadh: Maktabat al-Riyaq al-ladctha, 1323/1905. 60 O’Shaughnessy, MuRammad’s Thoughts on Death, pp. 53–76. 61 Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, p. 35. 62 Cf. D.R. Schultz, ‘The Origin of Sin in Irenaeus and Jewish Pseudepigraphical Literature,’ VC 32, 1978, pp. 168–75. In Islam the obedience of angels presented a problem for understanding the failure of IblCs to bow to Adam. If all angels obey God by their nature, why did IblCs not bow down? These issues are discussed in Awn, Satan’s Tragedy, pp. 24–33. 63 Awn, Satan’s Tragedy, p. 27. 64 Brandon, ‘Personification of Death’, p. 325. 65 Enoch: §149; Abraham: §150; Moses: §146; Solomon’s friend: §167–8. 66 Gabriel Reynolds refers to this story and a possible provenance in the Talmud (Sota 13b); EI 3, sv. ‘Angels’. 67 W.M. Watt, ‘Suffering in Sunnite Islam,’ SI 50, 1979, p. 15. 68 There are similarities to the role of evil spirits in Zoroastrianism; see J.K. Choksy, Purity and Pollution in Zoroastrianism: Triumph over Evil, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989, pp. 16–19, 78–110. 69 Cf. the death of Moses in Pseudo-Philo, in which the angels do not sing their heavenly hymn after his death, Ps.-Philo 19:16, OTP, vol. 2, p. 323. 70 Other pseudepigraphical, apocryphal and hagiographical works also treat death with great emotion: e.g. The History of Joseph the Carpenter §14; B.H. Cowper (tr.), The Apocryphal Gospels, London: David Nutt, 1897, p. 111. 71 §151. In Jewish and Muslim tradition, David is believed to have been very pious and devout; see K.E. Pomykala, The Davidic Dynasty Tradition: Its History and Significance for Messianism, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995; and G. Xeravits, ‘The Figure of David in the Book of Ben Sira,’ Henoch 23, 2001, pp. 30–32. 72 Al-Ghazalc, IRyA’, vol. 4, p. 399; Winter, Remembrance of Death, p. 58. 73 G. Böwering, ‘The Concept of Time in Islam,’ PAPS 141, 1997, p. 58. 74 There have been a number of works on Islamic ethics (both philosophical and Qur’anic), e.g. Fakhry, Ethical Theories in Islam; T. Izutsu, Ethico-Religious Concepts in the Quran, Montreal: McGill University Press, 1966; and M. Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

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75 See S.R. Burge, ‘Impurity/Danger!’ ILS 17, 2010, pp. 320–49. 76 Burge, ‘Impurity/Danger!’, pp. 321–35. 77 This has been the interpretation usually given in studies of Islamic purity codes; e.g. M. Katz, Body of Text: The Emergence of the Sunni Law of Ritual Purity, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002; idem, ‘The Study of Islamic Ritual and the Meaning of WuQE ”,’ Der Islam 82, 2005, pp. 106–45; A.K. Reinhart, ‘Impurity/No Danger,’ HR 30, 1990, pp. 1–24; B. Wheeler, ‘Touching the Penis in Islamic Law,’ HR 44, 2004, pp. 89–119; EI 2, sv. oahara (K. Reinhart), EI 3, sv. Ablution (Z. Maghen); Z. Maghen, ‘Much Ado about WuQE ”,’ Isl., 79, 1999, pp. 205–52. For an analysis of modern approaches to Islamic ritual purity, see R. Gauvain, ‘Ritual Rewards: A Consideration of Three Recent Approaches to Sunni Purity Law,’ ILS 12, 2005, pp. 333–93. 78 For full details, see Burge, ‘Impurity/Danger!’, pp. 328–35. 79 Stones: §359 and 361; sandals: §356; spitting: §355, 357, 358 and 360; qibla: §574. 80 A. Schimmel, ‘ “I take off the dress of the body”: Eros in Sufi Literature,’ in S. Coakley (ed.), Religion and the Body, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 265. 81 ‘Among the angels only Haret and Maret (S. 2:102), because of their action in Babel, are bad . . .’; Waardenburg, ‘Changes of Belief ’, p. 280. 82 See §312, 319, 333–6, 341, 369, 382, 387, 391 and 445. 83 §692, 695, 696, 698–701, 708 and 713; there is also an angel that is responsible for correcting an individual who mispronounces something in the Qur’an, §462–5. 84 Cf. al-Nawawc, Al-TibyAn f C adAb Ramalat al-Qur ”An; M. Furber, Etiquette with the Qur ”An: Al-TibyAn f C adAb Ramalat al-Qur ”An, Illinois: Starlatch, 2003; and al-Ghazalc, IRyA ”, vol. 1, pp. 244–7; M. Abul Qaseem, The Recitation and Interpretation of the Qur ”An: Al-GhazAlC’s Theory, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1979. See also G.H.A. Juynboll, ‘The Position of Qur’an Recitation in Early Islam,’ JSS 19, 1974, pp. 240–51; and A. Afsarrudin, ‘The Excellences of the Qur’an: Textual Sacrality and the Organisation of Early Islamic Society,’ JAOS 122, 2002, pp. 1–24. 85 F.M. Denny, ‘Islamic Ritual: Perspectives and Theories,’ in R. Martin (ed.), Approaches to Islam, p. 76; the story of Usayd b. ludayr and his experience of the SakCna is an extreme example of this; see §297 and Muslim, NaRCR, vol. 5, pp. 82–3 for a fuller account. 86 See also §700 and 701, which say much the same about Q. 6. 87 M. Ayoub, ‘Thanksgiving and Praise in the Qur’an and in Muslim Piety,’ Islamochristiana 15, 1989, p. 2. 88 See §568–73, 576, 578–80, 598, 599, 614, 615, 617, 618, 716 and 717; although one does say that: ‘. . . if he does not finish [the ritual prayers], the two [scribes] hit him on his face.’ (§695) 89 See also §569–72; although, the number of angels differs from four thousand (§571) to seventy thousand (§569), or just ‘many’ (§570). 90 E.g. §447 ‘. . . Gabriel came to me and said: “God said: Whoever blesses you, I will bless him, I and my angels tenfold; whoever wishes you peace, I and my angels will wish him peace tenfold.” ’ See also J. Robson, ‘Blessings on the Prophet,’ MW 26, 1936, pp. 365–71. 91 K. Nakamura, Ghazali on Prayer, Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1973, p. 11. 92 4Q400–4Q407; for a translation of these texts with a commentary, see J.R. Davila, Liturgical Works, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000, pp. 83–167. 93 Himmelfarb, Ascents to Heaven, p. 49; see also H. Gzella, ‘Beobachtungen zur Angelologie der Sabbatopferlieder im Spiegel ihrer theologiegeschichtlichen Voraussetzungen,’ ETL 78, 2002, pp. 468–81. 94 See also W.R. Roff, ‘Pilgrimage and the History of Religions: Theoretical Approaches to the Hajj,’ in Martin (ed.), Approaches to Islam, pp. 78–86. 95 §7; cf. §8–12, 18, 21 and 22–5. 96 In 1 En. 60:1, there are said to be ‘ten thousand times a million and ten million times ten million’ angels; cf. 1 En. 71:8, 13; OTP, vol. 1, pp. 40 and 50; 2 En. 18–19;

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100 101 102

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106 107 108 109

Notes OTP, vol. 1, pp. 130–34; 3 En. 17–40; OTP, vol. 1, pp. 269–92; QuesEzra. 27–30, OTP vol. 1, p. 598; and LamR 3:23, §8, p. 201. E.g. Andrea Pires defines angels in this way: ‘. . . the word “angel” applies to ranks of spiritual or heavenly beings which serve as intermediaries between the earthly and divine worlds . . .’ ER 2, sv. ‘Angels’ (A. Pires). For example, ‘3 Enoch represents the celebration of God’s holiness through the recitation of the Qeduššah (the Sanctus) as the central act of heavenly worship. 3 Enoch 35–40 is devoted entirely to this subject.’ P. Alexander, ‘3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of ) Enoch: Introduction,’ OTP, vol. 1, p. 245. TasbCR normally refers to the phrase: ‘subRAn allAh’ (cf. Muslim, NaRCR, K. al-dhikr; B. 18 (SubhAn allAh) §6575–80) but according to S.M. Zwemer in relation to the Muslim ‘rosary’, ‘[The tasbCR] generally consists in saying subhAn AllAh thirty-three times, alhamdu-lillAhi thirty-three times, and AllAhu akbar thirty-three times.’ S.M. Zwemer, ‘The Rosary in Islam,’ MW 21, 1931, p. 330. See also I. Goldziher, ‘Le roasaire dans l’Islam,’ GS, vol. 2, pp. 374–9. For more on its use during the ritual prayers see C.E. Padwick, Muslim Devotions: A Study of Prayer-Manuals in Common Use, London: SPCK, 1961, pp. 65–74. Padwick, Muslim Devotions, p. 67. For more on baraka, see EI 2, sv. ‘Baraka’ (G.S. Colin); and J. Chelhod, ‘La baraka chez les Arabes, ou l’influence bienfaisante du sacré,’ RHR 148, 1955, pp. 68–88. Anon., KitAb ARwAl al-qiyAma; Wolff, Muhammedanische Eschatologie; al-Murasibc, KitAb al-Tawahhum; A. Roman (ed. and tr.), Une Vision Humaine des Fins Dernières, Paris: Librairie Klincksieck, 1978; and al-Ash‘arc, KitAb al-Shajarat al-yaqCn; C. Castillo (ed. and tr.), KitAb Ša$arat al-YaqCn: Tratado de eschtología musulmana – Estudio, edición, traducción, notas y indices, Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1987. Ibn Israq, SCra; Guillaume, Life of Muhammad, pp. 181–7; cf. al-Ghayuc, al-Mi “rAj al-kabCr; A. Jeffery (tr.), A Reader on Islam, ’S-Gravenhage: Mouton and Co., 1962, pp. 621–39. Versions of the mi “rAj were important in Sufism, cf. al-Sulamc, Mas ”ala bayAn laUA ”if al-mi “rAj; F.S. Colby (ed. and tr.), The Subtleties of the Ascension: Early Mystical Sayings on Muhammad’s Heavenly Journey, Louisville: Fons Vitae, 2006; and Morris, ‘The Spiritual Ascension: Ibn ‘Arabc and the Mi‘raj’; it also appears in a number of different languages, e.g. Anon., Mi “rAjnama; A.P. de Courteille (ed. and tr.), Mirâj-Nâmeh: Récit de l’Ascension de Mahomet au Ciel Composé A.H. 840 (1436/1437), reprinted, Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1975. Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 97; see also Lange, Justice, Punishment, and the Medieval Muslim Imagination, pp. 101–75. Other larger works occasionally include sections on the angels, which bear a resemblance to al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik, such as al-Bayhaqc, al-JAmi“ shu“ab al-CmAn, Bombay: Al-Dar al-Salfcyyah, 1986, vol. 1, pp. 407–46. However, to my knowledge, al-LabA’ik is the only RadCth collection devoted to angels. C. Rowland, ‘The Visions of God in the Apocalyptic Literature,’ JSJ 10, 1979, pp. 137–54. Bijlefeld, ‘Eschatology’, p. 36. Cf. ‘That in the Qur’an, and in general in Islam, the emphasis lies on individual or personal eschatology is undeniable.’ Bijlefeld, ‘Eschatology’, p. 36. Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 120.

6 Angels and theology 1 I. Iribarren and M. Lenz, ‘Introduction: The Role of Angels in Medieval Philosophical Inquiry,’ in I. Iribarren and M. Lenz (eds), Angels in Medieval Philosophical Inquiry: Their Function and Significance, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008, p. 4. 2 I. Goldziher (tr. A. Hamori and R. Hamori), Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1981; van Ess, Zwischen LadCt und Theologie;

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M. Cook, Early Muslim Dogma: A Source Critical Study, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981; and B. Abrahamov, Islamic Theology: Traditionalism and Rationalism, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1998. This is not to say that other areas have not been discussed; e.g. W. Madelung, ‘Early Sunnc Doctrine concerning Faith as Reflected in the KitAb al-CmAn of Abe ‘Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224/839),’ SI 32, 1970, pp. 233–54. Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya (reconstructed L. Kinberg), KitAb al-Mawt wa-KitAb al-QubEr, Haifa: University of Haifa, 1983; see also Brockelmann, GAL, vol. 1, pp. 153–4, and GALS, vol. 1, pp. 247–8. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, KitAb al-RER. B. Krawietz, ‘Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzcyah: His Life and Works,’ MSR 10, 2006, p. 35. A.J. Newman, The Formative Period of Twelver ShC “Csm, Richmond: Curzon, 2000, pp. 193–201. Burge, ‘Reading Between the Lines’. See A.J. Lane, A Traditional Mu“tazilite Qur ”An Commentary: The Kashshaf of JAr AllAh al-ZamakhsharC (d. 538/1144), Leiden: Brill, 2006, pp. 86–91; and Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo, pp. 185–6. See J. Cooper, ‘From al-oesc to the School of Itfahan,’ in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (eds), History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, 1996, pp. 585–96. See EI 2, sv. ‘Al-oesc, Natcr al-Dcn, Abe Dja‘far Murammad’ (H. Daiber and F.J. Ragep). For more on the Isfahan School, see H. Dabashi, ‘Mcr Damad and the founding of the “School of Itfahan”,’ in Nasr and Leaman (eds), History of Islamic Philosophy, pp. 597–634. See EI 2, sv. ‘Al-lillc, (1) Djamal al-Dcn’ (S.H.M. Jafri); and S. Schmidtke, The Theology of al-“AllAma al-LillC (d. 726/1325), Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1991. See EI 2, sv. ‘Ibn Abc Djumher al-Arsa’ c’ (W. Madelung); W. Madelung, ‘Ibn Abc Gumher al-Arsâ’î’s synthesis of kalAm, philosophy and Shi’ism,’ in Mantran (ed.), La signification du Bas Moyen Age, pp. 147–56; and S. Schmidtke, Theologie, Philosophie und Mystik in zwölferschiitischen Islam des 9./15/Jahrhunderts: Die Gedankenwelten des Ibn AbC ZumhEr al-ARsA ”C (um 838-1434 – nach 906/1501), Leiden: Brill, 2000. Al-Suyeuc cites a large number of sources in the khAtima; the first few pages include references to: Abe Bakr al-Baqillanc (d. 403/1013), Abe Israq al-Isfarayinc (d. 418/ 1027), al-Kiya al-Harasc (d. 512/1118), Ibn ‘Aqcl (d. 513/1119), al-Qadc Fakhr al-Dcn al-Razc (d. 606/1209), Abe Shama (d. 665/1268), Taj al-Dcn al-Subkc (d. 771/1370), Sa‘d al-Dcn al-Taftazanc (d. 791/1389), Badr al-Dcn al-Zarkashc (d. 794/1392), and Siraj al-Dcn al-Bulqcnc (d. 805/1402). Cf. Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 10. J. Marenbon and D.E. Luscombe, ‘Two medieval ideas: eternity and hierarchy,’ in A.S. McGrade, The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Philosophy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 51–72; and L.E. Goodman (ed.), Neoplatonism and Jewish Thought, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. Cf. L. Marlow, Hierarchy and Egalitarianism in Islamic Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. A.O. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of an Idea, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1934; D.J. O’Meara, Plotinus: An Introduction to the Enneads, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993, pp. 60–78. D.J. O’Meara, ‘The hierarchical ordering of reality in Plotinus,’ in L. Gerson (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 66–81; and A.H. Armstrong, ‘ “Emanation” in Plotinus,’ Mind 46, 1937, pp. 61–6. J. Dillon, ‘Plotinus at work on Platonism,’ Greece and Rome 39, 1992, pp. 192–200; e.g. Proclus, The Elements of Theology (Diadoxoi StoicheiDsis TheologikB) §146; E.R. Dodds (tr.), The Elements of Theology: A Revised Text with Translation, Introduction, and Commentary, reprinted, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992, pp. 128–9.

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22 H.A. Wolfson, ‘The Identification of Ex Nihilo with Emanation in Gregory of Nyssa,’ HTR 63, 1970, pp. 53–60. 23 A. Louth, The Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition: From Plato to Denys, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981. 24 Pseudo-Dionysius, The Divine Names; C. Luibheid (tr.), Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works, London: SPCK, 1987, pp. 47–131; and idem. The Mystical Theology, in C. Luibheid (tr.), Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works, pp. 133–41. 25 Pseudo-Dionysius, The Celestial Hierarchy; C. Luibheid (tr.), Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works, pp. 143–91; and idem, The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy; C. Luibheid (tr.), Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works, pp. 193–259. 26 E.P. Mahoney, ‘Pseudo-Dionysius’ Conception of Metaphysical Hierarchy and Its Influence on Medieval Philosophy,’ in T. Boiadjiev, G. Kapriev and A. Speer (eds), Die Dionysius-Rezeption in Mittelalter: Internationales Kolloquium in Sofia von 8. bis 11. April 1999 unter der Schirmherrschaft der Société Internationale pour l’Étude de la Philosophie Médiévale, Turnhout: Brepols, 2000, p. 431. 27 Ibid., p. 434. 28 Ibid., p. 434. 29 Pseudo-Dionysius, Celestial Hierarchy, 3:2, p. 154. 30 Other theologians assimilated Neo-Platonic ideas into their theology, such as Origen, Clement of Alexandria and Gregory of Nyssa; cf. J. Daniélou, Platonisme et théologie mystique: doctrine spirituelle de Saint Grégoire de Nysse, Paris, Aubier, 1944; D.J. O’Meara (ed.), Neoplatonism and Christian Thought, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982. 31 Dionysius was defended by John of Scythopolis, who argued that whoever ‘has been trained with a true knowledge of the invincible traditions of the Church can marvel at the orthodoxy and erudition of Dionysius and can contemplate how the bastard teachings of the Greek philosophers have been restored to the truth.’ John of Scythopolis, Scholia, Prologue, II; P. Rorem and J.C. Lamoreaux, John of Scythopolis and the Dionysian Corpus: Annotating the Areopagite, Oxford: Clarendon, 1998, p. 144. 32 See Netton, AllAh Transcendent, pp. 321–35. 33 A. Trieger, ‘New Evidence on the Arabic Versions of the Corpus Dionysiacum,’ Le Muséon 118, 2005, pp. 219–40; idem, ‘The Arabic Version of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite’s Mystical Theology,’ Le Muséon 120, 2007, pp. 365–93. 34 See Netton, AllAh Transcendent, pp. 116, 165, 206, 221 and 267. 35 See Chelhod, ‘Contribution au problème de la prééminence de la droite, d’après le témoignage arabe’. 36 See Hannah, Michael and Christ, pp. 97–8; cf. the exegeses of Q. 2:97, al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, 439–40, where the Jews are criticized heavily. Sayyid Quub even suggests that the Jews may have accepted the revelation, had Michael been the angel that brought the revelation; see Quub, In the Shade of the Qur ”An, vol. 1, p. 95. 37 Cf. A.Y. Collins, Cosmology and Eschatology in Jewish and Christian Apocalypticism, Leiden: Brill, 1996, pp. 21–54; and EQ , sv. ‘Heaven and Sky’ (M. Jarrar). 38 Proclus, Elements of the Theology, §130 and 136; pp. 116–17 and 120–21; PseudoDionysius, Celestial Hierarchy, §4:1–3; pp. 156–7. 39 Cf. §22–3. 40 Cf. the exegeses of Q. 4:172 and 56:88. 41 Cf. §96 and 195. 42 Cf. al-Razc, K. al-Arba “Cn, pp. 368–84; see also Ibrahim, ‘The Questions of the Superiority of Angels and Prophets between az-Zamakhsharc and al-Bayqawc’, Arabica 28, 1981, pp. 65–75. 43 See al-Suyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, pp. 175–249. 44 Kister, ‘fdam’, p. 115; Chipman, ‘Adam and the Angels’; and idem, ‘Mythic Aspects’; Tottoli, ‘Attitudes to Prostration’; and G.S. Reynolds, The Qur ”An and its Biblical Subtext, London: Routledge, 2009, pp. 39–54.

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45 Reynolds, The Qur ”An and its Biblical Subtext, p. 39. 46 See Reynolds, The Qur ”An and its Biblical Subtext, pp. 40–44. 47 E.g. al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 50–54; Brinner (tr.), ‘ArA ”is al-majAlis f C qiTaT al-anbiyA ” or ‘Lives of the Prophets’, pp. 86–91; cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 454–9; and al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, pp. 97–8. This is also the case in al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA ”ik (e.g. §254). 48 This is frequently the interpretation of the phrase, ‘And He taught Adam the name, all of them.’ Cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 214–17. See also, Chipman, ‘Adam and the Angels’. 49 Cf. Question Nine in the khAtima, al-Suyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, pp. 255–6. 50 See Chapter 5. 51 E.g. 1 En. 9:1–10:15; see Kuhn, ‘The Angelology of the Non-Canonical Apocalypses’, p. 227; and P.D. Hanson, ‘Rebellion in Heaven, Azazel, and Euhemeristic Heroes in 1 Enoch 6–11,’ JBL 96, 1977, p. 200. 52 Cf. Brown, The Cult of Saints, p. 50. For a discussion of the theology of intercessory prayer in modern and mediaeval thought, see P.A. Sullivan, ‘A Reinterpretation of Invocation and Intercession of the Saints,’ TS 66, 2005, pp. 381–400. 53 Al-Majlisc, Haqq al-yaqCn, §12 (ShafA “a); C.R. Pittman (tr.), ‘Intercession in Islam,’ MW 31, 1941, p. 280; see also EI 2, sv. ‘Shafa‘a’ (A.J. Wensinck–A. Schimmel). 54 Ibrahim, ‘The Questions of the Superiority of Angels and Prophets between azZamakhsharc and al-Bayqawc’. 55 Colby, ‘The Subtleties of the Ascension’, pp. 171–3. 56 Ibrahim, ‘The Questions of the Superiority of Angels and Prophets’, p. 75. 57 Cf. Burge, ‘Reading between the Lines’; N. El-Cheikh, ‘Muhammad and Heraclius: A Study in Legitimacy,’ SI 89, 1999, p. 5–21 and L. Pouzet, ‘Le ladcth de Heraclius: Une caution Byzantine à la prophetie de Murammad,’ in P. Canivet and J.-P. Rey-Coquais (eds), La Syrie de Byzance à l’Islam VII–VII siècles, Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1992, pp. 59–65. 58 Hebr. 2:2–3; cf. Gal. 3:19. The argumentation of the epistle is aimed to emphasize Jesus’ importance; cf. D.A. DeSilva, Perseverance in Gratitude: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on the Epistle ‘To the Hebrews’, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000, pp. 103–7. 59 Cf. ‘And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors . . .’ Josephus, Ant. 15:5; W. Whiston (tr.), The Complete Works of Josephus, London, T. Nelson and Sons, 1860, p. 412; see also H. Najman, ‘Angels and Sinai: Exegesis, Authority and Interpretive Authority,’ DSD 7, 2000, pp. 325–6. 60 Najman, ‘Angels and Sinai’, p. 326. 61 Aquinas, Summa Theologica, §50–64; L. Shapcote (tr.), The Summa Theologica, London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne, 1921–32, vol. 3, pp. 1–175. 62 See J.F. Wippel, ‘The Parisian Condemnations of 1270 and 1277,’ in J.J.E. Garcia and T.B. Noone (eds), A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages, Oxford: Blackwell, 2003, pp. 65–76. 63 S. Piron, ‘Deplatonising the Celestial Hierarchy: Peter John Olivi’s Interpretation of the Pseudo-Dionysis,’ in Iribarren and Lenz (eds), Angels in Medieval Philosophical Inquiry, p. 29; see also E. Grant, ‘The Condemnations of 1277 – God’s Absolute Power, and Physical Thought in the Late Middle Ages,’ Viator 10, 1979, pp. 211–44. 64 Gods were, however, included; cf. Proclus, The Elements of Theology §124, pp. 110–11. 65 See Pseudo-Dionysius, Celestial Hierarchy §15:3–8; pp. 184–9. 66 Ibid., §2.1, p. 147. 67 Ibid., §2.2, p. 149. 68 Ibid., §2.2, p. 149. 69 See Netton, AllAh Transcendent. 70 Ibid., pp. 162–72; see also H.A. Wolfson, ‘The Problem of the Souls of the Sphere from the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Keppler,’ DOP 16, 1962, pp. 65–93.

