American Rabbi: The Life and Thought of Jacob B. Agus 9780814763568

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American Rabbi

AMERICAN RABBI THE LIF E AN D T H O U G H T OF JACOB B . AGU S

Edited b y Steve n T . Kat z

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York and London

N E W Y O R K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 7 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a American rabb i : the lif e an d though t o f Jacob B . Agus / edite d b y Steven T . Katz . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l references . ISBN 0-8147-4693- 4 1. Agus , Jacob B . (Jaco b Bernard) , 1911-1986 . 2 . Rabbis—Unite d States—Biography. 3 . Jewis h scholars—Unite d States—Biography . 4. Judaism—Unite d States . I . Katz , Steve n T. , 1944 BM755.A53A44 199 6 296.8'342'o92—dc20 [B] 96-4495 3 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s books ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

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CONTENTS

Preface vi

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Contributors i x i Jaco b B . Agus: An Introductor y Overvie w Steven T. Katz i 2 Jaco b B . Agus: A Persona l Portrai t Norton D. Shargel 3 7 3 Jaco b B . Agus a s a Student o f Modern Jewish Philosoph y David Novak 6j 4 Jaco b B . Agus a s a Student o f Medieval Jewish Philosophy an d Mysticis m David R. Blumenthal 8 5 5 Jaco b B . Agus an d Jewish-Christian Dialogue : A Vie w fro m th e Christia n Sid e Eugene J. Fisher 10 9 6 Jaco b Agus ' Ideolog y o f American Judaism : American Jews o r Jewish Americans ? Milton R. Konvitz 13 0 v

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Contents 7 Th e Concep t o f God i n th e Theolog y o f Jacob B . Agus William E. Kaufman 14 9 8 Jaco b B . Agus o n th e Meanin g o f Jewish History an d Experienc e Neil Gillman 16 5 9 Jaco b B . Agus an d th e Conservativ e Movemen t Mordecai Waxman 18 2 10 Jewis h La w a s Standard s Elliot N. Dorff 19 5 11 Jaco b B . Agus a s Pulpit Rabb i Mark Loeb 22 4 Bibliography o f the Works o f Jacob B . Agus 23 7

PREFACE Steven T. Katz

The presen t collectio n o f origina l essay s o n th e lif e an d though t o f Rabbi Jaco b B . Agu s wa s commissione d b y th e Rabb i Jaco b B . Agu s Foundation o f Baltimore , Maryland . Alon g wit h thi s collection , a sec ond volume , a n antholog y o f selection s fro m th e voluminou s writing s of Rabbi Agus , ha s bee n create d unde r th e titl e The Essential Agus: The Writings of Jacob B. Agus, als o edite d b y Steve n T . Katz an d publishe d b y New Yor k Universit y Press . Th e tw o publication s ar e closel y intercon nected, wit h th e selection s i n th e antholog y chose n b y th e author s o f the essay s containe d i n thi s volum e t o illuminat e th e particula r subjec t matter wit h whic h the y deal . Reader s wil l benefit fro m consultin g bot h works, thoug h eac h stand s o n it s own . As th e edito r o f both volumes , I would lik e t o than k publicl y al l th e contributors fo r thei r cooperatio n i n thi s venture . I woul d als o lik e t o thank Rober t Agus , th e so n o f Rabbi Jacob Agus , wh o represente d th e Agus Foundatio n i n th e ongoin g conversatio n tha t accompanie d th e various stage s in th e creatio n o f these books . vii

CONTRIBUTORS

DAVID R. BLUMENTHA L i s Jay and Leslie Cohe n Professo r o f Judaic Studies a t Emory University , Atlanta , Georgia . ELLIOT N . D O R F F i s professo r o f philosoph y a t th e Universit y o f Judaism, Lo s Angeles, California . EUGENE J . FISHE R i s director o f th e Secretaria t fo r Ecumenica l an d Interreligious Affair s o f th e Nationa l Conferenc e o f Bishops, Washing ton, D C . NEIL GILLMA N i s Aaron Rabinowit z an d Simo n H . Rifkin d Associ ate Professo r o f Jewish philosoph y a t th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y of America, Ne w Yor k City , Ne w York . STEVEN T KAT Z i s directo r o f th e Cente r fo r Judai c Studie s an d professor o f religion a t Boston University . WILLIAM E . KAUFMA N i s rabb i o f Templ e Bet h El , Fal l River , Massachusetts. MILTON R . KONVIT Z i s professo r emeritu s a t Cornel l University , Ithaca, Ne w York . ix

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Contributors

MARK LOE B i s rabbi o f Congregation Bet h El , Baltimore, Maryland . DAVID NOVA K i s Edga r M . Bronfma n Professo r o f Moder n Judai c Studies a t th e Universit y o f Virginia, Charlottesville , Virgini a an d Vic e President o f the Unio n fo r Traditiona l Judaism. N O R T O N D SHARGE L i s rabb i o f th e Jewish Communit y Center , Harrison, Ne w York . MOFJ3ECAI WAXMA N i s rabb i o f Templ e Israel , Grea t Neck , New York .

American Rabbi

I JACOB B . AGUS : AN I N T R O D U C T O R Y OVERVIE W Steven T. Katz

LIFE

JACOB AGU S (Agushewitz ) wa s bor n int o a distinguishe d rabbinica l family i n th e mont h o f Heshvan 5671—correspondin g t o Novembe r 2 , 1911—in th e shtet l o f Sislevitc h (Swislocz) , situate d i n th e Grodn o Dubornik regio n o f Poland . Descende d throug h bot h parent s fro m distinguished rabbinica l line s (hi s mothe r bein g a membe r o f th e Katz nellenbogen family) , th e youn g Agus , on e o f a famil y o f seve n chil dren—four boy s an d thre e girls—earl y o n showe d sign s o f intellectua l and religiou s precocity . Afte r receivin g tutorin g a t hom e an d i n th e local heder , h e joined hi s olde r brothers , Irvin g an d Haiim , a s a studen t at th e Mizrachi-linke d Tachnemon i yeshiv a i n Bialystock . Her e h e continued hi s intensiv e talmudi c an d classica l studies , winnin g hig h praise a s an illui (a genius) fro m th e facult y o f the yeshiva, and als o bega n to b e expose d t o th e wid e variet y o f Jewish lifestyle s an d intellectua l positions—ranging fro m secularist s an d bundist s t o Hasidim—tha t ex isted amon g Easter n Europea n Jews. Raise d i n a n almos t totall y Jewish environment, h e kne w littl e Polis h an d ha d limite d relation s wit h th e non-Jewish world . In th e mid-1920s , a s economi c an d politica l condition s worsene d i n Poland, many members o f the Jewish communit y o f Sislevitch emigrate d to Palestine . Thi s migrator y wav e als o include d th e Agushewitzes , wh o arrived in Palestine in 1925 . Unfortunately, th e economic condition s an d the religiou s lif e o f th e Yishuv, the emergin g Jewish communit y i n th e 1

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Steven T. Katz land o f Israel , wer e no t favorable , an d th e Agushewit z family , includin g Jacob, no w sixteen , move d agai n i n 1927 . Thi s tim e the y travele d t o America, wher e Jacob s father, R . Yehud a Lei'b , ha d relocate d on e yea r earlier t o fil l th e positio n o f rabbi i n a n East Sid e Ne w Yor k synagogue . R. Yehud a Leib later became a schochet (ritual slaughterer) . The famil y settle d i n Bor o Par k (Brooklyn) , an d Jacob, wh o alread y was abl e t o rea d an d writ e i n Englis h a t a hig h schoo l level , attende d the hig h schoo l connecte d wit h Yeshiv a University . Thi s marke d a turning poin t i n hi s personal life , fo r i n thi s America n yeshiv a no t onl y did student s pursu e a talmudi c curriculu m but—o n th e ideologica l presumption tha t al l tru e huma n knowledge , th e whol e o f creation , reflected God s wondrou s ways—the y wer e als o expose d t o a wid e variety o f secula r an d scientifi c subjects . Fo r th e remainde r o f hi s life , Jacob Agu s would adher e t o thi s religious-philosophica l model . After completin g hig h school , Jacob attende d th e recentl y establishe d Yeshiva University , wher e h e continue d bot h hi s rabbinica l an d secula r studies, distinguishing himsel f in th e secula r real m in th e area s of mathematics and science. He wa s so good a t chemistry tha t he was encourage d to atten d course s i n thi s subjec t a t Columbi a University , whic h h e did . He eve n briefl y flirted wit h th e ide a o f graduat e wor k i n chemistry . However, hi s deepes t commitmen t wa s t o Jewis h studie s an d t o th e Jewish people , an d h e therefor e chos e a rabbinical career . A favorit e o f the founde r an d presiden t o f Yeshiva University , R . Bernar d Revel , an d the outstandin g studen t o f R . Mosh e Soloveitchik , th e hea d o f th e rabbinical school , Agu s receive d hi s rabbinica l ordinatio n (smicha) in 1933. After tw o furthe r year s of intensive rabbinica l study , Agus receive d the traditiona l "Yadi n Yadin " smich a i n 1935 , an ordinatio n intende d t o place Agus on th e sam e level as those rabbinica l student s wh o graduate d from th e European yeshiva s and t o enabl e hi m t o ac t as a Poseik (halakic, or legal , decisio n maker) . While stil l at Yeshiva University, Agu s als o served a s an assistan t t o R . Leo Jung, a distinguishe d membe r o f th e America n Orthodo x rabbin ate. I n thi s role , a t R . Jung' s request , h e researche d th e basi s fo r requir ing a mechitza (a partition betwee n me n an d women ) i n th e synagogu e and conclude d tha t ther e wa s n o fir m biblica l o r rabbinica l basi s for thi s halakic requirement—a n earl y sig n o f important decision s t o come . After graduatio n fro m Yeshiv a Universit y i n 1935 , Agus too k hi s first full-time rabbinica l positio n i n Norfolk , Virginia . Her e h e bega n t o learn th e trad e o f a n activ e pulpi t rabb i whil e continuin g hi s Jewis h

3 An Introductory Overview

education. Foremos t amon g hi s educationa l pursuit s a t thi s tim e wa s a n intensive stud y o f midras h (th e rabbini c commentarie s o n th e Bible) , guided, vi a th e mail , b y Professo r Loui s Ginsber g o f th e (Conservative ) Jewish Theologica l Seminar y o f America , th e grea t authorit y o n mid rash. Having satisfie d himsel f tha t wit h thi s contro l o f th e vas t midrashi c material, alon g wit h hi s talmudi c erudition , h e ha d reache d a suffi ciently well-rounde d knowledg e o f classica l Jewish materials , Agu s be gan t o pursu e furthe r secula r studie s i n a seriou s an d concentrate d way. Convince d tha t thes e pursuit s require d a more intensiv e academi c environment, h e lef t Norfol k i n 193 6 fo r Harvar d University , wher e h e enrolled i n th e graduat e progra m i n philosophy . A t Harvar d hi s tw o main teacher s wer e Professo r Harr y A . Wolfson , a maste r studen t o f the histor y o f Jewis h philosophy , an d Professo r Ernes t Hocking , a metaphysician o f distinction . While i n th e Boston area , Agus paid his way by taking on a rabbinica l position i n Cambridg e an d continue d hi s rabbinica l learnin g wit h R . Joseph Soloveitchik , th e so n o f hi s Yeshiv a Universit y mentor , wit h whom h e quickl y forme d a close friendship. Fo r severa l years, Agus an d the younger Soloveitchi k me t weekl y t o stud y Maimonides' philosophi cal and rabbinica l works , a s well a s to discus s a host o f more contempo rary theologica l an d halaki c issues . It wa s als o i n Bosto n tha t Agu s me t hi s futur e wife , Miria m Shore , the daughte r o f Bernar d Shore , a Lithuania n Jew wh o ha d immigrate d to Americ a an d becom e a Boston businessman . Th e Aguse s marrie d i n 1940, with R.Josep h Soloveitchi k officiating . Harvard, however , wa s no t al l joy. I n thi s grea t cente r o f learnin g Agus fo r th e first tim e i n hi s lif e encountere d serious , eve n intense , criticism o f traditiona l Judaism . I n response , h e decide d t o devot e a good dea l o f hi s energ y fo r th e remainde r o f hi s lif e t o explicating , disseminating, an d defendin g th e ethica l an d humanisti c value s embod ied i n th e Jewish tradition , particularl y a s thes e value s wer e interprete d by it s intellectua l an d philosophica l elites , beginnin g wit h th e Prophet s and runnin g throug h Philo , Saadya , Maimonides ; an d suc h moder n intellectual giant s a s Herman n Cohe n an d R . Abraha m Isaa c Kook . Agus' first ste p o n thi s pat h wa s hi s doctora l dissertation , publishe d i n 1940 unde r th e titl e Modern Philosophies of Judaism, whic h criticall y examined th e though t o f th e influentia l Germa n triumvirat e o f Her mann Cohen , Fran z Rosenzweig , an d Marti n Buber , a s wel l a s th e

4 Steven T. Katz work o f Mordeca i Kaplan , wh o i n 193 4 ha d publishe d th e classi c Judaism as a Civilization tha t establishe d hi s reputatio n a s th e leadin g American Jewish thinker . After receivin g hi s doctorat e fro m Harvard , an d wit h th e encourage ment o f R. Revel , wh o wishe d t o strengthe n th e foundation s o f mod ern Orthodox y i n th e Midwest , Agu s accepte d th e pos t o f rabb i a t th e Agudas Achi m Congregatio n i n Chicago . Thoug h th e congregatio n permitted mixe d seating , i t was still considered a n Orthodo x synagogue . In thi s free r midwester n environment , remove d fro m th e yeshiv a worl d of his studen t days , th e orthodox y o f Yeshiva University , an d th e inten sity o f Jewish Boston , Agu s bega n t o hav e doubt s abou t th e intellectua l claims an d dogmati c premise s o f Orthodo x Judaism . I n particular , h e began t o redefin e th e meanin g o f halakah an d it s relationshi p t o reaso n and independen t ethica l norms . Encourage d i n thi s directio n b y Chica go's leadin g Conservativ e rabbi , Solomo n Goldman , an d b y th e radica l reconstructionism o f Mordeca i Kaplan , Agu s ha d initiate d th e proces s of philosophica l an d theologica l reconceptualizatio n tha t woul d defin e his increasingly revisionis t an d non-Orthodo x thought . In 1943 , disenchante d wit h hi s Chicag o pulpit , Agu s accepte d a cal l to Dayton , Ohio , wher e thre e smal l synagogue s merge d t o for m a liberal Orthodo x congregatio n tha t becam e a Conservativ e congrega tion durin g hi s tenure . Give n th e proximit y o f Dayto n t o Cincinnati , he bega n a n ongoin g an d cordia l dialogu e wit h th e facult y an d student s of the Refor m movement s Hebre w Unio n Colleg e (HUC) . I n particu lar, Agu s becam e a colleagu e o f R. Abraha m Joshua Heschel , wh o ha d fled war-tor n Europ e an d take n u p a positio n a t H U C . Lik e Agus , Heschel wa s th e hei r o f a grea t rabbinica l famil y an d a maste r o f al l branches o f classical Jewish an d rabbinica l learning , wit h a special affin ity fo r th e though t o f Maimonides . Alienate d fro m th e "tone " o f classical Reform, whic h stil l dominated H U C , Hesche l becam e a regu lar visito r a t th e Agu s hom e o n Sabbath s an d holidays . Agu s an d Heschel forme d a lifelon g intellectua l an d persona l collaboratio n tha t later manifested itsel f in joint effort s t o alte r th e curriculu m an d charac ter o f th e Jewish Theologica l Seminary , whos e facult y Hesche l joine d in 1945 , an d i n commo n undertaking s o n behal f o f Jewish-Christia n dialogue an d variou s politica l causes . Because o f this intensive rethinkin g o f modern Jewish thought—an d perhaps als o a s a consequenc e o f hi s engagemen t wit h Heschel—Agu s turned hi s attentio n t o th e though t o f R . Abraha m Isaa c Kook , th e

5 An Introductory Overview

remarkable mystica l personalit y wh o ha d serve d a s th e firs t chie f rabb i of modern Palestin e afte r Worl d Wa r I . (Koo k die d i n 1935. ) Th e resul t was Agus ' Banner of Jerusalem, publishe d i n 1946 , whic h sough t t o explore Kook s neocabalistic , panentheisti c notio n o f holiness (kedusha), that is , th e doctrin e tha t God' s presenc e wa s suffuse d throughou t cre ation an d incarnate d mos t concretel y i n th e Jewish people , th e lan d o f Israel, an d th e Torah . Deepl y impresse d b y Kook s intens e spiritualit y and authenti c mystica l vision , Agu s yearne d t o invigorat e America n Orthodoxy wit h somethin g o f th e sam e visionar y passion . Ye t a t th e same time , hi s dee p engagemen t wit h Koo k s traditional cabalisti c Weltanschauung persuaded Agu s tha t thi s essentiall y medieva l worldvie w wa s one h e di d not , an d coul d not , share . Moder n Judais m ha d nee d o f much tha t Koo k ha d t o teach , bu t i t require d tha t Kook' s lesson s b e made availabl e throug h a differen t vehicle , i n a for m mor e suitabl e t o the moder n temperament . At thi s poin t Agu s stil l hope d h e coul d achiev e hi s goa l o f effectin g meaningful religiou s an d structura l chang e withi n th e parameter s o f th e Orthodox community . Lik e Mordeca i Kaplan , h e no w advocate d th e creation o f a reconstituted , metadenominationa l Sanhedri n (suprem e Jewish religiou s legislative body) tha t would posses s the power t o alter — to modernize—Jewis h religiou s lif e an d practice . Thoug h severa l im portant member s o f th e Orthodo x rabbinate , includin g R . Le o Jun g and R . Josep h Lookstein , apparentl y wer e sympatheti c t o thi s cal l i n private, none , includin g R . Josep h Soloveitchik , woul d suppor t i t openly. Thi s lack of support, a s well as Agus' ow n increasingl y expansiv e and universalis t spiritua l an d intellectua l odyssey—on e tha t wa s eve r more appreciativ e o f Western, non-Jewis h cultur e an d eve r more critica l of wha t Agu s too k t o b e certai n form s o f Jewis h parochialis m an d chauvinism—led him , afte r hi s failur e t o gathe r suppor t fo r a n agend a of chang e an d halaki c refor m a t th e Orthodo x Rabbinica l Counci l o f America (RCA ) conventio n i n 194 4 an d 1945 , to brea k decisivel y wit h the organize d Orthodo x communit y an d it s institutions . This repercussiv e decisio n als o reflecte d hi s persona l experienc e a s a community rabb i i n a relatively smal l midwestern tow n lik e Dayton ; fo r here Agu s face d severa l ne w challenges . First , h e ha d t o b e th e forc e behind th e restructurin g o f three congregation s int o on e new , cohesiv e synagogue. Second , h e ha d t o respon d t o th e persona l need s o f a religiously divers e grou p o f Jews. Third , i n th e fac e o f th e unfoldin g catastrophe tha t engulfe d th e Jew s o f Europe , h e ha d t o offe r Jew s o f

6 Steven T. Katz limited learnin g wh o wer e attracte d b y th e seductiv e option s o f assimi lated lif e i n Americ a a Judaism tha t wa s intellectuall y an d spirituall y meaningful. Moreover , t o hi s surprise h e ha d discovere d tha t h e derive d great satisfactio n fro m hi s dutie s a s a congregationa l rabbi . H e enjoye d presenting sermon s an d lecture s t o hi s congregants—task s a t whic h h e became ver y proficient , havin g hire d a voice teache r t o hel p hi m refin e his ora l delivery—meetin g thei r pastora l needs , an d eve n bein g activ e in th e day-to-da y affair s o f the synagogu e management ; fo r example , h e was very involve d i n th e architectura l desig n o f the ne w sanctuary . Disaffected fro m th e Orthodo x rabbinica l community , Agu s officiall y broke wit h th e R C A i n 1946—194 7 and joined th e Conservativ e move ments Rabbinica l Assembly . I n thi s ne w context , b y virtu e o f hi s rabbinical erudition , hi s Orthodox smicha, an d th e forc e o f his personality, h e becam e a powerfu l presenc e an d a n agen t o f change . Ove r an d against th e conservativ e forc e exerte d b y Chancello r Loui s Finkelstei n and th e grea t Talmudis t Sau l Leiberman , wh o betwee n the m controlle d the facult y o f th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminary , whic h i n tur n domi nated th e procedura l processe s o f the Conservativ e movement , Agus , i n consort wit h like-minde d Conservativ e rabbi s suc h a s Solomo n Gold man, Rober t Gordis , Morri s Adler , Milto n Steinberg , Be n Zio n Bokser, an d Theodor e Friedman , argue d fo r a more ope n an d dynami c halakic proces s within th e movement . As a first majo r ste p i n thi s direction , Agu s propose d tha t th e La w Committee o f th e Conservativ e movemen t b e restructure d int o th e Committee o n Jewis h La w an d Standard s (CJLS)— a chang e i n mor e than name , th e rational e fo r whic h i s explaine d i n hi s essay s i n Guideposts in Modern Judaism. H e was , i n turn , appointe d t o thi s committe e (and t o others ) an d remaine d a member o f it for nearl y fort y years , unti l his death . One o f the earlies t an d best example s o f his view o n ho w th e halaka h should b e interprete d i s reflected i n th e importan t "Responsu m o n th e Sabbath" tha t wa s issue d b y th e Committe e o n Jewis h La w an d Stan dards i n 1950 . Thi s responsu m state d tha t th e us e o f electricit y wa s permitted o n th e Sabbat h an d tha t ridin g t o an d fro m th e synagogu e o n the Sabbat h wa s als o permitted. Th e first decisio n wa s arrive d a t by us e of th e traditiona l halaki c process , wit h on e majo r exception , an d th e second wa s justified a s a takkanah ( a rabbinic enactment ) respondin g t o the "need s o f th e hour. " Bot h instantiate d Agus ' vie w tha t a reveren t and reasone d approac h t o chang e an d th e admissio n o f wher e th e

7 An Introductory Overview

halakah wa s lackin g wer e require d t o revitaliz e Judaism i n th e contem porary world . It shoul d als o b e remembere d tha t thes e decision s wer e embedde d i n a lengthy repor t tha t place d centra l emphasi s o n a proposed progra m t o "revitalize sabbat h observance" ; thi s wa s no t merel y a cal l fo r radica l change an d a capitulation t o modernity . Th e progra m wa s t o consis t o f standards t o b e promulgate d fo r al l Unite d Synagogu e membe r syna gogues t o lif t th e level s o f observance. I n th e lat e 1940 s and earl y 1950s , observance b y laypeopl e wa s extremel y lax—fe w attende d services , many worked , fe w ha d Frida y evenin g dinners , an d man y Jewish com munal organization s hel d event s tha t violate d th e Sabbat h an d a t whic h nonkosher foo d wa s served . R. Agus , impelle d b y a drive fo r honest y an d integrity , hel d i t wron g to encourag e peopl e t o atten d th e synagogu e o n th e Sabbath , wit h th e knowledge tha t man y individual s woul d hav e t o driv e there , an d the n to insis t tha t drivin g wa s a n averah ( a sin). I n general , h e though t tha t i n keeping wit h moder n sensibilitie s an d th e intellectua l level s o f congre gants, th e primar y emphasi s shoul d b e place d o n encouragin g mitzvo t and no t o n allegin g averot. Th e doin g o f eac h mitzva h wa s a goo d i n itself an d woul d lea d t o th e doin g o f othe r mitzvot . Thi s positiv e view, stressin g th e appropriat e performanc e o f mitzvot , i s expresse d i n Guideposts an d wa s a n underlyin g principl e o f Agus' halaki c decisions . As a recognize d halakist , Agu s wa s als o asked b y th e Unite d Syna gogue t o defen d th e principl e o f mixe d seatin g i n tw o secula r cour t cases—one i n Ne w Orlean s an d on e i n Cincinnati—bot h o f whic h occurred i n th e earl y 1950s . I n bot h case s a decease d perso n ha d lef t funds i n hi s wil l t o hi s synagogu e o n conditio n tha t th e synagogu e remain "traditional. " A t th e tim e o f th e deaths , bot h synagogue s ha d separate seatin g for me n an d women , bu t the y di d no t hav e a halakicall y acceptable mechitza. I n fact , b y 195 0 bot h congregation s wante d t o introduce mixe d seating , a mov e tha t prompte d a minorit y grou p o f congregants t o su e fo r th e retentio n o f separat e seatin g o n th e ground s that mixe d seatin g was a violation o f the tradition . In response , Agu s pointe d ou t tha t neithe r synagogu e ha d a mechitza and ye t eac h ha d bee n considere d traditiona l i n th e eye s o f th e now deceased donor . Therefore , on e coul d argu e tha t mixe d seatin g wa s n o less traditiona l tha n separat e seating . H e als o explaine d th e lac k o f an y clear halaki c basi s fo r separat e seatin g an d th e natur e o f chang e withi n the tradition .

8 Steven T. Katz To the Orthodo x member s o f the Aguda s ha-Rabbonim , th e organi zation o f European-traine d rabbis , thi s wa s wholl y unacceptable . The y were engage d a t th e tim e i n a n effor t t o forc e al l Orthodo x synagogue s to maintai n a mechitza a s a wa y o f drawin g a distinctio n betwee n Orthodox an d Conservativ e synagogues . I n th e earl y 1950s , unde r th e aegis o f R . Josep h Soloveitchi k s Halachah Committee , th e Rabbinica l Council o f America issue d a statement tha t mechitzas were required . The Aguda s ha-Rabboni m wen t furthe r an d issue d a rulin g tha t prayer withi n a synagogue withou t a kosher mechitza was no t permitte d and would no t fulfil l a person's religious obligations . I n thi s same ruling , they place d R . Agu s i n herein (excommunication) fo r teachin g fals e ideas. Intermarriag e wit h R . Agu s an d hi s immediat e famil y wa s pro hibited. I t shoul d b e noted , however , tha t tw o o f th e gedolai ha-dor (recognized halaki c authorities) , R . Aharo n Kitle r an d R . Mosh e Feinstein, wh o wer e friend s o f R. Yehud a Lei b A . Agushewitz , denie d knowledge o f an d repudiate d thi s action . Thre e othe r rabbis — Eisenstein, Groubard , an d Greenfield—wer e als o specificall y place d i n herem. However, severa l years later th e leader s o f the Aguda s repudiate d this documen t an d claime d tha t i t ha d neve r bee n properl y executed . In 1950 , R. Agu s accepte d th e positio n o f rabbi a t th e newl y forme d Conservative congregatio n Bet h E l i n Baltimore . A smal l congregatio n of some fifty familie s whe n h e arrived , i t gre w ove r hi s thre e decade s a s its rabb i int o a majo r congregation—s o popular , i n fact , tha t i t ha d to restric t ne w memberships—an d on e o f th e premie r Conservativ e synagogues i n th e Unite d States . In hi s rol e a s communit y rabbi , Agu s attende d th e dail y mornin g minyan (praye r quorum) , taugh t Mishna h o r Talmu d fo r te n t o fiftee n minutes t o thos e wh o came , an d alway s returne d fo r th e evenin g dail y service as well. He visite d the sic k weekly, paid shiva h (week-of-mourn ing) calls , attende d committe e meeting s i n th e evenings , an d me t con gregants a t all hours. H e gav e serious forty-minut e lecture s t o th e men' s club eac h week , an d hundred s o f me n attende d o n a regula r basis . H e did ora l book review s fo r th e sisterhood . Agu s als o starte d adul t educa tion institute s fo r th e whol e community , attende d b y thousands . H e planned th e curriculu m fo r th e Bet h E l school s an d taugh t th e post—ba r mitzvah class . He produce d a siddur (praye r book ) fo r everyda y us e tha t allowed service s t o b e o f a moderat e length . H e als o change d th e content o f th e service s fo r lat e Frida y night , Saturda y morning , an d holidays i n way s tha t retaine d th e traditiona l cor e o f th e liturg y bu t

9 An Introductory Overview

made th e service s mor e aestheticall y pleasing , intellectuall y challenging , and time-efficient . Hi s approac h t o service s include d intellectua l ser mons an d beautifu l congregationa l singing—al l i n a two-hour package . Congregants cam e o n tim e an d participated . As a consequenc e o f al l thi s effort , Bet h E l move d t o ne w suburba n surroundings i n i960 , reopene d it s membershi p rolls , an d gre w t o a congregation o f mor e tha n fiftee n hundre d families . I t wa s typica l o f Agus tha t i n th e constructio n o f th e ne w buildin g h e worke d closel y with th e architect s an d designer s t o ensur e tha t i t woul d b e bot h aesthetic an d Jewishly pleasing . Here a word need s t o be sai d about Agus ' view o n th e rol e o f wome n in th e synagogue . Consisten t wit h hi s more genera l theologica l position , he fel t tha t artificia l barrier s t o th e ful l participatio n o f wome n shoul d be eliminated . However , h e cautione d tha t societa l chang e mus t occu r at a pac e an d i n a manne r tha t allowe d people' s sensibilitie s t o evolv e and ne w mean s o f orde r an d value-teachin g t o develop . H e wa s ver y concerned tha t th e famil y b e strengthened , no t weakened , an d feare d that a radica l transformatio n rathe r tha n measure d progres s o n th e rol e of wome n woul d disrup t th e famil y an d socia l order . I n lin e wit h thi s understanding, h e establishe d a bas mitzva h ceremon y o n Frida y night s because th e issu e o f a woman' s receivin g a n aliyah (cal l t o th e Torah ) had no t ye t bee n addresse d b y th e Rabbinica l Assembly . Onc e i t was , and onc e th e assembly' s CJL S approve d aliyot for women—wit h Agus ' active suppor t a s a member o f th e committee—h e institute d th e prac tice a t Bet h El . Likewise , whe n th e countin g o f wome n i n th e minya n was approve d b y th e CJL S wit h Agus ' endorsement , Bet h E l followe d suit. The issu e o f femal e rabbi s prove d mor e complex . Agu s fel t tha t th e CJLS shoul d addres s th e subissue s o f wome n a s judges, witnesses , an d shlichit tzibbur (leaders o f public prayer ) befor e tha t o f rabbi. Fo r politica l reasons, th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y addresse d th e issu e b y settin g up a commission , whos e repor t attempte d t o skir t thes e halaki c issues . R. Agu s wa s upse t a t th e process—h e though t th e repor t wa s deliber ately disingenuou s i n no t addressin g th e othe r issue s o f status , sinc e everyone kne w tha t onc e ordained , wome n rabbi s would perfor m al l o f the function s no t addressed . Thoug h h e agree d wit h th e result , h e disagreed wit h th e process . Therefore, i n a move tha t surprise d bot h th e left an d th e right , h e le d a grou p o f Rabbinica l Assembl y member s i n rejecting th e report' s recommendation .

10

Steven T. Katz During th e 1950s , despit e hi s congregationa l responsibilities , Agu s continued hi s scholarl y work . H e wa s a regular contributo r t o a variet y of Jewish periodicals , suc h a s th e Menorah Journal, Judaism, Midstream, and The Reconstructionist, an d h e serve d o n severa l o f thei r editoria l boards. H e als o published o n occasio n i n Hebre w journals. A t th e sam e time, h e bega n t o teac h a t John s Hopkin s Universit y i n a n adjunc t capacity, lectur e a t B'na i B'rit h institutes , an d spea k a t college s an d seminaries aroun d th e country . I n 195 9 h e publishe d hi s well-know n study The Evolution of Jewish Thought, an outgrowt h o f his lectures. During thi s period , Agu s als o too k a n activ e interes t i n nationa l an d international affairs . A fir m supporte r o f Frankli n D . Roosevel t durin g the 1930 s an d 1940 s an d a supporte r o f th e creatio n o f th e Unite d Nations, h e distruste d socialis m an d hate d communism . However , h e believed i n th e necessit y o f moderat e dialogu e wit h th e Sovie t Unio n and supporte d publi c figure s suc h a s Adlai Stevenso n wh o advocate d a less belligerent relationshi p wit h th e USSR . H e wa s a significant oppo nent o f Senato r Josep h McCarth y an d openl y fough t McCarthyism , testifying o n behal f o f individual s wh o wer e unde r suspicion , an d h e invited Professo r Owe n Lattimor e o f Johns Hopkin s Universit y t o lec ture a t Beth El . Agus fought fo r th e limitation o f nuclear weapons , eve n for nuclea r disarmament . H e eve n disregarde d a federa l requiremen t that Bet h E l buil d a nuclea r shelter , arguin g tha t suc h a n actio n legiti mated th e ide a o f nuclea r war . H e supporte d th e Civi l Right s move ment an d effort s t o desegregat e Baltimore , thoug h h e oppose d affirma tive actio n program s a s unfair an d ha d a visceral fea r o f black inner-cit y violence, whic h threatene d man y Jewish shopkeepers . H e wa s a n earl y and consisten t opponen t o f the Vietnam Wa r an d supporte d th e antiwa r political position s o f Senator s Eugen e McCarth y an d Georg e McGov ern. I n th e 1970s , Agus wa s a n activ e participan t i n a n interfait h grou p started b y Sargen t Shrive r t o discus s th e intersectio n o f religio n an d politics. Beginning i n 1968 , Agus , whil e continuin g hi s rabbinica l dutie s in Baltimore , accepte d a joint appointmen t a s professo r o f Rabbini c Civilization a t th e ne w Reconstructionis t Rabbinica l Colleg e (RRC ) in Philadelphi a an d a t Temple University . Thoug h no t a reconstruction ist, Agu s ha d a long-standin g relationshi p wit h Mordeca i Kaplan , th e founder o f th e reconstructionis t movement , an d h e respecte d wha t promised t o b e a seriou s an d innovativ e rabbinica l trainin g program . Agus taugh t i n thi s capacit y unti l th e en d o f the academi c yea r i n 1970 ,

II An Introductory Overview

when h e resigne d fro m th e R R C i n a dispute ove r th e curriculu m an d the amoun t o f Talmud student s shoul d b e require d t o learn . Th e facult y wanted t o reduc e th e hour s devote d t o talmudi c study , whil e Agu s wanted t o increas e it . However , h e retaine d hi s professorship a t Templ e University an d continue d t o teac h graduat e course s a t tha t institutio n until 1980 , whe n h e resigne d an d accepte d a n adjunc t appointmen t a t Dropsie Colleg e i n Philadelphia . H e hel d thi s position unti l 1985 , whe n his healt h woul d n o longe r permi t th e heav y schedul e o f trave l tha t professorship entailed . Agu s als o ha d serve d a s visiting professor i n 196 6 at th e Rabbinica l Seminar y i n Bueno s Aires , affiliate d wit h th e Jewis h Theological Seminar y o f America . In additio n t o forma l teaching , R . Agu s taugh t th e member s o f th e local rabbinat e o n numerou s occasion s ove r th e years . Whe n h e first came t o Baltimore , h e assiste d local Conservativ e an d Refor m rabbi s o n an informa l basis . I n late r year s h e gav e seminar s t o rabbi s i n th e Baltimore-Washington are a o n a bimonthl y basis . Agu s cam e t o b e known a s th e "rabb i o f th e rabbis " i n th e Baltimore-Washingto n area , because rabbi s from al l denominations o f Judaism cam e t o hi m no t onl y to lear n bu t als o fo r advic e o n bot h persona l an d halaki c issues . Whil e his teachin g wa s wel l known , th e persona l contact s wer e i n confidence . The rabbi s di d invit e hi m t o spea k befor e thei r congregation s o n a regular basis ; fo r example , fo r a numbe r o f years h e wa s invite d t o giv e a serie s o f four lecture s a s year a s a part o f th e Sunda y Schola r Serie s a t Washington (Reform ) Hebre w Congregation . Also , ove r th e year s stu dents a t th e Ne r Israe l ultra-Orthodo x yeshiv a i n Baltimor e woul d come t o see Agus a t hi s house lat e a t nigh t t o stud y Talmud . Thi s stud y was kept secre t becaus e i f it ha d becom e known , i t woul d hav e resulte d in th e students ' expulsio n fro m Ne r Israel . Another environmen t i n whic h Agu s taugh t wa s Christia n seminar ies. H e lecture d a t Woodstock (Maryland , Jesuit), Union Theologica l i n New Yor k City , an d St . Mary' s Seminar y i n Baltimore . St . Mary' s i s th e largest schoo l fo r Catholi c priest s i n th e Unite d State s an d i s under th e direct supervisio n o f th e Vatican . R . Agu s wa s th e first nonpriest , let alon e Jew , officiall y authorize d b y th e Vatica n t o teac h Catholi c seminarians. H e lecture d o n th e Jewish backgroun d an d conten t o f th e Gospels fo r ove r te n year s o n a regular basis. During th e 1960 s and 1970s , Agus wa s als o activ e i n project s tha t cu t across th e line s o f Jewish organizationa l life . Fo r example , h e becam e involved i n th e recently founde d organizatio n o f Jewish academi c schol -

12

Steven T. Katz ars th e Associatio n fo r Jewish Studies , an d helpe d t o establis h a Jewish Philosophical Society . H e worke d wit h th e America n Jewish Commit tee a t both th e loca l an d th e nationa l leve l o n variou s communa l issues , with th e Synagogu e Counci l o f Americ a o n Jewish-Christia n issues , and wit h a host o f Jewish communa l agencies . In 1979-1980 , Agu s becam e par t o f a grou p o f fiftee n rabbis—fiv e Orthodox, five Conservative , an d five Reform—tha t wa s pu t togethe r by th e leader s o f th e Rabbinica l Counci l o f Americ a (Orthodox) , th e Rabbinical Assembl y (Conservative) , an d th e Centra l Committe e o f American Rabbi s (Reform ) an d tha t me t i n secre t fo r a number o f years to explor e issue s o f theolog y an d practice . Muc h o f th e earl y wor k o f this grou p wa s base d o n paper s prepare d b y Agus . H e wa s ver y inter ested i n an d excite d b y thi s undertaking , a s i t brough t hi m bac k int o contact wit h peopl e fro m Yeshiv a University , includin g R . Josep h Lookstein, a n ol d mentor . H e foun d significan t area s o f commonalit y among th e movement s an d eve n harbore d som e optimis m tha t hi s ques t to creat e a viable religiousl y base d Judaism fo r Americ a woul d begi n t o move forward . Unfortunately , hi s illnesses an d othe r factor s aborte d thi s effort. From th e 1950s , Agu s likewis e wa s activ e i n th e Jewish-Christia n dialogue, i n th e hop e o f reducing anti-Semitis m an d helpin g t o restruc ture th e Christia n understandin g o f Jew s an d Judaism . H e worke d closely wit h th e America n Jewis h Committe e i n developin g interfait h programs an d wa s directl y involve d i n relationship s wit h Cardina l Be a that bor e frui t i n Vatica n II . H e worke d wit h th e Nationa l Counci l o f Christians an d Jews an d activel y participate d i n interfait h conversations , programs, an d educatio n a t th e loca l an d stat e levels. R. Agu s becam e rabb i emeritu s a t Bet h E l i n 1980 . Fro m 198 0 t o 1986, despit e poo r health , h e continue d hi s academi c work , publishin g his las t book , The Jewish Quest, i n 1983 . H e die d o n th e twenty-thir d day o f Elul, Septembe r 26 , 1986 . THOUGHT Despite al l hi s rabbinica l teachin g an d publi c roles , Jacob Agu s i s bes t known a s a n importan t Jewis h thinke r an d studen t o f Jewish thought . This scholarly activity , which spanne d nearl y half a century—beginnin g with hi s Harvar d doctora l dissertation , whic h becam e hi s first book , Modern Philosophies of Judaism (1941)—cover s a n enormou s historica l

13 An Introductory Overview

and conceptua l range , stretchin g fro m th e biblica l t o th e moder n era . Nothing Jewis h wa s alie n t o Agus , an d hi s researc h an d reflection s involved talmudic , philosophical , an d cabalisti c sources , thoug h quit e clearly th e philosophica l materia l ha d prid e o f place. In Modern Philosophies of Judaism, Agu s undertook th e tas k of explicat ing an d criticizin g th e wor k o f th e grea t Germa n Jewis h thinker s Hermann Cohen , Fran z Rosenzweig , an d Marti n Buber—Cohe n an d Rosenzweig bein g littl e know n i n Americ a a t th e time—a s wel l a s th e radical theolog y o f Mordeca i Kaplan . Amon g thi s grou p o f semina l thinkers, Agu s wa s attracte d mos t especiall y t o th e wor k o f Fran z Rosenzweig: "Th e spiri t whic h permeate s hi s wor k perforc e escape s analysis. An d tha t spiri t i s grea t an d bright , glowin g wit h th e fire o f God" (209) . I n particular , Agu s wa s draw n t o Rosenzwei g s nonliteral , nonpropositional theor y o f revelation, which , h e argued , "wil l be foun d to accor d wit h a n enlightene d vie w o f traditio n an d wit h th e way s o f thinking o f the earnestl y critica l moder n mind " (350) . Cohen h e foun d too abstract , hi s conceptio n o f Go d to o distan t fro m "th e patter n o f religious emotion " (126) . Buber, who m Agu s saw as a mystic, accordin g to th e criteri a o f mystica l experienc e se t ou t b y Willia m James, 1 i s criticized fo r hi s subjectivism—"Devotio n uncontrolle d b y reaso n i s a greater dange r t o societ y tha n selfishness , histor y prove s abundantly . W e find thi s trut h scrawle d al l ove r th e stor y o f mankind , i n letter s o f fire and blood" (276)—an d fo r hi s rejection o f rational, objectiv e criteri a i n religious an d ethica l matters : Those o f us , however , wh o ar e constraine d t o judge th e valu e o f thes e "inner calls " b y externa l standards , ma y wel l fee l uneas y a t th e tota l absence o f th e rationa l elemen t i n th e decisio n advocate d b y Buber . I f only w e wer e certai n tha t th e cal l cam e fro m God ! But , wha t i f Sata n should interven e instead ! Ho w ar e w e t o tel l th e voic e o f th e "Eterna l Thou" fro m tha t o f the "demoni c Thou? " (I s not Hitler , too , a mystic?) Alternatively, Kaplan , thoug h describe d a s a rationalist an d a pragmatist , is found wantin g becaus e o f internal contradiction s withi n th e structur e of hi s thought , th e inabilit y "t o develo p [his ] ow n conceptio n o f Go d to th e poin t wher e i t coul d serv e a s the basi s o f a life o f religion" (315) , and a n excessiv e nationalis m that , i f no t carefull y counterpoise d b y " a deep convictio n i n th e realit y o f th e universa l valu e o f ethics " (322) , could lea d t o disastrou s consequences .

14

Steven T. Katz But interestingly , beyon d th e systemati c difference s amon g hi s fou r subjects an d hi s individua l criticism s o f their work , Agu s foun d a com mon cor e i n al l o f them . A s distinctivel y Jewish thinkers , al l wer e sai d to recogniz e tha t the mora l la w appear s i n consciousnes s a s an absolut e command , spurn ing al l selfis h an d unworth y motives . I t ca n onl y b e understoo d o n it s own fac e value, as an objective la w of action, deriving from th e structur e of reality. An essentia l part o f ethical experienc e i s the feelin g tha t ther e is an outside sourc e to ou r judgments o f right an d wrong, tha t th e stam p of validity attache s t o ou r apprehension s o f the rightnes s an d wrongnes s of things. This convictio n i s no t onl y commo n t o th e philosopher s discusse d in thi s book ; i t constitute s th e mai n vantag e poin t o f thei r respectiv e philosophies. While the y expres s this fluid intuition i n radicall y differen t ways, they agree in founding thei r systems of thought upo n it . (330) . This convictio n wa s also Agus': The intuitio n o f th e objectiv e validit y o f ethica l value s mus t b e take n into consideration . I n moment s o f intens e mora l fervor , w e fee l tha t rightness an d wrongnes s ar e eternall y fixe d i n th e schem e o f things; tha t it i s no t ou r ow n persona l dictate s an d impulse s tha t ar e th e sourc e o f ethical feeling ; tha t th e sens e o f authority attachin g t o ou r ethica l judgment i s not derive d eithe r fro m th e opinion s o f othe r me n o r fro m th e unconscious influenc e o f society ; tha t th e thing s w e cal l "good " an d "bad" ar e similarl y designate d b y th e Eterna l One , Wh o stand s outsid e of us and yet dwells within us, speaking through ou r mouths in moment s of great, ethical exaltation . This intuitio n i s the basi s o f my philosoph y an d religion . I believe it , not onl y becaus e o n man y occasion s i t ha s com e t o m e wit h dazzlin g clarity, bu t fa r mor e becaus e thi s insigh t ha s bee n share d b y th e grea t thinkers o f humanity , i n particular , b y th e religiou s geniuse s o f Israel . (340-41)

All hi s late r philosophica l reflection s ar e predicate d o n thi s religio ethical premise . Agus' secon d book , Banner of Jerusalem: The Life, Times, and Thought of Abraham Isaac Kuk (1946) , intende d a s a complemen t t o Modern

15 An Introductory Overview Philosophies of Judaism, o n it s fac e deal t w i t h a surprisin g subjec t fo r Agus, give n hi s m o d e r n i z i n g sympathies , hi s reservation s abou t n a t i o n alism—including certai n formulation s o f Z i o n i s m — a n d hi s ofte n se vere criticism s o f cabala ; fo r R a v K o o k (Kuk ) (b . 1865 ; d . 1935) , th e first Ashkenaz i chie f rabb i o f m o d e r n Palestin e (1919—1935) , was , vis-a vis halakah , a traditiona l rabbinica l figure , a n arden t religiou s Zionist , and th e mos t origina l an d creativ e cabalis t o f th e twentiet h century . Ye t Agus, w h o share d m u c h i n th e wa y o f biograph y w i t h R . K o o k , wa s drawn t o K o o k s profoun d spirituality , hi s intens e religiou s passion , hi s concern fo r al l Jews, hi s suppor t o f th e rebirt h o f al l type s o f Jewish lif e in th e renewe d lan d o f Israel , hi s unwaveringl y religiou s Zionism , hi s mystical embrac e o f al l thing s a s par t o f th e divin e life , hi s respec t fo r the religiou s potentia l o f al l m e n . Kook , fo r example , ha d written : It wa s indee d prope r tha t th e whol e conten t o f holines s shoul d hav e reference t o humanit y i n general , fo r th e perceptio n o f holiness i s univer sal an d th e conten t o f holiness , th e bon d betwee n ma n an d God , i s independent o f an y nationality . Thi s universa l conten t would , i n tha t event, hav e appeare d fo r Jew s i n a specia l Jewish garment , bu t th e wav e of mora l perversio n tha t se t i n late r i n worl d histor y cause d th e element s of holiness t o b e forgotte n amon g al l men. An d a new creatio n wa s mad e in Israel . . . . Nevertheless , ther e ar e stil l titan s o f th e spiri t w h o fin d th e cosmic elemen t i n th e roo t o f Adam s soul, whic h stil l throbs i n th e hear t of mankind generally. 2 Agus als o wa s draw n t o K o o k s intens e effor t " t o m e e t th e manifol d challenges o f m o d e r n i s m thr u th e deepenin g o f piet y an d th e inclusio n therein o f th e n e w an d aggressiv e values " (Banner, 20 ) an d t o w h a t Agu s described i n th e "Prefac e t o th e Secon d E d i t i o n " o f Banner of Jerusalem (retitled High Priest of Rebirth) a s K o o k s "generous , o u t g o i n g h u m a n ism" (High Priest, ix) : T h e ritua l o f Judais m i s designe d t o replenis h th e mystica l spring s o f idealism i n huma n society . Loyalt y t o Israel , [Kook ] taught , wa s wholl y in accor d wit h unalloye d faithfulnes s t o humanism , sinc e Israe l wa s "th e ideal essenc e o f humanity. " Wit h al l hi s intens e nationalism , h e neve r allowed himsel f t o forge t tha t th e ultimat e justificatio n o f nationalis m consisted i n th e goo d tha t i t migh t brin g t o th e whol e rac e o f mankind . (High Priest, 240 )

i6 Steven T. Katz It i s also mos t probabl e tha t Agu s wa s draw n t o R . Koo k becaus e h e saw in variou s o f R. Kook' s halaki c enactment s a prototype fo r hi s ow n halakic reforms . Thus , fo r example , on e feel s th e passio n i n Agus ' reprise o f Kook' s creativ e stan d o n th e questio n o f th e observanc e o f sh'ittah (th e biblica l la w tha t i n th e sevent h yea r th e lan d shoul d no t b e cultivated o r worked ) i n th e fledgling agricultura l settlement s o f th e renewed Jewish communit y i n Palestine . R . Kook , developin g a n earlie r ruling, allowe d for sal e of the land to a gentile a s a way of circumventin g the stric t rul e tha t agricultura l wor k ceas e durin g th e "sabbatica l year o f the land. " Despit e intens e oppositio n fro m man y i n th e Orthodo x community, Koo k hel d firm , an d hi s rulin g wa s adopte d b y mos t o f th e religious agricultura l settlements . Her e i s R . Agus ' descriptio n o f R . Kook's mora l courag e durin g an d afte r thi s religiou s crisis : Aware o f the undeserve d abus e heape d upo n hi m b y man y wh o sough t to mak e partisan , politica l capita l ou t o f th e affair , but , certai n o f th e Tightness o f hi s position , h e di d no t permi t eve n a dro p o f ranco r t o enter hi s mind. A s soon a s the stor m o f controversy subsided , th e Jewish world i n Palestin e an d abroa d recognize d i n him , no t onl y a grea t Talmudic scholar , bu t on e o f th e gentl e saint s i n Israel . Almos t despit e himself, h e becam e a centra l figur e i n worl d Jewry , th e symbo l o f brave an d adventurou s leadershi p i n Orthodo x Judaism an d th e her o fo r thousands o f young yeshivah student s i n ever y par t o f th e globe . Thos e who maintaine d tha t Orthodo x Judais m wa s no t rigi d an d petrified , hopelessly caugh t i n th e paralyzin g gri p o f ancien t la w an d doctrine , were able to point t o the rabbi of Jaffa a s proof of the pliancy, adaptabilit y and courage o f genuine Orthodo x leadership . (High Priest, 83 ) For Agus , thi s typ e o f religiou s leadershi p wa s require d mor e generall y within th e Orthodo x world ; an d i n certai n rea l way s h e worke d t o effect, a s h e sa w it , simila r halaki c transformation s withi n th e orbi t o f American Jewry. Wha t Agu s sai d of R. Koo k migh t als o be take n a s the theme o f Agus' ow n life' s work : He transforme d Orthodox y b y revivin g th e component s o f humanis m and secula r cultur e i n th e Jewis h tradition . An d h e appeale d t o th e secularists t o appreciat e an d reverenc e th e depth s o f mystery , ou t o f which spring man's genuine values. He lived "on th e boundary" betwee n

17 An Introductory Overview

the sacre d an d th e secular , betwee n th e mystiqu e o f particularis m an d the outreac h o f universalism . An d i t i s t o thi s boundar y tha t w e mus t find ou r way in ever y generation. (High Priest, xiii ) In 1954 , R . Agu s continue d hi s significan t publishin g activit y wit h a collection o f essay s title d Guideposts in Modern Judaism. I n th e openin g essay, "Th e Impac t o f America n Culture, " Agu s expresse d hi s admira tion fo r America n liberalism , hi s stron g (correct ) belie f tha t Zionis m cannot b e a substitut e religio n fo r America n Jews—thoug h critica l o f this vicariou s Zionis m an d variou s politica l form s o f Zionism, h e wa s a Zionist an d defende d th e basi c concep t o f a Jewish stat e i n th e lan d o f Israel—his (correct ) vie w tha t anti-Semitis m i s receding a s an importan t issue i n formin g Jewis h identit y i n America , hi s (correct ) vie w tha t ethnicity i s declinin g a s a facto r i n Jewish identit y i n America , an d hi s judgment tha t religio n i n Americ a i s distinctively pragmati c i n ton e an d value. Th e second , quit e provocativ e essa y i s a n extende d revie w an d critique o f variou s trend s i n th e moder n branche s o f Judaism. Agu s is , not surprisingly , a kee n criti c o f al l th e variou s conceptua l effort s tha t have bee n advance d t o explain , justify, o r alte r Judaism i n th e moder n period. Hi s critica l comment s o n th e philosoph y o f halaka h o f hi s former clos e friend, Ra v Joseph Soloveitchik , ar e notable (37—44) , while his own sympath y fo r th e Conservativ e movemen t i s clear i n hi s analysi s of that movement s handlin g o f halakic matter s (133-37) . The thir d essa y i n Guideposts, "Th e Jewis h Community, " revolve s around th e semina l issu e o f nationalism , tha t is , ho w an d i n wha t sens e Judaism i s Zionism . I n particular , th e essa y i s critica l o f Ahad Ha'Am' s and Mordeca i Kaplan' s cultura l for m o f Zionis m an d o f th e classica l Zionist doctrine , espouse d b y Davi d Ben-Gurion , amon g others , o f "the negatio n o f the diaspora " (shelilat ha-golah). (Agus was critica l o f all purely secula r forms o f Zionism, al l forms o f Zionism tha t calle d fo r th e "normalization" o f the Jewish people , an d al l effort s t o den y th e legiti macy o f the golah —Jewish lif e outsid e th e lan d o f Israel. ) I n America , Judaism mus t dominat e th e Jewish agend a a s religion , no t nationalism . The fourt h essay , "End s an d Mean s o f Jewish Lif e i n America, " origi nally publishe d i n th e Menorah Journal i n 1949 , argue s th e sam e poin t but advance s th e argumen t b y introducin g a n ide a tha t hencefort h would b e centra l t o Agus ' genera l positio n o n Jewish matters : wha t h e calls th e "meta-myth " an d define s a s "tha t indeterminat e bu t ail-too -

i8 Steven T. Katz real plus in th e consciousnes s o f Jewish difference , a s it is reflected i n th e minds o f both Jews an d Gentiles " (Guideposts, 181). Fo r non-Jews , thi s meta-myth manifest s itsel f in th e belie f tha t the Jew i s differen t i n som e mysteriou s manner . I n th e imaginatio n o f the untutore d h e ma y appea r t o b e no w partakin g o f divin e qualities , now borderin g o n th e diabolical , no w superhuma n i n hi s tenacity , no w subhuman i n hi s spitefu l determinatio n t o survive ; bu t always , i n som e dim sense , th e traditiona l stereotyp e o f th e Je w hel d b y th e Gentile s includes th e apprehensio n o f dee p cosmi c distinctio n fro m th e res t o f humanity. This feelin g ha s bee n reflecte d i n th e mythologica l substructur e o f antisemitism from it s very origins. (Guideposts, 181 ) Both positiv e an d negativ e aspect s o f Jewish-Gentile relationship s ove r time—and her e Agu s include s bot h anti-Semitis m an d Zionism—hav e been directed , affected , an d shape d b y thi s belief. But Agu s oppose s thi s myth i n al l it s forms . Instead , h e agai n argue s fo r optimis m abou t th e status o f th e Je w i n Americ a an d fo r th e centralit y o f th e religiou s dimension i n America n Jewish life . Agus ' mora l idealism , hi s unceasin g universalism, neve r wavers : The tru e Jewish wa y i s t o ris e abov e th e hatre d b y recognizin g i t a s a universal evil , found i n ourselve s a s well as in others , an d t o labo r fo r it s cure bot h withi n ourselve s an d i n th e tota l societ y o f whic h w e ar e a part. By cleavin g t o th e spiritua l interpretatio n o f Jewish experienc e w e provide a means for th e non-religiou s amon g us to progress in th e real m of the spirit through thei r Jewish identification. T o be sure, we have no w shown how the gulf in many mens minds between adherenc e to spiritua l values and th e conviction s o f religion ma y be bridged. Ther e i s in fac t a plus o f conviction i n religiou s faith , wit h regar d t o th e root s i n eternit y of spiritua l values , whic h canno t b e obtaine d b y th e cultivatio n o f a humanist attitud e alone . Spiritually minde d peopl e will still find congre gational lif e th e bes t mean s o f continuin g thei r ow n spiritua l progress , through self-identificatio n wit h Jewish experienc e i n th e religiou s inter pretation, an d b y promotin g it s value s i n th e socia l groupin g o f whic h they are a part. (Guideposts, 201 )

19 An Introductory Overview This cardina l t h e m e i s furthe r develope d i n "Buildin g O u r Futur e i n America." W h i l e continuin g t o criticiz e th e n o t i o n o f a Jewish " m i s sion," Agu s her e advocate s w h a t h e call s " t h e concep t o f a 'creativ e minority,' " b y w h i c h h e mean s tha t th e America n Jewis h c o m m u n i t y should emphasiz e "autonomy , o n creativeness , [which ] wil l cheris h an d foster whateve r cultura l an d spiritua l value s ar e generate d b y ever y individual interpretation , ever y aspiration , withi n th e c o m m u n i t y " (Guideposts, 213) . T h a t i s t o say : A "creativ e minority " is , first , a minorit y tha t sense s it s underlyin g an d essential unit y wit h th e genera l population , eve n a s i t i s consciou s o f it s own distinguishin g attributes . W e ar e no t a s a lonel y island , battere d b y the endles s wave s o f th e encirclin g ocean , bu t on e o f a chai n o f island s which for m a soli d continuou s rang e beneat h th e raging , restles s surface . Distinctive a s our histor y an d traditio n are , the y ye t constitut e a vital par t of th e real m o f idea s an d experienc e upo n whic h America n civilizatio n is based . Thu s w e ar e par t o f Christia n culture , thoug h apar t fro m it ; and, eve n a s we cheris h an d cultivat e ou r ow n specifi c heritage , w e mus t not ignor e th e massiv e historica l reality , th e "Judeo-Christia n tradition, " which form s th e spiritua l substratu m o f Western civilization . Secondly, a "creativ e minority " evolve s ne w value s fo r th e genera l community, o f which i t i s a part, ou t o f the peculia r circumstance s whic h set i t apart . Whil e no t officiousl y seekin g t o lea d o r teac h o r preach , i t expands th e cultura l horizon s o f th e whol e communit y b y developin g the implication s o f it s uniqu e position . I n thi s sens e th e Jewish c o m m u nity, b y faithfull y tracin g ou t th e inne r logi c o f it s tradition s an d devel oping th e implici t truth s o f it s peculiar status , migh t unfol d fres h insight s for th e guidanc e o f th e entir e America n nation . Thirdly, a "creativ e minority " i s value-centere d an d oriente d t o th e future. Neithe r exhauste d b y th e elementa l struggl e fo r bar e surviva l no r overcome b y th e grea t glor y o f th e past , it s fac e i s turne d towar d th e sunlight o f spiritua l growth . I t refuse s eithe r t o chaf e vainl y agains t th e boundaries tha t enclos e i t o r t o loo k abov e the m wit h Olympia n detach ment a s if they di d no t exist . (Guideposts, 214-15 ) T h e Jewis h c o m m u n i t y wil l an d shoul d remai n i n Americ a an d ca n flourish here , i f i t work s t o maintai n an d enhanc e it s religio-spiritua l identity.

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Steven T. Katz The remainin g essay s i n Guideposts are mor e directl y theologica l i n nature, beginnin g wit h a two-part essa y title d " A Reasone d Faith " an d subtitled "Th e Ide a o f God. " Th e firs t hal f o f thi s essa y tries , wit h considerable success , t o establis h th e conceptua l basi s fo r a knowledg e of God ; th e secon d hal f deal s wit h Go d a s known throug h ou r experi ence. Her e Agu s argue s for th e intuitionis t position : "Whe n w e ar e fac e to fac e wit h a striking truth , a n ac t o f triumphant goodnes s o r a n even t of surpassin g beauty , w e recogniz e th e qualit y o f time-transcendin g reality, a s a n immediate , direc t experience , an d w e thril l t o i t a s a fact , not merel y a reasoned argument " (Guideposts, 257) . The mos t importan t theological clai m advance d i n thi s essay , however , i s tha t Go d i s t o b e conceived o f in persona l rathe r tha n impersona l terms : Shall we thin k o f Him i n physical-philosophical term s suc h a s Principle, Power, Absolute , For m o r Cause , o r shal l w e emplo y th e personalistic biblical term s o f Father , th e Mercifu l One , th e Livin g God ? Manifestly , the onl y concept which , i n our experienc e constitute s th e polar opposit e to th e concep t o f mechanical causation . Yet , Go d i s not th e Sel f or Sou l of th e universe , but , a s th e Kabbalist s correctl y pointe d out , H e i s th e Soul o f the Soul , etc . o f the universe . And w e hav e n o wa y o f knowin g how man y link s ther e b e foun d i n th e spiritua l chai n o f being. (Guideposts, 268) . The secon d theologica l pape r deal s wit h th e absolutel y essentia l an d Jewishly unavoidabl e issu e o f "Tora h Mi-Sinai, " tha t is , th e natur e an d claims o f revelation. Rejectin g th e rejectio n o f faith whil e affirmin g th e authenticity o f revelation , ye t awar e o f th e philosophica l problem s tha t the traditional , literalis t notio n o f revelatio n ha s engendere d i n th e modern world , Agu s attempt s t o stee r a middl e groun d tha t argue s fo r the realit y o f nonpropositiona l revelation . Go d speak s t o u s i n ou r ethical intuition , i n ou r religiou s feelin g (piety) , an d i n moment s o f inspiration—our ethica l intuition s bein g th e mos t "objective " categor y (Guideposts, 288)—rathe r tha n i n th e literal legal and historica l formula tions o f the Bible : Since revelatio n occur s betwee n ma n an d God , i t i s obviousl y unscien tific an d therefor e untruthfu l t o assum e tha t th e huma n o r particula r element i s no t fel t i n th e conten t o f revelation . Inevitably , th e "Tora h speaks the language of men," in all its finiteness, limitation and particular -

21 An Introductory Overview

ity. Thus, objectively , God s speec h i s not verba l expression ; God s com mand i s no t a specific precept ; God's behes t i s no t th e fire, clamo r an d whirlwind o f dogmatic rivalries . (Guideposts, 291—92 ) What make s Judaism distinctive—wha t make s Judaism, Judaism—i s that i t translate s thi s encounte r wit h Go d int o lega l categories—"th e command o f God" (296) , the halakah : Halachah i s fo r u s th e wa y i n whic h Go d s word i s progressivel y bein g shaped int o way s o f life . Thi s vie w i s i n perfec t harmon y wit h ou r historical knowledge o f the evolution o f Halachah. The laws of Halachah were no t onl y consciousl y ordaine d fo r th e purpos e o f fosterin g th e "normative" consciousness ; the y wer e als o i n par t subconsciousl y evolved ou t o f the inner religiou s drive , to translat e "feeling " int o "law. " In thi s way , th e regime n o f Halacha h mad e th e observan t Jew fee l tha t the whol e worl d wa s encompasse d b y th e swa y o f Divine Law . (Guideposts, 297 )

However, th e halaka h is , like al l products o f revelation, a n admixtur e o f human an d divin e elements : We mus t mak e i t clea r fro m th e objectiv e viewpoin t tha t th e reveale d character o f Jewish legislatio n refer s t o th e genera l subconsciou s spritua l drive whic h underlie s th e whol e bod y o f Halachah, no t t o th e detail s o f the Law. The vital fluid of the Torah-tree derive s from th e numinous soil of the Divine , but th e actua l contour s o f the branche s an d th e leave s are the product o f a variety of climatic and accidental causes . It is of the ver y essence o f the reasonin g proces s t o recogniz e tha t th e particula r i s acci dental an d contingent . . . . All tha t w e ca n an d d o affir m i s th e Divin e character o f th e principl e o f Halachah . Fro m th e viewpoin t o f history , we kno w tha t th e Shulcha n Aruc h di d no t sprin g fullblow n fro m th e mind o f Moses. I t i s the produc t o f gradua l evolution , i n whic h divers e social an d economi c factor s wer e conjoine d wit h thos e o f a purel y religious character . (Guideposts, 298—99 ) And th e outcom e o f thi s complex , evolutionary , historica l process , according t o Agus ' criteria , allow s fo r change , modification , an d inno vation i n th e halakah—bu t no t fo r th e rejectio n o f th e La w itself , tha t is, a full denia l o f the categor y o f halakah pe r se .