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71 Cf. A. Toepel, ‘Planetary Demons in Early Jewish Literature,’ JSP 14, 2005, pp. 231–8; and R.C. Dales, ‘The De-Animation of the Heavens in the Middle Ages,’ JHI 41, 1980, pp. 531–50. 72 See D.N. MacKenzie, ‘Zoroastrian Astrology in the Bundahišn,’ BSOAS 27, 1964, pp. 511–29. 73 D.C. Reisman, ‘Al-Farabc and the philosophical curriculum,’ in P. Adamson (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 58. 74 M.E. Marmura (ed. and tr.), Avicenna: The Metaphysics of The Healing, Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2005, p. 358. 75 Ibid., pp. 347–57. 76 Cf. Q. 7:25; 22:66; 23:15; 25:3; and 45:26. See also O’Shaughnessy, MuRammad’s Thoughts on Death, pp. 30–35; and EQ , sv. ‘Resurrection’ (M. Borrmans). 77 Al-Ghazalc, TahAfut al-falAsifa, §20; M.E. Marmura (tr.), Al-Ghazali: The Incoherence of the Philosophers, Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2000, pp. 208–95; cf. T.J. Gianotti, Al-GhazAlC’s Unspeakable Doctrine of the Soul: Unveiling the Esoteric Psychology and Eschatology of the IRyA”, Leiden: Brill, 2001, pp. 88–116. 78 Cf. C. Baffioni, ‘Bodily Resurrection in the I\wan al-nafa’,’ in U. Vermeulen and D. de Smet (eds), Philosophy and Arts in the Islamic World, Leuven: Peeters, 1998, p. 202. 79 See Burge, ‘The Provenance of Suhrawardian Angelology’. 80 See Netton, AllAh Transcendent, pp. 256–80. 81 See H. Corbin, En islam iranien, Paris: Gallimard, 1971, vol. 2, pp. 81–140. 82 See Burge, ‘The Provenance of Suhrawardian Angelology’, pp. 437–9. 83 Cf. I.A. Bello, The Medieval Islamic Controversy between Philosophy and Orthodoxy: IjmA “ and Ta ”wCl in the Conflict Between al-GhazAlC and Ibn Rushd, Leiden: Brill, 1989; W.B. Hallaq, Ibn Taymiyya Against the Greek Logicians, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. 84 Cf. Ibn Rushd, K. FaTl al-maqal; G.F. Hourani (tr.), Averroes on the Harmony of Religion and Philosophy: A Translation, with Introduction and Notes of Ibn Rushd’s Kitab fatl al-maqal, with its appendix ( kamcna) and an extract from Kitab kashf ‘an manahij al-adilla, London: Luzac, 1976. 85 Cf. H.S. Lang, ‘Bodies and Angels: The Occupants of Space for Aristotle and Duns Scotus,’ Viator 14, 1983, pp. 245–66; and Piron, ‘Deplatonising the Celestial Hierarchy’. 86 Al-Suyeuc, al-LabA ”ik, p. 10. 87 L.E. Goodman, ‘Review: Henry Corbin, Creative Imagination in the Sufism of Ibn “ArabC,’ IJMES 2, 1971, p. 278. 88 Marmura (ed. and tr.), Avicenna: The Metaphysics of The Healing, pp. 364–6. 89 Cf. B. Abrahamov, ‘Fa\r al-Dcn al-Razc on the Knowability of God’s Essence and Attributes,’ Arabica 49, 2002, pp. 204–30. 90 Alexander, ‘3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of ) Enoch’, p. 240. 91 See G.F. Moore, ‘Intermediaries in Jewish Theology: Memra, Shekina, Metatron,’ HTR 15, 1922, pp. 41–85; A.A. Orlov, The Enoch-Metatron Tradition, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2005, pp. 104–20; and Schäfer, Die verborgene und offenbare Gott. 92 Orlov, The Enoch-Metatron Tradition, pp. 121–7; see also Vanderkam, ‘The Angel of the Presence in the Book of Jubilees’. 93 D. Abrams, ‘The Boundaries of Divine Ontology: The Inclusion and Exclusion of Meuauron in the Godhead,’ HTR 87, 1994, pp. 291–321. 94 Al-lujwirc’s Kashf al-mahjEb §15–25; R.A. Nicholson (tr.), The Kashf al-Mahjub: The Oldest Persian Treatise on Sufism, London: Luzac, 1976, pp. 267–420. Al-lujwirc outlines the Sufi path through the unveiling of eleven veils. 95 See. T. O’Shaughnessy, ‘God’s Throne and the Biblical Symbolism of the Qur’an,’ Numen 20, 1973, pp. 202–21. 96 Cf. D.D. Hannah, ‘Of Cherubim and the Divine Throne: Rev 5.6 in Context,’ NTS 49, 2003, pp. 528–42; Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, pp. 62–5; and

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102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110

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113 114 115 116 117 118 119

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T. Eskola, Messiah and the Throne: Jewish Merkebah Mysticism and Early Christian Exaltation Discourse, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 2001, pp. 43–157. See S.R. Burge, ‘Angels in SErat al-malA ”ika’, and the discussion in Chapter 3 above. Cf. J. Barr, ‘Story and History in Biblical Theology: The Third Nuveen Lecture,’ HR 56, 1976, pp. 1–17; and J. Wansbrough (with G. Hawting), The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History, reprinted, Amherst: Prometheus Books, 2006. Wansbrough, Sectarian Milieu, p. 31. Cf. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology: The Theology of Israel’s Historical Traditions, reprinted, Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001. There have been various studies of the kerygma of the different sources of the Pentateuch, based on the different topoi that the authors included; cf. H.W. Wolff, ‘The Kerygma of the Yahwist,’ Interpretation 20, 1966, pp. 129–58; W. Brueggeman, ‘The kerygma of the deuteronomistic historian,’ Interpretation 22, 1968, pp. 387–402; and idem, ‘The Kerygma of the Priestly Writers,’ ZAW 84, 1972, pp. 397–414. For a discussion of annunciation narratives in the Bible, see R. Alter, ‘How Convention Helps Us Read: The Case of the Bible’s Annunciation Type-Scene,’ Prooftexts 3, 1983, pp. 119–26. Ibn Israq (tr. Guillaume), SCrat RasEl AllAh, p. 69. See C. Westermann (tr. K. Crim), Prophetic Oracles of Salvation in the Old Testament, Westminster: John Knox Press, 1991. K. Cragg, The Weight in the Word: Prophethood, Biblical and Quranic, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1999, p. 117. Cf. H. Corbin, Le paradoxe de monthéisme, Paris: L’Herne, 1981, pp. 99–116. See Burge, ‘Angels in SErat al-malA ”ika’, pp. 58–62. Gammie, ‘Spatial and Ethical Dualism’, pp. 60–72; Burge, ‘Angels in SErat al-malA ”ika’, pp. 54–8. J. Krašovec, ‘Punishment and Mercy in the Primeval History (Gen 1–1),’ ETL 70, 1994, pp. 5–33. Many of the prophetic books in the Hebrew Bible focus on the themes of divine reward for the righteous and punishment for the unrighteous; cf. D.H. Ryou, Zephaniah’s Oracles Against the Nations: A Synchronic and Diachronic Study of Zephaniah 2:1–3:8, Leiden: Brill, 1995, pp. 355–8. Cf. 1 En. 20:5; see also Hannah, Michael and Christ, pp. 33–8. Cf. GenR 50:2, p. 434; see also E. Grypeou and H. Spurling, ‘Abraham’s Angels: Jewish and Christian Exegesis of Gen 18–19,’ in E. Grypeou and H. Spurling (eds), The Exegetical Encounter between Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity, Leiden: Brill, 2009, pp. 186–9. San. 94a–95b, pp. 636–46, especially 95b, pp. 644–6; see also G.D. Newby, ‘Abraha and Sennacherib: A Talmudic Parallel to the TafsCr on SErat al-FCl,’ JAOS 94, 1974, pp. 435–6. Cf. al-oabarc, Ta ”rCkh; Brinner (tr.), The Age of the Patriarchs, p. 116. For early RadCth on angelic support in prayer, cf. Malik, MuwaUUA ”, pp. 72, 82–5, 134, 141–2; Bewley, Al-Muwatta, 3.12.14; 3.11.47–50; 9.18.54; 9.24.85, pp. 11, 26, 47– 50, 60, 64, 80 and 407. Q. 3:123–4; cf. Ibn Israq, SCra, pp. 303ff.; for a discussion of the historiographical issues, see N.S. Booth, ‘The Historical and Non-Historical In Islam,’ MW 60, 1970, pp. 110–13; and Wansbrough, Sectarian Milieu, pp. 26–7. E.g. 4Q491 (War Scroll ) l. 10; See also Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 212–34; and R.G. Gleason, ‘Angels and the Eschatology in Heb 1–2,’ NTS 49, 2003, pp. 99–107. M.S. Stern, ‘Muhammad and Joseph: A Study of a Koranic Narrative,’ JNES 44, 1985, p. 196. TLevi 5–8, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 789–91.

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120 LadJac. 2:6–22, OTP, vol. 2, pp. 407–8; see also Eskola, Messiah and the Throne, pp. 107–8. 121 Sib.Or. 3:11–12, OTP, vol. 1, p. 362; Eskola, Messiah and the Throne, pp. 118–19. For a full analysis of the different uses of the throne vision, see Eskola, Messiah and the Throne, pp. 91–123. 7 Al-Suyeuc’s al-LabA»ik fC akhbAr al-malA »ik 1 E.g. al-Suyeuc, TArCkh al-khulafA” (history); idem, al-Hay ”a al-saniyya fC ’l-hay ”a al-sunniyya (cosmology); idem, Kashf al-TalTala “an waTf al-zalzala, Fez: Wizarat al-Dawla al-Mukallafa bi’l-Shu‘en al-Thaqafiiyya wa-’l-Ta‘lcm al-Atlc, 1971 (earthquakes); al-MutawakkilC (on philology); idem, “Amal al-yawm wa-’l-layla (on private devotions and prayer); idem, al-TuRfat al-kirAm f C akhbAr al-aRrAm; L. Nemoy (tr.), ‘The Treatise on the Egyptian Pyramids (TuRfat al-kirAm fC akhbAr al-aRrAm),’ Isis 30, 1939, pp. 17–37; idem, ShaqA ”iq al-utrunj f C raqA ”iq al-ghunj, Damascus: Dar al-Ma‘arifa, 1988 (erotic literature). 2 Works such as Abe ’l-Shaykh’s KitAb al-“AVama and al-Qazwcnc’s “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt do include RadCth about angels, but not as many as are found in al-LabA ”ik. 3 See H. Kilpatrick, Making the Great Book of Songs: Compilation and the author’s craft in Abû l-Faraj al-I!bahânî’s Kitâb al-aghânî, Richmond: Curzon, 2003. 4 M.G.S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam – Vol. 1: The Classical Age of Islam, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974, pp. 353–8. 5 D. Sallem, DirAsAt KitAb al-aWAnC wa-minhaY mu ”allifihi (Third Edition), Beirut: Maktabat al-Narda al-‘Arabiyya, 1985; F. Malti-Douglas, ‘Structure and Organization in a Monographic Adab Work: Al-TaUf Cl of al-Khauib al-Baghdadc,’ JNES 40, 1981, pp. 227–45; and idem, ‘Dreams, the Blind and the Semiotics of the Biographical Notice,’ SI 51, 1980, pp. 137–62. 6 See Burge, ‘Reading between the Lines: The Compilation of LadCt and the Authorial Voice’; Newman, The Formative Period of Twelver ShC “Csm: LadCth as Discourse between Qum and Baghdad; and E.F.F. Bishop, ‘The Forty (Two) Traditions of an-Nawawi,’ MW 29, 1939, pp. 163–77. 7 For the use of books in the Mamlek period, see Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo, pp. 24–30. 8 Full details of the authors can be found in Appendix B. 9 E.g. KitAb ItRAf al-khaTA bi-faQA ”il al-masjid al-aqTA; al-Hay ”a al-saniyya fC ’l-hay ”a al-suniyya; al-“Arf al-wardC fC akhbAr al-Mahdi; LaqU al-marjAn f C akhbar al-jAnn etc. 10 Although Brockelmann’s entry for al-LabA ”ik suggests that the word is not always found in the manuscripts; see Brockelmann, GAL, vol. 2, p. 147, §51. 11 al-Suyeuc, (ed. Abe Hajir Murammad al-Sa‘ cd b. Basyenc Zaghlel), al-LabA ”ik f C akhbAr al-malA ”ik, Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1408/1988. 12 There are twenty-one extant manuscripts; see Brockelmann, GAL, vol. 2, p. 147, §51; and A. Khazinda and M. Shaybanc (eds), DalCl makhUuUAt al-SuyEUC wa-amAkin wujEdihA, Kuwait: Maktabat Ibn Taymiyya, 1403/1983, p. 144. 13 (i) al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik; (ii) al-Suyeuc, K. TazyCn al-arA ”ik fC irsAl al-nabC ilA malA ”ik (‘The adornment of the branches in the sending of the Prophet to the angels’), fol. 65r, l. 10–69v, l. 2; (iii) al-Suyeuc, K. TanwCr al-Lalak f C makAn rawiyyat al-nabC wa’l-malak (‘The illumination of the darkness in the places of reflection of the Prophet and the Angel’), fol. 69v, l.3–76v, l. 14; (iv) K. al-“Arf al-waradC fC khabAr al-MahdC (‘The rosy scent on the report of the Mahdi’), fol. 76v, l.15–90v, l. 1; (v) K. al-LaqaU al-marjAn f C akhbAr al-JAnn (‘The collection of pearls on the reports about the Jinn’), fol. 90v, l. 2–159v, l.27. 14 This summary of the MS is based on observations of a facsimile copy of the text and on the information provided in J.J. Witkam, Inventory of the Oriental Manuscripts of the University of Leiden – Volume 1: Manuscripts Or. 1–Or. 1000, Leiden: Ter Lugt Press, 2007, pp. 208–10.

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15 See Witkam, Inventory, p. 110; J.J. Witkam, ‘The Oriental Manuscripts of the University of Leiden,’ BJMES 8, 1981, pp. 60–64. 16 This introduction follows a standard format employed by al-Suyeuc in his RadCth collections, consisting of: a relevant Qur’anic quotation, laudations, a description of the work’s contents, its title and a prayer or oath; cf. his al-Hay ”a al-saniyya fC-’l-haya’ al-sunniyya; Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 1. 17 cf. Q 12:18. 18 The text that starts here and ends after the first RadCth in the collection is lifted directly from al-Bayhaqc’s Shu “ab al-CmAn; see al-Bayhaqc, al-Shu“ab al-CmAn, vol. 1, pp. 405–6. 19 Lit: ‘death is upon them rightly . . .’ 20 i.e. the ajal of the angels is, like that of humans, fixed and immovable. 21 In the Qur’an, the Meccans are told that their deities are not divine, but are merely angels; cf. Q. 34:40 and 43:19. See also Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry; and Welch, ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings’. 22 Omitted in L: fol. 187v, l. 12. 23 Almost all of the RadCth begin with the verb akhraja to introduce each RadCth; this has not been translated, but its absence is noted. In this case the RadCth is preceded by wa-rawaynA. 24 Omitted in L: fol. 187v, l. 14. 25 cf. Q 2:285 and 4:136; this is the end of the quotation from al-Bayhaqc’s Shu“ab al-CmAn. 26 In Islamic philosophy, angels were believed to be intellects and were incorporeal; for a discussion of this see H. Corbin (tr. W.R. Trask), Avicenna and the Visionary Recital, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961, pp. 46–122 and Netton, Allah Transcendent, pp. 162–72. 27 Omitted in L: fol. 187v, l. 16. 28 al-JAnn; this can be used as the collective noun for jinn, or as a reference to IblCs. See Lane, AELex, pp. 462 and 2704; al-Zabcdc, TA, vol. 34, pp. 370–71; and E. Zbinden, Die Djinn des Islam und der altorientalische Geisterglaube, Bern: Verlag Paul Haupt, 1953, pp. 3–8. 29 Added in L: fol. 187v, ll. 18–19; and B: fol. 1v, ll. 19–20. 30 Al-Suyetc does not cite the book from which the RadCth is taken again, unless two books have been used (as will be seen later). This RadCth is from the Kitab al-“AVama. 31 Flies are used as the generic term for something incredibly small, e.g. Q. 22:73; ‘Surely those upon whom you call, apart from God, shall never create a fly . . .’ 32 This and the following RadCth with the same phrase could be an allusion to Q. 22:26 or 39:9. 33 L: al-nabC; fol. 187v, l. 31; B: rasEl AllAh; fol. 2r, ll. 1–2. 34 aUUat/ta ”iUUa [’oo]. This is a relatively rare root meaning to groan or creak, often with particular reference to camels (be it the camel itself or a saddle etc.). This particular RadCth is usually cited as an example in the lexicons: see Ibn Manver, LA, vol. 19, pp. 164–5 and Lane, AELex, p. 66. 35 This same RadCth also appears in al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 17; Brinner, Lives, p. 28. 36 Omitted in B: fol. 2r, l. 4. 37 Added in L: fol. 188r, l. 1. 38 B: KhazAm; fol. 2r, l. 6. 39 Omitted in L: fol. 188r, l. 4. 40 Omitted in L: fol. 188r, l. 6. 41 cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 14; Brinner, Lives, p. 23. 42 §312–406 deal with the Scribes in more detail. 43 Cf. Q. 50:21; ‘And every soul shall come, and with it a driver (sA ”iqun) and a witness (shahCdun)’. 44 Omitted in L: fol. 188r, ll. 9–10; and B: fol. 2r, l. 12. 45 These angels are presumably additional to the Ramlat al-“arsh (Bearers of the Throne).

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46 In the pre-Islamic pantheon AllAh was both the creator of the world and the rain-god; the Qur’an emphasizes the supremacy of AllAh as the creator and the life-sustainer, as it is He and He alone that provides humans with water, and by extension life: ‘[Water] reveals aspects of the dependence of creation on him, his dealings with it, and its duty to serve him.’ EQ , sv. ‘Water’ (A.H. Johns). 47 Although containing a few RadCth that locate the origins of rain in heaven, al-Suyeuc’s al-Hay ”a does not include this RadCth (nor any others included in this collection); see Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, pp. 160–64. 48 L: ‘fa-khalaqa min kulla qaUra malakan’ [‘He creates an angel from every raindrop’ or ‘an angel is created ( fa-khuliqa) from every raindrop’]; fol. 188r, l. 14; B: ‘fa-khalaqa AllAh min kulla qaUra minhA malakan’ [‘God creates an angel from every raindrop.’]; fol. 2r, l. 17. 49 See also §172–7 for RadCth on the Angel of the Rain. Rain was believed to come from angels, e.g. al-Shahrastanc, al-MilAl wa-’l-nihAl, Cairo: Mauba‘at Hijazc bi’lQahira, 1948, vol. 2, p. 111; for secondary material, see B.B. Lawrence, ‘Shahrastanc on Indian Idol Worship,’ SI 38, 1973, p. 67; and for this belief in modern practice, see: I. Ba1göz, ‘Rain-Making Ceremonies and Seasonal Festivals,’ JAOS 87, 1967, p. 305. The Angel of the Rain is named as RiQya in the Babylonian Talmud; see Ta’ 25b, p. 133 and Yom. 21a, p. 90. A similar RadCth to this appears in al-Tha‘labc, QA pp. 16–17; Brinner, Lives, p. 23. However, the RadCth is attributed to Abe Hurayra, and Gabriel immerses himself in a baRr min nEr (a sea of light). Ibn Khalden also includes similar imagery when describing Jesus’ return at the end of time, see Ibn Khalden, al-Muqaddima, p. 259; Rosenthal (tr.), The Muqaddimah, vol. 2, p. 194. 50 In the Qur’an and the RadCth weeping is not discouraged; cf. W.C. Chittick, ‘Weeping in Classical Sufism,’ in K.C. Patton and J.S. Hawley (eds), Holy Tears: Weeping in The Religious Imagination, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005, pp. 132–4. 51 This is a river in paradise, also shown to Murammad during the mi “rAj. See S. Alvorado, ‘Sobre al-Kawtar y Otros Ríos del Paraíso en la Eschatología Islámica y Cristiana,’ BAEO 41, 2005, pp. 247–53; EI 2, sv. ‘Kawthwar’ ( J. Horovitz, [-L. Gardet]); and EQ , sv. ‘Water of Paradise’ (A. El-Zein); cf. GenR 78:1, pp. 714–15 and LamR 3:2 §8, pp. 201–2. 52 A number of the RadCth include the phrase ‘min UarCq . . .’  ‘through the intermediary of . . .’. 53 This has been inserted on the basis of an extremely similar RadCth which appears in al-Suyeuc’s al-Lay’a al-sanCya. The RadCth reads: ‘. . . wayanzilu ma“a kadhA wa-kadhA min al-malA ”ika yatukbEna Raythu yaqa“u dhAlika ‘l-maUar wa-man yarzuquhu wa-mA yakhruju minhu ma “a kulla qaUra.’ Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 26. The wording of L is also found in B: fol. 2r, l. 24. 54 Cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 13; Brinner, Lives, p. 22. 55 i.e. the angel’s hair is immeasurable. 56 faraqan (‘terrified’) in L: fol. 188r, l. 25; and B: fol. 2r, l. 27. 57 Added in L: fol. 188r, ll. 26–8; and B: fol. 2v, ll. 1–2. 58 A common metaphor in Islam; cf. Q. 7:40 (although the phrase is samm al-khiyAU); much has been written about this Qur’anic phrase: cf. Bishop, Arabica 27, 1980, pp. 107–13, pp. 354–9 and Rippin, ‘Qur’an 7:40: «Until a Camel Pases through the Eye of the Needle»’. 59 Q. 52:4; the bayt al-ma “mur is thought to be the seventh heaven and it is said to be located directly above the Ka‘ba. See Porter, ‘Muhammad’s Journey’, p. 77 and Morris, ‘The Spiritual Ascension of Ibn ‘Arabc,’ JAOS 107, 1987, p. 636 n. 35 and JAOS 108, 1988, p. 69 n. 169; cf. also al-Tha‘labc, QA pp. 16–17; Brinner, Lives, p. 27. 60 Seventy thousand is a traditional number in Islamic tradition for the size of an angelic army; cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA p. 14; Brinner, Lives, p. 23. 61 Omitted in L: fol. 188v, l. 2; and B: fol. 2v, l. 7.

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62 There is a scribal error in L with a repetition of ‘and they are the angels who bear the Throne, and they are also those who worship God night and day, without rest . . .’; fol. 188v, ll. 4–5. 63 L: Ibn KhabCb b. “Abd al-RaRmAn . . .; fol. 188v, l. 6; B: KhabCb; fol. 2v, l. 9. 64 If these numbers were read as ‘for every one human there are ten jinn’ the final number of Cherubim would be ten thousand (a myriad), which is a traditional number for counting angels, cf. Deut. 33:2 and Rev. 5:11; however, as read, the total number are 6,561 cherubim for every human. 65 Omitted in L: fol. 188v, l. 10. 66 cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 14; Brinner, Lives, p. 23. 67 Namely, the conquest of Mecca, see AELex, p. 2328; cf. Ibn Israq, SCra; Guillaume, Life of Muhammad, p. 533. 68 Added in L: fol. 188v, l. 18. 69 Added in L: fol. 188v, ll. 20–1 and B: fol. 2v, l. 25. 70 Gabriel is mentioned three times in the Qur’an (Q. 2:97, 98 and 64:4), Michael once (Q. 2:98), the Angel of Death once (Q. 32:11) and IsrAfCl is not mentioned. 71 Gabriel has a similar role in the Talmud; cf. BB 74b, p. 297 and San. 19b, p. 99 and 95b, p. 644. 72 L reads ‘IsrAf Cl’ in error; fol. 188v, l. 22. 73 In Islamic tradition, Michael is frequently associated with nature and the sustenance of humans, cf. al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 92. 74 Cf. the Battle of Badr; Ibn Israq, SCra, p. 303; al-Waqidc, KitAb al-MaghAzC vol. 1, pp. 56–7, 79 and 113. 75 L reads: jama “a bayn hufVihim wamA f C umm al-kitAb fa-yajidEnahu siwA ”; fol. 188v, l. 23. 76 Ibn Abc Shayba is mentioned at the start of the RadCth in L and B (see above). 77 In Islamic tradition Murammad is often alone when he encounters Gabriel, e.g. in the narrative of the first revelation Murammad seeks seclusion on Mount lira before meeting the angel; see al-Bukharc, NaRCR, §3, pp. 3–4. 78 As Gabriel is already with Murammad, it must be the other angel (IsrAf Cl) who is approaching. 79 NATiR (‘good advisor’) is a characteristic of prophets (cf. nalir, Q. 7:78). 80 Lit.: ‘state’ or ‘condition’ – i.e. when Gabriel became small. 81 This is generally considered to be above the Seventh Heaven. Daniel Madigan notes that, ‘Taken literally, [these images of writing] are difficult to read as a whole. Alternatively, they can be read, and often are in the Islamic tradition, as complementary, symbolic representations of God’s knowledge and will.’ EQ , sv. ‘Preserved Tablet’ (D.A. Madigan). 82 This is not included in the text, but the Tablet needs to come back down to IsrAfCl. 83 L reads: khams alf sanna (‘five thousand years’); fol. 189r, l. 12. 84 AmlAk: the plural of paucity ( jum“ al-qilla) for malak, i.e. referring to three to ten angels. Elsewhere in the text no number is given, as it is here. For more on these plurals see R.R. Ratcliffe, The Broken Plural Problem in Arabic and Comparative Semitic: Allomorphy and Analogy in Non-Concatenative Morphology, Amsterdam: J. Benjamins, 1998, p. 69; and A. ‘Abbas, al-FayTal f C alwAn al-jumE“, Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘arif bi-Mitr, 1971, pp. 33–44. 85 Cf. Q. 79:5 and al-oabarc, TafsCr vol. 30, pp. 30–31; the mudabbirAt are said to be angels. 86 Cf. Q. 51:4 and al-oabarc, TafsCr vol. 26, pp. 187–8; the muqassimAt are said to be angels. 87 Omitted in L: fol. 189r, l. 15. 88 This is said as part of the prayers said during the circumambulation of the Ka‘ba during the hajj; see A. Kamal, ‘The Sacred Journey,’ in A. de L. Rush (ed.), Records of the Hajj – Vol. 1: Prayer, Invocations and Rites, London: Archive Editions, p. 159; it is also reminiscent of Q. 11:47; 23:97 and 23:98.

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89 cf. al-Bukharc, SaRCR, §2, p. 3. 90 ‘Ubayd is the diminutive of “abd (see Lane, AELex, p. 1935); the use of the diminutive may be being used to lower the status of Michael, who is the dominant angel in Judaism (cf. Lag 12b and Ber. 4b) and promote Gabriel. This trend can be seen in other Islamic eschatological texts, see Bowman, ‘Eschatological Fragment’, pp. 203–4. 91 From the Hebrew ”Bl which is the standard word for ‘God’; see BDB, p. 41. The TA does not contain any of these etymologies, simply stating that it is a name of God; see al-Zabcdc; TA vol. 28, pp. 45–6. 92 khadrA ” can also indicate blue: ‘Das Wort bezeichnet die den ganzen dunklen Farbbereich umfassende Grundfarbe, sowohl ‘‘grün’’ als auch ‘‘blau’’.’ Fischer, Farb- und Formbezichnungen, p. 306. It would seem more likely to be green as in the Qur’an green is closely associated with God and paradise – see EQ , sv. ‘Color’ (A. Rippin). Ibn Khalden also includes a RadCth in which Khadcjah says: ‘. . . green and white are the colours of goodness and the angels.’ Ibn Khalden, Muqaddima, p. 74; Rosenthal, Muqaddimah, vol. 1, p. 186. 93 Silk was very expensive and in the Qur’an it is associated with paradise and redemption: ‘Clearly referring to the cultural context of the qur’anic revelation, a recurrent image presents the redeemed as garbed in silk or other fine fabrics and wearing valuable jewels.’ EQ , sv. ‘Silk’ (V. Golnaldez). Being described in this way, Gabriel is firmly rooted in the divine world. For more on silk and the development of the silktrade in early Islamic history see: M. Lombard, Les textiles dans le monde musulman: VII e–XII e siècle, Paris: Mouton Editeur, 1978, pp. 79–104. 94 Rubies, pearls and coral are the only precious stones mentioned in the Qur’an and they are only used in passages about paradise; see EQ , sv. ‘Metals and Minerals’ (G. Troupeau). Pearls are also associated with the First and Seventh Heavens; see MacDonald, John, ‘Paradise’, p. 344. 95 Omitted in L: fol. 189v, l. 16. 96 Lit.: ‘Your appointed time (maw “iduka) is . . .’ 97 This is the oldest cemetery in Medina, located in the South-East of the town; for more information, see EI 2, sv. ‘Basc‘ al-Gharsad’ (A.J. Wensinck, [-A.S. Bazmee Anasri]). 98 Gabriel is also believed to have six hundred wings; cf. al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, p. 596; al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 92. 99 Z includes two RadCth marked as §44; so as to maintain this numbering, the second 44 has been labelled 44b. 100 Omitted in L: fol. 189v, l. 12. 101 Here, as in the Qur’an, hijAb refers to a dividing curtain as opposed to a face veil; see EQ , sv. ‘Clothing’ (S.M. Toorawa). 102 This is a common theme of the mi “rAj literature: cf. al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, pp. 595–6. 103 Dirya al-Kalbc is said to have been of ‘such outstanding beauty that the Angel Gabriel took his features.’ EI 2, sv. ‘Dirya al-Kalbc’; cf. al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, p. 595. 104 GhirbAl can also mean a tambourine; see TA, vol. 30, pp. 87–9. However, the haziness of looking through the bottom of a sieve is the main idea here. 105 According to al-Tha‘labc this is the abode of Gabriel, see al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 17; Brinner, Lives, p. 28. 106 Omitted in L: fol. 189v, l. 23. 107 Added in L: fol. 189v, l. 24; and B: fol. 4r, l. 9. 108 The YezCdCs (a Kurdish sect) venerated a peacock angel (malak ta“Es); see R.Y. Ebeid and M.J.L. Young, ‘An Account of the History and Rituals of the Yazcdcs of Mosul,’ Le Muséon 85, 1972, pp. 481–522; see also S.S. Ahmed, The Yazidis: Their Life and Beliefs, Miami: Field Research Projects, 1975. For more general information on the Yezcdcs see P.G. Kreyenbroek, ‘Religion and Religions in Kurdistan,’ in P.G. Kreyenbroek and C. Allison (eds), Kurdish Culture and Identity, London: Zed Books Ltd, 1996, pp. 85–110. However, the more likely influence is Byzantine, as peacocks were associated with

Notes

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114 115 116 117 118 119 120

121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129

130 131 132 133

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heaven and paradise and appropriated into Islamic iconography, see U. al-Khamis, ‘An early Islamic bronze ewer examined,’ Muqarnas 15, 1998, p. 12. L reads ‘Ibn Jarcr’ in error; fol. 189v, l. 26. A belt is referred to once in the Talmud, Men. 29a, p. 188. khafq al-Uayr  the beating of (the wings of ) the bird. Added in L: fol. 190r, l. 1. Khashba is a generic term for wood, see Lane, AELex, p. 741. The Ka‘ba was constructed out of courses of wood and stone, but these were covered with stucco. The khashba could be either a beam or the door lintel. For a description of the early Ka‘ba, see K.A.C. Creswell, A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, London, Penguin, 1958, pp. 2–3. Al-waT“ or al-waTa“; a small bird, like a sparrow (“uTfEr); see Ibn Manver, LA, vol. 10, p. 276; Ibn Manver also cites this RadCth. This RadCth is also in the short section on Gabriel in al-Qazwcnc, ‘AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 92. This is a motif carried through into Islamic tradition from Judeo-Christian imagery: cf. Ezk 9:3; 10:2; Dan 7:9; John 20:12; see also C. Rowland, ‘A Man Clothed in Linen: Daniel 10.6ff and Jewish Angelology’. L: ka-’l-Rubuk (‘like the ripples of sand dunes’); fol. 190r, l. 12; also B: fol. 4v, l. 1. Lit.: ‘his colour is like snow . . .’ Gabriel is frequently identified with the ruR al-qadEs; EQ , svv. ‘Holy Spirit’ (S.H. Griffith) and ‘Gabriel’ (G. Webb); see also G.G. Stroumsa, ‘Le couple de l’ange et de l’esprit: traditions juives et chrétiennes,’ RB 88, 1981, pp. 42–61. The RadCth scholar Ibn al-nalar defines a weak RadCth simply as one which is neither sound (TaRCR) nor fair (Rasan), i.e. any RadCth in which there are questions concerning the veracity of one of the authorities in the isnAd; see Ibn al-nalar al-Shahrazerc (tr. E. Dickinson), An Introduction to the Science of the LadCth – KitAb ma“rifat anwa“ “ilm al-RadCth, Reading: Garnet Publishing, 2005, p. 25. An area of orchards and gardens in Damascus fed by the Barada, and thought to be one of the four earthly paradises; EI 2, sv. ‘Gheua’ (N. Elisséeff ). Added in L; fol. 190r, l. 20. This is marked as a Qur’anic quotation in Z, but it is not. Al-Junub can refer to ritual impurity after sexual intercourse, after which ablutions are necessary; for more on ritual purity laws see J. Burton, ‘The Qur’an and the Islamic Practice of wuQE“,’ BSOAS 51, 1981, pp. 21–58. Lit: ‘I do not like him’. Added in B: fol. 4v, ll. 20–1. A similar RadCth to this appears in al-Tha‘labc, QA pp. 153–4; Brinner, Lives, p. 255. Omitted in L: fol. 190v, l. 5; and B: fol. 5r, l. 4. Lit.: ‘Hold back the need of my servant’ and ‘fulfil the need of my servant’. In Islam, having one’s needs fulfilled can lead to faithlessness in God; cf. ‘Sometimes He gives while depriving you, and sometimes He deprives you in giving.’ Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah, KitAb al-LikAm; V. Danner (tr.), Ibn “AUA ”illAh’s NEf C Aphorisms, Leiden: Brill, 1973, §83, p. 36. Following L: ‘Abd Allah b. “Umayr; fol. 190v, l. 10; and B: “Umayr; fol. 5r, l. 8; Z reads “Umar, p. 24. This is almost a direct quotation of Q. 6:99. There is no ‘akhraja’ at the beginning of this RadCth in L: fol. 190v, l. 26; B: fol. 5r, l. 21; or Z: p. 26. L: Abe Murammad ‘Abd Allah b. Yesuf al-Itfahanc – Abe Bakr Armad b. Sa‘ cd b. Farqakh al-Akhmcmc – al-Walcd b. lammad – Murammad b. ‘Abd Allah b. al-Faql b. ‘fsim – ‘Amr b. Qatada b. ‘Umar b. Qatada b. al-Nu‘ man al-Antarc – Qatada b. al-Nu‘ man – the Messenger of God; fol. 190v, ll. 27–9. f C aRsan mA kAna ya ”tinC f C TEra [‘the most beautiful of what had come to me in form’].

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135 Omitted in L: fol. 191r, l. 1; and B: fol. 5r, l. 27. 136 The validity of a RadCth that includes an unknown transmitter (majhEl) is disputed in RadCth scholarship; see Ibn al-nalar, An Introudction to the Science of the LadCth, p. 85; however the Arabic text does not appear to be referring to isnAd. 137 Evil is traditionally portrayed by ugliness, for example the Antichrist (al-DajjAl) is described as a human with a number of deformities; see Z. Saritoprak, ‘Legend of al-Dajjal (Antichrist): The Personification of Evil in the Islamic Tradition,’ MW 93, 2002, pp. 231–307. However, this RadCth is more likely to simply be describing someone with the most afflictions possible, rather than portraying him as being evil. 138 L reads aQjam, fol. 191r, l. 3; ‘a crooked nose’, see Lane, AELex, p. 1770. 139 Added in L: fol. 191r, l. 7. 140 Munkar is used both of rejected and unfamiliar RadCth; many RadCth scholars rejected RadCth attributed to transmitters designated munkar, e.g. Muslim, NaRCR, Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-‘Arabc, vol. 1, pp. 55–6; however, some RadCth scholars did accept these RadCth, see Ibn al-nalar, An Introduction to the Science of the LadCth, p. 59, n. 1. See also, G.H.A. Juynboll, ‘Muslim’s Introduction to his SaRCR, Translated and Annotated with an excursus on the chronology of the fitna and bid’a,’ JSAI 5, 1984, p. 269 n. 9. 141 These are not the Scribes (§312–406), but angels that memorize the revelation and are present to make sure the revelation is correct when it is revealed to the prophet. 142 ThiqAt is the technical term for reliable authorities, as opposed to unreliable authorities (Qu “afA ”); various RadCth scholars collected volumes listing reliable and unreliable authorities, e.g. al-Bukharc, KitAb al-Ku “afA” al-saghCr, Aleppo: Dar al-Wa‘ c, 1976. 143 Added in L; fol. 191r, l. 7. 144 For a discussion of Abe Bakr and ‘Umar, cf. al-Suyeuc, Ta”rCkh al-khulafA ”, Cairo: Maktabat al-Tajariyya al-Kubra, 1389/1969, pp. 44–8; H.S. Jarret (tr.), History of the Caliphs, reprinted, Karachi: Krimsons, 1977, pp. 40–41. 145 i.e. Murammad approaches God, but can only go as far as IsrAfCl, the angel nearest to God. Murammad is told what exists beyond IsrAf Cl by the Tablet. 146 For a discussion of this idiomatic expression, see Lane, AELex, p. 1673. 147 This RadCth appears again with Michael and IsrAfCl being the angels who do not laugh; see §79 and 97. 148 For more on the trumpet that heralds the resurrection see, EQ , sv. ‘Eschatology’ ( J.I. Smith). 149 Cf. Q. 42:17 and 55:7–9. 150 Given in error as Ibn ‘Abd al-Mundhir in L: fol. 191v, l. 10. 151 For the negative attitude to laughing in the Qur’an and RadCth, see Chittick, ‘Weeping in Classical Sufism’, pp. 133–4. 152 Teeth-cleaning is an important part of Islamic ritual purity, cf. al-Bukharc, NaRCR §244–5; p. 69; and Malik, MuwaUUA ”, vol. 1, pp. 64–5; Bewley, Al-MuwaUUa’, §2.32.115–17, p. 23. For more secondary sources on this see: V. Rispler-Chaim, ‘The siwak: A Medieval Islamic Contribution to Dental Care,’ JRAS 2, 1992, pp. 13–20 and F. Janot, P. Vezie, and M.-J. Bottero-Cornillac, ‘Le siwak (bâtonnet frotte-dents), instrument à usages religieux et medical,’ AI 32, 1998, pp. 101–23. 153 Cf. al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, pp. 569–72. 154 Cf. RadCth §39, which says that Gabriel is the imAm of heaven. 155 ‘akhraja’ is omitted in L: fol. 191v, l. 23; B: fol. 6r, l. 17; and Z: p. 30. 156 Omitted in L: fol. 191v, l. 25. 157 B: AbE ’l-Lassan MuRammad b. “AlC al-Lusayn b. al-Lassan b. al-QAsim b. al-Lasan b. Zayd b. “AlC b. al-Lusayn b. “AlC b. AbC OAlib; fol. 6r, l. 21. 158 B: al-Shay “bC; fol. 6r, l. 25. 159 Omitted in B: fol. 6r, l. 24. 160 Both omitted in L: fol. 191v, l. 30. 161 B: AbE Ja “far b. MuRammad; fol. 6r, l. 25. 162 Omitted in L: fol. 191v, l. 32.

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163 Added in L: fol. 191v, l. 32–fol. 192r, l. 1; and B: fol. 6v, l. 1. 164 This RadCth is well-known, although the following matn is more common: wa-man shariba al-khamr fi-‘l-dunyA, fa-mAta, wa-huwa yudumnuhA; see Wensinck, CTM, vol. 2, p. 144. The matn found here (and in §171) is found in Ibn Maja, Sunan Ibn MAja, Cairo: Babc al-lalabc, n,d., vol. 2, p. 1120, §3375. However, the isnAd is different: Abe Bakr b. Abc Shayba and Murammad b. al-Sabbar – Murammad b. Sulayman al-Itbahanc – Suhayl – Abe Suhayl – Abe Hurayra. 165 This is the trumpet that announces the end of the world; it is mentioned ten times in the Qur’an (Q. 6:73; 18:99; 20:102; 23:101; 27:87; 36:51; 39:68; 50:20; 69:13 and 78:18); a description of IsrAf Cl can also be found in al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, p. 596; and al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, pp. 90–91. 166 Cf. Q 36:50–5. 167 Milk, like pearls, is used to represent holiness; see EQ , sv. ‘Color’ (A. Rippin). 168 This RadCth and others do not explain who the two angels of the trumpet are. IsrAf Cl is normally the only angel associated with the Trumpet, but occasionally others are also associated with it, cf. §99. 169 Added in B: fol. 6v, l. 23. 170 Omitted in L: fol. 192r, l. 23. 171 Added in L: fol. 192r, l. 23; and B: fol. 6v, l. 26. 172 Cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 29; Brinner, Lives, p. 47. In this section of the QiTaT al-anbiyyA’ Adam ascends to heaven on the horse al-Maymen; Gabriel takes the reins, Michael is on the right and IsrAf Cl is on the left. See also, al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 103; Brinner, Lives, p. 175. 173 Note that in this RadCth the Angel of the Trumpet is not IsrAfCl, as elsewhere. 174 The sarawCl is an undergarment used to cover male and female genitalia; see Stillman, Arab Dress, pp. 10–11, and for images of earlier and later sarawCl see J. Scarce, Women’s Costume of the Near and Middle East, London: Routledge Curzon, 2003, pp. 33 and 74–5. Although normally referring to ‘trousers’ specifically, sarAwCl can have a more general meaning, e.g. the TA describes a sirwAl as a qamCT, dar“ or ‘kulla mA lubisa’, al-Zabcdc, TA, vol. 29, p. 196. The association of the sarAwCl with personal modesty implies that the wing is being used to cover IsrAf Cl’s genitalia, in the same way that the seraphim in Is. 6:3 ‘cover their feet’. The same RadCth, with a slightly different isnAd and matn, appears below (§99), but IsrAf Cl ’s wing is said to be ‘clothed’, tasarbala [srbl II], as opposed to ‘trouser-ed ’, tasarwala [srwl II]. 175 cf. Q. 8:32. 176 L: “Abd al-Larth (in error); fol. 192r, l. 11. 177 Omitted in L; fol. 192r, l. 12. 178 This is almost identical to §79. 179 This appears to be related to various ‘I heard the heavens groaning’ RadCth above (§10 and 25). 180 i.e. Ka‘b al-Arbar; aRbAr is the plural Ribr/Rabr and is used as a compliment; the word is derived from the Hebrew RAber, a title of a Jewish scholar below that of Rabbi; see EI 2, sv. ‘Ka‘b al-Arbar, Abe Isras b. Matc’ b. Haysu’/Hayne’ ’ (M. Schmitz). 181 Lit: ‘The knowledge is yours’ – an Arabic idiom. 182 cf. §93. 183 Added in B: fol. 7v, l. 4. 184 Added in L: fol. 192v, l. 29; and B: fol. 7v, l. 4. 185 i.e. Abe ’l-Shaykh from al-Awza‘ c. 186 This is said to be Gabriel in §83. 187 Omitted in L; fol. 193r, l. 2. 188 Added in L: fol. 193r, l. 10. 189 L reads ‘wajh’ (face) for ‘jubha’ (forehead); fol. 193r, l. 11. 190 Omitted in B: fol. 7r, l. 19.

270 191 192 193 194 195 196

197 198 199 200 201

202

203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216

Notes Omitted in L (in error): fol. 193r, l. 12. Omitted in L: fol. 193r, l. 12. Cf. Q. 23:28 and Q. 13:18. The principal Qur’anic narratives of the prostration to Adam can be found at Q. 2:29–34 and 38:71–5. Some texts say that Gabriel or Michael were the first to bow down, see Tottoli, ‘Muslim Attitudes to Prostration’, p. 30 n. 96. This is a famous RadCth; see van Ess, Zwischen LadCt und Theologie, pp. 160–78. This and the next RadCth have different mitAn but are essentially the same story. AlTha‘labc includes a different version, but begins the chapter acknowledging that: ‘qAla al-mufassirEna bi-alfAVi mukhtalafati wa-ma“Anin mutafaqati ’ [‘The commentators have said in different words but similar meanings’]; al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 26; Brinner, Lives, p. 43. The narrative was a popular one and is frequently included in Islamic histories; e.g. al-Mas‘edc, MurEj al-dhahab, vol. 1, pp. 35–6. The Qur’an includes many references to Adam being made of earth: e.g. Q. 2:264; 3:59; 16:59; 18:37; 22:5; 30:20: 35:11; 40:67 etc. For an analysis of these narratives and their relation to Jewish and Christian literature see Chipman, ‘Mythic Aspects’. i.e. all of the Bearers of the Throne. See Q. 15:26, 27 and 33; Arberry translates this as ‘mud moulded’; Adam is also said to have been made from a clot (“alaq) in Q. 96:2. However, the “alaq is not prominent in these narratives of the Angel of Death and the creation of Adam. i.e. this is not an isnAd but a RadCth with multiple narrators. The concept of dahr [fate] was important in the pre-Islamic concept of death; Jacques Waardenburg notes that ‘In the Qur’an it is not dahr [fate] but God who decides the appointed time (ajal) of each individual and who causes the person to die . . .’, EQ , sv. ‘Death and the Dead’ ( J. Waardenburg). See also Goldziher, Muslim Studies, p. 230; O’Shaughnessy, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death; and Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection; cf. also MK 28a, p. 183. Nafs and rER are usually seen as being synonymous, e.g. Calverly, ‘Doctrines of the Soul’, p. 254 and A.S. Tritton, ‘Man, Nafs, RER, “Aql,’ BSOAS 34, 1971, p. 491. The RadCth in this collection, particularly in this section, use the terms both as synonyms and as terms applying to different parts of soul (e.g. §124); see also Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, pp. 17–21. For a discussion of the different meanings of Arabic words for ‘sin’, see C.E. Padwick, ‘The Language of Muslim Devotion III,’ MW 47, 1957, pp. 194–209. Bayt sha “r  house of hair; this is a Bedouin tent. Added in L: fol. 193v, l. 14; and B: fol. 8v, l. 3. If read as dhanab (dependant) rather than dhanb (sin, misdeed) this would mean: ‘Why should I care about your family?’ [Lit: ‘What are your dependents to me?’]. L reads ‘la-hA’ for ‘li-kum’ throughout; fol. 193v, l. 16; B reads ‘li-kum’; fol. 8v, l. 5. L reads ‘wa-minhA’; fol. 193v, l. 20; B reads ya“nC; fol. 8v, l.9. L and B read ‘al-inqibAQ ’ (depression, gloom); fol. 193v, l. 20; fol. 8v, l. 9. There are a number of different things to which ‘al-kitAb’ can apply, here it is the book of an individual’s deeds, as recorded by the scribes; see Berg, ‘oabarc’s Exegesis of the Qur’anic Term al-KitAb’, p. 763. In L §115 comes after §116; fol. 193v, ll. 22–4. This is the same in B: fol. 8v, ll. 11–14. Omitted in L: fol 193v, l. 25. dhE rER  ‘one who has rER.’ Or: ‘If He [i.e. God] has ordered the taking of [a soul] . . .’ Added in L: fol. 193v, l. 32; and B: fol. 8v, l. 21. Cf. Q. 7:101; ‘And We wronged them not, they have wronged themselves . . .’; in this case the third person plural verb appears to refer to the Angel of Death. The use of plural may indicate the Angel of Death’s helpers (cf. §127), especially considering the Angel of Death has already used the first person singular in this RadCth.