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Steven T. Katz Agus the n applie s thi s understandin g o f the halaka h i n th e nex t thre e essays, whic h ar e devoted , respectively , t o (i ) "La w i n Conservativ e Judaism"; (2 ) "Law s a s Standards" ; an d (3 ) "Pluralis m i n Law. " H e rightly recognize s th e fundamenta l differenc e betwee n hi s understand ing o f halakah (als o tha t o f the Conservativ e movement ) an d tha t o f th e Orthodox tradition . Wit h honest y h e acknowledges , "Manifestly , then , the Conservativ e movemen t canno t b e describe d a s fallin g withi n th e limits o f 'Halachah'—tru e Judaism . O n th e othe r hand , i t doe s no t reject 'Halachah ' i n th e slightes t i n theor y an d i t doe s no t accep t Halachah ver y largel y i n practice " (Guideposts, 310-11). Alternatively , he contend s that , fo r th e Conservativ e movement , "th e presen t i s mor e determinative tha n th e past " (312) ; an d therefor e th e movemen t mus t depend o n th e legitimac y o f it s ow n considere d takkanot (rabbinica l enactments), i n orde r t o moderniz e th e halaka h a s i t deem s necessary . To ai d i n thi s process , Agu s supporte d th e creatio n o f a modern Sanhe drin, empowere d t o mak e halaki c chang e a s necessary: I woul d therefor e sugges t th e creatio n o f a Synhedrin-Academ y t o consist o f Jewis h scholar s an d leader s i n ever y fiel d o f cultur e an d achievement, chose n fro m amon g th e world-wid e communit y o f Israel. Meeting annually, this convocation o f the best representatives of the spirit of Judaism woul d dea l with th e mora l an d spiritua l problem s o f the lan d of Israel , o f th e Jewis h people , an d o f humanity . It s discussion s an d decisions would , o f course , no t b e bindin g upo n th e governmen t o f Israel, though i t would n o doub t tak e up for revie w and critica l appraisa l the mora l issues involved in th e debate s and proceedings o f the Kenesset . The discussion s of the Synhedrin-Academy, constitutin g as they woul d a running commentar y upo n th e varied problems of the Jew in particula r and o f ma n i n general , woul d i n tim e perhap s com e t o for m a ne w Talmud, expressive of the best thought o f our time. World Jewry, throug h its leadin g representatives , woul d b e give n th e opportunit y t o thin k together, an d t o unfol d th e implication s o f Jewis h traditio n fo r th e understanding o f the crise s of our ow n da y and age. (Guideposts, 376—77 ) Guideposts' collection o f essay s end s wit h tw o critica l boo k reviews : the first o f Mordecai Kaplan' s The Future of the American Jew (Ne w York , 1948), th e secon d o f The Theology of Paul Tillich, volum e 1 i n th e Library o f Living Theolog y (Ne w York , 1953) . R. Agus ' fourt h majo r publicatio n wa s Evolution of Jewish Thought

23

An Introductory Overview (1959). Growin g ou t o f a variet y o f teachin g contexts , thi s stud y set s out t o provide a n educated revie w o f the mai n historica l stage s of Jewish thought. I t opens with chapter s o n th e Bible an d the Rabbini c period — including, interestingly , a chapte r o n "Th e Secessio n o f Christianity " (chapter 4)—an d the n move s throug h "Th e Ris e o f Jewish Rational ism" (chapte r 6) , "Th e Declin e o f Rationalism " (chapte r 7) , Cabal a (chapter 9) , Hasidis m (chapte r 10) , and "Th e Ag e o f Reason." Thi s las t chapter analyzes th e wor k o f Baruc h Spinoz a an d Mose s Mendelssoh n and th e repercussiv e intellectua l an d politica l issue s tha t aros e fro m th e debate ove r Jewis h emancipatio n afte r th e Frenc h Revolution . Th e specific characte r an d th e academi c strength s an d weaknesse s o f individ ual aspect s o f thi s lon g an d fascinatin g history , a s retol d b y Agus , ar e treated a t lengt h i n severa l o f th e origina l essay s tha t mak e u p th e chapters i n thi s book . I woul d cal l attentio n no t onl y t o Agus ' wid e erudition an d master y o f th e entir e rang e o f rabbinical , philosophical , and cabalisti c material s but , mor e important , t o hi s methodologica l insight: In thi s volume , w e propos e t o sho w tha t Judais m i n nearl y ever y ag e resembled a n Orienta l tapestr y i n th e plenitud e o f color s an d shade s i t embraced an d unified . Th e comparativ e unit y o f la w an d custo m con cealed the great diversit y of thought an d sentiment. Within th e authenti c field o f Jewish consciousnes s we recognize a n unending struggle betwee n the self-exaltatio n o f romanti c nationalis m an d th e self-dedicatio n o f prophetism; betwee n th e auster e appea l o f ruthles s rationalit y an d th e beguiling seductio n o f self-flatterin g sentiments ; betwee n th e gentl e charm o f moralisti c an d pietisti c devotion s an d th e popula r preferenc e for routinized rites and doubt-proof dogmas. The mighty tensions withi n the sou l o f contemporar y Wester n ma n wer e reflecte d faithfull y an d clearly i n th e current s an d cross-current s o f th e histori c strea m o f Judaism. (Evolution, 6) In contradistinctio n t o older , monolithi c rendering s o f th e Jewish past , Agus her e expresse s th e mos t importan t insigh t generate d b y th e bes t modern Jewish scholarship , namely , tha t Judaism i s a "ric h spectru m o f colors rangin g fro m th e twiligh t mood s o f mysticism t o th e star k clarit y of rationalism , fro m th e loft y height s o f universa l idealis m t o th e dar k depths o f collective 'sacre d egoism ' " (400) . Yet despit e thi s diversity , thi s absenc e o f a centra l authority , thi s

24 Steven T. Katz tolerance o f variou s intellectua l approache s an d understandings , ther e was an abidin g "unit y o f the Jewish tradition. " Thi s la y in th e text , th e contex t an d th e emphasi s o f all schools i n Judaism. Th e unity of a river consists of the bedrock an d banks of the channels throug h which i t flows, th e interminglin g o f th e tributarie s i n th e cours e o f it s flow an d th e impetu s o f directio n share d b y it s waters . I n Judaism, th e unity o f sourc e i s the chai n o f sacred literature , th e unit y o f bedrock i s the social structure o f Jewish life an d the unity of impetus is the quest fo r the realizatio n o f th e Godlik e qualitie s o f th e huma n personality . Th e text is the series of sacred documents, th e Pentateuch, Bible and Talmud , and al l th e varie d book s o f th e classica l tradition . Al l interpreter s o f Judaism, a s fa r a s thei r idea s ma y range , retur n fo r inspiratio n an d guidance t o th e sam e sacre d books . Ther e exist s als o th e unifyin g cod e of conduct regulatin g worship, hom e ritua l an d everyda y life. (Evolution, 413)

Despite Agus ' desir e t o "modernize " centra l aspect s o f classical Judaism, he wa s to o roote d i n th e rabbinica l traditio n t o fai l t o understan d (an d to want ) som e residu e o f vital meanin g an d authorit y remainin g i n th e canonical text s o f the traditio n an d i n th e ongoin g Jewish community . However, wit h regar d t o th e Jewish people , Judaism, an d th e Jewis h community, Agu s i s quic k t o add—sensitiv e t o th e criticis m regularl y directed a t Jews an d Judaism, tha t the y ar e "narrow-minded " an d paro chial i n thei r interest s an d concerns—tha t Jew s an d Judais m nee d b e neither o f thes e things . I n particular , h e reinterpret s th e doctrin e o f Israel's chosenness , o f the Jews a s the "chose n people, " i n thi s way : Is it th e intentio n o f this concep t tha t th e peopl e ough t t o b e dedicate d to th e ideal s o f God , o r doe s i t mea n tha t th e lif e o f th e peopl e i s supremely importan t becaus e th e ideal s o f Go d ar e attache d t o it ? Th e two alternative s d o no t appea r t o b e mutuall y exclusive . Ye t ther e i s a real choice betwee n th e tw o attitude s i n ever y concret e situation . In th e one cas e th e communit y act s as a "prophet-people," gaugin g it s policie s by means o f universal, ethica l principles an d sacrificin g it s own tempora l welfare fo r th e sak e o f it s ideals . I n th e othe r cas e th e welfar e o f th e nation itsel f i s ranke d a s th e suprem e valu e an d embrace d wit h th e wholeheartedness an d totality of devotion that is characteristic o f genuine piety. I n effec t th e secon d alternativ e turn s nationalis m itsel f int o a

25 An Introductory Overview zealous religio n an d al l universa l ideal s ar e accorde d onl y secondar y significance. Th e postur e o f a "prophet-people" i s still assumed, bu t th e ideals o f prophec y ar e n o longe r th e goa l o f th e natio n s existence an d the measurin g ro d o f it s actions , onl y s o muc h guis e an d disguise . (Evolution, 419-20 ) Ever sensitiv e t o th e universa l ethica l implication s o f religiou s dogmas , Agus her e onc e agai n decipher s th e traditio n i n broad , humanistic , an d nonexclusivist terms . Agus' nex t majo r publicatio n wa s hi s two-volum e The Meaning of Jewish History (1963) . Thi s ca n fairl y b e describe d a s a n ideologica l history o f th e Jewis h peopl e fro m biblica l time s t o th e present . Th e concern o f th e narrativ e i s t o sho w th e breadt h an d diversit y o f Jewish historical experience , it s plura l spiritua l an d politica l forms , whil e de mythologizing it s essentia l character . I n th e cours e o f hi s exposition , Agus continuall y throw s ligh t o n th e dialecti c betwee n ethni c an d universal loyaltie s i n thi s history , arguin g agains t th e ethnic , mystical , romantic, an d chauvinisti c an d fo r th e ecumenical , rational , philosophi cal, and broadly human e element s within th e tradition . Th e latte r value s and principle s ar e t o b e ou r mode l an d guid e int o th e Jewish future . Two historica l case s discusse d a t som e lengt h ar e especiall y notable . The first , "Th e Jewish-Christian Schism, " i s of unusual interes t becaus e of Agus ' lon g an d profoun d involvemen t i n Jewish-Christian dialogue . According t o Agus , th e missionizin g succes s o f Christianit y wa s th e result o f tw o phenomena . On e wa s th e specifi c Christia n resolutio n o f the tensio n withi n Judaism betwee n th e Jewish peopl e an d others : First, th e tensio n between th e Jewish people an d humanity. I t is not tru e that th e Christian s wer e mor e universalis t tha n th e Jews, openin g u p th e boon of salvation to all men, while the Jews sought to keep the Promise all to themselves . But i t is true tha t Christianit y wa s less nation-centered than Judaism. Th e fac t i s that withi n Pharisai c Judaism ther e wa s a powerful , liberal trend that aimed to disseminate the faith among the nations and that taught "the pious of the nations have a share in the world to come." There was also a tendency t o take account o f the monotheistic current s o f piety, flowing beneath the surface trends of paganism. On th e other hand, in the first tw o centuries , Christia n though t wa s distinctl y illiberal , discounte nancing th e belie f that Go d reveal s Himsel f in differen t way s to differen t peoples. Did not the Fathers consign the vast majority o f mankind to per-

26 Steven T. Katz dition an d ope n th e gate s o f paradis e onl y t o thos e w h o accepte d thei r dogmas? Yet th e Christia n communit y wa s fa r bette r dispose d fo r th e winnin g of convert s tha n th e Jewis h people , precisel y becaus e i t wa s a church , not a historical-sociologica l group . T h e essentia l differenc e la y i n th e fact tha t th e Christia n communit y consiste d o f individuals, w h o gaine d or los t thei r ow n titl e t o salvation . Anyon e coul d ente r an d anyon e could leav e thi s "Israe l o f th e spirit. " T h e promis e o f salvatio n an d th e warning o f damnatio n wer e directe d t o th e individual . I n Judaism , th e individual coul d dissipat e o r enlarg e hi s heritage , bu t th e fait h wa s stil l his heritage , a s a membe r o f "th e people. " In Christianity , th e balanc e betwee n th e individua l an d th e histori c community wa s shattere d b y th e rejectio n o f "th e people " a s th e focu s of Divin e concern . An y numbe r o f individua l Jew s coul d ente r th e Christian community , bu t "th e people " a s suc h wa s repudiated . {Meaning, 1:167-68 ) T h e othe r p h e n o m e n o n wa s th e wa y i n w h i c h th e C h u r c h shattere d the tension , inheren t i n Judaism, b e t w e e n prophec y an d priesthood : The evolutio n o f event s wa s paradoxical . Fo r i n th e beginning , i t wa s th e renewal o f th e mystical-ecstati c phas e o f prophecy tha t serve d a s a substi tute fo r th e priestl y concer n wit h ritual . T o becom e a Christia n wa s t o be baptize d b y th e "Hol y Spirit. " {Meaning, 1:168 ) T h e secon d cas e concern s th e developmen t o f th e Talmud . A s a tru e talmid chacham, Agu s k n e w hi s Talmud , an d therefor e hi s reflection s o n its creation , organization , an d m e a n i n g — i n ligh t o f hi s libera l philoso phy o f h a l a k a h — a r e ful l o f theologica l interest . H e doe s n o t disguis e the narro w aspect s o f talmudi c t e a c h i n g — f o r example , regardin g th e difference b e t w e e n Israe l an d th e n a t i o n s — b u t h e i s a t pain s t o indicat e that th e opposit e tendencie s ar e t o b e foun d i n th e Talmu d a s well. A n d he leave s n o d o u b t a s t o w h e r e hi s preference s lie : Within th e Talmud , th e tensio n betwee n humanis m an d ethnicis m wa s continuous an d unresolved . I t wa s possibl e fo r Talmud-traine d peopl e t o effect thei r ow n resolutio n o f thes e conflictin g trends , som e magnifyin g the on e aspec t o f th e traditio n an d som e emphasizin g th e othe r aspect . As w e hav e note d previously , th e masse s o f th e peopl e probabl y incline d

27 An Introductory Overview toward th e pol e o f ethni c prid e an d prejudice , whil e th e saintl y fe w thought i n universa l an d humanisti c terms . (Meaning, 1:222 ) In th e secon d volum e o f The Meaning of Jewish History, Agu s take s hi s narrative forwar d int o th e medieva l an d m o d e r n eras . O f th e t w o chapters o n th e medieva l period , th e firs t i s a rathe r lon g essa y o n w h a t migh t b e calle d Jewis h socia l history . I t intelligently , an d w i t h considerable historica l learning , seek s t o explor e th e perplexin g issu e o f Jewish surviva l i n thi s hostil e epoch . Agu s rightl y stresse s tha t Jew s were subjects , a s wel l a s objects , w h o t o o k responsibilit y fo r thei r circumstances an d acte d t o defen d thei r interest s an d assur e thei r collec tive survival . A n d Agu s pay s specia l attentio n t o th e rol e o f messianis m in thi s historica l contex t (Meaning, 2:269—80) . T h e secon d essa y deal s critically wit h w h a t Agu s call s " T h e T r i u m p h o f Subjectivism : Q a b b a lah." Agu s i s fundamentall y unsympatheti c t o thi s traditio n o f esoteri c speculation, w h i c h h e describe s i n thi s way : While philosoph y seek s t o explai n lif e i n term s o f th e categorie s o f spirit—logic, ethics , an d estheti c harmony—Qabbala h aim s t o tak e ac count o f man' s existence , especiall y th e destin y o f th e Jew , i n term s o f the categorie s o f life —the rhythm s o f th e Divin e Bein g an d th e variou s emanations derivin g fro m it . T o th e philosopher , al l huma n histor y i s ultimately reducibl e t o mechanica l force s an d mathematica l formulae . T o the Qabbalist , al l explanation s ar e ultimatel y th e narratio n o f a serie s o f events i n th e Divine Pleroma (the Emanation s an d Sefiroth) , whic h stand s between Go d an d man . Ye t Qabbala h i s no t altogethe r a reversio n t o pagan mythology , sinc e th e impetu s o f monotheis m i s stil l containe d within it . Th e Qabbalis t strain s wit h al l th e power s o f personality towar d the dark , comfortin g shadow s o f insulate d piety , bu t ther e i s a desperat e tension i n hi s sou l fo r h e ha s bee n drive n fro m th e paradis e o f naivet e b y the subtl e serpen t o f speculation . It i s important t o tak e a good loo k a t th e bizarr e patter n o f Qabbalisti c speculations, fo r Qabbala h wa s no t merel y a temporar y aberratio n o f Medieval Jews . A s a matte r o f fact , Qabbala h capture d th e Jewish min d at th e en d o f th e fifteent h century , a t th e ver y tim e whe n th e divers e movements o f Renaissance , Reformation , an d Counter-Reformatio n were strugglin g fo r supremacy . Steadil y throug h th e sixteent h an d eigh teenth centuries , i t dominate d th e mind s o f Jewish thinkers . (Meaning, 2:287-88)

28 Steven T. Katz Agus attribute s th e powe r an d attractio n o f cabalisti c though t t o th e oppressive situation i n which Jews found themselve s in the late medieva l and earl y moder n eras . Ami d th e brutalit y an d persecution , cabal a provided a "piou s fantasy " tha t console d th e Jewish peopl e whil e the y waited "supinel y fo r th e Messiah " (289) . Agus' understandin g o f cabal a is no t flattering, an d ther e i s mor e t o b e sai d abou t th e natur e o f cabalistic teaching s tha n Agu s says , bu t h e i s certainl y correc t i n hi s historical judgment tha t Qabbalah . . . aide d th e Je w i n hi s struggl e fo r surviva l unde r advers e conditions, bu t i t als o separate d hi m fro m an y intellectual-ethica l com munion wit h th e emergin g societ y o f mankind. I t provide d a n excitin g mythology, elevatin g ever y Jewis h custo m an d ever y nuanc e o f th e liturgy t o th e ran k o f a world-savin g enterprise . A t th e sam e time , the speculativ e notion s an d th e debri s o f ancien t philosophica l system s contained withi n it s volumes offere d substitut e satisfaction s t o th e insis tent ques t o f th e intellectuals . Bu t thes e service s o f Qabbala h wer e purchased a t th e hig h pric e o f deepenin g th e isolatio n o f th e Jew. Th e ritual barrier s wer e raise d higher . Eve n mor e important , th e divisio n between Je w an d Gentil e wa s no w universall y assume d t o b e on e o f metaphysical substanc e an d origin . I t wa s n o longe r a matte r o f belie f that separate d th e Jew fro m "th e nations, " bu t th e fac t tha t th e Jewis h souls were derive d from th e Divine Being, while th e souls of the nation s were spark s from th e satani c Pleroma o f shells, th e s o calle d "othe r side " (Sitra Ahra). O n thi s basis , ther e coul d no t possibl y b e an y kin d o f intellectual contac t between Jews and Gentiles . (Meaning, 2:295 ) In hi s treatmen t o f th e moder n period , Agu s begin s b y tracin g th e influence o f cabala i n Sabbatianis m (seventeent h century ) an d Hasidis m (eighteenth century) . H e the n turn s t o th e proces s o f emancipatio n i n Western Europ e an d retell s th e familia r tal e o f Spinoza ; Mendelssohn ; the Haskalah ; th e "Jewis h question " before, during , an d afte r th e Frenc h Revolution; earl y Zionism ; bundism ; Napoleon ; romanticism ; Refor m Judaism; Dubnow' s "autonomism" ; an d th e ris e o f modern anti-Semit ism. Agu s ha s rea d widel y o n al l thes e matters , make s sobe r judgment s (whether o r no t on e agree s wit h al l o f them) , an d is , i n general , a reliable guid e t o thi s comple x historica l development . Wha t mak e th e exercise interestin g ar e Agu s "opinionated " view s o n nearl y ever y sub ject reviewed . H e know s wh o th e "goo d guys " an d th e "ba d guys "

29 An Introductory Overview

are—and h e ha s though t throug h th e merit s o f th e variou s ideologica l positions reporte d on . In th e "Epilogue, " Agus discusse s the rebirt h o f the Stat e o f Israel an d the stat e o f Jewish lif e i n America . On e mus t remar k tha t th e thirty odd years since th e publicatio n o f the The Meaning of Jewish History have shown Agu s t o b e abou t hal f righ t i n hi s vie w fo r th e futur e o f Arab Israeli relation s an d o f America n Jewry—hal f righ t o n th e forme r because, whil e hi s insistenc e tha t peac e wa s achievabl e ha s bee n prove n true i n th e peac e wit h Egypt , Jordan, an d th e accor d wit h th e Palestin e Liberation Organization , hi s idealism tha t cause d hi m t o counsel : At thi s writing , w e canno t foretel l th e cours e o f Israel s development , nor ca n w e outlin e a specific polic y fo r immediat e implementation . Bu t this can be said with certainty , th e moral health an d the very life o f Israel depend upo n it s finding way s to win ove r the Arabs. The tas k is not on e of concluding pacts with th e neighborin g governments , but o f achieving true bonds of fraternity with the Arab people. To this end, the Arabs within Israel's borders an d thos e encampe d o n it s periphery mus t b e converte d into a bridge of friendship betwee n th e two ancient peoples. By workin g for the m an d with them , smolderin g hates can be transmute d int o a new blaze of amity an d unity (Meaning, 2:466 ) still seems ou t o f touch wit h th e hars h mas s situation o n th e ground . Likewise, Agus ' optimis m vis-a-vi s Americ a wa s largely correct . Th e United State s has proven t o b e a "golden land " o f unlimited opportuni ties fo r Jews , especiall y i n th e las t thirt y years . Ye t th e correspondin g erosion i n commitment—t o th e identit y an d precept s o f Judaism indi cated mos t clearl y b y th e rat e o f intermarriage—withi n th e America n Jewish communit y i s unprecedente d an d threaten s th e ver y shap e an d enduring vitalit y o f the community . In 1966 , Agu s publishe d hi s matur e view s o n Jewis h ethic s i n The Vision and the Way. Polarit y agai n dominate s hi s thought . Ethic s i s born o f tw o sources , th e intellec t an d feeling . Jewis h ethic s i s notable , commendable, b y virtu e o f th e fac t tha t i t manage s t o hol d thes e tw o "pillars" i n creativ e tension . I n consequence , th e transrationa l visio n which assert s tha t Go d i s the sourc e o f all goodness an d beyon d huma n judgment i s balanced b y "th e Wa y o f justice an d righteousness, " tha t is , a rational , universa l ethi c whic h require s tha t ethica l norm s b e subjec t to huma n investigatio n an d judgment : "T o believ e i n God , W h o i s

30 Steven T. Katz beyond Natur e an d unlike al l things , and , a t th e sam e time , t o insis t tha t the moral-rationa l Way , a s i t i s manifes t i n th e ligh t o f reason , i s a revelation o f Hi s W i l l — t h i s dua l convictio n establishe s th e centra l polarity i n biblica l religion " {Vision and Way, 33) . Agus trace s thi s fruitfu l polarit y throug h th e mai n ethica l categorie s of Jewish t h o u g h t an d life . H e draw s a ric h pictur e o f Jewish ethic s fro m the talmudi c text s tha t provid e a n imag e o f a n "Idea l S o c i e t y " — w i t h its concer n fo r socia l justice , th e poor , an d th e oppressed ; it s "massiv e philanthropic enterprises " (Vision and Way, 63) ; an d it s h o p e fo r messi anic perfection , brough t o n b y h u m a n deeds , a t w h i c h tim e evi l wil l b e finally eradicate d an d th e goo d v i n d i c a t e d — a n d a n "Idea l Personality " (chapter 4 ) i n w h i c h th e mora l "her o i s th e incarnatio n o f th e ideal(s) " (73), a n hei r o f th e prophets , a perso n w h o blend s priestlines s an d th e virtues o f th e "Discipl e o f th e W i s e " (78) : Unlike th e saint , h e neve r forget s th e claim s o f h u m a n i t y — o f family , o f work, o f innocen t delights . H e i s awar e o f th e "Evi l Desire " an d o f th e many way s i n whic h i t corrupt s man' s bes t intentions , bu t lik e th e philosopher, h e revere s th e regenerativ e an d intellectua l qualitie s o f h u man nature . ( Vision and Way, 79 ) In addition , Agu s decipher s " T h e Virtu e o f Obedience, " " T h e Infi nite Dimensio n o f Purity, " " T h e Ethic s o f Self-Realization, " an d " F r e e d o m an d Determinism. " Fo r eac h topic , h e present s th e traditio n i n it s variety, it s strength s an d limits . I n sum , th e b o o k is , t h r o u g h hi s e x t e n sive quotatio n o f primar y material s mainl y a n antholog y o f rabbinica l doctrines o n th e g o o d life , compile d b y a maste r anthologizer . In regar d t o th e contemporar y situatio n i n comparativ e historica l perspective, Agu s make s th e importan t observatio n tha t looking a t th e tota l spectru m o f Jewish ethics , on e see s tha t th e popula r notion, tha t th e La w govern s ever y questio n i n Judaism , i s a fallacy . A s has bee n pointe d out , ther e wer e indee d time s whe n nearl y al l creativ e principles wer e locke d int o th e rigi d categorie s o f a n all-embracin g la w that wa s presumed t o b e God-given . Bu t pan-halachism i s more character istic o f extremis t Orthodox y i n th e moder n perio d tha n o f th e pre modern tradition . I n th e Talmu d th e cast-iro n logi c o f legalis m wa s balanced b y severa l factors—th e projectio n o f a n ethica l domai n " b e yond th e law " (lifnim mishurat hadin), th e recognitio n o f th e validit y o f

31 An Introductory Overview the more s an d moral s o f civilize d humanit y (derech eretz), an d b y th e mystical o r philosophica l notion s tha t wer e cultivate d i n esoteri c circles . As lat e a s th e sixteent h century , whe n th e Shulha n Aruc h wa s codified , the real m o f Perfectio n beyon d th e La w wa s cultivate d i n pietisti c an d mystical literature . (Vision and Way, 321 ) H e goe s o n t o argue : An analysi s o f th e inne r dynamic s o f Jewis h ethic s doe s no t revea l a monolithic philosoph y o f life. I t i s possible t o resolv e th e tensio n betwee n the Visio n an d th e Wa y b y choosin g an y on e o f man y position s withi n the ethical-religiou s polarity . Toleranc e o f differences i s a marked charac teristic o f rabbini c discussions—"thes e an d thes e ar e th e word s o f th e Living God. " A broa d consensu s o n an y on e issu e ma y emerg e a t an y one time , bu t w e ca n hardl y dignif y an y on e synthesi s a s bein g th e Jewish, o r th e "normative " one . (Vision and Way, 324 ) O n c e again , Agu s call s fo r a rational , nonracial , n o n - " i n - g r o u p " ethic. Suc h a n inclusiv e ethi c include s a c o n c e r n fo r th e worl d order , the searc h fo r internationa l justice , disarmament , th e en d o f nuclea r weapons, an d suppor t fo r th e U n i t e d Nation s s o a s t o mitigat e conflic t and preven t n e w crime s agains t humanity . Tradition and Dialogue, publishe d i n 1971 , continue d Agus ' reflection s o n a variet y o f contemporar y issues . H e r e th e essay s c o n c e r n th e J e w ish-Christian dialogue ; Agus ' o n g o i n g dialogu e w i t h A r n o l d Toynbe e over th e continuin g vitalit y o f Judaism (fo r Toynbe e s change o f opinio n regarding Judaism , du e t o Agus ' influence , se e volum e 1 2 o f Toynbee' s A Study of History: Reconsiderations, w h i c h include s t w o essay s b y Agu s published a s a n appendix) ; hi s respons e t o th e " G o d i s D e a d " m o v e ment, i n t w o sympatheti c bu t critica l essay s collecte d u n d e r th e headin g "Dialogue wit h th e N e w Atheists" ; a variet y o f issue s identifie d a s "Dialogue w i t h Secula r Ideologies" ; an d last , te n essay s o n interna l Jewish matters , rangin g fro m " T h e Prophe t i n M o d e r n H e b r e w Litera t u r e " t o " T h e C o n c e p t o f Israel " an d "Assimilation , Integration , Segre gation: T h e R o a d t o th e Future. " W h a t strike s o n e i n readin g thes e divers e piece s i s th e breadt h o f Agus' Jewis h learning . N o t onl y ar e biblical , talmudic , medieval , an d m o d e r n source s criticall y evaluated , bu t H e b r e w poet s suc h a s H a y i m N a h u m Biali k an d th e m o d e r n H e b r e w author s Sau l Tchernichovsky ,

32 Steven T. Katz J. H . Brenner , an d Ur i Zv i Greenber g ar e engage d i n a seriou s an d informed way . In 1978 , Agu s publishe d hi s nex t t o las t book , Jewish Identity in an Age of Ideologies. Thi s i s a sustaine d effor t bot h t o situat e th e Je w an d Judaism vis-a-vi s th e mos t importan t Europea n ideologie s o f th e pas t two hundre d year s an d t o vie w thes e ideologie s from a Jewish perspec tive. H e begin s wit h Mendelssoh n an d th e issu e o f Jewish-Christia n relations i n th e ag e o f Enlightenment . H e the n review s Immanue l Kant's hostilit y towar d Judaism an d th e effort s b y Jewish Kantian s suc h as Morit z Lazarus , Herman n Cohen , an d Le o Baec k t o brin g abou t some rapprochemen t betwee n Kantianis m an d Judaism . H e consider s the attitud e o f th e Germa n romantic s towar d religion , Judaism , an d religious reform , includin g a critiqu e o f Jewis h "romantics, " tha t is , those wh o deprecat e th e rol e o f reaso n i n th e religiou s life , suc h a s Samuel Davi d Luzzatt o (1800—1865 ) and , i n Agus ' controversia l view , Samson Raphae l Hirsc h (1808-1888) . I n chapte r 4 , titled "Ar e th e Jews 'Ahistorical'?" Agu s take s u p a critica l dialogu e wit h G . W . F . Hegel' s historicism an d thre e Jewish response s theret o by , respectively , Samue l Hirsch (1815-1889) , Solomo n Formsteche r (1808-1889) , an d Nahma n Krochmal (1785—1840) . Hirsc h an d Formsteche r trie d t o mee t Hegel' s criticism o f Judais m b y callin g fo r th e interna l refor m o f Judaism . Krochmal, a fa r deepe r thinker , trie d t o respon d t o Hege l b y denyin g the applicabilit y o f th e Hegelia n syste m t o Judaism; tha t is , h e argued , in contradistinctio n t o Hegel' s systemi c claims , tha t Judaism i s not subject t o th e norma l law s o f nationa l developmen t an d deca y tha t gover n other nations . Othe r school s an d movement s deal t wit h b y Agu s ar e nationalism; socialis m i n it s various forms , namely , bundis m an d Marx ism; Zionism ; racis m i n it s myria d forms ; Bergsonia n vitalism ; Jewis h existentialism (Bube r an d Rosenzweig) ; biblica l criticism ; Barthianis m (Karl Bart h [1886—1968]) ; an d Toynbeeis m (Arnol d Toynbee) . I n ever y instance Agu s i s a seriou s an d respectfu l critic ; i n ever y dialogu e h e makes th e cas e fo r a liberal, humanistic , nonromanti c Judaism, shor n o f the meta-myt h o f Jewis h being . Thoug h on e ca n diffe r wit h Agus ' various judgments, on e ca n neve r ignor e o r dismis s them . I n th e end , he ha s accomplishe d wha t h e se t ou t t o achiev e i n thi s work : t o vie w Judaism fro m bot h withi n an d withou t a s it struggle s wit h modernity . Agus' las t work , a collectio n o f theologica l essays , wa s publishe d i n 1983 unde r th e titl e The Jewish Quest. "Th e Jewish Quest, " h e tell s us , "is t o mak e onesel f an d th e worl d fi t fo r th e indwellin g o f th e Divin e

33 An Introductory Overview

Presence; theologicall y speaking , i t i s a yearnin g fo r th e 'kingdo m o f heaven' " (vii) . Her e familia r theme s ar e take n up , clarified , an d deep ened: Americ a an d th e Jewish people , Jewish self-definition , classicis m and romanticism , th e meta-myth , Zionism , holism , nonlitera l revela tion, Jewis h ethics , Judais m an d th e worl d community , Maimonides ' philosophical rationalism , th e defens e o f Conservativ e Judaism , th e foundations fo r a moder n revisio n o f th e halakah , anti-Semitism , an d various aspect s o f th e Jewish-Christian dialogue . T o th e en d Agu s wa s sober, cautious , yet hopeful ; oppose d t o fanaticis m o f all sorts; an enem y of Jewis h "self-mythification, " o f "biblica l claim s o f singularit y an d uniqueness," o f "th e seductiv e fantasie s o f self-glorification " (Jewish Quest, 10) ; suspicious o f messianic an d self-servin g metaphysica l claims ; and intensel y committe d t o a demandin g ethica l visio n tha t unite d al l peoples. Agus' philosophica l an d theologica l corpu s can , i n summation , b e seen a s extensive , consequential , an d provocative . Perhap s bes t charac terized a s a neo-Maimonidean , Agu s belong s t o th e lon g chai n o f Jewish rationalist s tha t include s Philo , Saadya , Maimonides , an d Men delssohn, an d whic h ha s bee n mor e recentl y represente d s o brilliantl y by Herman n Cohen . Lik e Cohen , o f whom h e wrot e admiringly , Agu s held firm t o th e convictio n tha t Judaism was explicable an d defensibl e i n universal rationa l an d ethica l terms . Possessin g thei r ow n dee p spiritua l integrity, th e classica l source s o f Judaism embodie d a profoundl y hu mane mora l visio n tha t wa s bot h philosophicall y compellin g an d meta physically attractive . Thos e who , ou t o f religious frustratio n o r a failur e of philosophica l nerve , see k t o tur n awa y fro m rationa l analysi s an d criteria i n thei r deconstructio n o f Judais m an d it s Go d d o a seriou s disservice t o th e intellectua l an d spiritua l traditio n the y see k t o excavat e and defend . Her e i s th e groun d o f Agus ' shar p disagreemen t wit h Buber's dialogica l philosoph y an d hi s reservation s abou t th e wor k o f Abraham Joshua Hesche l an d othe r contemporar y religiou s existential ists. Agu s admire d thei r religiou s intention s bu t faulte d thei r metho d and logic . Agus wa s no t a strange r t o religiou s feeling s o r dee p traditiona l religious commitments ; bu t h e hel d tha t thes e necessar y aspect s o f th e religious lif e mus t b e regulate d b y constraint s tha t onl y reaso n coul d supply. Thus , fo r example , thoug h a longtim e colleagu e o f Mordeca i Kaplan, h e wa s critica l o f Kaplan' s reconstructionis t views , no t onl y because the y lacke d groundin g i n th e traditiona l halaki c an d intellectua l

34 Steven T. Katz sources o f Judais m bu t als o becaus e Kapla n s systemati c revisio n o f Judaism alon g functionalis t anthropologica l an d sociologica l line s wa s spiritually impoverishe d an d impoverishing . God , fo r Agus , ha d t o b e more tha n "th e powe r tha t make s fo r salvation" ; Jewish behavio r ha d t o be mor e tha n sociologicall y define d "sancta, " an d th e obligation s o f Torah an d halaka h mor e tha n pragmati c initiative s an d psychologica l panaceas. Indeed , i t wa s thi s tension , thi s firml y hel d belie f i n th e necessity o f holding ont o a more traditiona l spirituality , tha t le d Agus t o admire th e genuin e mystica l personalit y o f Rev Kook , eve n thoug h h e was profoundl y critica l o f th e cabalisti c Weltanschauung that define d Kook s entir e though t world . Koo k s spirituality, hi s sens e o f th e pres ence o f th e Livin g God , attracte d Agus—no t leas t becaus e h e share d the sam e opennes s t o th e numinous . Agus' rationalis m als o separate d hi m fro m al l form s o f romanticism , the mos t importan t moder n Jewis h manifestation s o f thi s inclinatio n being foun d i n certai n version s o f Zionism . Here , whil e definin g him self a s a supporte r an d defende r o f th e Jewish righ t t o a nationa l state , Agus' outspoke n criticis m o f aspect s o f America n Zionism—tha t is , nationalism a s a substitut e fo r authenti c religiou s commitment—mad e him man y enemies . I n arguin g fo r thi s position , h e manifeste d a n attitude clos e t o th e intellectual-spiritua l stanc e tha t ha d bee n struc k b y Franz Rosenzweig , thoug h Rosenzwei g wa s writin g i n th e 1920s , be fore th e Shoa h an d th e creatio n o f th e moder n Stat e o f Israel . Lik e Rosenzweig, an d unlik e Buber , Agu s wa s suspiciou s o f al l form s o f nationalism, includin g Jewish nationalism . I believ e hi s stanc e vis-a-vi s the Stat e o f Israe l wa s to o critica l an d tha t h e wa s to o optimisti c wit h regard t o bot h th e futur e o f Jewish lif e i n th e diaspora , especiall y i n America, an d Israeli-Ara b relations , bu t h e wa s certainl y righ t t o war n of th e pseudomessiani c temptation s tha t th e creatio n o f a renewe d Jewish state , an d especiall y Jewis h victor y i n 1967 , ha s spawned . Th e State o f Israe l nee d no t b e th e messiani c stat e fo r i t t o b e Jewishl y necessary, legitimate , an d worth y o f ou r unwavering , thoug h no t un critical, support . If Agu s ha d seriou s reservation s abou t th e systemati c wor k o f othe r nineteenth- o r twentieth-centur y Jewis h thinker s an d movements , h e shared, i n a broa d sense , thei r cal l fo r halaki c revision . Thi s h e di d o n ethical an d rationa l grounds—an d her e especiall y h e become s a "mod ern" thinke r amon g th e pantheo n o f moder n thinkers , stretchin g fro m the earl y reformer s t o certai n contemporar y feminists . However , eve n

35 An Introductory Overview

in thi s are a o f fundamenta l concern , hi s approac h wa s distinctive . A s a true talmid chacham, h e demande d tha t th e halaki c change s h e supporte d be undertake n i n a way consisten t wit h th e spiri t o f th e halaki c proces s as he understoo d it . I n consequence , h e was considered to o conservativ e and traditiona l fo r man y o f hi s Conservativ e rabbinica l (an d other ) contemporaries, whil e fo r th e Orthodo x (an d certai n member s o f th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y hierarchy ) h e wa s to o radical . Agus wa s als o distinctivel y moder n i n hi s opennes s t o interreligiou s dialogue. Almos t al l majo r Jewis h thinker s o f th e twentiet h century — for example , Baeck , Rosenzweig , Buber , an d Heschel—hav e signifi cantly involve d themselve s i n reevaluatin g th e relationshi p o f Judais m and Christianity . Jaco b Agu s di d likewise . Give n hi s universa l ethica l norms an d broa d humanisti c concerns , thi s i s i n n o wa y surprising . Agus assume d tha t al l peopl e share d certai n basi c values , whic h wer e then individuall y expresse d i n th e world s differin g religiou s traditions . It wa s thi s dialecti c betwee n th e universa l an d th e particula r tha t la y a t the base of his deep, personal engagemen t i n thi s area and tha t energize d his theologica l conversatio n wit h suc h dialogu e partner s a s Arnol d Toynbee, Cardina l Bea , an d Baltimore' s Catholi c hierarchy . The n too , like man y Jewis h thinker s befor e him—Philo , Maimonides , Mendels sohn, Cohen , an d Rosenzweig—hi s participatio n i n ecumenica l dia logue wa s no t fre e o f apologeti c concerns ; tha t is , h e sough t t o defen d Judaism agains t it s detractor s an d t o shar e it s spiritua l an d intellectua l resources wit h other s o n th e assumptio n tha t non-Jew s coul d benefi t from it s distinctive wisdom . Taken altogether , Agu s pursue d hi s ow n unique , quit e America n modernizing vision , whic h ardentl y sough t t o remai n i n touc h wit h th e wellsprings o f the rabbinica l traditio n whil e bein g ope n t o th e intellec tual an d mora l current s o f his own time . CONCLUSION The individua l essay s i n th e presen t volum e an d th e selection s fro m R . Agus' ow n writing s i n th e ne w companio n volume , title d The Essential Agus: The Writings of R.Jacob B. Agus (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press, 1996) , conside r th e mai n aspect s o f Agus ' lif e an d wor k i n mor e detail. The y flesh ou t th e broa d an d repercussiv e theme s adumbrate d i n a schematic wa y in thi s Introduction. An d take n a s a whole, the y presen t a broa d an d substantia l pictur e o f a remarkabl e America n rabb i an d

36 Steven T. Katz scholar. On e doe s no t hav e t o agre e wit h al l o f Agus ' views—I , fo r one, disagre e wit h aspect s o f his writings o n Zionism , nonpropositiona l revelation, th e Torah , th e vitalit y an d futur e o f Conservativ e Judaism , and th e basi s for revisin g (o r not revising ) th e halaka h i n ou r time—bu t one ha s t o admir e hi s commitmen t t o th e Jewis h peopl e everywhere , his profound an d unwaverin g spirituality , hi s continual reminder s o f th e very rea l danger s o f pseudomessianism an d misplace d romanti c zeal , hi s devotion t o "Talmu d Torah " i n al l o f it s guises , hi s persona l piety , hi s willingness t o tak e politicall y an d religiousl y unpopula r stands , hi s de fense o f such me n a s Owe n Lattimor e an d Arnol d Toynbee , hi s consis tent fait h i n reason , hi s eruditio n i n Wester n philosophy , an d hi s tena cious ethica l humanism , whic h kne w n o ethni c o r racia l boundaries. I n sum, muc h o f th e bes t o f Jewish an d Wester n traditio n wa s incarnate d in a yeshiva bocher from Sislevitch . Ma y hi s memory b e fo r a blessing. NOTES i. Willia m James, Varieties of Religious Experience (New York, 1958) , 292-93. 2. Jaco b B. Agus, High Priest of Rebirth (Ne w York, 1972) , 154-55; hereafte r cited a s High Priest. Thi s boo k i s th e retitle d secon d editio n o f Banner of Jerusalem.

2 JACOB B . AGUS : A PERSONA L PORTRAI T Norton D. Shargel

IN TH E EARL Y 1950 s a youn g professo r delivere d a lectur e befor e Congregation Bet h Abraha m Unite d i n Dayton , Ohio . Afte r th e talk , a member approache d him . " I mis s Rabb i Agus, " sai d th e man . "Whe n he wa s her e I attende d service s ever y Frida y evening , shabbos morning and holiday . Eve n thoug h I didn' t understan d a thing, I felt tha t h e wa s saying somethin g important." 1 Physicall y Jacob Agu s wa s a smal l man , yet hi s mora l an d intellectua l statur e wer e suc h that , throughou t hi s long career , h e conveye d t o th e simples t congregan t a messag e o f hig h seriousness an d inestimabl e value . Yaakov Do v Agushewit z wa s bor n i n Sislowitz , Poland , o n Novem ber 8 , 1911 . Th e Jewis h inhabitant s o f thi s shtet l wer e "Litvaks" ; th e family cam e fro m a lon g lin e o f distinguishe d rabbis . Yaako v Dov' s mother, Bail a Devora h Beresnitsky , wa s descende d fro m th e Katzenel lenbogen family , whic h trace d it s lineag e bac k t o th e Mahara m o f Padua, R . Mei r Katzenellenboge n (fifteent h century) , an d eve n t o Rashi (elevent h century) , an d include d Rabb i Yo m To v Lipman n Heller, th e Tosfo t Yo m Tov , autho r o f a sixteenth-century commentar y on th e Mishnah . Yaako v Dov's father, Rabb i Yehuda h Lei b Agushewitz , was a rabbi' s son , a grandso n o f Ra v Eli , th e Grodne r Rov . H e ha d studied a t hi s grandfather' s yeshiv a an d wa s a classmate o f Rabbi Mosh e Feinstein, receivin g hi s semikha fro m R . Shneu r Zalma n Pines , th e father o f Rabbi Aaro n Kotler . Yaakov Do v wa s on e o f eigh t children. 2 Althoug h al l wer e talente d 37

38 Norton D. Shargel

and bright , som e exceedingl y so , "Yankel " wa s regarde d a s th e famil y ilui. I n childhoo d h e ha d a weak constitutio n an d nearl y succumbe d t o typhoid fever , whic h too k th e lif e o f hi s younge r sister . H e wa s a favorite o f bot h parent s an d the y pampere d him , thereb y instillin g i n the youn g la d a sens e o f self-assuranc e tha t woul d stan d hi m i n goo d stead whe n h e woul d late r challeng e Orthodo x dogmatism , Conserva tive equivocation , an d la y opponents i n an d ou t o f his congregation . After earl y studie s a t hom e an d i n th e heder , h e attende d th e Tach kemoni Yeshiv a i n Bialystock , a Mizrachi-typ e yeshiv a tha t adde d th e study o f Hebrew an d Tanak h t o th e traditiona l stud y o f Talmud. Com pared wit h Sislowitz , Bialystoc k wa s a bi g city ; ther e Jaco b ha d th e opportunity t o mee t differen t kind s o f Jews. Occasionall y h e an d hi s brothers wer e pursue d b y militant Hasidi c youths, wh o ha d learne d tha t the Agushewit z brother s wer e descendant s o f Rabb i Ezekie l Katzenel lenbogen; i n th e eighteent h century , Katzenellenbogen s ha d supporte d the Viln a Gaon' s attack s o n Shneu r Zalma n o f Liadi, th e founde r o f th e Lubavitch dynasty . Yaakov Agushewitz wa s raised i n a traditional environmen t wher e hi s heroes wer e Abraham , Moses , an d th e grea t rabbi s o f th e time . Whe n Yaakov Do v wa s te n year s old , on e suc h hero , Rabb i Yisrae l Mei r Hakohen (1838—1933) , th e preeminen t Jewish sag e o f hi s tim e (know n as th e Hafet z Hayim) , visite d Bialystok . Thousand s o f people , mostl y women, waite d fo r th e rabb i t o arriv e a t th e trai n station . Whe n th e Hafetz Hayi m emerge d fro m th e train , youn g Yaako v Do v wa s aston ished a t hi s tin y size . H e stoo d transfixe d a s the grea t rabbi , annoye d b y the attention , ra n swiftl y t o a waitin g car . Late r tha t day , whe n Yanke l heard th e Hafet z Hayi m spea k a t th e yeshiva, h e wa s more impresse d b y the aur a o f his personality tha n b y hi s words. 3 Before Worl d Wa r I the Agushewit z famil y wa s quit e prosperous , th e owners o f tannerie s an d rea l properties , an d thei r lif e wa s regulate d b y the pattern s o f traditiona l Europea n Jewis h piety . Travelin g o n a trai n after a brie f vacatio n o n Ros h Hodes h Nisan , littl e Yanke l feare d tha t the whistl e o f th e locomotiv e an d th e clackin g o f th e rail s woul d prevent hi m fro m hearin g th e shofa r announc e th e comin g o f th e Messiah! I n late r year s Jaco b use d th e stor y o f hi s Nisa n trai n tri p to illustrat e th e powerfu l sens e o f messiani c imminenc e eve n amon g intellectual Lithuania n Jews. 4 Jacob's father , Yehuda h Leib , wa s a n arden t admire r o f th e Malbim , Meir Loe b be n Jehie l Michae l (1809-1879) , on e o f th e outstandin g

39 A Personal Portrait

traditional Europea n rabbi s o f th e nineteent h century . Usin g th e Mal bim s commentary o n Danie l a s his guide, Yehudah Lei b wa s convince d that 192 5 would brin g th e expecte d Messiah. 5 Drive n b y the devastatio n and pogrom s o f postwar Poland , th e Agushewit z famil y lef t th e countr y in tha t year . Yehuda h Lei b travele d t o Americ a whil e hi s wif e an d children journeyed t o Palestine . Afte r a brief an d unsuccessfu l caree r a s a rabb i an d businessma n i n Ne w York , Yehuda h Lei b becam e a shohet. The pla n wa s fo r hi m t o accumulat e enoug h capita l t o join hi s famil y in Eret z Yisrael . For Yaakov , thos e tw o year s i n Palestin e serve d a s a n antidot e t o hi s fathers enthusias m fo r th e comin g o f the Messiah . First , th e famil y wa s shocked b y th e primitiv e condition s the y foun d i n th e Palestin e o f th e 1920s. Then thei r pla n t o buil d a series o f fruit orchard s i n th e are a no w known a s Ramat Ga n wa s frustrated . Finally , th e famil y becam e entan gled i n lega l problem s ove r th e lan d the y ha d acquired . Afte r tw o year s the Agushewit z famil y lef t Palestin e fo r Ne w Yor k an d a reunio n wit h the hea d o f the family . In 192 7 th e famil y settle d i n Bor o Park . Jacob's educatio n continue d in th e Yeshiv a Hig h School , Yeshiv a College , an d th e Rabb i Isaa c Elchanan Theologica l Seminar y (RIETS) . H e excelle d i n al l subjects , especially math , chemistry , an d history . H e enrolle d i n graduat e chemis try course s a t Columbi a Universit y an d fo r a whil e considere d a doc toral progra m i n science . Bu t a s th e situatio n o f Europea n Jewr y worsened, Jacob opte d fo r full-tim e Jewis h studies . Whil e stil l ponder ing thi s decision , h e becam e assistan t t o Rabb i Le o Jung a t th e Jewis h Center i n Manhattan . A t Rabb i Jungs request , h e researche d th e halak hic basi s fo r th e mehitza, th e partitio n betwee n me n an d wome n re quired i n Orthodo x synagogues . Th e youn g studen t conclude d tha t there wa s n o fir m basi s fo r thi s requiremen t an d tha t i t coul d b e removed, provide d tha t leadin g rabbi s agree . Ther e wa s a plan t o sen d a letter t o rabbini c authoritie s abroad , askin g fo r thei r opinio n o n thi s question, bu t becaus e o f the unsettlin g condition s i n Europe a t th e tim e the lette r wa s neve r sent . Rabbi Mosh e Soloveichik , th e Ros h Yeshiva , an d Dr. Bernar d Revel , president o f Yeshiv a University , persuade d th e brillian t studen t t o con tinue hi s studie s ther e fo r a n additiona l tw o years . Fro m 193 3 t o 1935 , Jacob studie d th e Talmu d Yerushalm i an d text s o f th e Shulhan Arukh, intended t o pu t hi m o n a pa r wit h European-traine d rabbi s s o tha t h e could serv e a s a Posek, a religious decisor .

40 Norton D. Shargel

Agushewitz's first pulpi t wa s i n Norfolk , Virginia , wher e h e wa s known a s th e Orthodo x rabb i wh o refuse d t o shak e hand s wit h women. 6 Bu t h e wa s restles s t o continu e hi s studie s and , a s Jacob Agus , enrolled a t Harvar d Universit y t o stud y th e philosoph y o f religion. 7 Hi s mentors a t Harvar d wer e Harr y Austry n Wolfso n an d Willia m Ernes t Hocking. Youn g Agus ' first encounte r wit h Wolfso n wa s amusing . Having rea d Wolfso n s writings, h e imagine d hi m t o b e tall , dignified , and austere . A s Jaco b sa t i n th e lectur e hall , a diminutive , middle aged man , somewha t unkempt , entere d th e room , wen t directl y t o th e window, an d trie d t o ope n it . Th e littl e man ha d very little success unti l the windo w flew ope n an d h e nearl y fel l out . Certainly , Jacob thought , this wa s a ne w janitor , no t ye t familia r wit h th e work . Th e "janitor " turned ou t t o b e th e illustriou s Professo r Wolfson! 8 Thus bega n a friendship tha t laste d unti l Wolfson' s deat h som e fort y years later . Agu s regarde d Wolfso n a s on e o f th e proverbia l hidde n righteous men , wh o devote d hi s entir e lif e t o scholarshi p an d quie t contemplation. Jacob woul d visi t Wolfson i n a drab, dust y stud y locate d in th e basemen t o f Harvard's Weidner Library . Wolfson woul d no t leav e the cubicl e eve n durin g thos e suffocatingl y ho t summer s befor e th e ag e of ai r conditioning . Nevertheless , h e receive d th e greates t scholar s o f the generatio n i n tha t unattractive , dust y basemen t room . T o giv e hi m relief fro m summe r heat , Jacob Agu s woul d tak e Wolfso n fo r a rid e i n his automobile . Afte r a shor t perio d o f respit e an d goo d conversation , the professo r woul d insis t o n returnin g t o hi s study. 9 It wa s a t Harvar d tha t Agu s wa s expose d t o th e virulen t anti-Semit ism that , h e soo n realized , remaine d a n integra l par t o f th e Wester n intellectual tradition . I n th e 1930s , moreover , politica l anti-Semitis m was widesprea d an d palpable . Thi s i s ho w a Germa n Bibl e professo r expounded o n th e Hebre w prophets : Prophecy wa s th e greates t achievemen t o f th e Semitic spirit . Th e Jew s expressed thei r geniu s i n th e institutio n o f prophecy wher e th e prophe t comes t o fee l tha t Go d enter s him . No w th e Semiti c geniu s i s a n acquisitive one . I t alway s tries t o buil d itsel f up an d t o acquir e mor e an d more things . Therefore , Semite s ar e ver y goo d a t amassin g things — property, dollars , gold . S o whe n the y direc t themselve s t o spiritualit y their acquirin g natur e make s the m wan t t o buil d Go d u p withi n them selves. The y wan t t o tak e Go d withi n them . Th e mystics , however , ar e different fro m th e Hebre w prophets . Th e mystic s ar e th e expressio n o f

41 A Personal Portrait

the Arya n genius . Th e Aryan s car e littl e abou t acquirin g things . Aryan s are filled wit h fait h an d love. They wan t t o surrende r an d to yield t o th e beauty an d th e majest y o f the Lord . S o th e mysti c feel s tha t h e give s u p his ow n bein g an d surrender s t o th e might y strea m o f Divinit y an d o f creative energ y tha t come s fro m God . Thi s i s th e differenc e betwee n Hebrew prophec y an d Christian mysticism. 10 On hearin g racis t exposition s suc h a s thi s on e uttere d i n a calm , professorial style , Jacob s fac e wa s "aflam e wit h embarrassment." 11 There an d the n h e resolve d t o tak e o n th e challeng e o f intellectual anti Semitism. Hi s mode l becam e Harr y A . Wolfson , th e solitar y Jewis h academic wh o sallie d fort h i n scholarl y refutatio n o f thes e attacks . Wolfson suggeste d tha t medieva l Wester n philosoph y bega n wit h Phil o and ende d wit h Spinoz a an d tha t basi c Christia n theologica l concept s such a s th e Virgi n Birt h an d th e Trinit y ar e roote d i n Judaism . Jaco b Agus accepte d Wolfso n s suppositions and , i n hi s ow n words , becam e a "little David, " willin g t o tak e o n Goliath s whereve r h e encountere d them. 12 Nevertheless, Agu s chos e a differen t pat h fro m Wolfson's ; fo r forty six years h e serve d a s a pulpit rabbi . I n explanatio n Agu s recounte d tha t Philo o f Alexandri a ha d onc e fled t o th e wildernes s i n searc h o f Go d but soo n returne d t o th e community ; h e realize d tha t a Jew finds th e Divine no t i n isolatio n bu t i n th e congregatio n o f Israel . Agu s offere d the sam e explanatio n o f his grea t her o Maimonides . Lik e th e Rambam , Agus embrace d wha t h e calle d "tw o poles"—th e "pol e o f books" an d the "pol e o f life." H e alway s strov e t o hol d the m i n tension , thoug h b y nature h e wa s mor e incline d t o stud y an d contemplation. 13 While stil l a graduat e studen t i n Cambridge , Massachusett s (1936 — 1940), Jacob accepte d th e pulpi t o f Temple Ashkenaz , a small Orthodo x congregation. A t tha t tim e a delegation fro m th e Agguda s Harabboni m came t o hi m an d offere d hi m membership . Th e Agguda s Harabboni m consisted o f th e mos t outstandin g Europea n rabbi s o f th e generation , who wer e no t incline d t o admi t graduate s o f American yeshiva s becaus e of th e lowe r U.S . standard s o f stud y an d master y o f rabbini c texts . Th e invitation wa s a n exceptiona l honor , indicatin g grea t respec t fo r Agus ' scholarship. Nevertheless , th e youn g rabb i decline d th e invitation , shocking th e Agguda h wit h th e statemen t tha t h e wa s not abl e to affir m the Orthodo x belie f in th e traditiona l doctrin e o f "Torah le-Mosh e mi Sinai" whic h hel d tha t th e writte n an d ora l Torah s wer e give n i n ful l

42 Norton D. Shargel

and complet e for m fro m Go d t o Mose s a t Sinai. 14 Thi s indicate s tha t Agus' renunciatio n o f Orthodoxy , a t leas t o n a n intellectua l plane , predated hi s forma l brea k wit h th e Orthodo x establishment . I n late r years h e woul d clai m tha t Dr . Bernar d Revel , wh o ha d bee n groomin g him fo r leadershi p i n th e Orthodo x world , alread y discerne d hi s chang ing perspective. 15 It wa s durin g hi s graduat e schoo l year s tha t Agu s me t Miria m Shore , the daughte r o f businessma n Bernar d Shore , a n observan t Je w an d a n ardent admire r o f R . Josep h Bae r Soloveichik . Miria m wa s a beautifu l young woma n an d a graduate o f the Bosto n Hebre w Teacher' s College . The mesader kidushin a t Jaco b an d Miriam' s weddin g wa s R . Josep h Soloveichik. After breakin g th e glass , th e speeche s began , wit h youn g rabbis an d rabbini c student s outdoin g on e anothe r i n display s o f knowl edge. Th e celebratio n conclude d wit h musi c an d socia l dancing. 16 During Agus ' Cambridg e years , h e me t regularl y wit h Rabb i Solo veichik t o stud y th e philosoph y o f Mose s Maimonides . Clean-shave n and educate d a t a Germa n university , Soloveichi k a t th e tim e wa s experiencing oppositio n fro m ultra-Orthodo x Bosto n Jews . Agu s wa s one o f th e peopl e wh o recommende d Soloveichi k fo r a teachin g posi tion a t RIETS. 1 7 Jacob Agu s wa s awarde d th e Ph.D . i n 1940 ; th e followin g year , hi s doctoral dissertatio n wa s published unde r th e titl e Modem Philosophies of Judaism. Althoug h Agu s was more tha n eligibl e for a university position , virtually non e existe d i n Jewish fields . Dr . Reve l urge d hi m t o carr y th e banner o f Yeshiv a Universit y t o Chicag o a s a full-tim e rabbi . Agu s forthwith accepte d a rabbini c pos t a t th e Aguda s Achi m Nort h Shor e Congregation, a traditiona l synagogu e tha t wa s affiliate d wit h Ortho doxy bu t tolerate d mixe d seating . Whil e i n Chicago , h e conducte d classes in Mishna h an d Talmud , frequentl y teachin g i n Yiddish. 18 Bernard Revel' s prematur e deat h prevente d hi m fro m attendin g Rabbi Agus ' installation . Hi s deat h wa s a bitte r blo w t o th e youn g rabbi, wh o believe d tha t h e an d Dr . Reve l possesse d a share d vision . Revel's successor , Rabb i Samue l Belki n (anothe r yeshiv a bahur fro m Sislowitz), allie d himsel f wit h right-win g element s an d rejecte d th e halakhic reform s tha t Jacob ha d hope d t o pioneer . In 1942 , th e Aguse s an d thei r infan t son , Zalman , move d t o Dayton , Ohio. Ther e th e youn g rabb i assume d th e pulpi t o f Bet h Abraha m United, a merger o f three synagogues , tw o Orthodo x an d on e Conser vative. Durin g thei r sta y i n Dayto n (1942—1950) , tw o mor e children ,

43 A Personal Portrait

Edna an d Robert , wer e born . Th e Aguse s immerse d themselve s i n th e task o f building a viable an d moder n congregatio n ou t o f many divers e elements. Jacob attende d minya n service s dail y an d wa s a devote d an d effective pastor . Durin g th e wa r years , h e conducte d a weekl y radi o program tha t brought hi m a n audience beyon d th e Jewish community. 19 Before th e constructio n o f a ne w synagogu e i n th e postwa r period , Jacob ha d th e responsibility , durin g th e Hig h Hol y Days , o f conductin g services i n tw o locations . Th e firs t wa s a converte d house ; th e second , a traditiona l shu l i n th e ol d are a o f tow n tha t ha d a n ezrat nashim, a balcony seatin g are a reserve d fo r women. 20 In additio n t o he r househol d dutie s an d responsibilitie s a s rebetzin, Miriam serve d a s principal o f the synagogu e religiou s school. 21 Dayton' s proximity t o Cincinnat i brough t Agu s int o contac t wit h th e Hebre w Union Colleg e (HUC ) facult y an d othe r leader s o f Refor m Judaism . He lecture d frequentl y a t H U C an d throughou t th e area . I n th e earl y 1940s, Abraha m Joshu a Hesche l wa s a membe r o f tha t faculty , lonel y and uncomfortabl e i n th e Refor m environment . Hesche l wa s a frequen t Sabbath gues t a t th e Agu s hom e an d i n late r year s maintaine d tha t h e owed hi s sanity t o Miriam s warmt h an d Jacob's intellectua l companion ship.22 I n th e 1950s , Agu s an d Hesche l woul d rene w thei r friendshi p when the y serve d togethe r a s scholars-in-residenc e a t th e Jewis h Lay men's Summe r Institute s a t Cam p Wohel o (Waynesboro , Pennsylvania) . Heschel mus t hav e bee n helpfu l t o Agu s a s well , fo r durin g th e Dayton years , Jacob turne d hi s attentio n t o Jewish mysticism . H e rea d through al l the majo r classic s of Hasidic literatur e an d i n 194 6 publishe d his secon d majo r book , The Banner of Jerusalem, a stud y o f th e religiou s philosophy o f Rabb i Abraha m Isaa c Kuk . Thi s wa s followe d b y studie s on th e logi c o f the kabbala h an d othe r aspect s o f Jewish mysticism. 23 Agus di d no t abando n hi s ow n religiou s quest . A t th e Orthodo x Rabbinical Counci l o f Americ a conventio n i n 1945—1946 , Jacob pre sented a pape r o n halakhi c reform , bu t i t wa s rejected . Thi s prompte d him t o seve r hi s connectio n t o America n Orthodox y an d affiliat e wit h the Conservativ e movement . H e joine d th e Conservativ e Rabbinica l Assembly i n 194 7 an d soo n foun d a place o n it s La w Committee . Agu s positioned himsel f o n th e lef t flank o f th e movemen t an d coauthore d the controversia l teshuva that permitte d ridin g t o th e synagogu e o n th e Sabbath (1950). 24 Helping Agu s t o eas e th e transitio n wa s on e o f America n Judaism' s most importan t thinkers , Rabb i Solomo n Goldma n o f Chicago' s Ansh e

44 Norton D. Shargel

Emet Synagogue . Agus was drawn t o Goldman' s attemp t t o mol d a ne w type o f American rabb i wh o coul d balanc e spiritua l dept h an d rooted ness in Jewish traditio n wit h Wester n philosophy , psychology , an d litera ture. T o achiev e suc h a synthesi s wa s n o eas y task . Goldma n applie d himself diligently t o it , an d Agu s emulate d hi s example . Agus respected Goldman' s integrity an d his refusal t o stoop to the vul garity o f the mob . I n a lecture o n Solomo n Goldman , Agu s late r com mented, "Th e American rabb i can be the most hypocritical person in th e community. He can be the most empty-headed person in the community . Because i f he conceive s hi s tas k t o b e tha t o f flattering th e communit y and repeating their cliches for them, and embellishing the accepted vulgar opinions with beautiful rhetoric , then he becomes the servant of the mo b and h e becomes th e symbo l o f the hypocris y an d th e vulgarit y tha t pre vails i n th e community." 25 Lik e hi s mentor , Jacob Agu s chos e th e hig h road. That roa d woul d tak e hi m t o Baltimore , Maryland . I n 195 0 th e Conservative presenc e i n tha t cit y wa s ver y weak . Chizu k Amun o Congregation wa s a founding membe r o f the Unite d Synagogue , ye t i t had retaine d th e stai d Germani c form s o f it s illustriou s pas t an d ha d only recentl y adopte d mixe d seating . Th e othe r Baltimor e congrega tion, heade d b y a graduat e o f th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminary , wa s Beth Tefillah , bu t it s rabbi , th e scholarl y Samue l Rosenblatt , refuse d t o join th e Conservativ e camp . Th e earl y 1950 s wa s th e tim e whe n th e Conservative movemen t becam e th e larges t America n Jewis h religiou s movement, an d Baltimor e wa s a majo r Jewis h community , numberin g close t o ninet y thousan d Jews . Whe n som e fifty familie s dissatisfie d with Bet h Tefilla h approache d Solomo n Goldma n seekin g hi s advice , Goldman seize d th e opportunit y t o fill th e vacuum . H e suggeste d tha t they for m a n unequivocall y Conservativ e congregatio n an d recom mended Jacob Agu s a s their spiritua l leader . In Septembe r 1950 , Agus move d hi s family t o Baltimor e an d bega n a steady proces s o f congregatio n building . H e di d no t attrac t peopl e lik e the Dayton man who di d not understand him, but many others who wer e willing to liste n t o hi s Sabbath mornin g sermons—neve r mor e tha n fifteen minute s long—an d t o learn . As in Dayton , Rabb i Agu s vigorousl y attended to his pastoral duties. After th e dail y morning minyan, his offic e was ope n t o th e congregation . H e wa s never to o bus y t o offe r word s o f comfort t o th e sic k an d th e bereaved . Lat e morning s wer e devote d t o

45 A Personal Portrait

hospital visits, funerals, an d shiva calls; evenings were often take n up wit h meetings; afternoons wer e dedicated t o scholarship . In th e earl y year s Agu s taugh t a cours e a t th e Baltimor e Hebre w College. H e too k specia l interes t i n colleg e student s wh o continue d their Jewish studie s while pursuin g degree s a t Johns Hopkin s Universit y (where I studied) an d Gouche r College . A fe w o f us gravitate d t o Bet h El Congregatio n o n Sabbat h morning s an d th e Agu s hom e o n Sabbat h afternoons. A t hi s hom e w e foun d te a an d graciousness , bu t n o smal l talk. Agu s too k interes t i n ou r studie s an d proffere d guidance , bu t conversation inevitabl y focuse d o n th e book s h e wa s readin g an d th e issues h e wa s contemplating . Wit h grea t tenderness , h e woul d rea d excerpts fro m a wor k i n progress . Hi s writings , h e indicated , wer e a s dear t o hi m a s his deepl y belove d children . To thos e o f us interested i n philosophy , Agu s represente d th e rationalis t position, ye t h e als o allowe d spac e fo r th e emotiona l sid e o f life . H e loved t o quot e th e historia n Edwar d Leckey , wh o foun d th e mos t beautiful time s o f da y t o b e daw n an d dusk . "Tha t i s whe n yo u hav e the greates t beaut y o n th e horizon . Th e ligh t o f th e su n i s reason ; th e darkness, emotion . Onl y whe n th e tw o ar e balance d d o yo u hav e th e true beaut y o f the sunset." 26 Surprisingly, Agu s wa s draw n t o Henr i Bergson , th e lat e romanti c who revele d i n intuitio n an d popularize d th e ter m elan vital. Indeed , Agus wa s critica l o f thi s philosophe r wh o gav e primac y t o feelin g ove r reflection an d wh o suggeste d tha t th e Christia n mystic s advance d be yond th e Hebre w prophets . Bu t a t th e sam e time , Agu s insiste d tha t Bergson represente d th e tru e Jewis h ideal , represente d b y Bergson' s attack o n materialis m an d hi s insistenc e o n th e realit y o f th e spirit . There wa s a politica l elemen t a s well : Bergson' s earlie r writing s wer e the inspiratio n fo r th e precursor s o f fascism , bu t hi s las t book , Two Sources of Morality and Religion, was , i n Agus ' opinion , a defens e o f democracy an d a repudiation o f fascism an d tribalisti c primitivism. 27 If Agu s mistruste d romanti c religion , hi s ow n emotiona l sid e emerged whe n h e spok e o f hi s lov e o f God . H e praye d thre e time s a day; whe n no t attendin g minya n service s a t Bet h El , h e davene d wit h sincere fervo r a t home . H e als o sough t communio n wit h Go d throug h sustained reflection . I n respons e t o th e critic s wh o calle d hi m a col d rationalist, thi s adheren t o f Maimonide s insisted , " A grea t rationalis t i s

46 Norton D. Shargel

also a mystic , fo r rationalis m carrie d t o it s ultimat e an d mysticis m carried t o it s ultimate coalesc e an d becom e one. " 28 William Kaufman , a rabbi traine d i n philosophy, wrot e abou t Agu s i n his book o n contemporar y Jewish thinkers. 29 T o me i t seeme d Kaufma n expressed surpris e tha t th e rationalis t Agu s wa s a "believer " i n th e traditional sense , tha t hi s vie w o f Go d wa s untainte d b y th e atheis m and cynicis m characteristi c o f othe r contemporar y thinkers . Whe n I confronted Rabb i Agu s wit h Kaufma n s observation , h e responde d i n an obliqu e fashion . H e tol d m e tha t a s a believer , h e foun d himsel f i n good company ; th e greates t mind s hav e accepted belie f in God . H e was , he said , proud t o b e i n th e compan y o f Saadia, Maimonides , an d Mose s Mendelssohn. Jacob Agu s foun d spiritua l refreshmen t o n Sabbat h afternoon s whe n he devote d tim e t o forme r student s an d younge r colleague s wh o share d his interests . A sens e o f serenit y reigne d ove r th e Agu s home . Jaco b would cas t loving glance s a t hi s children . H e adore d hi s youngest child , Debby, bor n i n Baltimore , an d proudl y displaye d he r accomplish ments. 30 With Davi d Novak , a philosophically trained , younge r rabbini c colleague, Jacob Agu s establishe d a war m relationship , despit e th e fac t that th e tw o me n represente d opposit e extreme s o f th e Conservativ e spectrum. Jaco b playe d wit h Nova k s childre n an d conducte d length y and thoughtfu l conversation s wit h thei r father. 31 Jacob Agu s wa s no t a man t o wast e time . Whil e Miria m woul d dres s for a n evenin g out , h e woul d settl e dow n i n hi s stud y wit h a pa d an d paper. Whe n h e woul d com e hom e fro m th e synagogu e i n th e after noon, h e woul d si t o n a sofa , cove r hi s fac e wit h a towel , and , afte r a brief period o f meditation an d reflection , resum e hi s tasks. 32 "I hav e alway s believe d i n Goethe' s dictu m tha t grea t thought s ar e inspired b y th e outdoors, " Agu s onc e tol d me . Fro m 195 8 onward , th e Agus famil y vacatione d a t Loo n Lak e i n th e Adirondac k Mountain s o f New York . Surroundin g th e lak e wer e building s tha t ha d onc e com prised a flourishing koshe r resort . Whe n th e hote l closed , th e building s were sol d off . Jaco b an d hi s brothe r Chai m purchase d larg e house s tha t became th e summe r gatherin g plac e o f thei r extende d family . I n th e earlier years , Jacob an d Miria m playe d gol f an d tenni s an d eve n wen t square dancing . Bu t ther e wa s als o tim e fo r study , reflection , an d writ ing. Rowin g alon e o n th e lak e i n th e afternoon s provide d a dail y opportunity fo r meditatio n an d communio n wit h nature . Fro m a

47 A Personal Portrait

screened porc h overlookin g th e lake , Jacob wrot e article s an d prepare d books fo r publication . At Loo n Lak e ther e wa s companionshi p a s well . Shabba t mornin g services wer e conducte d i n a small synagogu e tha t catere d t o observan t residents o f the summe r community . Shabba t afternoon s wer e dedicate d to stud y wit h rabbini c colleagues . After th e vacatio n Agu s woul d retur n t o Baltimore , refreshe d an d ready t o d o battl e fo r dearl y hel d principles . I n th e earl y an d mid-1950 s he too k o n th e Orthodo x establishment ; i n th e lat e 1950 s an d earl y 1960s, he cam e t o grip s wit h Arnol d Toynbee . In 195 3 th e Boar d o f Trustee s o f Adat h Israe l Congregatio n i n Cincinnati, Ohio , vote d i n favo r o f "optiona l famil y seating, " tha t is , they permitte d mixe d seatin g i n th e sanctuary , wit h a portion reserve d for thos e wh o wishe d t o si t separately 33 Althoug h Adat h Israe l wa s affiliated wit h th e Unite d Synagogu e fro m it s inceptio n an d ha d neve r belonged t o an y Orthodo x association , a minorit y conteste d thi s deci sion and too k th e matte r t o court . Orthodo x leader s eagerl y represente d the minority . The Rabbinica l Assembl y o f America, th e organizatio n o f Conserva tive rabbis, asked Agus to trave l to Cincinnat i a s an exper t witness . Ohi o Supreme Cour t Justice Davies , who preside d ove r th e trial , insiste d tha t no reporter s be present . Rabb i Joseph B . Soloveichik, Agus ' frien d fro m Cambridge, an d Rabb i Elieze r Silve r o f Cincinnat i represente d th e opposite position . Whe n the y pronounce d mixe d seatin g "agains t th e Torah," Rabb i Agu s challenge d the m t o indicat e th e chapte r an d vers e stating th e prohibition . Rabb i Soloveichi k produce d a n eighth-centur y text tha t interprete d a vers e i n Deuteronom y t o mea n tha t becaus e women ar e "indecent, " the y shoul d no t b e see n b y me n i n a sacre d service. Rabb i Agu s convince d th e judg e tha t th e tex t reflecte d th e setting o f Musli m areas , wher e wome n generall y wer e veiled , an d tha t in th e moder n Wester n worl d thi s statemen t wa s anachronistic . Hi s lin e of reasonin g convince d th e judge t o rul e i n favo r o f th e Conservativ e position. 34 Th e leader s o f th e Agguda s Harabboni m an d Yeshiv a Uni versity wer e furious . Whe n the y realize d tha t th e cas e was goin g agains t them, the y revoke d Jacob Agus ' ordinatio n an d sen t a telegra m t o th e court announcin g th e decision . Unimpresse d b y thi s desperat e action , the judge close d th e case . In 1957 , Rabb i Agu s an d Rabb i Davi d Aronso n o f Minneapoli s

48 Norton D. Shargel

testified a t a simila r cour t cas e i n Ne w Orleans , Louisiana . Thi s tim e the Orthodo x positio n wa s upheld, bu t i t wa s reversed o n appeal. 35 Soon afte r th e secon d cour t cas e th e Agguda s Harabbonim , whic h had solicite d Agus ' membershi p i n th e earl y 1940s , visite d it s reveng e by excommunicatin g him . Ye t Agu s learne d o f th e wri t o f herem only through a n articl e i n th e National Jewish Post. Defiantly , Rabb i Agu s read th e tex t o f the ba n befor e member s o f his congregation : Conservative Rabbi s an d th e Conservativ e Movemen t create d b y the m are a sect o f freethinkers and , lik e th e Sadducees , Karaites , an d Refor m Jews, ar e t o b e regarde d a s heretics , an d the y ma y no t b e truste d a s witnesses, nor ma y their oath s be taken. I t is not permitted t o trus t the m with rabbini c function s an d instructions. I n particular, on e ma y not trus t them wit h th e performance s o f marriages , an d certainl y no t wit h th e arrangement o f Gittin. Agus wa s no t th e onl y rabb i denounce d i n thi s document , whic h continued: After a n investigatio n w e hav e foun d tha t th e followin g rabbi s posses s false idea s an d tha t the y spea k an d writ e word s whic h lea d peopl e away fro m th e Orthodo x faith . The y ar e Rabbi s Eisenstei n o f Chicago , Graubart an d hi s Bet h Din , Agu s fro m Baltimore , an d Greenfel d fro m Indianapolis. Wit h thes e aforementione d rabbi s i t i s no t permitte d t o intermarry 36 To hi s congregatio n Rabb i Agu s remarked , " I hav e nothin g agains t these people. They d o wha t the y thin k i s best. While w e shoul d tolerat e the intolerant , w e shoul d no t tolerat e intolerance. " 37 Agus realize d tha t th e herem wa s no t s o muc h a personal vendett a a s an attac k o n th e Conservativ e movement . Fo r hi m i t wa s divisive , posing a danger fo r th e futur e o f American Jewry. H e offere d t o debat e any rabb i o n an y question : "T o com e alon g with th e swor d o f the herem and t o sa y you separat e on e communit y fro m th e othe r an d declar e tha t they ma y no t intermarr y i s to brin g bac k th e spiri t o f the Middl e Age s in thi s twentiet h century . I thin k al l o f u s shoul d d o ou r ver y bes t no t to allo w thi s t o happen. " 38 This diminutiv e Davi d als o too k o n th e intellectual s o f th e Gentil e world. Durin g th e 1950s , Agus wa s reading deepl y i n th e philosoph y o f

49 A Personal Portrait

history.39 After studyin g Arnol d Toynbee' s Study of History, Agus initi ated a dialogu e wit h th e professo r tha t continue d fo r man y years . Toynbee's scornfu l reference s t o Jew s an d Judais m ha d give n hi m th e reputation o f a n anti-Semite . Dr . Agu s neve r accepte d thi s view , com mon amon g Jews.40 H e understoo d Toynbe e a s a product o f th e West ern intellectua l traditio n an d a victi m o f a n inherite d bias . Agus ' Har vard experienc e ha d convince d hi m tha t wer e h e t o engag e fair-minde d scholars i n rationa l discourse , h e woul d b e abl e t o modif y thei r views . Ensuing exchange s i n th e university , h e believed , woul d resul t i n favor able political consequence s a s well. To hi s congregatio n h e explaine d th e proble m o f dealin g wit h th e intellectual detractor s o f Judaism: At Harvard , I discovere d a paradox—a parado x tha t I hav e bee n tryin g to explai n al l thes e years . O n th e on e hand , ther e wer e mountain s o f anti-Jewish prejudic e hangin g upo n tha t campus , a campu s whic h wa s the mos t liberal in th e Unite d State s and certainl y th e mos t enlightened . It wa s th e sou l o f America . O n th e othe r hand , ther e wa s a certai n openness, a certai n willingnes s reall y t o kno w an d t o understan d wha t Jewish lif e wa s al l about . O n th e on e hand , ther e wa s a certai n kin d o f antisemitism, somethin g subtl e an d refined , no t crud e an d vulgar . Bu t without tha t subtl e antisemitism , th e vulga r antisemitis m o f th e street s would hav e been impossible. 41 Beth E l Congregatio n mad e Baltimor e new s headline s i n Decembe r i960, whe n Rabb i Agu s suggeste d Professo r Toynbe e a s a guest lecture r for hi s congregation . Baltimor e Jewry wa s enraged . Phon e call s poure d in wit h warning s o f demonstration s an d eve n a bomb threat . Althoug h Agus wa s alarme d a t thes e developments , h e refuse d t o withdra w th e invitation. Instea d o f bringin g Toynbe e t o Bet h El , however , h e ar ranged a meetin g i n hi s ow n home . A t tha t tim e th e Agu s famil y ha d just move d t o a location nea r th e newl y complete d synagogu e buildin g in suburba n Baltimore . Althoug h th e hous e wa s completed , th e stree t was stil l unpaved , wit h inadequat e drainage . Th e evenin g bega n wit h near disaster : a strea m o f wate r fro m meltin g sno w seepe d throug h heating duct s int o th e Agu s livin g room . Fortunately , on e o f Bet h El s leaders dashe d ou t o f the hous e t o fetc h a water pump , thu s preventin g the livin g roo m fro m turnin g int o a lake. 42 About on e hundre d peopl e crowde d int o th e Agu s home , amon g