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217 Cf. Q. 2:26: ‘God is not ashamed to strike a similitude even of a gnat, or aught above it’. 218 L and B: fa-idhA naVara (‘if he sees . . .’); fol. 194r, l. 8; fol. 9r, l. 4. 219 ‘It was sunna to whisper the shahAda in the ear of a dying man whose face is turned towards Mecca.’ EI 2, sv. ‘Djanaza’ (A.S. Tritton). 220 Omitted in L: fol. 194r, l. 13. 221 Al-Suyeuc also includes other accounts of the death of Abraham in his FaQA ”il almasjid al-aqTA, pp. 346–52. 222 No source is given in L: fol. 194r, l. 22; B: fol. 9r, l. 18; or Z: p. 41. 223 Omitted in L: fol. 194r, l. 23. 224 qifAhu: more precisely the ‘back of the neck’. See Lane, AELex, pp. 2991–2. 225 wabA ” is used as a general major epidemic, as opposed to UA “En which is used for the plague specifically; see L.I. Conrad, ‘OA “En and WabA ”: Conceptions of Plague and Pestilence in Early Islam,’ JESHO 25, 1981, p. 271. 226 Uast: a large basin, see E.W. Lane, Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, reprinted, London: Constable, 1973, pp. 142–3. 227 The RadCth could either be referring to God or to the metaphorical person (i.e. one of you) with the bowl between his legs. 228 Note that arwAR is used both of human ‘souls’ or ‘spirit’ and the (angelic) spirits that aid the Angel of Death. 229 i.e. the Scribes; see §312–406. 230 al-“Fqib (in the sense of ‘follower’ or ‘successor’) is a significant title: in a RadCth Murammad says that it is one of his five names; see al-Bukharc, SaRCR, §3532, p. 679; the epithet is also used in devotional literature, cf. al-Jazelc, DalA ”il al-khayrAt, Bombay: n.p., 1331/1913, p. 23. See also R.Y. Ebeid and M.J.L. Young, ‘A List of the Appellations of the Prophet Murammad,’ MW 66, 1976, p. 260. 231 The “ashAr was the collector of the “ushr land tax, which was paid by Muslims; non-Muslims paid the kharAj land tax; see F. Løkkegaard, Islamic Taxation in the Classical Period, reprinted, Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1978, p. 78; for more details on these two land taxes, see Yarya b. Adam, KitAb al-KharAj, Cairo: al-Mauba‘at al-Salafcyya wa-Maktabtuma, 1347/1928–9, pp. 24–31; and A.A. Duri, ‘Notes on Taxation in Early Islam,’ JESHO 17, 1974, pp. 136–44. Although the use of this term for the Angel of Death is rare (cf. Wensinck, CTM, vol. 4, p. 224), it is reminiscent of the Qur’anic use of metaphors derived from commerce and daily life; see A.J. Rippin, ‘The Commerce of Eschatology,’ in Stefan Wild (ed.), The Qur ”An as Text, Leiden: Brill, 1996, pp. 125–35. 232 Or: ‘When it comes to an appointed time of a servant [of God] . . .’ 233 For the death of Solomon, see al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 326–8; Brinner, Lives, pp. 544–8; a similar story appears in Shab. 30a, p. 133. 234 tikAk (plural of Takk) – derived from the Persian chak, see Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, p. 386 – are normally used in connection with legal documents and pensions; however Lane notes that the middle of Sha‘ban was also called laylat alTakk, and on this day God allots the rizq for every human being; see Lane, AELex, p. 1709. 235 i.e. 15th Sha‘ban. Some scholars have considered that this night may have been influenced by a pre-Islamic New Year festival; Wensinck also notes that ‘According to the RadCth, Murammad practised superogatory fasting by preference in Sha‘ban.’ EI 2, sv. ‘Sha‘ban’ (A.J. Wensinck). See also G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, London: Curzon Press, 1976, pp. 52–3. 236 In a Prophetic RadCth about another unnamed prophet, people who have married, built a house and acquired new livestock are exempted from fighting in battle (see al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 249; Brinner, Lives, p. 412); here these people are not exempted from death.

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237 Note that there is not any consensus on the date when this happens (cf. §142). The Night of Power is the evening of 27th Ramaqan, see EI 2, sv. ‘Ramaqan’ (M. Plessner) and EQ , sv. ‘Night of Power’ (R.D. Marcotte). 238 Lit.: ‘. . . until its likeness.’ 239 Sheila McDonough comments that ‘Drawing close to God requires abstaining or fleeing from all that might inhibit the human response to the divine initiate.’ EQ , sv. ‘Abstinence’ (S. McDonough); cf. Q. 66:1. 240 i.e. Sha‘ban was the only month during which he performed superogatory fasting for its entirety. 241 This RadCth is found in many Arabic sources; see al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 247; Brinner, Lives, p. 409; cf. al-Kisa’ c, QA, pp. 237–40; al-oabarc, Ta”rCkh, vol. 1, p. 434; W.M. Brinner (tr.), The History of al-OabarC: Volume III – The Children of Israel, pp. 87–8. See also EI 3, ‘Angel’ (G.S. Reynolds). The popularity of this tradition can be seen in its influence on the Falsahas of Ethiopia, see E. Ullendorf, ‘Literature of the Falashas’. Narratives including highly anthropomorphized and comic depictions of the Angel of Death are still found in Arab folktales, cf. H.M. El-Shamy, Folktales of Egypt, London: University of Chicago Press, 1980, pp. 117–22 and J.E. Hanauer, FolkLore of the Holy Land: Moslem, Christian and Jewish, London: The Sheldon Press, 1935, pp. 32–9. 242 Lit: ‘it was said that so-and-so died in that way and in that way.’ 243 Al-Tha‘labc includes one continuous narrative of Enoch; this RadCth contains a number of similar elements, but some differences too; see al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 49–50; Brinner, Lives, pp. 83–5; cf. al-Kisa’ c, QA, pp. 81–5; and al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, pp. 49–52. 244 AmmA an yu’khiru shay’an aw yuqdamuhu fa-lA  (lit.) ‘As for delaying anything or arriving at it, then no.’ 245 Added in B: fol. 10v, l. 24. 246 Added in L: fol. 195v, l. 13. 247 Ajal refers to both the appointed moment of death, and the total time allotted for life. 248 For a different account of the death of Abraham, see al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 97–8; Brinner, Lives, pp. 164–5. 249 Abraham is designated the khalCl AllAh and the portrayal of Abraham as the ‘friend of God’ is important in Judaism, Christianity and Islam; see A. Guthrie, ‘The Importance of Abraham,’ MW 45, 1955, p. 118 and E.F.F. Bishop, ‘The Qumran Scrolls and the Qur’an,’ MW 48, 1958, pp. 225–6. 250 sharAb is used by jurists to indicate wine; see Lane, AELex, p. 1528; cf. §171. 251 istankaha (nkh X) is relatively rare and refers to the action of breathing over someone’s nose so that they can smell the individual’s breath; see J.G. Hava, FarA ”id al-duriyya, Beirut: Catholic Press, 1964, p. 799. 252 Cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, p. 292; Brinner, Lives, pp. 489–90; al-Kisa’ c, QA, pp. 277–8; al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, p. 397. 253 ghayra refers to sexual jealousy specifically; see Lane, AELex, p. 2316. For analysis of a similar story, see Wagtendonk, ‘The Stories of David’, p. 349. This tradition is also told of Abraham; see al-Ghazalc, IRyA’, vol. 4, p. 395; Winter (tr.), Remembrance of Death, pp. 44–5. 254 zamala: ‘He was as though he limped, by reason of his briskness, or sprightliness . . .’ Lane, AELex, p. 1252; see also Ibn Manver, LA, vol. 13, p. 328 and al-Zabidc, TA, vol. 29, p. 135. 255 Although sea trade routes existed before and after the advent of Islam, the Arabs relied on land trade most heavily; however, sea-trade and naval forces did develop; see G.F. Hourani, Arab Seafaring, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951, pp. 53–5. 256 The Angel of Death is said to have a spear (”idrA”) in CantR. 4:7, although the exact meaning of ”idrA” is disputed. Cf. A.P. Bender, ‘Belief, Rites and Customs of the Jews, Connected with Death, Burial and Mourning,’ JQR 6, 1894, p. 323.

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257 The way in which the Angel of Death kills humans is similar to the way in which humans kill animals in ritual slaughter (dhabR); see EI 2, sv. ‘Dhabcra’ (G.-H. Bousquet). 258 L reads ‘rusul ’ for ‘rasEl ’; fol. 196r, l. 13. A large number of angelic helpers would seem more appropriate; cf. §125, 127–9 and 135. 259 Thughrat al-naRr: technically this is the fossa jugularis (a depression at the base of the skull); see A. Fonahn, Arabic and Latin Anatomical Terminology, Kristiana: Jacob Dybwad, 1922, §3282, p. 152; cf. Q. 50:16 ‘. . . and We are nearer to him than the jugular vein’. 260 athar: lit. ‘footprint’. 261 The text could read ‘which I have left in ruin etc.’ However, this RadCth appears to express the idea that a pious Muslim should be paying more attention to remembering God, than making their home comfortable; and that the good actions of an individual prepares their place in heaven. 262 “amara carries positive meanings (e.g. flourishing, full of camels etc.); see Lane, AELex, pp. 2153–4. 263 Cf. Ket. 104a, pp. 664–5: ‘When a righteous man departs from the world he is welcomed by three companies of angels. One exclaims, “Come into peace”; the other exclaims, He who walketh in his uprightness, while the third exclaims, “He shall enter into peace; they shall rest on their beds”. When a wicked man perishes form the world he is met by three groups of angels of destruction. One announces, “There is no peace, saith the Lord, unto the wicked”, the other tells him, “He shall lie in sorrow”, while the third tells him, “Go down and be thou laid with the uncircumcised ”.’ See also Shab. 152b, p. 779. 264 This follows L: fol. 196r, l. 27 and B: fol. 11v, l. 16–fol. 12r, l. 1. In Z the isnAd of §166 is used with the matn of 166b; p. 50. 265 This is marked as a different section in B: fol. 11v, l. 23. 266 Added in L: fol. 196v, l. 3; and B: fol. 11v, l. 25. 267 Al-“Frif is not a name of God, but is commonly used to refer to Sufi mystics; see R. Shah-Kazemi, ‘The notion and significance of ma “rifa in Sufism,’ JIS 13, 2002, p. 157. 268 Or ‘to the Angel of Death’. 269 i.e. until he had fulfilled Solomon’s needs. 270 Solomon is believed to have had magic powers, including the command of the winds, which were given to him by God. See EQ , svv. ‘Air and Wind’ (A.H. Johns); and ‘Solomon’ (P. Soucek); and EI 2, sv. ‘Sulayman b. Dawed’ ( J. Walker [-P. Fenton]). This power is mentioned in the Qur’an; cf. Q. 21:81; 34:12 and 38:36. 271 This is the book that contains the details of the individual’s ajal; see Berg, ‘oabarc’s Exegesis’, p. 763. 272 Lit.: mA lC hammun ghayrihi (‘I had no concerns other than him.’) 273 This RadCth and the following do not appear in the SCra (see Guillaume, A., The Life of Muhammad, pp. 678–83), nor al-oabarc’s account of the Prophet’s death (see aloabarc, Ta ”rCkh, vol. 3, pp. 183–99; I.K. Poonawala (tr.), The History of al-OabarC: Vol. IX – The Last Years of the Prophet, New York: State University of New York Press, 1990, pp. 162–83). The death of Murammad became important in Muslim spirituality as Murammad accepted death willingly; cf. al-Ghazalc, IRyA ”, vol. 4, p. 399; Winter, Remembrance of Death, p. 58. Al-Rabghezc includes similar material to these RadCth, see al-Rabghezc, QA, vol. 2, pp. 671–9, especially pp. 673–8. 274 Some RadCth say that this was ‘f’isha; cf. al-oabarc, Ta ”rCkh, vol. 3, p. 199; Poonawala, Last Years of the Prophet, p. 183; al-Ghazalc, IRyA”, vol. 4, p. 403; Winter, Remembrance of Death, p. 65. 275 mashAghCl in the mafA “Cl form is a broken plural of mashghEl; see W. Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic Language, reprinted, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, vol. 1, §305a, p. 229. 276 Qasim was one of Murammad’s sons by Khadcja, and Abe ’l-Qasim was his kunya; see EQ , sv. ‘Names of the Prophet’ ( J.-L. Déclais).

274 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288

289

290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302

303 304 305 306 307 308

309 310 311

Notes Omitted in L: fol. 196v, l. 29. There is no akhraja in L: fol. 197r, l. 4; B: fol. 12v, l. 5; or Z, p. 53. Following L: fol. 197r, l. 5; and B: fol. 12v, l. 5; Z reads: ‘al-lamil’, p. 53. Omitted in B: fol. 12v, l. 7. Omitted in L: fol. 197r, l. 6. Omitted in L: fol. 197r, l. 7. B reads: al-HaradC (in error); fol. 12v, l. 10. Omitted in L: fol. 197r, l. 9. Z includes Murammad b. ‘Alc twice (in error), p. 53; omitted in L: fol. 197r, l. 10. Added in B: fol 12v, ll. 14–15. Omitted in L: fol. 197r, l. 14. This RadCth has already appeared above (§84) in the section on Michael; the isnAd is different in each of the RadCth, but they have a common link in Abe Mesa b. Ja‘far. The ‘angelic isnAd’ is also different, with the chain going through IsrAf Cl in §84 and “AzrA ”Cl in §171. In the Pseudepigrapha the angels that carry God’s Throne are given as Gabriel, Michael, Raphael and Fanuel (cf. 1 En. 40:2, 9–10 and 71:7–13, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 32 and 50; and Sib. Or. 2:215, OTP, vol. 1, p. 350); in the Qur’an and Islamic tradition, however, the Throne Angels are distinct from other named angels. Added in L: fol. 197v, l. 22; and B: fol. 13v, l. 3. Omitted in L: fol. 197v, l. 23; and B: fol. 13v, l. 4. Given as ‘Ibn ‘Abbas’ in L: fol. 197v, l. 23. Added in B: fol. 13v, l. 4. B reads ‘min’, fol. 13v, l. 4. Added in B: fol. 13v, l. 9. Following B: fol. 13v, l. 10; L and Z read ‘malak’: fol. 197v, l. 29. Added in L: fol. 197v, l. 30–198r, l. 1; and B: fol. 13v, ll. 11–13. Added in B: fol. 13v, l. 12. The source of this RadCth is given in B as: ‘akhraja al-OabarAnC fC ”l-AwsaU “an Anas (raQC AllAh “anhu) an . . .’; fol. 13v, ll. 13–14. L reads ‘ayna’ for ‘Raythu’: fol. 198r, l. 4. However ‘Raythu’ is more appropriate, and found in B: fol. 13v, l. 17. L and B read: ZAdAn; fol. 198r, l. 8; fol. 13v, l. 21. God is often described in these terms; cf. the ‘Light Verse’ (Q. 24:35); see also F. Hamza, S. Rizvi and F. Mayer (eds), An Anthology of Qur’anic Commentaries – Vol. 1: On the Nature of the Divine, Oxford: Oxford University Press, in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2008, pp. 347–453. Omitted in B (in error): fol. 13v, l. 24. Added in B: fol. 13v, l. 25. Added in L: fol 198r, l. 13; and B: fol. 13v, l. 24. cf. Rev. 4:6, where there are four bearers of the Throne; see also O’Shaughnessy, ‘The Symbolism of God’s Throne’. Given as AbE Zayd in B: fol. 13v, l. 26. Cf. Q. 69:17: ‘. . . and the angels shall stand upon its borders, and upon that day eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord.’ There is some debate in the exegetical literature about what this meant exactly, e.g. al-Quruubc, al-JAmC “, vol. 12, pp. 266–7; al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 29, pp. 58–9; and al-Razc, TafsCr, vol. 8, p. 200. Omitted in L: fol. 198r, ll. 15–16; and B: fol. 14r, l. 2. Cf. Ezk. 1:10 and Rev. 4:8; this Arabic text is very close to Ezekiel’s first Throne Vision (Ezk. 1:1–2:11). The four different faces represent creation as a whole rather than just humans; cf. Bauckham, The Theology of the Book of Revelation, pp. 33–4. This is almost a direct translation of the qeduššah of the Seraphim in Is. 6:3; The qeduššah became an important element of Christian liturgical practice in the

Notes

312 313

314 315 316 317

318 319 320

321 322

323 324

325

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early church, see W.C. van Unnik, ‘1 Clement 34 and the “Sanctus”,’ VC 5, 1951, pp. 204–58; and L. Mowry, ‘Revelation 4–5 and Early Christian Liturgical Usage,’ JBL 71, 1952, pp. 75–84. L reads ‘arQCn’; fol. 198r, l. 22; B reads ‘al-arQ’: fol. 14r, l. 6. For a discussion of the rock under the earth, see al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, p. 194 (on Q. 2:29); see also M. Mahmoud, ‘The Creation Story in SErat al-Baqara, with Special Reference to Al-oabarc’s Material: An Analysis,’ JAL 26, 1995, pp. 202–3. The idea of the earth being divided into seven layers, with a rock and a sea below is also found in Judaism; see EJ, sv. ‘Earth’ (T.H. Gaster); and ERE, sv. ‘Cosmogony and Cosmology (Muhammadan)’ (S. Lane-Poole). See Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 471–2. This alludes to the human dominion over animals. Omitted in L: fol. 198r, l. 30; but present in B: fol. 14r, l. 12. Cf. ‘. . . he said, “and I seized a handful of dust from the messenger’s track, and cast it into the thing [i.e. the calf ]. So my soul prompted me.” ’ Q. 20:96. A tradition of Ibn Mas‘ed interprets the phrase athar al-rasEl as athar faras al-rasEl; David Halperin argues that this could be related to a Jewish tradition, in which the dust from the footstep of the ox-Rayyah was added to the image of the calf (see Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 176–87 and 478–9), and concerning the original Jewish tradition comments: ‘The Israelites draw the living essence of the merkevah ox, through the dust of its footprint, into the molten calf that they have made.’ Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, p. 178. ‘this hour of mine’, i.e. the time of the Prophet. Omitted in L: fol. 198v, l. 9; present in B: fol. 14v, l.2. In Jewish tradition the cherubim and the RayyDt are said to have many eyes: cf. 2 En. 21:1, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 134–5; ApAbr. 18:3–7, OTP, vol. 1, p. 698; 3 En. 22, OTP, vol. 1, p. 278. These images are largely based on the descriptions of God’s chariot in Ezk. 1 and 10. Having many eyes is a symbol of omniscience and God bestowing this power on his creations. Cf. God transforming Enoch into a creature with 365,000 eyes in 3 En. 9; 25:2 and 26:6, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 263, 278–80; see also R. Ulmer, The Evil Eye in the Bible and Rabbinic Literature, Jerusalem: Ktav, 1994, pp. 21–3. Added in B: fol. 14v, l. 7. There is some debate in Islamic tradition about the differences between the Throne (“arsh) and the Seat (kursC); the kursC is often interpreted as ‘footstool’ as it is a more general word for a ‘support’. See EI 2, ‘Kursc’ (Cl. Hurat [-J. Sadan]); and G. Vitestam, ‘ “Arsh and kursC. An Essay on the Throne Traditions in Islam,’ in J.H. Grønbæk et al. (eds), Living Waters: Scandinavian Orientalistic Studies, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1990, pp. 369–78. Cf. GenR 78:1, pp. 714–15 and LamR 3:2 §8, pp. 201–2; the rivers of paradise are said to be fed by the perspiration of the RayyDt, caused by their bearing the Throne. Al-Suyeuc devotes a chapter to the Cockerel (§280–94) as well as part of his collection KitAb al-WadCk f C faQl al-dCk; see Tottoli, ‘At Cock-Crow’, pp. 142–3). The ‘cosmic cockerel’ has been mentioned in passing by a number of scholars, but the significance of the ‘cosmic cockerel’ has not been discussed. Asin Palacios comments: ‘El gallo de la layenda musulmana es también de gigantesco tamaño, y se ofrece a los ojos de Mahoma llendano el cielo; sus alas agítanse igualmente al entonar sus cánticos religiosos excitando a los hombres a la prática de la oración, y reposan después . . .’ Asin Palacios, Escatologia Musulmana, pp. 31 and 52. The cockerel does, however, have a long history of being associated with the divine, especially the light or the sun; see E. Ehrenburg, ‘The Rooster in Mesopotamia,’ in E. Ehrenburg (ed.), Leaving No Stones Unturned, Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2002, pp. 53–62. Tawr is a general term for ‘bowing’ or ‘inclination’ and as such does not describe the inclination or bowing of a particular part of the body, see Lane, AELex, p. 1744.

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326 Omitted in L: fol. 199r, l. 1; present in B: fol. 14v, l. 25. 327 This is unusual as the Arabic language of the Qur’an is seen as paramount. Cf. EQ , sv. ‘Arabic Language’ (H. Jenssen), to the extent that non-Arabic loanwords in the Qur’an were viewed as obscure Arabic words by Islamic scholars; see L. Kopf, ‘Religious Influences on Islamic Philology,’ SI 5, 1956, pp. 33–59. Likewise angelic speech (a form of divine revelation) is normally associated with a faith’s language of revelation, as a symbol of the faith’s claim of being the true/only religion, (cf. Jub. 12:25–7). Steve Weitzman has commented that: ‘To understand Hebrew, according to Jubilees, is to belong to a divinely selected group with access to esoteric knowledge inherited from the age before Babel. In Jubilees Hebrew is also said to connect those who use it to the heavenly community.’ S. Weitzman, ‘Why did the Qumran community write in Hebrew?’ JAOS 119, 1999, p. 41. There are some other Biblical and Pseudepigraphical texts that believe that angels speak in an esoteric language that humans cannot understand (e.g. ApAbr. 15:7; 2 En. 17:1, 2 Cor. 12:4). In this case, however, the angels are speaking in a language other than Arabic that was understood by a large number of Muslims. For more on the relationship between Persian and Arab literature and culture see V. Danner, ‘Arabic Literature in Iran,’ CHI, vol. 4, pp. 566–94. 328 Added in B: fol. 15r, l. 6. 329 This interpretation is relatively common, e.g. oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 29, pp. 58–9. 330 This is given as a separate RadCth in L: fol. 199r, l. 8; but are given as one RadCth in Z, p. 62, and in B: fol. 15r, ll. 5–8. 331 This ‘isnAd ’ is added in L: fol. 199r, ll. 8–9; and omitted in B: fol. 15r, l. 6. 332 In Judaism, particularly in the Hellenic period, the ‘spirit of God’ was considered in angelic terms; for a discussion of this in Philo and others see J.R. Levinson, ‘The Prophetic Spirit as an Angel according to Philo,’ HTR 88, 1995, pp. 189–207. In Islam, the Spirit was often identified with Gabriel, rather than being a separate angel; cf. al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 37. 333 L reads: al-rER malak min a “Vam al-malA ”ika khalqan; fol. 199r, ll. 14–15. 334 The veil is related to the veil that separated the Holy of Holies from the rest of the Temple in Judaism. For more on the Veil of the Temple, see S. Légasse, ‘Les voiles du Temple de Jérusalem: Essai de Parcours Historique,’ RB 87, 1980, pp. 560–89. Some Jewish, Christian and Samaritan texts describe the Veil of the Temple as an angel, for a full discussion of these descriptions see Fossum, ‘Angel of the Lord’. 335 Added in L: fol. 199r, l. 20; omitted in B: fol. 15r, l. 13. 336 Cf. Ibn oufayl, Layy b. YaqVAn, p. 85. 337 Some commentators believed that al-RER refers to a species of angel; cf. §219, 222–8. 338 waRy is an intimate, non-verbal form of revelation (as opposed to nuzul, inzAl etc.); see T. Izutsu, God and Man in the Koran: Semantics of the Koranic Weltanschauung, Tokyo: Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1964, pp. 158–62; Gabriel is usually associated with revelation that is communicated to prophets by tanzCl whereas the Spirit is associated with waRy (‘inspiration’). 339 A literal reading of Q. 78:38. 340 Cf. ‘All that is in the heavens and the earth magnifies God, the King, the All-Holy . . .’ Q. 62:1. 341 Cf. ‘. . . then we sent to her Our Spirit that presented himself to her a man without fault.’ Q. 19:17. 342 Note the plural verb; this RadCth is referring to al-RER as a species or class of angel, rather than as an individual angel. As such, the translation ‘Spirits’ seems to be preferable, although the Arabic does strictly say ‘the Spirit’. 343 Added in B: fol. 15v, l. 10. 344 L reads: mA nazala; ‘an angel has not come down from heaven’; fol. 199v, l. 7. 345 The Jalalayn gloss ‘yaqEmu al-rER’ with: ‘JibrCl aw jund allAh’ [‘Gabriel or an army of God’]; al-Jalalayn (al-Marallc, and al-Suyeuc), TafsCr, Cairo: Maktabat al-Muthanna, c. 1920, p. 499; whereas al-Bayqawc is even vaguer: ‘. . . the spirit is an angel

Notes

346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354

355 356 357 358 359

360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369

277

responsible for the spirits (arwAR) or a group of them, or Gabriel or a creation mighter than the angels (khalq a “Vam min al-malA ”ika).’ al-Bayqawc, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 383. Cf. §21–3. Added in B: fol. 15v, l. 18. Z reads simAUA and TimAt (bis), cf. L: TimAUA ‘ranks of people’; fol. 199v, l. 17, see AELex, p. 1427. B also uses a sCn, but a corrective TAd is marked over the sCn; fol. 15v, l. 18. Omitted in L: fol. 199v, l. 20. Cf. §23 above; al-Suyeuc has taken the same RadCth from a different source (Ibn Abc latim), but the authority is the same (given as Salman Abe ’l-A‘cs). Note the ambiguity between the singular al-RER and the plural noun in apposition (RafaVa). Al-RER is strictly singular (the correct plural is arwAh), but is considered as a plural in certain places in these RadCth. It is unclear whether this means that the Spirits are the equivalent of the ‘Noble Watching Scribes’ (§312–406), or whether they are acting as memorizers of the Qur’an; the latter seems more likely. Added in B: fol. 15v, l. 24. MAlik has normally been interpreted as an actual name (although it could simply mean ‘possessor’), a variant reading of MAl, would seem to support this, see alBayqawc, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 243 and R. Bell, ed. C.E. Bosworth and M.E.J. Richardson), A Commentary on the Qur ”An, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991, vol. 2, p. 248. This is another name for Ibn Qutayba, see Brockelmann, GAL, vol. 1, p. 120. L reads ‘TAwEs/TA’Es’; fol. 199v, l. 2. L reads ‘malakan’ (‘He created an angel’); fol. 199v, l. 28; B reads (as in Z ) ‘MAlikan’ (the angel MAlik): fol. 16r, l. 2. Cf. ‘So Glory be to Him, in whose hand is the dominion and unto whom you shall be returned’ and ‘Blessed by He in whose hand is the Kingdom – He is powerful over everything, who created death and life . . .’ Q. 36:83 and 67:1–2. The number nineteen has, as Bell comments ‘. . . given much rise to questioning and speculation.’ Bell, Commentary, vol. 2, p. 453. Al-Bayqawc says that the number could refer to angels ‘malakan’ or a species of angels ‘Tanfan malA ”ika’ that are responsible for punishing different types of sinners or that the nineteen are responsible for punishing the people in the Fire for an hour each, with five hours left aside for the ritual prayers; see Al-Bayqawc, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 396. Karl Ahrens associated the number nineteen with the twelve signs of the zodiac and the seven planets, citing Mandaean beliefs as a possible source; see K. Ahrens, Muhammad als Religionsstifter, Leipzig: Deutsche Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1935, pp. 30–31. Lit: ‘the angel from amongst them beats the man from amongst the people of the Fire.’ L reads ‘mA ”ia’ only; fol. 200r, l. 4; and in B: fol. 16r, l. 11. Cf. the descriptions of Munkar and NakCr, §302–11. The thaqalayn are humans and jinn; see Lane, AELex, p. 344. L reads ‘ba-lA ’; fol. 200r, l. 11; B reads (as Z ) ‘lA bal ’: fol. 16r, l. 19. L and B read ‘malak’; fol. 200r, l. 13; and B: fol. 16r, l. 21. See al-Quruubc, al-JAmi “ al-aRkAm, vol. 19, p. 79. This RadCth is also mentioned in his tafsCr of this verse. Added in L: fol. 200r, ll. 16–18; and in B: fol. 16r, ll. 25–7. L and B give the sources as: al-Firyabc, Ibn Abc Shayba, Ibn Jarcr, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abc Hatim; fol. 200r, ll. 18–19; and B: fol. 16r, l.27–16v, l. 1. al-Zabaniyya (Arberry  ‘the guards of Hell’; Q. 96:18); the word poses questions about its root (cf. al-Bayqawc, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 411) and it is believed to be foreign, derived from either Syriac or Persian, see Jeffrey, Foreign Vocabulary, p. 148 (Syriac) and W. Eilers, ‘Iranisches Lehngut im arabishen Lexikon: Über einige Berufsnamen und Titel,’ IIJ 5, 1962, p. 220 (Persian). Tor Andrae associates the word with the

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370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380

381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390

391 392 393

Notes Syriac shabbAyA, ‘bodyguards’, T. Andrae (tr. J. Roche), Les Origines de l’Islam et le Christianisme, Paris: Librairie d’Amerique et d’Orient Adiren Maisonneuve, 1955, p. 159. ‘akhraja’ is omitted in L: fol. 200r, l. 20; but present in B: fol. 16v, l. 2. Omitted in B: fol. 16v, ll. 2–3. Q. 25:7–8 continues the Meccans’ words with: ‘Why has an angel not been sent down to him, to be a warner with him, or why is not a treasure (kanz) thrown to him, or why has he not a Garden to eat of ?’ In Classical Arabic dhAba [al-jism] can have the meaning ‘to become thin’; see Lane, AELex, p. 986. L reads ‘hEda’ throughout; fol. 200r, ll. 25–6; Z reads ‘hEdha’, p. 67. Cf. §29 and 53; in these cases the angel IsrAfCl appears. SafaU al-nEr; a basket that is formed by weaving leaves together, which was, appropriately for RiQwAn, also used in burials in pre-Islamic times; see Lane, AELex, p. 1372. Cf. ‘Three keys are in the hands of the Holy One, Blessed be He! – the Keys of burial [i.e. resurrection], rain and the womb.’ GenR 73:4, p. 670; see also DeutR 7:6, p. 137. Cf. Q. 2:26. Omitted in L: fol. 200r, l. 30; present in B: fol. 16v, l. 13. Angels frequently take on this role (the angelus interpres) in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature; Wansbrough comments: ‘In Muslim, as in Rabbinic, tradition one of Gabriel’s primary functions is that of pedagogue: as he had been guide and mentor to Joseph . . . and to Moses . . . so too for Muhammad he performed the rites of initiation into prophethood, instructed him during his ascension to heaven and arranged from him the content of revelation during meetings in Ramaqan.’ Wansbrough, Qur ”Anic Studies, p. 63. Added in B: fol. 16v, l. 14. More commonly known as the ‘Azd Shane’a; see EI 2, sv. ‘‘Azd’ (G. Strenziok). This is included because it is found in the RadCth in al-Bukharc’s NaRCR, §3229, p. 621 and in the context of Moses being described as tall, makes sense here. Added in B: fol. 16v, l. 20. al-Bukharc includes Q. 32:23; ‘. . . so be not in doubt concerning the encounter with him’. The two events of the isrA” (Night Journey) and the mi “rAj (Ascension) were sometimes combined, and sometimes separated; for a discussion of these themes, see Nünlist, Himmelfahrt und Heiligkeit. L reads ‘malakan’; fol. 200v, l. 9. Cf. §229 and fol. 199v, l. 28. Omitted in B: fol. 17r, l. 1. Omitted in Z , p. 68; but given in L; fol. 200v, l. 14; and B: fol. 17r, l. 2. Jeffrey comments that sijill is only used of the ‘divine scroll’, whereas Tifr is used for earthly books; see A. Jeffrey, ‘The Qur’an as Scripture,’ MW 40, 1950, p. 47 n. 4. A similar phrase occurs in Is. 34:4, but here the Hebrew word TBfer (Ar. Tifr) is used; (see BHS, p. 725). There is some debate about the derivation of sijill, but it is now generally accepted to have been derived ultimately from the Latin sigullum, and reached Arabic through Greek, Aramaic, Syriac or Armenian. For a full discussion of its etymology see EI 1, sv. ‘Sidjill’ (V. Vacca); EI 2, sv. ‘Sidjill – In mur’anic and Early Arabic Usage’ (F.C. de Blois); A.A. Ambros, with S. Procházka, A Concise Dictionary of Koranic Arabic, Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2004, p. 129; and Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 163–4. al-Suyeuc believed it to be a foreign word, al-Suyeuc, al-MutawakkilC, pp. 19 and 41. Omitted in L: fol. 200v, l. 16. Some exegetes believed that al-Sijill referred to an angel, others that it refers to a scribe of Murammad, e.g. al-oabari, TafsCr, vol. 17, pp. 99–100. Al-Suyeui also states al-Sijill is an angel in his ItqAn, vol. 4, p. 69. L occasionally uses the form HarEt instead of HArEt (e.g. fol. 200v, ll. 20 and 22; 201r, l. 8 etc.); these instances will not be noted further.

Notes

279

394 Al-Sijill sees a reference to the creation of Adam in the Umm al-KitAb, before God reveals to the angels his intentions, regarding his creation. 395 Cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 50–54; Brinner, Lives, pp. 86–91; al-Kisa’ c, QA, pp. 45–8; al-Rabghezc, QA, Vol. 2, pp. 52–5; and al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, pp. 97–8. 396 Added in L: fol. 200v, l. 23. 397 Added in L: fol. 200v, l. 28. 398 Al-Zuhara is associated with AnahCd ( Amretatat) in §251, and AnahCd was associated with great beauty: cf. Yast V:78 ‘Ardvi Sûra Anâhita hastened unto him [Vistaru] in the shape of a maid, fair of body, most strong, tall-formed, high-girded, pure, nobly born of a glorious race, wearing shoes up to the ankle, with all sorts of ornaments and radiant.’ For more on Amretatat, see E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1947, pp. 356–8. In Astrology, Venus is also associated with beauty, fornication, prostitutes and fermented drinks (among other things), cf. al-Qabctc, (ed. and tr. Charles Burnett et al.), KitAb al-Mudhal ilA TinA “at aRkam al-nujEm, London and Turin: The Warburg Institute and Nino Aragno Editore, 2004, pp. 74–5 and al-Birenc, KitAb al-TafhCm li-awA ”il TinA “at al-tanjim; R. Ramsey Wright (tr.), The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology, London: Luzac & Co., 1934. pp. 232, 240, 245 and 251. 399 Lit: Not until you say this word about idolatry. 400 al-TabC: a baby that has not yet been weaned; see Lane, AELex, p. 1650. 401 The Qur’an takes a strong position against infanticide, suggesting that it was common in pre-Islamic Arabia; for a discussion of this theme, see A. Giladi, ‘Some Observations on Infanticide in Medieval Islamic Society,’ IJMES 22, 1990, pp. 186–8. 402 Cf. Q. 5:91; ‘Satan only desires to precipitate enmity and hatred between you in regard to wine and arrow-shuffling, and to bar you from the remembrance of God, and from prayer.’ 403 The association of sexual immorality was also connected with the pagan worship of Venus/Aphrodite; cf. Moore, ‘Jesus Christ: “Superstar” ’, p. 86. 404 L reads ‘qAlE’: fol. 201r, l. 8. 405 Added in B: fol. 17v, l. 5. 406 al-LamrA ” usually refers to the planet Mars, but in this RadCth (as well as in §255) Venus is clearly intended; B reads ‘al-LarrA’ (‘the lusty one’); fol. 17v, l. 9. 407 This would make more sense if al-LamrA’ were understood to be the planet Mars, as Mars (and Jupiter) were traditionally seen as bringing bad luck in Near Eastern astrology. Cf. E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1995, pp. 4–7; M. Jastrow, ‘Signs and Names of the Planet Mars,’ AJSLL 27, 1910, pp. 64–83; and al-Qabctc, K. al-Mudhal, pp. 68–9. The planet Venus is not normally seen as bringing bad luck, but is associated with immorality; this is what ‘Umar is referring to. 408 Added in L: fol. 201r, l. 14. 409 Omitted in L: fol. 201r, l. 16; and B: fol. 17v, l. 11. 410 Added in L: fol. 201r, l. 18. and B: fol. 17v, l. 18. 411 Also known in Persian as BCdukht; see M. Mo‘ cn (ed.), LughatnAma, Tehran: Chapkhane-ye Daneshgah-e Tehran, 1959–75, fasc. 87, p. 264 and fasc. 174, p. 479. 412 L reads ‘fa-arAdAhA ’ [‘they wanted her’]; fol. 201r, l. 22. 413 The phrase ‘In the name of God, the Greatest’ acts as a password for entering and leaving heaven; cf. §250. 414 L reads ‘bi-mawtaykumA ’: fol. 201r, l. 23. 415 Added in L: fol. 201r, l. 24; and B: fol. 17v, l. 22. 416 Added in L: fol. 201r, ll. 28–9; and B: fol. 17v, l. 26. 417 The third angel is possibly al-Sijill (cf. §247), although this appears to be rare and most accounts of this story only refer to HArEt and MArEt being selected. The third angel remains in heaven.

280 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433

434

435 436 437 438

439 440 441 442 443

Notes Omitted in L: fol. 201v, l. 3. L reads ‘fa-akhbarahA’ [‘it was told to her’]: fol. 201v, l. 5. Added in L: fol. 201v, l. 6. The story of HArEt and MArEt is most often placed during the time of Enoch (IdrCs); cf. al-Tha‘labc, QA, pp. 50–54; Brinner, Lives, pp. 86–91; al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 98. Cf. Q. 33:32; ‘If you are godfearing, be not abject (takhQa“na) in your speech, so that he in whose heart is sickness may be lustful, but speak honourable words.’ The verb khaQa“a also has a strong association with love, see Lane, AELex, p. 757. The text reads ‘fa-arAdAhA “alA nafsihA’. L reads ‘ghabarA ’ for ‘ghAbA’ (in error): fol. 201v, l. 17. L reads ‘fa-arAdahA ’ [‘he wanted her’ ], the dual is preferable; fol. 201v, l. 17. Omitted in L; fol. 201v, l. 18; present in B: fol. 17v, ll. 23–4. Note the woman’s avoidance of words such as dhanb etc.; khilAl is a general word, which does not necessarily carry any religious overtones, see Lane, AELex, p. 780. i.e. a witness; in §255 the angels kill a man (most likely al-Zuhara’s husband or chaperone) so that their crime is not revealed; in other versions (e.g. §248) the two kill a child. For the idiomatic expression, see Lane, AELex, p. 674. This is reminiscent of Q. 34:53: ‘And a barrier is set between them and that they desire’. Cf. Q. 50:22; ‘Thou wast heedless of this; therefore We have now removed ( fa-kashafnA) from thee thy covering (ghiUA ”), and so thy sight today is piercing’. L uses a 2 m. pl. imperative, but the dual is preferable; fol. 201v, l. 24; B uses the dual: fol. 18r, l. 4. L reads ‘fa-arAdahA’ [‘he wanted her’]; fol. 202r, l. 2; and B: fol. 15r, l. 14. Zoroastrianism held an unusual place in Islamic theory: ‘Sera XXII, 17 merely lists [Zoroastrians] along with ahl al-kitAb and mushrikEn, and it was eventually decided in Muslim theory that the Madjes were intermediate between ahl al-kitAb and mushrikEn since they had no real prophet or revealed scripture.’ EI 2, sv. ‘Madjes’ (M. Morony). See also J.C. Bürgel, ‘Zoroastrians as Viewed in Medieval Islamic Sources,’ in J. Waardenburg (ed.), Muslim Perceptions of Other Religions, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 202–12. Much has been written on the death penalty for adultery in Islamic law; e.g. J. Burton, ‘The Origin of the Islamic Penalty for Adultery,’ TGUOS 26, 1978, pp. 16–27 and idem, ‘Law and exegesis: The Penalty for Adultery in Islam,’ in G.R. Hawting and A.S. Abdul-Kader (eds), Approaches to the Qur ”An, London: Routledge, 1993, pp. 269–84. L highlights this in red: fol. 202r, l. 12. Ibn lajar uses word play, referring to ‘entrances’ and ‘exits’: the ‘entrances’ are clearly the chains of transmission, but the ‘exits’ are more vague, perhaps referring to the sources (i.e. texts and compilations) in which the RadCth are found. A masculine, rather than feminine, suffix is used; this is because the SakCna is an angel, which is masculine. Q. 18; SErat al-kahf is recited for protection against the anti-Christ (al-Dajjal); Massignon also states that the entire sEra is recited every Friday at the congregational prayers; see L. Massignon, ‘Les “Septs Dormants”, Apocalypse de l’Islam,’ AB 68, 1949, pp. 245–60; and N.O. Brown, ‘The Apocalypse of Islam,’ ST, 8, 1983–4, pp. 155–71. For more on this practice, see Muslim, NaRCR, vol. 18, p. 65. The sakCna is associated with the recitation of the Qur’an; cf. al-Bukharc, NaRCh, §5011, p. 996; see also EQ , sv. ‘Shekina’ (R. Firestone). Added in L: fol. 204r, l. 15. L reads ‘faras’; fol. 204r, l. 16; Z reads ‘RisAn’, p. 84. This RadCth is quite famous, but here the matn omits some information; in the fuller narrative, Usayd tells the Prophet about his experience, asks what it was and what he should have done; cf. Muslim, NaRCR, vol. 5, pp. 82–3. Omitted in B: fol. 22v, l. 8; present in L: fol. 205r, l. 26.

Notes 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455

456 457 458 459 460

461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470

471

472 473 474 475 476 477

281

Omitted in B (in error): fol. 22v, l. 11. Added in B: fol. 22v, l. 20. B reads ‘yarji “u’ (‘returned’): fol. 22v, l. 22; L (as in Z ) reads ‘ya“ruju’: fol. 205v, l. 8. Added in B: fol. 22v, l. 26. akhraja is omitted in L: fol. 205v, l. 16; B: fol. 23r, l. 13; and Z, p. 90. i.e. Ibn al-Mundhir on the authority of Mujahid. Added in B: fol. 23r, l. 10. Omitted in B: fol. 23r, l. 11. Qa “Cd appears in Q. 13:11, ‘When the two angels meet together, sitting (qa“Cd ) one on the right, and one of the left.’ The interpretation of qa “Cd as the name of an angel is very rare. Added in B: fol. 23r, l. 16. B reads ‘mA yaktuba’; fol. 23r, l. 23. Here the Umm al-KitAb is referring to the Book recording every action of every human; this is not the normal interpretation of the term, but al-oabarc notes that this is Ibn ‘Abbas’ interpretation of the term. See al-oabarc, TafsCr on Q. 25:86; see also Berg, ‘oabarc’s Exegeses of the Qur’anic Term al-KitAb’, pp. 764–5. This RadCth is omitted in B: fol. 23v, l. 6; it is included in L: fol. 206r, ll. 11–12. Added in B: fol. 23v, l. 16. Given as ‘Faqcl’ in B: fol. 23v, l. 18. B reads ‘f C yadayhC minhu sarEran’; fol. 23v, l. 23. MCqAt usually refers to the appointed times of prayer, see EI 2, sv. ‘Mcsat’ (A.J. Wensinck); however, in this case, it appears to be a synonym for ‘ajal’. Whereas ajal refers to the ‘length of time’ that one is alive, the ajal is the ‘moment of death’ inasmuch as the allotted time has been completed; mCqAl refers to the precise moment of death. Q. 83:7–8; ‘No indeed; the book of the libertines is in Sijjin; and what shall we teach thee about what is Sijjin?’ The book of the righteous is ‘IlliyyEn (Q. 83:19–20). Not ‘the Devil’ but the ‘devil’; i.e. the angel of misdeeds. These three devotions (the takbCr, the taRmCd, and the tasbCha) are the most basic forms of private devotion. B reads ‘haythu’ for ‘RattA’ (Z ); fol. 23v, l. 24. ibtalA is used in the Qur’an of God’s testing of Abraham (Q. 2:124); the early Muslim community in Medina (Q. 33:11); and of humans generally (Q. 76:2 and 89:15). B includes the marker ‘in’; fol. 23v, l. 26; not found in L: fol. 206v, l. 23. Cf. M.F. Thurkill, ‘Odors of Sanctity: Distinctions of the Holy in Early Christianity and Islam,’ CIS 3, 2007, pp. 133–44. Given as Ibn ‘Amr in L: fol. 207r, l. 1; and in B: fol. 24v, l. 9. Added in B: fol. 24v, l. 15. ‘The central gesture of this body language is the facing of the direction of prayer, in Arabic, tawliyat al-wujh, the turning of one’s face (to the house of God).’ A. Neuwirth, ‘Face of God – Face of Man: The Significance of the Direction of Prayer in Islam,’ in A.I. Baumgarten, J. Assmann and G.G. Stroumsa (eds), Self, Soul and Body in Religious Experience, Leiden: Brill, 1998, p. 302. The qibla is ritually important because it marks an encounter with God: cf. S.A. Ashraf, ‘The Inner Meaning of the Islamic Rites: Prayer, Pilgrimage, Fasting, Jihad,’ in Nasr (ed.), Islamic Spirituality, pp. 111–30 and EI 2, sv. ‘mibla: Ritual and Legal Aspects’ (A.J. Wensinck). Added in B: fol. 25r, l. 5. This long section is omitted in B (in error): fol. 25r, l. 6. i.e. has sexual intercourse. L reads ‘sharCk’ (‘share’); fol. 207v, l. 1; as does B: fol. 25r, l. 13. For a discussion of impurities (including excrement) in Islamic law, see Gauvain, ‘Ritual Rewards: A Consideration of Three Recent Approaches to Sunni Purity Law’. See EQ , sv. ‘Ritual Purity’ ( J.E. Lowry), and Burge, ‘Impurity/Danger!’.