50 Norton D. Shargel

them congregationa l leaders , intellectuals , an d colleg e professors . Fo r nearly tw o hour s a rivetin g discussio n too k place. 43 Professo r Toynbe e was deepl y respectfu l o f Rabbi Agu s an d hi s guests , an d th e atmospher e was cordial . John s Hopkin s Universit y professo r Willia m Foxwel l Al bright, th e world-renowne d archaeologis t an d Biblicist , challenge d Toynbee wit h a passionate defens e o f Zionism , an d Toynbe e responde d graciously an d withou t rancor . Agus' debat e wit h Toynbe e wa s no t i n vain . I n 1961 , Toynbee pub lished hi s twelft h volum e o f th e Study of History, titled Reconsiderations. In i t h e quote d generousl y fro m Agus ' writings , acknowledgin g hi s cogent critiqu e an d statin g tha t h e wa s prepare d t o reevaluat e hi s ow n findings. A t th e en d o f th e boo k h e reprinted , i n full , thre e essay s written b y Agus : "Th e Us e o f th e Ter m 'Fossil', " "Th e Notio n o f Uniqueness," an d "Th e Propheti c Elemen t i n Judaism." In anothe r projec t t o educat e bot h Jews an d Christian s i n th e endur ing wort h o f Judaism, Agu s edite d a series o f reprints tha t encompasse d forty-one Jewish classic s of the medieva l an d moder n period. 44 Another effor t a t Jewish defens e wa s Agus ' enthusiasti c participatio n in th e Jewish—Christian dialogue . Agu s wa s a trailblazer . H e me t wit h Cardinal Bea ; h e responde d t o Cardina l Danielou ; h e taugh t course s at St . Mary' s Seminar y an d Woodstoc k Seminary ; h e participate d i n workshops, retreats , an d dialogues. 45 Before Catholic s an d mainlin e an d evangelical Protestants , h e presente d Judaism a s th e cor e an d substanc e of Christianity. 46 H e argue d th e Ne w Testamen t wa s no t a n anti Semitic wor k bu t a totally Jewish creation , reflectin g Jewish idea s o f th e first centur y C.E . Wha t wer e anti-Semitic , h e insisted , wer e subsequen t editorializing an d interpretations ; the y introduce d th e teaching s o f con tempt tha t hav e cause d s o muc h damage . Agu s als o encourage d othe r congregational rabbi s t o pursu e Jewish—Christian dialogu e an d accepte d invitations t o addres s Christian s i n thei r ow n communities. 47 Agus' prolifi c researc h an d writing , hi s debate s wit h scholar s an d church leaders , hi s teachin g a t seminarie s an d secula r universities , hi s participation a t institute s an d retreats—al l thes e preclude d a n intimat e involvement i n th e dail y operation o f his congregation. I n a twenty-fift h anniversary speec h a t Bet h El , Dr . Agu s acknowledge d th e members ' forbearance: It wa s her e a t Bet h E l tha t I encountere d th e bes t la y leadership ever . I found my hand s uphel d i n a manner whic h astonishe s othe r congrega -

5i A Personal Portrait

tions. Fo r the y say , "Ho w coul d yo u fin d th e tim e t o writ e s o man y books? T o atten d s o man y institutes ? T o writ e s o man y articles? " I tel l them tha t m y people her e a t Beth E l hav e take n prid e i n thes e task s an d these achievements, an d therefore, I could d o it." 48 There i s n o doub t tha t th e leader s o f Bet h E l admire d Rabb i Agus , basked i n reflecte d glory , an d protecte d hi m fro m th e complaint s o f members wh o woul d hav e preferre d a rabb i mor e involve d i n minut e details o f congregational life . Agu s was equall y blesse d wit h th e unstint ing suppor t o f th e Bet h E l staff : cantor , administrator s an d thei r assis tants, assistan t rabbis , an d principals. 49 Th e fac t tha t h e cam e t o a synagogue o f fift y familie s an d retire d fro m a congregatio n o f fiftee n hundred offer s testimon y t o a n exceptionall y well-ru n institution . That Agu s wa s als o a n effectiv e pasto r wa s brough t hom e t o m e during a time o f personal crisis . I n 197 9 m y fathe r la y o n hi s deathbed . I wa s deepl y shake n a t th e sigh t o f a onc e vigorou s an d activ e ma n disintegrating fro m a gallopin g cancer . I n a discussio n a t thi s time , Rabbi Agu s tol d m e tha t th e greates t lesso n a person ca n lear n i n lif e i s how t o fac e deat h wit h dignit y an d equanimity . H e reminde d m e o f victims o f th e Holocaus t wh o die d courageously—famil y member s holding hand s an d sustainin g on e another . Afte r thi s conversatio n I found th e courag e t o fac e m y fathe r an d spea k openl y abou t hi s condi tion. H e tol d m e wit h complet e cando r tha t h e wa s no t afrai d o f death . He ha d live d a good life . H e wa s gratefu l fo r ever y minute , an d h e wa s prepared fo r th e end . Tha t conversatio n linger s i n m y min d an d alway s comforts me . Just seve n year s later , Rabb i Agu s himsel f succumbe d t o a terribl e cancer. I remember a time shortl y befor e hi s death ; I was waiting fo r a n elevator a t th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y wit h m y wif e whe n th e door opene d an d Jacob Agu s emerged . Havin g accepte d a n invitatio n to spea k a t a conference , h e ha d com e alon e b y trai n fro m Baltimore . He seeme d wea k an d disoriented . Bail a an d I escorte d hi m t o hi s hote l room, an d w e di d no t leav e unti l w e wer e certai n h e wa s comfortable . The nex t da y h e delivere d hi s schedule d tal k wit h th e usua l verv e an d enthusiasm an d withou t an y notes . H e die d a few month s later. 50 Some tim e earlier , i n a lectur e a t Templ e University , Agu s ha d con trasted Baruch Spinoz a wit h Fran z Rosenzweig , t o th e detrimen t o f th e latter. Rosenzweig , reactin g agains t th e traditio n o f Maimonides , Agu s noted, bega n hi s grea t wor k The Star of Redemption wit h thes e words :

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"With th e fea r o f death, al l things begin. " Spinoza , followin g Maimon ides, sai d th e opposite : "Wit h th e lov e o f life , al l thing s begin. " Fo r Agus, "Onl y sick-minde d peopl e thin k o f death ; healthy-minde d peo ple thin k o f life, o f joy." Jacob Agu s face d deat h courageously , stil l fille d with th e joy o f life an d learning. 51 G O I N G AGAINS T TH E G R A I N

With hi s beloved Maimonide s a s a model, Jacob Agu s both participate d in Jewish communa l lif e an d steppe d bac k fro m i t t o analyz e it. 52 Th e analysis ca n b e foun d i n hi s eigh t book s an d man y articles . Othe r important vehicle s o f hi s thinkin g wer e th e serie s o f lecture s h e deliv ered a t Bet h E l o n Sunda y morning s ove r a perio d o f thirt y year s an d other informa l talks . I n addition , h e woul d presen t boo k reviews , t o Beth E l Sisterhoo d an d othe r groups , tha t covere d suc h widel y diver gent title s a s Alexander Werth' s Russia At War, William Golding s The Spire, Hugh Joseph Schonfield' s The Passover Plot, Arthur Koestler' s The Thirteenth Tribe, Bernar d Malamud' s The Fixer, Maurice Samuel' s Blood Accusation: The Beilus Trail. Agus eve n reviewe d popula r movie s wit h Jewish conten t an d mora l themes. 53 Congregant s an d othe r Baltimor eans wh o attende d thes e lecture s receive d a n educatio n unparallele d among synagogu e laypeople. 54 Th e ver y informalit y o f thes e addresse s allowed fo r th e free flow o f Agus' iconoclasti c ideas . The "idols " tha t Jacob Agu s se t ou t t o brea k ca n b e subsume d unde r the followin g categories : America n Zionis m an d th e negatio n o f th e Diaspora; traditiona l interpretation s o f Jewish histor y an d Jewish apolo getics; th e Jewish religiou s establishment ; an d th e col d wa r mentalit y o f America a t mid-century . If Maimonide s wa s Agus ' model , th e prophet s o f Israe l wer e hi s guide. "The y [th e prophets ] di d no t hav e a n eas y time . Virtuall y ever y one o f the m ha d t o g o agains t th e curren t mos t o f th e time." 55 Agu s embraced Toynbe e precisel y becaus e h e understoo d th e professor' s phi losophy o f history i n spiritual , propheti c terms . I n th e i96 0 meetin g a t his house, h e introduce d Toynbe e wit h th e followin g words : It i s possible t o se e the whol e o f history a s a machine designe d b y God . This i s th e wa y peopl e wh o interpre t everythin g a s happenin g b y th e hand o f Go d i n a litera l wa y se e it . It' s possibl e t o se e th e whol e o f history a s a machine o f reason, a machine o f man; tha t i s the wa y it wa s

53 A Personal Portrait

seen i n th e nineteent h century . I t i s possibl e t o vie w histor y i n th e categories o f biology. This , I believe, is the mos t dangerou s wa y becaus e it is the mos t seductive. . . . Our gues t see s it [history ] a s a spiritual texture . Developmen t consist s in th e unit y tha t th e min d an d th e sou l impose , rathe r tha n i n th e manner i n whic h a livin g bein g grows . Th e spiri t ca n b e understood , and b y bein g understoo d i t ca n b e overcome , an d therefor e growt h consists i n th e powe r t o ris e abov e oneself . An d th e danger s t o growth , the thing s which sto p growth, ar e the tendencie s o f people t o fall in love with themselves . I conside r th e greates t heroe s o f th e Bibl e t o b e th e prophets. The essenc e of prophecy consist s in th e capacit y o r the passio n to overlea p oneself , t o criticiz e one' s faith , t o criticiz e on e s people, i n the ligh t o f the deepe r realitie s o f one' s faith , i n th e ligh t o f th e deepe r realities o f one' s people . I t i s thi s basi c insigh t tha t ou r gues t ha s lai d down a t the foundation o f his entire interpretation o f history. 56 Two motive s la y behin d Agus ' embrac e o f Arnol d Toynbee . Th e first wa s th e rabbi' s lifelon g aspiratio n t o mak e Judais m intellectuall y respectable. I n th e 1950s , Toynbee' s philosoph y o f histor y reigne d su preme ove r the English-speaking world . Fo r this reason Agus was drive n to mak e a place fo r Judaism i n Toynbee' s philosophy , no t i n a n apolo getic fashio n bu t b y examinin g th e ric h heritag e o f postbiblica l Jewis h history an d though t a s he sa w it . Second , Agu s share d Toynbee' s hatre d of nationalis m an d ethnocentrism . Thi s convictio n informe d hi s mos t controversial stance , his unrelenting criticis m o f Israel and th e America n Jewish establishmen t tha t supporte d it . Agus' critiqu e o f Israe l ca n b e trace d t o thre e factors . I n al l likeli hood, th e first wa s th e persona l disappointmen t h e ha d felt , a s a n extremely religiou s an d idealisti c adolescent , a t th e ga p betwee n th e reality o f life i n th e Yishuv (th e ne w Jewish settlement ) an d hi s romanti c and eschatalogica l vision s o f the lan d o f Israel. The secon d date s back t o Agus' friendshi p wit h Solomo n Goldman , hi s Baltimore congregation' s founding guide . Th e thir d wa s ideological an d philosophical . In a lectur e a t Bet h El , Agu s reporte d Goldman' s experienc e a s president o f th e Worl d Zionis t Organization . H e recounte d ho w th e older rabb i ha d reveale d t o hi m a dee p frustratio n wit h th e hollownes s of the America n Zionis t leadership : I happe n t o b e familia r wit h th e fight h e [Goldman ] ha d o n hi s hand s when h e became president o f the Zionis t organization ; fo r a t that time I ,

54 Norton D. Shargel

too, was part o f the inner circle . . .. T o see the hollowness and hypocris y of Jewish leadershi p a t the to p i s the wors t experienc e tha t ca n com e t o a person. And h e had it in the last years of his life. 57 Many rabbis , Agu s pointe d out , forgo t thei r callin g whe n the y en meshed themselve s i n Jewish politics , bu t i n hi s view , Solomo n Gold man wa s not amon g them : His presidenc y wa s distinguishe d b y th e fac t tha t whe n h e wa s a rabbi , he wa s a political leader . An d whe n h e wa s a political leader , h e wa s a rabbi. Man y a rabb i wh o becam e th e hea d o f th e Zionis t movemen t ceased t o b e a rabbi . H e becam e a "politician, " a realisti c politician , a man wh o wil l ac t an d tal k lik e an y othe r politician ; a ma n wh o onl y knows th e gai n o f the moment ; a man who , whe n h e step s dow n fro m the bima, i s no longe r a rabbi bu t a rough-and-tumble politician . Noth ing ha s been wors e i n Jewish lif e tha n t o se e rabbis dives t themselve s o f the principle s o f Judaism th e momen t the y ente r upo n th e scen e o f politics an d stil l us e th e titl e "rabbi " i n defens e o f th e mos t viciou s policies tha t n o prophe t o r n o rabb i o f th e pas t woul d eve r hav e en dorsed.58 It was , indeed , som e o f th e principle s underlyin g th e youn g Jewis h state tha t constitute d th e thir d reaso n fo r Agus ' position . Fro m hi s family's run-in s wit h strikin g tanner y worker s an d fro m hi s hostilit y t o materialist an d secula r philosophies , Agu s develope d a distast e fo r th e socialist idea s embrace d b y Davi d Ben-Gurio n an d othe r founder s o f Israel. Th e fac t tha t thes e leader s wer e neutra l a t best towar d religion — and a t worst , hostile—increase d Agus ' disapproval . Equall y importan t was hi s objectio n t o parochia l nationalism , grounde d i n volk-ish ideas : "ethnic, blood-based , politica l an d militant." 59 Thos e Israeli s wh o championed thi s typ e o f nationalism, Agu s suggested , encourage d poli cies tha t wer e anythin g bu t prophetic : fo r example , eye-for-an-ey e retaliation agains t terroris m an d th e marginalizatio n o f th e Ara b popu lation. There wa s anothe r dimensio n t o hi s attitud e towar d Zionism : hi s embrace o f universalism . Agu s acknowledge d Zionism' s rootednes s i n classical Judaism bu t sa w it a s a thing o f the past . Hi s goa l was t o absor b Zionism withi n Judaism, rathe r tha n th e othe r wa y around . I n a lecture series delivere d a t Bet h El , title d "What' s Righ t abou t Zionism? " h e

55 A Personal Portrait

mentioned a conversation wit h Professo r Mordeca i Kaplan. 60 Agu s ha d asked th e olde r ma n wh y h e didn' t acknowledg e tha t contemporar y American Jew s nee d Judais m mor e tha n Zionism ; Kapla n responde d that i f h e wer e t o d o this , h e woul d los e hi s audience . Agu s ha d n o patience fo r thi s kin d o f reply . "H e [Kaplan ] preferre d t o b e misunder stood b y everybod y an d listene d t o tha n t o b e understoo d b y a few , i f that woul d hav e involve d criticis m b y some." 61 At th e sam e time , Agu s reminde d hi s congregatio n o f admirabl e aspects o f Zionism , fo r example , th e though t o f A . D . Gordon , Aha d Ha-am, Ra v Kuk , an d th e dedicatio n o f the pioneer s o f the kibbutzim . He admire d th e human e an d ethica l sid e o f Zionis m bu t deplore d th e institutions an d leader s wh o abandone d th e ideal s whe n face d wit h political realities . "What' s righ t abou t Zionism ? It s spirit , th e spiri t o f Judaism. What' s wron g abou t Zionism ? Th e institution. " 62 Agus alway s elevate d th e Diaspor a ove r Israel , agai n goin g agains t th e grain. Othe r Jewish leader s wer e convince d tha t Israe l wa s essentia l t o Jewish survival ; Agu s insiste d tha t th e revers e wa s true. 63 Th e ver y existence o f Israel , h e maintained , constitute d a dange r fo r Diaspor a Judaism. 64 H e argue d tha t a n America n Je w shoul d no t us e a politica l candidate's positio n o n Israe l a s th e principa l criterio n o f support . H e felt tha t b y devotin g it s bes t effort s t o politica l actio n o n behal f o f th e young state , America n Jewr y wa s losin g it s soul . Th e future , Agu s believed, la y i n America , " a hym n t o joy an d hope" ; her e religio n an d morality coul d flow freely , withou t th e constraint s o f politics. 65 Agus wa s no t read y t o surrende r an y par t o f th e Diaspora . Whe n American Jew s lobbie d fo r th e emigratio n o f Sovie t Jew s durin g th e 1970s, Agus objected . H e certainl y recognize d th e evil s of the Commu nist regim e an d understoo d that , unde r th e relentles s Communis t cam paign, Judais m i n Russi a migh t wel l disappear . Bu t h e wa s prescien t enough t o realiz e tha t th e multifacete d Sovie t Unio n woul d no t foreve r remain a monolith . H e urge d hi s listener s t o pressur e th e Soviet s t o allow Judaism t o flourish. 66 Three example s fro m Agus ' popula r lecture s indicat e ho w h e utilize d Jewish source s idiosyncraticall y i n servic e o f hi s persona l belief s an d i n opposition t o prevailin g views . Afte r Anwa r Sadat' s visi t t o Jerusalem i n 1977, Agu s gav e a serie s o f lecture s title d "Th e Meanin g o f Jerusalem in Jewis h History. " A lectur e o n th e Israelit e monarch y praise d Kin g Solomon fo r establishin g commercia l tie s wit h hi s neighbor s an d fo r giving Jerusale m a n internationa l flavor an d a n interfait h dimension .

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Solomon s many wive s an d concubines , Agu s suggested , brough t emis saries an d attache s t o th e capita l city , givin g i t th e flavo r o f a Unite d Nations. Agu s di d no t agre e with th e biblica l author s wh o raile d agains t the pagan shrine s an d Solomon s wives . Introducing bot h int o Jerusalem was a pragmati c action , h e insisted , enablin g th e kin g t o kee p politica l and religiou s force s i n balance. More tha n that , Solomo n s policy antici pated th e prophe t Isaiah , wh o taught , "M y hous e i s a hous e o f praye r for al l peoples." 67 Ther e followe d Agus ' messag e fo r ou r ow n day : "Jewish peopl e tak e literall y al l the y hav e bee n taugh t abou t Jerusalem . This i s ou r rea l problem . Th e proble m i s no t t o educat e peopl e i n superficial thing s but t o educat e the m i n th e deepe r meaning o f faith." 68 The contemporar y implicatio n wa s th e foll y o f insisting o n th e unit y of Jerusalem, disregardin g non-Jewis h inhabitant s o f th e city . " I believ e that, i n th e future , th e principle s lai d dow n b y Kin g Solomo n wil l b e the principle s whic h wil l b e th e salvatio n o f Jerusalem, althoug h w e cannot se e it i n th e immediat e future. " 69 I n anothe r lectur e i n th e sam e series, Agu s criticize d Jewis h organization s outrigh t fo r insistin g tha t Jerusalem remai n th e eterna l capita l o f Israel . If movin g Israel s capita l to Te l Aviv would brin g peace , h e woul d advocat e it. 70 In discussin g th e Byzantin e period , Agu s galvanize d hi s audienc e with a descriptio n o f th e Jewish slaughte r o f Christian s whe n th e Jews fought alongsid e Persians , wh o conquere d Jerusale m i n 61 4 C.E . In response, Heracliu s retoo k Jerusalem fourtee n year s late r an d massacre d the Jew s o f Palestine . Agu s accepte d th e Christia n chronicler s here , making th e poin t tha t Jews deliberatel y suppresse d thei r ow n history. 71 Agus argue d alon g th e sam e line s i n describin g a n earlie r slaughte r o f Christians; ther e h e blame d Nero' s Jewis h mistres s fo r suggestin g a n attack o n Christian s rathe r tha n th e Jews. 72 Thi s wa s a not-too-subtl e reminder o f th e danger s o f power . Whe n Jew s hav e power , h e sug gested, the y ar e capabl e o f cruelty a s vicious a s that o f their enemies. 73 Equally controversia l wa s Agus ' readin g o f Hellenisti c Judaism. A s a rule, Jewish scholar s portrayed Alexandria n Jewry o f the first and secon d centuries C.E . as assimilationis t an d Philo s philosoph y a s ridde n wit h paganism. Bu t fo r Agus , Alexandria n Jewr y wa s th e ver y mode l fo r Diaspora Judaism . Fo r thi s studen t o f Wolfson , th e Philoni c synthesi s preserved th e integrit y o f th e Jewis h traditio n an d a t th e sam e tim e incorporated th e bes t thinkin g o f th e classica l worl d int o Judaism. 74 What wrecke d th e synthesis , i n Agus ' opinion , wa s th e infiltratio n of Jewis h extremist s fro m Palestin e int o th e Jewis h communitie s o f

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Alexandria, Cyprus , an d Cyrenaica . The y undermine d th e authorit y o f the loca l Jewish leadershi p an d incite d blood y civi l war s betwee n Jew s and Gentiles , effectivel y destroyin g Hellenisti c Jewr y an d Hellenisti c Judaism. 75 We hav e alread y mentione d th e fac t tha t Agus ' la y audienc e acquire d a certai n reservoi r o f knowledge . Nevertheless , remarkabl y fe w o f hi s listeners dispute d thes e revisionis t view s o r thei r condemnation , state d or implied , o f contemporar y position s o n th e statu s o f Jerusalem an d the precedenc e o f the Diaspor a ove r Israel . Still, Agus had many critics . In Baltimore fe w Orthodo x rabbi s woul d even spea k t o him . Mos t o f hi s othe r rabbini c colleague s wer e activ e Zionists, puzzled b y his anomalous views . N o wonde r Agu s sa w himsel f as a man alone , on e wh o preferre d lonelines s t o compromise . Thi s wa s indicated i n his lecture o n Joseph Klausner , wh o ha d shocke d th e Jewish world wit h hi s boo k o n Jesus o f Nazaret h an d suffere d fo r i t al l his life . In fron t o f Klausne r s house , Agu s proudl y informe d hi s congregants , was a sign tha t rea d Yahadut Ve-Enoshiyut—"Judaism an d Humanity." 76 Agus clearl y sa w himsel f a s a lon e figur e who , lik e Klausner , em braced humanit y a s wel l a s Judaism an d shunne d th e apologeti c stanc e so popula r amon g Jewis h religiou s an d la y leaders . Whe n Israe l per formed a n ac t tha t di d no t measur e u p t o propheti c ideals , h e con demned it . O n occasion , h e boldl y blame d Jews fo r som e o f th e anti Semitism, pas t an d present , tha t the y encountered . Furthermore , eve n as Agus champione d rationalism , liberalism , an d universalism, h e refuse d to accep t often-repeate d statement s tha t Judaism ha d alway s cherishe d these values . Hi s historica l lecture s illuminate d th e shadow s a s wel l a s the brigh t spot s o f Jewish history . Whe n fanaticis m an d obscurantis m marred a perio d o f Jewis h life , h e di d no t explai n the m awa y bu t painted the m i n Day-Gl o colors. 77 Agus' willingnes s t o tak e o n th e America n religiou s establishmen t indicated a n independenc e o f min d tha t characterize d fe w Jew s o f hi s time. Hi s evolutio n fro m "th e Orthodo x rabb i wh o woul d no t shak e a woman's hand " t o a champio n o f wha t h e an d Solomo n Goldma n called "libera l Conservativism " proceede d fitfull y an d painfully . I t mus t have bee n difficul t fo r a ma n o f hi s yihus an d educatio n t o abando n Orthodox Judais m whe n hi s parent s an d mos t o f hi s sibling s remaine d pillars o f Yeshiv a Universit y an d Bor o Park. 78 I t coul d no t hav e bee n easy t o challeng e Rabb i Josep h Soloveichik , hi s erstwhil e study-mat e and hi s father-in-law's avatar , i n a court o f law. (I n fact , afte r thes e cases ,

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R. Soloveitchi k refuse d t o respon d t o an y correspondenc e fro m R . Agus.) Nor di d intellectua l integrit y abando n Jaco b Agu s whe n h e cas t hi s lot wit h th e Conservativ e movement . H e cam e t o Conservativis m ful l of hop e fo r a renewa l o f Judaism an d discovere d a n organizatio n tha t did no t kno w it s ow n mind . H e foun d i t offensive , fo r example , tha t men an d wome n sa t i n separat e section s o f th e synagogu e a t th e Jewish Theological Seminar y (JTS) , whe n i t wa s mixe d seatin g abov e al l els e that distinguishe d Conservativ e fro m Orthodo x congregations . Hi s lib eral ruling s o n th e La w Committe e o f th e Rabbinica l Assembl y di d not si t wel l wit h th e seminar y administration . Whe n th e lat e Simo n Greenberg, vice-chancello r o f th e JTS, spok e a t Bet h E l Synagogu e o n the occasio n o f Agus' twentiet h anniversary , h e remarke d coolly , "Eve n though w e don' t agre e wit h Rabb i Agus , w e admir e him." 79 Fo r hi s independence o f mind , Agu s pai d a price; h e neve r receive d a n invita tion t o teac h a t th e seminary , eve n i n a n adjunc t capacity. 80 To reinforce hi s concern fo r propheti c ethics , Agus entere d th e publi c arena. Durin g th e earl y 1950s , Senato r Josep h McCarth y denounce d Johns Hopkin s professo r Owe n Lattimor e a s th e "leadin g Communis t agent i n th e Unite d States " an d th e ma n responsibl e fo r th e fal l o f China t o Communism . Th e universit y suspende d Lattimor e whil e h e was unde r investigation . A t thi s tim e Agu s invite d Professo r Lattimor e to addres s hi s congregatio n an d introduce d hi m a s a schola r an d a patriot. A s th e onl y Baltimor e rabb i t o suppor t Lattimor e publicly , h e became a n objec t o f criticism. 81 "National independenc e an d eve n th e surviva l o f a nation s collective identity ar e no t absolut e values . Onl y Go d i s Absolute , an d Hi s imag e in ma n i s th e sourc e an d focu s o f al l values." 82 Thi s cred o foun d public expressio n i n Agus ' ope n oppositio n t o th e America n polic y o f deterrence throug h nuclea r testin g an d stockpilin g nuclea r weapons . That thi s was not a mere armchai r philosoph y wa s brought hom e whe n the federa l governmen t mandate d bom b shelter s i n larg e buildings . Rabbi Agu s woul d no t permi t Bet h E l Synagogu e t o compl y wit h th e order. Ground s for hi s argument wer e halakhic a s well as broadly ethical : he maintaine d tha t a nuclear wa r woul d destro y suc h a large percentag e of mankind tha t ther e wa s no suc h thin g a s "shelter" o r a n "acceptable " number o f casualties onc e i t was initiated. 83 The sam e sor t o f reasonin g fuele d Agus ' earl y oppositio n t o th e Vietnam Wa r an d t o th e domin o theor y tha t supporte d America n

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engagement i n it . Fo r thi s reaso n Agu s supporte d peac e candidate s an d became a principa l advise r o n th e mora l ramification s o f policie s an d positions t o Charle s McMathias , a liberal Republica n wh o wa s electe d United State s senato r fro m Marylan d fo r thre e terms. 84 In th e 1970s , Sargen t Shrive r organize d a n interfait h grou p tha t me t to discus s publi c polic y issue s i n th e ligh t o f religiou s insights . Fo r th e ten year s o f its existence, Agu s wa s a vocal participan t i n th e group. 85 After a visi t wit h Jacob , Bail a an d I woul d commen t tha t a sessio n with Rabb i Agu s wa s th e closest encounte r wit h pur e min d i n ou r combined experience . Bu t Jaco b Agu s wa s als o huma n an d therefor e not perfect . Firs t ther e wa s hi s language . Earl y i n hi s rabbini c caree r h e studied wit h a speech teacher , wh o al l but eliminate d hi s foreign accen t and natura l lis p an d taugh t hi m voic e projectio n an d goo d diction. 86 For a ma n wh o arrive d i n thi s countr y a t th e ag e o f sixteen , Agu s exhibited a fin e comman d o f writte n English , bu t th e synta x o f hi s native Yiddish slippe d int o hi s informal addresses . Part o f the reaso n wa s that, remarkably , h e seldo m use d notes . Ye t becaus e h e relie d almos t exclusively o n hi s memory , th e historica l dat a wa s no t totall y accurate . For example, in an otherwis e insightfu l lectur e o n Professo r Loui s (Levi ) Ginzberg o f th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y (a n importan t influenc e on Agus ' life) , h e incorrectl y state d twic e tha t th e professo r cam e t o America wit h a wife. 87 Another imperfectio n wa s a tendency t o b e overl y critical . Fo r exam ple, i n Agus ' opinio n Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , th e lat e edito r o f The Jewish Spectator, wa s "pretentious." 88 Anothe r objec t o f hi s disdai n wa s the novelis t an d essayis t Cynthi a Ozick . I n respons e t o he r articl e i n Esquire magazine tha t bor e th e titl e "Th e Whol e Worl d Want s th e Jews Dead!" Agu s release d a scathing diatrib e agains t writer s wh o encourag e self-fulfilling prophecies . Hi s criticis m o f mal e writer s wa s equall y strong whe n h e fel t the y acte d a s propagandists rathe r tha n expounder s of truth. Fo r example , h e too k issu e with Marti n Bube r an d Elie Wiese l for thei r exaggerate d romanticizatio n o f Hasidism . More noteworth y wa s Agus ' attitud e towar d blacks . O n thi s issue , unlike tha t o f Israe l o r bom b shelters , h e descende d fro m hi s perc h o f prophetic objectivit y an d identifie d wit h hi s congregants . Whe n th e riots tha t followe d th e assassinatio n o f Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., create d grief fo r Jewis h owner s o f shop s an d factories , Agu s condemne d th e leaders o f th e riot s a s "outside r provocateurs." 89 Perhap s th e event s o f 1968 awakene d memorie s o f Polan d afte r Worl d Wa r I. 90 A t an y rate ,

6o Norton D. Shargel

Agus alway s viewe d "th e mob " a s th e greates t threa t t o Jewis h safet y and welfare . Hi s stron g oppositio n t o affirmativ e actio n surface d i n a letter t o Vic e Presiden t Huber t Humphrey , i n whic h Agu s objecte d t o a speec h b y Humphre y callin g fo r "equa l results " rathe r tha n "equa l opportunity."91 Jacob wa s no t unawar e o f hi s shortcomings . Onc e h e allude d t o a certain "meanness " within himsel f This , he explaine d i n tru e Maimon idean fashion , wa s du e t o th e intrusio n o f "matter." Ever y huma n bein g has a goo d side , th e sid e tha t i s fashione d b y God ; bu t the n matte r intrudes an d cause s imperfections i n personalit y an d character. 92 In m y opinion , Agu s wa s neve r mean , thoug h t o outsider s h e ap peared somewha t wooden . Hi s natura l stiffness , however , wa s some times mitigate d b y light humor . I n popular lecture s h e woul d establis h a connection wit h hi s audienc e b y reference s t o hi s wife . Onc e h e ex claimed, "Nex t t o Maimonides , I lov e m y wif e best! " O n anothe r occasion h e explaine d hi s tendenc y t o criticiz e wit h th e following : "Anyone wh o ha s bee n marrie d fo r twenty-fiv e year s o r mor e know s that a critic i s not th e sam e thin g a s an enemy. " 93 Agus enjoye d a certain compatibilit y wit h rabbi s o n th e Conservativ e left an d thos e whos e knowledg e h e respected , amon g the m Aaro n Blumenthal, Seymou r Siegel , Be n Zio n Bokser , Morri s Adler , Theo dore Friedman , Rober t Gordis , an d Davi d Aronson . H e als o worke d closely with member s o f the La w Committe e o f the Rabbinica l Assem bly and , i n th e lat e 1950s , heade d th e Committe e o n Conservativ e Ideology. Fo r a tim e h e als o chaire d th e Praye r Boo k Committee . Clearly, h e ha d cas t hi s lo t wit h th e Conservativ e movement ; sinc e h e believed i n operatin g withi n th e Jewish fold , ther e wa s n o othe r plac e for hi m i n America n Judaism . H e considere d th e Refor m movemen t of hi s da y t o b e mor e shallo w tha n Conservativis m an d dislike d it s abandonment o f many ritual s tha t enric h Jewish life. 94 To critic s wh o maintaine d tha t Agu s wa s so caugh t u p i n rationalis m that h e los t sigh t o f man's elementa l passion s an d tha t a s a universalisti c philosopher h e lost contact with th e masses, Agus replied, "Philosopher s fulfill a function , bu t the y woul d abus e thei r rol e i f the y attempte d t o be 'rulers / a s i n Plato . Thei r rol e i s t o criticiz e an d t o evaluate . I n th e life o f a community , ther e i s alway s tensio n betwee n th e nee d fo r collective existence , an d th e ideal s such collective s embrace. " 95 Never restin g o n hi s laurels , Agu s spen t ever y momen t o f hi s lif e learning, growing , an d tryin g t o understand . H e believe d tha t ever y

6i A Personal Portrait philosophy i s part o f a n ongoin g dialogue . Th e essenc e o f dialogue , h e insisted, i s tha t eac h formulatio n i s incomplete , tha t ever y positio n needs t o b e questioned , reevaluated , an d the n reformulated . Eve n though th e visio n o f Go d i s constantl y befor e us , i t i s neve r totall y grasped, an d th e pursui t o f perfectio n remain s a n inexhaustibl e chal lenge. I f we giv e u p th e quest , w e ris k losin g th e visio n an d turnin g t o skepticism an d despair . If , b y contrast , w e persis t i n th e search , whil e we ma y neve r hav e rest , whil e w e ma y neve r b e a t ease , w e shal l nevertheless "se e al l things fres h an d radian t wit h th e golde n promis e o f tomorrow." 96 In a letter writte n i n th e mid-1970s , Agu s explaine d th e basi s o f hi s theology: "Th e cor e o f m y religiou s philosoph y i s th e concep t o f Revelation. Min e relate s t o a Revelation a s a common religiou s experi ence—the whole-soule d ques t o f God . Th e affirmativ e elemen t i s th e fact tha t th e ques t i s sustained ; th e negative , tha t i t i s a quest , no t a possession. Th e imag e o f the prophe t i s the commo n experience , mad e larger tha n life." 97 Th e powe r o f tha t ques t an d th e ma n wh o exempli fied i t hav e sustaine d m e t o th e presen t day . NOTES 1. Professo r Marvi n Fox , interview with the author, June 2, 1994. 2. Ther e wer e fou r brother s an d thre e sisters . Agus' brothers wer e Yitzha k (Irving), Chaim, and Pinchas (Paul) ; his sisters, Esther, Jenny, and another wh o died i n childhood . Th e biographica l informatio n i n thi s essa y is taken largel y from note s given t o me by Jacob Agus' son, Robert. Futur e reference s wil l be cited as Robert E. Agus, "Biographical Notes." 3. M y thank s t o Rabb i Mar k Loe b an d Mr . Herber t Habe l fo r makin g available to me the collection of reel-to-reel audiotapes of Rabbi Agus' lectures. These dat a from th e Rabbi Jacob B. Agus Adult Educatio n Librar y a t Beth El Synagogue, Baltimore, will hereafter b e cited as "Agus Library tape." See Agus Library tape "The Hafet z Hayim, " January 25, 1959. 4. Lectur e give n a t Templ e Universit y i n Philadelphia : "Lectur e o n Mai monides and Spinoza," April 30, 1970. 5. Neviim U-ketuvim im Perush Rashi u-Fairush Mikraay Kodesh le-Harav Meir Laibush "Malbim" (Vilna, 1910-11) . 6. Davi d Novak, interview with the author, April 24, 1994. 7. I t was Jacob's brother Irvin g who change d hi s name t o Agus; the res t o f the family followed hi s example. See Robert E . Agus, "Biographical Notes. " 8. Agu s Librar y tap e "Lectur e i n Memor y o f H . A . Wolfson, " Decembe r 27, 1974.

62 Norton D. Shargel 9. Ibid . 10. Agu s Librar y tap e "Jaco b B . Agus—Twenty-fift h Anniversar y Celebra tion," Octobe r 3 , 1975 . 11. Th e phras e was use d i n a personal conversatio n durin g on e o f m y visit s to hi s home . 12. Agu s Librar y tap e "Wolfson, " Januar y 27 , 1974 ; se e als o "Jaco b B . Agus—Twenty-fifth Anniversar y Celebration,' * Octobe r 3 , 1975 . 13. Templ e Universit y classroo m lecture s o n Maimonides , Apri l 30 , 1970 , and Ma y 7 , 1970 . 14. Agu s Librar y tap e "Herem," December 15 , 1957 . 15. Ibid . 16. Miria m Agus , interview wit h th e author , July 28 , 1993 . 17. Rober t E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes. " 18. Professo r Marvi n Fox , intervie w wit h th e author , June 2 , 1994 . 19. Thes e radi o talk s wer e late r publishe d i n pamphle t form . A successo r t o Rabbi Agu s i n Dayto n recall s tha t th e communit y remembere d hi m wit h affection an d gratitud e (Rabb i Jack Riemer , intervie w wit h th e author , Ma y 24, 1994) . 20. Professo r Marvi n Fox , intervie w wit h th e author , June 2 , 1994 . Dr. Fox , who firs t me t Rabb i Agu s i n Chicago , acknowledge s tha t Jacob influence d hi s career i n Jewish scholarship . H e recall s lon g conversation s an d discussion s o n Jewish philosoph y an d thought . Statione d a t a n arm y air-forc e bas e nea r Dayton durin g th e wa r years , Dr . Fo x assiste d Agu s i n conductin g service s during th e Hig h Hol y Days . 21. I n hi s retiremen t speec h a t Bet h E l i n 1980 , Rabb i Agu s pai d tribut e t o his wife : " I hav e bee n blesse d wit h a companio n i n lif e wh o ha s no t onl y brought joy t o m e bu t ever y bi t o f achievement o f which I ca n boas t an d wit h which m y nam e i s associated. Whateve r Tora h I have brough t i s not min e onl y but her s a s well" (Agu s Librar y tap e "198 0 Retirement") . 22. Rober t E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes. " 23. I n addition , Agu s publishe d Hebre w studie s o n th e logi c o f th e kabba lah, suc h a s "Le-Heke r Higayo n Ha-Kabbalah, " Sefer Hashanah li-Yehuday America 8-9 (1946) . Anothe r Hebre w articl e analyze d Ra v Kuk' s contributio n to th e developmen t o f devekut. See Jacob Agu s "Is h Hamistorin, " Talpiot (Nisan 1948). I n hi s prefac e t o Banner of Jerusalem (New York , 1946) , Agu s thanke d Heschel fo r readin g th e manuscrip t an d makin g suggestions . 24. Se e Morris Adler , Jacob Agus, an d Theodor e Friedman , " A Responsu m on th e Sabbath, " i n Tradition and Change, ed . Mordeca i Waxma n (Ne w York , 1958), 351—74 . During tha t sam e period , Agu s wrot e a n unpublishe d respon sum, "Recordin g a Service o n Sabbath. " Se e Rabbinical Assembly Law Committee Proceedings 5 0 (1956) : 74-76 .

63 A Personal Portrait 25. Agu s Library tap e "Lectur e i n Memory o f Solomon Goldman, " Novem ber 1 , 1959 . 26. Agu s Librar y tap e "Lectur e o n Henr i Bergson, " Novembe r 11 , 1973 , and persona l recollections . 27. Ibid . Se e als o Jaco b Agus , Jewish Identity in an Age of Ideologies (New York, 1978) , 232-81 . 28. Templ e Universit y tap e "Lectur e o n Maimonide s an d Spinoza, " Apri l 30, 1970 . 29. Willia m E . Kaufman , Contemporary Jewish Philosophies (Ne w York , 1976) , 231-50. 30. Author s observation s fro m th e 1960 s an d 1970s , whe n m y wife , Baila , and I would visi t th e Agu s hom e i n Baltimore . 31. Davi d Novak , intervie w wit h th e author , Apri l 24 , 1994 . 32. Miria m Agus , intervie w wit h th e author , July 28 , 1993 . 33. Document s relate d t o th e tria l wer e printe d i n th e fal l editio n o f Conservative Judaism (1956) . Th e entir e issu e wa s devote d t o th e Cincinnat i court case . 34. Agu s Librar y tap e "Herem," December 15 , 1957 . 35. Ibid . Se e als o Baruc h Litvin , The Sanctity of the Synagogue: The Case for Mechitzah, ed . Jeanne Litvin , rev . ed . (Ne w York , 1987) , 61 , 73, 74, 314 . 36. Agu s Librar y tap e "Herem" Decembe r 15 , 1957 . 37. Ibid . 38. Ibid . 39. Thi s readin g wa s i n preparatio n fo r tw o o f hi s mos t ambitiou s books : The Evolution of JewishThought (Ne w York , 1959 ) an d The Meaning of Jewish History, 2 vols (Ne w York , 1963) . 40. Se e Mauric e Samuel , The Professor and the Fossil (New York , 1956) . 41. Agu s Librar y tap e "Jaco b B . Agus—Twenty-fift h Anniversar y Celebra tion," Octobe r 3 , 1975 . 42. Miria m Agus , intervie w wit h th e author , July 28 , 1993 . 43. A tap e recordin g o f the meetin g ha s survived, an d eve n afte r thes e man y years, th e tensio n an d excitemen t o f the evenin g ar e palpable. Se e Agus Librar y tape "Toynbee, " Decembe r 26 , i960 . 44. Lette r fro m Herber t J . Cohen , forme r presiden t o f Arn o Press , t o author, Augus t 23 , 1993 . Th e serie s wa s publishe d b y Arn o Pres s (Ne w York ) in 1973 . 45. Rabb i Amie l Wohl tol d m e tha t when h e serve d a Reform congregatio n in Baltimor e i n th e 1960s , h e attende d a clas s i n Ne w Testament , taugh t b y Rabbi Agu s to Christia n clergy , on a regular basis. The clerg y were mesmerize d by Agus ' teaching . (Se e Rabb i Amie l Wohl , intervie w wit h th e author , Apri l 11, 1994. ) St . Mary' s i s th e larges t schoo l fo r Catholi c priest s i n th e Unite d

64

Norton D. Shargel States an d i s unde r th e direc t supervisio n o f th e Vatican . Rabb i Agu s wa s th e first Jew officiall y authorize d b y the Vatican t o teac h Catholi c seminarians . (Se e Robert E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes." ) 46. Th e lat e Rabb i Mar c Tannenbaum , fo r man y year s directo r o f interreli gious affair s fo r America n Jewish Committee , considere d Jacob Agu s hi s men tor i n ecumenica l matters . H e pai d tribut e t o Jacob's wor k i n thi s fiel d i n hi s speech a t Agus ' twenty-fift h anniversar y celebratio n a t Bet h El . (Se e Agu s Library tap e "Jaco b B. Agus—Twenty-fifth Anniversar y Celebration, " Octobe r 3, 1975 . See als o Agus conferenc e tap e "Th e Meaning s o f Shalom, " Marc h 29 , !973» whic h contain s lecture s delivere d i n a two-da y conferenc e hel d wit h leaders o f th e Unite d Churc h o f Christ , i n a project t o hel p the m revis e thei r textbooks i n th e ligh t o f an appreciatio n o f Judaism an d th e Jewish heritage . 47. Durin g th e 1960s , whe n I occupie d a pulpit i n Easton , Pennsylvania , I followed Agus ' exampl e an d befriende d a Catholi c pries t an d a Luthera n minister. Togethe r w e forme d ProJeC t (Protestants , Jews, Catholics) , a n inter racial, interreligiou s fellowshi p tha t responde d t o th e socia l need s o f th e com munity. ProJeC t ha s continue d t o functio n t o thi s day . I n 1973 , Rabb i Agu s graciously accepte d m y invitatio n t o addres s th e clerg y o f Westchester i n a full day session . Se e author' s tap e " A Jewish Schola r Look s a t th e Ne w Testament, " Agus' lectur e delivere d durin g a clergy institut e hel d a t th e Jewish Communit y Center o f Harrison, Ne w York , Marc h 2 , 1977 . 48. Agu s Librar y tap e "Jaco b B . Agus—Twenty-fifth Anniversar y Celebra tion," Octobe r 3 , 1975 . 49. Tw o assistan t rabbi s serve d wit h Agus : Herber t Yoskowit z (1972—1975 ) and Mar k Loe b (1975-1980) . Loe b becam e senio r rabb i whe n Agu s becam e rabbi emeritu s i n 1980 ; h e continue s i n thi s position . Canto r Sau l Ham merman, wh o cam e t o Bet h E l shortl y afte r Rabb i Agus , serve d durin g th e entire tim e o f Rabbi Agus ' tenur e an d continue s t o d o so . 50. H e die d o n Septembe r 26 , 1986 . Se e Pamel a Nadell , Conservative Judaism: A Biographical Dictionary (New York , 1988) , 34 . 51. Templ e Universit y tap e "Lectur e o n Maimonide s an d Spinoza, " Apri l 30, 1970 . Cf . als o Agus, Evolution of Jewish Thought, 311—12 . 52. Th e idea s i n thi s section , "Goin g agains t th e Grain, " reflec t discussion s over th e year s with m y wife , Dr . Bail a Shargel . 53. E.g. , The Apprenticeship of Duddy Kravitz, The Mad Adventures of Rabbi Jacob, an d Oh God! 54. Davi d Nova k tol d m e tha t whe n h e lecture d a t Bet h E l o n a Sunda y morning, h e foun d th e thinkin g o f th e congregatio n shape d b y tha t o f thei r rabbi. Se e Davi d Novak , intervie w wit h th e author , Apri l 24 , 1994 . 55. Agu s Librar y tap e "Th e Prophe t Amos, " Octobe r 27 , 1957 . 56. Agu s Librar y tap e "Toynbee, " Decembe r 26 , i960 . 57. Agu s Library tape , "Lectur e o n Solomo n Goldman, " Novembe r 1 , 1959 .

65

A Personal Portrait This statemen t indicate s tha t Agu s participate d i n th e Zionis t movemen t fo r a time. 58. Ibid . 59. Cf . Jaco b Agus , "Myth , Faith , an d Realit y i n Jewish Life, " i n Studies of the Leo Baeck Institute (Ne w York , 1967) , 179-264 . 60. Th e conversatio n too k plac e a t a Cam p Wohel o institut e afte r Kapla n gave a speec h o n th e subjec t " A Greate r Zionism. " Se e Agu s Librar y tap e "What's Righ t abou t Zionism? " January 10 , i960 . 61. Agu s Librar y tap e "What' s Righ t abou t Zionism? " January 10 , i960 . 62. Ibid . 63. Cf . Jaco b Agus , The Jewish Quest (Ne w York , 1983) , 10 : "Th e tas k o f Diaspora Jewry i s t o hel p Israe l acquir e fres h dimension s o f mora l an d cultura l greatness." 64. "Tha t th e Stat e o f Israel can affec t adversel y an d eve n fatally th e positio n of Jews in th e Diaspor a ha s been proven , agai n an d again " (Agus , "Myth , Faith , and Reality, " 246) . 65. Agu s Librar y tap e "Jaco b B . Agus—Twenty-fift h Anniversar y Celebra tion," Octobe r 3 , 1975 . 66. Agu s Librar y tap e "Russia n Jewry," Novembe r 15 , 1975 . 67. Isaia h 56:7 . 68. Agu s Librar y tap e "Th e Meanin g o f Jerusalem—From Solomo n t o th e Destruction o f the Firs t Temple, " December 18 , 1977 . 69. Ibid . 70. Agu s Librar y tap e "Th e Meanin g o f Jerusalem—Fro m Ezr a t o th e Maccabees," Decembe r 4 , 1977 . 71. Agu s Librar y tap e "Separatio n o f Judaism an d Christianity, " Decembe r 27, 1959 72. Ibid . 73. Cf . Agus , Meaning of Jewish History, 136-37 . 74. Cf . Agus , Evolution of Jewish Thought, 78-101 . 75. Agus , Meaning of Jewish History, 119-38 . 76. Agu s Librar y tap e "Lectur e i n Memor y o f Joseph Klausner, " January 11 , 1959. 77. Agu s Librar y tap e "Separatio n o f Judaism an d Christianity, " Decembe r 2 7> J959 - Cf . als o Agus, Meaning of Jewish History, 136-38 . 78. Hi s brothe r Irvin g wa s th e medieva l historia n o n th e Yeshiv a Universit y faculty, an d Chai m was th e highl y respecte d "docto r o f Bor o Park. " Jacob' s saintly father , Yehuda h Leib , conducte d a "Hevr a Shas " a t th e Shomre i Em unah Synagogue . Agus ' brothe r Pau l an d sister s Jennie Bruc h an d Esthe r Stei n were als o respecte d member s o f th e Orthodo x communit y o f Bor o Park . Se e Robert E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes. " 79. Agu s Librar y tap e "Twentiet h Anniversar y Celebration, " June 17 , 1970 .

66 Norton D. Shargel 80. Agu s wa s invite d t o teac h fo r a semester a t th e Seminari o Rabbinic o i n Argentina i n 1965 . Thi s appointmen t cam e abou t throug h hi s frien d Rabb i Theodore Friedman , wh o wa s th e father-in-la w o f th e lat e Marshal l Meyer , the rabb i wh o pioneere d th e buildin g o f th e Conservativ e movemen t i n tha t country. Whil e i n Argentina , Agu s playe d a n importan t rol e i n helpin g t o revise textbook s use d i n Catholi c schools , bringin g the m i n lin e wit h th e ne w ecumenical spirit . Se e Rober t E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes. " 81. Rober t E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes. " 82. Jaco b Agus , The Vision and the Way (New York , 1966) , 349 . 83. Rober t E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes. " 84. Ibid . 85. Ibid . 86. Ibid . 87. Agu s Librar y tap e "Lectur e o n Professo r Loui s Ginzberg, " Februar y 15 , I95988. Davi d Novak , intervie w wit h th e author , Apri l 24 , 1994 . 89. Agu s Librar y tap e "Riot s i n Baltimore, " Ma y 5 , 1968 . 90. Agus ' uncle , a major genera l i n th e Bolshevi k army , rod e int o Sislowit z to rescu e th e Jew s fro m th e Cossacks . Se e Rober t E . Agus , "Biographica l Notes." 91. Agu s Librar y tap e "Riot s i n Baltimore, " Ma y 5 , 1968 . 92. Tap e o f lectur e give n b y Jacob Agu s a t Templ e Universit y i n Philadel phia: "Maimonides, " Februar y 19 , 1970 . 93. Ibid . 94. Jaco b Agus , conversatio n wit h Bail a Shargel . 95. Jaco b Agus , letter t o th e author , Decembe r 20 , 1976 . 96. Jaco b Agus , Dialogue and Tradition (Ne w York , 1971) , 381. 97. Jaco b Agus , letter t o th e author , Decembe r 18 , 1974 .

3 JACOB B . AGU S A S A STUDENT O F M O D E R N JEWISH PHILOSOPH Y David Novak

AGUS A S C R I T I C : H I S T O R I C A L C O N T E X T

ANYONE PRIVILEGE D t o hav e know n th e lat e Rabb i Jaco b B . Agus, a s wa s I , wil l certainl y agre e tha t h e wa s a ma n o f immens e personal an d intellectua l integrity , an d on e wh o ha d th e commensurat e courage suc h integrit y requires . Hi s courag e wa s evidence d throughou t his caree r a s a rabbi an d a s a Jewish thinke r an d writer . Hi s intellectua l integrity especiall y wa s alread y manifes t i n hi s first book , publishe d i n 1941 whe n h e wa s a n obscur e thirty-year-ol d rabb i servin g a fairl y sizable congregatio n i n Chicago . Th e book , Modern Philosophies of Judaism: A Study of Recent Jewish Philosophies of Religion, i s much mor e tha n its subtitl e describes. 1 I t i s muc h mor e tha n a study , somethin g on e would expec t fro m a youn g ma n wh o ha d recentl y receive d hi s Ph.D . in philosoph y an d wh o stil l ha d th e usuall y timi d habit s o f a graduat e student. Rather , i t wa s i n ever y sens e a tou r d e force , fo r Agu s di d much mor e tha n "study " th e leadin g moder n Jewis h thinker s wit h whom h e deal t i n hi s book; h e boldl y an d cogentl y criticize d them , an d then h e wen t o n t o outlin e wha t wa s t o becom e hi s ow n philosoph y o f Judaism. I a m convince d tha t th e fea t o f thi s youn g rabbi-thinke r ca n be compare d onl y t o th e tou r d e forc e o f anothe r youn g rabbi-thinker , that o f Le o Baeck , wh o i n hi s 190 0 boo k The Essence of Judaism con fronted th e vie w o f Judaism o f the leadin g Christia n thinke r o f his tim e and place , Adol f vo n Harnack , an d thereb y presente d hi s ow n philoso 67

68 David Novak

phy o f Judaism. An d just a s Baecks firs t darin g book se t the ton e fo r hi s future thought , s o di d thi s first boo k b y Agus. To bette r appreciat e th e courag e o f Agus ' earlies t work , eve n befor e we examin e it s intelligenc e an d prescienc e o f hi s late r work , i t i s important t o kno w just wh o Jacob B . Agus was in 1941 . Born i n Polan d i n 191 1 into a family distinguishe d b y grea t piet y an d learning, Agu s cam e wit h hi s famil y t o th e Unite d State s a s a teenager . He soo n becam e a studen t o f th e grea t Lithuania n Talmudis t Rabb i Moses Soloveitchi k a t wha t wa s late r t o becom e Yeshiv a Universit y i n New York , wher e h e excelle d i n traditiona l rabbini c learning . Ordaine d as a n Orthodo x rabb i i n hi s earl y twenties , Agu s soo n foun d himsel f studying philosoph y an d histor y o f religion s a t Harvar d University , where h e worked wit h th e grea t historian o f Jewish an d general philoso phy Harr y Austry n Wolfson , an d where h e was the las t doctora l studen t of th e idealis t philosophe r Willia m Hocking . Alread y a s a graduat e student, however , Agu s coul d n o longe r b e considere d a n Orthodo x Jew, thoug h h e serve d a t th e tim e a s the rabb i o f Orthodo x synagogue s in Norfolk , Virginia , an d Cambridge , Massachusetts . Hi s stud y o f his tory and , especially , philosoph y convince d hi m tha t Judaism require d a more rationall y convincin g justification tha n coul d possibl y be provide d by Orthodo x literalis m an d dogmatism . Eve n thoug h Agu s would even tually becom e a Conservativ e rabbi , an d a leadin g on e a t that , h e di d not fin d i n 1941—o r thereafter—an y non-Orthodo x philosoph y o f Judaism tha t satisfie d hi m religiousl y o r rationally . S o hi s integrit y required tha t h e firs t examin e thes e philosophie s an d sho w ho w an d why the y wer e wanting . Hi s courag e an d grea t intellec t enable d hi m t o suggest a n acceptabl e alternativ e fo r himsel f an d thos e who m h e hope d to convince . The yea r 194 1 was a n ominou s on e i n whic h t o b e a Jew—and eve n more so to be a Jewish thinker—in th e world. By that time it was already becoming clea r tha t al l o f European Jewry wa s i n morta l dange r a t th e hands o f th e Nazis . I n America , mos t o f th e Jews wh o ha d remaine d faithful t o Judaism wer e doin g s o out o f habit an d sentiment , bu t a large number o f the best and the brightest, wh o neede d somethin g mor e tha n the authorit y o f the past to guid e an d inspire them , wer e convince d tha t Judaism wa s alread y irrelevan t t o th e need s o f th e presen t an d tha t i t would no t surviv e i n th e radica l ne w futur e the y envisioned . An d al though h e kne w tha t hi s book woul d b e littl e notice d b y the Jews o f his

69 A Student of Modern Jewish Philosophy

time and place, Jacob Agus wrote it anyway, convinced tha t truth i s more enduring and, ultimately, mor e attractiv e than popularity . THE C R I T I Q U E O F JEWIS H NATIONALIS M

The usua l alternativ e t o Orthodox y tha t wa s embrace d b y Jew s o f backgrounds simila r t o Agus ' an d wh o wante d t o remai n par t o f th e Jewish peopl e wa s Jewish nationalism . I n th e earlie r par t o f th e twenti eth century , Jewish nationalis m wa s stil l abl e t o tak e tw o forms : Zion ism, whic h advocate d tha t th e Jewish nationa l hom e b e i n th e lan d o f Israel an d tha t it s linguisti c cultur e b e Hebrew , an d wha t wa s calle d territorialism, whic h advocate d tha t th e Jewish nationa l hom e b e som e designated sovereig n are a i n Easter n Europ e (wher e th e greates t mas s o f Jews stil l lived) an d tha t it s linguisti c cultur e b e Yiddish . Bu t b y 1941 , with th e ongoin g destructio n o f Easter n Europea n Jewry , i t wa s clea r that Zionis m wa s th e onl y realisti c for m o f Jewish nationalis m left . Zionism generall y too k tw o forms : politica l an d cultural . Politica l Zionism, whic h wa s almos t solel y concerne d wit h th e restoratio n o f Jewish nationa l sovereignt y i n th e lan d o f Israel , ha d n o religiou s poin t of vie w a t all . Eithe r it s ideolog y becam e nationalis m pe r se , a s i n th e case o f Vladimir Jabotinsky an d hi s "revisionist " followers , o r i t becam e some for m o f Marxism , howeve r dilute d an d adapted , a s in th e cas e o f David Ben-Gurio n an d hi s followers . Bu t cultura l Zionis m di d a t leas t have a n interes t i n wha t coul d b e broadl y take n a s th e Jewish religiou s heritage. I t wa s thi s interes t tha t attracte d th e attentio n o f Agus ; fo r although no t a n anti-Zionist himsel f (eithe r before o r afte r th e establish ment o f th e Stat e o f Israe l i n 1948) , h e wa s convince d tha t th e interes t of cultura l Zionis m i n th e Jewish religiou s heritag e wa s philosophicall y inadequate. Bein g inadequat e philosophicall y meant , fo r him , tha t i t was inadequat e a s a syste m o f though t tha t coul d guid e an d inspir e contemporary Jew s engage d i n a spiritua l ques t simila r t o tha t o f Agu s himself. Agus' mai n critiqu e o f cultura l Zionis m wa s directe d agains t it s most influentia l theorist , Aha d Ha c Am (1856-1927) . A s i n an y goo d philosophical critique , Agu s showe d ho w Aha d Ha c Ams theor y o f cultural Zionis m lacke d prope r consistenc y i n itsel f an d prope r suffi ciency i n it s connectio n t o a world outsid e itself , th e worl d i n thi s cas e being Jewish tradition .

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Ahad Ha c Am s lac k o f consistenc y i s apparen t i n hi s presentatio n of th e relatio n betwee n Jewis h nationalis m an d Jewis h morality . Th e philosophical proble m involve d i s no les s than tha t o f the relatio n o f th e universal an d th e particular . For most moder n Jewish thinkers , moralit y wa s what Immanue l Kan t had insiste d i t coul d onl y be , namely , a syste m o f practica l maxim s determined b y th e univeralisti c criterio n o f the Categorica l Imperative . Anything individua l o r particula r ha d t o b e subsume d unde r th e rul e o f universal moralit y i n orde r t o b e morall y justifiable . A s such , Jewis h nationalism, n o doub t a for m o f particularism , woul d hav e t o adap t itself t o th e rul e o f th e universa l i n orde r t o b e morall y justifiable. Fo r this reaso n Jewish Kantians , firs t an d foremos t Herman n Cohe n (who m Agus wa s probabl y th e firs t Jewis h thinke r t o examin e criticall y i n English), regarde d Jewis h surviva l t o b e worthwhil e onl y o n strictl y religious grounds , religio n bein g a necessar y correlat e o f morality . Fo r the sam e reaso n Zionis m wa s rejected—usuall y quit e vehemently—b y the Jewish adherent s o f thi s schoo l o f thought . I n thei r eyes , Zionis m was a nationalism withou t a proper justification i n universa l morality . Ahad Ha c Am though t h e coul d refut e thi s philosophica l rejectio n o f Jewish nationalism , especiall y Zionism , b y denyin g tha t moralit y i s universal. Fo r him , eac h natio n ha d it s ow n "nationa l spirit. " Ou t o f this nationa l spirit , then , eac h natio n produce d it s ow n morality . I n hi s vision o f Judaism, th e uniqu e moralit y o f the Jewish natio n i s character ized b y it s devotio n t o th e idea l o f absolut e justice. Aha d Ha c Am wa s convinced tha t n o othe r natio n ha d an y suc h devotio n t o thi s ideal . Agus showe d quit e insightfull y tha t moralit y canno t b e reduce d t o nationalism, eve n i n th e ful l though t o f Ahad Ha c Am, fo r Aha d Ha c Am also accepte d th e ancien t ide a tha t th e Jewish natio n i s t o b e " a ligh t unto th e nations, " tha t is , th e Jews hav e somethin g t o teac h th e res t o f the world . I t wa s a n ide a tha t Aha d Ha c Am accepte d almos t a s much a s did th e anti-Zionis t Jewish Kantians . Hi s differenc e fro m the m wa s on e of degre e rathe r tha n on e o f kind ; fo r wherea s the y though t tha t Jew s could bes t perfor m thi s enlightenin g functio n a s individua l citizen s o f modern Europea n o r American nation-states , h e though t the y coul d d o it muc h bette r an d wit h greate r historica l integrit y collectively , a s a unique natio n themselves , on e reestablishe d i n thei r ancien t homeland. 2 (On th e questio n o f actua l Jewish statehoo d i n th e sens e o f complet e political sovereignty , Aha d Ha c Am wa s noncommital. ) However, i f the Jewish natio n ha s somethin g t o offe r th e res t o f th e

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world, the n i t mus t hav e somethin g i n commo n wit h tha t world . Otherwise wha t i t has to offe r wil l necessarily b e unintelligible . As Agus notes wit h characteristi c directness , "Why , then , shoul d a Jew assum e a priori tha t th e insigh t o f hi s ow n nationa l grou p i s infallible ? Trut h knows n o nationa l boundarie s whatsoever." 3 I n othe r words , b y as serting tha t th e Jewish natio n ha s bot h a nationa l visio n an d a transna tional message , Aha d Ha c Am seem s t o impl y tha t Jewish nationalis m i s not self-justifyin g afte r all . His onl y differenc e fro m th e Jewish Kantian s would see m t o b e tha t h e di d no t plac e suc h fir m fait h i n th e Europea n nation-states a s morally th e bes t plac e fo r Jews (an d perhap s existentiall y as well ) a s the y did . Bu t fo r bot h Aha d Ha c Am an d th e Kantians , a moral meanin g fo r Jewish grou p surviva l an d continuation , whethe r a s a "fait h community " o r a s a "nationa l group, " i f pursue d consistentl y will requir e a criterio n tha t transcend s th e communit y o r grou p itself. 4 This contradict s Aha d Ha c Am s continual emphasi s o n th e nonjustifiabl e nature o f national existence , a s Agus s o well shows . At thi s poin t I thin k i t i s bes t t o se e ho w Agu s criticize s th e Jewis h sufficiency o f Ahad Ha c Am s view o f Judaism; for Agu s argues quite per suasively tha t nationalis m require s a moral justification, base d o n a tran scendent criterion . Bu t moralit y i s not enoug h o f a criterion t o maintai n its transcendenc e independently . I t require s a n ontologica l foundation , which fo r Agu s can onl y be God . An d i f ethics is the means whereby w e know morality , religio n i s th e mean s whereb y w e kno w God . Thus , i f Ahad Ha c Ams morall y justified nationalis m require s transcendence t o b e cogent, the n th e ques t fo r transcendenc e mus t g o al l the wa y t o th e top , so t o speak , i n orde r t o b e sufficient . Accordingly , nationalis m require s morality an d morality requires religion i n orde r to be sufficient bothjewishly an d philosophically. A s Agus puts it , "Relativisti c theorie s o f ethic s require no religious foundation. But , an absolute standard of morality, th e assertion o f eternall y vali d ethica l truths—wha t meanin g ca n an y suc h claim possess if we dispense with th e concept o f an Absolute Being, W h o stands outsid e th e flowing strea m o f phenomena?" 5 Becaus e Aha d Ha c Am wa s unable to do this, Agus harshly but accuratel y conclude s tha t his "philosophy o f Judaism i s pitifully inadequate." 6 THE C R I T I Q U E O F KAPLA N

In 1941 , a t a tim e whe n Agu s wa s wrestlin g wit h th e meanin g o f Orthodoxy an d wha t Orthodo x Judais m entailed , th e leadin g non -

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Orthodox Jewish thinke r i n Americ a wa s Mordeca i M . Kapla n (1881 — 1983). Kaplan s influenc e extende d fa r beyon d th e Jewish Theologica l Seminary o f America, wher e h e indoctrinate d Conservativ e rabbi s wit h his ideology fo r ove r fift y years . To many o f Agus' contemporarie s wh o wanted t o b e moder n intellectual s an d remai n "Jewish " Jews , Kapla n seemed abl e t o presen t a coherent vie w o f Judaism fo r thos e wh o coul d no longe r believ e i n th e litera l authorit y o f biblica l revelatio n an d rabbinic tradition . Moreover , becaus e o f hi s incorporatio n o f som e o f the idea s o f Emile Durkhei m an d John Dewe y int o hi s thought , Kapla n seemed t o b e presentin g a view o f Judaism tha t wa s au couran t wit h th e new thinkin g o f th e socia l sciences , thinkin g tha t wa s especiall y influ ential i n America . Yet Agus , bol d a s h e alway s was , wa s no t afrai d t o subjec t Kaplan s thought t o hi s ow n rigorou s philosophica l critique . I n th e cours e o f that critique , Kapla n cam e ou t lookin g eve n mor e inadequat e tha n di d Ahad Ha c Am. Th e reaso n fo r this , i t seem s t o me , i s tha t Kapla n wa s philosophically mor e ambitiou s tha n wa s Aha d Ha c Am i n hi s construc tive project, ye t h e wa s eve n les s philosophically able . Like Ahad Ha c Am, who m h e greatl y admired , Kapla n was a nationalist. Fo r him , th e existenc e an d continuit y o f the Jewish peopl e (wha t h e was t o late r cal l "peoplehood, " a ter m h e too k grea t prid e i n havin g coined) neede d n o mor e justificatio n tha n a biologica l entit y need s justification t o live . Th e inclinatio n t o liv e an d surviv e wa s jus t a s natural amon g nation s a s among biological entities . (O f course, Kaplan s biological analog y i s problemati c alon g Darwinia n lines , fo r ther e th e survival o f an y specie s i s not a permanent give n bu t mus t b e "justified " by th e capacit y t o adap t t o th e greater environment . Bu t thi s i s no t a point Agu s include d i n hi s critique. ) Therefore , fo r Kaplan , anythin g that contribute d t o Jewish surviva l an d enhance d it s vitality was authen tically Jewish. Sinc e ther e i s a wid e comple x o f suc h vivifyin g factors , Judaism i s not just a religion, no t just a nation, no t just a culture, bu t i s nothing les s tha n a "civilization. " (Th e designatio n "civilization " i s a s problematic a s the biologica l analog y just mentioned , an d fo r muc h th e same reason . Influence d b y Darwinis m t o a larg e extent , theorist s o f civilization suc h a s Oswal d Spengle r an d Arnol d Toynbe e hav e argue d that civilization s ar e no t permanentl y give n bu t mus t b e "justified " b y their capacit y t o adap t t o a greater world—a capacit y tha t al l civilization s so fa r see m t o hav e los t eventually . Bu t again , thi s i s no t a poin t Agu s included i n hi s critique. )

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As wa s th e cas e wit h Aha d Ha'Am , Agu s criticize d th e overal l posi tion o f Kapla n o n ethica l an d religiou s grounds . An d th e logica l tacti c was als o th e same , namely , t o sho w inadequac y i n term s o f consistenc y and sufficiency . Agus note s tha t Kapla n wa s no t unawar e o f th e dange r o f reducin g Judaism t o a mer e nationa l o r "folk " religion . Afte r all , eve n thoug h Kaplan bega n wor k o n hi s magnum opus , Judaism as a Civilization, lon g before it s publicatio n i n 1934 , th e fac t tha t i t appeare d afte r Hitle r ha d already com e t o powe r i n Germany , justifyin g hi s tyrann y o n th e grounds o f th e primac y o f "folk, " coul d no t ver y wel l g o unnoticed — certainly no t b y a Jewis h thinke r considerin g th e centralit y o f anti Semitism t o Naz i ideolog y fro m th e ver y beginning . An d b y 1941 , when Agus ' critiqu e o f Kaplan cam e out , Naz i fol k ideolog y wa s bein g translated int o th e wholesal e murde r o f Jew s wh o wer e unfortunat e enough t o b e livin g withi n th e widenin g Naz i ne t o f power . Clearly , this typ e o f folk religio n wa s consummatel y immoral . As Agus pu t it , quit e fairl y i t seems , "Kapla n i s not unmindfu l o f th e danger o f nationa l religion s turnin g int o consecrate d chauvinism s . . . to many form s o f neo-paganism." 7 Tha t Kapla n recognize d th e proble m (unlike som e othe r Jewish nationalists , eve n afte r th e ful l impac t o f th e Holocaust) i s t o hi s credit . Bu t ho w doe s h e attemp t t o dea l wit h it ? The answe r i s that Kapla n supplie s th e missin g universa l mora l facto r i n the assertio n o f the nee d fo r "persona l religion, " whic h function s a s th e necessary counterpoin t t o "fol k religion" ; fo r i f fol k religio n i s lef t alone, especiall y whe n i t i s couple d wit h th e powe r o f a moder n nation-state, th e dange r o f immoral nationalis m i s very rea l indeed. Th e suggestion is , o f course , intriguing , bu t Agu s i s very quic k t o poin t ou t that Kapla n i n n o wa y connect s th e tw o foc i o f religion philosophically ; indeed, "h e doe s no t inquir e whethe r th e tw o ca n logicall y co-exist." 8 Kaplan, a s th e socia l scientist—mor e particularly , th e sociologist—h e always too k himsel f t o be , constitute d onl y Jewish fol k religio n i n an y thorough way . He di d not reall y constitut e persona l religio n a t all, muc h less correlat e i t wit h fol k religion . Bu t withou t thi s correlatio n ther e can b e n o critica l moralit y a t all . A t leas t a t thi s stag e o f hi s thought , Kaplan simpl y leave s th e matte r a t thi s unsatisfyin g impasse . In hi s critiqu e Agu s see s Kaplan s problem a s being mor e tha n simpl y ethical. I t is theological. And wherea s Agus coul d criticiz e Aha d Ha c Am for bein g s o theologicall y agnostic , i n Kaplan' s cas e ther e i s a theology . Kaplan i s a theist . Th e problem , then , i s no t th e absenc e o f a theolog y