282

Notes

478 This is the practice of tayammum, which refers to the performance of ritual cleansing using dust or sand, when no water is available; see EI 2, sv. ‘Tayammum’ (A.J. Wensinck[A.K. Reinhart]). 479 i.e. when he is having sexual intercourse. 480 L reads ‘li-annahum’: fol. 207v, l. 13; as does B: fol. 25r, l. 26. 481 bi-jaram RA ”iU aw bi-ba“Crihi: ‘in a sin of the wall or his camel’ – i.e. even when hidden behind a wall or a camel, a Muslim should remain covered. 482 Memorizing scripture is an important component of religious devotion in many religions. Memorization is not simply concerned with learning those parts of scripture that are necessary for the performance of ritual, but as an element of self-improvement; cf. W.A. Graham, Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in the History of Religion, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. 483 “awra refers to both male and female genitals; see Lane, AELex, p. 2194; and EQ , sv. ‘Modesty’ (S.S.A. Hsu). 484 Omitted in B: fol. 25v, l. 3. 485 Added in L: fol. 208r, l. 2; and B: fol. 25v, l. 19. 486 Z incorrectly reads ‘qawman’ for ‘qEmA’, p. 103. 487 Isolated RadCth transmitters are generally considered unsound; see Ibn al-nalar, An Introduction to the Science of LadCth, p. 65. For a discussion of gharCb, see ibid., p. 193. 488 Added in B: fol. 26r, l. 3. 489 QubiQa; lit. ‘is taken’. 490 Omitted in B: fol. 26r, l. 8. 491 Omitted in B: fol. 26r, l. 8. 492 i.e. those who use the khilAl (toothpick); See Lane, AELex, p. 778. 493 See Lane, AELex, p. 2720. 494 Omitted in B: fol. 26v, l. 2. 495 This is also found in al-Quruebc’s exegesis of Q. 23:5; al-Quruebc, al-JAmi“, vol. 19, p. 246. Cf. Stillman, Arab Dress: A Short History, p. 11. 496 Added in L: fol. 208v, l. 17; and in B: fol. 26v, l. 11. 497 warA ”uka: ‘[It is] behind you’, i.e. of no concern. 498 A tribe of south Arabia, who opposed Murammad’s community and formed a treaty with him in 10/632; see EI 2, sv, ‘Murad’ (G.L. della Vida). 499 L reads ‘Abe Umama’: fol. 209r, l. 14; B possibly reads ‘Abe Umama’, but the text is not clear; fol. 27r, l. 12. 500 Added in B: fol. 27r, l. 14. 501 Omitted in L: fol. 209r, l. 16. 502 Added in B: fol. 27r, l. 14. 503 Omitted in B: fol. 27r, l. 18. 504 B gives the sources as: ‘Sa‘ cd b. Manter, Ibn Jarcr and Ibn Abc latim’; fol. 27r, ll. 19–20. 505 ‘khallE baynihi wa-bayn al-qadar’; for an explanation of this idiom, see Lane, AELex, p. 804. 506 Added in B: fol. 27r, l. 26. 507 Added in B: fol. 27v, l. 2. 508 ‘law tujliya li’bn FdAm “an baTrihi’: lit: If a man were to lose his sight/sense perception. This is not about blindness, in the sense of not being able to see, but about what a person would see, if they were able to see the world ‘as it is’. Z uses ‘khaliya’ (‘if a man were to have lost’), p. 109; B uses the synonym ‘tujliyya’; fol. 27v, l. 7; L appears to follow B, but the khA”/jCm is not marked, so it could be either root, see L: fol. 209v, l.4. 509 ‘bi-mithl al-shuhub la-takhaUUafEkum’; lit. ‘As the flame captures you.’ Although different in meaning, this could be an allusion to Q. 37:10: ‘except such as snatches a fragment, and he is pursued by a piercing flame.’

Notes

283

510 Added in L: fol. 209v, l.9; and in B: fol. 27v, l. 12. 511 B reads ‘yaqulEna’ for ‘taqElu’; fol. 27v, l. 12. 512 There are references to fishing in the Qur’an (e.g. Q. 7:163; 35:12), but Patricia Crone doubts that fishing was a predominant trade or source of livelihood in Mecca; see. P. Crone, ‘How did the quranic pagans make a living,’ BSOAS 68, 2005, pp. 395–6. Parables and metaphors are used in the Qur’an, and were particularly popular in Sufi literature; see EQ , sv. ‘Parables’ (A.H.M. Zahniser). 513 Added in L: 209v, ll. 15–16; and B: fol. 27v, l. 18. The addition is integral to the story. 8 Angels in Islam and Islamic angelology 1 H.A. Wolfson, The Philosophy of the KalAm, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976, pp. 112–234. 2 Ibid., pp. 235–78; A.S. Tritton, ‘The Speech of God,’ SI 36, 1972, pp. 5–22. 3 See B. Abrahamov, ‘The Bi-La Kayfa Doctrine and Its Foundations in Islamic Theology,’ Arabica 42, 1995, pp. 365–79. 4 E.g. §675; al-Bukharc, NaRCR, §4856, p. 954. 5 ‘Lahu sitta ajniRa f C kulli wARid mA ”ia janAR’; al-Qazwcnc, “AjA ”ib al-makhlEqAt, p. 92. It might seem possible to read the mA ”ia janAR as ‘a hundred feathers’, but the word does not mean ‘feather’; see Lane, AELex, p. 469. 6 Cf. al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 22, p. 114; al-Quruubc, JAmi “ al-aRkAm, vol. 14, pp. 319–20; al-Bayqawc, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 148. 7 The interpretation of mathnA, thulAth and rubA “a is complicated, as they are to be understood as either distributive adjectives (‘two at a time’) or as groups of wings (two twos, i.e. four wings; three threes, i.e. six wings; four fours, i.e. eight wings); see Burge, ‘The Angels in SErat al-malA ”ika: Exegeses of Q. 35:1’, pp. 58–62. 8 Cf. al-oabarc’s TafsCr in which different options are laid out for the interpretation. In some cases al-oabarc gives his opinion openly, at others he is less explicit. For example, al-oabarc presents a list of different options for what the ‘maqAm IbrAhCm’ indicates in Q. 2:125; see al-oabarc, TafsCr, vol. 1, pp. 535–6. 9 Cf. his exegesis of the word ‘falaq’ in Q. 113:1; al-Suyeuc provides two quite different options (dawn/Hell), without informing the reader of his own opinion; al-Suyeuc, al-Durr al-manthEr, vol. 6, p. 419. 10 Cf. the study of myth and its relation to theological ideas; see M. Eliade, The Quest: History and Meaning in Religion, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969, pp. 72–111. 11 Cf. P. Avis, God and the Creative Imagination: Metaphor and Myth in Religion and Mythology, London: Routledge, 1999; H. Corbin (tr. R. Manheim), Creative Imagination in the Sufism Ibn “ArabC, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969, pp. 274–81; and idem (tr. P. Sherrad), Temple and Contemplation, London: KPI, 1986, pp. 1–54. 12 Fahd, ‘Génies, Anges et Démons en Islam’, p. 155. 13 Cf. recent studies on the relationship between Judaism and Islam by Michael Pregill; M. Pregill, ‘The Hebrew Bible and the Quran: The Problem of the Jewish “Influence” on Islam,’ RC 1, 2007, pp. 1–17; and idem, ‘IsrA “CliyyAt, myth, and pseudepigraphy: Wahb b. Munnabih and the early Islamic versions of the fall of Adam and Eve,’ JSAI 34, 2008, pp. 215–84. 14 S. Prickett, ‘The Bible in Literature and Art’, p. 165; and G. Peers, ‘Apprehending the Archangel Michael: Hagiographic Methods,’ Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 20, 1996, pp. 100–21. 15 See Burge, ‘“ZR ”L, The Angel of Death and the Ethiopic Apocalypse of Peter’, p. 219. 16 Cf. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him, pp. 34–41.

Bibliography

Abbreviations ( Journals, Encyclopaedia and Monographs) AB AELex AI AJSLL AO ArOr ATR b. BAEO BDB BHS BJMES BMGS BSOAS bt. CA CHAL CHI CIS CTM DDD DOP DSD EA EAL EdAM EHR EI 1 EI 2 EI 3 EIr

Analecta Bollandiana E.W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon Annales Islamologiques American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Acta Orientalia Archiv Orientální Anglican Theological Review ibn (son of ) Boletín de la Asociacíon Española de Orientalistas Brown, Driver and Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament Hebrew Bible; Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies bint (daughter of ) Cahiers Archéologiques Cambridge History of Arabic Literature Cambridge History of Iran Comparative Islamic Studies A.J. Wensinck (ed.), Concordance et indicies de la Tradition Musulmane Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible Dumbarton Oaks Papers Dead Sea Discoveries Études Asiatiques Encyclopedia of Arabic Literature Enciclopedia dell’arte Medievale The Economic History Review Encyclopaedia of Islam (First Edition) Encyclopaedia of Islam (Second Edition) Encyclopaedia of Islam (Third Edition) Encyclopaedia Iranica

Bibliography EJ EQ ER2 ERE ETL HR HTR HUCA GAL GALS GS IA IC ICMR IIJ IJMES ILS IOS IrSt IS Isl. JAAR JAAS JAL JAOS JBL JESHO JHB JHI JHMAS JIH JIS JJRL JMMA JNES JQR JQS JR JRAS JSAI JSJ JSNT JSOT JSP JSQ

Encyclopaedia Judaica Encyclopaedia of the Qur ”An Encyclopaedia of Religion (Second Edition) Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses History of Religions Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur (Supplement) Desomogyi, J. (ed.), Ignaz Goldziher: Gessamelte Schriften Islamic Art Islamic Culture Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations Indo-Iranian Journal International Journal of Middle East Studies Islamic Law and Society Israel Oriental Studies Iranian Studies Islamic Studies Der Islam Journal of the American Academy of Religion Journal of Asian and African Studies Journal of Arabic Literature Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient Journal for the History of Biology Journal of the History of Ideas Journal for the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences Journal of Interdisciplinary History Journal of Islamic Studies Journal of the John Rylands Library Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs Journal of Near Eastern Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of Qur’anic Studies Journal of Religion Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal for the Study of the New Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Jewish Studies Quarterly

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JSS JWCI MSR MW NRSV NT NTA NTS OTP OTr PAAJR PAPS PEW PP PT Q. QA RAC RC RHR RMP RP RZBK SC SI ST TA TGUOS TPAPA TS UBS VC VT WdI ZAW ZDMG

Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes MamlEk Studies Review The Muslim World Bible; New Revised Standard Version Novum Testamentum W. Schneemelcher (ed.), New Testament Apocrypha New Testament Studies J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Oral Tradition Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society Philosophy East and West Past and Present Poetics Today Qur’anic reference QiTaT al-anbiyA” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum Religion Compass Revue de l’histoire des religions Rheinisches Museum für Philologie Revue Philosophique Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst Social Compass Studia Islamica Social Text al-Zabcdc, TAj al-“arEs Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society Transactions of the Proceedings of the American Philological Association Theological Studies Bible (New Testament) United Bible Society Vigilae Christianae Vetus Testamentum Die Welt des Islams Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft

Abbreviations ( Jewish and Christian Texts) 1 1 2 2 2

En. Th. Bar. Cor. En.

1 1 2 2 2

Enoch Thessalonians Baruch Corinthians Enoch

Bibliography 3 Bar. 3 En. ActsJ Ant. ApAbr ApEl. ApPaul ApZeph. BB Bek CantR Deut. DeutR DialSav Elch. Ex. Ezk. Gal. Gen. GenR GPhil Lag Hebr. JanJam JosAsen Jub. Ket. LadJac LAE(V) LamR LetAris Men. MK Nid NumR Ps.-Phil. QuesBart QuesEzra Rev. San. Shab. Sib. Or. Ta’ TLevi Yom

3 Baruch 3 Enoch Acts of John Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews Apocalypse of Abraham Apocalypse of Elijah Apocalypse of Paul Apocalypse of Zephaniah Baba Bathra Bekoroth Canticles/Song of Songs Rabbah Deuteronomy Deuteronomy Rabbah Dialogue of the Saviour Book of Elchasai Exodus Ezekiel Galations Genesis Genesis Rabbah Gospel of Philip LagCgah Hebrews Jannes and Jambres Joseph and Aseneth Jubilees Ketuboth Ladder of Jacob The Life of Adam and Eve (Vita) Lamentations Rabbah Letter of Aristeas Menahot Mo “ed Katan Niddah Numbers Rabbah Pseudo-Philo Questions of Bartholomew Questions of Ezra Revelation Sanhedrin Shabbath Sibylline Oracles Ta ”anith Testament of Levi Yoma

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Index of Qur’anic Citations

1 1:1 1:1–2 2 2:26 2:29 2:29–34 2:30 2:31 2:87 2:97 2:97–8 2:98 2:101 2:102 2:124 2:125 2:161 2:177 2:201 2:248 2:255 2:264 2:280 2:285 3:15 3:59 3:123–4 3:125 3:173 4:136 4:172 5:91 6 6:60 6:61 6:73

208 [§577] 82 212 [§634, 635] 217 271, 278 275 270 93, 94, 154, 155, 216, 228 [§247, 248, 681] 118, 206 [§26, 555] 43 13, 225 n5, 258, 265 239 265 93 155, 241, 243 [§249] 281 283 225 225 197 [§458, 460] 44, 242 148 [§198] 270 228 114, 225 [§1] 74, 180, 243 270 250, 261 205 129 [§86] 225 48, 258 279 217, 255 [§700] 160 [§313] 72, 137–8, 239 [§127–9, 143] 269

6:99 7:25 7:40 7:78 7:89 7:101 7:163 8:32 9:26 9:40 10:85 12:31 11:47 13:11 13:18 15:26–33 16:32 16:59 17:1 17:78 18 18:31 18:37 18:99 19:16–19 19:17 20:96 20:102 21:20 21:28 21:81 21:104 22:5 22:26 22:66 22:73 22:75

257 260 264 265 129 [§86] 270 283 269 242 242 129 [§86] 57 265 72, 160, 161, 171, 172, 281 [§316–320, 391–3, 397–401] 270 270 142 [§166b] 270 7 160 [§314] 159, 280 250 270 269 246 57, 101, 276 275 269 84, 205, 206 [§547, 549] 206 [§549] 273 44, 154 [§243] 270 263 260 263 245

324

Index of Qur ”Anic Citations

23:5 23:12–14 23:15 23:28 23:97 23:98 23:101 24:35 25:3 25:7 25:7–8 25:10 25:86 27:87 30:20 31:16 32:11 32:23 33:11 33:32 33:44 34:12 34:23 34:40 34:53 35:1 35:11 35:12 36:50–5 36:51 36:83 37:10 37:149–52 37:164–5 37:165 37:166 38:36 38:71–5 39:9 39:42 39:68 39:75 40:7 40:49 40:67 42:17 43:19 43:77 45:26 45:43

282 76 260 270 265 265 269 47, 274 260 153 [§237] 278 153 [§237] 281 269 270 193 [§417] 73 278 6, 265, 281 280 142 [§166a] 273 130 [§23] 206, 231, 263 [§555] 280 57, 58, 105, 114, 178, 221, 246 [§1, 743, 744] 270 283 269 269 277 282 231 115 [§9] 115 [§6] 118 [§25] 273 270 263 78 126, 127, 269 [§74, 75] 242 43 151 [§229] 270 268 231, 263 74, 151 [§229] 260 231

48:4 48:18 50:16 50:17 50:17–18 50:18 50:20 50:21 50:22 51:4 52:4 53:13 53:14 53:19–27 53:21 55:7–9 55:76 56 56:88 62:1 64:4 66:6 67:1–2 68:1 69:6 69:11 69:13 69:17 70 72:27 74:3 74:30 74:31 76:2 76:21 78:18 78:38 79:5 82:10 82:10–12 83:7–8 83:19–20 89:15 96:2 96:18 97:4 113:1

242 242 273 6, 159, 161, 162 [§312, 319, 321, 324, 325, 333, 389, 391] 72 171 269 263 280 265 264 121 [§44a] 121 [§47] 11 231 268 250 252 258 276 265 151 [§229] 277 193 [§422] 106 106 269 43, 145, 146, 149, 274 [§178, 187, 207–9b] 104 125 [§70] 115 [§4] 151, 152 [§229, 234] 152 [§234] 281 250 269 44, 149–151, 276 [§209b, 222, 225] 265 159 [§312] 72, 73 281 281 281 270 74, 151, 152, 277 [§229, 235] 149 [§210] 283

Index of Bible, Talmud, Psuedpigrapha and Apocrypha

Bible and Apocrypha Genesis, 1–11 105 15 229 16 53 16:7 244 18–19 106 32:4 244 Exodus, 28:4 250 28:27–31 250 Deuteronomy, 33:2 265 Isaiah, 11 6 54 6:3 66, 269, 274 34:4 278 Ezekiel, 11 1 54, 64, 275 1:1–2:11 274 1:5–14 247 9:3 267 10 54, 274, 275 10:2 267 Daniel, 11, 32, 34 7 54, 103 7:9 64, 267 20:12 249 Tobit, 51 5:16 240 John, 20:12 267 2 Corinthians 12:44 276 Galatians, 3:19 259 1 Thessalonians, 4:16 241 Hebrews, 97 2:2–3 259

Revelation, 4:6 4:6–8 4:8 5:11 5:13

274 247 274 265 59

Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and New Testament Apocrypha 1 Enoch, 32, 52, 239 7:2–8:4 244 8:3 37, 241 9:1–10:15 259, 274 14:11 250 20:5 261 24:2 250 40:2 274 60:1 255 69 244 71:7–13 274 71:8 255 71:13 255 75:3 241 2 Baruch, 5:7 250 2 Enoch, 12:2 247 17:1 276 19:5 252 18–19 255 21:1 275 72:9 247 3 Baruch, 6:16 44, 60, 242, 247 3 Enoch, 37, 60–1, 65, 103 256 2:1 248 5:9 244 9 247, 275 9:2–3 248

326

Index of Bible, Talmud, Psuedpigrapha and Apocrypha

12 250 14:3–4 241–2 14:4 241 17–40 255–6 22 275 25:2 275 26:6 240, 275 44:5 250 Acts of John, 63 90 63, 240 Apocalypse of Abraham, 11:1–3 250 15:7 276 18:3–7 247, 275 18:6 247 Apocalypse of Elijah, 53 5:5–6 244, 249 Apocalypse of Isaiah, 6:10–12 55 Apocalypse of Peter, 55 Apocalypse of Paul, 55 7 252 Apocalypse of Zephaniah; 3:1–9 252 7:1–8 252 Dialogue of the Saviour; 42 248, 248 67 248, 248 Elchasai, 67, 248, 248 Gospel of Philip, 60 26a 248, 248 History of Joseph the Carpenter; 14 254 Jannes and Jambres, 64 25a 249 Joseph and Aseneth, 15:9 56 Jubilees, 41, 276 12:25–7 276 Ladder of Jacob, 53, 107 2:6–22 262 2:15 247 2:15–17 244 Letter of Aristeas, 65 52–82 250 88 65, 250 96 65, 250 Life of Adam and Eve (Vita), 37 48:3 37, 241 Pseudo-Philo, 19:16 254 26:9–10 250 Questions of Bartholomew, 13 248 Questions of Ezra, 27–30 247, 255–6

Sibylline Oracles, 2:215 278 3:11–12 107, 262 Testament of Levi, 55, 107 5–8 55, 261 Talmud Baba Bathra, 74b Bekoroth, 21b Berakoth, 4b Lagigah, 5a 12b 13b Ketubboth, 104a MenaRot, 29a Niddah, 31a Sanhedrin, 19b 94a 94a–95b 95b Shabbath, 30a 152b Sota 13b Yoma, 21a 95a

265 251–2 266 243 266 244 273 267 253 265 243 261 265 271 243, 273 254 264 253

Midrash Rabbah Genesis, 50:1 50:2 73:4 78:1 Numbers, II:10 Deuteronomy, 2:10 7:6 Canticles or Song 4:7 6:9 Lamentations, 3:2 3:23

241 261 253, 278 264, 275 241 248 253, 278 of Solomon, 272 248 264, 275 255–6

Index of Medieval Muslim Authors

‘Abd Allah b. Ahmad, [§231, 342, 407] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, [§110, 125, 129, 189, 218, 219, 223, 359, 367, 372, 383, 392, 523, 568–571, 616, 617, 630, 653, 730] ‘Abd b. lamcd, [§99, 128, 179, 187, 189, 202–205, 207, 209, 209b, 218–221, 223, 234, 235b, 243, 244, 248, 251, 426, 509, 537, 630, 743] Abe Da’ed [§181b, 182, 217, 402, 468, 586, 593, 595, 597, 614, 618, 712, 720] Abe ’l-lasan b. al-‘Arcf [§163] Abe Ne‘aym [§57, 82, 90, 117, 119, 131, 147, 158, 162, 257, 323, 335, 384, 385, 443, 480, 508, 539, 541, 559, 585, 641, 663, 671, 692] Abe ’l-Rabc‘ al-Mas‘edc [§163] Abe Sa‘cd al-Salman [§463] Abe ’l-Shaykh, 14, 22, 24 [§2b–5, 7, 9, 10, 13–20, 24, 27–33, 36, 38, 39, 42–49, 51, 59, 64, 66, 70, 72, 79, 85, 87, 92, 94–96, 98–102, 104, 105, 110, 112–114, 123, 125, 127–132, 135, 148, 150, 156, 166b, 167, 178, 181b, 182–186, 189–192, 195, 210–215, 218, 219, 221–226, 251, 257, 259, 262, 264, 265, 268, 270, 274, 275, 278, 280–290, 312, 313, 320, 334, 343, 348, 377, 393, 397, 401, 404, 409, 415, 416, 418, 420, 424, 425, 428, 430–432, 434, 444, 448, 449, 457, 485, 486, 488, 491, 494–501, 503, 504, 511, 544–547, 549, 550, 553–558, 561–565, 609, 629, 645, 678, 706, 722] Abe ‘Awana [§175] Abe ’l-Faql al-Tetc, [§414] Abe ’l-Fatr al-Azdc, [§639] Abe ’l-lusayn b. Bishran [§696] Abe ‘Ubayd [§577]

Abe Ya‘la, [§179, 181, 438, 505, 529, 644, 697, 721] al-‘Adanc, [§271] Armad b. ‘Abd al-Rarman b. ‘fmir, [§572] Armad b. lanbal, 46 [§8, 35, 47, 58b, 67, 73, 79, 91, 110, 116, 125, 139, 146, 151, 176, 248, 298, 341, 347, 355, 436, 437, 457, 481, 486, 508, 538, 552, 583, 586, 587, 593, 604, 661, 663, 666, 670, 673, 677, 699, 702, 709, 711, 712, 714, 718–721, 734, 740] al-Ash‘arc, 226 al-‘Azraqc, [§461, 489, 525, 684–687, 690] al-Baghawc, [§172, 446, 585] al-Bawardc, [§441, 723] al-Bayhaqc 14, 24 [§(preface), 1, 6, 24, 27, 29, 52, 61, 68, 75, 97, 106, 108, 166, 166b, 181b, 182, 186, 193, 200, 202, 210, 212, 218, 234, 248, 249, 254, 256, 258, 269, 273, 292, 328, 336, 345–347, 354, 365, 366, 374, 375, 377, 407, 408, 453, 456–458, 477, 484, 492, 517, 520, 521, 529, 539, 540, 549, 551, 558, 562, 566–568, 576, 579, 598–600, 603, 607, 623, 626, 631–633, 635, 638, 649–51, 653–655, 662, 667, 671, 674–676, 689, 701, 708, 716, 718, 720, 721, 730, 736, 737] al-Bazzar, [§5, 82, 106, 146, 363, 368, 415, 438, 638, 667, 715] al-Bukharc, [§238, 260, 298, 315, 355, 436, 508, 548, 582, 599, 614, 618, 636, 658, 703, 711, 714, 719] al-Daraquunc, [§354, 378, 425, 438, 695, 726] al-Daylami, [§83, 89, 109, 156, 196, 241, 294, 322, 344, 390, 414, 454, 464, 514–516, 560, 575, 580, 608, 625, 668, 713, 727, 741]