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but rathe r a theolog y tha t i s inadequate . Now , ther e ar e tw o way s on e can criticiz e Kaplan s theology . Mor e traditionalis t Jewis h thinker s would argu e tha t th e faul t lie s i n Kaplan' s denia l o f revelation , a denia l that becam e mor e acut e wit h age . Thi s argumen t woul d sho w tha t Kaplan's theolog y simpl y eliminate s to o muc h o f th e classica l Jewis h tradition t o clai m an y rea l continuit y wit h it . However , Agu s i s to o untraditional (no t just to o non-Orthodox ) t o follo w tha t lin e o f argu ment. Eve n thoug h h e doe s no t den y revelation , a s doe s Kaplan , hi s view o f revelation, whic h h e develope d i n hi s later work , woul d hardl y satisfy traditionalis t requirement s either . Instead , hi s critiqu e o f Kaplan s theology i s tha t i t i s inadequate t o groun d an y genuin e ethics . I n othe r words, Agus ' critiqu e i s tha t o f on e libera l Jew vis-a-vi s anothe r lib eral Jew. Agus see s the hear t o f Kaplans theologica l proble m i n hi s concep t o f God; fo r Kapla n sa w himself as both a "naturalist" an d a "functionalist. " As a naturalist , h e wa s convince d tha t th e worl d o f huma n experience , or possibl e huma n experience , i s al l ther e is . Everythin g i s containe d within its . But sinc e Go d i s not th e objec t o f huma n experience , God , like an y othe r nonobject , ca n b e explaine d onl y a s a function o f huma n experience. Her e i s where Kaplan' s functionalism come s in. T o maintai n a connectio n wit h traditiona l religiou s vocabular y (bu t no t wit h tradi tional religiou s conceptuality) , Kapla n see s God' s functio n a s bein g salvific. Tha t is , since huma n strivin g is within a larger natura l universe , there must be something within this universe tha t enable s human strivin g to succeed , o r a t leas t t o hav e th e possibilit y o f success . Tha t succes s i s what biblica l religio n calle d salvation . S o tha t aspec t o f natur e whic h ultimately empowers (a s w e woul d sa y today ) huma n salvatio n i s wha t Kaplan designate s a s "God. " The questio n tha t Agu s astutel y asks , followin g hi s genera l metho d of libera l Jewis h critique , i s whethe r o r no t thi s concep t o f Go d i s ethically sufficient , tha t is , whethe r o r no t i t ca n cogentl y groun d morality. An d i t shoul d b e remembered , eve n Kapla n i s forced t o admi t (either b y post-19 3 3 experience o r b y logic ) tha t moralit y i s more tha n a matte r o f societa l cohesiveness . Bu t her e i s where Agu s come s dow n most forcefull y o n Kaplan . A s Agus puts it : The real m o f ethics cannot b e placed abov e the real m o f physical events, unless God , th e cosmi c sourc e o f morality , i s conceive d a s standin g outside an d abov e th e swa y of physical nature . We must thin k o f God as

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the Creato r o f th e univers e an d th e Autho r o f th e mora l law . Thi s i s quite differen t fro m th e simpl e recognition o f physicists that th e univers e is an "organic " unity. 9 Agus' trenchan t critiqu e o f Kaplan ha d importan t ramification s whe n he officiall y becam e a Conservativ e rabb i i n th e lat e 1940s . Befor e Agus' arrival , th e Conservativ e rabbinat e wa s basically divide d int o tw o ideological camps . O n th e on e han d wa s th e cam p o f traditionalists , centered o n th e grea t talmudi c schola r Loui s Ginzber g (1873-1953 ) an d his chie f disciple , th e presiden t o f th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y o f America, Loui s Finkelstei n (1895—1991) . Althoug h thes e me n ha d rather flexible theoretica l view s abou t revelatio n an d th e developmen t of tradition , o n practica l ground s the y reaffirme d virtuall y al l o f th e authority o f th e tradition . Traditio n fo r the m essentiall y grounde d it s own authority . O n th e othe r han d wa s th e cam p centere d o n Mordeca i Kaplan, whic h extende d fa r beyon d thos e wh o wer e officiall y t o be come Reconstructionist s ( a grou p tha t eventuall y separate d itsel f fro m the Conservativ e movemen t i n th e 1960s) . Thes e me n (an d later , women) wer e convince d tha t withou t th e traditiona l belie f i n revela tion, whic h the y regarde d a s beyon d retrieva l i n th e moder n scientifi c world, th e traditiona l practice s o f Judaism require d wholesal e recon struction. As w e hav e alread y seen , Agu s wa s dissatisfie d wit h th e theologica l grounding o f Kaplans Jewish liberalis m fo r stron g philosophical reasons . Ultimately, hi s differenc e fro m Kapla n wa s ove r th e questio n o f God . But fo r th e mos t par t Agu s wa s no t dissatisfie d wit h th e cal l fo r th e reconstruction o f Jewis h religiou s practice , strongl y demande d b y Kaplan an d hi s follower s an d just a s strongl y resiste d b y Ginzber g an d Finkelstein an d thei r followers . Indeed , Agu s wa s th e chie f autho r o f a controversial responsum , issue d by th e La w Committe e o f the Rabbini cal Assembl y (th e officia l bod y o f th e Conservativ e rabbinate ) i n 1950 , that permitte d th e drivin g o f a n automobil e o n th e Sabbat h i f tha t wa s the onl y wa y t o atten d synagogu e services , whic h wa s a quit e radica l departure fro m halakhi c traditio n (howeve r muc h i t wa s formulate d i n a traditiona l rabbini c style , usin g a s man y talmudi c source s a s wa s possible).10 S o wha t Agu s provide d fo r a numbe r o f "left-wing " Con servative rabbi s wa s liberalis m i n practic e couple d wit h a muc h mor e satisfying an d cogen t theis m i n theory . Indeed , i f on e look s a t th e Conservative movemen t today , whic h i s left-win g b y th e standard s o f

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the 1940 s an d 1950 s (th e Traditionalist s largel y havin g departe d i n th e 1980s, a s di d th e Reconstructionist s i n th e 1960s) , i t i s probabl y close r to th e outloo k o f Agus tha n t o tha t o f anyone else . THE CRITIQU E O F HERMAN N COHE N I do no t thin k tha t an y Jewish schola r in America i n 194 1 was as capable as Jacob Agu s o f understanding, le t alon e critiquing , th e though t o f th e most philosophicall y impressiv e o f al l th e moder n Jewis h thinkers , th e great Germa n Jewis h philosopher-theologia n Herman n Cohe n (1842 1918). Fo r Agus , th e critiqu e o f Cohe n mus t hav e bee n a particularl y daunting task , no t onl y becaus e o f th e complexit y o f Cohen' s though t but eve n mor e becaus e Agus ' ow n vie w o f Judais m seem s t o com e closest t o tha t o f Cohen . Both Cohe n an d Agu s wer e hars h critic s o f Jewish nationalis m (al though Agu s di d no t expres s anti-Zionism, a s did Cohen) . Bot h Cohe n and Agu s sa w universa l ethic s a s bein g a t th e cor e o f Jewish teaching . And bot h Cohe n an d Agu s sa w Judaism a s providing th e mos t cogen t theological groundin g o f ethics, thus forcefully rejectin g an y "naturalist " attempts t o den y ethic s it s transcenden t intentionality . Hence , i f Agu s could no t sho w ho w hi s ow n vie w o f Judaism wa s mor e convincin g than tha t o f Cohen , hi s integrit y woul d hav e certainl y require d tha t h e become Cohe n s discipl e an d devot e himsel f t o th e disseminatio n an d application o f Cohe n s philosophy. Th e fac t tha t Agu s di d no t becom e a Cohenian , however , indicate s that , eve n i n 1941 , Agus fel t himsel f u p to th e tas k o f challenging Cohen . Agus' critiqu e o f Cohen consist s o f two mai n points : on e philosophi cal, the othe r historical . Agus' mai n philosophica l poin t agains t Cohe n i s that n o matte r ho w much forc e Cohe n attribute s t o th e religiou s relationshi p wit h God , i t always remain s subordinat e t o th e ultimat e authorit y o f ethics . Fo r Cohen, a s Agu s sa w quit e acutely , th e basi c functio n o f religio n i s t o handle th e proble m o f human mora l guilt , t o provid e enoug h o f a sense of divin e forgivenes s an d atonemen t s o tha t huma n being s a s rationa l practical agent s ca n onc e agai n b e abl e t o exercis e mora l autonomy . However, i f this i s the case , then , a s Agus put s i t s o pointedly, "religio n is well-nig h superfluous , sinc e whe n i t appear s upo n th e scen e o f consciousness, ther e i s no nee d fo r it. " An d h e conclude s thi s thought ,

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"If religio n i s t o b e o f an y significance , it s root s mus t b e show n t o extend beyon d th e field o f ethics." 11 What Agu s ha s show n her e i s that religio n ca n b e cogen t onl y i f it i s first an d foremos t th e relationshi p betwee n human s an d God^b r its own sake, not merel y a function o f ethic s (i n th e wa y tha t i t i s a function o f human self-fulfillmen t fo r Kaplan) . Onl y the n ca n religio n groun d ethics by placin g i t i n th e highes t (Agus ' favorit e metaphor ) ontologica l context. 12 Bu t religio n ca n d o thi s onl y i f it i s more—but neve r less — than ethics , namely , b y assertin g tha t th e religiou s relationshi p betwee n humans an d Go d i s prio r t o an d inclusiv e o f th e ethica l relationshi p between human s themselves , rathe r tha n vic e versa . I thin k tha t Agu s wa s abl e t o mak e thi s typ e o f assertio n agains t Cohen becaus e h e wa s no t beholde n t o Kan t a s wa s Cohen , howeve r much Cohe n attempte d t o develo p an d adap t Kant' s ow n thought . Th e stumbling bloc k tha t prevente d Cohe n fro m ascribin g t o religio n th e ultimacy i t insist s fo r itsel f (an d tha t le d hi m t o "deconstruct, " a s w e would no w say , th e datu m o f Jewis h religion , wit h al l th e danger s involved i n an y suc h deconstruction ) wa s hi s refusa l t o abando n th e Kantian ide a o f foundationa l autonomy . Fo r Kant , thi s mean t tha t th e only tru e mora l obligatio n wa s what on e coul d legislat e fo r himsel f an d all othe r rationa l being s i n a n idea l cosmi c order . Agus , conversely , was no t s o beholde n t o Kantia n autonom y i n thi s foundationa l sense . Accordingly, despit e hi s hig h regar d fo r th e rol e o f independent huma n reason i n th e religiou s life , Agu s woul d asser t tha t th e ideals he sa w a s fundamentally operativ e i n Jewish moralit y (ideal s as opposed t o specifi c rules, whic h h e regarde d a s essentiall y huma n application s o f thes e ideals) wer e essentiall y God-made , no t self-made , normativity . Alon g these lines , then , Agu s was much mor e eclecti c i n hi s us e o f philosoph y for theologica l purpose s tha n wa s Cohen ; henc e h e di d no t ge t himsel f into th e typ e o f philosophical conundru m tha t Cohe n di d i n hi s unsuc cessful attemp t t o correlat e Kantia n autonom y wit h th e Jewish ide a o f the primac y o f the convenanta l relationshi p betwee n ma n an d God . Agus' historica l poin t agains t Cohe n concerne d th e questio n o f na tionalism. Bot h Cohe n an d Agu s wer e highl y suspiciou s o f th e claim s of Jewis h nationalis m t o provid e a vie w o f Judais m an d th e Jewis h people tha t woul d b e cogen t o n bot h religiou s an d mora l grounds . However, Cohen s blin d spo t wa s tha t wha t compelle d hi m t o rejec t Jewish nationalism , an d particularl y Zionism , di d no t compe l hi m wit h

78 David Novak true consistenc y t o rejec t Germa n nationalism . Fo r Cohen , th e Germa n nation-state tha t ha d bee n unite d b y Bismarc k whe n Cohe n wa s a young academi c i n 187 1 wa s th e forerunner o f th e unite d humanit y that h e sa w as the ver y cor e o f the classica l Jewish messiani c vision . Th e fact tha t Germa n unificatio n int o a ne w nation-stat e als o brough t wit h it th e ful l politica l emancipatio n o f th e Jews mad e Cohen , a s th e love r of hi s peopl e h e wa s throughou t hi s lifetime , tha t muc h mor e o f a German patriot . Now i t is true tha t Agus, writing in 1941 , had the benefit o f historical hindsight tha t Cohen , wh o die d i n 1918 , di d no t have . B y 1941 , German nationalis m ha d turne d o n th e Jew s wit h a vengeanc e tha t Cohen neve r coul d hav e imagined . (I n 1942 , afte r bein g deporte d a s a woman ove r eight y year s o f age alon g wit h thousand s o f other Germa n Jews, Cohen s belove d wife , Martha , die d i n th e Theresienstad t Con centration Camp. ) Agu s recognize d thi s an d wa s charitabl e i n assertin g in hi s critiqu e o f Cohen s enthrallmen t wit h nationalis m tha t "we , today, [hav e been] mad e wise r an d sadde r by . . . the totalitaria n organi zation o f th e state." 13 However , Agu s stil l sa w Cohe n s politica l blin d spot no t just a s having bee n historicall y refute d bu t als o a s the resul t o f Cohen's fault y philosoph y o f history ; fo r a s Agu s pointe d ou t a t th e very en d o f hi s critique , Cohe n wen t to o fa r i n attributin g inheren t virtue t o th e moder n nation-stat e (epitomize d fo r hi m b y th e moder n German nation-state ) precisel y because , i n th e real m o f politics , h e placed to o littl e emphasi s o n th e independenc e o f th e individua l from the power o f the state . And Agu s saw this fault a s being theological , tha t "the cultivatio n o f th e idea l o f individualit y . . . ca n onl y b e grounde d in relatio n t o God." 14 Fo r Agus , then , i f huma n valu e i s t o b e abl e t o limit an d guid e huma n power , th e sourc e o f that valu e ha s to b e divine , not human . Thus , i n th e end , Agus ' disput e wit h Cohe n center s o n th e issue o f autonomy . Her e Agu s returne d t o a n olde r Jewis h ide a o f human rationality , seein g i t a s mor e responsiv e t o a n orde r no t o f it s own makin g tha n constructiv e o f its own order. 15 THE C R I T I Q U E O F M A R T I N B U B E R

The ver y faul t Agu s foun d wit h th e politica l philosoph y o f Herman n Cohen wa s th e virtu e h e foun d i n th e philosoph y o f Marti n Bube r (1878—1965). A s h e pu t i t whe n praisin g Bube r s ide a o f th e I—tho u relationship between human s themselve s an d between human s an d God ,

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"The positio n o f Bube r mus t b e welcome d heartily . . . . Onc e ma n i s regarded a s solel y th e objec t o f a scientifi c inquiry , th e basi s o f huma n freedom ha s bee n undermined." 16 I n thi s remar k Agu s see s Bube r a s a needed antidot e t o th e determinis m o f th e socia l sciences , especiall y that propose d b y sociolog y an d psychoanalysi s (bot h discipline s t o which Agu s ha d a lifelong aversion) . It i s important t o se e tha t i n hi s praise o f Buber, Agu s i s not s o muc h countering th e determinis m o f th e natura l science s a s h e i s counterin g the determinis m o f th e socia l sciences . Tha t distinctio n give s hi m a different edg e tha n Herman n Cohen' s earlie r critiqu e o f determinism ; for wherea s Cohe n coul d easil y counte r th e determinis m o f the natura l sciences (which , fo r him , wa s alway s epitomize d b y hi s philosophica l and Jewish bet e noire , Baruc h Spinoza ) wit h th e Kantia n ide a o f mora l autonomy an d it s postulate d freedo m fro m physica l causality , h e wa s much les s successfu l i n counterin g ultimatel y totalitaria n notion s o f th e moral primac y o f th e stat e ove r th e right s o f th e individual . An d whereas th e politica l powe r o f deterministic socia l scienc e wa s still quit e minimal i n Cohe n s time , b y Agus ' tim e i t ha d becom e th e dominan t intellectual forc e i n socia l an d politica l thought . Agu s rightl y sa w ho w such a social science , wit h it s rejectio n o f th e irreducibl e dignit y o f th e individual huma n person , no t onl y wa s incapabl e o f counterin g th e collectivist claim s o f totalitarian state s bu t actuall y contribute d t o them . Thus Bube r s groundin g o f huma n personhoo d i n th e relationshi p o f the individua l I with th e divin e Tho u seeme d t o Agu s t o b e capabl e o f founding a muc h mor e cogen t alternativ e t o psychologica l an d socio logical determinis m tha n coul d Cohenia n idealism . (I t shoul d b e re membered tha t ideals function ver y differentl y fo r Agu s tha n the y d o fo r Cohen.) However, n o soone r doe s Agu s prais e Bube r tha n h e reveal s Buber' s blind spot ; fo r Agu s i s not onl y searchin g fo r a truly foundin g relation ship wit h God , h e insist s tha t tha t relationshi p hav e a stron g rationa l component a s well . Her e i s wher e Agu s find s Bube r t o b e seriousl y wanting. A s he put s i t in a note a t the ver y en d o f the chapte r o n Bube r in Modern Philosophies of Judaism, "Th e fac t tha t Bube r ha s n o theorie s concerning th e natur e o f th e Deit y render s hi s philosoph y rudderles s and adrift." 17 Shortl y befor e comin g t o tha t conclusion , Agu s states , "Unless th e ide a o f Go d become s a guid e t o th e devotion s o f men , rather tha n th e resultan t therefrom , devotio n t o humanit y wil l no t prevail. . . . Th e ide a o f a Go d o f lov e i s capabl e o f invigoratin g a n

8o David Novak ethical life , bu t no t o f replacin g reaso n a s a guid e t o th e goo d life." 18 That statemen t need s som e unpackin g fo r u s t o appreciat e th e tru e intent behin d it . B y doin g so , we ca n se e th e profoundl y philosophica l thrust o f his critique o f Buber . It seem s tha t th e bes t wa y t o appreciat e wha t Agu s i s saying is to us e the medieva l notio n o f th e relatio n o f th e bein g o f Go d t o Go d s attributes. Fo r Maimonides , who m Agu s alway s regarde d a s the Jewish thinker pa r excellence , Go d s being i s affirme d bu t ca n neve r b e com prehended inasmuc h a s Go d transcend s al l finit e categories . Huma n affirmation o f God' s bein g is , i n principle , th e apprehensio n o f Go d s ultimate omnipresence . However , th e huma n impor t o f tha t initia l apprehension, whic h mus t have political ramifications (takin g "political " in th e classica l sens e o f tha t whic h i s coeva l wit h authenti c huma n existence), require s tha t ther e be som e revelatio n o f the mode s o f divin e action tha t ca n functio n a s exemplar s fo r huma n imitation. 19 Thes e modes o f divine actio n ar e what ar e usually calle d "attributes, " althoug h I thin k th e Hebre w ter m middot is better translate d a s "qualities." Thes e middot see m t o b e wha t Agu s mean s b y "ideals. " Sinc e divin e bein g transcends thes e qualities , attributin g the m t o divin e activit y alon e save s divine bein g fro m eve r becomin g include d i n finit e categories . (A s a contemporary Frenc h thinke r nicel y pu t it , "U n Die u defin i c'es t Die u fini.") W e kno w an d ca n imitat e onl y wha t Go d want s u s t o know , an d that i s confined t o wha t Go d doe s i n th e world , no t wha t Go d i s in se. If this analysi s i s correct , the n i t seem s tha t Agu s i s criticizin g Bube r for confusin g th e apprehensio n o f divine omnipresenc e wit h th e revela tion o f divin e qualities . Tha t i s wh y Bube r canno t reall y constitut e a Jewish ethics . H e know s onl y th e bein g o f God , no t th e conten t o f revelation. Apprehensio n o f divine bein g is the realit y behind revelatio n (functioning similarl y t o Kant' s Ding an sich), to b e sure . Bu t withou t the presentatio n o f divin e ideals—ideal s tha t ca n b e rationall y compre hended an d practicall y applied , ideal s tha t ca n b e th e normativ e basi s for th e lif e o f a historica l communit y suc h a s th e Jewis h people — revelation is , i n essence , blin d (lik e Kant' s vie w o f percept s withou t concepts). This turn s Bube r an d Cohe n int o tw o incomplet e halve s o f the mor e complete Jewish theolog y Agu s wants . Bube r represent s a position tha t has a relationship wit h Go d devoi d o f an y rea l ethica l content , wherea s Cohen ha s ethica l conten t devoi d o f a real , unmediate d relationshi p with God . Agus , with hi s love o f dialectical thinking , i s already pushin g

8i A Student of Modern Jewish Philosophy

toward a positio n tha t keep s thes e tw o pole s i n a creativ e tension . I n this sense, then, on e ca n se e his own philosophica l projec t a s being mos t closely influence d b y Buberian personalis m an d Cohenia n rationalism . AGUS' O W N P H I L O S O P H I C A L P R O J E C T

Jacob Agu s sai d tha t "th e intuitio n o f th e objectiv e validit y o f ethica l values . . . i s th e basi s o f m y philosoph y an d religion." 20 W e hav e see n how thi s intuitio n function s a s th e leitmoti v o f hi s Modern Philosophies of Judaism. I t gav e hi m th e handl e whereb y h e wa s abl e quit e effectivel y to critiqu e th e mos t importan t Jewis h philosophie s o f religio n o f hi s day. Now, Agu s himsel f wa s ver y muc h awar e tha t hi s argumen t fo r th e universal validit y o f Judaism s ethical ideal s lef t hi m ope n t o th e charg e that he ha d thereb y argue d awa y any real basis for th e continue d separat e existence o f Judaism an d th e Jewish people . Whe n h e says , for example , "This insigh t ha s bee n share d b y th e grea t thinker s o f humanity , i n particular b y th e religiou s geniuse s o f Israel," 21 w e shoul d as k hi m posthumously (a s I asked hi m whe n h e wa s stil l alive) , a s h e aske d Hermann Cohe n concernin g th e relatio n betwee n religio n an d ethics : Why ca n w e no t regar d Judais m a s havin g b y no w don e it s historica l duty an d thu s mov e o n t o th e constitutio n o f a universa l religion , on e that i s base d o n religiou s experienc e an d ethica l reaso n i n creativ e dialectical tension ? I s i t enoug h t o say , a s Agu s say s a t th e ver y en d o f the book , "I t i s the dut y o f ever y grou p t o kee p aliv e fo r humanit y th e ideals o f it s peculia r heritage"? 22 Clearly , fro m everythin g h e ha s sai d before, ideal s ar e historicall y manifes t onl y i n "peculia r heritages" ; i n the ful l ligh t o f philosophical insight , the y ar e essentiall y universal . Onl y the universa l i s eternal ; th e historical , bein g essentiall y temporal , i s therefore contingent . This basi c questio n i s one tha t trouble d Agu s al l his life, a s I can attes t from ou r man y philosophica l discussion s (th e memor y o f whic h I cherish). Thus , som e thirt y year s afte r hi s firs t book , h e wa s stil l saying , "It i s through th e Jewish traditio n tha t I grew u p t o fee l th e majest y an d the messag e o f God . Bu t i t i s als o th e sam e tradition , tha t . . . kept m e from surrenderin g t o th e notio n tha t God s Will , i n it s fullness , i s reflected withi n m y traditio n exclusively." 23 Her e w e see tha t Agu s wa s struggling wit h th e metaphysica l proble m o f the relatio n o f the particu lar and th e universal .

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Jacob Agu s returne d t o thi s proble m agai n an d again . I t migh t wel l be see n a s a leitmotiv o f his though t a s a whole. Th e struggl e becam e especially acut e whe n h e deal t wit h th e traditiona l Jewis h doctrin e o f the electio n o f Israel , th e ide a o f "th e chose n people. " Clearly , Agu s realized ho w centra l thi s doctrin e ha s bee n t o Judaism throughou t it s history. Indeed , n o Jewish thinke r aspirin g to any comprehensiveness o r depth coul d possibl y avoi d it s ubiquit y i n Judaism. Furthermore , Agu s realized tha t electio n i s a relational idea , tha t on e must affir m both God's choice o f Israel and Israel's choic e o f God . Neithe r sid e o f the relatio n could be reduced t o the other; the y mus t function togethe r in dialectica l tension. Thu s Agu s wrote, som e twenty-fiv e year s afte r hi s first work : The feelin g o f "chosenness" is the counterpart t o the Christia n concep t of becoming a recipient o f Grace throug h Baptism . . . . In Judaism, i t is God who has taken the initiative, by "choosing" the Jews as His treasurepeople. In his turn, th e Jew feels obligate d t o respond wit h deed s o f love and dedicatio n t o th e Divin e Cal l an d t o vindicat e Hi s choice , b y enterprises whic h sanctif y Hi s Name. 24 It seem s from thi s key passage tha t Agu s sees the Jews a s rooted i n the particular experienc e o f being historicall y electe d b y Go d fo r a missio n having universal significance . I n thi s way , I think , Agu s migh t wel l b e thought of—philosophically , tha t is—a s mor e o f an Aristotelian tha n a Platonist; fo r wherea s Plat o assume d tha t th e universa l ca n be separate d from th e particula r through which it manifest s itself , Aristotl e assume d that th e universa l mus t alway s b e see n withi n th e particula r in which it manifests itself . Therefor e th e universa l an d th e particula r mus t alway s be take n a s functioning i n tandem . Thus , t o us e Hegelian terms , Juda ism, whil e affirmin g th e universal , i s never subsume d (aufgehoben) b y it. It alway s retain s it s own historica l integrity . (Thi s seem s t o m e t o b e a true characterizatio n o f Agus ' thought , an d I a m onl y sorr y I di d no t think o f i t whil e h e wa s stil l alive , s o a s t o elici t hi s critica l reactio n to it.) Nevertheless, I stil l canno t accep t Agus ' tendenc y t o identif y trut h with th e universal . Now clearly , n o on e who use s philosophy t o understan d Judaism ca n assert that truth i s exclusively Jewish. Those who make suc h an assertio n are inevitably th e most persisten t opponent s o f anything like a "philosophy o f Judaism." Th e acceptanc e o f philosophical metho d presuppose s

83 A Student of Modern Jewish Philosophy the acceptanc e o f th e universalit y o f reason . However , mor e traditiona l Jewish philosopher s tha n Agu s jus t a s clearl y asserte d tha t Judaism — that is , the Torah—i s th e mos t primar y manifestatio n o f truth, an d tha t even thoug h trut h ha s othe r locations , thes e othe r location s ar e ulti mately subordinat e t o th e Tora h a s Trut h (torat emet) and ca n neve r b e allowed t o contradic t it , eve n temporarily. 25 I n essence , then , revelatio n is it s ow n justification ; i t i s answerabl e t o n o highe r criterion , eve n though i t ha s rationa l precondition s an d ramifications . Withou t thi s insistence o n th e primac y o f th e Tora h a s Truth , on e run s th e ris k of ultimatel y justifyin g Judais m b y a universa l philosophy , rathe r tha n undertaking th e mor e modes t tas k o f simply using philosophical metho d to explai n Judaism. In th e end , I thin k thi s wa s th e mos t fundamenta l proble m wit h Agus' whol e approac h t o Judaism . However , thi s i s a philosophica l problem o f th e ver y highes t order . Th e question s i t raise s canno t b e addressed eve n t o th e vas t majorit y o f Jewish thinker s i n an y age , muc h less t o ordinar y Jewish scholars . Tha t thes e question s ca n b e addresse d to Jaco b Agus , bot h durin g hi s productiv e lifetim e an d afte r hi s la mented death , testifie s tha t h e wa s no t onl y a criti c o f othe r philoso phies o f Judaism bu t tha t rar e Jewish thinker : a philosopher o f Judaism himself. Fo r that h e deserve s the ultimat e hono r o f being taken seriousl y by thos e afte r hi m wh o continu e t o philosophiz e abou t Judaism. NOTES i. Publishe d by Behrman's Jewish Book Hous e (Ne w York, 1941). 2. A similar thought, althoug h stemmin g from a very different philosophica l perspective, wa s expressed b y R. Abraha m Isaa c Kuk (1865-19 3 5) in hi s Orot Ha-Qodesh, ed. D . Cohe n (Jerusalem , 1971) , 2:440 . Fo r Jaco b Agus ' grea t appreciation o f Kuk's thought, se e his High Priest of Rebirth: The Ltfe, Times and Thought of Abraham Isaac Kuk (Ne w York , 1972) , originally publishe d i n 194 6 as Banner of Jerusalem. 3. Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism, 39 . 4. Fo r Agus , then , th e ide a o f th e chose n peopl e wa s on e tha t ha d t o b e justified i n term s o f th e en d i t serve d rathe r tha n th e sourc e fro m whic h i t originated. Se e Jacob Agus , The Vision and the Way (New York , 1966) , iyff ; The Evolution of Jewish Thought: From Biblical Times to the Opening of the Modern Era (Ne w York, 1973) , 419-20. 5. Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism, 50 . 6. Ibid. , 52.

84 David Novak 7. Ibid. , 291. 8. Ibid . 9. Ibid. , 304. 10. Se e Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly 1 4 (1950): 138-64 . For a critique of thi s responsum , se e David Novak , Law and Theology in Judaism (Ne w York , 1974), 1: 2 iff. Agu s onc e tol d m e tha t althoug h h e wa s the mai n autho r o f the responsum (th e coauthor s bein g Rabb i Morri s Adle r an d Rabb i Theodor e Friedman), h e felt i t should hav e been issue d a s a rabbinic enactmen t (taqqanah) rather tha n a s a traditiona l teshuvah. H e admitte d t o m e that , alon g strictl y traditional halakhi c lines , th e cas e fo r drivin g a n automobil e o n th e Sabbat h was weak . 11. Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism, 122 . 12. Se e ibid., 339ff . 13. Ibid. , 128 . 14. Ibid . 15. Se e Davi d Novak , The Image of the Nonfew in Judaism (Ne w York , 1983), 400 ; Jewish-Christian Dialogue (New York, 1989) , I48ff . 16. Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism, 275. 17. Ibid. , 27 9 n. 13. 18. Ibid. , 278. 19. Se e Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed, esp . 3.54. 20. Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism, 340 . 21. Ibid.. , 341. 22. Ibid. , 350. 23. Jaco b Agus , The Jewish Quest (New York, 1983) , 72-73 . 24. Agus , Vision and Way, 19. 25. Se e David Novak , Jewish Social Ethics (New York, 1992) , 3-4 .

4 JACOB B . AGU S A S A S T U D E N T OF MEDIEVA L JEWIS H P H I L O S O P H Y A N D MYSTICIS M David R. Blumenthal

P U R P O S E AN D T H R U S T

IN TH E PREFAC E t o hi s semina l wor k The Evolution of Jewish Thought,1 Jacob Agu s se t th e agend a fo r hi s entir e intellectua l oeuvre . I t was comprise d o f two explicit , an d on e implicit , goals . O f th e first goa l he wrote : In thi s volume , w e propos e t o sho w tha t Judais m i n nearl y ever y ag e resembled a n Orienta l tapestr y i n th e plenitud e o f color s an d shade s i t embraced an d unified . Th e comparativ e unit y o f la w an d custo m con cealed the grea t diversity o f thought an d sentiment. (Evolution, 6 ) In th e sam e preface Agu s als o indicated tha t th e epilogu e o f the boo k would rais e important question s an d tha t "som e ma y eve n prefe r t o rea d the Epilogu e befor e th e othe r chapters " (Evolution, 7) . Ther e Agu s repeated hi s position emphatically : As we tur n bac k fo r a synpotic vie w o f the differen t current s withi n th e stream of Judaism we note first the fallacy o f all monolithic rendering s o f this tradition . Friend s an d foe s love d t o writ e o f Judaism a s i f i t ha d a single vie w o f life, providin g on e answe r t o all-importan t questions . . . . We hav e see n a wid e variet y o f theologica l position s i n th e lon g an d winding pathway s o f Jewish thought . Ho w broa d i s th e panoram a thu s unfolded! Ho w ric h i s the spectrum o f colors! (Evolution, 398—400 ) 85

86 David R. Blumenthal Agus' first goal , then , wa s to display the sheer variety of Jewish thought in every period, t o dispe l th e ide a tha t Judais m wa s monolithic—i n it s earlier a s well a s its later periods . In th e sam e paragraph s i n th e epilogu e t o The Evolution of Jewish Thought, Agus unveile d th e secon d goa l in hi s agenda : How ric h i s the spectru m o f colors rangin g fro m th e twiligh t mood s o f mysticism t o th e star k clarit y o f rationalism , fro m th e loft y height s o f universalistic idealis m t o th e dar k depth s o f collectiv e "sacre d egoism'' ! . . . In romanti c an d mystica l Judaism, th e Jewish peopl e i s elevate d t o the ran k o f a "superhumanity " whic h alon e i s capabl e o f communin g with God . . . . Even the lofty concep t o f the Messianic era was frequentl y perverted i n popula r literatur e an d distorte d b y th e proponent s o f thi s view s o a s to expres s th e bitte r frustratio n o f a persecuted peopl e rathe r than th e nobl e visio n o f inspire d prophets . . . . Thi s caricatur e o f th e Messianic vision , however , wa s rarel y allowe d t o stan d unchallenged , uncorrected an d untransforme d b y th e refinin g geniu s o f philosophica l piety. (Evolution, 400 , 410) Agus* secon d goal , then—on e tha t h e consistentl y followe d i n The Evolution of Jewish Thought —was to build a case for moralistic, universalistic, rationalistic Judaism, whos e her o image is "primarily th e prophet, fighting for trut h an d justice, an d secondaril y th e sage , studyin g an d outlinin g the idea l pattern s o f th e goo d life " (Evolution, 415) , a t th e sam e tim e building a cas e agains t "th e dar k cobweb s o f Qabbalisti c mysticism " (Evolution, 397). Agus sounded thi s theme agai n i n The Meaning of Jewish History,2 wher e h e wrot e abou t "th e polarit y o n th e nationa l plan e between ethnicis m an d humanis m an d th e polarit y o n th e religiou s plane betwee n th e self-centered , close d fait h o f th e dogmatist s an d th e open horizon s o f a livin g faith " (Meaning, 458) . Ultimately , "i n th e Diaspora, Jewis h lif e i s founde d o n faith—fait h i n th e capacit y o f people t o overcom e th e lingerin g myth s o f ethnic arroganc e an d funda mentalistic fanaticism " (Meaning, 482). In thi s late r boo k Agu s wen t furthe r an d specifie d th e historica l context tha t frame d hi s agenda : Hostility an d persecutio n woul d ten d t o arous e th e feeling s o f ethni c exclusiveness, causin g th e Jewish communit y t o becom e mor e self-en closed an d mor e fanatical . O n th e othe r hand , wheneve r enlightenmen t and tolerance prevailed, th e Jews would reac t by lowering the barriers o f

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the inner ghetto-walls, deepening the liberal-humanistic current s of their own traditio n an d contributin g t o th e expansio n o f th e religiou s an d social horizons o f their contemporaries . (Meaning, 459 ) The contex t o f anti-Semitis m an d assimilatio n (i n it s positiv e sense) , then, se t the historica l framewor k fo r Agus ' wor k i n intellectua l history . Recent scholarshi p ha s recognize d tha t n o histor y o f ideas—indeed , no vie w o f history—i s devoi d o f a n ideologica l stance . I f Jacob Agu s was clea r abou t th e tw o goal s o f his agend a an d thei r historica l context , it i s up t o thos e wh o rea d hi m t o ask : What wa s hi s ideologica l stance ? What wa s the implici t goa l o f Agus' agenda ? The answe r seem s t o m e t o b e ver y direct , precisel y becaus e Agu s was ver y ope n abou t hi s agenda . Hi s histor y o f idea s wa s intende d t o accomplish tw o purposes : (1 ) to displa y th e variet y o f Jewish productiv ity i n th e are a o f religiou s though t an d (2 ) t o argu e fo r a tolerant , rationalistic, universalisti c Judais m an d agains t a n obscurantist , ethnic , isolationist Judaism ; an d hi s agend a wa s clearl y se t i n th e historica l perspective o f anti-Semitis m an d Jewis h acculturatio n i n th e moder n world. Th e implicit , an d not-so-hidden , goa l her e i s the justification of the liberal position within Judaism, whic h accept s moder n scholarshi p concerning th e variet y o f expressio n o f Judais m i n al l period s o f it s history; whic h positivel y value s acculturatio n t o th e bes t trend s o f modernity, suc h a s autonomy , democracy , universalism , an d tolerance ; and which honor s th e continuit y betwee n th e moder n form s o f Judaism and th e olde r element s o f Jewish tradition . Agus ' scholarshi p wa s openl y nested i n thi s ideology . H e preache d an d practice d i t throughou t hi s years a s a rabbi, an d i t informe d hi s deepes t scholarl y impulses . Th e res t was rhetoric , an d Agus ' rhetori c i n defens e o f hi s positio n wa s bot h passionate an d colorful . SCHOLARLY STANCE : P H I L O S O P H Y

Agus devote d tw o chapter s i n The Evolution of Jewish Thought to th e ris e and fal l o f medieva l Jewish rationalis m an d tw o chapter s t o th e ris e o f romantic Jewish though t an d kabbala . I n th e are a o f Jewish philosophy , Agus' summarie s ar e comprehensiv e an d authoritative . Hi s ideologica l commitment t o th e libera l position , however , mad e i t difficul t fo r hi m to se e i t critically— a tas k tha t I shal l attemp t her e fo r thre e philoso phers: Saadia , Maimonides , an d Crescas .

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Saadia In hi s presentation o f Saadia, Agus focused o n th e rationa l cor e o f th e thought o f Saadia . H e taugh t tha t accordin g t o Saadia , reaso n i s a valid source o f knowledge abou t th e univers e an d abou t God : In Saadia , rabbini c Judais m acquire d a n unexcelle d an d indefatigabl e champion wh o reasserte d it s basi c insight s i n clea r an d ringin g terms . Saadia s rationalism is of particular interest because it is at once thorough going an d dogmatic , uncompromisin g i n it s sincer e relianc e upo n ratio nal thought an d yet essentiall y uncritical an d narrowly circumscribed . I n his fundamenta l hypothesis , affirmin g th e capacit y o f reaso n t o explor e the natur e o f th e univers e an d t o discove r th e meanin g o f Go d an d o f revelation, he ranges himself on th e sid e of the rationalists . . . . Basically, religious trut h i s as demonstrable a s the solutio n o f a mathematical problem . Th e fea r tha t rationa l reflectio n migh t lea d t o atheis m is justified onl y i n th e cas e o f th e commo n untutore d masses , wh o ar e steeped in myths and superstitions. The Lord revealed His Word, throug h His prophets , no t becaus e i t wa s inaccessibl e t o huma n reason , bu t o n account o f the slo w an d gradationa l proces s o f human speculation . Sus tained reflection canno t but lead to truth . (Evolution, 159—60 ) On th e subjec t o f languag e abou t God , Agu s taugh t that , accordin g to Saadia , Go d ca n b e describe d i n certai n rationa l languag e bu t tha t al l other languag e abou t Go d i s metaphor : Though Go d i s unlike th e materia l worl d an d everythin g o f which w e have an y knowledge , w e ma y nevertheles s asser t tha t "H e i s one, living , all-powerful an d all-wise , wit h n o thin g o r actio n bein g comparabl e t o Him." The Scripture s spea k o f th e Deit y a s if He wer e corporeal , referrin g to Hi s "righ t hand, " Hi s "eyes, " His "face, " Hi s "feet, " bu t suc h expres sions ar e no t t o b e take n literally . The y ar e attempt s t o expres s th e qualities and powers o f the Deity i n terms that ar e humanly comprehen sible; tha t is , by analog y t o physica l objects . Sinc e w e thin k i n physica l terms, w e ar e compelle d t o refe r t o Hi m i n word s which , i n thei r stric t sense, d o no t appl y t o Him . Ho w els e expres s Hi s ineffabl e nature ? "I f we were to speak of Him i n true language, we should have to forego an d reject suc h assertion s a s the following—tha t H e hear s an d sees , that H e

89 A Student of Medieval Jewish Philosophy loves an d wills , wit h th e resul t tha t w e shoul d b e lef t wit h nothin g bu t His existenc e alone. " (Evolution, 162 ) Further, accordin g t o Saadia , suc h religiou s languag e ma y b e pedagogi cal i n it s purpose : As a believing Jew, Saadi a was certai n no t onl y o f God's existence , bu t als o of Hi s havin g reveale d Hi s wil l throug h Moses . Accordin g t o th e Torah , some thing s an d som e action s ar e hatefu l t o th e Deity , whil e som e thing s and som e action s ar e pleasin g t o Him . Bu t ho w ca n w e spea k o f th e on e w h o i s not subjec t t o an y qualification s a s either lovin g o r hating ? Ar e no t love an d hat e emotiona l qualities , involvin g change s i n th e natur e o f thei r subject? Saadi a s reply i s a s follows: " T h e fac t tha t w e fin d i t sai d tha t H e loves or hate s thing s i s to b e understoo d i n th e sens e tha t everythin g c o m manded b y H i m i s calle d loved ' b y H i m an d ever y actio n enjoine d an d prohibited b y H i m i s called 'hated ' i n regar d t o Him. " (Evolution, 162 ) S o m e religiou s languag e is , however , t o o specific ; i t i s th e languag e of theophany . Saadia , accordin g t o Agus , deal t w i t h thi s a s follows : Saadia wa s disturbe d b y th e fac t tha t th e prophet s spea k occasionall y o f visions o f th e Deity . Thes e vision s canno t b e regarde d merel y a s th e vagaries o f poetic fanc y o r a s the fantasie s o f a n excite d imagination . Fo r if i t b e admitte d tha t th e uncertai n facult y o f imaginatio n i s involve d i n the vision s o f the prophets , ho w ca n w e tel l where imaginatio n stop s an d true visio n begins ? Therefor e Saadi a assume s tha t th e vision s see n b y th e prophets refe r t o a n especiall y create d patter n o f ligh t an d glory , "supe rior t o th e angels, " whic h Go d fashione d fo r th e purpos e o f verifyin g His Wor d t o Hi s prophets . Thi s mythica l creatio n o f unearthl y radianc e and splendo r i s called i n Scriptur e "th e glor y o f God, " Kevod Adonai, an d the sage s refe r t o i t a s Shechinah. I t i s a mar k o f hono r fo r a prophe t t o hear th e divin e comman d issuin g ou t o f thi s brillian t effulgence , whic h may o r ma y no t appea r i n huma n form . (Evolution, 163 ) O n th e subjec t o f revelation , Agu s taugh t that , accordin g t o Saadia , the purpos e o f revelatio n i s t o enabl e peopl e t o gai n reward : As a full-blooded optimist , Saadi a boldl y assert s tha t lif e i s goo d an d tha t the goodnes s o f God' s natur e i s th e reaso n fo r Hi s decisio n t o creat e th e

90 David R. Blumenthal universe. Bu t Hi s goodnes s bein g infinite , ca n w e assum e tha t H e de signed fo r man 3 onl y th e limite d measur e o f happiness tha t i s attainabl e in thi s world? T o Saadi a thi s assumptio n wa s unthinkable . Henc e h e derived th e doctrin e o f revelatio n a s well a s creation fro m th e belie f i n divine goodness . I n Hi s infinite lov e for Hi s human creatures , Go d gav e them precept s an d commandment s s o tha t the y migh t meri t "fina l blis s and perfec t happiness " i n th e hereafter . Wa s i t no t possibl e fo r Go d t o award s o happy a fate fo r ma n withou t subjectin g hi m t o a special se t o f ordinances? Th e possibilit y canno t b e gainsaid , bu t woul d i t b e just o r rational? As Saadia sa w it, th e enjoymen t o f a reward i s doubled whe n i t is trul y deserved . . . . Revelation , therefore , i s a n expressio n o f divin e solicitude fo r huma n welfare . (Evolution, 165 ) Further, Agu s taugh t tha t eve n th e commandment s fal l withi n th e purview o f rationalism : The Commandment s o f th e Lor d fal l int o tw o parts : "rationa l com mandments," th e validit y o f whic h al l rationa l being s ar e compelle d t o recognize, an d "traditiona l commandments, " whic h canno t b e justifie d altogether by the canons of reason. It is the mitzvoth of the latter categor y which wer e designe d fo r th e purpos e o f increasin g th e rewar d o f th e pious. . . . In additio n t o th e man y opportunitie s the y affor d fo r earnin g addi tional rewards in the hereafter, th e mitzvoth fulfill a n educational functio n here o n earth . Thus , th e dietar y law s serv e t o counterac t totemism , o r the worship o f animals. . . . One reaso n for anima l sacrifices i s to impres s upon th e sinne r th e drea d consequenc e o f sin , fo r th e slaughterin g an d dismembering tha t is administered t o th e body o f the animal should, bu t for th e grace an d forgivenes s o f God , hav e bee n don e t o th e on e wh o brings the sin-offering . (Evolution, 165-66) Finally, Saadi a s system require s a thoroughgoin g an d consisten t sys tem o f reward an d punishment : In order to make possible a measure o f genuine freedom, i t was necessary for Go d t o arrang e matter s s o tha t th e wicke d woul d no t b e full y punished fo r thei r sin s i n thi s worl d no r th e righteou s automaticall y rewarded. Els e people woul d choos e righteousnes s no t fo r it s ow n sake , but becaus e o f th e reward s attendan t upo n it . Therefore , Go d ordere d matters so that the wicked ar e frequently rewarde d i n this life for th e fe w

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good deed s the y occasionall y perform , i n orde r that , followin g thei r death, the y migh t g o straigh t t o hell . Similarly , th e righteou s ma y suffe r on eart h i n punishmen t fo r thos e mino r sins , whic h ar e virtuall y un avoidable, eve n fo r saints , i n orde r t o increas e thei r heavenl y rewar d fo r their patienc e an d forbearance . "Wit h al l this , H e doe s no t forsak e Hi s servants in thi s world, withou t rewardin g the m fo r thei r goo d deed s an d punishing the m fo r thei r evi l actions." (Evolution, 169 ) In summary : Focusin g o n th e rationa l cor e o f Saadia' s thought , Agu s taught tha t (1 ) reaso n i s a vali d sourc e o f knowledge ; (2 ) revelatio n i s the sam e a s reason ; (3 ) an y languag e i n reveale d text s tha t contradict s reason mus t b e metaphorica l o r pedagogical ; (4 ) revelatio n i s pedagogi cally necessar y fo r thos e no t capabl e o f reason ; (5 ) al l th e command ments hav e a rational basis ; and (6 ) all the traditiona l Jewish beliefs , suc h as th e worl d t o come , th e existenc e o f injustice , th e resurrection , an d the messiah , als o have a rational basis . Critique: Agu s presente d al l thi s clearly ; however , ther e wer e thre e important aspect s of Saadia's rationalism tha t his exposition missed . First , Saadia distinguishe d clearl y betwee n 'iman an d ^xtiqad. The former , connected t o th e Hebre w roo t \muna , i s used t o distinguis h acceptanc e of an ide a o n authorit y (taqlid), while th e latter , wit h n o paralle l roo t i n Hebrew, i s used t o denot e acceptanc e o f a n ide a o n th e basi s o f reason . For Saadia , a s for al l rationalists , th e purpos e an d goa l o f religio n wer e to enabl e peopl e t o mak e th e transitio n fro m 'iman t o ^xtiqad, that is , from "belief " t o "conviction. " Indeed , th e titl e o f Saadia' s book , Kitab al-amanat wal-i c tiqadat (Th e Boo k o f Belief s an d Convictions), 4 wa s intended t o conve y this . Second, th e mos t vexin g part o f Jewish rationalis m i s the vas t numbe r of biblica l an d rabbini c text s tha t stan d i n star k contras t t o rationalis t teaching, particularl y thos e text s tha t presen t Go d anthropomorphicall y and anthropopathically. 5 Saadi a devote d a n enormou s amoun t o f energ y to rereadin g thos e biblica l an d rabbini c texts , eve n t o th e poin t o f setting fort h th e exac t sequenc e o f event s a t th e comin g o f th e messia h according t o th e texts . Thi s exegetica l effor t i s par t o f th e grea t ar t o f Saadia, especiall y i n th e late r part s o f hi s book , an d a n importan t component o f Saadia's rationalism . Third, Agu s correctl y note d tha t eve n rationalis m ha s a fundament o f religious experienc e a s its ground ; Agu s calle d thi s "philosophi c piety. "

92 David R. Blumenthal He develope d thi s them e clearl y whe n discussin g Bahy a Ib n Paqud a (Evolution, 170—80 ) an d allude d t o i t i n discussin g Maimonide s (Evolution, 203 ) bu t misse d i t i n discussin g Saadi a an d th e othe r rationalists . Perhaps thi s i s becaus e Agu s sa w Jewish rationalis m a s "enclave s o f th e life o f reason" i n a vast sea of "medieval dogmatis m [which ] imprisone d the mind s o f Jews an d Christian s withi n th e rigi d worl d o f fanaticism " (Meaning, 261—62). Perhap s i t wa s becaus e Agu s sa w rationalis m a s th e religion o f th e elite , alway s i n dange r o f bein g overwhelme d b y th e romantic an d mystica l religio n o f the masse s (Meaning, 280). Either way , Agus di d no t se e rationalis m a s a parallel , a n alternative , t o mystica l Judaism, althoug h h e di d acknowledg e tha t rationa l Judaism, too , ha d an experientia l base . I n Saadia , th e classi c tex t fo r thi s ca n b e foun d a t the en d o f the chapte r o n God: 6 Now, whe n a person ha s achieve d knowledg e o f thi s loft y subjec t [th e existence an d unit y o f God ] b y means o f rationa l speculatio n an d th e proof o f th e miracle s an d marvels , hi s sou l accept s i t a s certain an d i t i s mixed int o hi s spirit an d becomes existen t i n hi s innermost recesses . . . . Moreover, hi s sou l ha s a passionat e lov e fo r it , eve n unt o complet e devotion tha t i s beyon d al l doubt ; a s Scriptur e expresse s it , "An d yo u shall love the Lord, your God , wit h al l your heart. " Contemporary scholar s reviewin g Agus ' presentatio n o f Saadi a wil l also not e tha t Agu s di d no t presen t muc h o f th e Islami c contex t o f Saadia. I think thi s wa s partly du e t o lac k o f space, bu t i t i s also partly a function o f the fac t that , unti l th e semina l article s o f Vajda i n Frenc h o n that subject , ver y littl e wa s know n o f the Islami c contex t o f Saadia. 7 I n this sens e Agus reflecte d th e scholarl y consensu s o f an earlie r period . In tw o areas , Agus coul d hav e drawn a critique o f Saadia's rationalis m without impugnin g hi s ow n intellectualisti c commitments . First , Saadi a pushed hi s rationalis m t o extremes : th e compoundin g o f arguments fo r creation an d God s unity ; th e "rationalizing " o f th e detail s o f suc h matters a s the comin g o f th e messiah , th e worl d t o come , th e momen t of death, an d th e resurrection ; an d th e doctrin e o f an "impassible " God , that is , a Go d wh o canno t b e move d b y huma n compassio n becaus e Gods existenc e doe s no t admi t change . Saadia' s effor t t o pu t all Jewish teaching int o on e syste m wa s admirable—an d Agu s acknowledge s this—but on e nee d no t asser t tha t i t i s al l correc t t o retai n a commit ment t o rationalis t Judaism.

93 A Student of Medieval Jewish Philosophy Second, an d perhaps mor e important , Saadia' s system was very hierar chical, patriarchal , an d eve n punitiv e i n it s theology . Saadi a taugh t tha t sinners wil l b e rigorousl y punishe d fo r al l sins , smal l an d large . Ever y Jewish catastroph e i s a function o f the sin s of the people. 8 When sinner s are forgive n i t i s because o f God' s mercy , no t God' s compassion . Saadi a even taugh t th e doctrin e o f eterna l hel l fo r sinners , althoug h h e admit ted tha t ther e wer e probabl y no t man y o f them. Eroti c lov e an d passio n are out ; th e la w i s in . Th e opinion s o f other s ar e excoriated . (Thos e who den y th e validit y o f all knowledge shoul d b e starve d an d beaten.) 9 Despite th e priorit y o f reason, Saadi a embodied , i n hi s actions a s Ga'o n as well a s in hi s philosophy, th e rul e o f absolute authority—patriarchal , hierarchical, punitive , closed , rigid . Her e Saadi a wa s fa r remove d fro m the religiou s sensibilit y o f his interpreter . Maimonides Agus' discussio n o f Maimonides wa s fuller . H e touche d o n almos t al l the ke y topic s i n Maimonides ' Guide of the Perplexed. His comment — "It i s th e discover y o f th e self-determinatio n o f physica l natur e tha t transforms fo r Maimonide s th e basi c proble m o f th e philosoph y o f religion" {Evolution, 185)—i s quit e exact , fo r fro m thi s doctrin e Mai monides' teachin g o n th e existenc e o f God, th e natur e o f prophecy an d revelation, th e characteristic s o f religiou s language , th e reason s fo r th e commandments, an d th e qualit y o f religious experienc e flow. Agus begin s wit h a n expositio n o f Maimonides ' view s o n th e voca tion o f reason : Though Maimonide s pushe d th e ques t o f reason furthe r an d mor e reso lutely tha n al l o f hi s predecessors , h e nevertheles s wa s fa r les s naivel y optimistic abou t th e powe r o f reaso n t o comprehen d th e mysteriou s depths o f being . . . . Reaso n i s mor e tha n a serie s o f plainl y prove n propositions; beyon d it s limited, luminou s cor e ther e extend s a vast an d shifting penumbra , broke n b y occasiona l an d sudde n shaft s o f light . Extending towar d th e Infinite , reaso n merges into intuitio n o r prophecy , or shade s int o it s opposite , th e dubiou s limb o o f myt h an d imagina tion. . . . But eve n i f th e ques t o f reaso n i s becloude d wit h uncertainties , i t i s still th e chie f vocatio n o f ma n t o pursu e thi s quest , t o th e limi t o f hi s capacity, fo r h e give s expressio n t o th e essentia l cor e o f his bein g whe n

94 David R. Blumenthal he engage s in sustaine d an d rational thinking . Th e imag e o f God i n ma n is no t man s freedo m o f will , a s Philo taught , bu t th e capacit y t o thin k objectively an d logically . Huma n reaso n i s capabl e o f ascendin g fa r be yond th e rang e o f utilitarian purpose , concernin g itsel f with th e essenc e of things. Man become s steadil y more divine , henc e mor e human , a s he liberates hi s min d fro m th e concern s o f th e momen t an d contemplate s the hierarch y o f essence s i n th e universe , whic h ris e t o th e highes t mysteries of God. Thus Maimonides accept s Aristotle's definition o f man as a "rationa l animal " an d th e corollar y whic h follow s fro m thi s defini tion; namely , tha t th e highes t vocatio n o f ma n i s th e contemplatio n o f the noblest truths of existence. It is true that "human reason has doubtless a border, beyon d whic h i t canno t go . . . ." Nevertheless, i t i s for ma n t o walk the pathway o f reason t o th e utmost limit o f his powers. . . . In thu s rankin g th e exercis e o f reason a s the nobles t tas k o f man an d the pathwa y t o God , Maimonide s di d no t conceiv e th e proble m o f theology t o b e th e conques t o f reason by faith, bu t th e determinatio n o f the proper domain s for th e functioning o f each faculty. I n its own spher e of operation , reaso n i s essentiall y jealous , brookin g n o rival s i n th e finality o f its analysis and judgment. On e canno t drive bargains and patch up compromise s wit h reason , but havin g determined th e fiel d extendin g beyond it s reach , w e ma y allo w th e postulate s o f faith t o prevai l i n tha t area o f indetermination. In effect , Maimonide s argue d fo r th e "righ t t o believe" i n regar d t o matter s tha t ar e no t subjec t t o rationa l proo f o r disproof. H e di d no t se t ou t t o refut e th e philosopher s b y provin g tha t reason i s fallibl e i n th e domai n o f metaphysics ; o n th e contrary , h e followed reaso n a s far a s it goes and expresse d th e opinio n curren t i n th e philosophical circle s of his day when h e declared , "Bu t ther e is , withou t doubt, a limit t o huma n reason , beyon d whic h i t canno t go . . . ." I f we attempt t o g o beyon d thi s limit , w e mus t stil l b e guide d b y th e balanc e of probabilities, "believin g that which pose s the least number o f difficul ties." Bu t i n th e twiligh t real m o f doubt , whe n severa l equall y tenabl e propositions ar e presented, th e testimon y o f tradition ma y be allowe d it s due weight. (Evolution, 181-82 , 184 ) Agus the n expound s Maimonides ' doctrin e o f the existenc e o f God : Like Aristotle , then , Maimonide s proceede d t o prov e th e existenc e o f God b y pointing t o th e universalit y o f the la w o f cause an d effect . I f all phenomena o f th e presen t momen t ar e necessaril y cause d b y othe r

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phenomena, whic h i n tur n ar e th e effect s o f stil l othe r events , w e hav e an endles s chai n o f causes . I t take s a n infinit e lengt h o f tim e t o contai n an infinit e serie s o f events ; hence , th e presen t momen t an d it s event s could no t eve r b e reache d i f th e pas t wer e infinite . Th e realit y o f th e present means tha t th e fina l caus e i s outsid e th e whee l o f time . I n th e Aristotelian system , th e event s o f th e physica l univers e ar e cause d ulti mately by the Activ e Reason, 10 whic h i n tur n i s moved b y higher, mor e ethereal spheres , wit h al l thos e force s findin g thei r ultimat e sourc e i n God, th e unmove d mover , Wh o i s beyond eithe r tim e o r motion . Eac h link become s mor e spiritua l an d les s physical , mor e abstrac t an d les s mobile, a s th e chai n o f causatio n rise s fro m eart h t o God . Th e sphere s are kept in motion b y the power o f love, the love of God, a much subtle r force tha n an y that prevail s o n earth . Th e difference s i n th e positio n an d motion o f the sphere s ar e due t o thei r respectiv e degree s o f comprehen sion o f the Deity , bu t th e Deit y i s absolutely unmoved , thinkin g onl y o f Himself. (Evolution, 185 ) Agus set s forth Maimonides ' doctrin e o f creation a s follows : Maimonides accepte d th e medieva l versio n o f th e Aristotelia n system , going s o fa r a s t o declar e tha t "everythin g whic h Aristotl e maintaine d concerning al l that exist s from th e lunar spher e to th e cente r o f the eart h is true, without doubt. " Nevertheless , h e insisted o n disagreein g with hi s master concernin g th e mos t basi c o f al l philosophica l issues ; namely , whether th e world was created by God o r whether it is eternal. Maimon ides pointe d ou t tha t Aristotl e di d no t reall y prov e th e eternit y o f th e universe, contenting himself with th e extensio n o f the present observabl e chain o f causality int o th e timeles s past . Bu t th e eternit y o f the creatio n of th e univers e i s a questio n tha t canno t b e resolve d b y reaso n alone . Either assumptio n take s us beyond th e physica l world an d its dimension s of space an d tim e t o th e boundar y o f the grea t unknown , wher e reaso n cannot penetrate . I f w e assum e eternity , w e fac e th e myster y o f th e nontemporality o f God, Wh o stand s outsid e th e chai n o f causality; if we assume creation, we assume a time when th e incomprehensible ac t of the emergence o f bein g ou t o f nothingnes s too k place . I n eithe r cas e w e move int o a transrationa l realm , wher e ou r rule s o f logi c fai l us . Mai monides decide d i n favo r o f creatio n firs t o n th e groun d o f the balanc e of probabilities, an d secon d becaus e th e doctrin e o f creation "make s th e Torah possible." (Evolution, 186-87)

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On th e subjec t o f languag e abou t Go d i n Maimonides , Agu s wrot e the following : We mus t stres s tha t th e principl e o f divin e perfectio n wa s full y an d unflinchingly accepte d by Maimonides i n spite of its extreme difficulties . Manifestly, ever y activit y wit h whic h w e ar e familia r involve s som e form o f change . Henc e ever y divin e attribut e mus t b e interprete d a s applying t o Go d i n a differen t fashio n fro m it s applicatio n t o al l othe r beings. Removin g al l anthropomorphi c qualitie s fro m ou r concep t o f God, w e mus t stil l thin k o f Hi m a s bein g "alive , wise , willin g an d potent," i n infinit e perfection . Bu t w e mus t no t thin k o f thes e divin e attributes a s being identica l wit h th e correspondin g qualitie s i n create d objects, wher e the y ar e inextricably boun d u p wit h matter . Maimonide s had nothin g but contemp t fo r th e pseudo philosopher s who , disavowin g popular anthropomorphism , imagin e tha t the y mee t th e demand s o f logic whe n the y remov e onl y gros s corporealit y fro m th e divin e being , but continu e t o attribut e t o Hi m th e psychica l qualitie s o f personalit y which impl y change and materiality. H e insiste d that the four qualitie s of life, wisdom , wil l an d powe r appl y t o God , "onl y a s homonyms, no t i n any othe r respect" ; i.e. , ther e i s a correspondenc e bu t no t a n identit y between the meanings of these earthly qualities and their divine connota tions. So h e wrot e o f the Deit y a s "existing bu t no t i n existence , livin g bu t not in life, knowing but not in knowledge, powerful bu t not with power , wise but no t i n wisdom . . . one but no t in unity. . . . " Th e ne t meaning s of these paradoxe s i s the negatio n o f negatives o f these qualities ; t o wit , God i s no t nonexistent , no r dead , no r ignorant , no r powerless , no r multiple. I t follow s tha t w e ma y describ e Go d onl y i n negativ e terms , indicating what H e is not. But thi s via negativa, thi s way of knowing Go d by recognizing all that He i s not, mus t not be despised, for i t is endless in extent an d many-sided. As we ascend the ladder of speculation, we com e to perceiv e mor e an d mor e concept s an d abstraction s tha t canno t b e applied t o Him . Simple-minde d peopl e attribut e al l th e qualitie s o f personality to God ; it takes strenuous intellectual disciplin e to realize that our mos t subtl e concepts , including , o f course , spac e an d tim e d o no t apply t o Go d Wh o i s beyond thes e categorie s o f existence. W e gro w i n the knowledg e o f Go d a s we perceiv e Hi s "difference " fro m al l things , how al l th e instrument s o f ou r though t fai l t o gras p Hi s essence . "W e understand Hi m i n th e measur e i n whic h w e gras p Hi s fina l incompre hensibility." (Evolution, 188—89 )

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He the n lai d ou t Maimonides ' theor y o f revelation : If n o commo n plane , henc e n o relationship , betwee n th e Deit y an d His creature s ca n b e assumed , ho w doe s th e Tora h portra y Go d a s communicating verball y wit h Mose s an d othe r prophets ? Accordin g t o Maimonides, th e ac t o f speakin g involve d physica l connotation s whic h cannot b e attribute d t o th e Deity . Whil e previou s philosopher s wer e content t o assum e a miraculou s "create d voice " whic h echoe d th e thoughts o f God , Maimonide s wa s consisten t enoug h t o disavo w an y such artificia l contrivance , sav e a s a hallucinatio n i n th e imaginatio n o f the prophet. . . . The importan t poin t t o bea r i n min d i s that , accordin g t o Maimon ides, the account o f the Sinaiti c revelation i n th e Book o f Exodus shoul d be rea d a s a parable (moshol) an d that , i n general , "th e inne r meanin g o f the word s o f th e Tora h ar e th e gem s whil e th e litera l parable s ar e n o more tha n illustration. " A propheti c visio n i s alway s accompanie d b y symboli c sight s an d sounds, th e product s o f a feverish huma n imagination . Th e divin e voic e at Sina i wa s accordingl y "no t a n actua l voice , bu t a simple , rational , prophetic comprehension. " W e shoul d no t b e surprise d a t th e "sounds " which th e peopl e hear d a t Sinai , fo r thes e wer e simpl y effect s o f th e Active Reaso n playin g upo n th e imaginatio n o f th e people . (Evolution, 190-91)

Agus followe d thi s wit h a n explicatio n o f Maimonides ' vie w o n prophecy: The prevailin g concep t o f th e univers e wa s a combinatio n o f Aristote lianism an d Neo-Platonism , postulatin g a continuous flow o f reason an d inspiration fro m God , throug h th e agenc y o f th e spheres , dow n t o th e Active Reaso n an d thenc e t o th e min d o f man . Th e mor e a perso n disciplined an d refine d th e power s o f hi s imaginatio n an d reason , th e better h e prepare d himsel f for th e receptio n o f this "flow " o f the Activ e Reason. . . . Prophecy i s thu s compounde d o f bot h huma n wisdo m an d divin e inspiration. . . . It follows tha t the "divin e flow" derive s from God , i n accordance wit h His will , lik e lightnin g fro m a cloud , assumin g a variet y o f form s an d expressions a s it crystallize s i n prophecy ; fo r th e prophe t contribute s hi s own characte r an d imaginatio n t o th e luminou s cor e o f hi s inspire d

98 David R. Blumenthal vision. Sinc e th e "divin e flow" i s essentiall y a forward thrust , aimin g a t the perfectio n o f huma n society , i t ma y b e incorporate d i n a variet y o f inspired actions , a s wel l a s i n a verba l message . Grea t creativ e achieve ments i n almos t ever y field o f endeavo r ar e propheti c i n origi n an d quality, or , mor e correctly , "protoprophetic. " (Evolution, 191-92 ) Following Maimonides , Agu s wen t o n t o describ e th e theor y o f th e mitzvot an d thei r relationshi p t o th e idea l society : Just a s i t i s impossibl e t o assig n a valid purpos e t o ever y phenomeno n i n life, thoug h th e existenc e o f inner purposiveness withi n living things is o bvious, s o to o w e ca n find th e radianc e o f purpose i n man y portion s o f th e Torah, thoug h no t i n ever y vers e an d ever y detail . However , w e canno t but affir m tha t ther e i s a general purpose fo r th e precept s o f the Tora h an d that thi s fundamenta l purpos e i s "th e improvemen t o f th e bod y an d th e soul" o f men. Rationalit y i s the nobles t qualit y o f human beings . . . . Maimonides divide d th e mitzvoth o f th e Tora h int o fourtee n catego ries, assignin g som e rationa l motivatio n fo r eac h o f them . I n general , h e declared, ritual s an d ceremonie s ar e relate d t o ideal s an d sentiment s i n several divers e ways—a s practica l guidanc e i s t o goo d intentions , a s a concrete illustratio n i s t o a n abstrac t doctrine , a s a shel l i s t o a kernel , as th e bod y i s t o th e soul . "Fo r idea s withou t deed s whic h affir m an d fortify the m canno t continu e t o b e effectiv e amon g th e people. " It i s impossibl e fo r grea t me n t o attai n thei r ful l spiritua l statur e i n isolation. A jus t an d perfectl y ordere d societ y i s neede d a s th e matri x for th e emergenc e o f a smal l numbe r o f chose n soul s w h o wil l attai n the perfectio n o f "cleavin g unt o th e Activ e Reason. " Thi s selec t grou p of saintl y philosopher s wil l understan d an d continuall y contemplat e th e abstract conceptio n o f th e Deity , outline d above . Bu t th e larg e masse s of th e peopl e canno t b e expecte d eithe r t o comprehen d s o subtl e a concept o r t o res t conten t wit h a Go d ide a tha t i s so completel y strippe d of al l element s tha t the y associat e wit h personality . A facad e o f opinio n or dogma s i s needed , Maimonide s believed , i n orde r t o provid e a foun dation o f ideologica l unit y fo r th e Jewis h community . (Evolution, 194 95) Agus conclude d hi s discussio n o f Maimonide s w i t h th e latte r s d o c trine o f providence : We hav e see n befor e tha t th e qualitie s o f compassio n an d ange r ar e attributable t o th e Deit y onl y a s "necessary " ideas . Doe s i t mea n the n

99 A Student of Medieval Jewish Philosophy that Go d i s completel y unintereste d i n th e affair s o f men ? I s religio n entirely a one-side d affair , recordin g man' s searc h fo r God , bu t no t th e corresponding concer n o f Go d fo r man ? T o Aristotle , Go d i s indee d completely self-enclosed , thinkin g perpetuall y onl y o f th e nobles t possi ble object , Himsel f Bu t Maimonide s operate d withi n a Neo-Platoni c modification o f Aristotelianism , whic h assume d a continuou s "flow " o f divine powe r dow n throug h th e successiv e sphere s an d b y mean s o f th e Active Reason . Thi s divin e "flow " fro m Go d t o ma n consist s o f a volitional phase , a n elemen t o f guidanc e o r providence , a s wel l a s th e gifts o f reaso n an d prophec y I t follow s tha t thos e w h o cleav e t o th e Active Reason , an d i n th e measur e t o whic h the y d o so , ar e lifte d u p t o a real m i n direc t contac t wit h th e Deity , sharin g i n th e luminosit y o f Hi s reason an d th e serenit y o f Hi s will . Lik e th e star s an d th e spheres , thei r life i s raise d abov e th e accident s o f matte r her e o n eart h an d draw n int o an etherea l circl e resplenden t wit h th e ligh t an d peac e o f Providence . While mos t Aristotelian s maintaine d tha t th e Providenc e o f Go d extended onl y t o th e unchangin g specie s o f mankind, no t t o th e transien t lives o f individua l huma n beings , Maimonide s enlarge d th e domai n o f immediate divin e Providenc e t o includ e thos e rar e soul s w h o achieve d mystic unio n wit h th e Activ e Reason . (Evolution, 203 )

Critique: Agus ' expositio n o f M a i m o n i d e s ' philosoph y i s b o t h ful l an d accurate. However , ther e ar e thre e area s i n thi s expositio n tha t requir e c o m m e n t . First , a s i n hi s treatmen t o f Saadia , Agu s underestimate d th e wrestling w i t h biblica l an d rabbini c text s t o mak e t h e m spea k i n th e language o f philosophi c Judaism. 1 1 Maimonide s spen t almos t th e w h o l e first par t o f th e Guide dealin g wit h th e philosophi c readin g o f passage s and term s relatin g t o God . H e als o frame s th e type s o f prophec y i n terms o f a biblica l tex t ( N u m b e r s 12:8) , an d h e give s a metaphysica l rereading o f Ezekie l 1 . Second, whil e acknowledgin g a n experientia l bas e fo r M a i m o n i d e s ' rationalism (Evolution, 203 : "mysti c u n i o n wit h th e Activ e R e a s o n " ) , Agus di d no t develo p thi s insigh t fully . T h u s , whil e h e quote s Guide 1.59, " W e understan d H i m i n th e measur e i n w h i c h w e gras p Hi s final incomprehensibility, " h e migh t als o hav e include d th e en d o f thi s sentence: " H e [God ] ha s dazzle d u s wit h Hi s beaut y [alt. , 'Hi s perfec tion'] an d H e i s hidde n fro m u s becaus e o f th e p o w e r o f Hi s b r i g h t n e s s " — a clearl y mystica l (Sufi ) reference. 1 2 Similarly , whil e correctl y interpreting th e lov e o f G o d a s identica l t o th e philosophica l knowledg e

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of God , Agu s omit s discussio n o f th e "worship " o f Go d a s a stag e beyond knowledge-lov e o f God. 13 Third, Agu s seem s t o hav e followe d th e orde r o f th e Guide of the Perplexed i n hi s expositio n o f Maimonides , teaching . Thi s le d Agu s t o affirm rationalis m a s th e guidin g principl e o f Maimonides ' oeuvre . I think, however , tha t Agu s wa s right—tha t th e "self-determinatio n o f physical nature " wa s probabl y th e crucia l facto r i n Maimonides ' worldview. Henc e a n expositio n o f Maimonides ' wor k shoul d begi n with hi s vie w o f subluna r an d superna l nature , pas s o n t o hi s vie w o f metaphysics, and , the n tur n t o hi s theology . Usin g thi s approach , on e sees th e cor e o f Maimonides ' teachin g i n th e flow o f energ y tha t emanates fro m Go d dow n throug h th e heavenl y sphere s t o th e earth , particularly t o humankind . Th e poin t wher e tha t energ y flow firs t touches extradeica l realit y (tha t is , reality outsid e o f Go d i n Himself ) i s "creation"; th e point s wher e i t touche s th e huma n min d ar e "revela tion" an d "prophecy" ; an d th e poin t wher e huma n metaphysica l medi tation ("worship" ) touche s th e energ y flow i s "philosophical-mystica l experience." 14 Crescas

Agus' treatmen t o f Crescas is very interesting . H e discusse s Cresca s i n the chapte r i n Evolution on th e declin e o f rationalism an d makes a strong case tha t Cresca s represent s th e degeneratio n o f th e grea t rationalis t tradition. I a m no t sure , however , tha t Agus ' vie w constitute s th e consensus o f the scholars . J. Guttman n an d H . A . Wolfson, 15 fo r exam ple, poin t ou t tha t Cresca s wa s no t agains t philosoph y o r rationalism . They not e i t wa s precisel y th e rationalit y o f Crecas ' argumen t agains t the existenc e o f th e vacuu m tha t wa s crucial— a poin t omitte d b y Agus—because thi s argumen t mean t th e en d o f medieva l physics , which, i n turn , wa s the basi s of medieval neo-Aristotelia n philosophy . Medieval physic s presuppose d tha t al l causatio n wa s th e resul t o f movement an d tha t al l movemen t wa s imparte d from on e bod y t o another b y touch . Thu s th e diurna l spher e move d an d touche d al l othe r spheres unti l motion/causatio n reache d thi s earth , wher e bodie s als o ar e set i n motio n b y comin g int o contac t wit h othe r bodies . Ther e coul d therefore b e no vacuu m i n medieval thought , n o brea k i n the continuit y of motion , n o ruptur e i n th e contiguit y o f bodies. 16 Th e argumen t fo r the existenc e o f a vacuum , tha t is , a spac e wher e bodie s d o no t touc h

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and henc e canno t communicat e motion/causation , spelle d th e deat h knell fo r medieva l neo-Aristotelia n metaphysics . Crescas ' argument s fo r this, however , wer e deepl y rational . Still, Agus' argument s tha t Cresca s substitute d lov e for though t a s th e focal poin t o f Jewish religio n (Evolution, 216—17 ) an d tha t ignorahimus ("we don' t know" ) i s reaso n enoug h t o accep t th e validit y o f prayer , amulets, an d metempsychosi s (Evolution, 225 ) deserv e carefu l attention , especially sinc e thes e point s ar e no t acknowledge d b y mos t othe r scholars. SCHOLARLY STANCE : M Y S T I C I S M

Agus' treatmen t o f Jewish rationalis m is , a s noted , comprehensiv e an d authoritative—partly becaus e h e wa s i n sympath y wit h th e concept s and goal s o f rationalism. Hi s treatmen t o f Jewish mysticism , however , i s less satisfactory , probabl y fo r th e sam e reason—h e wa s mor e critica l o f the theoretica l premise s o f Kabbalah tha n o f the premise s o f rationalism . As he wrote , reflectin g o n mystica l doctrines : As a philosophy o f life, Qabbala h wa s a reversion t o th e paga n fait h tha t Jewish monotheis m se t ou t t o combat . I t reasserte d th e doctrin e o f a n ethnic god , wh o wa s kit h an d ki n o f on e peopl e only ; i t reintroduce d the myster y o f sex into th e natur e o f the Divin e Being ; i t brough t bac k multiplicity an d contradictio n int o th e conceptio n o f God; i t reaffirme d the principl e o f mystica l inequalit y amon g men , som e possessin g soul s attached t o th e nobles t portion s o f th e Pleroma, som e belongin g t o th e inconsequential mass of mankind; it retrogressed to the notion o f religion as a ministry t o th e need s o f God (insofa r a s He face s mankind) , instea d of being an expression o f man's quest for th e goo d life; it returned t o th e obscurantist notio n tha t th e cours e o f huma n event s wa s no t t o b e understood i n term s o f visibl e phenomen a an d logica l causes , bu t that , like a hieroglyphi c scroll , i t ha d t o b e construe d i n term s o f esoteri c myths concerning occul t realities; it reverted to the dismal notion o f preprophetic religio n tha t th e Divin e Wil l ca n onl y b e know n b y th e authority o f th e ancient s an d th e frenz y o f ecstatics . An d al l thi s wa s motivated i n larg e part b y th e aspiratio n t o rebuil d th e fait h an d dignit y of the Jew. Thus di d the pathos o f collective egotis m stifle th e heritage i t set out t o save. Qabbalah, le t u s concede , aide d th e Jew i n hi s struggl e fo r surviva l under advers e conditions, but i t also separated hi m from an y intellectual-

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David R. Blumenthal ethical communio n wit h th e emergin g societ y o f mankind. I t provide d an excitin g mythology , elevatin g ever y Jewish custo m an d ever y nuanc e of the liturgy t o th e ran k o f a world-saving enterprise . At the sam e time, the speculativ e notion s an d th e debri s o f ancien t philosophica l system s contained withi n it s volumes offere d substitut e satisfaction s t o th e insis tent ques t o f th e intellectuals . Bu t thes e service s o f Qabbala h wer e purchased a t th e hig h pric e o f deepenin g th e isolatio n o f th e Jew. Th e ritual barrier s wer e raise d higher . Eve n mor e important , th e divisio n between Je w an d Gentil e wa s no w universall y assume d t o b e on e o f metaphysical substanc e an d origin . I t wa s n o longe r a matte r o f belie f that separate d th e Jew fro m "th e nations, " bu t th e fac t tha t th e Jewis h souls were derive d fro m th e Divin e Being, while th e soul s of the nation s were spark s fro m th e satani c Pleroma o f shells, th e s o calle d "othe r side " (Sitro Ahro). (Meaning, 294-95 ) Two question s arise : (1 ) Ho w correc t i s Agu s i n hi s scholarl y state ment o f the natur e o f kabbala? (2 ) Assuming h e i s correct, doe s kabbal a necessarily lea d t o th e repaganizatio n o f Jewish religio n an d th e separa tion o f th e Jew fro m th e blessing s o f modernity ? Th e firs t questio n i s scholarly; th e second , ideological . Th e firs t wil l b e deal t wit h here , th e second i n th e conclusio n t o thi s chapter . Agus began his exposition of kabbala in The Evolution of Jewish Thought, with a chapter entitle d "Th e Romanti c Movement" ; i t deal s with Solo mon Ib n Gabirol and Judah Halevi. Here, despite his own intellectual reservations about kabbala, Agus provides a fair and accurate presentation o f Ibn Gabiro l and Halevi: the Jewish fait h i s unique; th e Jewish sou l is different from , an d superior to, the non-Jewish soul ; the Jewish people is the "heart" o f humankind an d the axis of human history . In chapte r 9 o f The Evolution of Jewish Thought, Agu s expounde d th e teaching o f the kabbala . H e correctl y identifie d th e source s o f kabbalistic authorit y t o b e th e writing s o f th e ancient s o n th e on e han d an d lived mystica l experienc e o n th e other . Thi s h e calle d th e "personalisti c philosophy" o f kabbala. Finally , Agu s correctl y identifie d th e projectio n of th e Jew an d th e Jewish peopl e a s the "heart " o f humankin d an d th e axis o f human histor y int o th e Jew an d th e Jewish peopl e a s the cente r of the cosmi c dram a responsibl e fo r unifyin g al l the worlds . Agus returne d t o th e kabbal a i n chapte r 1 4 o f The Meaning of Jewish History. There h e wen t int o mor e detai l abou t specifi c kabbalisti c teach ings, organizin g hi s summary int o thre e heading s (290-94): 17

103 A Student of Medieval Jewish Philosophy i. God: T h e cor e o f kabbalisti c t e a c h i n g — o r m o r e accurately , Z o haric t e a c h i n g — i s th e doctrin e o f th e sefirot. Agu s seem s t o hav e understood th e sefirot a s extradeical : T h e Qabbalist s agree d tha t Go d i n Himsel f coul d no t b e th e human-lik e Deity o f popula r religion . Indeed , the y wen t fa r beyon d th e rationalist s in denyin g tha t an y anthropomorphi c qualitie s coul d b e applie d t o God , as H e i s i n Himself . T o th e Qabbalists , Go d i s a n Infinit e Se a o f Bein g (En Sqf), withou t an y limits ; hence , withou t an y qualities , withou t desir e or wil l o f any kind . H e i s totally incomprehensible . Bu t ou t o f thi s Bein g there emanate d th e Te n Sefiroth, i n th e shap e o f Primal Man . An d i t i s t o this Secondar y Deit y tha t al l th e biblica l adjective s apply . . . . Qabbalah aim s t o tak e accoun t o f man' s existence , especiall y th e destiny o f th e Jew, i n term s o f th e categorie s o f life —the rhythm s o f th e Divine Bein g an d th e variou s emanation s derivin g fro m it . T o th e philosopher, al l huma n histor y i s ultimatel y reducibl e t o mechanica l forces an d mathematica l formulae . T o th e Qabbalist , al l explanation s ar e ultimately th e narratio n o f a serie s o f event s i n th e Divin e Pleroma (th e Emanation an d Sefiroth), whic h stand s betwee n Go d an d man . . . . In Himsel f Go d wa s th e Endles s (En Sof), a vas t se a o f indetermina tion, t o whic h n o adjectiv e coul d b e applied . Bu t ou t o f thi s Infinit y there emerge s a Divin e Pleroma, tha t i s a t onc e Go d an d not-God , an d this effulgenc e i s i n continuou s contac t wit h th e world . . . . T h e Divin e Pleroma is th e mediato r betwee n th e Infinit e Go d an d th e worl d i n al l it s pluralistic diversit y an d materia l coarseness . (Meaning, 286—87 , 2 9°) This expositio n i s n o t w i t h o u t controversy . T h e sefirot, a s usuall y understood, ar e "intradeical, " tha t is , the y ar e interna l t o G o d . T h e y ar e n o t emanate d fro m G o d , separat e fro m G o d , b e t w e e n G o d an d create d reality. T h e y ar e n o t attributes , forma l predicate s o f G o d . R a t h e r , th e sefirot ar e part s o r aspect s o f th e inne r bein g o f God ; the y d o constitut e a pleroma, bu t tha t pleroma i s intradeical . Agus the n w e n t o n t o summariz e briefl y th e tensio n i n th e real m o f the sefirot b e t w e e n th e Maste r an d th e Shekhin a an d th e rol e o f th e proper observanc e o f th e c o m m a n d m e n t s i n reunitin g thes e t w o aspect s of G o d . Agu s als o properl y n o t e d th e sexua l an d eroti c imager y use d t o describe th e proces s o f reunitin g th e sefirot: In th e secon d stage , th e Divin e Personalit y wa s articulate d i n th e for m o f a Fathe r an d a Mother , unite d fac e t o fac e i n love , o r separate d bac k t o

104 David R. Blumenthal back i n indifference , dependin g upo n th e action s o f Jews o n eart h an d on th e mystica l rhythm s o f it s ow n life . Belo w thi s stage , si x Sefiroth joined t o form th e masculin e Divin e rule r o f the earth , "th e Hol y One , blessed b e He, " whil e th e las t Sejira (malkhuth) represente d th e feminin e principle o f God , th e Shechinah, whic h wa s th e spiritua l counterpar t o f the peopl e o f Israel . Th e saint s o f Israel , b y thei r labor s her e o n earth , caused th e Shechinah t o ascen d an d join it s heavenl y master , "th e Hol y One, blesse d b e He, " thereb y producin g al l kind s o f blessing s fo r th e world. . . . Before performin g a mitzvah, th e pietis t woul d say , "Fo r th e sake of uniting the Holy One , blessed be He, and His Shechinah, throug h that whic h i s secre t an d hidden , i n th e nam e o f al l Israel, " a formul a which certainl y strains the logic and imagery o f monotheism. I n a farther extension o f erotic imagery , th e Qabbalist s taugh t that , b y means o f th e power o f repentance , th e uppe r coupl e i n th e Pleroma, th e Mothe r an d Father, were united, causin g a fresh incremen t o f Divine love and blessing to descen d to earth . (Meaning, 291 ) What need s to be stressed here, in particular, is the ultimate vulnerabil ity o f Go d i n suc h a system ; fo r accordin g t o th e Zohar, God, Godself , needs to be "stabilized, " s o to speak, by the acts , prayers, and thoughts o f God s loyal servants. God , i n th e kabbala , i s not th e almighty , absolutel y independent Go d o f the philosophers an d popular theological reflection . 2. Creation: Agu s pointe d t o th e existenc e o f a satanic pleroma tha t i s parallel to the divine pleroma, "poin t for point" : The creatio n o f the worl d wa s no t du e simpl y t o a series o f emanation s that proceede d fro m th e Divin e Pleroma, coarsenin g an d roughenin g a s they descende d eve r further fro m thei r Source . Suc h a theory o f emana tion wa s indee d assume d i n Qabbala h fro m th e ver y beginning , bu t i n itself it coul d no t explai n th e realit y o f evil. In al l theories o f emanation , evil i s onl y th e relativ e absenc e o f good , wherea s th e late r Qabbalist s were obsesse d wit h th e potenc y an d ubiquit y o f evil . Th e "outsiders " (Hizonim) were everywhere . Therefore , the y assume d tha t a satanic Pleroma corresponded point for point with the Divine Pleroma. An d much o f their strateg y i n th e servic e o f Go d wa s concerne d wit h outwittin g th e ubiquitous force s o f evil. (Meaning, 291-92 ) The sitra ahra, a s seen by most scholars , coexist s with th e real m o f th e sefirot, is independen t o f th e sin s o f humankind , an d ca n influenc e th e

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divine real m an d eve n assum e contro l o f part s o f i t fro m tim e t o time . However, i t i s not actuall y parallel , poin t fo r point ; ther e ar e n o satani c sefirot.

3. Israel and Torah: Agu s correctl y identifie d th e ke y doctrine s here—that onl y Jewish soul s hav e thei r roo t i n th e divin e pleroma, that the Tora h i s th e sol e expressio n o f th e divin e wil l an d th e sol e posses sion o f Israel , an d tha t th e Jews thu s hav e a specia l rol e a s redeemers , not onl y o f themselves a s persons an d a s a people bu t als o o f the world , of th e cosmos , an d eve n o f God : The entire worldview o f Qabbalah was a desperate and elaborate vindication o f th e rol e o f th e Jew an d th e hig h plac e o f Tora h i n th e cosmi c drama. . . . Bu t th e cohesio n o f Qabbala h consist s o f th e aspiratio n t o "magnify an d sanctify " th e rol e o f th e Jew s amon g th e nation s an d second, th e rol e o f th e saint s amon g th e Jews. Th e "sacre d egoism " o f the Jewish people i s metaphysically exalted . (Meaning, 292—93 ) Critique: Whether kabbal a i s a "philosophy " i s hotly debated . Gersho m Scholem di d no t accep t kabbal a a s a philosophy; rather , h e understoo d it t o b e a system o f symbol s charge d b y mythi c thinkin g an d energize d by theurgica l action . Fo r Scholem , then , kabbal a constitute d a revital ization o f the source s o f Jewish spirituality , no t a flight int o fantasy , an d Scholem s antirationalistic, prokabbalisti c polemi c i s well documented. 18 Georges Vajd a argue d tha t kabbala , whil e mystica l an d theurgical , als o has distinc t "philosophical " stream s an d tendencies . Fo r him , muc h o f kabbala wa s a fusio n o f philosophica l an d mystical-theurgica l thought , not a flight o f th e on e fro m th e other . Vajd a wa s als o th e firs t Wester n scholar t o teac h tha t th e opposit e i s als o true : medieva l rationalism , a s noted above , mos t ofte n ha d a n experiential , spiritua l cor e tha t shape d and gre w ou t o f th e ver y rationalis m o f philosophica l thinking. 19 An d Moshe Ide l ha s argue d tha t kabbal a i s mystical a s well a s theurgical; tha t is, muc h o f i t revolve s aroun d variation s o n th e actua l experienc e o f 20

unto my shea.

Agus, i n hi s turn , viewe d kabbal a throug h philosophica l eyes , seein g it a s a "syste m o f thought, " which , however , becaus e i t wa s no t roote d in th e "mechanisti c naturalis m o f th e Greeks " (Meaning, 281) , amon g other possibl e sources , wa s no t rationa l an d henc e wa s no t a "philoso phy." Thi s led t o hi s critiqu e o f kabbala a s "fantastic flights t o th e uppe r

io6 David R. Blumenthal realms," a s opposed t o hi s praise fo r "th e auster e an d heroi c synthesi s o f philosophic Judaism" (Meaning, 289, 284). Agus als o attribute d th e creatio n o f kabbal a t o certai n historica l circumstances: "B y postulatin g a functioning, anthropomorphi c Being , the Qabbalist s wer e abl e t o justify th e yearning s o f popular religio n fo r a Deit y concret e enoug h t o b e imagine d an d worshiped " (Meaning, 286). Agu s repeate d thi s them e man y times : that kabbal a wa s create d b y the rabbi s t o sustai n th e depresse d masses . H e eve n title d chapte r 1 4 o f The Meaning of JewishHistory "Th e Triump h o f Subjectivism : Qabba lah." Thi s view , however , i s the subjec t o f intense debate . Fo r example , Moshe Ide l ha s argue d tha t kabbal a develope d unde r a momentu m o f its own , independen t o f historica l circumstances . I t ma y hav e prove d very appealin g t o th e me n wh o created , studied , an d practice d i t i n a context o f oppressio n an d exil e (Christia n persecutio n an d th e expul sion fro m Spain) , bu t thos e event s di d no t creat e kabbal a o r eve n generate th e primar y impuls e fo r it. 21 C O N C L U S I O N : P H I L O S O P H Y AN D KABBALA , I N T E G R A T I O N O R SEPARATIO N

As we hav e seen , throughou t hi s wor k Agu s contraste d philosoph y an d kabbala. Thi s contras t flowed fro m hi s ideologica l commitmen t t o th e Enlightenment an d expresse d itself in hi s polemic i n favor o f rationalis m and agains t wha t h e too k t o b e th e magical , mystica l (an d chauvinistic ) elements i n kabbala . Thes e value s als o influence d hi s scholarship — though no t a s much a s on e migh t expect , perhap s because , a s on e see s in hi s stud y o f Ra v Koo k title d The Banner of Jerusalem an d i n hi s introduction t o Rabb i Be n Zio n Bokser s antholog y o n Ra v Kook , Agus possesse d a deepl y spiritua l sou l tha t i n it s ow n wa y als o sough t immediate an d intimat e contac t wit h th e Divine . Bu t ar e thes e tw o modes o f bein g Jewis h incompatible , o r ca n the y someho w b e take n together? It seem s t o m e tha t kabbalisti c thought , wit h al l it s imagisti c an d mythic thinking , i s finall y neithe r a "repaganization " no r a "revitaliza tion" o f Jewis h spirituality ; rather , kabbal a i s anothe r path , anothe r door, int o th e real m o f th e sacre d an d th e persona l tha t i s Jewis h religion. I t is , a s Agu s wante d u s t o believ e i n th e prefac e t o The Evolution of Jewish Thought, on e mor e o f the varietie s o f Jewish religiou s experience—to b e welcome d int o th e rang e o f Jewish historica l pro -

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A Student of Medieval Jewish Philosophy ductivity an d eve n t o b e adopte d an d adapte d b y thos e whos e ow n inner spiritualit y echoe s thi s kind o f religious being-in-the-world . Another wa y o f looking a t th e juxtaposition o f rationality an d mysti cism i s to see k thei r commo n threads . Arthu r Green , i n hi s remarkabl e book Seek My Face, Speak My Name, 22 ha s trie d t o integrat e mystica l insight wit h contemporar y rationalism . I n thi s book , Gree n reread s twentieth-century Reconstructionis m i n th e ligh t o f kabbal a an d kab bala i n th e ligh t o f Reconstructionism . Yet anothe r wa y t o gras p th e variet y o f Jewish spiritua l experienc e and integrat e i t int o on e s personal lif e i s t o approac h matter s seriatim , that is , to b e philosophical-rationa l a t time s an d t o b e mystical-spiritua l at times . Th e flow o f lif e alternate s i n everythin g on e does ; i t shoul d alternate i n religio n too , eve n i f tha t generate s "inconsistencies. " Th e best metapho r fo r thi s i s draw n fro m th e ancien t craf t o f sailing . On e cannot sai l directl y int o th e wind . Hence , t o advanc e i n th e directio n from whic h th e win d i s blowing, on e mus t sai l a t forty-fiv e degree s t o one sid e o f th e win d fo r a whil e an d the n sai l a t forty-fiv e degree s t o the othe r sid e o f th e wind . Thi s maneuve r i s calle d "tacking, " an d i t i s a good lesso n i n wis e religiou s living. 23 But her e I ventur e beyon d Agus ' wor k an d engag e i n m y ow n creative reflection s o n th e religiou s life . Therefore , le t m e conclud e b y acknowledging Agus ' rea l contributio n t o th e stud y o f medieva l Jewish thought i n bot h it s philosophica l an d kabbalisti c modes . Agus ' wor k i s a dignifie d an d learne d expressio n o f hi s authenti c spiritua l concerns — as wa s hi s life , whic h wa s devote d t o th e caus e o f reasone d religiou s commitment. NOTES i. Jaco b Agus , The Evolution of Jewish Thought; From Biblical Times to the Opening of the Modern Era (Ne w York, 1959) . 2. Jaco b Agus , The Meaning of JewishHistory (Ne w York , 1963) , issue d i n two volumes but with consecutiv e page numbering. 3. Agu s consistentl y use d masculine-gendere d language , a s was customar y when he wrote. Given his convictions about the equality of women, I think he would have used inclusive language today. I am not sure , however, i f he would have used inclusive language for God. I n any case, I have not changed his style. 4. Th e renderin g by S. Rosenblatt o f The Book of Beliefs and Opinions (Ne w Haven, Conn., 1948 ) completely misses the point o f rationalistic Judaism. 5. "Anthropomorphic " mean s having human form, a s in "God's hand," and

io8 David R. Blumenthal "anthropopathic" mean s havin g human emotions , a s in "God' s love " o r "God' s anger." Bot h ar e unacceptabl e i n rationalis t Judaism. 6. Th e translatio n i s m y own . Fo r another , se e Rosenblatt , trans. , Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 132. 7. Cf . P . Fenton, Bibliographie de Voeuvre de Georges Vajda (Louvain , 1991) , a t the index , s.v . "Sa'ady a Ga'on. " 8. Th e evidenc e suggest s thi s would b e Saadia s respons e t o th e Holocaust . 9. Th e thirteent h theor y o f creation ; se e Rosenblatt , trans. , Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 82-83 . 10. Usuall y calle d "Activ e Intellect " bu t perhap s bes t designate d a s "Agen t Intelligence." Cf . D . Blumenthal , The Commentary of R. Hoter ben Shelomo to the Thirteen Principles ofMaimonides (Leiden , 1974) , 2 1 n . 3 . 11. On e migh t eve n spea k o f Maimonides ' Guide of the Perplexed a s a n extended philosophi c midras h o n traditiona l Jewish text s an d ideas . 12. Cf . D . Blumenthal , The Philosophic Questions and Answers of Hoter ben Shelomo (Leiden, 1981) , 14 5 n . 7 . 13. Cf . D . Blumenthal , "Maimonides : Prayer , Worship , an d Mysticism, " i n Approaches to Judaism in Medieval Times, ed. D . Blumenthal (Atlanta , 1988) , 3 : 116. 14. Cf . D . Blumenthal , "Maimonides " an d Understanding Jewish Mysticism (New York , 1982) , 2:3-24 . 15. Cf . J. Guttmann , Philosophies of Judaism, trans . D . Silverma n (Ne w York , 1964), 224-41 ; an d H . A . Wolfson , Crescas' Critique of Aristotle (Cambridge , Mass., 1929) . 16. Cf. , e.g. , Maimonides , Guide for the Perplexed, 172 . 17. Thes e issue s ar e enormousl y complex , emotionall y a s well a s intellectu ally. Th e followin g ar e th e mai n work s t o consul t i n thi s area : G . Scholem , Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (Ne w York , 1941) , chap . 6 ; M . Idel , Kabbalah: New Perspectives (Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1988) , chaps . 6-8 ; an d D . Blumenthal , Understanding Jewish Mysticism, par t two . Fo r th e fulles t expositio n o f th e thought o f the Zohari c strea m o f Jewish mysticism , se e I . Tishby , The Wisdom of the Zohar, trans. D. Goldstein , 3 vols. (London , 1989) . 18. Cf . D . Blumenthal , "Domesticatin g Mysticism : Th e Tensio n betwee n Spirituality an d Socia l Order, " Conservative Judaism 43 , 4 (summe r 1991) : 47— 55. 19. Cf . Fenton , Bibliogaphie, a t the index, s.v . "Ib n Waqqar " an d "Mystique. " 20. Idel , Kabbalah, chaps. 3-4 . 21. Idel , Kabbalah, chaps. 1 , 2, 10 . 22. (N.J. , 1992) ; reviewed i n Moder n Theolog y (Apri l 1993) , 223-25. 23. I have deal t wit h thi s seriati m approac h t o lif e i n Facing the Abusing God: A Theology of Protest (Louisville, Ky , 1993) , chap . 6 .

5 JACOB B . AGU S A N D JEWISH-CHRISTIAN DIALOGUE : A VIE W F R O M T H E C H R I S T I A N SID E Eugene J.Fisher

PERSONAL REMARK S

JACOB AGU S bega n a shor t piec e selecte d b y Jakob Petuchowsk i t o open hi s 198 8 boo k When Jews and Christians Meet wit h a sayin g o f a great Hasidi c sage : My brother repeat s verbatim whateve r I say; My so n tells me what I ought t o say; My grandso n tell s me what I really meant. 1 This saying , which wa s meant t o illustrat e th e admissio n o f ignoranc e that Agu s fel t wa s th e beginnin g poin t o f dialogue , als o illustrate s th e dilemma o f th e commentator—especiall y th e Christia n commenta tor—on Agus ' thought . I worked wit h Rabb i Agu s i n severa l dialogue s and s o fee l mysel f hi s "brother, " understandin g hi m wel l enough , I trust, t o synthesiz e hi s word s i n th e field o f m y expertis e wit h a t leas t tolerable accuracy . I a m also , generationall y an d intellectually , hi s hei r ("son") a s well a s his colleague, sinc e I began t o rea d hi s writings i n th e field whe n I was doin g graduat e wor k i n Hebre w studie s a t Ne w Yor k University i n th e lat e 1960 s (neve r suspectin g I woul d actuall y meet , much les s engag e i n rea l dialogu e with , suc h a n exalte d figure) . I n tha t sense o f dee p reverence , I mus t acknowledg e th e differenc e o f ou r era s and th e temptation , therefore , t o tel l th e reade r wha t Rabb i Agu s "ought t o hav e said. " S o I ca n onl y leav e i t t o th e selection s i n th e 109

no Eugene J. Fisher companion volum e t o thi s on e t o correc t an y failure s o f nuance I migh t inadvertently perpetrat e here . In m y persona l library , th e earlies t exampl e o f Jacob Agus ' lifelon g involvement i n Jewish-Christia n relation s i s t o b e foun d i n th e 195 6 volume o f Monsignor John Oesterreicher s pioneerin g serie s Yearbook s of Judaeo-Christian Studie s (Ne w York , 1955-70) . Title d The Bridge (a s was each o f the firs t fou r volumes , the fifth bein g published afte r a nineyear hiatu s unde r th e titl e Brothers in Hope i n 1970) , th e Oesterreiche r yearbooks bot h reflecte d th e limitation s an d stimulate d th e furtherin g of th e Jewish-Christia n dialogu e i n th e decad e befor e th e Secon d Vatican Counci l change d it s nature forever . The referenc e t o Agu s i n thi s ver y earl y volum e i s in th e for m o f a n extended revie w o f hi s Guideposts in Modern Judaism (Ne w York , 1954 ) by Fathe r Edwar d A . Synan , the n chai r o f th e Departmen t o f Philoso phy a t Seto n Hal l Universit y an d late r professo r a t th e Pontifica l Insti tute o f Medieva l Studie s a t th e Universit y o f Toronto . (I t wa s i n th e latter capacit y tha t Syna n wrot e hi s own , now-classi c historica l stud y The Popes and the Jews in the Middle Ages [Ne w York , 1965]. ) After a fair-minded summar y o f Agus ' centra l points , Syna n th e philosoph y teacher worrie d tha t Agus ' approac h migh t b e a bi t to o philosophica l and no t sufficientl y biblica l t o "safeguar d Jew s o n thei r journey " through contemporar y America . An d thoug h h e expresse d bot h "af fection" an d "respect " fo r Agus , Syna n wa s capabl e o f a rejoinde r t o what h e fel t ma y hav e bee n a n unfai r criticis m b y Agu s o f Christia n beliefs. Syna n quote s Agus ' statemen t tha t "fro m th e Jewish viewpoint , Christianity partake s o f th e qualitie s o f paganis m an d mythology " an d proceeds t o tur n aroun d rathe r neatl y wha t h e perceive s t o hav e bee n Agus' point . I a m no t sur e whethe r th e two , wh o ove r th e year s becam e goo d friends i n dialogue , eve r pursue d thes e particula r issues , thoug h I kno w from Jacob Agus ' later writings an d involvemen t i n th e dialogu e tha t h e ultimately woul d hav e mor e tha n ease d Fathe r Synan' s min d o n bot h points. I n th e lat e 1970 s an d earl y 1980s , I wa s fortunat e t o coordinat e for th e Kenned y Institut e o f Ethic s a the n virtuall y uniqu e "trilatera l dialogue" o f Jews, Christians , an d Muslim s i n whic h Syna n an d Agu s both participated . Th e bypla y betwee n thes e tw o eminen t scholar s an d veterans i n th e field was , to pu t i t mildly , edifyin g a s well a s consistentl y enlightening. An d fo r th e record , i n thos e discussions , whic h wer e intense, Jacob Agu s sounde d t o m e quit e ofte n mor e th e rabb i citin g

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Torah an d Talmud—an d mos t often , indeed , th e prophet , movin g insightfully t o th e cor e o f a given discussio n t o ope n u p it s meaning fo r us fro m within—tha n th e dr y philosophe r E d Syna n onc e worrie d h e might become . It i s i n th e spiri t o f celebratin g Jacob Agus , th e philosopher , rabbi , prophet, an d always-willin g mentor , tha t I offer thes e fe w reflection s o n some aspect s o f hi s ver y imposin g contributio n t o th e fiel d o f JewishChristian relations . Tha t "field, " i t migh t b e added , i s itsel f a rathe r distinct one , bein g part academi c (sinc e an y rea l understanding betwee n our ancien t tradition s mus t rel y o n scholarl y apparatuse s t o gai n an y objectivity) an d par t intensel y persona l (sinc e i t i s in th e intersubjectiv ity o f the rea l people wh o mak e u p ou r respectiv e communities , a s Agus knew s o well, tha t an y lastin g progress fo r th e futur e wil l b e made) . N o one ha s ever been bette r suite d t o suc h a complex an d delicat e tas k tha n Jacob Agus . D E B U N K I N G C H R I S T I A N S T E R E O T Y P E S O F JEW S AND JUDAISM : AGU S O N JEA N D A N I E L O U AND A U G U S T I N C A R D I N A L BE A

In dialogu e Jacob Agu s spen t a goo d dea l o f hi s effor t batterin g dow n Christian stereotype s abou t Jews and Judaism, an d als o Jewish misunder standings o f Christian s an d Christianity . Give n th e contex t o f hi s time s and th e earl y stage s o f th e dialogu e betwee n ou r communities , hi s engagement i n th e forme r endeavo r i s perhaps mor e expecte d tha n th e latter, whic h ma y com e a s a surprise t o som e reader s eve n today . I star t with tw o essay s i n hi s collectio n Dialogue and Tradition tha t illustrat e hi s approach t o remnant s o f th e Christia n teachin g o f contempt. 2 Thes e essays reflec t hi s thought s an d concern s fro m th e mid - t o lat e 1960s , a t the tim e an d just afte r th e Secon d Vatica n Counci l issue d the declaratio n Nostra Aetate i n 1965 . Th e firs t essa y i s Agus ' respons e t o Fathe r Jea n Danielous an d Augusti n Cardina l Bea' s separat e bu t interconnecte d writings o n th e dialogue. 3 I t shoul d b e note d her e tha t Agus ' majo r tas k in thi s essa y is a critical response , i n th e bes t sense , t o tw o peopl e whos e work h e generall y admired , supported , an d encouraged . In 1967 , Agu s wa s asked t o respon d t o th e Englis h translatio n o f Father Jea n Danielou s 196 3 volum e Dialogue with Israel (Baltimore , 1968). H e di d s o wit h verv e an d trenchan t ye t ironi c languag e (no t a n easy combination , I can attest!) . Danielou wa s on e o f the grea t Catholi c

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Eugene J. Fisher theologians o f the tim e an d ha d been a n important voic e opposin g anti Semitism i n Franc e and , throug h hi s writings, throughou t th e Catholi c world fo r som e tim e befor e that . Further , th e writing s o f Fr . Danielo u collected i n Dialogue with Israel were al l writte n befor e th e Secon d Vatican Counci l an d (a s Agu s seem s t o hav e guessed ) t o som e exten t had a positive influenc e o n th e framer s o f th e council' s declaration . S o the timin g an d delicat e iron y o f Agus' respons e nee d t o b e appreciate d when on e read s th e exchang e today . Agus quit e rightl y pick s u p o n th e remnant s i n Danielo u s writing o f the ancien t Christia n "teachin g o f contempt" agains t Jews an d Judaism, which remaine d despit e Danielo u s avowed effort s t o comba t just suc h negative attitudes . Danielou , fo r example , tryin g t o argu e hi s fello w Christians away from th e "deicide " charg e (tha t the Jews wer e an d ar e collectively guilt y o f th e deat h o f Jesus), opene d u p a charg e no t muc h less defamatory . Agu s state s th e situatio n concisely : "T o sa y a s Fathe r Danielou does , 'i t i s si n tha t crucifie d Christ , th e si n o f Israel , bu t ou r own a s well,' i s to continu e th e identificatio n o f th e Jew wit h sin . Thi s identification i s the historica l substratu m o f mythological anti-Semitism . To figh t anti-Semitis m wit h on e han d an d t o so w it s siniste r seed s wit h the othe r i s to ac t like that genera l o f Charles V's army wh o directe d hi s cannon fir e agains t th e pop e whil e prayin g tha t n o har m migh t com e to him " (Dialogue and Tradition, 119) . In poin t o f fact , o n thi s Agu s ha d th e bette r o f th e argumen t no t simply fro m a Jewis h defensiv e poin t o f vie w bu t equall y fro m th e viewpoint o f Catholi c theolog y o f th e time . Danielo u ha d seemingl y overinterpreted a mor e nuance d statemen t foun d i n Articl e 4 o f th e official Roma n catechism , authorize d b y th e Counci l o f Tren t i n th e sixteenth century . Tha t documen t read : In thi s guilt ar e involved al l those who fal l frequentl y int o sin ; for a s our sins consigne d Chris t th e Lor d t o th e deat h o f the cross , mos t certainl y those who wallow in sin and iniquity crucif y t o themselves again the So n of God , a s fa r a s in the m lies , an d mak e a mocker y o f him . Thi s guilt seems mor e enormou s i n u s tha n i n th e Jews , sinc e accordin g t o th e testimony o f the Apostle (Paul) : If they ha d know n it , the y woul d neve r have crucified th e Lord of glory; while we, on the contrary , professing t o know him , yet denyin g hi m b y ou r actions , see m i n som e sor t t o la y violent hand s on him (Heb . 6:6; 1 Cor. 2:8) .

H3 Agus and Jewish-Christian Dialogue To giv e Danielo u hi s due , mos t Christian s i n th e intervenin g centu ries ha d misse d th e nuanc e o f th e Tridentin e Catechism . Bu t thi s onl y reinforces th e nee d fo r clea r rejoinder s suc h a s Agus' . On e doe s no t need t o reiterat e al l o f th e miscue s (a s we woul d judge the m today ) o f the pries t o r al l o f th e incisiv e retort s o f th e rabb i t o se e tha t th e "dialogue" o f th e tim e stil l ha d a s a majo r goa l clearin g awa y th e detritus o f the pas t tha t s o heavily burdene d Jews an d Christian s i n thei r attempts t o begi n t o understan d on e another' s traditions . Indeed, Agu s himsel f seeme d full y awar e o f th e transitiona l natur e o f this typ e o f exchang e o f sensitivities : "Perhap s I reac t s o strongl y t o Father Danielou' s word s becaus e a recent wor k I read i s still fresh i n m y mind. I t i s a shor t volum e b y Augusti n Cardina l Be a entitled , The Church and the Jewish People!' 4 An d wh y wa s Bea s work s o important t o Agus? Perhaps because Bea was the chie f architect o f the Secon d Vatica n Councils declaratio n o n th e Jews, Nostra Aetate. Agu s seemingl y feared , not withou t reason , tha t limitation s i n Be a s understanding o f Jews an d Judaism, eve n thoug h no t embodie d i n th e officia l documen t o f th e council, migh t hav e persuasiv e powe r wel l beyon d th e tim e fram e tha t gave the m birth . Let' s loo k a t a couple o f the thing s tha t Agu s objecte d to an d se e if they are , in fact , prevalen t toda y In a sectio n simila r t o tha t o f Danielo u cite d above , jus t whe n Cardinal Bea , i n Agus ' words , "attack s th e view s o f thos e churchme n who asser t tha t th e Jew s 'mus t b e regarde d a s frankl y inferio r t o al l other people s fro m a religiou s poin t o f view , precisel y becaus e i t i s a deicide people , rejecte d an d curse d b y God', " Agu s note s ambiguit y i n Bea's approach. 5 Be a begin s i n a straightforward manne r b y arguin g tha t "if the n th e forma l guil t o f deicid e canno t b e unequivocall y attribute d to th e leaders , stil l les s ca n i t b e impute d t o member s o f th e Jewis h Diaspora, an d agai n les s to th e Jews o f other times." 6 Th e logi c here , a s Agus acknowledges , i s unassailable an d als o enlighten s th e denunciatio n in Nostra Aetate o f the collective-guil t canar d agains t th e Jewish people . So far , s o good . But Agu s als o believe s h e discern s a ste p o r tw o tha t nee d stil l b e taken fo r th e sak e o f clarity . Bot h o f th e passage s cite d b y Agu s ar e places, it must be said , where Bea is attempting to frame Ne w Testamen t language i n a wa y tha t neithe r bowdlerize s it s eviden t anti-Judai c po lemic no r foster s modern , post-Holocaus t anti-Semitis m amon g Chris tians. Thi s wa s no t then , no r i s i t now , a n eas y task . I n th e contex t o f

ii4 Eugene J. Fisher

debunking " a collectiv e guil t arisin g simpl y fro m th e fac t o f belongin g to th e peopl e o f Israel, " Be a take s u p th e sermon s o f Sain t Pete r i n th e Acts o f th e Apostle s an d hi s admonitio n t o hi s fello w Jew s t o "sav e yourselves fro m thi s pervers e generation " (Act s 2:37—40 ; 3:19) . Peter , Bea argues , obviousl y believe s tha t an y guil t fo r th e deat h o f Jesus mus t be "i n th e persona l order " an d s o ca n onl y "fal l upo n anyon e wh o i n some wa y associates himsel f wit h th e 'pervers e generation ' whic h i s primarily guilt y o r wh o directl y cooperate d i n th e condemnatio n o f Jesus, a s did th e Sanhedrin." 7 Bea s reasoning i n thi s passage wit h referenc e t o Act s i s thus fa r quit e appropriate, sinc e i t reduces specificall y Jewish "guilt" t o thos e "wh o di rectly cooperated " a t th e time , excludin g th e vas t majority o f Jews eve n then an d all Jews afte r Jesus' tim e fro m an y responsibility fo r Jesus' deat h (i.e., the deicid e charge) . Again, thi s reasoning by the document' s drafte r is and remains helpful i n discerning the intent of Nostra Aetate\ ters e con demnation o f collective guilt . I t also preserves th e theolog y o f Trent tha t those Christian s who si n knowingly als o knowingly "crucif y Jesus" in so doing. This theology of the personal responsibility of the Christian sinne r for Jesus' death , I woul d argue , i s necessary fo r Christia n fait h an d ou r understanding o f what is necessary for tru e repentance . Where Agu s believe s Be a get s int o difficultie s i s wit h a n issu e not explicitly take n u p b y th e council , thoug h Nostra Aetate di d establis h some guidepost s tha t woul d prov e usefu l i n th e future . Bea , extendin g his argumen t tha t th e issu e o f guil t mus t b e understoo d t o b e alway s one o f persona l "choice, " continues : "Generall y speaking , refusa l t o believe i n th e Gospe l an d i n Jesus is a factor i n thi s judgment, an d so , in one wa y o r another , i s a free decisio n t o all y onesel f wit h th e 'pervers e generation,' wit h th e power s oppose d t o God. " 8 Agus felt , understandably , tha t thi s phrasin g cloude d th e issu e an d raised agai n th e specte r o f deicid e eve n a s i t argue d agains t it ; fo r th e fact remain s t o thi s da y tha t th e vas t majorit y o f Jew s d o no t (an d doubtless wil l not , i f th e evidenc e o f tw o millenni a i s t o b e take n seriously) "believ e i n th e Gospe l an d i n Jesus. " Wher e Be a seem s t o have bee n goin g wit h thi s lin e o f reasonin g i s no t cite d b y Agu s bu t i s interesting in retrospect. Th e destinatio n ca n be seen in Bea's conclusio n to thi s chapte r o n "Th e Jewis h Peopl e an d th e Passio n [o f Christ]" : "The severit y o f th e judgment on Jerusalem neithe r presuppose s no r proves th e existenc e o f a collectiv e guil t fo r th e crucifixio n attributabl e to th e whol e Jewish people . . . . I t i s further explaine d b y th e fac t tha t

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it i s a type of th e universa l judgment an d i s a divinel y reveale d warnin g to al l mankin d o f th e seriousnes s o f tha t judgment." 9 Whil e suc h typological understanding s o f Sacre d Scriptur e ar e no t a s widel y as sumed toda y b y Christia n theologian s a s the y wer e i n Bea' s time , hi s point wa s importan t and , fo r it s time , appropriatel y stated : on e canno t argue fro m Ne w Testamen t passages—fo r example , Jesus' weepin g ove r Jerusalem—that th e destructio n o f the cit y o r th e Diaspor a wer e God s punishment o n th e Jewish peopl e fo r maintainin g thei r fidelit y t o Tora h and declinin g t o becom e Christians . This i s a lin e o f reasonin g tha t th e counci l itsel f state d i n principl e but di d no t pursu e i n depth . I t argue s fo r a n acknowledgmen t b y th e Church o f th e continuin g validit y ove r th e centurie s o f th e religiou s bond betwee n th e peopl e Israe l an d th e lan d o f Israel. 10 Tha t is , wha t the ancien t Roman s di d t o Jerusalem, whil e i t ma y hav e som e religiou s significance fo r Christian s a s well a s Jews a s part o f the ongoin g histor y of th e peopl e Israel , wa s not God' s punishmen t o n th e Jew s fo r "re jecting" Jesus . Thi s clarificatio n i n tur n woul d allo w th e Churc h t o develop a positiv e theologica l assessmen t o f bot h th e Diaspor a an d th e rebirth o f a Jewish stat e i n th e lan d o f Israe l i n ou r ow n time . Suc h a n assessment wa s mad e explici t b y th e Hol y Se e twent y year s afte r th e council: The histor y o f Israe l di d no t en d i n 7 0 AD . I t continued , especiall y i n a numerous Diaspor a whic h allowe d Israe l t o carr y t o th e whol e worl d a witness—often heroic—o f its fidelity t o the one God . . . while preserv ing the memory o f the land o f their forefathers a t the heart o f their hope. Christians ar e invited to understand thi s religious attachment which find s its roots i n Biblica l tradition . . . . The existenc e o f the stat e o f Israel an d its politica l option s shoul d b e envisage d no t i n a perspectiv e whic h i s in itsel f religiou s bu t i n thei r referenc e t o th e commo n principle s o f international law. 11 Agus' critiqu e o f Bea goe s o n t o not e ye t anothe r equivoca l referenc e in th e cardinal' s book . Be a refer s t o Roman s 11:28—29 : "I n respec t t o the gospel , the y ar e enemie s [Be a ha s 'odious' ] o n you r account , bu t i n respect t o election , the y ar e belove d becaus e o f th e patriarchs . Fo r th e gifts an d cal l o f Go d ar e irrevocable. " Interestingly , Nostra Aetate, whil e referencing Roman s 11:28—2 9 i n it s text , actuall y cite s onl y th e latter , positive portio n o f th e Paulin e statemen t t o bolste r it s argumen t tha t

n6 Eugene J. Fisher "the Jews remai n mos t dea r t o God, " tha t is , i n full , salvifi c covenan t with God . I believe thi s t o b e anothe r poin t tha t wa s implici t i n Nostra Aetate itsel f an d mad e increasingl y explici t i n th e late r document s o f Pope John Pau l I I an d th e Hol y See' s Commissio n fo r Religiou s Rela tions wit h th e Jews. 12 Agus , no t havin g th e exampl e befor e hi m o f th e more recen t papa l addresses 13 an d subsequen t officia l teachin g docu ments o f th e Hol y See , understandabl y wondere d wher e Be a migh t b e heading whe n th e cardina l state d tha t th e latte r par t o f Romans 11:28 — 29 "doe s no t contradic t th e immediatel y precedin g one . . . . Thi s las t passage simpl y stresse s tha t whil e Go d stil l loves th e peopl e fo r th e sak e of thei r fathers , h e hold s the m a s 'odious ' becaus e h e detest s thei r attitude towar d th e Gospel." 14 While Bea , i n a note t o thi s passage an d i n subsequen t section s o f his book, neutralize s th e more obviou s negativ e connotation s o f his framin g of the issu e in thi s sentence, based upo n history , Agu s argues , Christian s cannot b e to o sensitiv e i n thei r us e o f languag e abou t Jews . Eve n biblically base d languag e ca n giv e suppor t t o anti-Jewis h o r anti-Judai c stereotypes i f no t carefull y couched . Agu s states , " I submi t tha t thi s characterization o f Jews loya l t o Judaism eithe r a s 'odious ' o r a s 'guilt y of deicide ' eve n whil e the y ar e 'dea r t o God ' i s a vestigia l remnan t o f medievalism tha t i s incompatibl e wit h th e emergen t liberalis m o f th e Church an d it s moral-rationa l integrity . . . . Th e residua l element s o f 'deicide' an d 'rejection ' ma y be exceedingl y minut e i n th e tota l view o f Cardinal Be a o r Fathe r Danielou , bu t a s long a s Father Danielo u retain s that hate-soake d rhetoric , h e provide s a verba l scree n behin d whic h pathological an d mythologica l anti-Semite s ma y continu e t o operate " (Dialogue and Tradition, 127—28) . I f the y wer e her e today , I believ e Cardinal Be a .and Fathe r Danielo u woul d agree . D E B U N K I N G JEWIS H M I S U N D E R S T A N D I N G S O F C H R I S T I A N S AND C H R I S T I A N I T Y : AGU S O N LE O BAEC K

While Agu s coul d tak e o n eve n th e friend s o f Catholic-Jewish dialogu e in th e Churc h fo r thei r us e o f negativ e o r ambiguou s languag e abou t Jews an d Judaism, h e wa s equall y capabl e o f reminding hi s fellow Jewish scholars o f thei r nee d t o atten d mor e carefull y t o wha t the y sai d abou t Christianity an d Christians . I n a n essa y i n Dialogue and Tradition aptl y titled "Mutuall y Challenging , No t Mutuall y Contradictory, " fo r exam ple, h e introduce d a n analysi s of the view s o n Christianit y o f Leo Baec k

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(whom Agu s refer s t o a s "th e saintl y rabb i o f Berli n an d Berge n Bel sen") b y stating : As Christian s wer e won t t o glorif y thei r fait h b y usin g a caricatur e o f Judaism fo r thei r foil , s o Jewish scholar s wer e tempte d t o d o likewise . They identifie d th e many-side d histori c heritag e o f Judaism wit h thei r own modernis t "enlightened " faith , an d the n the y proceeded t o contras t it wit h a primitiv e o r medieva l versio n o f Christianit y {Dialogue and Tradition, 57 )

That Agus ' essentiall y constructiv e critique s o f position s take n b y fellow Jewish scholar s towar d Christianit y remai n a s pertinent an d prob ing today a s when the y wer e writte n i s amply illustrate d no t onl y by th e fact tha t Le o Baec k s an d Marti n Buber' s work s (whic h Agu s als o criticized; cf . 19 , below) remai n widel y availabl e in print bu t als o by th e fact tha t the y wer e tw o o f a lis t o f fiv e Jewish thinker s o n Christianit y recently selecte d fo r a majo r anthology , Jewish Perspectives on Christianity.15 Perhap s on e reaso n fo r m y dee p admiratio n o f Agus ' abilit y t o critique s o honestl y th e Jewish representative s h e di d (an d when he did ) comes fro m th e fac t tha t m y ow n first publicatio n i n th e field wa s a n article i n 197 3 titled "Typica l Jewish Misunderstanding s o f Christianity, " which reflecte d m y experience s a s one o f the ver y fe w Christian s a t th e time i n Ne w Yor k University' s Institut e o f Hebrew Studies. 16 I was no t familiar wit h Agus ' writing s o n Baec k an d Bube r a t th e tim e bu t a m fascinated b y ho w clos e man y o f hi s point s wer e t o m y own . I sa y thi s to emphasiz e tha t fo r th e perio d i n which h e wrot e s o much o f his large output—that is , a t th e ver y beginning s o f wha t I woul d cal l seriou s dialogue betwee n th e Catholi c Churc h an d th e Jewis h peopl e a s tw o communities o f faith—Agu s ha d a remarkabl y goo d "ear " fo r under standing what w e Christian s were reall y trying t o say . It was and remain s a rare gift t o find someon e s o thoroughly imbue d wit h hi s own traditio n and ye t s o abl e no t onl y t o comprehen d bu t t o empathiz e wit h anothe r tradition—especially i n vie w o f the tragi c histor y betwee n th e two . Agus begin s hi s brie f bu t incisiv e critiqu e o f Baec k s analysi s o f th e "contrast" betwee n Judais m an d Christianit y wit h a descriptio n o f Baeck's distinctio n betwee n wha t th e latte r fel t wer e "tw o kind s o f religion—the classica l an d th e romantic." 17 Fo r Baeck , romanti c reli gion indulge d i n th e "sentimental, " th e "phantastical, " an d "exultan t emotionalism." This , o f course, was Christian religion , whos e "dynami c

n8 Eugene J. Fisher core" wa s t o b e foun d i n "th e Dionysia c orgie s o f th e pre-Socrati c Greek world " i n whic h "law s ar e suspende d b y miraculou s actio n . . . shrouded i n myster y an d turne d int o sacraments. " Christianit y fo r Baeck, an d especiall y "Paulin e faith, " wa s "genuinel y romantic, " "founded . . . o n passivity, " a "myster y religio n . . . withou t an y rea l access t o . . . culture." Th e smal l stirring s o f "socia l consciousness " tha t one could , afte r diligen t search , fin d i n th e Christia n worl d fro m tim e to tim e wer e "merel y th e exception s whic h prov e th e rule ; fo r the y have grow n o n th e Ol d Testamen t soi l o f Calvinis m an d Baptism. " Al l of thi s i s contraste d b y Baec k t o th e reasonablenes s an d "classicism " o f Judaism. In Baeck's defense, Agu s notes the impossible contex t i n which Baec k was force d t o wor k b y th e Christia n world , whic h h e understandabl y lampooned i n hi s writings . "I t was, " Agu s states , "th e sa d fat e o f Dr . Leo Baec k t o endur e th e incredibl e horror s o f the Naz i frenzy , an d a s a sensitive scholar , h e wa s awar e o f th e dee p root s o f Nazis m i n th e romantic movemen t o f the nineteent h century . We ca n therefor e under stand wh y h e wa s s o bitterly sensitiv e t o th e sickl y stigmat a o f German , especially Lutheran , romanticism. " Without fo r a moment denyin g th e danger s inheren t i n th e element s of "romanticism " (a s Baec k define d it ) withi n Christianity , Agu s set s the issu e i n a wide r and , I believe , healthie r perspectiv e fo r u s today : "In general , Baeck' s wa y o f contrastin g Judaism an d Christianit y break s down becaus e i t doe s no t tak e int o accoun t th e man y variation s withi n the tw o faiths. " Tha t is , Baec k ha s indulge d i n stereotyping—under standable withi n hi s time , bu t stereotypin g nonetheless . Agu s goe s o n to poin t ou t tha t Judais m "a s a historica l fait h containe d romantic , mystical an d mythica l strand s a s well a s those o f classical wisdom. Ha d i t been conceive d i n th e wisdo m o f moderatio n an d classica l balance , Judaism woul d no t hav e produce d th e saintl y martyr s tha t assure d it s survival." Bot h traditions , Agu s argue s persuasively , flourishe d precisel y by bein g abl e t o "synthesize " Hellenisti c logi c an d biblica l fervor . An d both, h e conclude s aptl y fo r u s today , "ar e perpetuall y i n dange r o f succumbing t o th e diseas e o f fossilization": a "froze n creed " fo r Chris tians an d a "rigid legalism " fo r Jews. One passag e o f Agus ' o n Paul—who m Baeck , lik e s o man y Jewis h scholars, wante d t o scapegoa t a s the sol e sourc e o f al l tha t wen t wron g with Christianit y an d Christian s ove r th e centuries—deserve s t o b e cited her e a t som e length , sinc e I woul d wage r tha t mos t o f th e Jewish

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readers o f thi s volum e t o som e exten t stil l shar e Baec k s polemica l attitude towar d Pau l an d s o ma y profi t fro m Agus ' perpetuall y fres h look a t th e evidence . Likewise , man y o f th e Christia n reader s wil l benefit equall y fro m th e freshnes s o f Agus' insight s int o th e "apostl e t o the gentiles" : The romantic-mystica l fait h o f Pau l ca n b e understoo d onl y whe n i t i s viewed withi n th e perspectiv e o f th e feveris h expectanc y o f hi s time . Paul gave his life t o sav e as many Jews and Gentile s a s possible before th e final curtai n o f Judgmen t Da y wa s lowered . . . . H e admonishe d hi s converts t o abid e b y th e nobles t ethica l teaching s o f Judaism. Hi s hym n on lov e o r charit y wa s a magnificen t expressio n o f a "grea t rul e o f the Torah " (Torat Kohanim, Kedoshim 19). . . . Whe n h e spok e o f th e impossibility o f fulfilling th e Law , he cite d a s an exampl e th e prohibitio n of "coveting," a prohibition tha t belonged t o "dutie s of the heart," whic h were infinit e i n scope . T o th e trul y pious , th e La w wa s unfulfillable , precisely becaus e i t containe d thi s infinite dimensio n o f interior feeling . . . . In Judaism to o th e saint s though t the y wer e sinner s an d th e sinner s thought the y were saints. I cannot agre e that Paul was unconcerned wit h ethics and with people. {Dialogue and Tradition, 59—60 ; cf. 66ff. ) As w e shal l see , Agu s doe s provid e "contrasts " betwee n th e relativ e emphases Judaism an d Christianit y wil l pu t o n variou s spiritua l truths , but h e doe s thi s withi n a theor y o f dynami c tensio n i n whic h eac h "side" ha s somethin g t o lear n fro m an d somethin g t o teac h t o th e other—not quantitativel y a qui d pr o quo , o f course , bu t "mutuall y challenging" nonetheless . AGUS' VISIO N O F JEWISH-CHRISTIAN DIALOGU E Agus appear s t o hav e ha d grea t respec t fo r an d affinit y wit h th e writing s of Marti n Buber , whos e view s o n ethic s Agu s anthologize d i n The Vision and the Way 18 an d who m h e cite d approvingl y o n a wide variet y of topic s ove r th e years . Bu t althoug h h e understoo d Buber' s notio n o f dialogue, Agu s ha d hi s ow n vision . B y dialogue , h e di d no t mea n th e intersubjective encounte r o f Buber' s " I an d Thou " (thoug h Agu s di d not esche w th e valu e o f suc h encounters) . Rather , Agu s define d dia logue primaril y a s " a truth-seekin g effort " carrie d ou t betwee n com munities o f people i n a n "attemp t t o understan d an d t o appropriat e th e

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truths o f other s a s wel l a s t o exhibi t th e trut h o f one' s ow n heritage. " He wa s full y awar e tha t suc h a n endeavo r mus t resul t "a t an y on e tim e in partial , relativ e truths, " no t th e rea l bu t humanl y unattainabl e "abso lute truth " o f philosophy . In contrast t o the either-or , zero-su m approac h t o Judaism an d Chris tianity adopte d b y Marti n Bube r i n hi s Two Types of Faith—in which , in a nea t reversa l o f Baeck' s approach , th e Christia n "faith " o f pistis is described a s dry, academic , an d pessimistic , a s oppose d t o th e dynamic , relational, an d existentia l emunah of Judaism19 —Agus' approac h t o th e two tradition s stresse d thei r mutuall y challengin g aspects . Hi s wa s a n attempt t o brin g ou t th e bes t i n both . Agus' firs t majo r essa y i n a volum e dedicate d t o inte r religious dia logue i s not itsel f dialogical bu t rathe r a straightforward essa y o n Jewish history an d thought . Title d "Th e Concep t o f Israel," it wa s designe d t o explain Judais m t o Christian s a t a symposiu m o f scholar s o f th e tw o traditions hel d i n Januar y 196 5 a t Sain t Vincent s Abbe y i n Latrobe , Pennsylvania. Th e participant s a t thi s pioneerin g theologica l exchang e were significant . O n th e Jewish sid e wer e Solomo n Grayzel , Solomo n Freehof, Samue l Sandmel , Rober t Gordis , Mar c Tanenbaum , Gerar d Sloyan, an d Arthu r Gilbert . O n th e Catholi c sid e wer e th e Catholi c bishop o f Greensburg , Pennsylvania , wher e th e monaster y wa s locate d (its the n abbot , Rember t Weakland , O.S.B. , i s now archbisho p o f Mil waukee an d chair s th e Ecumenica l Committe e o f the Nationa l Confer ence o f Catholi c Bishops) ; Bishop (late r Cardinal ) John J. Wright ; Joh n Sheerin, C.S.P. ; Aida n Kavanagh , O.S.B. ; Rolan d Murphy , O Carm. ; John Cronin , S.S. ; an d Gerar d Sloyan , wh o woul d als o be a member o f the Kenned y Institut e "trialogue " a decade an d a half later. 20 I mentio n the occasio n an d th e participants becaus e thi s was on e o f the earlies t in depth theologica l dialogue s i n th e spiri t o f the Secon d Vatica n Council , having take n plac e just befor e th e issuanc e o f Nostra Aetate, an d t o m y knowledge, i t wa s th e ver y firs t t o b e publishe d afte r th e Counci l (th e imprimatur wa s give n b y Bisho p Willia m G . Connar e o n Januar y 17 , 1966). Ther e is , then, a historical aspec t t o th e symposiu m an d t o Jacob Agus' inclusio n i n it , wort h mentionin g i n a volume suc h a s the presen t one. Agus, i t shoul d b e noted , als o presente d on e o f si x Jewis h paper s delivered i n Januar y 197 2 i n Ne w Yor k Cit y a t th e first Nationa l Colloquium o n Gree k Orthodox—Jewis h Relations . Organize d b y th e American Jewis h Committee , th e Jewis h delegatio n include d Mar c

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Tanenbaum, Zv i Ankor , Seymou r Siegel , Sal o Baron, an d Eri c Werner . The Gree k Orthodo x contingen t include d Archbisho p Iakovos , Bisho p Maximos, D . J . Constantelos , Stanle y Harakis , Theodor e Styliano poulos, D . J. Geanakoplos , an d Georg e Bebis. 21 In attemptin g t o understan d Agus ' approac h t o dialogue , i t mus t b e made clea r that h e di d no t ente r int o i t with an y naivete abou t Christia n history o r pas t misdeeds . Hi s essa y "Ne w Ground s fo r Jewish-Christia n Understanding" (Dialogue and Tradition, 66—93 ) opens wit h a n evocatio n of "th e melanchol y record s o f history" : "Th e Hitleria n interlud e shocked man y people int o th e belief that th e dragon-seed s o f mytholog ical anti-Semitis m ar e deepl y imbedde d i n th e mass-min d o f Christia n people" (66). Ye t h e argue s jus t a s passionatel y tha t onl y theologica l dialogue provide s a realisti c opportunit y t o surfac e an d comba t suc h mythological view s o f th e other . I n th e contex t o f a discussio n o f chosenness an d messianis m i n th e tw o traditions , Agu s comment s tha t "considered a s myths , Judais m an d Christianit y contradicte d eac h other—the on e operatin g o n th e assumptio n tha t th e othe r ha d bee n tragically an d woefully misle d an d perverted. . . . Only on e grou p coul d be right , absolutel y so . . . . A s dynami c faiths , move d b y th e ques t fo r truth an d reality , Judaism an d Christianit y ca n regar d eac h othe r a s allies in th e battl e agains t nihilis m an d th e quasi-religion s o f ou r day " (88) . "The opposit e o f these complementar y concept s of vocation and Messianism is th e couple t o f religiou s indifferentism an d pseudo-Messianism" (92) . That, I would argue , i s as bold a conclusion toda y a s it was twenty year s ago. T H E NECESSIT Y O F T H E O L O G I C A L D I A L O G U E : AGUS' R E S P O N S E T O J O S E P H S O L O V E I T C H I K

In th e openin g essa y o f Dialogue and Tradition, "Th e Cas e fo r th e Dialogue" (11—17) , Agus make s referenc e t o "on e objectio n i n princi ple" tha t ha d "bee n raise d t o th e dialogu e movement " (11) . Thi s wa s the objectio n t o "theological " dialogu e issue d b y Rabb i Josep h Solo veitchik i n a n articl e publishe d i n th e Orthodo x journa l Tradition in the yea r befor e Nostra Aetate wa s promulgate d b y th e Secon d Vatica n Council. 22 Th e contex t o f Soloveitchi k s objection therefor e wa s mor e that o f th e medieva l disputatio n tha n a n awarenes s o f th e natur e an d possibilities o f theologica l dialogu e a s w e hav e know n i t no w fo r a generation sinc e th e council .

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Without mentionin g Rabb i Soloveitchi k b y name , Agu s take s hi s views seriousl y bu t respond s tellingly . Th e Soloveitchi k articl e ha d argued tha t whil e i t woul d b e permissibl e fo r Jew s t o cooperat e wit h Christians o n socia l actio n o f mutua l concern , purel y "religious " o r theological dialogu e wa s precluded . Wha t prevente d suc h dialogu e fo r Soloveitchik wa s no t th e dictate s o f halacha h bu t th e natur e o f th e exchange. Religiou s dialogu e was , simpl y put , impossibl e an d therefor e not t o b e attempted . I t wa s impossible , Soloveitchi k argued , becaus e religion i s a n entirel y subjectiv e an d persona l phenomenon , "wha t th e individual doe s wit h hi s isolation " (Dialogue and Tradition, n ) . Thi s isolated natur e o f religion , Soloveitchi k argued , i s tru e communall y a s well a s individuall y Ever y religio n ha s it s ow n patter n o f rhetoric , values, symbols, and nuance s stemmin g from it s own histor y an d nature . These are , b y definition , incommensurabl e an d incommunicabl e t o people outsid e th e particula r fait h community . Bu t an y rea l dialogu e requires a commo n real m o f discourse . Thu s dialogu e i s impossibl e between differen t religiou s communities . Agus respond s t o thi s argumen t first b y acknowledgin g wha t i s vali d in it . "Thi s insigh t i s tru e an d precious, " h e states , "bu t one-sided. " What i s tru e i s tha t th e inne r dimensio n o f fait h "ca n onl y b e experi enced; i t ca n neithe r b e weighe d no r measured " an d thu s canno t b e compared wit h anothe r suc h experience . Bu t thi s "inne r experience " does not , fo r Agus , preclud e th e fac t tha t "religio n doe s posses s a n objective o r universa l phase , whic h i s essentia l t o it s natur e a s a mean ingful philosoph y o f life. " Agus goe s o n t o argu e tha t th e Jewis h religio n itsel f "ha s alway s undertaken t o appea l t o th e intellec t a s well as to th e privat e prompting s of the soul . . . . It s very characte r a s a faith derive d fro m it s emphasis o n reason an d ethics ; henc e it s condemnatio n o f magic an d it s repudiatio n of th e comfortin g myth s tha t appeale d s o powerfull y t o man' s feeling s and phantasies. " Agu s give s a s a n exampl e th e communicabilit y o f th e scholastic philosoph y o f th e hig h Middl e Ages : "A s on e read s th e medieval work s o f Jewish philosophy , on e ca n easil y translat e th e sam e arguments int o thei r equivalen t formulation s i n Christia n o r i n Mosle m thought." Agus i s precisely correc t o n thi s point, a s I discovered whil e studyin g Jewish philosopher s suc h a s Bahy a ib n Pakud a wit h rabbi s a t Ne w York Universit y i n th e lat e 1960s . I ha d previousl y studie d scholasti c philosophy an d theolog y i n a Catholi c seminary , an d i n m y wor k a t

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New Yor k University , I wa s a t time s abl e t o gras p th e thrus t o f argu ments suc h a s Pakuda s more easil y tha n m y classmates , simpl y becaus e of m y exposur e t o th e large r philosophica l schoo l o f whic h he , n o les s than th e Christia n scholar s I had studied , wa s a part. Agus then—an d agai n rightly , i n m y opinion—goe s afte r th e sup posed distinctio n mad e b y Soloveitchi k betwee n Jewish philosoph y an d theology: It i s said that philosoph y ma y be discussed , bu t no t theolog y Wha t the n is Jewish theology? Is it the priestly component o f the tradition as distinct from th e propheti c an d philosophica l ones ? . . . Th e peculia r reasonin g of the Halachah ? . . . Personally, I consider tha t "Jewis h Theology " con sists of the variou s taamai hamitzvot ("reasons fo r th e Commandments") , for i t i s i n thi s are a tha t genera l philosoph y an d th e historica l fait h converge. Shoul d a rabbi, then , refrai n fro m discussin g th e variou s rea sons for, le t us say, the dietar y laws? I see no reaso n why h e should . Agus doe s not e tha t h e woul d expec t "al l Orthodo x rabbis " t o concur i n th e judgmen t tha t Christian s ar e no t t o b e place d i n th e category o f "worshippers o f stars," whom th e Talmu d woul d no t permi t to b e instructe d i n th e precept s o f Torah. 23 H e ask s whether th e Catho lic Churc h seek s t o "promot e th e dialogu e movemen t a s an instrumen t of conversion " an d answer s i n th e negative . Eve n thoug h h e feel s tha t the Churc h ma y wel l stil l "desir e th e conversio n o f Jews," h e conclude s quite properl y tha t fo r th e Churc h "th e dialogu e movemen t i s a goo d in itself , vali d withi n th e huma n context. " Her e agai n i s wher e Agus ' direct involvemen t i n th e dialogu e ove r th e year s give s hi m suc h a grea t edge ove r eve n someon e o f th e statur e o f Rabb i Soloveitchik , wh o simply di d no t hav e th e advantag e o f the thre e decade s o f dialogu e tha t we enjo y toda y o n whic h t o bas e a judgment. The issu e o f "theological " dialogu e betwee n Catholic s an d Jew s i s still ver y muc h debate d withi n th e Jewish community . A s a Catholic , i t is not m y busines s t o becom e involve d i n th e debat e i n an y forma l way , although m y ow n practic e o f an d dedicatio n t o dialogu e is , I trust , apparent t o all . I shal l leav e th e las t wor d o n thi s topi c t o Jacob Agus , with onl y th e explanator y not e tha t th e "accidenta l . . . accumulate d encrustations o f history " tha t h e mention s a s needin g t o b e separate d from th e "genuin e message " o f religio n woul d see m t o refe r t o th e Christian teachin g o f contemp t agains t Jew s an d Judaism . Agu s quit e

124 Eugene J. Fisher

rightly understoo d tha t t o counte r misinformatio n abou t Jewish belief s and practices , bette r informatio n need s t o b e give n t o Christian s b y Jews: The attemp t ha s been mad e t o delimi t th e are a o f dialogues b y drawin g the lin e o f demarcatio n betwee n socia l problem s an d concerns , o n th e one hand , an d principle s o f belief , o n th e other . Bu t th e purpos e o f dialogue i s to achiev e a larger measur e o f understanding. T o understan d one anothe r w e hav e t o refe r t o firs t principles , whic h ar e matter s o f faith; furthermore , ther e i s a histor y t o ever y problem , an d histori c attitudes to live down as well as historic affirmations t o live up to. Hence, there i s the nee d o f revealing criteria , whereb y th e essentia l i s separate d from th e accidental , an d th e genuin e messag e o f religion i s distinguished from th e accumulate d encrustation s o f history . A s a matte r o f fact , differences i n regard to contemporary issue s constitute the greatest source of interreligious frictio n today . I t i s therefore impossibl e t o se t arbitrar y limits to the scope of the dialogue, nor is it necessary, since the discussants generally choos e thei r topic s by unanimous consent . (17) 24

DIALOGUE A S TH E SEARC H FO R COMPLEMENTARIT Y

Jacob Agu s maintaine d hi s methodological refusa l t o dichotomiz e Juda ism an d Christianit y wit h admirabl e consistenc y ove r th e years , usin g terms suc h a s dialectics t o indicat e th e dynami c qualit y o f th e relation ship. Fo r example , h e conclude d hi s 196 6 boo k o n Jewis h ethics , The Vision and the Way, with a brief sectio n o n "compariso n o f Jewish an d Christian ethics. " Notin g th e extrem e difficultie s o f such a n enterprise , given th e grea t antiquit y an d consequen t interna l pluralit y o f view s o f each traditio n o n a given issue , he risk s th e generalizatio n tha t the difference s i n th e nuanc e o f eac h (ethical ) idea l withi n th e tw o traditions ar e fruitfu l an d enrichin g fo r both . I f lov e i n th e Christia n tradition evoke s the image s o f self-giving an d self-denial , an d i f in Judaism i t evoke s primaril y devotio n t o th e buildin g o f th e community , th e two traditions gain in depth as they welcome eac h others insights. In th e infinite ques t fo r perfection , peopl e ca n onl y follo w on e pathwa y a t a time, but b y imaginative empath y the y ca n fee l th e zes t an d grandeu r o f their confrere s climbin g b y othe r paths towar d th e sam e broa d summit . (Vision and Way, 360 )

125 Agus and Jewish-Christian Dialogue In th e proces s o f applyin g hi s m e t h o d o l o g y o f approachin g th e t w o traditions, w h i c h h e generall y did , a s w e hav e seen , w i t h i n th e contex t of actua l dialogue s (thu s exposin g hi s w o r k t o Jewis h an d Christia n respondents a t th e sam e t i m e — a n exposur e that , I ca n attest , greatl y aids o n e i n achievin g b o t h nuanc e an d balance) , Agu s cam e u p w i t h scores o f penetratin g insight s int o th e relationship , man y o f w h i c h hav e still t o b e adequatel y explore d toda y Fo r th e c o m p a n i o n antholog y volume t o thi s one , I hav e selecte d t w o o f Agus ' work s o n th e N e w Testament an d s o wil l n o t g o int o thos e here . A coupl e o f example s from The Jewish Quest wil l hav e t o suffic e fo r man y tha t coul d b e chosen. T h e y wil l als o suffice , I believe , fo r a conclusio n t o th e presen t study o f Agus ' visio n o f dialogue : We hav e t o transcen d th e rhetori c whic h foiste d upo n u s mountain s o f misunderstanding. I t i s sai d tha t fo r Christians , th e worl d i s alread y redeemed, whil e fo r Jews i t i s unredeemed . Thi s i s a speciou s juxtaposi tion. W e migh t sa y with equa l justification tha t fo r Christians , th e worl d is i n a "fallen " an d corrup t state , whil e fo r Jews , th e worl d i s "ver y good." Actually , th e tensio n i n Judais m betwee n a n unfinishe d univers e and a radiant visio n o f redemption wa s retaine d i n th e Christia n philoso phy o f history , a s presente d i n Augustine' s City of God. . . . T o b e sure , Judaism an d Christianit y projec t differen t categorie s fo r th e judgment o f the cours e o f history , bu t th e categorie s ar e mutuall y supplementar y a t times, mutuall y challengin g a t times , an d th e variation s withi n bot h faiths ar e s o vas t a s to rende r meaningles s th e ancien t controversie s abou t the "fulfillment " o f Scriptur e verses . (Jewish Quest, 140 ) Christians tur n i n hop e t o th e secon d Adven t an d Jews t o th e comin g o f the Messiah . Bot h ar e joine d i n th e certaint y tha t ther e ca n b e n o salvation fo r an y natio n o r fait h sav e i n th e salvatio n o f all mankind. Bot h can accep t eac h othe r a s partners i n th e tas k o f preparing th e wa y fo r Hi s Kingdom. T h e tas k i s s o grea t tha t th e contribution s o f al l histori c groups ar e indispensable . (Jewish Quest, 58 ) NOTES 1. Jaco b B . Agus, "Betwee n Fait h an d Skepticism, " i n Jakob J. Petuchowksi , ed., When Jews and Christians Meet (Albany , 1988) , 3-7 . Agu s note s tha t thi s essay synthesize s a longe r essa y fro m hi s The Jewish Quest: Essays on Basic Concepts of Jewish Theology (New York , 1983) , 43-61 .