328

Index of Medieval Muslim Authors

al-Dinawari, [§12, 136, 144, 177, 197–199, 342, 370, 387–389, 472] al-kiya’, [§10, 175, 230, 257, 474] al-Fiqh al-akhbAr II, 74, 226 al-Firyabc, [§74, 235b, 392, 426] al-Ghazalc, 7, 79, 86, 98–100 al-lakim al-Ncsaberc, [§8, 34, 81, 87, 91, 146, 166, 179, 250, 251, 254, 283, 325, 338, 352, 376, 423, 457, 462, 466, 509, 517, 529, 542, 562, 595, 603, 644, 662, 701] Hannad b. al-Sarc, [§235, 526] al-lasan b. nufyan [§723] Ibn ‘Abd al-lakam, [§278] Ibn Abc ’l-Dunya, [§112, 113, 120–124, 131, 135, 139, 140, 142, 148, 154, 155, 161, 166, 248, 251, 258, 260, 264, 300, 301, 327, 332, 333, 337, 338, 343, 346, 380, 381, 402, 403, 412, 680] Ibn Abc latim, [§10, 20b, 23, 27, 38, 47, 76, 88, 105, 107, 110, 114, 115, 127, 128, 131, 132, 141, 149, 160, 166, 178, 194, 208, 210, 212, 218, 222, 224, 225, 227, 235b, 245–247, 253–255, 257, 265, 267, 269, 276–78, 299, 316, 324, 325, 392, 393, 398, 400, 417–419, 421, 423, 434, 485, 487, 518, 520, 532, 536, 549, 678, 743] Ibn Abc Shayba, [§27, 62, 111, 127, 137, 166, 168, 206, 234, 256, 325, 328, 345, 347, 350, 354, 357–359, 361, 371–373, 405, 431, 451, 458, 468–70, 530, 535, 536, 567, 573, 574, 590, 591, 610, 611, 619, 689] Ibn Abc Zamancn, [§93, 314] Ibn ‘Adc, [§292, 293, 415, 652, 671] Ibn al-Anbarc, [§228] Ibn al-‘Arabc Ibn ‘Asakir, [§55, 65, 69, 108, 138, 159, 237, 247, 279, 337, 351, 360, 382, 402, 411, 412, 425, 429, 471, 478–80, 490, 502, 505, 506, 551, 561, 605, 606, 621, 627, 657, 694, 735, 705, 731] Ibn Bauua, [§413] Ibn lajar al-‘Asqalanc, 16, 28, 128, 159 Ibn al-lajj, 21 Ibn lanbal, see Armad b. lanbal Ibn lazm, 21 Ibn libban, [§248, 315, 457, 508, 644, 669, 718] Ibn Israq, 86, 105, 228, 250, 256, 261, 265 Ibn al-Jawzc 21, [§379]

Ibn Khuzayma, [§179] Ibn Lal, [§513] Ibn Maja, [§8, 152, 362, 468, 527, 583, 584, 661, 664, 691, 703, 712, 719, 728] Ibn Mardawayh, [§45, 54, 74, 75, 87, 90, 91, 179, 201, 202, 222, 239, 52, 257, 261, 263, 266, 269, 325, 336, 339, 369, 425, 432, 459, 518, 519, 533, 558, 613–615, 700] Ibn Manda, [§5, 25, 119, 164, 166b, 479, 480, 602] Ibn al-Mubarak, [§53, 103, 166b, 234, 312, 343] Ibn al-Mundhir, [§21, 22, 78, 107, 110, 125, 127, 128, 178, 179, 184, 186, 189, 207, 208, 209b, 210, 212, 213, 215, 218–220, 223, 233, 234, 235b, 254, 257–259, 269, 278, 312, 316–319, 325, 326, 329, 333, 392, 398, 401, 422, 431, 433, 518, 520, 523, 549, 737–749, 744] Ibn al-Najjar, [§84, 118, 145, 171, 449, 510, 536, 729] Ibn Qutayba, see al-Qutbi Ibn Sa‘d, [§52, 467, 543] Ibn natarc, [§612] Ibn al-Sunnc, [§634, 693] Ibn Taymiyya, 18, 21, 100 Israq b. Rahwayh/Raheya [§178, 251, 252, 520] al-Janadc, [§460, 522, 523, 682, 683] Juwaybir, [§134, 153] al-Khalclc, [§242] al-Kharai’uc, [§611, 640] al-Khauib, al-Baghdadc, [§145, 157, 330, 452, 465, 560, 672, 717] Malik b. Anas, [§315, 582, 583, 618, 632] al-Marwazc, [§148, 165] Murammad b. Natr, [§644, 698, 732, 733] Musaddad [§585] Muslim, [§2, 41, 176, 217, 238, 298, 315, 436, 439, 468, 508, 538, 582, 586, 599, 614, 618, 620, 658, 666, 702, 704, 711, 712, 714, 719] al-Nasa’ c, [§217, 257, 315, 457, 595, 596, 614, 615, 618, 666, 712, 719] al-Nasafc, 12, 226, 231 al-Qayrawanc, 226 al-Qazwcnc, 14, 38, 65, 178, 233, 249, 262, 265 al-Qanc, [§585] al-Quubc (Ibn Qutayba), [§229]

Index of Medieval Muslim Authors al-Rabghezc, 266, 269, 273 al-Rafi‘c, [§463, 475, 581] al-Razc, Fakhr al-Dcn, 24, 34, 76, 93, 108 al-nabenc, [§60] Sa‘cd b. Manter, [§107, 116, 356, 398, 400, 476, 567, 569, 573, 574, 578, 588, 619, 738] Sammawayh, [§383] al-Shafi‘c, [§272, 566] al-Shirazc, [§386, 462, 725] al-Silafc, [§166b] al-Suhrawardc, Shihab al-Din, 8, 49, 99–100, 102 al-oabaranc, [§10, 11, 29, 34, 40, 44b, 56, 58, 71, 82, 90, 99, 106, 119, 169, 170, 172, 173, 178, 268, 283, 287, 291, 295–297, 335, 336, 340, 353, 354, 362, 364, 383, 403, 410, 432, 440, 445–447, 449, 450, 455, 457, 474, 478, 482, 483, 493, 507, 512, 519, 528, 531, 533, 544, 558, 585, 589, 592, 594, 624, 628, 634, 637, 642, 643, 646–648, 651, 656, 659,

329

660, 662, 665, 670, 688, 699, 700, 710, 723, 724, 734, 742] al-oabarc, Ibn Jarcr, 34, 43, 57–8, 72, 111, 228, 243, 258, 273, 275–6, 278, 281, 283 [§26, 36, 37, 50, 77, 108, 110, 125, 127–129, 143, 174, 188, 208, 210, 212, 213, 216, 218, 232, 235, 245, 246, 251, 258, 261, 269, 317, 321, 324, 331, 391–396, 398–400, 404, 422, 426, 427, 435, 520, 523, 524, 529, 534, 535, 537, 630, 667, 678, 679, 743] al-oahawc, 226 al-oayalitc, [§176, 375, 622, 626] al-Tha‘labc, 72, 243, 252, 259, 263–7, 269–72, 279–80 al-Tirmidhc, [§8, 63, 80, 86, 257, 349, 473, 508, 583, 586, 603, 614, 618, 666, 702, 703, 707, 709, 718] ‘Uthman b. Sa‘cd, [§170, 180, 181, 184, 193, 442] al-Waridc, [§237, 540] al-Wasiuc, [§240, 735]

Index of Names and Subjects

Abraham, 125; and the Angel of Death 101, 135–6; death of, 78; and the fire of Nimrod 185, 194 abstract concepts, 40, 42; angels and, 32, 39–41, 46, 50; personification, 33, 39–40 Abe Bakr (not as part of the isnAd ) 47, 125–6, 127, 128, 132, 205 ‘fd, people of, 75, 106, 193–4 Adam, angelic prostration to, 3, 10, 93, 97, 137; angels pray for, 219; as a prophet, 104; burial of, 37; creation of, 72, 94, 100, 115, 132–3, 154, 216; and the Ka “ba 85, 203–4, 207, 210, 214, 216; superiority over angels, 93 ajal, 72, 133–5, 140, 141; announced in Sha‘ ban 78, 139; announced on the Night of Power 78, 139; attempts at prolonging its length, 78, 79; cannot be changed 77, 78; set at birth, 77, 194–5 alcohol (khamr), see wine AllAh (pre-Islamic god), 75; see also God AllAt; see BanAt AllAh “amal (deeds), 39, 72–3, 80, 82, 92, 114, 119, 125, 142, 160–66, 169, 171, 181, 191, 195 amen, saying of, 196, 198; at the ritual prayers, 83, 211; at the Yemini corner, 41, 197 AnAhCd, see al-Zuhara Angel of Death, 6, 50, 73, 132–45, 186, 187, 191, 194; and Adam, 72–3, 132–3; and Murammad 79, 96–7, 143–4; archangel 73, 91, 111, 118–20, 126, 129; attacked by Moses 78, 139; death of, 101–2, 126–7, 141; function, 39, 77–8, 118–20, 140–1, 187; helpers of, 136–8; in Judaism 78; informed of the ajal 77–8, 138–9, 142; interaction

with prophets 78–9, 96, 135–6, 139–40, 143; name (“AzrA ”Cl/“IzrA ”il ) 13, 36–7, 180; personification of ‘death’, 40, 272; physical description, 4, 63, 66, 101, 135–6, 145, 148; visits every house 73, 133–4 Angel of Courage, 40, 198–9 Angel of Evil, 40, 198 Angel of Faith, 40, 198 Angel of Good, 40, 198 Angel of Health, 40, 198 Angel of Ignorance, 40, 198 Angel of Life, 40, 198 Angel of Livelihoods, 199 Angel of Loathing, 40, 198–9 Angel of Suffering, 40, 198 Angel of MurE”a, 40, 198 Angel of Nobility, 40, 198 Angel of Wealth, 40, 198 Angel of the Clouds, 36, 41, 185–7; see also REfCl Angel of the Mountains, 41, 190 Angel of the Rain, 41, 184–5 Angel of the Shade, 194 Angel of the Sword, 40, 198–9 Angel of the Veil, see MCUAUrEsh Angel of the Womb, 42, 76, 194–5 angelic form, 4, 11, 32, 52–69, 177–8; anthropomorphic, 11, 33, 56–60, 62, 67, 98, 100–1, 177; divine, 11, 56–60, 101; great size, 56, 57, 60–63; of objects, 33, 41, 44, 50; with wings, 5, 56–60, 61, 63, 92, 105, 177–8; zoomorphic/animal, 44, 56–60, 98, 101 angelic hierarchy, 89–98, 102, 107–8; in RadCth, 91–8, 102; in Islamic philosophy 90, 91, 102; in kalAm 93, 96, 102; in Pseudo-Dionysius 90–1, 98

Index of Names and Subjects angelic ‘props’, 64–6; belt 66, 122; rods/ poles 66, 152; rope 66, 185; spear 63, 66, 141; trumpet 66, 67, 126–31; whip 66, 186, 205 angelolatry, 11–12, 50; Christian, 12; and the Qur’an, 11 angelology; and cross-cultural exchange, 68–9, 179–81; development of Islamic angelology, 38, 44, 49–50, 68, 89, 180–1; and the development of scripture, 5–6, 9, 33, 44, 73, 76, 98, 180; influences on Islamic angelology, 5–6, 8, 15, 48–50, 66–9, 179–81; influences on Jewish and Christian angelology, 32–3, 43; influences of Zoroastrianism on Islamic angelology, 45; of the Pseudepigrapha, 32–3, 41, 52–3, 55, 60, 68, 95, 103, 107; Qur’anic, 5–7, 10–11, 14, 45, 50–1, 56–7, 68, 74, 108, 180–1; relation to folklore/popular beliefs, 52, 104; relation to pre-Islamic religion, 10–12 angels: belief in, 3, 13, 27, 100, 114, 226; creation of, 84, 100, 105, 114–16, 119, 202–3, 205–6, 210, 216; diversity of beliefs, 3–4, 52, 93, 177–8; function of, 31–3, 39, 84–6, 88, 111, 180; great abundance, 22, 115–18; gender of, 12 Angels of Mercy, 74, 138, 191 Angels of Suffering/Torment, 74, 138, 191 anger 75, 82, 153, 164 Ankar, see Tempters of the Grave ankle, 61, 62, 145, 148, 200 annunciation narratives, 56, 105 anthropomorphism, of God, 102 Anti-Christ (al-DajjAl ), 218 “aqCda, see creeds archangels (ru“Es al-malA ”ika), 39, 111, 118–120; members, 73, 91; hierarchy 91–2 Ari ”Bl, 37 Ari ”êl, 37 arm, 62 art: Christian/Byzantine, 54, 56, 64; Jewish, 56; Islamic, 54, 56–7, 64, 66 ArtiyA ”Cl, 35, 37, 38, 192 Asder ”Bl (or Asrad ”Bl ), 37 “ATri ”Bl, 36 “AzrA ”Cl, see Angel of Death Badr, Battle of, 11, 66, 106, 204, 205, 212 BanAt AllAh (The Daughters of God), 11–13 baraka (blessing), 83–5, 123, 143; from angels 71, 82–6, 180–1

331

bayt al-ma “mEr, 85, 117, 128, 131, 200, 203, 216, 217, 264 Bearers of the Throne, 72, 92, 114, 145–9; form, 58–9, 101, 146–9; four faces, 58–9, 146–7; intercession of, 59, 101, 147; IsrAfCl as one of the Bearers, 43, 93, 130, 147, 178–9; like goats, 59, 145; measurements, 61, 145, 200 nomenclature, 43; number of, 145–6, 149; similar to Rayyot, 58–9; talk in Persian, 149; tears of, 148 beauty, 5, 57, 94, 157 bells, see pollutants Bible; see Hebrew Bible (Old Testament), Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, Midrashim, New Testament bida“ (innovations), 18, 21 birth, 71–2, 76, 80, 105, 181, 253 birthday festival, see Mawlid al-nabC bismillah, 210 blessing, see baraka bodily resurrection, see corporeality body parts, 57, 61–2, 65, 67; see also individual entries book(s) (kitAb), 141, 142, 159, 192; divine (kitAb/umm al-kitAb), 77, 118, 153, 154; ‘IlliyEn, 164; in Islamic scholarship, 17, 19, 25, 27–8; individual 42, 44, 85, 119, 134, 163, 164, 167, 191, 197; of the dead, 139, 143, 172; scripture (Qur’anic), 6, 25, 106, 114, 155, 191; scripture (non-Qur’anic) 32, 47, 190; al-SijjCn, 163, 164; TuREf, 154 Cairo, 16–18, 20–1, 26, 28, 89, 178, 182 cemeteries, angel responsible for, 41, 193 cherubim (karrEbiyyEn), 43, 44, 61, 92, 104, 108, 117, 151, 178, 200 chrysolite, see precious stones circumambulation, see Ka “ba Cockerel (al-DCk), 8, 43, 44, 67, 101, 188–9; and the call to prayer, 44, 188–9; description of 44, 60, 63, 65, 148; in Zoroastrianism, 60; name, 44 cockerel (earthly), 44, 148, 152, 188–9, 219 collarbone, 57, 61, 145, 200, 205 college, see madrasa colour(s): black 54, 112–3, 136, 191, 204, 205; blue, 54, 190; green, 4, 58, 64–5, 85, 120–2, 188, 205, 214, 215, 217; red, 65, 112, 153, 155, 158, 184, 204; symbolism of, 4, 64–5, 67; white, 4, 47, 62, 63–5, 67, 122, 128, 136, 153, 185, 204–5; yellow 204, 212

332

Index of Names and Subjects

corporeality: of angels 88, 98–102, 263; of humans in the afterlife, 99 clothing, 64–6, 67; belt, 66, 122; izAr, 85, 212; robe, 55, 56, 64–5, 67, 120; silk, 120; trousers (sarAwCl ), 66, 130; turban, 66, 82, 180, 204, 211–12; vestments, 64–5 Copts/Coptic, 17–18, 33 cosmology, 4, 13, 16, 22, 41, 75, 91, 97, 99, 102, 104, 111 creeds ( “aqCda), 25, 46; al-Ash‘arc, 226; al-Fiqh al-akhbAr II, 74, 226; al-Nasafc, 12, 226, 231; al-Qayrawanc, 226; al-oahawc, 226 crying, caused by an angel, 42, 198 curse, 94, 140, 157, 171; of angels, 71, 80, 170, 216, 217, 219; of God, 123, 156 dahr (fate), 77, 270 daimon, 71 al-Dajjal, see Antichrist Damascus, 17, 210, 267 Daniel (name), 34 dark arts, see magic Daughters of God; see BanAt AllAh Day of Resurrection ( yawm al-qiyAma), 43, 77, 101, 116–118, 125, 127, 131, 132, 146, 149–50, 154, 159, 169, 189, 206, 215, 220 See also, the Hour days of the week: Wednesday, 216; Thursday, 161, 162, 210, 216; Friday, 82, 85, 158, 196, 210, 211, 216, 219 death, 3; as an abstract concept, 33, 40, 78; of angels, 126–7, 141; of animals, 141; at sea, 140–1; attempts to escape, 78, 141, 143; fear of, 79; imminence of, 77–8, 133–4; linked to birth, 72, 132–3; prefigured punishment and reward, 46, 135–6, 138, 142, 190–2; process of, 77; in the Qur’an, 6, 73, 77–8 deeds, see “amal devils (shayAUCn), 14, 74, 151, 167, 173, 206, 210, 217 devotional actions, 168; angels association with, 41–2, 71, 73, 80–6, 195–8; Qur’anic recitation, 82–5, 95, 197; supererogatory actions, 83–5; taTbCR, 85, 147, 149–50, 186, 189, 217 dhikr (remembrance of God), 71, 84, 180, 202 Dhe ’l-Qarnayn, 45; as a prophet, 36, 46–7, 187–8; as an angel, 46–7, 188

Dhe ’l-Nerayn, 45, 47, 188 Dirya al-Kalbc, 57, 121 al-DCk, see Cockerel dualism, 70, 77, 99, 226 DEma, 47, 190 earlobe, 61, 145, 200, 201, 205 ears, 57, 76, 136 earth: Adam created out of, 72, 133; separated from heaven, 4, 42, 71, 105 emanation, 90–1, 97, 99–100, 102 embryo, 76; angel responsible for, 42, 71, 76, 194 embryogenesis, 76–7, 80, 195, 253 Enoch/IdrCs (prophet), 55, 61, 78, 93, 94, 140, 157 eschatology/-ical, 14, 84, 86–7; and angels, 3, 5, 12–14, 71, 181–3; Islamic, 3, 7, 12–13, 87, 182–3; Judeo-Christian, 13, 55, 86; personal, 8, 13, 71, 86, 181–3 excrement, see pollutants exegesis, 6, 33, 52; Jewish, 33, 44, 68; Qur’anic, 6, 12–14, 16, 27, 34, 43, 44, 50, 58, 68–9, 74, 93 exegetes, see mufassirEn eyes(s), 56, 57, 61–2, 63, 76, 78, 101, 116, 117, 121, 123, 124, 126, 129–30, 135, 136, 139, 145, 147–50, 152, 167, 171, 190–1, 201 face(s), 56–9, 65, 98, 101, 115, 120, 126, 127, 134, 136, 146–9, 149–50, 153, 166, 178–9, 187, 194, 204–5, 208 fanA” (self-annihilation), 71 fattAn al-qabr, see Tempters of the Grave fear, 94–5, 123, 129, 132, 148, 157–8, 159; of death, 79; of God/godfearing, 53, 74, 106, 116, 117, 124, 148, 149, 167; of the Hour, 92, 119, 130, of Satan, 204 festivals: Christian, 17–18; Muslim, 18 finger, 136 fire, 56, 100, 102, 115, 119, 121, 136, 179, 194, 201; and Abraham, 185, 194; angels responsible for, 39; see also Hell fish/fishing, 141, 173–4, 283 fish under the earth, angel responsible for, 42, 193 flood, see Noah foetus, angel responsible for, 71, 195 folklore, 8, 26, 52; Jewish, 36, 68; Muslim, 7–8, 36, 68, 179 foot, 61–2, 115–16, 118, 129, 148, 166, 200, 205

Index of Names and Subjects forehead, 57, 62, 92, 115, 119, 122, 130, 132, 171, 208, 217 fornication, 45, 81, 94, 95, 155–8 free will, 89 Friday, see days of the week funerary rites, angel responsible for, 42, 199 funerals of unbelievers, see pollutants Gabriel, 35, 38, 39, 49, 51, 79, 111, 116, 120–7, 133, 143, 144, 153, 187, 190, 195, 196, 203–5, 215, 219–221; and revelation, 13, 43, 106, 125, 153, 276; as mediator, 75, 92; death of, 126–7; description of, 57–8, 61, 63, 64–6, 100–1, 120–3, 178, 217; in JudeoChristian tradition, 9, 11, 32, 35, 48, 68, 180; in the Qur’an, 3, 13, 34, 38; meaning of name, 34, 39, 49, 120, 127, 129; responsibilities, 91, 106, 118–20, 123–4, 128, 131–2, 180; superiority over Michael, 91–2, 119, 129, 180 Garden, see heaven garlic, see pollutants God: anger of, 75; communication with, 70–1, 97, 102, 105; hiddenness, 88, 103, 108; immanence (tashbih), 102; messenger(s) of, 3–4, 53–4, 56–8, 70, 75, 104–6, 114; transcendence (tanzih), 4, 55, 71, 74–6, 80, 102–3, 107–8 grave angels, see Munkar and NakCr Greek and Roman religion, 59, 71 grief, 136; angel which removes, 37, 192 Guardians of Heaven, see heaven Guardians of Hell, see Hell al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik: aims 26–8; audience 19, 21, 26–8; contents and themes 24, 71, 181–3; postscript (khAtima), 24–5, 93, 182; manuscripts 112–3; sources, 23–5 RafiVAn, see Scribes hail, see meteorological phenomena hair(s), 56, 57, 101, 112, 117, 122, 125, 135, 136, 139, 152, 153, 191, 214 Rajj, see pilgrimage HarAhCl, 35, 37, 192 HArEt and MArEt, 48, 154–9; and human nature, 93–5, 97; and morals, 81–2; names, 45–6; in the Qur’an, 6–7, 50; in RadCth, 8, 50; stories rejected by salafCs, 13–14 lasan, 42, 199–200; angel that brought the good news of lasan and lusayn 42, 199–200