126 Eugene J. Fisher 2. Jaco b B . Agus , Dialogue and Tradition: The Challenges of Contemporary Judeo-Christian Thought (London , 1971) . 3. Ibid. , 114-29 . 4. Agu s refer s t o Augusti n Bea , The Church and the Jewish People (Ne w York , 1966), in Dialogue and Tradition, 126. 5. Cf . Bea , Church, 68. 6. Ibid. , 70 . 7. Ibid. , 78 . 8. Ibid. , 85 . 9. Ibid. , 88 . 10. "Althoug h th e Churc h i s th e ne w peopl e o f God , th e Jews shoul d no t be presente d a s rejecte d o r accurse d b y Go d a s i f thi s followe d fro m Sacre d Scripture" (Nostra Aetate, no . 4) . Thi s provide s a n authoritativ e hermeneutica l guide toda y fo r Catholi c scholar s approachin g suc h text s a s Luke 19:44 , whic h was cite d specificall y b y th e counci l an d thereb y give n thi s bindin g interpreta tion. Th e tex t o f Luke reads : "A s h e dre w near , h e sa w th e cit y [o f Jerusalem] and wep t ove r it , saying : if this da y you onl y kne w wha t make s for peace—bu t now i t i s hidden fro m you r eyes . For the day s are comin g upo n yo u whe n you r enemies wil l rais e a palisade agains t you; the y wil l encircl e yo u an d he m yo u i n on al l sides. They wil l smas h yo u t o th e groun d an d you r childre n withi n you , and the y wil l no t leav e on e ston e upo n anothe r withi n yo u becaus e yo u di d not recogniz e th e tim e o f you r visitation " (Luk e 19:41-44) . Thi s "lament, " which i s foun d onl y i n Luke , i s redolen t o f propheti c utterance s (e.g. , Jer . 14:17; 15:5 ; Isa . 6:9-10 ; 29:3) , whic h i s th e basi s fo r Bea' s commen t tha t th e "gravity" o f the "judgmen t o f Jerusalem" i s "explained b y th e fac t tha t i t i s th e culmination o f a whole histor y o f oppositio n an d disobedienc e t o Go d an d o f crimes committe d agains t hi s messengers " (thi s las t presumabl y i n referenc e t o the sermon s o f Pete r an d Stephe n i n Acts) . Again , th e ver y forc e o f th e hermeneutic o f Nostra Aetate wit h regar d t o Luk e 1 9 woul d toda y b e see n a s necessarily precludin g Bea' s ow n "explanation " b y removin g th e categor y "judgment o n Jerusalem" a s a viable theologica l utterance . Obviously , i f ther e is n o "collectiv e guilt " fo r th e Jew s t o b e punishe d for , the n ther e i s n o "judgment" leadin g t o punishment . The significanc e o f th e concilia r statemen t an d it s clarificatio n twent y year s later b y th e Hol y Se e (se e not e 11 , below) canno t b e overstated . Datin g bac k to th e fulmination s o f Sain t John Chrysosto m (actually , before ; h e jus t sai d i t more strongl y an d effectivel y tha n anyon e else) , precisely thi s text o f Lukes an d others tha t coul d b e associate d wit h i t ha d bee n use d b y Christian s a s ke y elements o f their anti-Judai c polemi c (th e "teachin g o f contempt," a s we coul d call it today). Arguing backward i n a sort o f counterclockwise circle , the churc h fathers an d thei r medieva l successor s opine d tha t becaus e th e cit y o f Jerusalem was destroye d an d th e Jews dispersed , Go d mus t hav e wante d t o punis h them .

127 Agus and Jewish-Christian Dialogue And wha t bette r caus e fo r divin e punishmen t coul d ther e b e tha n th e fac t tha t the peopl e Israe l ha d misse d it s "visitation " b y God' s ow n son ? Th e council' s definitive an d unequivoca l remova l o f this ancient polemi c fro m Churc h teach ing, o f course , simultaneousl y remove d an y shre d o f theological hesitanc y th e Church migh t hav e fo r recognizin g th e legitimac y o f th e peopl e Israel' s cove nantal bon d wit h th e lan d o f Israel . I t i s therefor e highl y significan t tha t whe n Pope Joh n Pau l I I visite d th e Grea t Synagogu e o f R o m e i n 198 6 (th e firs t bishop o f R o m e t o d o s o i n th e histor y o f th e papac y sinc e Sain t Peter , wh o was quit e possibl y a regular), th e selecte d readin g wa s from Genesi s 17 , includ ing th e vers e o n th e givin g o f th e lan d t o th e Jewish peopl e "a s a permanen t possession." 11. Hol y See' s Commissio n fo r Religiou s Relation s wit h th e Jews, Notes on the Correct Way to Present Jews and Judaism in the Preaching and Catechesis of the Roman Catholic Church (Jun e 24 , 1985) , no . 26 . Th e tw o work s cite d i n not e 12, below , contai n thi s text , a s wel l a s Nostra Aetate an d othe r relevan t majo r Church documents . 12. Fo r a n analysi s o f th e proces s o f drawin g ou t th e tex t of Nostra Aetate with eve r greate r explicitnes s an d clarity , t o resolv e th e concern s expresse d b y Rabbi Agu s an d other s i n th e dialogue , se e Eugen e Fisher , "Th e Evolutio n o f a Traditio n fro m Nostra Aetate t o th e 'Notes,' " i n Fifteen Years of Catholic-Jewish Dialogue, igjo-ig8$, Internationa l Catholic-Jewis h Liaiso n Committe e Paper s and Document s (Vatica n City , 1988) , 239-54 . A mor e popula r an d extende d discussion o f thi s an d simila r issue s o f the developmen t o f Churc h doctrin e o n Jews an d Judais m sinc e Vatica n I I ca n b e foun d i n Eugen e Fishe r an d Leo n Klenicki, In Our Time: The Flowering of Jewish-Catholic Dialogue (Mahwah, N.J. , 1990), 3-26 . 13. Cf . Eugen e Fishe r an d Leo n Klenicki , eds. , John Paul II on Jews and Judaism, igyg~ig86 (Washington , D.C. , 1987) , for a collection o f papal text s an d commentary o n them . 14. Bea , Church, 94. 15. Frit z A . Rothschild , ed. , Jewish Perspectives on Christianity: Leo Baeck, Martin Buber, Franz Rosenzweig, Will Herherg, Abraham Heschel (Ne w York , 1990). Th e edito r likewis e understoo d th e nee d fo r critica l response , sinc e h e chose fiv e Christia n scholar s (J . Louis Martyn , Ekkehar d Stegemann , Bernhar d Casper, Bernhar d Anderson , an d John Merkle , respectively ) t o "introduce " th e selections fro m th e work s o f th e fiv e Jewis h thinkers . Fo r a compilatio n o f more contemporar y Jewish perspective s o n Jewish-Christian relations , se e Leo n Klenicki, ed. , Toward a Theological Encounter: Jewish Understandings of Christianity (Mahwah, N.J. , 1991) . Klenicki include s essay s by Norma n Solomon , Ellio t N . Dorff, Walte r Jacob, Davi d Novak , Michae l Wyschogrod , S . Danie l Breslauer , and Davi d G . Dalin . Th e figure s i n th e Rothschil d collection , o f course , ar e among th e mos t prominentl y cite d i n th e Klenicki volume , s o there i s a healthy

128 Eugene J. Fisher continuity an d exchang e o f view s betwee n th e generation s represente d i n th e two works . 16. Eugen e J . Fisher , "Typica l Jewis h Misunderstanding s o f Christianity, " Judaism (sprin g 1973) : 21-32 . 17. Agu s deal s especially wit h Le o Baeck's Judaism and Christianity (Philadel phia, 1958) , 190-215 . I cit e her e fro m Agus , Dialogue and Tradition, 57-62 . Both reference s ar e shor t enoug h t o fin d citation s easily , s o I wil l no t giv e page-by-page note s fro m thes e tw o selections . 18. Jaco b Agus , The Vision and the Way: An Interpretation of Jewish Ethics (New York , 1966) , 300-320 . 19. Marti n Buber , Two Types of Faith (Ne w York , 1961) . Th e collectio n Martin Buber: A Centenary Volume, edite d b y Hai m Gordo n an d Jochana n Bloch, contain s helpfu l analyse s o f Bube r s comparativ e approac h t o Judais m and Christianit y b y Mauric e Friedma n (367-84) , Loren z Wachinge r (437-56) , and Michae l Wyschogro d (457—72) . Wyschogrod's essa y is especially helpfu l o n Buber an d Sain t Paul. A very stron g Christia n critiqu e o f Buber's dichotomize d version o f Jewish versu s Christia n faith s was given b y John M . Oesterreiche r i n his Bube r Centennia l Lectur e a t Tantur , Israel , title d "Th e Unfinishe d Dia logue: Marti n Bube r an d th e Christia n Way/ ' Agus ' "complementary , no t contradictory" approac h t o Jewish-Christian relation s likewise distinguishe d hi s position fro m th e absolutenes s o f Buber's dichotomy betwee n th e tw o religions . In "Betwee n Fait h an d Skepticism, " Agu s state d tersely , "No r d o w e accep t Martin Buber' s distinctio n betwee n th e Gree k typ e o f piety , o r pistis, an d th e Hebraic expressio n o f trust , emunah. I t i s i n histor y tha t context s arise , an d their meaning s chang e imperceptibly " (5) . 20. Phili p Scharper , ed. , Torah and Gospel: Jewish and Catholic Theology in Dialogue (New York , 1966) . 21. "Gree k Orthodo x Jewish Consultation, " Greek Orthodox Theological Review 22, 1 (spring 1977) , special issue. 22. Josep h Soloveitchik , "Confrontation, " Tradition: The Journal of Orthodox Jewish Thought 6 , 2 (spring-summe r 1964) : 10-24 . Th e philosophica l stud y i n religious anthropolog y begu n i n th e 196 4 piece was carried furthe r i n Soloveit chik's "Th e Lonel y Ma n o f Faith," Tradition 7 , 2 (summe r 1965) : 5-67 ; bu t tha t piece, profoun d a s i t was , i s no t pertinen t t o th e substanc e o f th e presen t discussion. (I n 199 2 it was republished i n a separate volum e b y Doubleday. ) The 196 4 Soloveitchi k dictu m stil l prevails a s the rulin g rubri c fo r participa tion i n th e dialogu e b y th e Synagogu e Counci l o f America , whic h include s Orthodox bodies , an d therefor e fo r th e Internationa l Jewis h Committe e fo r Interreligious Consultatio n (IJCIC) , which , a s a n umbrell a group , mus t wor k on th e basi s o f consensus . Interestingly , whe n th e eminen t Orthodo x schola r Joseph H . Lookstei n wrot e a n articl e te n year s late r fo r Tradition, based o n hi s experience a s chai r o f th e IJCI C delegatio n t o th e Internationa l Catholic -

129 Agus and Jewish-Christian Dialogue Jewish Liaiso n Committe e meetin g i n R o m e i n Januar y 1975 , h e wrot e a glowing repor t o f the consultatio n an d o f an intensel y theologica l statemen t o n Catholic-Jewish relation s issue d tha t yea r b y th e Hol y See—withou t onc e referring t o Rabb i Soloveitchik' s dictum . Th e meetin g deal t wit h matter s o f liturgy an d Churc h doctrin e (suc h a s the relationshi p betwee n th e Scriptures) . Referring t o th e Vatica n documen t Guidelines and Suggestions for Implementing Nostra Aetat e (Decembe r 1 , 1974) , Lookstei n conclude d tha t th e religiou s document represente d " a gian t ste p forwar d i n Catholic-Jewis h relations " an d "should b e accepte d a s such, " notin g tha t "dialogu e mus t continu e wit h increasing 'give ' b y th e Catholic s an d wit h decreasin g fea r b y Jews " (Josep h Lookstein, "Th e Vatica n an d th e Jews 1975, " Tradition 15 , 1- 2 [spring-summe r !975]- 5 -24-)- Frankly , i t mus t b e sai d fro m th e Catholi c sid e tha t suc h progres s would hav e been impossibl e sav e for th e successfu l accomplishmen t o f theologi cal dialogu e i n th e intervenin g years . Ironically , thi s intens e interreligiou s dialogue was , o n th e Jewis h side , organize d mainl y b y Jewis h communa l agencies suc h a s th e America n Jewis h Committe e an d th e Anti-Defamatio n League o f B'na i B'rit h rathe r tha n th e religiou s groupings , althoug h ther e wa s also the activ e participation o f Reform an d Conservativ e Jewish individual s an d groups. 23. Agu s refer s her e t o Hagigah 13a, Sanhedrin 59a , Abodah Zara, Tosafot 2a , Baba Kama 38a . Fo r a genera l discussion , se e Jaco b Katz , Exclusiveness and Tolerance (Ne w York , 1961) , 34 . 24. Fo r tw o majo r exchange s tha t wer e designe d t o observ e th e Soloveitchi k rubric bu t which , I believe , mor e aptl y documen t th e point s mad e b y Rabb i Agus i n thi s paragraph , se e th e tw o volume s o f papers , bot h publishe d b y th e University o f Notr e Dam e Pres s an d edite d b y Eugen e Fishe r an d Danie l Polish, The Formation of Social Policy in the Catholic and Jewish Traditions (1980) and Liturgical Foundations of Social Policy in the Catholic and Jewish Traditions (1983).

6 JACOB AGUS ' IDEOLOG Y O F AMERICAN JUDAISM : AMERICAN JEW S O R JEWISH AMERICANS ? Milton R. Konvitz

W R I T I N G ABOU T TH E W O R K o f David Neumark, Jacob Agus said that although Neumar k s contributions t o the study of Jewish philosoph y are invaluable , h e neve r becam e a n independen t philosopher. 1 On e ca n say of Agus himself that hi s contributions t o th e stud y o f Jewish philoso phy are invaluable and that he became a n independent philosopher . Ver y few scholar s were a s deeply immerse d i n th e stud y an d interpretatio n o f Jewish philosophy , fro m Phil o t o Fran z Rosenzwei g an d Marti n Buber , as was Jacob Agus, but at the same time he kept his own counsel, nurture d his ow n thoughts , and , bein g a pragmatist, brough t hi s ow n philosoph y to bea r o n th e problem s tha t agitat e America n Jewry. H e wa s always th e scholar and teacher ; h e initiate d n o movemen t an d di d no t see k to mak e disciples, an d o n som e importan t issue s h e courageousl y too k a radical, unpopular stand . Bu t hi s thought s o n practica l question s alway s ha d a philosophic base; they were not spontaneous, emotional reactions but th e results o f deep soul-searching , dee p study , dee p thought . T o understan d and appreciate his views on American Jewry—his ideolog y o f American Judaism—it i s essential to place these views against the background o f his philosophic thought , wher e the y have their roots . "All the decision s tha t we make out o f the depths of our being," Agus wrote, "involve some ref erence t o a philosophy o f life, a grasp of the ultimate." 2 Agus identifie d himsel f a s belonging t o th e rationalis t schoo l o f Jewish thought, a t the hea d o f which stand s the grea t Maimonides. H e believe d 130

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Agus} Ideology of American Judaism

not onl y tha t Go d reveale d Himsel f i n th e Tora h bu t tha t H e reveal s Himself continuously "throug h th e twi n light s of conscience an d intelli gence," tha t th e writte n document s o f revelation nee d t o b e interprete d by th e min d an d conscience , tha t th e min d an d conscienc e mak e th e written wor d a living word, an d tha t th e primac y o f this concep t o f th e living wor d (no t necessaril y th e writte n word ) i s the "centra l insigh t o f Judaism." 3 But Agu s was n o absolutist . W e ma y have , h e wrote , a glimpse o f th e absolute, bu t h e quickl y adde d tha t "w e ca n neve r posses s th e abso lute." 4 An d s o i t i s that th e rationalis t mus t t o a degre e find accommo dation fo r othe r approaches , includin g th e romanti c vie w o f Judais m (such a s that o f Yehudah Halevi) , th e mysti c approac h o f the Kabballah , and th e legalisti c approach . Agu s like d t o quot e th e sayin g o f th e sage s that ther e ar e fifty gate s o f wisdom. 5 Th e rationa l min d i s onl y on e o f the gates . Furthermore , an y lin e o f thought o r argumen t mus t tak e int o account th e fac t tha t i t i s no t fre e fro m tensions , fo r th e principl e o f polarity i s eve r operative . Thu s ethnocentris m i s countere d b y human ism; particularism i s countered b y universalism; emphasi s o n nationalis m triggers a n emphasi s o n religion ; traditio n a t time s mus t giv e wa y t o creation. 6 Agus too k th e principl e o f polarit y fro m th e philosophe r Morri s Raphael Cohen . Thi s principle , Agu s wrote , as formulated b y Cohen , state s tha t "opposites , suc h a s immediacy an d mediation, unit y an d plurality , th e fixed an d th e flux, substanc e an d function, idea l and real, actual and possible . . ." all enter into th e patter n of ou r understanding . . . . I f onl y on e pola r concep t i s insiste d upo n a s the on e tru e principle, knowledge i s reduced t o absurdity. 7 "Dynamic polarization, " wrot e Agus , "i s th e mar k o f a livin g faith." 8 Reference t o th e principl e o f polarization ca n b e foun d i n almos t eac h of Agus ' writings , fo r h e firmly believe d tha t "i n nearl y ever y huma n situation requirin g a n ac t o f decision , a polarity o f principle s applies." 9 "Tension," h e wrote , "i s o f th e essenc e o f livin g faith ; ther e i s hardl y any phase o f it tha t i s not a reflection o f a polarity." 10 In hi s research , i n hi s searc h fo r answers , Agu s trea d softl y an d humbly, eve r hopin g t o hear , "afte r th e fire, a stil l smal l voice" ; fo r h e believed tha t

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Milton R. Konvitz at th e bas e o f human thought , lie s th e feelin g o f humble reverence . . . . There ca n b e n o cocksurenes s i n matter s o f religion . . . . Ofte n th e restless agnosti c comes neare r t o genuin e piet y tha n th e professiona l religionist. Fo r piety is, at bottom, a seeking and a quest. 11 Agus oppose d theorie s o f societ y tha t wer e derive d fro m Darwinis m and a n emphasi s o n "biologism " an d th e struggl e fo r existence ; fro m the Marxis t theor y o f th e clas s struggle ; o r fro m a Freudia n psycholo gism. Al l suc h theories , h e held , dehumanize , degrad e th e huma n being an d th e huma n mind . Instead , Agu s projected a "spirit-centered " conception o f th e huma n bein g an d society . B y thi s conceptio n h e meant "th e unit y o f al l value s a s the y ar e unfolde d i n th e cours e o f mans ques t fo r reality , a ques t tha t alternate s betwee n th e depth s o f subjectivity an d th e furthes t reache s o f objective reason . . . . The realit y and validit y o f huma n values , esthetic , ethical , an d religious , i s th e basic axiom , thoug h th e conten t an d natur e o f an y on e valu e ma y b e periodically re-examined . Thi s axio m ma y als o be calle d a n assertio n o f faith, bu t i t i s tha t residua l minimu m o f fait h tha t ou r huma n natur e invariably contain s a s it confront s th e myster y o f existence." 12 Another centra l belie f hel d b y Agu s wa s th e centralit y o f ethics . Ethical value s ar e th e foundatio n o n whic h philosoph y an d religio n must b e based . I n accor d wit h th e principl e o f polarity , i t mus t b e expected tha t othe r value s will compet e wit h ethic s fo r recognitio n an d even dominance , bu t a s w e shal l see , Agu s seem s t o accor d t o ethica l values th e final word . Agu s wrot e tha t th e "intuition " o f the "objectiv e validity" o f ethica l value s "i s th e basi s o f m y philosop y an d religion. " He wrote , "I n moment s o f intens e fervor , w e fee l tha t Tightnes s an d wrongness ar e eternall y fixed i n th e schem e o f things; tha t i t i s no t ou r own persona l dictate s and impulse s tha t ar e the sourc e o f ethical feeling ; that th e thing s we cal l 'good' an d 'bad ' ar e . . . designated b y the Eterna l One, Wh o stand s outsid e o f us and yet dwell s with us." 13 Finally, i t remain s t o b e mentione d tha t Agu s wa s a staunch pluralist , especially a s concerns religion . "Onc e w e admi t tha t man y way s lead t o God," h e wrote , "w e n o longe r fee l calle d upo n t o prov e tha t onl y ou r faith, whateve r i t be, i s true." 14 H e di d no t fee l tha t h e neede d t o argu e on behal f o f a pluralisti c position , fo r b y now , h e wa s persuaded , "th e pluralistic articulatio n o f th e religiou s impuls e i s take n fo r granted." 15 Agus maintaine d tha t ther e mus t b e a n opennes s t o experiences , intu itions, thoughts , approaches , fro m whateve r sourc e the y ma y come .

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Even withi n on e s ow n historica l tradition , a variet y exist s o f view s from whic h on e ma y lear n an d benefit , an d n o on e traditio n ha s a monopoly o n al l fifty gates o f wisdom. 16 These, I think , ar e th e basi c organizin g principle s o r thought s tha t Agus arrive d a t fro m hi s stud y o f bot h Jewish an d non-Jewis h sources . As a studen t o f William Ernes t Hockin g a t Harvard , Agu s wa s a n avi d student o f comparativ e religion . "An d wha t shoul d the y kno w o f En gland wh o onl y Englan d know? " Rudyar d Kiplin g asked . Agu s applie d this though t t o religion . W e becom e full y awar e o f the meanin g o f ou r heritage, h e wrote , "onl y a s we lear n t o understan d wit h sympath y th e religion o f our neighbor." 17 This radica l opennes s o f min d an d spiri t Agu s manifeste d i n al l hi s writings a s h e applie d i t t o al l problem s an d challenges . Typica l o f thi s approach an d commitmen t i s th e wa y h e considere d th e ide a o f cho senness, th e belie f i n th e principl e o f Israe l a s th e Chose n People . Thi s was a subject o n whic h h e wrot e extensively ; i t crop s u p i n almos t al l o f his works . I n Agus ' min d th e concep t o f chosennes s wa s inextricabl y tied t o th e ide a o f covenant , tha t th e peopl e o f Israe l wer e th e Chose n People wit h who m Go d mad e a specia l covenant . Bot h ideas , Agu s maintained, unfortunatel y len d themselve s t o th e perversio n o f ethno centrism. Agu s trie d t o salvag e thes e conception s fro m th e distortion s to whic h the y wer e expose d ove r th e centuries . Agus note d tha t th e proble m o f a chose n peopl e i s no t peculia r t o Judaism, fo r ever y religiou s traditio n an d th e impetu s o f nationalis m tend towar d th e assertio n o f chosenness , a belie f i n it s suprem e value . Every religio n an d ever y natio n i n som e wa y claim s t o b e " a ligh t unt o all th e nations/' 1 8 I n th e Jewis h tradition , however , th e concep t ha s manifested a polar tensio n betwee n ethnocentris m an d a recognition o f the wrongnes s o r evi l o f exclusive claim s t o virtu e o r holiness . Betwee n "the loft y height s o f universalis t idealism " an d "th e dar k depth s o f collective 'sacre d egoism', " Agu s never hesitate d t o choos e th e former. 19 In ever y possibl e contex t Agu s chos e t o remin d hi s reader s an d students tha t th e ancien t rabbi s maintaine d Go d ha d mad e a covenan t with th e sons of Noah, t o whom H e ha d revealed seve n laws of moralit y known a s th e Noahchid e Laws , o r th e Seve n Law s o f th e Son s o f Noah, 20 whic h constitute d a universa l revelatio n o f moralit y an d reli gion, a bod y o f natura l la w an d th e essenc e o f a natura l religion . Th e rabbis als o maintaine d tha t tru e prophet s ha d rise n amon g non-Jews , s o

134 Milton R. Konvitz that i t i s possibl e ther e i s mor e tha n on e bod y o f reveale d laws . Ther e were prophet s i n Israe l wh o believe d tha t Go d coul d conclud e Torah like covenant s wit h othe r peoples , suc h a s Egyp t an d Assyria. 21 Agu s quotes th e followin g illuminatin g passag e fro m Alb o s Sefer Ha-Ikkarim, the fifteenth-centur y classic : And ther e i s no doub t tha t th e othe r nation s attaine d huma n happines s through the Noachian law, since it is divine; though the y could not reac h the same degree of happiness as that attained by Israel through th e Torah . The Rabbi s say , "The piou s men o f the othe r nation s hav e a share in th e world t o come. " This show s tha t ther e ma y b e tw o divin e law s existin g a t th e sam e time amon g differen t nations , an d tha t eac h on e lead s those wh o liv e by it to attai n human happiness. 22 In a "persona l confession " o f fait h publishe d i n 1981 , Agu s wrot e that i t wa s throug h th e Jewis h traditio n tha t h e gre w u p t o fee l th e majesty an d th e messag e o f God— a Go d wh o transcende d natur e an d history. Bu t th e emphasi s i n Judaism o n Go d s transcendence kep t hi m from surrenderin g t o th e notio n tha t God s will , i n al l it s fullness , i s reflected exclusivel y in hi s own tradition . Althoug h h e coul d live withi n the confine s o f his ow n tradition , h e believe d tha t "divin e revelatio n i n all its dimension s i s universal an d all-human. " 23 Agus was, of course, thoroughl y familia r wit h th e uncomfortabl e fac t that anothe r strea m o f teachin g i n Judaism mad e a n ethnocentri c clai m on th e concep t o f chosennes s an d th e concep t o f covenant , bu t h e believed ther e wa s ample warran t fo r th e universalistic , open-ende d lin e of interpretation, an d s o he conclude d hi s personal confessio n b y statin g that h e too k th e phras e "Chose n People " i n Judaism t o mea n tha t th e ideal Israe l wa s t o b e an d ac t a s a n example to others , individual s an d nations, an d no t tha t Israe l was a n exception; that , i n th e word s o f Isaiah , Israel was meant t o b e " a covenante d people , a light t o th e nations." 24 The mora l la w i s th e essentia l messag e o f th e biblica l prophets ; linking tha t messag e wit h th e Noahchid e law s make s ethica l monothe ism a religio n ope n t o non-Jew s n o les s tha n t o th e Jewis h people . Judaism therefor e share s ethica l monotheis m wit h othe r monotheisti c religions. Th e propheti c messag e an d th e Seve n Law s o f th e Son s o f Noah, b y thei r ver y nature , giv e a n opennes s t o Judaism. Agu s quote s with approva l th e followin g statemen t fro m th e Talmud , tractat e Megil-

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lah: "Anyon e wh o denie s idolatr y i s calle d a Jew." 25 An d Agu s cite s Maimonides a s authority fo r th e propositio n tha t bot h Christianit y an d Islam ar e divin e agencie s tha t hel p prepar e th e wa y fo r th e Messiah. 26 Judaism, Agu s contended , "i s th e central , all-pervasiv e an d all-ab sorbing elemen t o f th e civilizatio n o f th e Jewish people. " 27 B y Judaism he mean t th e religio n i n it s various, pluralisti c expressions . Bu t wha t o f Jewish nationhood ? Agu s wrot e repeatedl y o n thi s subject , whic h trou bled hi m n o end ; bu t th e conclusio n h e reache d wa s no t t o den y nationhood entirel y bu t t o giv e i t a mino r role . " I believe, " h e wrote , "that th e motiv e o f nationalis m [amon g Jews ] i s productiv e o f goo d only whe n i t i s kept i n th e background , a s subordinate t o th e universa l ideals o f ethic s an d religion." 28 Th e Jewis h peopl e hav e survive d be cause o f thei r religion ; "th e surviva l o f th e Jewis h nationalit y wa s a n effect rathe r tha n a cause." 29 Agu s spok e o f nationalis m a s a myth , "characterized b y th e assumptio n o f a dar k an d mysteriou s 'nationa l soul', whic h i s apprehended i n intuition." 30 I t i s probably impossibl e t o free ourselve s completel y fro m thi s myth , bu t i t i s mos t important , argued Agus , tha t w e surmoun t th e myt h o f nationalit y o r ethnicit y b y emulating th e propheti c exampl e t o deflat e th e myt h a s promptl y a s i t arises;31 fo r th e prophe t i s the fo e "o f self-glorifyin g ethnicism , o f self sanctifying dogmatism , o f human arroganc e i n al l its subtle variations." 32 The principles , concepts , an d belief s w e hav e thu s fa r discussed — notably th e concept s o f covenant, chosenness , th e centralit y o f religion , the subordinat e rol e o f nationality, th e primac y o f ethical values , plural ism—Agus brough t t o bea r o n th e statu s an d futur e o f Jew s i n th e United States . I t i s no t possibl e t o tel l fro m hi s extensiv e writing s whether hi s thought s o n religio n an d Judaism , o n nationalis m an d ethics, cam e first , an d h e the n applie d the m t o th e America n Jewis h scene, o r whethe r h e derive d hi s genera l conception s fro m wha t h e thought abou t America n Jewry . I n al l likelihoo d thes e thought s wer e intertwined, fo r h e wa s a student o f rabbinics an d o f philosophy, a rabbi and a teacher-scholar, throughou t hi s adul t years . At th e sam e tim e tha t he wa s a congregationa l rabb i h e wa s als o a colleg e professor ; h e wrot e his treatise s an d book s a t th e sam e tim e tha t h e though t abou t hi s sermons. As Agus looked o n th e American Jewish scene , he sa w that secularis m and Zionism—bot h a Zionis m tha t wa s secularis t an d a Zionis m tha t was, i n hi s words , "dresse d u p i n dubiou s religiou s garb" 3 3 —were

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inherently nationalistic . But , h e held , "a s a n independen t motive , shee r nationalism—especially a s 'normalized ' sinc e th e establishmen t o f th e State o f Israel—ca n onl y lea d eithe r i n th e directio n o f headlon g assimilation o r towar d th e status o f a racis t minority." 34 Th e militar y victories o f Israe l hav e give n a n emotiona l boos t t o Jewis h prid e an d may hav e worke d t o remov e a n inferiorit y obsession , bu t thi s coul d only stimulat e th e driv e t o assimilation . Th e importan t trut h is , sai d Agus, "tha t th e nationa l impulse , a s such, i s no t capabl e o f functionin g in Americ a a s a goa l o f Jewish living. " Jewis h nationalism , however , when subordinate d t o highe r considerations , "ma y continu e t o b e a powerful creativ e force , servin g th e end s o f Jewish religion , a s it di d i n the past , b y bringin g t o th e ai d o f piet y additiona l motivation , an d b y supplying foc i o f sentimenta l loyalt y withi n th e Jewish community." 35 But Agu s repeatedl y stresse d th e belief , t o whic h h e firml y adhered , that th e nationalis t ideal , i f elevate d t o th e statu s o f a suprem e goa l o r value, ca n onl y lea d America n Jew s int o a dea d end , "sinc e i t canno t offer a worthy raison d'etre for America n Jewish life." 36 Whe n mad e int o a supreme goal , Jewish nationalis m woul d hav e the tragi c en d o f relegating Jewry t o th e statu s o f a self-segregating , racis t minorit y tha t woul d reject th e goa l o f assimilation , althoug h assimilatio n i s "th e natura l en d of other immigran t nationalist s i n America. " The relegatio n o f America n Jewr y int o a nationalit y o r a n ethni c entity woul d mea n t o Christian s tha t Jew s persis t i n bein g a natio n within a nation , a foreign element , a n enclav e "unabsorbe d an d alien. " In suc h a case , i t i s reasonabl e t o expec t America n gentile s t o as k wh y the Jews remai n here ; wh y d o the y no t g o t o thei r nationa l homeland , the Stat e o f Israel? 37 It wa s Agus ' firm belie f tha t ther e wa s n o futur e fo r a variet y o f ethnicisms i n American life ; "fo r th e ineluctabl e fac t is, " he wrote , "tha t the natural tendenc y fo r al l nationa l group s i s t o dissolv e an d disappea r within th e America n meltin g pot. " Her e an d there , on e ma y stil l se e colonies o f Europea n nation s continuin g i n th e "isolatio n o f self-im posed ghettos, " bu t the y ar e th e exceptio n t o "th e might y expans e o f Americas mainstrea m life . The blan d assumption tha t Jewry is a national entity doe s no t protec t America n Israe l agains t th e absorptiv e effect s o f the meltin g pot. " 38 The stereotyp e o f th e Je w a s a n unassimilabl e elemen t wil l b e strengthened i n th e min d o f the non-Je w i f the latte r take s seriousl y th e

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classic Zionis t clai m tha t th e Jewish homelan d i s intende d t o gathe r i n all the Jews o f the diaspora . Thi s ca n b e avoide d onl y if it is made sun-clear that th e intention i n establishing the homeland wa s not a t al l th e evacuatio n o f American Jewry . . . , but th e foundin g o f a haven o f refuge fo r th e persecute d Jews i n othe r lands , an d th e creatio n of a cultural-religious cente r for World Jewry. In that cas e the emergenc e of a new typ e o f "productive " an d fightin g Jew will hel p t o banis h th e time-worn Jewish stereotyp e fro m th e mind s o f Christians , an d . . . ai d the American Jew to accept his Jewish origi n with pride an d his religious heritage wit h eas e an d naturalness , a s al l othe r American s accep t thei r origin an d religions . T o this end th e these s of Herzlian Zionis m mus t b e repudiated insofa r a s American Jewry i s concerned. . . . We ar e led , irresistibly , then , t o emphasiz e th e religiou s purpos e o f Jewish grou p surviva l in thi s country. 39 Agus quote d wit h approva l th e statemen t b y Rober t Gordi s tha t " a secularist wh o i s a Zionis t must , i f h e i s logicall y consistent , becom e a Sholel Hagolah, a negator o f a Jewish futur e i n th e Diaspora." 40 Accordingly, i n America n Jewis h lif e th e movemen t mus t b e "fro m ethnicism t o Judaism. " Ethni c feeling s an d loyaltie s mus t b e directe d into religiou s channels, 41 an d th e synagogu e mus t becom e th e cente r o f Jewish life . Bu t i f this i s to happen , th e Jewish religio n mus t b e viewe d as no t a stati c bod y o f dogma s "bu t th e upwar d surg e o f th e huma n personality i n al l it s fullness, " an d th e "synagogue-center " mus t "em brace unde r it s wing s ever y cultura l an d upliftin g interes t o f th e Jewish community" an d includ e i n it s progra m social , recreational , an d al l kinds o f cultural activities . It s message shoul d b e "Nothin g tha t is Jewish or huma n i s alien t o me." 4 2 Agus o f course recognize d th e fac t tha t larg e number s o f Jews ar e no t affiliated wit h synagogue s o r temples . Man y suc h ar e spiritually sensitiv e persons, "whos e entir e being is profoundly stirre d b y Jewish association s and problems. " How , h e asked rhetorically , ca n the y b e terme d "mar ginal" withou t a perversion o f Jewish values ? I n addition , ther e are , h e recognized, "masse s o f indifferen t materialists " wh o are , i n on e wa y o r another, include d i n th e Jewis h organizationa l comple x bu t wh o ar e unmoved b y an y kin d o f appea l t o spiritua l values . Wha t doe s on e d o about them ? Agu s answere d b y saying :

138 Milton R. Konvitz The moral task before us , then, is to transmute deep ethni c consciousnes s into reawakene d dedicatio n t o th e ideal s an d value s o f the Jewish spirit . We must char t a path fro m th e sens e of being part o f an embattled cam p to th e sens e o f bein g a partner o f th e Lor d i n th e creatio n o f a worl d patterned afte r Hi s Word. 43 As it appears, Agus saw a distinction betwee n Jews who ar e spirituall y sensitive an d Jews wh o ar e both spirituall y sensitiv e an d religious . I f th e synagogue woul d stres s th e ethica l an d spiritua l ideal s an d value s o f Judaism, a bridg e coul d b e establishe d betwee n th e nonreligiou s bu t spiritually sensitiv e Jews an d th e religiou s community : By cleavin g t o th e spiritua l interpretatio n o f Jewish experienc e w e pro vide a means fo r th e non-religiou s amon g u s to progres s i n th e real m o f the spiri t throug h thei r Jewish identification . T o b e sure , w e hav e no t shown how the gulf in many mens mind s between adherenc e t o spiritua l values and th e conviction s o f religion ma y be bridged. Ther e i s in fac t a plus o f conviction i n religiou s faith , wit h regar d t o th e root s i n eternit y of spiritua l values , whic h canno t b e obtaine d b y th e cultivatio n o f a humanist attitud e alone . Spiritually minde d peopl e will still find congre gational lif e th e bes t means o f continuin g thei r ow n spiritua l progress , through self-identificatio n wit h Jewish experienc e i n th e religiou s inter pretation . . . and by promoting its values in the social grouping of which they are a part. 44 As Agus surveye d th e Jewish scen e i n th e Unite d State s an d i n Israel , the tw o mai n center s o f Jews afte r th e Holocaust , h e sa w tha t "i n Israe l the Jews ar e becomin g a secula r nationality , wit h th e ancien t fait h a s a subordinate reality , while i n America , th e Jews ar e becoming a religiou s denomination, wit h a n ethni c underside." 45 Thi s ma y mea n tha t th e Jewish peopl e ar e fallin g apar t int o separat e peoples . Th e tragi c separa tion ca n b e avoide d b y man y factors , chie f amon g the m i f th e Jewis h tradition wil l continu e a s a living appea l t o th e member s o f th e Jewis h family: So lon g a s tha t traditio n i s cultivate d an d mad e par t o f th e live s o f successive generations , th e famil y will b e a living reality . Ever y so n an d daughter nee d onl y b e concerne d wit h hi s ow n relatio n t o th e spiritua l treasure o f th e family—doe s h e [o r she ] cheris h i t an d liv e b y it s light ?

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The unit y o f a widely scattere d famil y i s the produc t o f the loyalt y o f its members t o their commo n tradition. 46 Since th e Jewish traditio n i s the Jewish religion , wit h onl y a n undersid e of ethnicity , i n th e final analysi s onl y a spiritual-ethical-universalisti c Judaism ca n kee p th e Jewish peopl e togethe r a s a singl e family , i n bot h Israel an d th e diaspora . Agus naturall y viewe d th e situatio n a s a very worrisom e one , an d h e moved fro m pessimis m t o optimis m an d bac k again . H e wa s fully awar e of the secularizatio n an d assimilatio n force s i n Americ a an d o f the dee p gulf betwee n th e religiou s communit y i n Israe l an d th e majorit y o f it s population. Ye t h e sa w meri t i n th e conceptio n o f th e lat e Solomo n Rawidowitz tha t Israe l an d Americ a ma y constitut e tw o center s o f Judaism. Wit h thi s though t i n mind , Agu s wrote : It is as impossible for th e Jews of Israel to think o f themselves completel y in secula r terms , ignorin g th e burde n o f th e all-Jewis h traged y an d th e import o f ancestral faith , a s it is for America n Jewry t o proclai m itsel f to be just anothe r religiou s denomination . Inescapably , th e past is reclaimed by every living generation, thoug h i n varying interpretations . The conclusio n h e dre w i s that i t i s the burde n o f the Jewish intellectu als i n bot h Israe l an d Americ a t o patter n th e divers e element s o f th e Jewish traditio n i n suc h a wa y tha t th e resul t wil l b e a synthesi s "tha t is meaningfu l an d elevatin g fo r th e peopl e o f a particula r tim e an d place." 47 For America n Jews , Agu s sa w i n Christianit y a wholesom e chal lenge—a cal l t o Jew s t o brea k dow n "th e self-exaltin g impetu s o f ethnicism an d t o cautio n agains t th e externalizatio n o f religio n an d it s hardening int o a series o f lifeless rituals. " An d fo r America n Christians , Agus sa w Judais m a s a challeng e t o the m t o mak e th e worl d "mor e prophetic, mor e communa l minded , mor e rationa l an d ethical , mor e concerned wit h th e 'works ' o f love." 48 American Jew s nee d hav e n o fea r o f contac t wit h th e Christia n community. Judaism , Agu s believed , attaine d it s highes t intellectua l levels when i t was in contac t wit h foreig n civilizations . "I n history , a s in nature, productivit y spring s fro m th e interminglin g o f culture s an d influences. Isolationis m i n though t i s as sterile a s it i s inane an d futil e i n politics." 49

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Milton R. Konvitz But wha t o f anti-Semitism ? Agu s believe d tha t "th e battl e o f anti defamation i s waning int o insignificance , primaril y fo r lac k o f antisem ites t o combat. " O f course , on e canno t b e absolutel y certai n tha t anti Semitism wil l neve r agai n b e aroused , bu t ther e ar e certai n objectiv e factors workin g agains t thi s ugl y possibility : th e anti-Semiti c ideolog y fostered b y Nazis m ha s been thoroughl y discredited , an d th e creatio n o f the Stat e o f Israel robs that ideolog y o f the stereotyp e o f the "wanderin g Jew"—the Jew i s now normalized , n o longe r th e mysteriou s alien . An d so, onc e again , Agu s draw s th e conclusion : In relativ e freedo m fro m th e virulen t stin g o f antisemitism , w e ma y expect th e patter n o f Jewish loyaltie s t o shif t eve r mor e decisivel y fro m the pole o f ethnicism t o the on e o f a personal faith. 50 American Jews an d Christian s canno t b e indifferen t t o on e another ; they must be in a dialogue relationship. Jews and Christians ca n come to gether a s religious humanist s an d discove r ho w th e respectiv e tradition s can be harmonized "wit h tha t universal, growing truth i n which al l of us share." 51 Th e dialogu e wil l no t en d i n a syncretism bu t i n a new open ness; 52 fo r w e mus t remembe r th e word s o f Micah: "Fo r al l the people s walk ever y on e i n th e nam e o f his god, an d we wil l walk i n th e nam e o f the Lor d ou r Go d fo r eve r an d ever." 53 Suc h a relationshi p wil l b e a n expression an d reaffirmation o f American religiou s pluralism. 54 Agus disparage d th e ide a o f a secula r Jewis h cultur e fo r America n Jews. Immigran t Jew s neede d a Jewis h cultur e befor e the y becam e acculturated t o th e America n civilization . Tha t wa s a temporar y phe nomenon, satisfyin g a nostalgic longin g fo r th e past . "Insofa r a s secula r 'Jewish culture ' attempt s t o suppl y th e sam e value s a s American culture , it i s superfluous . . . . Hence , t o saddl e a secula r 'Jewis h culture ' upo n the America n Je w i s jus t a s gratuitou s a s t o lumbe r hi m wit h a n additional nationa l allegiance." 55 Agus was quite emphati c o n thi s point : "The onl y health y functio n o f the Jewish heritag e i n th e America n Je w is t o suppl y th e elemen t o f religion . America n lif e i s culturall y mono lithic but religiousl y pluralistic. " Judaism a s a religion change s th e imag e of the Jew fro m bein g simpl y a "non-Aryan" t o a "son [o r daughter ] o f the livin g God. " The imag e o f th e Jew a s thus perceive d ca n find ampl e expressio n i n scholarship, literature , music , an d art , whic h ca n constitut e a distinctiv e

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Agus' Ideology of American Judaism religious cultur e "a s distinguishe d fro m th e phon y secula r 'Jewis h cul ture.' " Th e latte r i s both superfluou s an d inferior . "An d i t i s preposter ous t o spea k o f th e work s o f ever y writer , painte r an d musicia n wh o happens t o hav e been bor n a Jew, bu t i s devoid o f Judaism, a s constitut ing 'Jewis h culture. ' " 56 But i t woul d b e a grave mistak e t o conclud e fro m th e abov e passage s that Agu s believe d th e Jew s i n Americ a constitute d jus t anothe r reli gious minority . Th e Jews, h e contended , ar e a special kin d o f minority , not just a religiou s minorit y o r just a n ethni c minority . "Our s i s mor e than a creed , mor e tha n a so-calle d 'wa y o f life' , mor e tha n eve n th e ethnic-cultural tie s o f a people. We are the living bearers of a tradition that both supplements and corrects the onesidedness of the Christian tradition!' 51 Jews i n Americ a ca n b e a "creativ e minority. " Repudiatin g onl y thos e who negat e th e valu e o f th e America n diaspor a an d thos e wh o ar e "Zion-centered," America n Jew s ca n plac e thei r emphasi s o n "auton omy, o n creativeness, " an d cheris h an d foste r "whateve r cultura l an d spiritual value s ar e generate d b y ever y individua l interpretation , ever y aspiration, withi n th e community. ,, Whil e consciou s o f it s ow n distin guishing attributes , thi s creativ e minorit y wil l sens e "it s underlyin g an d essential unit y wit h th e genera l population, " an d i t wil l no t fee l itsel f isolated, fo r it s history an d traditio n "constitut e a vital part o f the real m of idea s an d experienc e upo n whic h America n civilizatio n i s based . Thus w e ar e par t o f Christia n culture , thoug h apar t from it, " fo r th e "Judeo-Christian tradition " form s "th e spiritua l substratu m o f Wester n civilization." 58 Furthermore, a s a creativ e minorit y th e Jewish communit y ca n ex pand th e cultura l horizon s o f al l American s b y developin g th e truth s that ar e implici t i n it s peculia r statu s an d thu s unfol d fres h insight s fo r the guidanc e o f all Americans. Finally , a s a creative minorit y th e Jewish community i s value-centere d an d oriente d towar d th e future , towar d "the sunligh t o f spiritua l growth. " Al l thi s ca n b e accomplishe d "through th e impetu s o f our specifi c religio-cultura l traditio n i n contin uous interactio n wit h th e Christia n tradition. " 59 This lin e o f argument , b y it s inheren t forcefu l logic , le d Agu s t o th e conclusion tha t th e Jew s i n Americ a ar e o n th e wa y t o becomin g "Jewish Americans. " Wha t wa s adjectival become s substantiv e an d wha t was substantiv e become s adjectival , s o tha t American Jews wil l becom e Jewish Americans:

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Milton R. Konvitz If to b e a t hom e i s not onl y t o b e i n th e possessio n o f "rights " bu t als o to b e par t o f the peopl e t o whos e servic e th e politica l machiner y o f th e state i s dedicated, the n th e Jew ca n be her e utterl y a t home, thinkin g o f himself as an American o f the Jewish faith , a s "normal" i n th e civi l sense of the ter m a s any other citize n o f the grea t country . Agus was , o f course , full y awar e tha t no t ever y Jew woul d embrac e the chang e fro m th e genu s "Je w livin g i n America " t o tha t o f "Jewis h American." "Th e Jewishl y ignoran t an d th e embittered , th e eage r op portunists an d th e dust-dr y rationalists , th e rootles s intellectual s an d th e witless hangers-o n wil l b e likel y t o deser t ou r rank s i n a steady proces sion." I n contrast , however , Jews wil l find way s to expres s themselve s i n positive act s o f identification , fo r bein g a Je w wil l n o longe r mea n falling int o a category automaticall y wit h o r without on e s will. Becaus e the America n patter n i s tha t o f a nation tha t unifie s multipl e faiths— e pluribus unum—"Jewish loyalt y wil l deriv e accession s o f strengt h fro m both th e pervasive atmospher e o f American cultur e an d th e momentu m of the Jewish tradition" : Standing at the threshold o f the fourth centur y o f Jewish life in America , we ca n foresee th e progressiv e "normalization " o f Jewish feeling : hence , the shrinkin g of the ethni c strand s of loyalty, the forgin g o f ever stronge r bonds o f fraternity wit h th e American people , an d th e stead y growt h o f the ideal and religious components o f Judaism.60 In Septembe r 1789 , during th e Frenc h Revolution , deputie s i n France s Constituent Assembl y wer e alarme d b y th e repor t fro m Alsac e tha t peasants ha d attacke d Jews. Coun t Stanisla s d e Clermont-Tonnerr e de manded th e assembl y ac t t o exten d protectio n t o th e Jews, an d severa l months later , whe n th e debat e abou t th e Jewish questio n wa s resumed , he state d tha t th e right s o f th e Jews ha d bee n implicitl y recognize d b y the Declaratio n o f the Right s o f Man, whic h state s tha t n o perso n shal l be persecute d fo r hi s o r he r religion . I n th e cours e o f hi s speec h Clermont-Tonnerre declared , "Jew s shoul d b e denie d everythin g a s a nation, bu t grante d everythin g a s individuals." 61 Seventee n year s later , when Napoleo n Bonapart e considere d th e situatio n o f th e fort y thou sand Jews wh o live d i n France , h e sa w tha t the y constitute d a "natio n within a nation, " an d h e institute d measure s tha t woul d chang e thei r

H3 Agus' Ideology of American Judaism condition, tha t w o u l d confe r civi l right s o n t h e m a s individual s bu t abolish thei r "national " character. 6 2 Despite thes e measure s an d othe r developments , w e k n o w fro m th e recent tragi c histor y tha t Jew s i n Franc e an d i n G e r m a n y wer e hate d and looke d o n a s a n elemen t tha t coul d neve r b e assimilated . Thi s wa s due t o th e fact , n o t e d Agus , tha t German s an d F r e n c h m e n considere d themselves a s constitutin g nation s b y a b l o o d relationship ; tha t the y were, i n som e sense , natura l "races, " nation s b y birth : T h e romantic-reactionar y circle s i n Europ e [i n th e tim e o f th e Frenc h Revolution an d i n th e Napoleoni c period ] tende d generall y t o deman d the ultimat e disappearanc e o f th e Jewis h grou p a s th e conditio n fo r emancipation. Doubtless , too , the y echoe d i n thi s th e unexpresse d feel ings o f th e masse s who , fo r th e mos t part , wer e abl e t o thin k o f brother hood onl y i n biologica l term s a s blood-kinship. 6 3 This emphasi s o n th e biologica l basi s o f nationalis m mad e i t impossibl e for Jews t o b e c o m e a n integra l par t o f an y Europea n nation-state. 6 4 T h e situatio n i n America , Agu s contended , i s quit e different . A l t h o u g h th e possibilit y o f a n intensifie d anti-Semitis m canno t b e alto gether rule d out , ther e ar e goo d reason s t o believ e tha t w h a t happene d in E u r o p e wil l n o t happe n here : T h e indubitabl e fact , enshrine d i n th e memor y o f th e America n nation , of it s havin g arise n ou t o f a mixtur e o f race s an d nationalities , interpose s a suprem e obstacl e t o th e emergenc e her e o f a romanti c blood-base d brand o f nationalism , wit h it s corollar y o f racis t antisemitism . Americ a i s the on e grea t stat e wher e th e emergenc e o f th e natio n di d no t preced e the formatio n o f th e state . T h e America n natio n cam e int o being , i n fact, a s a massive protes t agains t th e voic e o f blood b y th e voic e o f reaso n and morality. 65 This i s a persuasiv e lin e o f argument . Certainly , Americ a i s differen t from th e Europea n nation s w h e r e today , almos t t h r o u g h o u t th e c o n t i nent, nationalitie s mak e unsettlin g demand s o f self-determination , d e mands fo r nationalism s base d o n birt h an d blood . B u t i n th e U n i t e d States toda y w e als o hea r shriekin g voice s tha t d e m a n d racia l an d ethni c self-determination, a searc h fo r "roots, " a clamo r fo r "multiculturalism "

144 Milton R. Konvitz that i s mostl y a euphemis m fo r racialis m an d ethnicism , a deman d fo r cultural pluralis m bu t withou t th e orchestratio n o f th e pluralis m int o a national unity—fo r a pluribus but no t fo r e pluribus unum.66 Th e Ameri can idea l wa s a n orchestrated pluralis m o f culture s an d no t a segregatio n of ethnic , national , o r religiou s groupings . W e se e th e present-da y demands an d thei r tendency , an d th e pictur e i s fa r fro m reassuring ; fo r in man y instance s w e se e publi c an d privat e educationa l systems an d institutions capitulatin g t o th e striden t voice s an d compulsiv e de mands. 67 Th e characte r o f American demograph y i s undergoing radica l changes, an d wha t thes e change s wil l d o t o th e America n etho s i s impossible t o say . I t ma y wel l be—thi s on e ma y hazard—tha t i n th e resulting maelstrom , th e onl y safet y ne t fo r America n Jewry wil l b e th e claim o f being a religious minority . And th e demograph y o f America n Jewr y i s als o undergoin g radica l and deepl y disturbin g changes . Th e Nationa l Jewish Populatio n Survey , sponsored b y th e Counci l o f Jewish Federations , showe d a cor e o f 5. 5 million Jew s define d b y birt h o r religion , base d o n th e screenin g o f more tha n 125,00 0 randoml y selecte d household s acros s th e Unite d States, with a follow-up surve y o f those wh o me t th e screenin g criteria . An additiona l 625,00 0 person s identifie d themselve s a s Jews b y ethni c background o r preferenc e whil e identifyin g themselve s a s practicin g a religion othe r tha n Judaism . I n addition , som e 700,00 0 childre n wer e identified a s Jews b y parentag e o r ethni c backgroun d bu t wer e practic ing a religion othe r tha n Judaism. The n ther e was a category comprisin g some 1. 4 millio n wh o ha d bee n bor n non-Jew s an d wer e no w par t o f a household wit h a t least on e Jewish member. 68 Another survey , release d i n 199 1 an d commissione d b y th e Graduat e School o f th e Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York , whic h polle d 113,00 0 households throughou t th e continenta l Unite d States , foun d tha t 1 2 percent identifie d themselve s a s Christia n an d anothe r 2 2 percen t sai d they ha d n o religio n o r wer e identifie d a s belonging t o a non-Christia n faith. Thi s mean s tha t one-thir d o f America n Jew s ar e n o longe r Jew s by religion . Th e finding s i n bot h survey s sho w tha t America n Jews ar e rapidly assimilatin g b y conversion , b y intermarriage , o r b y sheddin g al l religious belief . Agus was aware o f the proble m an d th e challeng e tha t i t presents. Hi s response wa s rationa l rathe r tha n emotional . Wha t h e wrot e o n thi s deeply disturbin g subjec t need s t o b e quote d a t length :

145 Agus' Ideology of American Judaism

Only libera l Jews ca n brin g t o a n intermarrie d coupl e a message o f selfacceptance base d o n genuin e feeling s o f mutua l reverence . Fro m th e liberal standpoint, th e cor e of faith i s the same in all forms o f enlightened religion. Hence , devotee s o f differen t religion s nee d no t confron t eac h other with the implacable choice of either one religion o r the other. The y can vie w thei r ow n fait h an d tha t o f their marriag e partne r i n th e spiri t of "mine an d thine. " To th e Jewish membe r o f th e marriage , libera l Judaism ca n brin g a n interpretation tha t represent s th e Jew a s an integra l membe r o f Wester n society an d Judaism a s a creativ e elemen t i n Wester n civilization . Th e Jew coul d lear n t o accept hi s heritag e a s on e o f th e mos t importan t sources o f enlightene d religio n an d moder n culture . Th e non-Jewis h partner coul d simultaneousl y lear n t o accep t th e Jewish memorie s an d loyalties o f th e Jewis h partne r a s positiv e aid s t o th e creatio n o f a n atmosphere o f religiou s dedicatio n i n thei r home . Similarly , th e Jewish partner coul d lear n t o recogniz e th e essenc e o f hi s libera l fait h i n th e religious heritag e o f his non-Jewish partner . Th e childre n coul d lear n t o acquire a positive attitude t o both religious tradition s o f thei r parents . When the y reac h adulthood , the y will choos e t o identif y themselve s with on e o r th e othe r religiou s community . Whateve r thei r choice , the y will possess a warm appreciatio n o f the Jewish faith . O n thei r pilgrimag e through life , the y will b e sustaine d b y a sense o f wholehearted identifi cation wit h both religious tradition s o f thei r parents . Perhaps , too , the y will recognize themselves to be peculiarly suited for th e role of overcoming th e multipl e barrier s o f hat e an d prejudic e tha t stil l plagu e ou r society. At th e presen t tim e [1971] , this vast margina l grou p o f possibly hal f a million peopl e i s totall y neglecte d b y th e Jewish community . Her e i s a task of vast proportions fo r libera l Judaism t o undertake. 69 One ma y reasonabl y questio n whethe r thi s i s a realisti c vie w o f the situation . Agus , I think , describe d a n idea l intermarrie d coupl e maintaining a n idea l home , wher e ther e i s a maximum o f love , under standing, an d tende r consideration . Ther e probabl y ar e som e familie s that approximat e perfection , bu t suc h ar e a smal l minority . Th e idea l picture, however , i s a tribut e t o Jacob Agus ' equabl y maintaine d libera l spirit an d reasone d consideratio n an d t o th e fac t tha t h e invariabl y ha d the courag e t o sa y wha t h e thought , withou t resortin g t o circumlocu tions, indirections , o r obliquities . I t ma y b e sai d o f hi m tha t h e wa s a

146 Milton R. Konvitz Jewish American , fo r h e fel t himsel f t o b e full y an d comfortabl y a t h o m e i n America , w h e r e h e coul d be , an d was , full y an d happil y a Jew. A n d i t ma y b e sai d o f h i m tha t h e was , indeed , Ia n America n Jew , fo r the J e w define d th e substanc e o f th e man , whil e hi s Americanis m wa s only adjectival ; tha t althoug h h e wa s a n assimilate d American , h e wa s i n n o sens e a n assimilate d Jew . T h e principl e o f polarit y tha t playe d s o large rol e i n hi s thinkin g ca n b e readil y applie d t o Agu s himself , fo r h e was a hyphenate d America n an d a hyphenate d J e w an d s o wa s neve r free o f tension . H e wa s b o t h attache d an d detached , b o t h roote d an d transient, b o t h a priest an d a prophet ; a m a n a t h o m e an d a m a n w h o i s a stranger ; s o m e o n e w h o sa w th e possibl e a s h e looke d a t th e actua l an d saw alway s th e ineluctabl e tensio n b e t w e e n th e actua l an d th e possible. 7 0 Whatever drov e o r lure d o r guide d him , — A visio n answerin g a faith unshake n . . . 7 1

NOTES 1. Jaco b B . Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism (Ne w York , 1941) , 388 ; hereafter, referre d t o a s Modern Philosophies. Cf . Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem , 1971), 12:1014 .

2. Jaco b B . Agus , Dialogue and Tradition (New York , 1971) , ix ; hereafte r referred t o a s Dialogue. 3. Jaco b B . Agus, The Evolution of Jewish Thought (Ne w York , 1959) , 410-11 ; hereafter referre d t o a s Evolution. 4. Dialogue, ix, 30-31 , 65 , 357. 5. Jaco b B . Agus , The Jewish Quest (Ne w York , 1988) , 12 ; Rosh Hashonah 21b.

6. Jaco b B . Agus, Meaning of Jewish History, 2 vols. (Ne w York , 1963) , 2:458 , 462, 473 , 477; hereafter referre d t o a s Meaning. 7. Jaco b B . Agus , Guideposts in Modern Judaism (Ne w York , 1954) ; 236—37; hereafter referre d t o a s Guideposts. 8. Meaning, 477. 9. Dialogue, ix. 10. Ibid , 432 . 11. Guideposts, 347 12. Dialogue, 376. 13. Guideposts, 340-41. 14. Dialogue, 36. 15. Quest, 12 .

147 Agus} Ideology of American Judaism 16. Dialogue, 92 . 17. Ibid. , 50 8 18. Evolution, 420. 19. Ibid. , 400 . 20. Dialogue, 540. Se e Avodah Zara 64b ; Sanhedrin 56a; Maimonides , Melhakim 8:10 . 21. Isa . 19:24 ; cf. Mica h 4 . 22. Dialogue, 472. Th e passag e fro m Josep h Alb o (Sefer Ha-Ikkarim) i s fro m the translatio n b y Isaa c Husi k (Philadelphia , 1946) , vol . 1 , chap . 25 , 198 . Se e also Jacob B . Agus , "Th e Covenan t Concept' 1 Journal of Ecumenical Studies 18 (spring 1981) : 226. 23. Agus , "Covenan t Concept, " 229 . 24. Ibid. , 230 . Cf . Milto n R . Konvitz , "Man y Ar e Calle d an d Man y Ar e Chosen," Judaism 4 (winte r 1955) : 58. 25. Quest, 116 ; Megillah 13a . 26. Quest, 56 ; Hilchot Melakim 11 , uncensored version . Se e als o 193 m 9 . Se e I. Twersky , ed. , Maimonides Reader (New York , 1972) , 226-27 . 27. Modern Philosophies, 350 . 28. Ibid. , 357 . 29. Guideposts 326-27. 30. Dialogue, 373. 31. Ibid., 378 . 32. Ibid., 381 . 33. Guideposts, 178. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 5i-

Ibid. Ibid.

Ibid., 179 . Ibid., 186 . Ibid., 145 . Ibid., 186-87 . Ibid., 196 . Ibid., 414 . Ibid., 17 . Ibid., 197-98 . Ibid., 201. Meaning, 2:483 . Ibid., 484 . Ibid., 462 . Evolution, 415. Guideposts, 303-4 . Dialogue, 14. Ibid., 27 .

148 Milton R. Konvitz 52. Quest, 121 .

53. Dialogue, 28; Mic. 4:5. 54. Dialogue, 28. 55. Guideposts, 159-60. 56. Ibid. , 162 . 57. Ibid. , 208-9 . 58. Ibid. , 213-15 . 59. Ibid. , 215 . 60. Dialogue, 578-80, 587 , 588 . 61. EncyclopediaJudaica 5 : 605-6. Se e Dialogue, 22, 57ff. ; Guideposts, 164. 62. Encyclopedia Judaica 7:23. See Dialogue, 582. 63. Guideposts, 164. 64. Ibid. , 166 . 65. Ibid. , 168 . 66. Se e Milto n Konvitz , ed. , Th e Legacy ofH. M. Kallen (Rutherford , N.J. , 1987). 67. Se e Dines h D'Souza , "Th e Ne w Segregation, " American Scholar (winter 1991): 17 ; als o Dines h D'Souza , Illiberal Education (New York , 1991) . Se e als o Edward Alexander , "Multiculturalism : Th e Jewish Question, " Forward (Augus t 16, 1991) .

68. American Jewish Yearbook iggi, Philadelphia , Jewis h Publicatio n Societ y of America p . 206. 69. Dialogue, $66. 70. Cf . Milto n Konvitz , "O f Exil e an d Doubl e Consciousness, " Encounter (October 1980) : 82-83 . 71. Edwi n Arlingto n Robinson , "Th e Ma n agains t th e Sky, " i n The man against the Sky (Ne w York , 1916) .

7 THE C O N C E P T O F G O D IN T H E T H E O L O G Y O F JACOB B . AGU S William E. Kaufman

IN HI S I N T R O D U C T I O N t o th e Daily Prayer Book of Beth El Congregation, Rabbi Jacob Agus , spiritua l leade r o f Beth El , wrot e o f prayer a s "the integratio n o f personality, " describin g worshi p a s a proces s i n which "al l tha t i s fragmentar y i n u s i s unified." 1 Dr . Agu s maintaine d that a basi c them e animatin g hi s religiou s philosoph y wa s hi s belie f i n the unit y o f the huma n mind. 2 Wha t di d h e mea n b y thi s principle ? First, h e intende d i t t o negat e an y kin d o f compartmentalizatio n o f the huma n mind , suc h a s fait h versu s reason , th e irrationa l a s oppose d to th e rational , an d th e like . Rathe r tha n compartmentalization , Agu s stressed wholeness. Differentiatin g tru e fro m fals e prophets , Agu s claime d that th e forme r articulate d th e negative-objectiv e aspect s o f th e fait h a s well a s it s affirmative-subjectiv e character . Th e tru e prophet s thu s brought thei r whole personality t o th e religiou s experience . Agu s con tinued: That wholeness must be regarded a s the essenc e and hallmark o f authentic holiness i s self-evident. "Complet e y e shal l b e wit h th e Lor d thy God " (the word tamim mean s complete ) (Deuteronom y 18:13) . The qualit y o f wholeness introduce s a dynamic elemen t int o th e ver y hear t o f religious experience. Fo r man' s objectiv e univers e change s i n keepin g wit h th e growth o f his knowledge. Philosophy , i n the Socrati c sense , is an attemp t to rende r th e whol e o f knowledge intelligible , relatin g man's ethica l an d esthetic value s t o hi s intellectua l categories . Philosoph y is , therefore , a n 149

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William E. Kaufmann essential expressio n o f religion, a s is the fervor o f ethics and the cal m joy of esthetics. The unio n o f fait h an d philosophy , exemplifie d i n th e though t o f Maimonides, I conside r t o b e th e classica l curren t i n Judaism . M y own though t i s simpl y a moder n developmen t o f th e sam e basi c ap proach.3 Thus, b y th e unit y o f th e huma n min d Agu s meant , first, th e unio n of faith an d philosophy . O f al l contemporar y Jewish philosophers , Agu s is the mos t emphati c o n th e necessity of philosophy a s the completio n o f faith.4 Fait h point s beyon d itsel f to a n objectiv e real m o f ultimate trut h and knowledge , o f whic h i t i s th e tas k o f philosoph y t o clarif y an d render intelligible . Second, "th e unit y o f the huma n mind " signifie d fo r Agu s a method ological principl e negatin g th e notio n tha t an y people , including the Jewish people, are mysticall y o r metaphysicall y se t apar t fro m othe r peo ples. Th e notio n o f th e chose n peopl e Agu s considere d t o b e a "meta myth," b y whic h h e mean t "th e myt h o f Jewish metaphysica l differ ence." 5 Thi s myt h consists o f "th e comple x o f fantasie s abou t th e peculiarity o f Jewish existence—bein g blesse d an d cursed , se t apar t an d made differen t fro m al l th e nation s o f th e earth." 6 Agu s oppose d thi s myth, maintainin g tha t al l human s shar e th e sam e potentia l fo r logica l thought. H e asserts : As an axiom o r dogma, Jewish uniquenes s need onl y be analyzed into its separate component s fo r it s mystical aura t o be dispelle d an d refuted . Al l analytical writing , i n fac t al l logical thought , i s based o n th e assumptio n of one mind, on e way of logical thinking; the same pathways to error are open t o all the childre n o f men. 7 Of all contemporary Jewish thinkers , Agus most emphaticall y empha sizes essence rathe r tha n existence . Hi s concer n i s wit h th e universa l rather tha n th e particular . Diametricall y oppose d t o Jewish existential ism, Agus places th e accen t o n a philosophy unifyin g fait h an d reason . Having delineate d Agus' methodology, epitomize d i n his dictum "th e unity o f th e huma n mind, " w e not e hi s us e o f thi s metho d an d othe r philosophical avenue s a s we examin e hi s concep t o f God .