333

head(s), 4, 36, 56, 57, 61–2, 63, 92, 96, 101, 117, 120, 122, 129–30, 132, 135, 136, 141, 143, 146–50, 152, 153, 156, 160, 161, 188–9, 193, 194, 195, 201, 206, 208, 210 heart(s), 37, 57, 124, 152, 169, 192, 201, 213 heaven(s); angels responsible for, 38, 46, 73–4, 125; ascent to, 7, 55, 65, 87, 121; crammed full of angels, 84, 115–18, 169; fifth, 47, 65, 185; fourth, 43, 47, 65, 150, 185; gates of, 153–4, 202, 215; guardian(s)/keeper(s) of, 46, 73–4, 114, 153–4; hierarchy in, 65, 92–3; highest, 63, 118, 140; lowest/ first, 47, 59, 156, 188; second, 47, 65, 185, 187; seven, 38, 92, 116–7, 131, 188, 201, 207, 213, 216, seventh, 41, 130, 146–9, 201, 203; sixth, 47, 65, 185; temple in, 65, 84; third, 47, 65, 185, 205; worship in, 36, 84–5, 115–18, 120, 128, 131, 187, 207; veil around the seventh, 41; see also RiQwAn Hebrew Bible, 34, 40, 53–4, 70; angelology of, 12, 32–3, 43, 53, 56, 180; punishment stories, 105 Hell, 55, 72, 87, 182; angels of, 66, 73–4, 151–4; gate(s) of, 82, 215; inhabitants of, 7, 65, 74; Guardians/Keepers of Hell, 46, 61, 73–4, 114, 151–4; punishments and tortures, 66, 74, 86, 151–4, 182; see also MAlik Hour, the, 42, 84, 115, 131, 191; coming of, 119, 196, 200, 203; fear of, 92, 119, 130 RufaVa, see Scribes human nature, see theological anthropology lunayn, battle of, 204–5, 212 lusayn, 42, 199–200; angel the brought the good news of lasan and lusayn 42, 199–200; death at Karbala’ predicted, 184–5 iconography, 52–3; of angels, 5, 53–6, 60, 64–9; of temples, 59 “Hd al-FiUr, see Ramaqan idols, see pollutants IdrCs, see Enoch illness, 142, 162, 164–5, 168; of Murammad, 96, 143, 187 imam, see ritual prayers Inhabited House, see bayt al-ma“mEr innovations, see bida“

334

Index of Names and Subjects

intercession, 95–7, 198; of the angels, 59, 71, 95–7, 101, 146–7; of the BanAt AllAh, 11 intermediaries: angelic, 4–5, 41, 86–7, 120, 181, 183; human, 70 IrtiyA ”il, see ArtiyA ”il IsfahbAds, 12 IsmA “Cl, 35, 38, 187 isrA” (night journey) 7, 121, 153; see also mi“rAj IsrAfCl, 128–32; and angelic hierarchy, 91–3, 119, 126, 129–31, 204; as a Bearer of the Throne, 43, 147, 178; clothed, 66, 130; death of, 101, 126; descriptons of, 57, 59, 63, 101, 122, 130; function, 118–20; meaning of name, 34–5, 38, 120, 129, 180; and the mi “rAj, 38; and the Preserved Tablet, 66, 119, 126, 128, 130–2; and Seraphiel, 49, 51; and the Trumpet, 66, 128–9, 131 IsrA “CliyyAt, 14, 47, 50, 68, 181 izAr, see clothing “IzrA ”Cl, see Angel of Death Jesus, 12, 47, 60, 97, 104, 105, 153 JibrCl, see Gabriel jihAd, 82 jimAr (stoning pillars at Mcna), angel responsible for, 41, 85, 197 jinn, 93, 131, 152, 218; angel responsible for, 141; creation of, 100, 114–5, 216; number of, 92, 117, 151; protection from, 171–2; works about, 22; worship, 10 Joseph (YusEf ), 56–7 Ka “ba, 82–4, 122, 124, 153, 202, 215; angel responsible for the Yemeni column (and the jimAr), 41, 83–4, 85, 197; angels association with, 82, 85, 204, 220; circumambulation (UawwAf ), 82, 85, 180, 200, 215–6, 220; and the Inhabited House (bayt al-ma “mEr), 117, 216 kalAm, 3, 24, 89, 102–3, 177; angelic hierarchy, 91, 93, 96; al-Suyeuc, 25–7 KalkA ”Cl, 38 karrEbiyyEn, see Cherubim Keepers of the Fire, see Hell Keepers of the Garden, see heaven khalEq, see pollutants khamr, see alcohol al-Kawthar, see river kill, see murder kufr (unbelief ), 3, 13, 182 kursC, see seat

Laili ”Bl, 37 laughing, 268; Angel of Death, 77, 134; Gabriel, 123, 126; Michael, 127; IsrAfCl, 131 al-lawR al-maRfEV, see Preserved Tablet leaf/leaves, 41, 120; angels responsible for, 41, 192 leek, see pollutants left and right, 73; angels on the, 73, 82, 160–5, 171, 173, 217; Gabriel and Michael, 91–2, 129, 204; in the Qur’an, 6, 73, 159; religious distinctions, 73; spitting on, 165–6 leopard skins, see pollutants lifespan, see ajal light(s), 105, 142, 153, 154, 159, 218; angel made out of half of light and half of snow, 201; angels created out of, 100, 102, 114–16, 210; around God, 47, 65, 103, 119, 121, 126, 146, 148–9, 185; as divine imagery, 56; cockerel’s crest made of, 59, 188; form of the Angel of Death, 121; God as a, 99–100; whip of, 66, 186 lightning, see meteorological phenomena lip(s), 62, 147, 150, 171 madrasa/college, 17, 182 magic/dark arts, 32; fallen angels responsible for, 52–3, 81; and Islamic angelology, 8, 48; incantation texts, 32, 38, 48, 68 MAlik (Keeper of Hell), 46, 66, 73–4, 151–4, 215; meaning of name, 45, 74; in the Qur’an, 46, 74, 151 Mamluk Sultanate, 16–7, 28, 182; education, 17, 19, 25, 27–8, 89; religious tensions, 17–18 ManAt, see BanAt AllAh martyr(s), 140–1, 214–15 MArEt; see HArEt and MArEt Mary (Maryam), 56–7, 105 masjid, see mosque mawlid al-nabC, 18 Medina, 40, 198, 218 messenger(s), 53–4, 105, 125; angelic, 3–4, 53–4, 56–8, 104–5, 114, 221; of the Angel of Death, 137, 141–2; human, 53–4, 70; prophets, 6, 70, 75, 106, 118–20, 127, 131–2, 153 Metatron, see MCtAtrEsh meteorological phenomena, 41–2; clouds, 36, 41, 66, 114, 159, 185–7, 212; hail, 39; lightning, 36, 41, 56, 138, 141, 152, 186–7, 191; rain, 22, 39, 41, 106, 116,

Index of Names and Subjects 118–20, 121, 184–5, 203; snow, 63, 122, 194, 201; thunder, 36, 41, 59, 66, 186–7, 190–1; wind, 40, 43–4, 106, 118–9, 124, 143, 193–4, 198 Michael, 124–5, 127–8, 133, 144, 147, 220; at the Battle of Badr, 204; death of, 101, 126–7; in a hierarchy, 91–2, 123, 126, 129; in Judeo-Christian tradition, 32, 35, 68, 92, 106, 180; meaning of name, 34–5, 39, 120, 128–9; in the Qur’an, 3, 38; responsibilities, 39, 118–20, 131–2 midrashim, 32, 55, 68, 107 Mecca, 40, 82, 192, 198, 203 MCkA ”il see Michael MikhA ”Bl, see Michael MCkhA ”Cl, see Michael mi“rAj, 7, 12–14, 38, 49, 71, 86–7; and Islamic angelology 3, 7–8, 43–4, 50, 58, 74, 183, 187; angel names in 38, 240; Jewish and Christian antecedents, 55 MCUAUrEsh (Metatron), 47–8, 51, 92, 103, 108, 178, 185 months, see Ramaqan, and Sha‘ban monotheism, 10, 40, 70–1, 75, 78; in Arabian religion, 10; in Islam, 11, 99, 102; in Judaism and Christianity, 78 Moses (MEsA), 78, 97, 116, 139, 153, 212 mosque, 81, 166, 201, 208–9, 211, 219–20 mouth, 43, 57, 75, 124, 129, 131, 149, 152, 159, 170–1, 173, 208 al-mudabbarat, 119, 265 muezzin, see ritual prayers mufassirEn, 31 Murammad: birth of, 105; blessing, 42, 82, 171, 196–7; death of, 79, 96–7, 143–4; and revelation, 3, 13, 93, 104; tomb of, 41, 85, 200 Munkar and NakCr; see Tempters of the Grave al-muqassimat, 119, 265 murder/kill, 45, 81, 94–5, 155–7, 172, 182, 184–5, 204, 214 MEsA, see Moses nabC, see prophet nafs, see soul NakCr, see Tempters of the Grave NAkEr, see Tempters of the Grave name(s): of angels rejected by salafCs, 13–14; comparative analysis, 35–7, 46–8; of the dead, 138–40; derived from Zoroastrianism, 45–6; divinities, 11–12; and folk etymologies, 34–5,

335

121, 127, 129; function names, 39–45; miscellaneous names, 45–8; names generated by exegesis, 6, 31–3, 43–7, 74, 154, 161; process of naming, 7, 31–5, 48–51, 66, 179–80; theophoric names, 34–9 neck 57, 59, 62, 122, 125, 130–1, 147–8, 152, 188–9, 191, 201, 202, 204 New Testament, 53; Apocrypha/ Pseudepigrapha, 32, 64 nomenclature, see name(s) Night Journey, see isrA ” Noah (NER), 104, 125; and the flood, 106, 194 Noble Tomb, angel responsible for, see Murammad: tomb of Noble Watching Scribes (al-RafiVAn al-kAtibAn); see Scribes nose, 57, 61, 145, 170, 204–5 nudity, see pollutants NER, see Noah Old Testament, see Hebrew Bible Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 10, 32–3, 41, 52, 55, 60, 64–5, 68, 95, 103, 107 onions, see pollutants onomastics, see names ontology, 90–1; angelic, 89, 98–100, 107, 183 Parisian Condemnations, 98, 100 pearl, see precious stones pen (al-qalam), 131, 162 Persian, 156; language, 45, 149, 197; literature, 47, 49; names of angels, 49 philosophy, 3, 88–90; of art, 53; Islamic, 8, 14, 20, 89–91, 98–100, 102, 179; Jewish and Christian, 90, 98; of language, 34–5; Neo-Platonic, 90–1 pilgrimage (Rajj ), 64, 82, 203, 207, 216 plants, angel(s) responsible for, 41, 118–19, 200 pollutants and quasi-pollutants, 80–2; angels and contact, 80–2, 208–9; bells, 208; excrement, 81, 167; funerals of unbelievers, 209; garlic, 209; idols, 81, 208–9; khalEq, 209; leek, 209; leopard skins, 209; nudity, 80–1, 168, 170, 180, 214; onion, 81, 209; sexual intercourse, 81, 123, 167, 209; tambourine, 81, 209; toilet, 167, urine, 81, 209 popular preachers, see wA ”iV, and qAri “ al-kursC popular religion, 3, 8, 18–21, 26–7; and angelic beliefs, 8–9, 32, 36, 49–50, 68–9

336

Index of Names and Subjects

prayer(s): of angels, 95, 196, 201, 206–8, 210; of humans, 42, 70, 82–6, 124, 165, 171, 196, 198, 210, 212–13, 220 see also ritual prayers precious stones and metals, 58, 65–7, 122; chrysolite, 65, 121–2, 188–9; copper, 47, 65, 185, 190, 221; emeralds, 59, 188; gold, 47, 59, 65, 185, 188, 210; pearl, 65–6, 120–2, 128, 148, 188–9; ruby, 47, 65, 85, 120–1, 185, 202; sapphires, 59, 188–9; silver, 47, 59, 65, 185, 188, 205, 210, 214 predestination (qadar), 42, 76–7, 80, 89, 132 pre-Islamic and Semitic religion, 9–10, 12, 34, 39–41, 59, 67, 77 Preserved Tablet (al-lawR al-maRfEV), 63, 66, 79, 92, 119, 126, 128, 130–2, 137; alwAR (tablets), 130 priest, 55, 64–5, 70, 107 prophet (nabC), see messenger (prophet) prophetology, 102–3 prostration, 208, 215; of angels in prayer; 36, 115–8, 203, 206–7; before idols, 156; of Gabriel, 126, 217; see also Adam Pseudepigrapha, see Old Testament Pseudepigrapha purity, see ritual purity qadar, see predestination Qa “Cd, 6, 45, 161 qAri “ al-kursC, 20 qaTT (pl. quTTAT), 18 qibla, 11; spitting, 81, 166, 208 QiTaT al-anbiyA ”, 10, 26; and the Angel of Death, 71–2, 78; expansion of beliefs about angels, 7, 45; and HArEt and MArEt, 93; and popular religion, 26–7 Qur’an: angels in, 3, 5–7, 10–11, 14, 45, 50–1, 56–7, 68, 74, 108, 180–1; angel responsible for, 42, 197; and authority, 5–6, 50, 97; memorization of, 83, 167, 218; recitation of, 82–3, 85, 95, 159, 197, 199, 211, 217–8 rain, see meteorological phenomena Ramaqan, 82, 85, 139, 147, 215, 220–1 Rami ”Bl, 35 RamyA ”Cl, 35, 73, 190 Rapha ”Bl, 35–6, 51 rasEl see messenger religious endowment, see waqf religious scholars, see “ulamA ” remembrance of God, see dhikr

resurrection, 3, 99, 102; see also Day of Resurrection revelation, 3–4, 75, 86, 104–5; angels and revelation, 5, 49, 97, 99, 105; and Gabriel, 125, 130; God made known, 88, 103, 107, 181; and IsrAfCl, 130–1; and prophets, 105; and the Qur’an, 104; and the Spirit, 150 RiQwAn, 45, 50, 73–4, 151, 153, 180, 215; in the Qur’an, 74, 180; name, 46, 74 right, see left and right righteousness/good actions, 165, 169; of angels, 95, 114; encouraged by angels, 71, 73, 82, 84–6, 123, 213; from God, 132; and “IlliyyEn, 164; and imagery/ symbols, 53–5; promoted in the mi“rAj, 55; recorded more often by angels, 85, 160, 163, 170–1 ritual, 80–6; angelic validation of, 82, 84–6; as communication, 70–1; watched by angels, 41–2 ritual prayers (TalAt), 81, 83, 198, 207; angel responsible for, 199; angels present at, 83, 213, 219; angels perform, 128; clean teeth before, 170; and the Cockerel (al-DCk), 189; dying during, 135; imam, 120, 128, 211; IsrAfCl cuts off the prayers, 131; muezzin, 128, 131; should not spit, 81, 165–6; should not fiddle with stones, 81, 166 ritual purity/impurity, 4, 64, 80–1, 123, 167; see also, pollutants river(s): angel associated with, 42, 256; in heaven, 74, 116, 153, 203; al-Kawthar, 116; of tears, 148 RiyAfCl, 35–6, 187–8 rizq (sustenance/livelihood), 22, 72, 76–8, 134, 163, 191, 194–5, 199 rock under the earth, 42, 146, 148, 193 Roman religion, see Greek and Roman religion ruby, see precious stones REfCl, 35–6, 49, 51, 187 rER, see soul al-RER, see Spirit REmAn, see Tempters of the Grave ru“Es al-malA ”ika, see archangels NA “adiyA ”Cl, 38 Nadluqan, 45, 48, 181, 187 saints, 5, 15, 195 SakCna (Shekina), 43–4, 159

Index of Names and Subjects al-Sakhawc, 19, 21, 26, 28 TalAt, see ritual prayers NalTA ”Cl, 38 salvation history, 70, 75–6, 89, 98, 102–7, 181; annunciation narratives, 105; punishment narratives, 75–6, 105–6; sira and maghazC, 104, 106–7 Sama“Bl, 35 SamakhA ”Cl, 38 Saraphi ”Bl/Seraphiel, 35, 51, 180, 240 scales, (al-mawAzin), 127 Scribes, 159–74; during the ritual prayers, 165–6; encourage good behaviour, 73, 82, 161–4, 167–8, 171; function, 39, 72–3; and illness, 162, 164; number, 160–1; as protectors of the ajal, 79, 171–3; and pollutants/quasi-pollutants, 81, 167–8, 170; position by a person, 160–1, 165–6; Qa “Cd, 161; in the Qur’an and tafsCr, 6, 50, 72–3, 159; record deeds, 73, 160–4, 168–9, 171; name, 44; sit on a persons’ teeth/in the mouth, 161–2, 170 sea, 59, 120, 137, 186, 272; angel responsible for 39, 41, 200; and Nadluqan, 48, 187; cosmology 193; death at, 140–1; of light, 264 seat (kursC), 59, 148, 188 self-annihilation, see fanA” Semitic Religion, see pre-Islamic and Semitic religion seraphim, 66, 269, 274 sexual intercourse, 81–2, 167; see also pollutants Sha‘ ban, 78, 139, 271 Shamhazai and Azael, 45 SharahCl, 35, 37–8, 192 ShayUAn, see IblCs ShayAUCn, see devils Shekina, see SakCna Shimsi ”Bl (*ShamsA “Cl/*ShamsCl ), 37 Shi “Er Qomah, 60–3, 67 shoulder, 57, 61–2, 63, 100, 121, 122, 145–6, 148, 152, 200, 201, 202 shrine visitation, see ziyAra al-Sijill, 44, 50, 154 siwAk, see toothpick size of angels: between heaven and earth, 59–60, 63, 120, 130, 145–9, 152, 188–9; East to West, 57–60, 63, 92, 120, 122, 130, 137, 148, 150, 188–9; fills horizon, 58, 60, 63, 121–2, 218; great 5, 56–8, 60–3, 67; like a bird/sparrow, 59, 122, 153; like a fly,

337

115; like the Ka “ba, 202; like mountains, 83, 122, 126, 152, 207; measurements, 61–2, 117; small, 59–60, 115, 117–8, 122, 153 skull, 122 smell/odour, 136, 165, 170, 221 sneezing, 82, 212 snow, angel made of snow and ice, 201; see also meteorological phenomena Sodom, 106 Solomon, 189, 214; and the Angel of Death, 78, 96, 138, 143; and HArEt and MArEt, 6–7, 93, 157 soul (nafs/rER), 39, 65, 72, 77–8, 80; after death, 74; of angels, 205; of believers, 73, 138, 141–2, 190; enter the Trumpet, 129; of fleas, 141; Gabriel’s, 121, 127; IsrAfCl’s, 126; Michael’s, 126–7; nature of, 89; of those who die at sea, 140; of unbelievers, 47, 73, 136, 138, 190; summoned by the Angel of Death, 138 sperm (nuUfa), 71, 194 Spirit (al-RER), 36, 63, 99, 149–51, 200; description of, 101, 149–50; and Gabriel, 43, 57; RufaVa of the angels, 151; in Judeo-Christian tradition, 44; name, 43; number, 92, 117, 151; physical form, 101, 150–1; responsible for waRy, 150; single angel, 43–4, 149–50; species of angel, 43–4, 101, 150–1, 201 stars, 11–12, 83, 94, 129, 156–7, 202, 218, 242; see also al-Zuhara Stories of the Prophets, see QiTaT al-anbiyA ” storytellers, see qATT Sufi(sm), 8–10, 21, 49, 70–1, 82, 95, 183 sun, 99; angel(s) of, 37, 41, 44, 194 sunshine, 56 sustenance, see rizq al-Suyeuc: life, 17–21; as a RadCth compiler, 14, 19, 111, 178, 182–3; as a mufti, 20; as a reformer, 18, 21; methodology and sources, 21–5, 111–12, 182–3; and philosophy, 95–6, 100, 102; religious and social context, 17–19, 182 al-Suyeuc: works, 16–28; al-Durr al-manthEr fC ’l-tafsCr bi ’l-ma”thEr, 27, 34, 178; al-Hay ”a al-saniyya fC ’l-hay ”a al-sunniyya, 22–4, 35, 90; K. al-ItqAn fC “ulEm al-Qur ”An, 24, 46; al-Qawl al-jAliyy fC faQA ”il “AlC, 19; TaRdhir al-khawATT min akAdhib al-quTTAT, 20; See also al-LabA ”ik fC akhbAr al-malA ”ik

338

Index of Names and Subjects

Tablet, see Preserved Tablet tafsCr; see exegesis, Qur’anic takhlCl, 170 taklif, see theological anthropology talqCn, 130 tambourine (Qaff ), see pollutants tanzih, see God UaTbCR, see devotional actions and God UaTliya, 82, angel responsible for informing the Prophet of who has says, 42, 83–4, 196–7; angel responsible for the person who says (/Angel of the Blessing of the Prophet), 42, 195–6 tawhid, see monotheism UawwAf, see Ka‘ba tears of angels, 148 temple; 59, 65, 70–1, 84 Tempters of the Grave (Munkar and NakCr), 50, 190–2; Ankar, 46, 192; description of, 54, 190–1; function, 46, 73–4; questions asked by, 190–1 meaning of names, 43, 45–6; NakEr, 46, 192; REmAn, 46, 192 Thamed, people of, 75, 106 theology, 88–108; and angels, 4–5, 32, 52–3; Jewish/Christian, 90–91, 102; see also kalam theological anthropology, 7, 88–9, 94–7, 104 Throne [of God], 13, 58–9, 61, 85, 117, 145–9, 193, 213; and Adam, 203–4; and the Angel of Death, 138; angels surround, 92, 103–4, 108, 116, 178, 201; and the cockerel, 59, 188–9; and IsrAfCl, 66, 122, 128–30; made of rubies, 202; in the Qur’an, 43; and the Tablet, 132; veiled, 92, 103, 108, 178 throne visions; 54–5, 107 thunder, 191; angel responsible for, 41, 59, 66, 186–7; noise of an angel, 36, 59, 186–7 Thursday, see days of the week tooth/teeth, 57, 122, 127, 170 toothbrush (khilAl ), 170 toothpick (siwAk), 127, 208 transcendence, see God trial of the grave, see Tempters of the Grave trumpet, 67; Angel of the Trumpet (not IsrAfCl ), 130–1; and IsrAfCl, 66, 128–9; in the Qur’an, 126–7; two possessors of the, 129 turban, see clothing

“ulamA”, 20, 26–7, 31, 70, 182 ‘Umar, (not as part of the isnAd ), 48, 126–8, 132, 159, 205 Umm al-KitAb, 44, 118, 154, 162 unbelief, see kufr al-‘Uqaylc, [§156, 448, 518] Uriel, 37 urine, see pollutants al-“Uzza; see BanAt AllAh veil(s), 151, 188; angel of, 41, 47, 103, 149, 178, 185; God hidden behind, 103, 108, 129–30; of light, 121; of private parts, 80, 167 Venus, see al-Zuhara wA ”iV (pl. wa““AV), 18–20, 26 waqf (pl. awqAf ), 17, 182 war/battle, 40, 138; angels involvement in, 11, 40, 44, 104, 106–7, 204–5, 212; Gabriel responsible for, 106, 118–20 wind(s), see meteorological phenomena wine, 94–5, 128, 140, 145, 155–7 wings of angels, 42, 56–7, 105, 177; adorned with jewels, 58, 121–2, 286; covering [head/face], 132, 146; covering [genitals], 58, 66, 130–1; cut off, 158; feathered, 57–8; green, 58, 122; number, 5, 57–8, 122, 150, 178, 215, 221 wisdom, 212; as an abstract concept, 33, 41; personification, 39 womb, see Angel of the Womb worship, 186, 190; angels as a template, 36, 84–5, 104, 115–7, 145–6, 148, 163, 187, 189, 203, 206–7, 216; angels present at, 83–6, 165–6; form of communication, 70–1 Yemeni corner, see Ka “ba al-ZabAniyya, 74, 152 al-Zamakhsharc, 34, 89, 93, 96 ziyAra (tomb visitation), 18 zoomorphic forms, 57, 59, 98; bull, 58–9, 146–8, 187, 190; cockerel, 44, 59–60, 101, 148, 152, 188–9; eagle, 58–9, 146–8, 187; goats, 58–9, 145, 149, 178–9; horns, 59, 61, 145–6, 148–9, 190, 201; lion, 58–9, 146–8, 187; sparrow, 59, 122; tail, 59, 187 Zoroastrianism, 5, 12, 32–3, 39, 49, 60, 65, 67, 181; and astrology, 99; and dualism, 99; and HArEt and MArEt, 45, 48, 158 al-Zuhara/AnAhCd, 45, 81, 156–8, 279