I5i The Concept of God

G O D A S TH E ABSOLUT E SEL F

The first point s t o notic e concernin g Agus ' concep t o f Go d ar e th e God-ideas h e rejects . H e adamantl y repudiate s th e religiou s naturalis m of Mordeca i M . Kaplan . Agu s clearl y ha d Kapla n i n min d whe n h e wrote, "Conception s o f God a s a 'power' o r a s a 'process' ar e altogethe r worthless fo r religion . Th e concep t o f 'power ' i s derive d fro m th e science o f physics , wher e i t i s employe d t o designat e a potential force . Clearly, then , thi s ter m canno t b e applie d t o God , sinc e H e mus t b e a n actual Being. " 8 Why must God b e a n actua l Being? Agus ' argumen t i s that metaphys ics shoul d star t wit h th e highes t concep t available , tha t o f personality . Moreover, th e ter m personality i s th e mos t inclusiv e i n ou r vocabulary , including th e element s o f matter , spirit , mind , an d wil l i n a unit y i n which the y ar e al l fused . B y referrin g t o Go d a s personality , w e ar e expressing th e ide a tha t al l th e multipl e an d divers e phenomen a o f existence ar e reconcile d an d explaine d throug h Hi s nature. 9 But Agu s i s no t proposin g a n anthropomorphi c supernaturalism . Rather, h e i s strivin g t o develo p a conceptio n o f Go d outsid e of , bu t not i n oppositio n to , natura l elements . H e states , "Th e concep t o f Go d that I assum e i s neithe r naturalis t no r supernaturalist . I t i s no t th e personification o f th e force s o f nature , o r a force standin g over , agains t and beyon d nature . It s startin g poin t i s no t force , bu t th e huma n spirit." 10 By "spirit, " Agu s mean s " a real m o f relation s i n respec t o f mean ing." 11 Th e huma n spiri t i s thu s epitomize d i n th e capacit y o f th e human bein g t o communicat e symbolically . Throug h symbol s w e relat e and connec t disparat e things , endowin g the m wit h meaning . An d "meaning," fo r Agus , i s "th e relatio n o f an y on e even t t o a class , an d that class , i n it s turn , t o a mor e inclusiv e whole , reachin g u p t o th e ultimate Bein g tha t i s God . I n thi s way , spiri t i s th e pola r opposit e o f a mechanical universe . Whil e th e latte r i s ideally understoo d throug h th e interaction o f the smalles t conceivabl e particles , th e forme r impose s th e reign o f meanin g throug h th e operatio n o f th e whol e upo n eac h o f it s component parts." 12 Agus her e develop s a metaphysic s o f holism , wherei n "wholes " i n nature impos e thei r pattern s o n thei r constituen t parts . Th e centra l feature o f th e philosoph y o f holis m i s a n allege d whole-makin g ten -

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William E. Kaufmann dency runnin g throug h nature , with th e wholes becoming mor e homo geneous, mor e complex , highe r fro m th e standpoint o f value. 13 The analog y tha t Agu s i s striving t o develo p i s that o f the individua l self of the huma n bein g t o the notion o f God as the Absolute Self . The self a s a whol e i s mor e tha n th e su m o f it s parts , an d i t teleologicall y directs th e parts . Similarly , Go d a s the Absolut e Sel f o f the univers e i s reflected i n th e wholenes s o f the univers e bein g mor e tha n th e su m of its part s an d teleologicall y directin g th e parts . Le t u s follo w closel y Agus' reasoning . The firs t poin t Agu s emphasize s i s a defens e o f metaphysics . H e criticizes the scientific imperialists—thos e wh o maintain th e omnicom petence o f science t o solve all problems an d who stress the pointlessnes s of metaphysica l speculation . T o thes e proponent s o f "scientism " wh o hold tha t "an y attempt t o g o beyond th e catalogued an d classified bod y of prove n knowledg e i s futile " an d wh o see th e worl d merel y a s " a maddening whir l o f atoms an d electrons , particle s an d waves," 14 Agu s has tw o replies. First , h e maintain s that , b y ou r very nature , w e canno t leave th e "unknown" alone , for "i t comprise s th e essenc e o f our being, the ver y groun d o f our existence , an d the meanin g o f our strivings." 15 Second, h e contend s tha t scientifi c materialism—th e vie w tha t atoms , electrons, particles , an d wave s ar e ultimate—represent s "th e failur e to realiz e th e logica l insufficienc y o f th e concept s o f physic s fo r th e understanding o f th e essentia l 'stuf F o f th e universe." 16 T o b e sure , Agus acknowledges tha t hi s quest i s not for the type o f clear and certain knowledge tha t w e hav e i n mathematic s an d physics . Rather , wha t h e seeks i s "proximate " knowledg e o f th e real m tha t supervene s knowl edge, ground s fo r faith , th e directio n o f th e curve s leadin g fro m th e known t o th e unknown . Bearin g i n min d Agu s s critique o f scientism , his defens e o f the tragi c earnestnes s o f the metaphysica l quest , an d his realization tha t h e i s not dealin g wit h har d fact s bu t rathe r ground s fo r faith tha t woul d justify a religious interpretatio n o f the universe , le t us now explor e ho w Agus develop s hi s argument fo r Go d as the Absolut e Self. Agus' fundamenta l hypothesi s is , a s w e hav e noted , th e analog y o f the huma n sel f and th e Divine o r Absolute Self . H e state s emphatically , "The ques t fo r Go d an d fo r ou r ow n innermos t sel f i s on e an d th e same, for if the riddl e o f selfhood i s solved, al l is given." 17 Agus acknowledges tha t neither th e self nor the whole o f the univers e can b e an object o f knowledge i n the strict sens e o f the term , fo r ther e

153 The Concept of God

is no wa y we ca n gai n a distance fro m the m an d thereb y attai n objectiv e knowledge o f them. 18 Yet , Agu s continues , w e ar e awar e o f the sel f as a unity, an d sinc e th e univers e i s governe d b y identica l law s o f caus e an d effect, w e realiz e tha t th e concep t o f th e whol e i s no t merel y a verba l generalization. Moreover , Agu s hold s t o a n epistemologica l realism , maintaining tha t "ther e mus t b e a poin t b y poin t correspondenc e be tween ultimat e realit y an d th e concept s t o whic h th e pat h o f reaso n ultimately leads." 19 Thus , Agu s repudiate s th e Kantia n critiqu e o f rea son; instead , h e seek s t o appl y principle s o f "reaso n i n operation" 20 t o the twi n unknowns—th e sel f and th e whole . The rul e o f reaso n tha t Agu s utilize s fo r hi s ques t i s th e principl e o f polarity, formulate d b y the philosophe r Morri s Cohe n i n hi s Reason and Nature. Accordin g t o thi s principle , "opposites , suc h a s immediacy an d mediation, unit y an d plurality , th e fixe d an d th e flux, substanc e an d function, idea l and real, actual and possible, etc. , like the nort h (positive ) and sout h (negative ) pole s o f a magnet , al l involv e eac h othe r whe n applied t o an y significan t entity." 21 Agus' argument , i n general , i s this: Just a s the huma n personality , a s a chunk o f reality , i s understandabl e onl y i n term s o f th e pola r concept s of purposivenes s an d mechanism , ma y i t no t be , then , tha t "Go d an d the mechanica l univers e impl y eac h other , eve n a s th e on e an d th e many, spac e and time , th e poin t an d th e field?" 22 For th e detail s o f hi s argument , Agu s put s th e accen t o n th e "field " and "point " pola r relationshi p i n th e physica l universe . H e define s thi s relationship a s follows: Th e "field " i s the patter n o f infinite relation s t o which ever y "point " i n spac e i s subject . (Agu s her e i s clearl y indebte d to Alfred Nort h Whitehead. ) Agu s states, "Thing s ar e not spatia l entitie s alone, bu t 'events' , i n Whitehead' s terminology , unit s o f space-time , reflecting th e tensio n an d rhyth m o f the pola r relationship." 23 Whitehead's basic metaphysical uni t i s variously calle d an event, a prehensive unification , a n actua l entity , a n actua l occasion , a n occasio n o f experience. H e conceive s o f nature a s a complex o f prehensive unifica tions. A prehension (literally , a grasping) i s an appropriatio n o f the man y into the arising unity of experience, or unity of feeling, o r unity of enjoy ment, o r prehensiv e unification . (Th e man y becom e on e an d ar e in creased b y one. ) Th e importan t poin t i s that a prehensive unificatio n o r actual entit y i s a realize d perspectiva l harmonizatio n o f th e world . Th e unity o f a prehensive unificatio n i s the unit y tha t result s from th e imma nence of the whole in each part and of each part in every other part. Eac h

154 William E. Kaufmann actual entity is the totality of nature in microscopic perspective; each per spective is therefore essentiall y linked with ever y other perspective. Agu s clearly has this kind of Whiteheadian framework i n mind when he writes, "Nothing exist s that is wholly self-enclosed , bu t thing s ar e real insofar a s they partak e o f th e tw o opposites—particularit y reachin g dow n t o a point i n space, and responsiveness to the total field of relations." 24 Ultimately, realit y a s Agu s see s i t consist s o f tension s an d rhythms . Agus thu s arrive s a t a conception o f the univers e i n whic h al l parts exis t in a state o f tension—tension betwee n th e tendenc y t o particularizatio n and responsivenes s t o th e tota l syste m o f whic h i t i s a part . Ther e are , for Agus , tw o dimension s o f this process: th e horizonta l plan e o f spacetime an d th e vertica l plan e o f individuation an d freedom . The huma n personalit y represent s th e highes t observabl e field o f individuation an d freedom . W e ma y notice , Agus ' argumen t proceeds , a risin g scal e o f being , fro m th e electromagneti c field o f forc e tha t i s space t o th e huma n personality , whic h i s a self-maintaining field. Now , assuming a n infinit e tendenc y i n th e risin g scal e o f being , i t i s logical , according t o Agus , t o posi t "a n Infinit e Personality , representin g th e ultimate pol e o f being , o n th e vertica l coordinat e o f freedom." 25 Thi s Infinite Personalit y i s "the Absolut e Personalit y representin g th e highes t measure o f th e field buildin g capacity, " a pole o f being ove r agains t th e mechanistic universe . Th e conclusio n o f the argumen t i s that "Go d an d the physica l univers e ar e tw o pola r concept s o f thought , an d sinc e logical though t i s i n correspondenc e wit h reality , w e ar e justifie d i n concluding tha t th e space-tim e continuum , a s it exist s i n itself , an d th e Deity, a s th e projectio n int o th e infinit e o f th e field-making capacity, are th e tw o pole s o f being." 26 It i s important t o ask : Precisel y i n wha t sens e i s Agus justified i n thi s conclusion? O n strictl y philosophica l grounds , ther e i s a problem. Agu s places a grea t dea l o f weigh t o n Morri s Cohen s principl e o f polarity . But Cohe n maintaine d tha t thi s principl e help s u s t o understan d onl y entities withi n nature . H e di d no t believ e tha t thi s principl e coul d b e applied t o th e totalit y o f existence, because fo r him , th e whol e i s not a n object o f knowledge . Agus note s tha t Cohe n refuse d t o dra w thi s inferenc e t o th e whole . Agus, however , state s tha t "onc e w e gran t tha t i t i s no t knowledg e i n the technica l sense , tha t w e see k bu t ground s fo r faith , suc h a n applica tion become s logicall y incontrovertible. " 27 Agus her e i s basin g himsel f o n th e Judai c rabbini c vie w o f ma n a s

155 The Concept of God created "i n th e imag e o f God " a s a co-creator . Go d i s reveale d i n th e human spiri t a t it s best . Thu s th e basi s o f Agus ' argumen t i s tha t th e human sel f i s create d i n th e divin e image . Agu s contend s tha t "th e whole, i n a qualitativ e sense , i s give n t o u s i n ou r consciousnes s o f ou r own personality." 28 Logically , thi s assumptio n i s based o n a n extrapola tion from th e sel f t o th e "whole " o f things . I t i s importan t i n thi s context t o clarif y th e concep t o f extrapolation . To extrapolat e i s to projec t b y inferenc e int o a n unexplore d situatio n from observatio n i n a n explore d field, o n th e assumptio n o f continuit y or correspondence ; a s meteorologist s extrapolat e loca l weathe r condi tions fro m report s o f distant stations . Agus contend s tha t natur e exhibit s a processio n fro m physica l field s o f forc e t o th e huma n bein g a s a field builder i n th e worl d o f freedom . Extrapolatin g fro m thi s progression , Agus posit s th e notio n o f Go d a s th e Fiel d Builde r o f al l fields , th e Absolute Self , th e mos t integra l whole . It i s important t o quer y th e analog y fro m a physical field o f force t o man a s a field builde r i n th e worl d o f freedo m and , finally , t o Go d a s the Fiel d Builde r o f al l fields . I n physic s th e ter m field designate s a region o f spac e traverse d b y line s o f force , a s o f a magne t o r electri c current (magneti c force) . I n huma n affair s a field represent s a sphere o f activity o r opportunity . Bu t wha t empirica l meanin g ca n b e give n t o the notio n tha t man i s "a field builder i n th e worl d o f freedom"? Finally , the lea p fro m a physical field o f force t o Go d a s the Fiel d Builde r o f all fields is so tenuous a s to becom e virtuall y devoi d o f empirical content . Agus i s no t alon e amon g theologian s wh o begi n wit h scientifi c notions an d stretc h the m t o thei r breakin g poin t i n a n allege d applica tion t o God . Mordeca i M . Kapla n notoriousl y use s th e scientifi c con cept o f process, widenin g i t t o virtua l amorphousnes s i n applicatio n t o God. Joh n A . T Robinson , bisho p o f Woolwic h an d autho r o f th e best-selling Honest to God, delivere d a serie s o f academi c lecture s a t Stanford Universit y tha t eventuall y wer e publishe d i n boo k for m a s Exploration into God. I n a chapte r title d "Th e Divin e Field, " Robinso n maintains tha t on e ca n tal k o f " 'th e divin e field' a s a physicis t migh t talk o f a magnetic field." 29 Utilizin g th e seductiv e analog y o f a "field, " Robinson goe s o n t o argu e tha t ther e i s n o aspec t o f natur e o r histor y "that i s not ultimately to b e see n i n term s o f spirit, freedom , love." 30 In hi s boo k The Return to Cosmology: Postmodern Science and the Theology of Nature, 31 Stephe n Toulmi n explain s tha t mytholog y i s no t merely a thing of the past , exemplifie d b y th e personification o r anthro -

156 William E. Kaufmann pomorphic thinkin g tha t create d Atlas , Ceres , Wotan , an d Poseidon . Toulmin hold s tha t i n contras t t o th e ancien t myths , th e myth s o f th e twentieth centur y ar e no t s o muc h anthropomorphi c a s mechanomor phic. Whe n w e thin k o f th e univers e a s a machine , an d whe n w e remove word s lik e force, energy, o r field fro m thei r clearl y define d scien tific context s an d appl y them t o th e universe a s a whole, we ar e thinkin g not scientificall y bu t mythicall y Toulmi n writes , "Wha t give s th e ter m a meanin g fo r scienc e i s th e par t i t play s i n thes e (scientific ) explana tions. On e ca n thin k o f such a term a s a piece i n a jig-saw puzzle ; and , like suc h a piece , i t lose s mos t o f it s significanc e a s soo n a s w e tr y t o make anythin g o f it ou t o f context." 32 Agus ' us e o f the physical concep t of field t o buttres s hi s theolog y i s thu s a n exampl e o f wha t Toulmi n calls "scientific mythology." 33 Agus i s on stronge r groun d whe n h e argue s o n th e basi s of the Judaic rabbinic conceptio n o f th e huma n bein g a s create d i n th e imag e o f God. T o b e sure , fro m a purely philosophica l view , ther e ar e objection s to th e notio n o f Go d a s th e Absolut e Self . Th e majo r objectio n wa s emphatically state d b y th e skepti c Davi d Hume—namely , th e inferenc e from th e huma n min d o r sel f a s th e bes t w e kno w t o Min d o r Sel f as the ultimat e realit y i s an instanc e o f the fallac y o f composition, a n illici t movement fro m par t t o whole . I n Hume' s words : "Bu t ca n a conclu sion, wit h an y propriety , b e transferre d fro m par t t o whole ? . . . Wha t particular privileg e ha s thi s littl e agitatio n o f th e brai n whic h w e cal l thought, tha t w e mus t thu s mak e i t th e mode l o f th e whol e universe ? Our partialit y i n ou r ow n favo r doe s indee d presen t i t o n al l occasions , but soun d philosoph y ough t carefull y t o guar d agains t s o natura l a n illusion." 34 But Agus ' notio n o f Go d a s the Absolut e Sel f is enriched b y it s firm basis i n th e Hebre w Bibl e an d th e rabbini c worl d o f th e Midras h an d Aggadah. Just a s Agus ' fait h i s clarifie d b y reason , s o hi s rationalis m i s rooted squarel y i n th e Judaic rabbini c faith . G O D AN D TH E H O L O C A U S T

For Agus , th e Holocaus t i s a persona l los s an d a n acut e theologica l challenge.35 On e ma y infe r hi s approac h t o th e proble m o f evi l fro m the wa y h e treat s th e theologica l issue s raise d b y th e Holocaus t i n hi s essay "Go d an d th e Catastrophe." 36 The proble m o f evi l ha s traditionall y bee n pose d i n thes e terms : I f

157 The Concept of God

God i s perfectl y good , H e woul d wis h t o abolis h al l evil . I f Go d i s omnipotent, H e mus t b e abl e t o abolis h al l evil . But evi l exists . There fore i t appears tha t Go d canno t b e bot h omnipoten t an d perfectl y good . Formally, a n additiona l premis e t o th e effec t tha t a n omnipotent , perfectly goo d bein g eliminate s evi l to th e exten t t o which i t is logically possible i s neede d t o rende r th e se t o f premise s logically contradictory . Nevertheless, th e evidential proble m o f evil , tha t is , th e apparen t profu sion o f gratuitou s evil , constitute s inductive , empirica l evidenc e agains t the probabilit y o f a Deity bot h omnipoten t an d perfectl y good . Another wa y o f articulatin g th e proble m o f evi l occur s i n th e pla y J.B., a contemporar y interpretatio n o f th e biblica l boo k o f Job , b y Archibald MacLeish : If God i s God H e i s not good , If God i s good H e i s not God ; Take the even , tak e the odd. 37 Let u s now explor e ho w Agu s deal s with thi s perennial problem . The first alternativ e i s to retai n bot h traditiona l attribute s an d simpl y acknowledge tha t Go d ha s Hi s reasons , whic h w e finit e mortal s canno t understand. Agu s expresse s i t i n thes e words , tha t "thoug h Go d i s bot h all-powerful an d all-good , Hi s way s ar e mysterious ; w e canno t fatho m them." 38 This alternative , accordin g t o Agus , reflect s th e religiou s phas e o f human nature . Th e deat h o f th e si x millio n i s on e o f th e mysterie s o f Divine Providence . Agu s emphasizes , however , tha t w e mus t no t thin k of th e Holocaus t i n term s o f a n allege d peculia r destin y o f th e Jewis h people. Agu s hold s tha t th e Jews ar e chose n a s a n example , no t a s a n exception. W e mus t no t preten d t o kno w th e wil l o f G o d — to interpre t the Holocaust , fo r example , a s punishment fo r si n o r th e Lor d "hidin g His face. " Agu s is adamantly oppose d t o wha t h e call s the meta-myth — the ide a o f Jewish supernatura l destiny , th e "chose n people " concept . Thus, fo r Agus , th e acknowledgmen t tha t finit e ma n i s incapabl e o f understanding th e infinit e min d o f Go d i s a response appropriat e t o th e religious side o f mans nature , a s long a s we leav e i t a mystery an d d o no t attribute mor e t o th e wil l o f God tha n w e ar e justified i n knowing . The secon d alternativ e Agu s mention s i s that Go d i s omnipotent bu t not good , tha t is , beyond goo d an d evil . I n thi s Agus identifie s wit h th e way o f Baruch Spinoza , wh o think s o f Go d a s th e totalit y o f al l force s

158 William E. Kaufmann in th e universe . Thi s worldvie w correspond s t o ou r ques t fo r objectiv e knowledge. But , Agu s notes , i t offer s scan t comfor t t o thos e wh o contemplate th e martyrdo m o f the si x million . The thir d alternativ e declare s tha t Go d i s all-goo d bu t Hi s powe r i s limited. Agu s see s thi s theologica l optio n a s reflecting ou r ques t fo r th e good. Each o f thes e thre e alternative s indicate s fo r Agu s tha t "th e concep t of God i s a projection o r an extrapolatio n o f an inquiry tha t begins wit h man and—howeve r fa r i t advances—canno t reac h it s goal." 39 Agu s thus correctl y observe s tha t th e realit y o f Go d i s asymptoti c t o ou r human concept s o f God . Fait h i s thu s require d t o unif y th e quest s fo r truth an d goodness . What, then , i s th e conceptio n o f Go d tha t emerge s fro m Agus ' discussion? Agus state s that hi s concept o f God i s neither naturalis t no r supernat uralist.40 I t i s not naturalist : i t i s not th e personificatio n o f the force s o f nature. An d i t i s no t supernaturalist : i t i s no t a forc e standin g over , against, an d beyond nature . Rather, th e startin g point fo r Agus ' concep tion o f Go d i s th e huma n spirit . Extrapolatin g fro m th e huma n spirit , Agus arrive s a t a conception o f Go d a s the "Universa l Min d o r Spirit, " the "Infinit e Mind, " tha t t o whic h "th e ascendin g ladde r o f whole s i n the universe" 41 points ; th e "Infinit e Being, " "th e goa l o f al l ou r self transcending quests, " th e "on e goa l o f th e thre e infinit e progression s o f reason, o f ethics, an d o f esthetics," "tru e being , lov e an d harmony." 42 Elsewhere Agu s states , " I accep t [Charles ] Hartshorn e s assertion tha t God i s dipolar—immanen t an d transcendent , abstrac t an d concrete , being an d becoming." 43 Indeed , thi s dipolarit y i s adumbrate d i n th e Torah: Go d a s Adonai an d Elohim. But ther e i s a problem here . I n hi s essa y "Go d an d th e Catastrophe, " Agus criticize s th e notio n o f "th e Go d wh o becomes " o n thes e grounds: "I f Go d himsel f evolves , wher e ar e th e standard s o f righ t an d wrong, goo d an d evil , th e hol y an d th e profane? " 44 Agu s her e seem s t o imply tha t onc e w e admi t a "becoming " aspec t o f God , w e hav e removed th e possibilit y tha t Go d ca n b e th e ultimat e groun d o f ethics . In fact , a n entir e chapte r o f Hartshorn e s Man's Vision of God and the Logic of Theism i s title d "Go d an d Righteousness." 45 I n thi s chapte r Hartshorne take s not e o f th e ambiguit y o f the ter m perfection a s applie d to God : H e states , "Perhap s a being ma y b e conceive d a s perfect i n on e sense an d capabl e o f increas e o f valu e i n another." 46 Hartshorn e cor -

159 The Concept of God

rectly observe s tha t th e biblica l sens e o f th e unchangin g natur e o f Go d refers t o th e divin e constancy , Hi s "unalterablenes s o f character , no t o f value i n th e ful l sens e o f aestheti c enjoyment." 47 I t i s precisel y th e classical Thomisti c concep t o f God' s immutabilit y couple d wit h Hi s foresight o f absolut e detail s tha t "woul d entirel y eliminat e tempora l passage, an d wit h i t choices , actuality , o r purpose , i n an y intelligibl e senses. The ethica l dimensio n woul d thu s b e banishe d altogether/' 48 But Hartshorne' s philosophica l proces s theolog y fail s t o encompas s all aspects o f the issue . Agus is more successfu l here . Agus note s tha t th e religious sid e o f man's natur e merel y accept s th e proble m a s an ultimat e mystery; th e ques t fo r knowledg e lead s t o th e ide a o f Go d a s th e Spinozistic totalit y o f all the force s i n th e universe , a s omnipoten t bu t not goo d (beyon d goo d an d evil) ; an d ou r ethica l impuls e give s ris e t o the notio n o f Go d a s limited i n powe r bu t perfectl y good . Seein g tha t the tool s o f philosoph y alon e canno t resolv e thes e conflictin g values , Agus wisel y invoke s fait h an d mysticis m t o unif y ou r quest s fo r trut h and goodnes s int o a n ultimatel y mysteriou s divin e unity : "on e i n thei r ultimate essence . Thi s i s ou r faith , fo r Go d i s th e ultimat e sourc e an d final purpos e o f both quests." 49 This i s no t t o sa y tha t Hartshorne' s dipola r theis m remove s al l mys tery. Rather , Hartshorn e place s th e myster y i n th e concret e actualit y o f God. Fo r Hartshorne , al l w e ca n gras p i s th e abstrac t essenc e o f God , not Hi s concret e actuality . I t i s importan t t o not e precisel y ho w h e arrives a t thi s distinction . Hartshorne's dipola r theis m essentiall y i s th e concep t o f Go d a s th e union o f suprem e bein g an d suprem e becoming . H e criticize s classica l theism fo r it s monopola r prejudice , tha t is , th e practic e o f putting Go d on onl y on e side , or on e pole, of a pair o f metaphysical contraries . Thus , according t o classica l theism , th e Deit y i s absolute, creator , infinite , an d necessary, whil e th e worl d i s relative , created , finite , an d contingent . Hartshorne hold s tha t thi s vie w i s too simple . H e maintain s tha t Go d i s both absolut e an d relative , creato r an d created , infinit e an d finite , neces sary an d contingent—i n short , th e unio n o f suprem e bein g an d su preme becoming , bein g i n th e proces s o f becoming . H e refer s t o thi s double predicatio n a s th e principl e o f dua l transcendence ; tha t is , i t takes bot h side s o f metaphysical contrarie s t o characteriz e God . Hence , Hartshorne envisage s th e Deit y a s dipolar : Go d ha s a n absolut e aspec t and a relativ e aspect , a necessar y pol e an d a contingen t pole , an d s o forth.

i6o William E. Kaufmann Hartshorne's dipola r theis m seem s vulnerabl e t o th e charg e o f self contradiction an d inconsistency . H e attempt s t o avoi d inconsistenc y b y distinguishing variou s aspect s of the predicatio n o f divine attributes . Fo r example, h e hold s tha t Go d i s not necessar y an d contingen t i n th e sam e respect. Althoug h th e divin e existenc e i s necessar y (Go d mus t b e th e ultimate sourc e o f explanation) , th e particula r manne r i n whic h Hi s existence i s actualize d i s contingent . Thus , Hartshorn e distinguishe s divine existenc e fro m divin e actuality : th e fac t tha t Go d exist s i s neces sary an d ca n b e graspe d b y reason , bu t tha t Go d exist s wit h jus t th e knowledge, feeling , an d valu e H e ha s i s contingen t o n th e stat e o f th e universe a t a particula r time . An d Hartshorn e locate s th e myster y i n God's concret e actuality—namely , how, o r the manner in which, Go d knows, feels , an d value s th e world . But Hartshorn e s dipolar theis m ha s difficultie s o f its own. 50 Agu s ha s the advantag e o f hi s profoun d knowledg e o f rabbini c Judais m an d Kabbalah. Moreover , hi s ric h philosophica l backgroun d render s hi m among th e mos t rationalisti c o f contemporary Jewish thinkers. 51 I t i s t o Agus' grea t credi t tha t h e reckon s wit h philosophy , unlik e severa l othe r contemporary Jewis h thinkers . An d ther e ca n b e n o questio n bu t tha t Agus ha s advanced th e contemporar y Jewish philosophica l discussio n o f the concep t o f God . T O W A R D A DIALECTICA L THEIS M

I se e Agus, i n th e developmen t o f his concep t o f God , workin g towar d a dialectica l theis m i n th e sens e define d b y th e theologia n Joh n Mac quarrie. Macquarri e hold s tha t ther e i s a dialecti c buil t int o th e ver y idea o f God : "Whateve r w e sa y abou t him , i t seem s w e ar e boun d t o correct i t b y saying somethin g o f opposit e tendency . Thi s ma y b e traceable t o th e doubl e meanin g tha t i s alway s presen t i n th e wor d 'God'—highest value , fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f th e religiou s con sciousness, highes t reality , fro m th e poin t o f view o f the intellect." 52 This wa s precisel y th e kin d o f view Agu s wa s movin g t o i n hi s essa y "God an d th e Catastrophe. " W e recal l tha t ther e h e sai d th e vie w o f God a s omnipoten t an d all-goo d respond s t o ou r religious stance ; th e concept o f Go d a s limited bu t all-goo d respect s ou r ethical orientation , our ques t fo r th e good ; an d th e vie w o f God a s omnipotent bu t morall y indifferent reflect s ou r ques t fo r objectiv e knowledge. Agu s state s i n tha t context, "Th e pursuit s o f logic , o f ethics , an d o f religio n pul l u s i n

I6I

The Concept of God seemingly divergen t directions , disturbin g ou r 'peace' , for i t i s man' s fate t o liv e i n tensio n an d ultimat e uncertainty. " 53 Fro m a logical poin t of view , al l thre e position s ar e i n tensio n wit h on e another , disturbin g our peace . Thus , Agu s posit s a n ac t o f fait h wherei n thes e "line s o f inquiry converg e i n ou r souls. " We ar e reminde d o f fifteenth-century philosophe r Nichola s o f Cusa' s doctrine o f th e coincidenc e o f opposite s (coincidentia oppositorum) . The idea o f Go d her e i s th e mysteriou s metaphysica l unit y o f th e clas h o f contraries. Thus , Agu s writes : My view is that Go d alon e is Eternal Being as well as the holisti c proces s in the various levels of creation. . . . We reject th e notion o f metaphysical dualism. Go d i s the sourc e o f darkness as of light, o f death a s of life. But , it is light an d life tha t expres s His purpose an d will. As the Kabbalists pu t it, there is His will (raava), reflecte d i n th e laws governing al l experience, and the n ther e i s "th e Wil l o f wills" , (raava diraavin) expresse d i n th e bursts of love and compassion tha t illumin e ou r lives. 54 For Agus , i t i s fait h i n God' s unity , wit h mystica l kabbalisti c overtone s of yihudim (unifications) , tha t "tip s th e scale . Fait h i s itsel f a 'holistic ' phenomenon, whe n i t i s th e respons e o f th e sou l t o th e divin e thrus t toward perfection , towar d greater , mor e perfec t wholes." 55 Agus' concep t o f Go d i s thu s o f a n all-inclusiv e spiritua l whol e (Eternal Being ) a s well a s the holisti c proces s (Becoming ) i n th e variou s levels o f creation . Go d i s "th e spiritua l pol e o f Being , descendin g int o the structur e o f the lowliest particl e o f matter an d ascendin g to inscruta ble height s o f field-building," 56 manifeste d i n ou r huma n ques t fo r holiness, fo r integratio n o f the self , makin g i t part o f the greate r whole s and subtl e unitie s tha t lea d t o God . The theolog y o f Jacob B . Agus i s an inspiring , aestheti c crescend o o f wholes workin g towar d th e mysteriou s unit y an d whol e o f th e divin e nature, wher e opposites , contraries , an d tension s ar e resolve d i n a har mony transcendin g huma n understanding . I n ou r finite , limited , huma n viewpoint, w e ar e forced t o liv e wit h a tension o f world-pictures o f th e Infinite, i n ultimat e uncertainty . Agus ' fait h i s tha t i n th e Absolute , Infinite Bein g o f God , thes e tension s ar e resolve d i n a harmon y an d peace tha t surpasse s ou r understanding . This i s Agus ' faith . Hartshorne' s decisio n "t o trus t reaso n t o th e end" 5 7 i s no t withou t it s difficulties . Agu s seek s a sensibl e middl e

162 William E. Kaufmann ground betwee n a too-hast y retrea t t o fait h an d a tota l rationalism . Thi s is als o expresse d i n th e n o t i o n o f "a n intellectua l imperative " 58 t o tak e reason a s fa r a s w e can , t o stretc h ou r cognitiv e power s a s fa r a s possibl e before resortin g t o th e languag e o f fideism. Agus wa s i n th e proces s o f developin g a dialectica l philosophica l and mystica l theology . Hi s theolog y exhibit s penetratin g philosophica l insights an d adumbrations . Jacob Agus ' concep t o f G o d i s rich , illuminating , an d inspiring . H e reckons w i t h philosoph y fa r m o r e tha n severa l othe r contemporar y Jewish philosophers . Hi s philosophica l an d rabbini c theologica l e r u d i tion i s manifeste d i n hi s ques t t o articulat e a tenabl e concep t o f God . H e ha s give n u s m u c h t o p o n d e r i n th e o n g o i n g dialogu e b e t w e e n philosophy an d Jewish belief . Jacob Agu s ha s contribute d immensel y t o advancin g th e "conversa t i o n " o f contemporar y Jewis h philosophica l theology . Utilizin g hi s i n sights, w e continu e t o w o r k a t th e difficul t tas k o f articulatin g a concep t of G o d consisten t w i t h Jewish traditio n an d a t th e sam e tim e responsiv e to contemporar y philosophica l an d cosmologica l concerns , a s w e mov e toward th e twenty-firs t century .

NOTES i. Daily Prayer Book of Beth El Congregation, wit h a n introductio n b y Rabb i Jacob B . Agus , edite d b y Rabb i Jaco b B . Agu s an d th e Religiou s Servic e Committee o f Bet h E l Congregation ; publishe d b y Bet h E l Congregation , Baltimore, Maryland . Fro m th e introduction , vi . 2. Dr . Agu s stresse d thi s them e continuall y i n privat e conversatio n wit h me . 3. Jaco b B . Agus , "M y Basi c Beliefs, " i n Varieties of Jewish Belief ed . Ir a Eisenstein (Ne w York , 1966) , 5 . 4. O n thi s point , se e Willia m E . Kaufman , Contemporary Jewish Philosophies (Lanham, Md. , 1985) , 232ff . 5. Agus , "M y Basi c Beliefs," 12 . 6. Ibid. , 11 . 7. Jaco b B . Agus, The Meaning of Jewish History (Ne w York , 1963) , 1:32 . 8. Jaco b B . Agus, Modern Philosophies of Judaism (Ne w York , 1941) , 346 . 9. Se e ibid. , 343 . 10. Jaco b B . Agus, Dialogue and Tradition (Ne w York , 1971) , 251. 11. Ibid. , 252 . 12. Ibid . 13. Se e Jacob B . Agus, Guideposts in Modern Judaism (Ne w York , 1954) , 247.

163 The Concept of God 14. Ibid. , 232. 15. Ibid. , 233. 16. Ibid. , 234. 17. Ibid. , 233. 18. Ibid. , 234. 19. Ibid. , 235. 20. Ibid. , 236. 21. Ibid. , 236 , 237 ; based o n Morri s Cohen , Reason and Nature (Glencoe , 111., 1953) , 165. 22. Ibid. , 239. 23. Ibid. , 243. 24. Ibid . 25. Ibid. , 248. 26. Ibid . 27. Ibid. , 238. 28. Agus , Guideposts, 239 . 29. Joh n A . T. Robinson, Exploration into God (Stanford, Calif. , 1967) , 97. 30. Ibid. , 102 .

31. (Berkeley , Calif , 1982) . 32. Ibid. , 27. 33. Se e ibid., 21-85 . 34. Davi d Hume , Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion, i n Classics of Western Philosophy, ed . Steven M . Cah n (Indianapolis , 1977) , 798. 35. Jaco b B . Agus , "Go d an d th e Catastrophe, " i n Dialogue and Tradition (New York , 1971) , 260. 36. Ibid. , 259-71 . 37. Archibal d MacLeish , J.B. (Boston , 1956) , 11. 38. Agus , Dialogue and Tradition, 261 . 39. Ibid. , 268. 40. Agus , "Respons e t o th e 'Go d i s Dead ' Movement, " i n Dialogue and Tradition, 251 . 41. Ibid. , 253. 42. Ibid. , 255. 43. Jaco b B . Agus, "Holis m an d th e Jewish Religion, " i n The Jewish Quest (New York , 1983) , 38. 44. Agus , Dialogue and Tradition, 267 . 45. Charle s Hartshorne , Mans Vision of God and the Logic of Theism (Ham den, Conn. , 1964) , i42fF . 46. Ibid. , 158 . 47. Ibid. , 159 . 48. Ibid . 49. Agus , Dialogue and Tradition, 271 .

164 William E. Kaufmann 50. Fo r a n accoun t o f th e virtue s an d difficultie s o f Hartshorne' s dipola r theism, se e William E . Kaufman , The Case for God (St . Louis, 1991) , chap . 6 . 51. Cf . Willia m E . Kaufman , Contemporary Jewish Philosophies, 2 d ed . (Lan ham, Md . 1985) , 231-50 . 52. Joh n Macquarrie , In Search of Deity: An Essay in Dialectical Theism (Ne w York, 1985) , 27. 53. Agus , "Go d an d th e Catastrophe, " 268 . 54. Agus , Jewish Quest, 40 . 55. Ibid. , 41. 56. Agus , Guideposts, 255 . 57. Charle s Hartshorne , The Logic of Perfection (L a Salle, 111. , 1962), viii. 58. Kaufman , Contemporary Jewish Philosophies, 19 .

8 JACOB B . AGU S O N T H E M E A N I N G O F JEWIS H H I S T O R Y AND EXPERIENC E Neil Gillman

THE R E A D E R wh o approache s th e voluminou s writing s o f Jaco b Agus fo r th e firs t tim e canno t bu t b e struc k b y th e shee r rang e o f hi s concerns an d th e scop e o f hi s knowledge . Ther e i s hardl y a singl e philosophical, theological , moral , social , o r politica l issu e tha t escape s his exactin g an d critica l gaze . Ther e i s barel y a singl e majo r statemen t bearing o n hi s agenda, Jewish o r otherwise , fro m biblica l and Hellenisti c times throug h t o th e moder n age , tha t h e doe s no t us e t o elucidat e hi s own perspective . Yet throughout thi s material a principal issue , constantl y a t th e cente r of hi s attention , i s th e questio n o f wha t i t mean s t o b e a Jew . Th e immediate focu s o f tha t questio n i s o n ou r ow n time : wha t doe s i t mean t o b e a Jew i n th e ligh t o f wha t Agu s consider s t o b e th e grea t transformation o f Jewish lif e i n th e moder n era , tha t is , i n ligh t o f th e momentous possibilitie s relativ e t o huma n autonom y no w availabl e t o Jews, a s t o al l moder n me n an d women ? An d wha t doe s i t mea n t o maintain Judais m an d th e Jewis h peopl e i n th e contemporar y ag e o f nation-states an d radica l nationalism ? The n again , an d necessaril y re lated, wha t doe s i t mea n t o b e a Jew afte r th e Holocaust , th e creatio n of th e Stat e o f Israel , an d th e flowering o f America n Jewry ? I n takin g up thes e fundamenta l questions , Agu s insist s tha t w e ca n neve r hop e t o deal with the m satisfactoril y withou t understandin g th e Jewish past . Fo r this reaso n h e devote d himsel f t o th e stud y an d analysi s o f th e turnin g points i n Jewis h histor y an d th e histor y o f Jewis h thought , hopin g 165

166 Neil Gillman thereby t o discer n th e essentia l dynamic s o f the Jewish historica l experi ence. Finally, sinc e Agu s wa s engage d i n th e issue s o n whic h h e wrot e an d saw himsel f i n th e traditiona l mod e o f th e classica l rabbi , h e wa s con cerned wit h wha t histor y ha s to teac h us . If this i s what th e pas t teache s us, thi s is what w e mus t d o toda y i n orde r t o achiev e ou r ultimat e goal s in th e future . In studyin g thes e issues , Agus' preferre d methodologica l devic e i s t o view th e Jewis h experienc e a s evolvin g aroun d an d betwee n a se t o f polarities. Thes e polaritie s are , o f course , Agus ' ow n constructs . The y are th e spectacle s o r organizin g structure s throug h whic h h e seek s t o make sens e o f hi s data . The y ar e th e sourc e o f whateve r meanin g th e data conve y Thoug h Agu s usuall y describe s th e particula r Jewish read ings o f th e give n issu e unde r analysi s a s existin g i n a dynami c tensio n between thes e polarities , h e i s rarely reticen t i n suggestin g whic h o f th e two polaritie s h e finds mos t usefu l an d healthy . These polaritie s appea r first (structurally , no t chronologically ) i n hi s theology. Agu s understand s revelation , fo r example , a s a "divin e pulsa tion [that ] consist s o f a rhythmi c thrus t an d retreat . I n it s forwar d movement, th e divin e wor d i s articulate d i n a new visio n o f freedom, " the messag e o f the first o f the Te n Commandments . Then , "th e outgo ing flow o f the tid e o f spirit i s followed b y a n eb b whic h i s expressed i n the secon d commandment—namely , submissio n t o th e On e God. " Here th e polaritie s ar e freedom an d submission. 1 Again, Agu s understand s livin g fait h a s " a respons e tha t i s itsel f paradoxical, becaus e i t i s compose d o f both a feeling o f possession an d a conviction of privation. I fee l tha t I a m embrace d withi n a suprem e design, embrace d an d transcenden t a t on e an d th e sam e time , i n th e basic rhyth m o f exaltatio n an d worthlessness." 2 Her e th e polaritie s ar e possession an d privation . An d late r i n th e sam e statement : "Th e proph ets wer e intensel y possesse d o f th e objectiv e dimensio n a s wel l a s th e subjective ardo r o f a livin g faith. " The y wer e "seize d b y th e spiri t o f God," ye t the y scrutinize d thei r fait h "i n th e ligh t o f objectiv e moral ity."3 Agu s insist s tha t thoug h Go d i s revealed i n "th e infinit e outreac h of man's ques t fo r understanding, " yet , a t the sam e time , "th e awarenes s of negation , knowin g tha t w e d o no t know, " i s integra l t o th e experi ence. 4 The objective—subjectiv e versio n o f the polar structur e i s omnipresen t in Agus ' writing s o n religio n an d nationalism , thoug h i n eac h case ,

167 The Meaning of Jewish History and Experience

these fairl y neutra l term s ar e give n muc h mor e substantiv e formula tions. "Essentially, religio n i s a wave-lik e movement , a pola r tensio n be tween th e abidin g realit y withou t an d the ultimat e sel f within." Eithe r humankind understand s th e worl d i n term s o f images o f the self , o r i t understands itsel f in term s o f the outsid e world . Thes e tw o orientation s become philosophica l alternatives . Th e univers e i s interprete d "a s the work o f an infinit e Self, " o r ma n may see his own bein g "i n term s o f what h e conceive s t o be the components o f the externa l world. " Eithe r the cosmo s i s viewed a s "macroanthropos" o r humanit y i s viewed a s a "microcosmos." 5 The objectiv e perspectiv e correlate s wit h human s a s intellectual be ings, a s rational, critical , analytic : th e subjective, wit h human s a s feeling beings, wher e fear , anxiety , love , o r hop e i s deepene d an d intensified . In th e former, ma n sees himsel f an d hi s group dispassionately , fro m th e outside. I n th e latter , h e reevaluate s rationality , surrender s t o God , and tends t o exto l al l that i s associated wit h hi s group. Th e former impuls e leads to positivism, th e latter t o existentialism. 6 At thi s stag e Agu s note s tha t religio n i s a "dynami c phenomenon, " that "i t necessaril y contain s bot h orientation s o f heart an d mind." 7 W e return t o that clai m in greater detai l below . When Agu s turn s t o nationalism, th e same tensio n returns . "Nation alism i s . . . a compromis e betwee n th e tw o orientation s o f th e soul, " between a subjective moo d tha t sanctifie s th e clan, th e tribe, th e nation , and a n objectiv e moo d tha t break s throug h th e barrier s t o embrac e humanity a s a whole. Thu s "withi n th e domai n o f nationalis m . . . , a perpetual tu g of war ensue s betwee n objectiv e ideal s an d sheer, blood based ethnicism. " Agus ties this tension t o his earlier distinction betwee n intellect an d feeling , fo r i t i s "th e dawnin g o f objectiv e intelligence " that overcome s th e "subjectivity o f tribalism." 8 Finally, i n hi s most comprehensiv e statemen t o n th e polarities, Agu s uses th e distinctio n betwee n th e "classical " an d th e "romantic. " Th e chief trait s o f classicis m ar e "th e qualitie s o f wholeness , balance , an d reasonableness. I t glorie s i n a dispassionat e evaluatio n o f al l opinions , and i t shun s al l form s o f extremism . I t value s trut h abov e al l othe r virtues, objectiv e trut h tha t doe s no t vanis h lik e a drea m i n sobe r daylight." 9 I n contrast , romanticis m exalt s th e mystical , th e irrational , the subjective , submissio n t o God , and, in certai n forms , a n exclusivis t ethnicity.

i68 Neil Gillman Agus acknowledge s hi s deb t t o Le o Baec k fo r thi s distinctio n be tween classica l an d romanti c religion , bu t h e disagree s wit h Baeck' s identification o f Christianit y a s th e paradig m o f th e romanti c religio n and Judaism a s th e paradig m o f th e classical . Though , lik e Baeck , "m y own philosoph y i s definitely classical, " Agus acknowledge s tha t Judaism contains "romantic-mystica l current s a s wel l a s a rationalist-humanis t stream." 10 But Agu s the n list s th e "rar e moments " whe n Jewis h classicis m ha s prevailed: i n classica l prophecy, Hillel , Philo , Rabb i Judah th e Patriarch , Saadia, Maimonides , Mendelssohn , Krochmal , an d Baeck . However , even th e prophet s "lapse d int o atavisti c sentiment s whe n the y fel l fro m their ow n highes t standard s an d extolle d th e sacre d myster y o f divin e election." 11 A s exemplar s o f the romanti c strea m i n Judaism, Agu s cite s Halevi, th e Zohar , and , mor e generally , "th e dar k seclusio n o f kabbalistic mytholog y i n th e lon g centurie s o f persecution an d despair. " I n ou r own day , "th e eruptio n o f Jewish romanticism " i s viewed a s a reactio n to th e Holocaus t an d th e creatio n o f th e Stat e o f Israel . Agu s als o deplores th e wild excesse s of the romanti c tempe r a t large in ou r genera l culture, "th e gu t reaction , th e exhibitionis t wildernes s o f th e spirit , o r anomie, th e ferven t exaggerations , an d th e genera l myopi a tha t i s in duced b y mass-enthusiasm, " an d h e argue s tha t th e reactio n t o thi s temper i s still in it s initial stages. 12 The "tug-of-war " betwee n thes e tw o impulse s wa s fel t b y Agu s withi n his own life . H e wa s born int o a distinguished rabbini c famil y an d raise d in a traditiona l shtet l environment . I n Europe , Palestine , an d Americ a he studie d i n majo r yeshivot , an d h e wen t o n t o receiv e a Ph.D . a t Harvard University . I t wa s no t unti l th e ag e o f twenty-fiv e tha t h e began hi s serious secula r studies . And i t was not unti l h e wa s at Harvar d that h e intimatel y interacte d wit h non-Jew s an d non-Jewis h scholarship . In tha t contex t h e bega n t o reexamin e th e teaching s an d perspectiv e o f the Orthodo x traditio n i n whic h h e ha d bee n raised . H e trie d t o maintain a balance betwee n th e active , rational , objective , an d universa l and th e passive , nonrational , emotional , subjective , an d ethnic , an d h e recognized th e pola r opposition s thi s entailed . Agus' critiqu e o f th e romanti c tempe r i n al l o f it s guise s emerge s most clearl y i n hi s critique o f what h e call s the "meta-myth " o f "Jewis h exceptionalism." I n al l o f hi s writings i n hi s wide-ranging corpus , fro m his concis e overvie w i n The Condition of Jewish Belief to hi s two-volum e

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The Meaning of Jewish History, this i s on e o f the mos t importan t themes , accorded a grea t dea l o f space , energy , an d passion . I t reoccur s a s a refrain i n multipl e an d varie d context s an d i s a ke y t o man y o f hi s programmatic suggestions . In on e o f his discussion s o f the issue , Agu s recognize s tha t thi s meta myth i s not identica l wit h th e doctrin e o f the chose n people . Th e latte r can b e interprete d "i n historica l an d rationa l terms " a s a fact o f history , for th e Jewis h peopl e di d brin g monotheis m int o th e world . Bu t tha t was a t God' s initiative , an d apar t fro m thi s historica l datum , Israe l doe s not hav e t o b e intrinsicall y differen t fro m an y othe r people. 13 In thi s analysis , Agu s acknowledge s tha t ever y religiou s communit y feels itsel f t o b e chosen . Bu t i t make s al l th e differenc e i n th e worl d i f the grou p i s chose n becaus e o f it s innat e qualitie s o r a s a conditio n o f its servic e t o th e highes t ideal s o f humanity. 14 I n a distinctio n tha t appears frequentl y i n hi s work , h e note s th e differenc e betwee n bein g chosen a s example an d being chose n a s exception. 15 Whe n th e doctrin e of Israel s chosennes s become s a statemen t abou t Jewis h "uniqueness " or "exceptionalism, " w e hav e bough t int o th e meta-myt h tha t Agu s views a s the singl e mos t problemati c them e i n Jewish history . The substanc e o f th e meta-myt h i s th e notio n tha t "th e Jewis h people ar e mysteriousl y an d metaphysicall y differen t fro m th e res t o f humanity." 16 Bot h o f th e qualifyin g terms , mysteriously and metaphysically, ar e crucia l t o Agus. The mysteriou s qualit y o f the differenc e make s the clai m a matte r o f dogm a an d fait h rathe r tha n o f inquir y an d examination; i t shut s th e gate s t o rationalit y an d research. 17 It s meta physical qualit y make s Jewish uniquenes s deepl y embedde d i n th e ver y nature o f things, unexpungeable, a matter o f unalterable fat e an d destiny . Agus explore s differen t version s o f th e uniquenes s doctrine : a s th e key t o God' s redemptiv e pla n fo r humanity , a s the "sufferin g servant " o f humanity, a s the eterna l challeng e t o th e cultur e o f the age , as a peculiar impulse burie d i n th e Jewis h racia l heritage , a s th e caus e o f Judaism' s unparalleled abilit y t o preserv e a stron g nationa l feeling , a s th e Jewis h will t o live , as the ke y t o Jewish survival . I n thes e context s th e attac k o n Jewish exceptionalis m become s conflate d wit h a mor e generalize d at tack o n th e doctrin e o f chosennes s itself , which , i n wha t Agu s call s some futur e ecumenica l "Jerusale m Council, " shoul d b e radicall y rein terpreted. 18 In Agus ' view , th e majo r flaw i n th e doctrin e o f Jewish exception alism i s tha t i t ca n be—an d indeed , ha s been—stoo d o n it s head . Th e

170 Neil Gillman plus become s a minus , an d th e myt h the n become s th e motive/powe r for th e impuls e t o bran d th e Jew a s paria h amon g th e nations . Thi s i s the obvers e sid e o f th e meta-myth . Jewis h exceptionalism , then , i s the underlying , "metaphysical " caus e no t onl y o f anti-Semitism—tha t would b e a singularly mil d resul t o f th e myth—but , eve n more , o f th e deliberate an d consciou s attemp t t o ri d th e worl d o f th e Jewish people . And thi s metaphysical impuls e i s again als o "mysterious, " fo r "abou t th e Jew, th e wildes t charge s wer e believable . After all , the y wer e a n enig matic mystery , aki n t o tha t o f Incarnation : onl y unlik e th e latter , the y incarnated, i n th e Christia n view , God' s Lov e turne d int o Wrath." 1 9 The meta-myt h o f Jewish uniquenes s i s th e ultimat e produc t o f th e romantic tempe r i n Judaism , tha t sid e o f Jewis h self-expressio n tha t emphasizes Jewis h subjectivity , ethnicity , tribalism , irrationality , emo tionalism, an d imagination . I t i s als o a n illusio n tha t w e bes t ri d our selves of . "Hav e no t som e o f us turned ourselve s int o a myth, uproote d from humanit y an d endowe d wit h a unique, mysteriou s sanctity ? Hav e we allowe d th e momentu m o f thi s histori c myt h t o seduc e u s t o th e worship of'bloo d an d soil ? Hav e w e joined i n th e choru s o f the Israel i chant o f despair , 'th e whol e worl d i s agains t us' ? Ha s th e messiani c mood, i n al l its millennial depth , distorte d ou r perceptio n o f reality, like a psychedelic drug ? Hav e w e los t th e capacit y t o glor y i n th e imageles s Absolute, th e sourc e o f ideals of rationality an d humanism?" 20 T o Agus, these question s ar e no t merel y rhetorica l devices . Take n together , thes e impulses identif y a programmatic thrus t tha t hold s a seductive allur e fo r contemporary Jewry, an d whic h Agu s feel s i s simply disastrous . In contrast , an d i n keeping with hi s own classical , universalist temper , Agus proposes tha t "th e feelin g o f being covenante d shoul d b e general ized: ever y perso n shoul d find a vocation an d dedicat e himsel f to it . So , too, th e prid e o f belonging t o a historic peopl e shoul d b e universalized . All men shoul d tak e pride i n th e nobl e achievement s o f their respectiv e peoples." 21 This proposa l lie s a t th e hear t o f Agus ' intens e interes t i n th e futur e of the ecumenica l movement , hi s hopes for th e Unite d Nations , an d hi s faith i n America . H e i s convince d tha t th e kin d o f bloo d nationalis m that flourished i n Europ e an d expresse d itsel f in virulen t anti-Semitis m will neve r sin k root s i n America . Americ a aros e ou t o f a mixtur e o f races an d nationalities ; i n America , th e natio n emerge d afte r th e state , not befor e it ; Americ a stand s fo r th e voic e o f reaso n an d moralit y an d

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as a protes t agains t ethnicit y an d tribalism ; Americ a i s humanis t i n character an d stresse s the right s o f the individual. 22 It i s no t surprising , then , tha t Agu s ha s a comple x understandin g o f Zionism an d it s man y differin g manifestations . Fro m on e perspective , the creatio n o f th e Stat e o f Israe l i s "th e mos t remarkabl e even t o f Jewish history, " it s creatio n bein g a resul t bot h o f th e classica l religiou s ideals o f Judaism an d o f European nationalism. 23 Thus , whil e critica l o f certain form s o f Zionis t ideology , Agu s approve d o f wha t ha s bee n described a s th e "spiritua l Zionism " o f suc h thinker s a s Aha d Ha-A m and Ra v Kook . However , othe r form s o f Zionis m represented , a s Agu s understood them , th e menac e o f th e meta-myth . Tha t is , i n it s variou s guises, Zionism reveale d th e inheren t tensio n withi n Jewish nationalism . In it s Western Europea n form , a s espoused b y Theodo r Herz l an d Ma x Simon Nordau , i t wa s a rebellio n agains t th e notio n o f Jewish alien ation. Thes e me n sough t t o "overcom e th e 'abnormality ' o f the Jewish status, s o tha t th e Jewis h individua l an d th e Jewis h grou p woul d b e liberated fro m th e 'peculiarities ' o f Jewish lif e an d destiny. " I n thi s for m Zionism wa s a deliberat e challeng e t o th e meta-myth . Alternatively , when Zionis m wa s espouse d b y suc h thinker s a s Leo n Pinsker , i t emerged a s a deliberat e flaunting o f th e meta-myth . Her e Zionis m became "a n invigoratio n o f ethni c zealotry , a reassertio n o f ancien t loyalties, leadin g t o th e emergenc e o f a n inne r worl d o f hypnoti c certainty, i n defianc e o f any objectiv e evaluatio n an d considerations." 24 Thus ther e i s a n inheren t tensio n withi n th e Zionis t impulse , whic h became embedde d i n Israel i cultur e a s well . O n on e sid e ther e i s th e cultural o r spiritua l Zionis m o f a n Aha d Ha-A m an d o f Judah Magnes ' Ihud group; o n th e other , th e rabi d zealotr y o f the ultranationalists. 25 What, then , i s th e meanin g o f Jewish history ? Agus , wh o devote d a two-volume boo k t o tha t inquiry , summarize s hi s conclusion s i n th e following paragraph , quote d i n it s entirety : It [Jewis h history ] i s a demonstration o f the hig h potential o f freedom i n human affair s an d a record o f the melancholy consequence s o f the failur e to utilize its opportunities. As society moves to eve r larger associations, it encounters th e tensio n betwee n th e idea l visio n o f nationalis m an d th e narrow sentiment s o f ethnocentrism . A s i t advance s towar d th e Divine , it confront s th e tensio n betwee n religio n a s a dynami c ques t fo r realit y

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Neil Gillman and religio n a s a finishe d an d fixe d bod y o f dea d certainties . Th e Jew s contributed mightil y to the ideals of prophetic nationalism and of monotheistic faith . Bu t the y suffere d mos t grievousl y whereve r th e balanc e o f nationalism an d religio n i n thei r ow n traditio n an d i n th e mentalit y o f their neighbor s shifte d towar d th e pole s o f racis m an d fundamentalism . Insofar a s Jews wer e frequen t victim s o f externa l forces , thei r destin y reflected th e recurren t breakdow n o f free though t an d genuin e religio n in th e countrie s wher e the y lived . Freedo m i s th e quality o f a culture , not merel y a socia l arrangement ; i t consist s i n th e exten t t o whic h rational an d ethica l ideal s restrai n th e passion s o f peopl e an d neutraliz e the momentum o f popular myths. 26 This paragraph i s redolent wit h Agus ' preferred categorie s o f interpreta tion an d als o wit h hi s persona l judgments—th e dynami c a s oppose d to th e fixed , nationalis m i n it s idea l for m a s oppose d t o "narro w ethnocentrism," "fre e though t an d genuin e religion " a s oppose d t o "racism an d fundamentalism, " "rationa l an d ethica l ideals " a s oppose d to "popula r myths. " Agus i s convince d tha t th e dynami c processe s h e perceive s a t th e heart o f Jewish histor y appl y equall y wel l t o al l civilizations . Hence , Jews wer e vulnerabl e t o thes e dynamic s a s they worke d themselve s ou t in variou s hos t cultures ; bu t withi n th e Jewis h communit y itself , th e dynamic wa s intensifie d an d double d becaus e o f Judaism's uniqu e co alescence o f religio n an d nationhood . "I n Judaism, th e unit y o f ethni c awareness and religious loyalty is fundamental an d o f a peculiar intimacy . Accordingly w e ma y expec t t o fin d th e usua l tension s o f ethnicis m and fait h magnifie d an d intensified . . . . Instead o f the usua l monolithi c picture, depictin g eithe r nobilit y o f sou l o r meannes s o f spirit , w e shal l expect t o find bot h extreme s o f th e universa l tension s o f th e huma n spirit. I n Jewis h experience , w e see exemplifie d th e basi c tension s o f humanity—only mor e so." 27 In anothe r contex t Agu s describe s " a quadripola r field o f conscious ness" wher e "al l fou r pole s o f consciousness i n religio n an d nationalis m were dynamicall y represente d an d tempere d wit h th e 'strang e fire' o f being set apart." 28 I n theory , eac h o f the fou r pole s o f Jewish conscious ness "coul d achiev e dominanc e withi n th e sou l o f the Jew, drawin g th e other foc i o f loyalty int o it s service. What i s 'shell' fo r on e philosophy i s 'kernel' t o th e other , wit h th e protea n characte r o f ou r sacre d traditio n providing th e inne r field o f tension an d th e oute r facad e o f unity." 29

173 The Meaning of Jewish History and Experience

Agus i s concerne d wit h settin g hi s ow n philosoph y o f Jewish histor y within th e broade r contex t o f simila r attempt s t o provid e "integral " approaches t o th e inquiry . A n integra l approac h propose s t o accoun t fo r the overal l directio n o f th e curv e o f Jewish history . I t i s oppose d t o those "derivative " approache s tha t tr y t o understan d th e curvatur e o f the lin e a t specifi c point s i n Jewish history . Thes e derivativ e approache s focus o n specifi c issue s suc h a s th e emergin g schis m betwee n Judais m and Christianity , th e fac t o f anti-Semitism , an d ho w an d wh y Judais m has survive d i n th e fac e o f multipl e challenges . Thes e issues , Agu s contends, ca n b e understoo d onl y i n th e ligh t o f a muc h broade r integral approac h t o th e materia l a s a whole . Agu s identifie s fou r suc h approaches: th e idealistic , th e nationalist , th e economic , an d th e syn thetic. 30 In brief , th e idealisti c approach , a s exhibite d i n th e wor k o f suc h representatives o f classica l Refor m Judais m a s Samue l Hirsch , Solomo n Formstecher, Solomo n Steinheim , Abraha m Geiger , Herman n Cohen , and Le o Baeck , trie s t o isolat e th e pur e essenc e o f Judaism i n th e ide a of ethical monotheis m an d trace s the gradua l evolutio n o f this idea fro m its earlies t manifestation s i n th e Bibl e throug h th e moder n emphasi s on Israel' s "mission " t o th e world . Thi s missio n i s t o exemplif y pur e monotheism an d exten d it s influenc e throughou t th e world . T o Agus , the weaknes s o f th e idealisti c approac h i s it s excessiv e abstractnes s an d its arbitrary singlin g ou t o f one ide a a s sufficient t o captur e th e comple x history o f a vital people. 31 The nationalis t approach , a s exemplifie d i n th e wor k o f Nachma n Krochmal, Aha d Ha-Am , an d Simo n Dubnow , view s th e Jewish peopl e as anothe r natio n o r "ethni c group, " gifte d wit h a uniqu e "spiritua l insight." Th e majo r failin g o f al l nationalis t explanation s o f Jewis h history i s tha t the y invariabl y fal l int o th e tra p o f Agus ' meta-myt h o f Jewish uniqueness . No r ca n thi s approac h dea l adequatel y wit h th e major turnin g point s o f Jewish history. 32 The economi c approac h o f th e Marxis t schoo l o f histor y explain s Jewish histor y i n term s o f th e interpla y o f economi c factors . Agu s dismisses thi s approac h a s a "curiosity " an d a s symptomatic o f a "sickl y age" bu t acknowledg e it s influenc e i n certai n form s o f Zionis t socialis t thought, a s in th e wor k o f A. D . Gordon. 33 With th e syntheti c approac h o f thinker s suc h a s Heinric h Graetz , Salo Baron , an d Yehezke l Kaufmann , Agu s come s close r t o hi s ow n thinking. Wha t make s a n approac h "synthetic " i s it s attemp t t o avoi d

174 Neil Gillman oversimplifications o r monolithi c interpretation s tha t reduc e th e pla y o f forces t o on e centra l impulse . A syntheti c approac h capture s th e com plexity o f impulse s tha t affec t Jewis h destiny , thoug h historian s o f thi s school ma y disagre e o n th e interpretatio n o f how thes e force s function . For Graetz , Judaism i s a blend o f political and religiou s ideals; for Baron , a working out o f the tensio n between natur e an d history; for Kaufmann , a uniqu e blen d o f " a perfectl y universalisti c religio n wit h a n intensel y nationalistic ethni c group." 34 It i s agains t thi s backgroun d tha t Agu s present s hi s ow n versio n o f a synthetic approac h t o understandin g Jewish history , on e tha t avoid s th e "fragmentary" qualit y o f th e othe r approache s an d tha t i s founde d o n the "quadripolar " tensio n amon g th e polaritie s o f "self-transcendence " and "dogmatism " i n religio n an d "spiritualization " an d "nihilisti c chau vinism" i n nationalism . Fo r Agus , th e advantag e o f this approac h lie s i n its accepting th e inevitabl e tensio n an d interactio n tha t characteriz e th e historical experienc e o f a vital, living community. 35 In these contexts Agus typically acknowledge s th e inevitabl e power o f the polaritie s o f self-assertion an d self-transcendence . "I n bot h domain s (religion an d nationalism ) th e tensio n canno t b e broke n sinc e th e idea l ceases t o exis t a s a massiv e huma n driv e whe n i t i s severe d fro m it s corresponding instinctiv e gratification." 36 Th e dynamic s o f Jewish his tory ca n the n b e understoo d i n term s o f th e varietie s o f nuanc e an d emphasis give n t o eac h o f th e fou r pole s i n thei r interactio n wit h on e another. An d wha t i s unique abou t th e Jewish experienc e i s the wa y th e two set s o f polarities reinforc e eac h othe r i n respons e t o event s outsid e the Jewis h worl d an d t o current s withi n th e Jewis h soul . Thi s alone , Agus contends , ca n captur e th e multifacete d natur e o f Jewish historica l experience. Finally, i t i s the convergenc e o f the pol e o f self-assertion i n th e real m of nationalism an d proud dogmatis m i n th e religiou s realm tha t account s for th e emergenc e o f th e meta-myt h o f Jewish chosennes s o r unique ness, an d fo r it s obverse, anti-Semitism . Agus conclude s b y applying thi s analysis to th e thre e majo r center s o f Jewish life : th e Sovie t Union , America , an d Israel . In th e Sovie t Union—an d on e shoul d remembe r tha t Agu s wrot e these word s decade s befor e th e massiv e emigratio n o f Russia n Jewr y and th e breaku p o f th e USSR—nationalis m i s proscribed an d religio n discouraged. Hence , Agu s forecast s th e gradua l dissolutio n o f al l tha t i s distinctively Jewis h i n th e live s o f Sovie t Jews . I n respons e t o thi s

175 The Meaning of Jewish History and Experience

situation Agu s encourage d th e suppor t an d expansio n o f Jewish cultura l and religiou s activity , t o th e exten t possible , withi n th e Sovie t Union . In America , Jewishness i s primarily define d i n religiou s terms , whil e in Israel , i n nationa l terms ; thoug h i n neithe r wil l th e othe r curren t b e completely ignored . However , i n eac h thi s bifurcation i s colored b y th e polarities withi n eac h ideal . Her e Agu s i s clear. Onl y th e spiritua l bran d of nationalis m wil l enabl e Israel i Jews t o dea l wit h thei r Ara b popula tion, an d similarly , i n America , onl y th e pol e o f religiou s universalis m will enabl e th e Je w t o participat e full y i n th e richnes s o f a n ope n American setting . I t i s Agus' drea m tha t wit h th e achievemen t o f thes e ideals, the meta-myt h wil l fade; th e idea l phases o f both nationalis m an d religion wil l predominate , an d th e Jewis h communit y wil l mak e it s rightful contributio n t o a universal huma n spirit. 37 Agus, then , clearl y reject s th e notio n o f a single , dominatin g cente r for worl d Jewry i n favor o f a bipolar model , wit h Israe l and th e Diaspor a communities providin g differen t center s fo r a vigorous Jewish lif e i n th e modern age . H e repeatedl y attack s th e denier s (o r negators ) o f th e Diaspora a s reflecting a narrowl y chauvinisti c readin g o f Jewish history . These denier s ma y be righ t i n notin g th e elemen t o f danger tha t inhere s in Diaspor a existence , bu t the y ar e totall y wron g i n assumin g tha t th e danger i s either natura l o r inevitable . Th e peri l facin g Diaspor a Judaism "is no mor e natura l tha n th e instinct s o f collective pride, collectiv e envy , and th e pervers e sentiment s o f nationa l mythologies . . . . I t i s n o mor e inevitable tha n a mass-psychosis." 38 Instead, Agu s views American Jewry a s potentially a "creative minor ity" i n America n life . Suc h a creativ e minority , first , sense s it s essentia l unity wit h th e genera l population ; second , "i t evolve s ne w value s fo r the genera l communit y o f which i t i s a part ou t o f the peculia r circum stances whic h se t i t apart" ; third , i t i s value-centere d an d oriente d t o the future. 39 Programmatically , thi s means tha t Jewish leader s should no t preach fea r abou t th e impac t o f th e America n settin g o n Judaism ; Diaspora Judaism shoul d neve r b e portraye d a s unworth y o r shameful ; and finally , w e mus t neve r permi t th e cultivatio n o f a sense o f alienatio n from America. 40 The ultimat e significanc e o f Judaism fo r th e large r contex t o f Wester n civilization lie s precisel y i n servin g a s a challeng e fo r dealin g wit h th e universal an d perennia l tension s tha t confron t ever y community . Thes e tensions ar e threefold : betwee n th e belie f i n th e on e tru e fait h an d th e

176 Neil Gillman claim tha t al l faiths ar e equall y tru e fo r eac h communit y o f worshipers ; between th e inne r an d oute r expression s o f th e faith , tha t is , betwee n the "servic e o f th e heart " o n th e on e han d an d a n overemphasi s o n sacramental ritua l o n th e other ; an d betwee n th e vie w tha t a communi ty s "chosenness" rest s in it s intrinsic welfare , a s opposed t o it s devotio n to eterna l ideals . I n it s attemp t t o dea l with thes e thre e centra l tensions , Judaism ca n legitimately hop e t o becom e a "light unt o th e nations." 41 There is , then , a stron g eschatologica l impuls e withi n Agus ' readin g of Jewish history . I n on e o f hi s late r papers, 42 Agu s contend s tha t i n modernity, th e messiani c visio n amon g Jews becam e fragmente d wit h the pent-u p messiani c fervo r bein g channele d int o on e o f th e man y possible dimension s o f tha t classica l vision . Thus , i n th e middl e o f th e seventeenth century , Spinoza' s though t embodie d a rationa l impulse , Shabbatai Zevi' s a mystica l one . A centur y later , thos e sam e tw o im pulses becam e embodie d i n th e messianis m o f Mose s Mendelssoh n o n the on e han d an d Hasidis m o n th e other . Stil l later , th e rationalist / universal impulse was manifest i n political liberalism o r socialist utopian ism, wherea s th e mystica l vision wa s incarnated i n Zionism . Can w e hop e fo r a progressive convergenc e o f this fragmented vision ? Agus i s cautiousl y optimistic . Characteristically , thi s optimis m rest s i n Agus' hop e tha t th e mor e humanist/rational/universalist , o r th e classica l polarity i n Jewis h lif e an d thought , wil l emerg e victoriou s ove r th e more chauvinist/mystical/dogmatic , o r th e romanti c impulse , bot h i n America an d i n Israel. 43 In particula r Agu s i s optimisti c abou t th e futur e o f American Jewry . He thu s conclude s hi s discussion o f the evolutio n o f Jewish histor y wit h this judgment: It i s altogether possibl e fo r th e America n Jew t o achiev e tha t fullnes s o f integration wit h th e "peopl e o f the land " tha t wa s denied t o th e Jews o f Central Europe . . . . The Jew ca n b e her e utterl y a t home , a s "normal " in th e civi l sens e o f th e ter m a s an y othe r citize n o f th e grea t country . This consummation , s o ardentl y desire d b y th e Jews o f Western Europ e for a century an d a half, i s here embrace d i n th e cherishe d traditio n o f the countr y an d in its basic social structure. 44 Apart fro m th e issu e o f Agus ' evaluatio n o f th e America n temper , which woul d b e strongl y dispute d i n som e section s o f American Jewry, his conclusio n tha t America n Jew s shoul d tr y t o foun d thei r Jewis h

177 The Meaning of Jewish History and Experience

identity o n religio n alon e an d tha t thi s identity woul d b e stron g enoug h to withstan d th e eve n mor e corrosiv e challenge s o f assimilatio n an d it s correlate, intermarriage , is , som e woul d argue , challenge d b y recen t demographic studies. 45 This judgment, however , shoul d b e place d i n th e broade r contex t o f Agus' career . H e wa s neve r simpl y th e dispassionat e scholar , thoug h h e was certainl y that . On e ha s t o b e reminde d tha t throughou t hi s caree r Agus wa s als o a congregationa l rabbi , force d b y hi s calling , wee k afte r week, t o preac h an d teac h Judaism, t o appl y th e lesson s o f the traditio n to contemporar y events , t o fac e rea l Jews wh o brough t thei r tota l lif e experience int o hi s office, searchin g for guidanc e o n ho w t o live as Jews in a difficul t an d comple x age . Programmati c issue s ar e neve r fa r fro m the cente r o f hi s concern . H e constantl y addresse s th e leadershi p o f th e American an d Israel i communities—rabbi s an d educators , leader s o f federations, an d Israel i governments . Dispassionat e scholar s ma y wel l have th e luxur y o f indulgin g i n detached , objectiv e judgments . Bu t Agus wa s acutel y awar e o f hi s responsibilit y t o serv e a s a n advocat e fo r specific course s o f actio n i n th e fac e o f comple x challenges . Still , th e question remains : Were Agu s servin g a s a rabbi today , i n th e ligh t o f th e recent concern s abou t assimilatio n an d th e shar p ris e i n intermarriage , would hi s programmatic suggestion s b e modified ? However, i t mus t b e concede d tha t thi s sam e criticall y engage d perspective account s for Agus' strikingl y candi d an d courageou s critiqu e of popular Zionis t rhetoric , wit h it s emphasis o n aliyah as the exemplar y expression o f Jewish nationalis t identity . Ther e i s n o questio n bu t tha t long befor e thi s critiqu e cam e t o b e par t o f mainstrea m America n Jewish culture , Agu s perceive d that , b y an d large , America n Jews wer e rooted i n Americ a an d tha t America n Jewis h institution s would—an d indeed, should—devot e thei r mai n energie s t o creatin g condition s fo r a vita l an d articulat e America n Jewry , howeve r muc h the y advocate d the Zionis t cause , contribute d t o Israel , an d use d thei r politica l clou t t o support th e policie s o f the Stat e o f Israel and it s governments. W e toda y accept muc h o f that reality , bu t o n thi s issu e Agus wa s well ahea d o f th e rest of the community . H e tro d th e fine lin e between America n Counci l for Judaism—typ e rejectio n o f Zionism , o n th e on e hand , an d th e uncritical acceptanc e o f classica l Zionis t rhetoric—whic h mos t o f hi s contemporaries espoused , a t least i n public—o n th e other . However w e fee l abou t Agus ' specifi c judgment s an d advocacies , then, w e mus t b e gratefu l fo r th e candor , th e forthrightness , and , abov e

i78 Neil Gillman all, th e concer n tha t illuminat e ever y pag e o f hi s writing . I n a strikin g c o m m e n t towar d th e en d o f The Meaning of Jewish History (i n th e context o f a concludin g statemen t o n th e danger s o f romanti c Zionism) , Agus plead s tha t " t h e voice s o f self-criticism " i n America n J e w r y b e attended to . H e bemoan s th e fac t tha t rabbis , traditionall y th e i n d e p e n dent thinker s withi n th e community , ar e n o w m o r e dependen t o n thei r congregations an d m o r e vulnerabl e t o th e fear s o f offendin g nationa l organizations. T h a t ther e i s n o devic e fo r p r o m o t i n g self-criticis m a m o n g America n Jew s i s th e "graves t dange r t o Jewish life. " 4 6 This mode l o f th e independen t scholar-rabbi , confirme d b y th e testimony o f hi s man y student s (wh o t o thi s da y spea k w i t h admiratio n of thei r experienc e i n th e Agu s h o m e o n a Shabba t afternoon , spendin g hours p o r i n g ove r th e classica l text s o f ou r tradition) , ma y wel l b e hi s most preciou s legac y t o u s all . NOTES

Guide to Abbreviations CJB The Condition of Jewish Belief: A Symposium Compiled by the Editors of Commentary Magazine (London : Collier-Macmillan , 1966) . DAT Jaco b Agus, Dialogue and Tradition: The Challenges of Contemporary JudeoChristian Thought (London , Ne w York , an d Toronto : Abelard-Schu m a n , 1971) .

EJT Jaco b Agus , The Evolution of JewishThought: From Biblical Times to the Opening of the Modern Era (London an d Ne w York : Abelard-Schuman , 1959).

GMJ Jaco b Agus , Guideposts in Modern Judaism: An Analysis of Current Trends in Jewish Thought (Ne w York : Bloch Publishin g Company , 1954) . MJH Jaco b Agus , The Meaning of Jewish History, 2 vols. (London , Ne w York , and Toronto : Abelard-Schuman , 1963) . Henceforth iMJ H an d 2MJH . MPJ Jaco b Agus , Modern Philosophies of Judaism: A Study of Recent Jewish Philosophies of Religion (Ne w York : Behrma n s Jewis h Boo k House , 1941).

TFH Jaco b Agus , " A Theologica l Foundatio n fo r th e Halakha, " Judaism 29 , 1 (winte r 1980) : 57-63 . TJQ Jaco b Agus , The Jewish Quest: Essays on Basic Concepts of Jewish Theology (New York : Ktav , 1983) : VJB Varieties of Jewish Belief, ed . Ir a Eisenstein (Ne w York : Reconstructionis t Press, 1966) .

179 The Meaning of Jewish History and Experience i. CJB , 9-10 . Thi s statemen t i s a n excellent , concis e introductio n t o Agus ' theology. Fo r mor e extende d discussion s o f these issues , see th e essay s collecte d in section s 2 and 3 of GM J (o n God , revelation , an d law ) an d i n TJQ . O n th e polarities o f revelation , se e particularl y th e essa y "Th e 'Yes ' an d ' N o ' o f Revelation" i n TJQ , 77-86 . Fo r a critica l evaluatio n o f thi s material , se e William Kaufman , Contemporary Jewish Philosophies (Lanham , Md , 1985) , 2 3 1 48. 2. VJB , 3 . On Agus ' conceptio n o f God, se e GMJ , Chaps . 4 and 5 . 3. VJB , 4. O n prophecy , se e als o "Th e Prophe t i n Moder n Hebre w Litera ture" i n DAT , 385-426 , an d 3 5 3fF.; an d EJT , chaps . 1 and 13 . 4. TFH , 58 . 5. iMJH , 12-13 . 6. Ibid. , 13-14 . 7. Ibid. , 14 . O n th e plac e o f religio n i n Agus ' thought , se e als o th e concis e summaries i n CJB , TFH , an d VJB , an d als o TJQ , 35-38 ; DAT , 35-42 ; an d MPJ, 336-51 . 8. iMJH , 24-27 . O n th e rol e o f nationalis m i n Agus ' thought , se e als o th e epilogue t o 2MJH ; par t 1 ("Introduction" ) t o MP J (particularl y 21-53) ; an d the essay s collecte d i n par t 1 of DA T Se e als o th e trenchan t critiqu e o f MJ H by Ben Halper n i n Midstream 10, 2 (Jun e 1964) : 96-101 . 9. TJQ , 9 . Thi s volume , alon g wit h DA T an d par t 2 o f GMJ , consist s o f essays originall y publishe d earlie r an d elsewhere . Thi s reference , take n fro m the essa y "Jewis h Self-Definition : Classicis m an d Romanticism : Ou r Basi c Alternatives," datin g from 1972 , i s a concis e summar y o f th e mainstrea m o f Agus' thinkin g o n al l of the issue s covere d i n thi s paper . 10. TJQ , 18 . 11. Ibid. , 19 . 12. Ibid. , 21 . Th e classic—romanti c versio n o f th e polaritie s i n th e essa y "Jewish Self-Definition, " i n DAT , 11-22 , i s arguabl y Agus ' mos t illuminatin g summary o f how th e polaritie s functio n throughou t th e Jewish experience . 13. TJQ , 23fT . Thi s essay , "Exceptionalis m a s Meta-Myth " (1979) , i s a n excellent summar y statemen t o f Agus ' thinkin g o n th e meta-myt h o f Jewish exclusiveness. Se e also , inter alia, "Th e Concep t o f Israel, " i n DAT , 450-500 ; GMJ, 181-87 ; an d CJB , 14-15 . 14. DAT , 222-23. 15. TJQ , 23 ; CJB , 13 . O n th e doctrin e o f th e chose n people , se e als o 1 MJH, chaps . 1-3 ; GMJ , I72ff. ; DAT , 222ff. ; EJT , 4i9ff. ; an d th e epilogu e i n 2MJH. 16. TJQ , 23 . 17. iMJH , 1-3 . 18. CJB , 12-13 .

i8o Neil Gillman 19. TJQ , 24 . O n anti-Semitism , se e also , inter alia, CJB , 15 ; TJ Q 4-6 ; iMJH, 35-39 ; GMJ , 18iff. ; an d DAT, 228ff ; and , more extensively , i n 2MJH , chap. 16. 20. TJQ , 32 . 21. CJB , 13 . 22. GMJ , 168-69. O n th e future o f Judaism i n America, se e TJQ, 7fT.; and, more extensively , GMJ , chaps. 2 and 3 ; and 2MJH , 475f f O n th e ecumenica l movement, se e the essays collected i n part 1 of DAT. 23. iMJH , 44-45 . Se e also the contrast betwee n "rationalisti c Zionists " and "romantic Zionists " in EJT, 397-98 . 24. DAT , 234-35. This paper date s from 1956-1957 . This positive evaluatio n of Herzlia n Zionis m i s echoe d i n a later (1966 ) pape r i n th e sam e collection , where Herz l i s identified wit h a "humanist approach " t o Zionis m (DAT , 486) , and i n a thir d referenc e (datin g from 1959 ) i n th e sam e collection , wher e Herzlian Zionis m i s part o f a "rebellio n agains t th e 'uniqueness ' o f the Jewish status." Fo r a contrar y evaluatio n o f Herzlia n Zionism , se e GMJ , 184-8 5 (published i n 1954 , though th e original publication dat e o f this particular pape r is not noted) , wher e Herz l i s portrayed a s advocating tota l assimilatio n an d the liquidation o f the Diaspora , henc e a s " 'Exhibi t A ' o f the meta-myth—t o wit , that the gulf between Jew an d Gentile is absolute an d unbridgeable." I n contras t in thi s context , Pinske r an d th e othe r Easter n Europea n Zionist s hope d t o "explode" th e meta-myt h b y "demonstratin g th e samenes s i n qualit y an d aspiration o f Jewis h an d non-Jewis h loyalties. " I n th e sam e spirit , se e th e reference i n 2MJH , 475 , wher e "th e work s o f Herz l an d Pinsker " ar e con demned a s denying th e worth an d the future o f Diaspora Judaism. Th e forme r interpretation seem s t o be much mor e i n line wit h th e broader thrus t o f Agus' thought. I t is difficult t o conceiv e o f Agus evaluatin g th e work o f Pinsker i n a positive light . 25. O n Zionism , se e GMJ , i84ff. ; EJT , 3971!. ; DAT , 234f. ; and , mor e extensively, i n 2MJH, chap . 16. 26. 2MJH , 484-85 . 27. iMJH , 31 . On th e interpla y o f nationalism an d religion i n Judaism, se e also MPJ, 2iff., 3281T. ; the epilogue i n 2MJH; DAT , 22off.; an d GMJ, 163-68 . 28. DAT , 225 . 29. Ibid. , 227. 30. Ibid. , 176-78 . 31. Ibid. , 178-86 . Par t 1 ("Introduction") t o MPJ includes extensiv e discus sions o f the though t o f Geiger, Steinheim , Hirsch , an d Formstecher . 32. DAT , 186-206 . I n othe r context s Agu s deal s extensivel y wit h th e thought o f Ahad Ha-Am . See , inter alia, 2MJH, 357-66 ; TJQ , io8f. ; MPJ , 3 953; an d GMJ, 145-4 8 an d 15if . O n Krochmal , se e MPJ, 33-39; an d GMJ, 99f. On Dubnow , se e 2MJH, 373-79 .

I8I

The Meaning of Jewish History and Experience 33. DAT , 206-9. 34. DAT , 210-16. O n Agus ' furthe r evaluatio n o f the though t o f Yehezke l Kaufmann, se e also EJT , 15-16 ; iMJH , 93f. ; an d 2MJH , 35off. ; o n Baron , se e iMJH, i86f . 35. DAT , 225 . 36. Ibid. , 223. 37. Ibid. , 237-40 . 38. 2MJH , 481 ; cf. GMJ , 148, 224 . 39. GMJ , 214-15. 40. Ibid. , 188-91 . 41. EJT , 417-20. 42. "Th e Future o f Jewish Messianism " (1981) , in TJQ, 249-60. 43. TJQ , 259f. Mor e extensivel y o n Jewish messianism , se e 2MJH, 269-80 ; DAT, 329-39 ; an d GMG, 43 iff. 44. DAT , 579f. Thi s essa y is dated 1959 . See also GMJ , i64f . 45. O n th e recen t demographica l finding s regardin g th e rat e o f intermar riage amon g America n Jews, se e the Counci l o f Jewish Federations ' Highlights of the CJF iggo National Jewish Population Survey (Ne w York, 1991) , 13. 46. 2MJH , 476.

9 JACOB B . AGU S A N D TH E CONSERVATIVE M O V E M E N T Mordecai Wax man

THE DEFININ G ER A o f Conservativ e Judais m i n th e Unite d State s was th e tw o decade s afte r th e en d o f th e Secon d Worl d War . Thi s wa s the perio d i n whic h th e movemen t o f th e Jewis h populatio n t o ne w neighborhoods an d particularl y t o th e suburb s too k place . Thu s ne w Jewish communitie s wer e formed an d new institution s created , th e mos t common an d typica l o f which wer e th e synagogues . Thes e wer e gener ally establishe d b y youn g Jews, man y o f whom ha d n o prio r significan t synagogue associatio n o r wer e seekin g somethin g differen t fro m th e synagogues i n whic h the y ha d grow n up . Typically , the y wer e breakin g with th e Eas t European—styl e shul s wit h whic h the y wer e familia r an d seeking a for m an d a style tha t wer e adapte d t o th e America n scene . The majo r beneficiar y o f thes e development s wa s th e Conservativ e movement, whic h no w becam e th e largest o f the Jewish denominations , followed b y th e Refor m an d wit h a much-weakene d Orthodox y i n third place . However , th e majo r chang e i n America n Jewish identifica tion wa s asserte d b y synagogu e identification , rathe r tha n th e loos e folk Jewishness an d Judaism, stil l heavil y base d o n Europea n root s an d background, tha t ha d characterize d th e precedin g decades . It wa s i n thi s perio d an d contex t tha t Jacob Agu s mad e hi s notabl e contributions t o Jewish life . Whil e thes e wer e b y n o mean s confine d t o the Conservativ e movement , Agus ' activ e involvemen t i n th e move ment a s a congregationa l rabb i an d a s a n intellectua l forc e ha d a ver y 182

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great impact . I t is to hi s role i n Conservativ e Judaism tha t thi s chapte r i s devoted. Agus began hi s career a s an Orthodo x rabbi . Born i n Polan d i n 1911 , he pursue d hi s educatio n ther e an d subsequentl y i n Israel , an d finall y a t the Yeshiva h Rabb i Isaa c Elchanan , wher e h e wa s ordaine d a s a rabbi . As an Orthodo x rabb i h e hel d pulpit s i n Cambridge , Massachusetts , an d Chicago, Illinois . However , fro m th e ver y beginning o f his rabbinate h e took libera l position s o n matter s o f Jewish la w an d belonge d t o th e Judisches Wissenschaft school , whic h accepte d th e ide a tha t Judaism , a s well a s th e Jewis h people , ha d a histor y an d therefor e ha d changed . Thus i t wa s quit e eas y fo r Agu s t o identif y himsel f wit h th e outloo k of Conservativ e Judais m an d t o mov e fro m th e Orthodo x rank s int o membership i n th e Rabbinica l Assembly . In thi s respec t Agu s wa s no t unique . Other s wh o wer e graduate s o f Orthodox institutions , eithe r i n th e Unite d State s o r abroad , wer e making th e sam e transition . Indeed , th e bul k o f the Jewish Theologica l Seminary studen t bod y a t tha t tim e consiste d o f youn g me n wh o ha d their earlie r trainin g i n Orthodo x institutions . By th e tim e tha t Rabb i Agu s cam e t o Dayton , Ohio , h e wa s a member o f th e Rabbinica l Assembly , an d h e too k a Conservativ e pul pit. Th e increasingl y libera l tendenc y i n hi s theologica l an d halakhi c thinking tha t ha d alread y manifeste d itsel f i n Chicag o continue d t o develop, s o tha t b y th e tim e h e settle d i n Baltimore , h e ha d mad e th e bent o f his thinking abundantl y clear . I n Baltimore's Congregatio n Bet h El he serve d a membership that , o n th e whole , share d hi s point o f vie w and tha t wa s attracte d b y hi s personalit y an d hi s intellectua l achieve ment. Rabbi Agu s too k a n activ e rol e i n th e affair s o f th e Conservativ e movement fro m th e ver y beginning o f his affiliation wit h it . His abilitie s were widel y appreciated , an d almos t immediatel y h e wa s electe d t o th e Executive Counci l o f th e Rabbinica l Assembl y an d a variet y o f othe r committees an d offices . However , hi s primar y involvemen t wa s a s a very vita l facto r i n th e la w committee s ove r th e cours e o f the year s an d as an intellectua l forc e an d resourc e i n th e debate s tha t rage d withi n th e assembly in th e 1950 s and th e 1960 s about th e characte r an d directio n o f the Conservativ e movement . Thes e debates , whic h sometime s involve d rump session s a t conventions , wer e largel y centere d o n question s o f Jewish la w i n th e contex t o f th e changin g America n Jewis h scene . I n the situatio n tha t the n prevailed , wher e ther e wa s a clear divisio n o f th e

184 Mordecai Waxman

assembly int o right , cente r an d left , Rabb i Agu s belonge d t o wha t might b e calle d th e left-center . H e wa s joined i n thi s positio n b y a n exceptional grou p o f colleague s wh o largel y share d hi s poin t o f vie w and who wer e simultaneousl y articulat e spokesme n fo r th e Conservativ e movement an d moldin g force s fo r it . Amon g the m wer e contemporar y figures suc h a s Morri s Adler , Ben-Zio n Bokser , Theodor e Friedman , and Rober t Gordi s who , like Agus, enjoye d a rich halakhi c backgroun d and wide-rangin g intellectua l interest s an d wh o wer e engage d i n th e active rabbinat e an d confrontin g th e problem s o f th e America n Jewis h community i n thei r dail y activities . Agus' vita l involvemen t i n th e Conservativ e movemen t wa s mani fested i n a variet y o f ways , bot h grea t an d small . Apar t fro m hi s ver y active role in the La w Committee o f the Rabbinical Assembly , h e serve d as chairma n o f th e assembly' s Continuin g Conferenc e o n Conservativ e Ideology. H e wa s a frequen t contributo r t o th e magazin e Conservative Judaism an d a membe r o f it s boar d o f editors . Fo r som e year s h e gav e his services to the Conservativ e Cavalcade , which wa s a project designe d to brin g leadin g spokesme n o f th e Conservativ e movemen t t o small , isolated congregation s withou t cos t an d whic h involve d plane-hoppin g to fou r o r fiv e communitie s i n th e cours e o f a week . I n late r year s Agus wa s professo r a t th e newl y forme d Reconstructionis t Rabbinica l College, eve n thoug h h e wa s no t full y committe d t o Reconstructionis t ideas. Hi s genera l libera l approac h t o Jewish lif e le d him , a s it di d man y others, t o join th e Reconstructionis t Fellowshi p prio r t o th e tim e whe n Reconstructionism becam e a separat e movement . Lik e man y others , he value d Reconstructionis m a s a n elemen t withi n th e Conservativ e movement, bu t h e wa s no t prepare d t o endors e th e separation . Agu s meanwhile appeare d i n othe r forum s a s a representative Jewish spokes man. H e wa s significantly involve d i n interfaith dialogu e an d i n a highly controversial dialogu e wit h Arnol d Toynbee , wh o i n hi s multivolum e Study of History had characterize d th e Jews a s a fossil. However, th e principa l contribution s o f Jacob Agu s t o Conservativ e Judaism wer e a s a scholar an d a n articulat e exposito r o n a philosophy o f Jewish life , an d a s a ma n wit h a ric h halakhi c backgroun d wh o wa s concerned wit h th e changin g rol e o f Halakhah unde r th e condition s o f modern lif e an d how i t might constructivel y b e applie d t o th e America n Jewish community . Thes e ar e th e subject s t o whic h th e balanc e o f thi s chapter i s devoted .

185 Agus and the Conservative Movement

A PHILOSOPHY O F JUDAIS M Jacob Agu s wa s a prolifi c write r o n Jewish themes . Possesse d o f a ric h Jewish backgroun d tha t embrace d a n excellen t knowledg e o f Halakha h and a n extensiv e trainin g i n philosophy , h e merge d th e tw o bodie s o f knowledge i n nin e book s an d a host o f articles an d essays . He bega n hi s writing i n a period befor e th e ric h Jewish literatur e i n Englis h tha t no w exists wa s available , befor e genera l publisher s wer e willin g t o publis h works o n Jewis h themes , an d a t a tim e whe n chair s i n Jewis h studie s were confine d t o seminaries . Thi s mean t tha t hi s scholarl y an d literar y work ha d t o b e undertake n whil e h e wa s pursuin g a n activ e caree r a s a congregational rabbi . I t i s a testimon y t o hi s industr y an d ric h scholar ship tha t h e wa s so productive . Precisely because Agu s was in th e activ e rabbinate , however , hi s wor k reflected th e perception s an d outloo k o f someon e wh o ha d t o cop e with th e problem s o f contemporar y Jewish life . A s a result, hi s writing s deal wit h contemporar y Jewis h religiou s movement s an d philosophies , with theologica l questions , wit h Jewish ethica l principles , an d wit h th e history o f Jewish philosoph y o r th e philosoph y o f Jewish history . Al l o f his works seem intende d t o establis h th e meanin g o f the Jewish traditio n and philosophie s fo r th e contemporar y Je w rathe r tha n t o undertak e a purely scholarl y stud y o f th e subjects . Agu s wa s workin g i n th e frontlines o f Jewish lif e rathe r tha n dwellin g i n a n ivor y tower , an d hi s works wer e addresse d t o th e general , intellectuall y minde d Jewish pub lic. Indeed , hi s writing s wer e notabl y an d happil y lackin g i n extensiv e footnotes. Basically, Agus' works reflect th e underlyin g ideology o f Conservativ e Judaism, whic h wa s born ou t o f the confrontatio n wit h ne w condition s of Jewis h lif e i n th e Wester n worl d an d validate d b y th e Judisches Wissenschaft scholarshi p o f th e nineteent h century . Thi s approac h wa s carried o n i n th e America n scen e b y th e teachin g an d scholarl y wor k a t the Jewish Theologica l Seminary , whic h wa s th e centra l institutio n o f Conservative Judaism . Th e basi c doctrin e wa s tha t bot h Judais m an d the Jewish peopl e ha d a history an d tha t Judaism ha d change d ove r th e course o f th e centurie s i n relatio n t o ne w circumstance s an d th e need s of the Jewish people . Agus' works , whic h ha d a heav y philosophica l an d theologica l em phasis, wer e dedicate d t o illustratin g thi s thesis : i n philosoph y i n The

i86 Mordecai Waxman Evolution of Jewish Thought; i n a philosoph y o f Jewis h histor y i n The Meaning of Jewish History; and i n th e philosoph y o f Jewish ethic s i n The Vision and the Way. All o f thes e explorations , a s well a s Agus' examina tion o f Jewish ideologie s i n severa l book s an d hi s theologica l essay s o n The Jewish Quest, wer e founde d o n th e meanin g o f th e intellectual , historical, an d religiou s traditio n fo r th e contemporar y Je w an d fo r contemporary Judaism . Agu s wa s seekin g t o defin e appropriat e path s for Judaism an d th e Jewish peopl e i n th e revolutionar y ag e that followe d the Holocaust , th e creatio n o f Israel , an d th e dramati c ne w rol e o f the America n Jewis h community . H e therefore , i n The Jewish Quest, defines revelatio n "t o b e no t th e conveyanc e o f concret e information , but a n awarenes s o f th e numinou s an d th e sublim e tha t develop s int o a hunger fo r wisdom , a dedicatio n t o goodnes s an d a n intensifie d sens e of th e holy." 1 H e see s thi s vie w o f Jewish though t an d lif e reflecte d i n Conservative Judaism , an d h e goe s o n t o sa y tha t "th e expositio n o f Maimonides' philosoph y o f continuou s creativity " an d th e concept s o f what h e call s "Neo-maimonism " ar e demonstration s tha t th e root s o f Conservative Judais m ar e i n th e rationalisti c curren t o f Jewish philos ophy. In seeking , then , t o defin e th e Jewish rol e i n wha t h e describe s a s a postideological age , i n whic h th e earlie r ideologie s o n "whic h w e continue t o feed " ha d bee n fulfille d a s wel l a s frustrated , Agu s wa s concerned bot h wit h theologica l objective s an d wit h th e pattern s o f Jewish life , law , and organizatio n tha t migh t furthe r them . Hi s theologi cal view , expounde d i n a variety o f ways, wa s tha t "th e Jewish ques t i s to mak e onesel f an d th e worl d fi t fo r th e indwellin g o f th e Divin e Presence; theologicall y speaking , i t i s a yearnin g fo r th e 'Kingdo m o f Heaven.' " Solomo n Schechte r calle d attentio n t o th e aspect s o f thi s goal, a n "invisibl e realit y i n th e heart s o f peopl e . . . an d th e universa l dimension o f messianism." 2 The valu e o f Agus ' writing s an d exposition s t o th e genera l publi c was tha t the y serve d a s a n authoritativ e an d luci d expressio n o f Jewish thought an d ideolog y applie d t o a consideratio n o f th e contemporar y situation. T o hi s colleague s Agu s represente d a n attemp t t o cop e intel lectually wit h wha t h e designate d a s the "cul t o f ambiguity" i n Conser vative Judaism. H e pointe d ou t tha t vigorous dissen t with thi s ambiguit y was voice d chiefl y b y me n servin g i n th e activ e rabbinat e an d b y wha t he characterize d a s intellectual s o f th e schoo l o f Mordeca i M . Kaplan . Since Agus' earlie r work wa s undertaken i n a period whe n Conservativ e

187 Agus and the Conservative Movement

Judaism wa s undergoin g remarkabl e growt h an d seekin g t o redefin e itself, hi s formulation s ha d a significan t impact . Fo r hi s colleague s thi s impact wa s heightened b y th e fac t tha t Agu s was vitally concerne d wit h how Conservativ e idea s coul d b e transforme d int o guideline s fo r Jewish behavior an d b y hi s involvemen t i n an d creativ e contributio n t o th e debates tha t wer e ragin g withi n th e movemen t abou t th e natur e an d treatment o f Halakhah . HALAKHAH AN D CONSERVATIV E JUDAIS M

Precisely becaus e Conservativ e Judais m i s committe d t o th e principl e that Jewish la w i s centra l t o Judaism, th e tru e tes t o f on e s definition o f the Conservativ e ideolog y i s i n th e treatmen t o f Jewish law . I t wa s i n this area tha t Jacob Agu s made a major contributio n o n bot h a theoreti cal and a practical level . On a practica l level , i n a pape r delivere d a t th e 195 8 conventio n o f the Rabbinica l Assembl y Agu s discusse d thre e stage s o r emphase s tha t grew ou t o f on e anothe r i n th e Conservativ e approac h t o Jewish law. 3 The first stag e he characterize d a s classical Conservatism, whic h negate d Reform an d adopte d a basi c Orthodo x position , with , however , som e major reservations . On e suc h i s that ther e ar e "area s o f freedom" i n th e law that permit ne w interpretation s o r enactments . A second reservatio n is tha t ther e ar e differen t order s o f importanc e i n th e law : biblical , rabbinic, an d late r enactment s an d customs . Tactic s fo r th e preservatio n of Jewish lif e ma y dictat e treatin g law s differently . Third , an d o f grea t importance, i s th e recognitio n tha t ther e ar e principle s i n Judais m a s well a s laws, an d a t time s th e principl e mus t b e se t abov e th e law . An d fourth, th e histor y o f Jewish lif e ha s show n tha t i n effectin g chang e b y interpretation, th e rabbini c authorit y wa s great , an d th e sam e tactic s might b e exercise d today . However, Agu s point s out , onc e "yo u diges t th e though t tha t th e literalist versio n o f th e revelatio n a t Sina i i s no t t o b e take n a s histori c fact bu t a s a postulat e o f Fait h . . . th e whol e foundatio n o f classica l conservatism collapses. " Thi s acceptanc e o f history , say s Agus , le d t o a second stage , th e Reconstructionis t position , a n outloo k tha t propose d the ide a o f ethni c folkways , "settin g th e peopl e a s th e bas e instea d o f the dogm a o f revelatio n a t Sinai . Thi s conceptio n wa s bot h naturalisti c and nationalistic , callin g attention t o th e rootednes s o f Jewish la w i n th e realities o f life . I t wa s a goo d interi m approach , helpfu l i n a n ag e o f

188 Mordecai Waxman

transition an d congenia l t o th e spiri t o f th e ag e twent y year s ag o [i.e. , 1938]." Agu s though t i t a hopefu l outlook , oriente d t o a visio n o f th e future, bu t wit h majo r drawbacks . The thir d stag e a s he discerne d i t i s the libera l Conservativ e position . Agus contend s tha t th e inadequac y o f folkways a s a basis is that the y d o not captur e "th e spiritua l momentu m containe d i n ou r sacre d tradi tion." People , Agu s asserts , giv e thei r live s fo r faith , no t fo r folkways . The essentiall y secula r characte r o f folkways , h e asserted , woul d b e made manifes t b y th e developmen t o f ne w folkway s i n Israel . Thi s prediction, mad e i n 1958 , has indeed bee n born e ou t i n Israel i life . The libera l Conservativ e positio n tha t Agu s espouse s emphasize s la w as standard, rathe r tha n a s Halakhah wit h reservation s o r a s a folkway. I n an er a i n whic h mizvot ar e neithe r consistentl y practice d no r universall y observed, th e concep t o f standard s ma y b e th e mos t effectiv e for m o f education an d o f inducing commitment . Agu s see s standard s a s equiva lent t o th e ide a o f Takkanot (rabbini c ordinances ) i n Jewis h lega l thought. I n essence , h e contend s tha t th e doctrin e an d th e principle s o f Judaism tha t embod y th e spiri t behin d th e law s ar e th e thing s t o b e sought. Yesterday s Aggada h mus t b e th e basi s fo r today s Halakhah . The taamei hamizvot —the reason s an d rationale s fo r laws—mus t b e considered i n determinin g whic h element s o f th e Halakh a wil l b e fruitful an d vali d i n ou r day . I t i s ou t o f tha t sor t o f evaluatio n tha t th e standards fo r observanc e mus t b e built . Agus applie d thi s thinking—th e respec t fo r th e spiri t o f th e law , th e Aggagah, and a n examinatio n o f the reason s fo r th e commandment—t o the questio n o f whethe r th e Conservativ e movement , a s a result o f th e establishment o f Israel , shoul d advocat e th e abolitio n o f th e Secon d Day o f Festivals . Hi s minorit y responsu m (availabl e i n th e Rabbinica l Assembly files ) recognize s tha t th e uncertaint y o f communicatio n i s n o longer a prope r reaso n fo r addin g a secon d day , bu t simultaneousl y notes tha t a continuin g majo r Diaspor a canno t tak e Israel i practic e a s normative fo r itself . Assertin g tha t ever y festiva l i s a n instrumen t o f Jewish piety , Agu s propose s t o retai n th e secon d da y a s a standar d an d validates i t a s conformin g t o th e spiri t o f th e law , rathe r tha n a s a la w whose reaso n ha s disappeared . H e therefor e recommend s stressin g th e flexibility o f the traditio n an d enrichin g i t wit h fres h meaning . Specifi cally, h e propose s t o tur n th e Musa f servic e int o a stud y period , wit h emphasis o n th e ethica l an d intellectual aspect s o f the festival . Whil e th e specific proposa l i s scarcel y radical , wha t i s importan t i n th e Agu s

189 Agus and the Conservative Movement

analysis i s th e emphasi s o n flexibility an d o n findin g ne w an d positiv e meaning fo r ol d practices . For Agus , th e decisiv e recognitio n o f wha t h e characterize d a s th e liberal Conservativ e approac h cam e wit h th e formulatio n o f th e " R e sponsum o n th e Sabbath, " whic h wa s produce d b y th e expande d La w Committee, designe d t o represen t al l segment s o f th e movement , an d presented t o th e Rabbinica l Assembl y Convention , bu t no t vote d on , in 1950 . I n thei r majorit y responsum , Rabbi s Agus , Adler , an d Fried man mad e a decisiv e brea k wit h th e thinkin g an d limite d actio n o f previous la w committees . The y thereb y establishe d th e rol e an d th e thinking o f th e La w Committe e a s committe d t o wha t Agu s describe d as liberal Conservatism . Whil e Rabbi s Gordi s an d Bokse r di d no t agre e with th e majorit y conclusion , th e genera l lin e o f thei r ow n thinkin g was suc h a s to establis h th e libera l Conservativ e outloo k a s the majorit y portion withi n th e Rabbinica l Assembly . Onc e th e positio n o f classica l Conservatism ha d been se t aside, the wa y was opened fo r th e Conserva tive movemen t t o implemen t it s theoretica l positio n tha t Jewis h la w could b e changed . Th e ne w Ketubah, attempt s t o facilitat e th e givin g o f a ge t (Jewis h divorce ) an d subsequen t decision s o n divorce , eventua l decisions o n th e callin g o f women t o th e Tora h an d o n countin g the m in a minyan, an d th e whol e histor y o f Conservative la w ruling s thereaf ter wer e base d o n an d couche d i n th e spiri t o f majorit y "Responsu m on th e Sabbath." 4 The responsu m addresse d itsel f t o th e question s o f trave l o n th e Sabbath an d th e us e o f electricity . I t analyze d th e problem s o f obser vance o n th e American scen e an d proposed a program fo r th e revitaliza tion o f the Sabbat h b y th e unite d action s o f all arms o f the Conservativ e movement. However , i t further advance d th e thesi s tha t "w e mus t lear n to adjus t ou r strateg y t o th e realitie s o f ou r tim e an d plac e i n keepin g with th e realisti c geniu s o f the grea t builder s o f ou r faith. " I n thi s spiri t the responsu m permit s ridin g t o th e synagogu e o n th e Sabbat h whe n necessary, t o fulfil l th e mizvah o f public worship , an d permit s th e us e o f electricity a s necessary i n moder n lif e fo r th e norma l comfort s o f living and therefor e contributin g t o enhancin g th e enjoymen t o f the Sabbath . Legal analysi s o f cours e underla y th e responsum , bu t a t a late r dat e (1958), Agu s mad e th e broade r poin t tha t classica l Conservatis m an d Orthodox doctrin e wer e untenabl e theoretically , a s was th e doctrin e o f Torah min ha-shomayim (Tora h literall y "reveale d fro m heaven") , onc e you assum e th e validit y o f historical research . "Fro m th e stud y o f Jewish

190 Mordecai Waxman

law a s develope d i n research , the n fro m th e stud y o f Jewis h law s a s developed i n Talmudi c time s an d thenc e t o evolutio n i n Biblica l an d pre-Biblical times , n o arbitrar y limi t i s possible." 5 In formulatin g th e principle s o f what h e calle d libera l Conservatism , Agus was not reall y proposing a radical doctrine . Th e thesi s that Judaism had change d ove r th e cours e o f the centurie s an d tha t i t wa s responsiv e to historica l an d sociologica l circumstance s was , afte r all , the premis e o n which Conservativ e Judaism ha d bee n built . However , th e questio n o f the impac t o f thi s outloo k o n th e doctrin e o f Tora h min ha-shomayim had largel y bee n avoide d i n relatio n t o th e Bibl e bu t wa s largel y ac cepted i n relatio n t o th e Talmu d an d th e entir e theor y o f th e ora l law . Nonetheless, classica l Conservatism , whil e assertin g th e righ t t o chang e Jewish law , had b y an d larg e avoide d doin g so. The "Responsu m o n th e Sabbath " represente d th e first major transla tion o f a widely hel d theor y int o action . I t wa s thi s propensit y t o fac e the theoretica l issue s an d t o implemen t the m tha t characterize d libera l Conservatism. However , th e responsu m an d subsequen t development s were a n outgrowt h o f th e restructurin g o f th e La w Committe e i n November 1948 . Twenty-thre e member s wer e appointe d t o th e com mittee o n th e assumptio n that , a s a result , al l th e point s o f vie w abou t Jewish law in th e Rabbinica l Assembl y were represented . Th e principle s to whic h th e majorit y o f th e committe e wer e committe d wer e pre sented afte r a year o f stud y b y th e chairman , Rabb i Morri s Adler , an d included th e statemen t tha t "chang e i s a significan t an d characteristi c property o f Jewish Law . Th e Halacha h wa s bor n ou t o f a meeting o f a people wit h life. " Adle r wen t o n t o sa y "suc h a conceptio n o f th e Halachah introduce s possibilitie s o f amendmen t beyon d th e stric t an d formal procedur e traditionall y followe d i n effectin g change. " However , it wa s emphasize d tha t chang e mus t b e effectiv e i n creatin g opportuni ties and sensitivit y fo r positiv e Jewish living . Agus, as I indicated, wa s an active member o f this new La w Commit tee, and the "Responsu m o n th e Sabbath " tha t articulate d th e principle s enumerated b y Adle r wa s hi s work , alon g wit h Adle r s an d Theodor e Friedman's. Whil e th e Sabbat h responsu m reflecte d Agus ' genera l feel ing tha t Jewish la w shoul d mak e Jewis h livin g mor e feasible , som e o f his individuall y compose d respons a demonstrat e th e nuance s i n hi s thinking. For instance , Agu s considere d th e questio n o f whether i t i s proper t o have a candle-lighting ceremon y a t a n One g Shabba t o n Frida y nigh t i f

191 Agus and the Conservative Movement

the candle s hav e bee n li t earlie r b y th e janitors. Hi s decisio n wa s tha t "we shoul d trea t th e establishe d pattern s o f ou r fait h wit h reverence , and no t allo w the m t o b e misuse d a t will . A candle-lightin g ceremon y in th e synagogu e whe n n o candle s ar e lit , usin g th e blessin g intende d for thi s purpos e a t home , i s self-contradictory . No innovation which contains its own contradiction can possibly serve any noble or edifying purpose. " 7

Agus the n propose d a n alternat e for m o f celebratio n withou t th e brochah. Here, a s in th e cas e o f th e Secon d Da y o f th e Festivals , h e too k a more traditiona l positio n tha n di d man y colleague s wh o share d hi s liberal Conservativ e outlook . Nonetheless , becaus e h e recognize d tha t the lif e situatio n di d rais e questions , h e propose d alternat e solutions. " In contrast , Agu s permitted th e tapin g o f a service o n th e Sabbat h o n the genera l principl e tha t i n th e curren t condition s o f Jewis h life , ceremonies suc h a s ba r mitzva h hav e a specia l lifelon g impact , an d therefore recordin g the m i s desirable . Whil e stressin g th e psychologica l reason, Agu s offere d a n interestin g lega l theory . H e wrote , " I conside r it possibl e tha t th e rabbi s define d th e prohibite d categorie s o f wor k i n the archai c term s o f th e buildin g o f th e Mishkan (Tabernacle ) i n orde r to allo w a certai n latitud e fo r futur e generations. " Agu s too k th e poin t further b y proposin g tha t distinctio n i n purpos e rathe r tha n manne r o f performance shoul d be decisive , citing the talmudi c passage Shabbat 103: "If it i s to serv e you r desire , i t i s forbidden; i f it i s to serv e th e purpose s of you r Maker , i t i s permitted." 8 T o creat e a basi s fo r acceptin g an d implementing thi s practice , Rabb i Agu s calle d fo r th e adoptio n o f a Takkanah by th e Rabbinica l Assembly . The ide a o f Takkanah as a means o f dealin g wit h problem s i n Jewish law was central to Agus' halakhic philosophy. I n discussin g a "Theologi cal Foundatio n fo r th e Halachah " (Jewish Quest, 198) , Agu s cite s Mai monides t o asser t tha t no t al l Halakho t ar e bor n equal : "W e hav e t o study thei r origi n i n history , thei r justificatio n i n philosophy , thei r pragmatic consequences , thei r meri t i n term s o f th e primar y interes t o f faith." Th e livin g communit y o f Israel , a s a result, ha s develope d differ ent school s o f interpretation. Accordin g t o Agus , Conservativ e Judais m is on e suc h schoo l an d i s characterize d b y th e attitud e tha t th e "Hala chah i s a startin g point , no t a blueprint , an d i t i s on e o f th e give n components o f our tradition , no t th e whol e o f it." Asserting tha t Conservativ e Jew s ar e no t literalist s an d therefor e d o not accep t revelatio n i n th e Tora h o r in th e ora l law word fo r word , an d denying th e bindin g qualit y o f custom , Agu s lay s th e foundatio n fo r

192 Mordecai Waxman

defining a mean s o f changin g Jewis h law . H e reject s th e metho d o f individual interpretatio n founde d b y som e o f hi s colleague s a s leadin g to anarchy . H e propose s instea d a system o f Takkanot in whic h th e sens e of communa l enactmen t i s provide d b y th e La w Committe e an d b y congregational endorsement . Furthe r assertin g th e doctrin e o f KM Yisrael, defined a s th e consensu s o f th e concerned , Agu s suggest s tha t th e rabbinate doe s no t totall y exhaus t th e categor y o f thos e whos e opinio n should b e weighe d i n formulatin g Jewis h la w today . H e point s t o others wh o hel p t o shap e th e Jewis h mentality , includin g academi c philosophers, scholars , educators , socia l workers , writers . Moreover , a s the domai n o f religio n i s progressivel y contracte d t o th e synagogue , associations o f th e synagogu e com e closest t o representin g th e religiou s fellowship o f Israe l an d t o providin g authoritativ e endorsemen t o f Takkanot. Just ho w muc h latitud e Agu s i s prepare d t o allo w th e collectiv e synagogue i n endorsemen t i s no t clear . Presumably , h e woul d limi t himself t o thos e wh o accep t th e Halakha h a s centra l t o Judais m an d thus limi t himsel f t o th e KM Yisrael. Ye t i n a n essa y o n libera l Judaism, Agus, whil e assertin g tha t Refor m Judais m denie s th e wort h o f law s governing th e domai n o f religious life , expresse s hi s expectatio n tha t i n the futur e it , too , wil l accep t standard s o f Jewis h observance. 9 H e argues therefor e fo r th e continuanc e o f diversit y i n ritua l bu t fo r "th e emergence o f a common ideologica l platfor m o f Liberal Judaism whic h would dea l with th e majo r issue s o f the Jewish world. " Nonetheless, whil e th e remark s o n libera l Judaism wer e a recognitio n that ther e wa s a nee d t o see k Jewish unit y o n th e basi s o f ethica l an d spiritual principles , rathe r tha n onl y throug h ritualisti c an d liturgica l expressions, Agu s wa s primaril y concerne d wit h a forceful treatmen t o f Jewish la w b y th e Conservativ e movement . H e contende d therefor e that th e Sabbat h responsu m shoul d no t b e regarde d a s a hetair (a permissive ruling ) bu t rathe r a s a Takkanah throug h whic h th e movemen t asserted it s willingnes s t o grappl e wit h th e proble m o f Jewish lif e i n relation t o th e condition s o f lif e an d too k deliberat e an d collectiv e positive actio n t o fin d a n answer . Agu s wa s no t dispose d t o sugges t tha t the citin g of legal sources, precedents, an d interpretations wa s irrelevant , but h e sough t a n activis t approac h t o Jewish la w by th e consensu s o f th e Rabbinical Assembl y an d th e collectiv e congregation s represente d i n the United Synagogu e an d by the th e free employmen t o f the Takkanah. Indeed, h e extende d hi s concep t t o propos e tha t th e traditio n develop s by ne w Takkanot, which h e define d a s ordinance s o f conduc t initiate d

193 Agus and the Conservative Movement

by th e elite ; aggadot, a s ne w idea s whic h aris e eithe r ou t o f Judaism o r out o f universa l culture ; an d minhagim, a s custom s initiate d b y th e people an d concurre d i n b y th e elite. 10 I n essence , h e said , "ou r entir e sacred traditio n i s the compendiu m o f takkanot in previou s generations . The livin g tradition s tha t w e shal l leav e t o th e futur e wil l consist , i n effect, o f the takkanot we institut e i n ou r lifetime. " Agus' idea s o n th e natur e o f Conservativ e Judaism wer e no t unique . They wer e circulatin g within th e grou p tha t h e referre d t o a s the libera l Conservatives. I n th e Rabbinica l Assembl y o f the lat e 1940s , th e 1950s , and th e 1960s , thi s grou p constitute d th e centra l an d majorit y grou p that incorporate d an d harmonize d th e thinkin g o f the classica l Conser vatives o n th e righ t an d th e Reconstructionist s o n th e left . In summary , Agus ' contributio n t o th e dominan t grou p was , first , that h e gav e it s idea s significan t an d authoritativ e theoretica l an d luci d expression. Second , h e participate d activel y i n th e wor k o f the lega l an d ideological bodie s i n th e Rabbinica l Assembl y an d wa s a majo r facto r in formulatin g decisiv e responsa , mos t notabl y th e Sabbat h responsum , that initiate d a ne w an d activis t er a i n dealin g wit h Jewis h la w i n th e Conservative movement . Th e method s o f dealin g wit h Agunah status , with th e rol e o f wome n i n th e synagogue , an d wit h th e ordinatio n o f women a s rabbis an d cantor s al l stemme d fro m th e chang e i n approac h involved i n th e reorganize d La w Committe e an d th e Sabbat h respon sum. Third , becaus e Agu s was a practising pulpi t rabb i an d a productiv e scholar, he , lik e severa l o f hi s contemporar y colleagues , brough t th e realities o f American Jewish lif e int o th e court s o f law an d translate d th e new approache s int o th e lif e o f the community . "One generatio n goe s an d anothe r generatio n comes, " an d i t i s highly probable tha t a younger generatio n o f the Conservativ e rabbinat e and la y leadership doe s no t kno w o f its indebtedness t o Jacob Agus . Bu t perhaps the y unknowingl y quot e hi s words, live by hi s ideas, and follo w his rulings . NOTES 1. Jaco b Agus , The Jewish Quest (Ne w York , 1983) , vii. 2. Solomo n Schechter , cite d b y Jacob Agu s i n The Jewish Quest, vii . 3. Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly, ig$8 (Ne w York , 1958) , 81. 4. Mordeca i Waxman , ed. , Tradition and Change (New York , 1958) , 348 . 5. Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly, 1958, 112.

194 Mordecai Waxman 6. Ibid. , 70 . 7. Thi s responsu m wil l be foun d i n th e file s o f the Rabbinica l Assembly . 8. Rabb i Agus ' ful l discussio n o f these issue s will be foun d i n th e file s o f th e Rabbinical Assembly . 9. Dialogue and Tradition (Ne w York , 1971) . 10. Se e Jacob Agus , The Jewish Quest, 199 .

10 JEWISH LA W A S STANDARD S Elliot N. Dorff

JACOB AGU S wa s amon g th e firs t t o develo p a philosoph y o f Jewish law distinctiv e t o Conservativ e Judaism . Zacharia s Franke l ha d lon g since argue d fo r th e legitimac y o f chang e withi n Jewish la w whil e stil l maintaining loyalt y t o it , an d other s suc h a s Alexander Kohu t an d Israe l Friedlander ha d subsequentl y continue d an d expande d tha t lin e o f argumentation. Solomo n Schechte r ha d calle d attentio n t o th e rol e o f "catholic Israel " i n definin g th e conten t o f th e law , althoug h no t wit h much clarit y o r depth . Loui s Ginzberg , Loui s Finkelstein , an d man y others a t th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y o f Americ a ha d writte n essays an d book s abou t specifi c topic s withi n Jewish law , bu t non e ha d seriously an d thoroughl y tackle d th e philosophica l question s inheren t i n the historica l approac h the y wer e takin g i n thei r scholarship . Mordeca i Kaplan wa s th e sol e exception , bu t hi s vie w o f Go d i n deisti c term s a s the powe r i n natur e tha t make s fo r salvatio n force d hi m t o interpre t Jewish ritua l la w a s mere folkways , a view tha t wa s destine d t o spli t of f from th e Conservativ e movemen t an d becom e Reconstructionism . In th e lat e 1940 s an d th e earl y 1950s , though , severa l factor s mad e i t imperative t o formulat e a distinctl y Conservativ e philosoph y o f law . The Holocaus t ha d just wipe d ou t th e eminen t rabbinica l seminarie s o f Europe. Tha t mean t America n Jew s coul d n o longe r depen d on , an d were n o longe r constraine d by , Europea n rabbini c scholarship . O n th e contrary, America n Jewry ha d suddenl y becom e th e larges t Jewish com munity i n th e world , a plac e i t occupie s t o thi s day . America n rabbis , 195

196 Elliot N. Dorff then, ha d t o tak e o n th e responsibilit y o f shaping Judaism i n th e las t hal f of the twentiet h century . Sinc e th e vast majority o f Americas Jews wer e affiliated wit h th e Conservativ e movement—stil l th e larges t religiou s movement i n Nort h America—tha t tas k wa s especiall y critica l fo r Conservative rabbis . Boa z Cohen , Rober t Gordis , an d other s leape d into th e fra y i n wha t mus t hav e bee n a n immensel y excitin g an d head y time. 1 It was precisely i n thi s contex t tha t Jacob Agu s wrote th e philosophi cal essay s tha t wer e t o becom e th e cornerston e o f hi s late r wor k i n Jewish law . They wer e firs t publishe d i n th e journal Conservative Judaism in clos e succession : "Tora h M'Sinai " (Februar y 1947) , "La w i n Conser vative Judaism" (Februar y 1948) , an d "Law s a s Standards " (Ma y 1950) . Those essays , togethe r wit h hi s seminar y lectur e "Pluralis m i n Law " (summer 1953) , subsequentl y appeare d a s chapter s 6 , 7 , 8 , an d 9 o f hi s 1954 book Guideposts in Modern Judaism. In thes e writing s Agu s manage d t o develo p wha t wa s arguabl y th e most thoroughgoin g philosoph y o f law for th e Conservativ e movement . More tha n anyon e els e (wit h th e possibl e exceptio n o f Robert Gordis) , Agus spelle d ou t no t onl y wha t th e Conservativ e approac h t o Jewis h law wa s an d shoul d b e bu t wh y on e shoul d adop t it . Thi s require d him t o articulat e no t onl y a n approac h t o Jewish la w bu t als o a theor y of revelatio n and , ultimately , a theology . O n eac h o f thes e topic s Agus' argument s combin e th e lates t i n moder n scientifi c theor y wit h the knowledg e w e hav e gaine d throug h a historica l approac h t o th e Jewish tradition . A s such, Agu s quintessentiall y preserve s al l three o f th e characteristics tha t becam e th e hallmark s o f Conservativ e Judaism : a theistic, persona l Go d wh o commands ; a historica l approac h t o under standing th e Jewish tradition , includin g it s legal text s an d practices ; an d a willingnes s t o integrat e thos e firs t tw o principle s i n concret e lega l decisions. This chapter , then , concentrate s o n th e essay s liste d abov e whil e noting relevan t materia l i n Agus ' late r philosophica l work s tha t ex panded o n hi s visio n o f Jewish law . W e wil l als o se e ho w Agu s applie d his perceptio n o f Jewish la w t o severa l concret e case s h e addresse d i n responsa fo r th e Conservativ e movemen t s Committe e o n Jewis h La w and Standards . I n doin g so , we hop e t o recaptur e a n approac h t o Jewish law that , i n thi s autho r s opinion, ha s much t o teac h u s today .

197 Jewish Law as Standards

THE S O U R C E S O F A U T H O R I T Y F O R J E W I S H LAW : R E A S O N AN D R E V E L A T I O N

Following a lon g lin e o f Jewis h philosophers , Agu s speak s o f tw o "pillars" that for m th e foundatio n o f Judaism: reaso n an d revelation . H e argues agains t thos e wh o woul d bas e Judaism o n eithe r on e alone . Revelation canno t b e th e exclusiv e sourc e o f Jewish law s authority , according t o Agus , becaus e "ther e ca n b e n o inne r correspondenc e between ou r presen t feelin g an d th e event s o f severa l thousan d year s ago." 2 Tha t is , eve n i f w e wan t t o believ e tha t verba l revelatio n too k place ami d thunde r an d lightning a t Sinai , ou r ow n experienc e doe s no t give u s warran t fo r tha t belief , fo r w e no w d o no t experienc e suc h a revelation. Th e Passove r liturg y want s u s t o identif y wit h tha t even t when i t proclaims , "I n ever y generatio n a person mus t see him/hersel f as i f s/h e lef t Egypt, " bu t eve n tha t liturg y recognize s th e bes t i t ca n hope fo r i s that contemporar y peopl e see (that is , imagine) themselve s as if they ha d lef t Egypt . Thu s immediat e experienc e wil l no t provid e th e necessary groun d fo r Judais m fo r contemporar y Jews , eve n i f i t di d s o for thos e wh o stoo d a t Sinai . Moreover, reaso n i s necessar y fo r fait h i f on e "i s t o escap e th e manifold pitfall s o f unbridle d superstitio n an d unmitigate d fanaticism. " The religiou s bent i n peopl e i s that whic h recognize s huma n limitation s and dependenc e o n factor s beyon d huma n comprehensio n and/o r con trol. Kee n awarenes s o f thos e element s i n ou r experienc e make s fo r passivity, acceptance , an d thankfulness . Religiou s peopl e ar e therefor e all to o pron e t o accep t superstition s a s absolutely tru e an d t o acquiesc e to fanati c an d sometime s downrigh t immora l actions , base d o n blin d faith i n wha t i s presente d a s religiou s truth—ofte n o n th e basi s o f some interpretatio n o f the religion s officia l revelation . Reason , then , i s necessary t o counterac t thes e inclinations . Reason i s als o necessar y t o balanc e anothe r commo n religiou s ten dency, namely , th e emphasi s o n inwardness . I n som e form s o f mysti cism, fo r example , on e turn s inwar d t o fin d God , eithe r wit h th e hel p of revelation o r a s a substitute fo r revelation . Ofte n thi s i s accompanie d by a disdai n fo r reaso n an d a denial o f th e realit y o f th e physica l world . For Agus , though , genuin e piet y require s a dialecti c fro m subjectivit y to objectivity , an d vic e versa . On e mus t balanc e inne r perception s an d emotions wit h reaso n an d experienc e focuse d o n th e worl d outsid e us , "for th e lif e o f th e spiri t i s no t a stati c reflectio n an d crystallizatio n o f

198 Elliot N. Dorff the Truth , bu t a dynamic apprehensio n o f it from ever y changin g angle , in th e ceaseles s chang e o f perspectiv e fro m subjectivit y t o objectivity , and bac k again . . . . T o condem n objectiv e piet y [base d o n reason ] o n the ground s o f inwardnes s i s therefor e t o betra y th e mark s o f spiritua l astigmatism." 3 And finally , Agu s notes , i n ou r da y revelatio n canno t justify proposi tions tha t ar e no t supporte d b y reason , eve n i f there ar e n o compellin g proofs t o th e contrar y an d eve n i f such proposition s ar e deeme d neces sary fo r on e s salvation . Tha t is , revelatio n canno t fill i n gap s lef t b y reason. Tha t i s because "th e dogm a o f 'Torah M'Sinai, ' i n it s fundamen talist interpretation , i s n o longe r a 'live ' propositio n t o thos e wh o hav e made thei r ow n th e spiri t o f Western cultur e an d th e moder n method s of researc h i n th e histor y o f religions." 4 I n th e past , Jews—perhap s even larg e number s o f them—ma y hav e believe d tha t th e manuscrip t of th e Tora h w e hav e i n han d i s th e litera l wor d o f Go d a t Sina i an d therefore supercede s al l othe r form s o f knowledge i n it s authorit y and , indeed, set s th e criteri a fo r wha t wil l coun t a s knowledg e fro m an y other source . I n th e moder n world , however , tha t i s n o longe r true . Western cultur e ha s all but totall y triumphe d amon g Jews, an d therefor e even religio n mus t submi t t o th e canon s o f intersubjective reaso n fo r it s analysis an d validation . I n suc h a context , Agu s asserts , basin g th e authority o f Jewish la w o n a literalist interpretatio n o f th e Tora h in the absence o f rational ground s fo r believin g wha t i t say s i s n o longe r eve n what Willia m James woul d cal l a "live " optio n fo r contemporar y Jews . Where reaso n seem s t o contradic t proposition s affirme d o n th e basi s o f the Torah , revelatio n woul d los e eve n mor e credibilit y i n th e eye s o f moderns. However, Jewish law' s claim s t o authority , accordin g t o Agus , shoul d not b e base d o n reaso n alone . When on e doe s this , as many nineteenth century Jewis h thinker s did , "th e La w i s strippe d o f ever y vestig e o f authority, th e whol e rang e o f traditio n i s denie d an y inheren t truth value, an d worshi p become s a mer e huma n exercis e i n mnemonics"; 5 for i f reason is the sol e source o f authority, everythin g else—law , beliefs , story, revelation , poetry , custom , history—become s handmaide n i n it s service, demonstratin g o r re-enforcin g rationa l principle s i n som e way . This strip s Jewish la w o f it s inheren t authority , makin g whateve r sanc tion i t ha s a derivative o f reason . Reason canno t sustai n suc h a burden, an d Agu s provides fou r reason s to demonstrat e why. 6 First ,

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religious consciousnes s i s a realm o f unique values , sui generis, eve n a s art and music , s o tha t i n i t th e concept s o f ethic s an d esthetic s acquir e a special ton e an d substance . Beaut y i s transmute d int o a feelin g o f th e Divine, dut y i s viewe d a s self-orientatio n t o th e Divin e Wil l an d th e measure o f right an d wrong is construed a s the judgment o f God. 7 That is , eve n wher e reaso n ca n hel p u s understan d phenomen a suc h a s moral principle s o r aestheti c qualities , thos e phenomena , whe n viewe d by reason , appea r i n it s specifi c light . The y tak e o n a completel y different coloratio n an d meaning , however , whe n experience d i n th e context o f religion . I f one' s vie w o f thes e phenomen a i s goin g t o b e adequate t o thei r substance , then , on e mus t us e bot h reaso n an d othe r avenues o f knowledg e appropriat e t o th e specifi c phenomen a t o kno w and understan d them . I n th e cas e o f Jewish law , th e othe r appropriat e approach i s through revelation , a s Jewish source s themselve s attest . Second, withi n religiou s consciousnes s al l object s ar e see n a s depen dent an d creaturely , function s o f a highe r power . Tha t is , religiou s people vie w ou r finit e worl d a s limited i n it s powe r an d dependen t o n that whic h goe s beyon d it . Thi s perceptio n i s no t a reasone d inferenc e but rathe r "a n immediat e intuitio n o f the transcendent. " On e recognize s such a perception o f ou r finit e worl d a s appropriate withou t creatin g a rational argumen t t o clai m s o bu t rathe r a s soo n a s on e experience s it . It i s lik e th e experienc e o f tryin g o n a pai r o f eyeglasses : on e know s immediately whethe r o r no t th e vie w o f the worl d the y giv e i s right. I f asked t o d o so , on e ma y b e abl e t o suppl y som e argument s t o demon strate tha t a particular vie w o f the worl d i s suitable, bu t suc h argument s are no t th e basi s o f one' s convictio n tha t th e eyeglasse s giv e a prope r vision o f th e world ; tha t come s fro m th e experienc e itself . Reaso n i s therefore no t th e sol e groun d o f our religiou s knowledge . Third, religio n i n genera l an d religiou s la w i n particula r develo p organically. The y ar e no t th e produc t o f abstrac t truth s applie d i n som e ivory tower ; the y gro w instea d ou t o f th e continuin g experience s o f a community tha t affirm s a religion's truth s an d live s by it s laws. Becaus e this i s so , reaso n i s reall y incapabl e o f capturin g muc h o f th e substanc e of Jewish law . Reason , afte r all , i s universa l i n it s nature , whil e Jewis h law i s peculiar t o th e Jewish people . Furthermore , a rationa l argumen t is, a t leas t i n theory , vali d o r invali d forever , whil e Jewish la w i s subjec t to change s ove r time . Jewish la w ma y deriv e som e o f its authorit y fro m the rationa l an d mora l purpose s i t serves , bu t th e particula r an d devel -

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oping qualitie s o f Jewish la w prov e tha t thos e purpose s canno t b e th e whole story . And finally , fourth , "revelatio n i s an actua l phenomenon , no t merel y a euphemism , an d Judaism i s a reveale d religion. " I n othe r words , an y interpretation o f Judaism tha t denie s th e revelationa l bas e o f i t i n favo r of reason alon e i s to tha t exten t distortin g Judaism. Agus define s revelatio n a s "th e belie f tha t trut h an d creativ e visio n may com e t o ma n fro m God , thr u [sic] channels othe r tha n th e physica l senses." H e distinguishe s thre e stage s o f revelation : (i ) th e intuitio n o f the objectiv e validit y o f ethica l values ; (2 ) experiencin g th e highes t levels o f religiou s feeling , designate d "th e feelin g o f th e holy, " "whe n the awarenes s o f Divin e myster y an d majest y i s th e suprem e not e i n mans consciousness, " promptin g on e t o dedicat e onesel f t o Go d i n th e moral form s reveale d i n th e firs t stag e o f revelation ; an d (3 ) "th e covenant o r destin y experience, " whe n on e acquire s ne w insigh t an d creative energy , suc h a s th e revelation s tha t le d t o th e appearanc e o f Judaism i n th e mids t o f the paga n world. Al l people ar e recipients o f th e first tw o level s o f revelation i f they ope n themselve s t o receivin g it , bu t the thir d stag e is the possessio n o f only a privileged few . Just a s th e secon d stag e o f revelatio n include s an d fortifie s th e first, so, too , th e thir d stag e prove s "it s authenticit y b y th e intensificatio n i t affords t o th e first tw o phase s o f revelation. . . . Religion, i n th e specifi c or Jewish meanin g o f th e term , i s thus see n t o b e inherentl y relate d t o the ethica l ideal , a s th e root s o f th e tre e ar e t o it s fruits. " Agu s i n fac t takes i t a s a specifi c mar k o f "th e Conservativ e conceptio n o f th e authority o f Jewish law " tha t th e highe r phase s ar e t o b e judge d fo r their authenticit y b y thei r effec t o n th e lowe r levels, for wherea s th e highe r state s o f revelatio n gai n i n inspiratio n an d i n creative power over the lower ones, they decrease correspondingly i n th e quality o f objectivity . . . . Thus , concernin g ever y for m o f piety , i t i s legitimate t o inquir e whethe r i t conduce s t o th e goo d lif e o f ethics, an d in regar d t o ever y clai m o f Divine inspiration , i t i s necessary t o emplo y the yardsticks o f genuine piety, as we know it. 8 Deuteronomy, th e fifth boo k o f th e Torah , suggest s tw o criteri a fo r determining whethe r a revelatio n i s true . Chapte r 1 3 say s tha t i f th e prophet tell s you t o worshi p othe r gods , tha t prove s sh e o r h e i s a fals e

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prophet. Chapte r 1 8 make s propheti c authenticit y depen d o n whethe r the prophet s prediction s com e true . Agus ' criterio n o f mora l rectitud e is neither o f these, bu t i t i s closer t o th e first , fo r i n bot h Deuteronom y 13 an d i n Agus ' approach , tru e prophet s ar e t o b e recognize d b y th e content o f their words . Deuteronom y 13 , though, make s th e judgmen t depend o n th e theologica l correctnes s o f th e prophet' s words , whil e Agus focuse s o n thei r mora l rectitude . LAWS A S STANDARD S

Agus i s not simpl y restatin g th e obviou s whe n h e make s th e la w depen d on th e combinatio n o f reaso n an d revelation . A s w e hav e seen , hi s commitment t o reaso n force s hi m t o den y a n Orthodox , literalis t un derstanding o f th e Torah , whic h woul d locat e th e authorit y o f Jewish law—ultimately, a t least—in revelatio n alone . I n contrast , h e als o finds it necessar y t o sho w wh y reaso n canno t b e th e exclusiv e sourc e o f authority fo r Jewis h la w either . Probabl y th e hardes t battl e h e ha d t o fight withi n th e Conservativ e movement , however , wa s agains t thre e popular conception s o f Jewish la w tha t bas e it s authorit y o n historica l and sociologica l factors . One suc h theor y i s tha t propose d b y Mordeca i M . Kaplan , t o wit , that Jewish la w consist s o f moral demand s an d o f folkways. Agu s point s out tha t conceivin g o f man y o f th e commandment s a s folkway s rob s them o f legitimac y a s commandment s an d o f authorit y t o comman d unto death . Folkway s lac k historica l legitimac y t o obligate , fo r Judais m from it s ver y root s denie d parenta l folkway s i n orde r t o attai n pattern s of action tha t reflec t divin e truth : Is th e nostalgi c reverenc e fo r parenta l practic e t o b e glorifie d a s a n absolute imperative ? Suc h a consummation woul d indee d offe r a strange climax t o th e grea t adventur e o f Judaism, whic h bega n wit h a revol t against establishe d custom s an d parenta l mores , a s expressed i n th e com mand give n to Abraham, "go , thou, fro m th y land, th e place where tho u wast born an d from th e hous e o f thy fathers. " Furthermore, philosophically , folkway s lac k th e powe r t o bind , which , for Agus , ca n com e onl y fro m a dee p convictio n tha t Jewis h la w articulates divin e truth :

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Why shoul d w e striv e wit h migh t an d mai n t o preserv e folkways ? . . . The motivatio n o f Jewish piety was actually derived from a deep convic tion i n th e trut h o f Israel s religiou s heritage , an d th e consequen t com mon sens e preferenc e o f eterna l rewar d fo r temporar y bliss . I n thi s interpretation [o f Jewish law s as folkways], however , th e glor y o f Jewish martyrdom for th e sake of Divine truth an d the soberness of its mentality would b e interprete d a s the senseles s stubbornnes s o f a clannish people , fanatically isolatin g itsel f fro m th e way s o f th e world , forebearin g al l mundane good s and spiritual values for th e sak e of mere tribal customs . Interpreting Jewis h law s a s folkways , Agu s i s convinced , coul d appea l only t o a transitiona l generatio n tha t los t th e purpos e bu t retaine d th e sentiment o f group surviva l for n o goo d reaso n tha t i t coul d give. 9 A secon d conceptio n o f Jewish law , tha t o f Aha d Ha'am , view s la w as a bulwar k t o preserv e Jewish nationa l identit y i n th e Diaspora . Thi s approach, Agu s acknowledges , i s widespread amon g th e America n rab binate an d laity ; i t i s invoked wheneve r ther e ar e appeal s t o preservin g the "Jewis h wa y o f life." Historically , however , Jews obeye d Jewish la w out o f religiou s conviction ; th e surviva l o f Jewish nationalit y wa s a n effect, rathe r tha n a cause . Indeed , i t i s no t a t al l clea r tha t th e surviva l of every branch o f a biological o r historica l grou p mus t b e regarde d a s a supreme en d i n itself ; th e Naz i experience , a t least , shoul d cal l int o question an y philosophy tha t puts ultimate valu e in blood an d folk. An d finally, i f preserving Jewish nationhoo d i s the onl y reaso n t o obe y Jewish law, i t shoul d becom e obsolet e no w tha t th e Stat e o f Israe l ha s bee n established, a t leas t fo r thos e wh o liv e there , an d eve n fo r thos e wh o choose t o bas k i n it s reflected nationa l glor y whil e livin g elsewhere . A thir d understandin g o f Jewish la w t o whic h Agu s object s goe s t o the ver y root s o f th e Conservativ e movement , appearin g a s i t doe s i n the writing s o f Zecharia h Franke l an d Solomo n Schechter . I t i s th e idea, propounde d b y th e "historica l school " an d roote d i n nineteenth century romanticism , tha t Jewis h la w i s th e produc t o f th e nationa l psyche (soul) , which develope d ove r time , an d tha t i t therefor e mus t b e maintained, eve n if—perhaps , especiall y if—i t i s irrational. Her e again , though, "wha t i s to preven t histori c processe s tha t functione d relativel y well i n th e pas t t o functio n poorl y i n th e present , o r eve n t o ceas e functioning altogether? " Moreover , ho w ca n historica l processe s "b e regarded a s sources o f absolute value , sufficien t unt o themselves?" 10 These sociologica l an d historical views, then, canno t provide a source

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of validit y fo r Jewis h law . The y spea k t o th e bod y o f th e law , no t it s soul. But i f Conservative Jews ar e not, fo r reason s o f historical accuracy , going t o se e th e Torah , muc h les s late r Jewish law , a s th e direc t tran scription o f God' s word , ho w ca n the y understan d Jewish la w i n a wa y that preserve s it s authenticit y an d authority ? Agu s articulate s hi s tas k i n this remarkabl y candi d way : Let u s begi n ou r analysi s the n wit h a fran k an d clea r rejectio n o f th e literalist Orthodo x position . W e d o no t believ e tha t Go d dictate d th e Torah t o Moses , a s a scrib e t o a pupil, an d tha t H e ha d transmitte d t o Moses all the comments, interpretations, an d inferences relatin g to it tha t were late r recorde d i n th e Ora l Law . Havin g take n thi s step , w e fin d ourselves stil l profoundl y convince d o f th e importanc e o f th e La w an d its suprem e significance . Bu t i f thes e vagu e sentiment s o f reverenc e ar e to serve as the endurin g foundation s fo r Judaism o f the future, the y mus t be envisage d i n al l clarit y a s proven tru e i n term s o f th e contemporar y situation an d as rooted firml y i n th e eterna l schem e o f things. How the n shall we think o f Halachah? 1 x He outline s fiv e element s o f a viable answe r t o thi s challenge : i t mus t acknowledge, first , tha t "th e relationshi p o f th e Je w t o Go d i s th e incontrovertible startin g point " o f an y theor y o f Jewish la w tha t pre serves th e self-understandin g an d motivatio n Jews hav e ha d historicall y in obeyin g it . Second , th e commandment s historicall y hav e bee n au thoritative no t onl y becaus e the y wer e see n a s the wor d o f God bu t als o because the y purifie d huma n being s morall y an d serve d a s worth y instruments o f piety. Third , th e authorit y o f th e commandment s tradi tionally ha s reste d no t onl y o n th e convictio n tha t Go d commande d them bu t als o o n thei r acceptanc e b y th e Jewis h people . (Thus , ac cording t o rabbini c legend , "th e Tora h wa s offered t o th e othe r nations , but i t i s not fo r the m obligator y sinc e the y neve r accepte d it." ) Fourth , in additio n t o th e moral-lega l basi s o f Jewish law , th e Jewis h people s historical memor y als o playe d a majo r rol e i n affordin g authorit y t o Jewish law . W e al l wer e a t Sinai , an d w e all , alon g wit h ou r ancestor s and descendants , agree d t o becom e par t o f th e covenan t wit h God . Fifth, an d finally , th e precept s o f th e la w constitut e th e minima l stan dards o f th e community ; th e goo d perso n mus t ris e abov e it s demand s and ac t beyond th e lette r o f the law. 12 These tenet s together, Agu s maintains, lead t o a conception o f Jewish

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law a s "standards, " o r "divinel y impose d discipline s o f th e Jewish peo ple." Agus stresses that th e authorit y o f Jewish la w rests on bot h compo nents o f that formula , namely , Go d an d th e Jewish people . In theologica l language , th e authorit y o f Jewish la w derive s fro m th e love o f God . Agu s describe s Go d a s "th e Pol e o f th e Absolute , Idea l Personality"; usin g the languag e o f physics, Go d i s the ultimat e poin t i n the field o f reality . I n th e lov e o f God , then , "al l mora l an d estheti c values ar e fuse d togethe r int o a ne w an d creativ e unity. " Go d thu s functions dynamicall y a s bot h th e sourc e an d th e goa l o f al l huma n ideals, and th e goa l of all Jewish law "ma y b e viewed a s being motivate d by th e on e sustaine d attemp t t o incorporat e th e lov e o f Go d a s a livin g reality i n ever y phas e o f publi c an d privat e experience. " Bu t i t i s no t God alon e wh o i s th e sourc e o f authorit y o f th e commandments , fo r love mus t b e mutual . Therefore , Jewis h la w i s bot h "Divinel y inspire d and self-imposed." 13 Furthermore, i t i s multiple i n character . Agu s propose s tha t w e thin k of Jewish la w a s a threefold ladde r leading t o God , correspondin g t o th e three pillar s o f Jewis h faith : Torah , worship , an d goo d deeds . Thi s model accuratel y describe s bot h th e accomplishment s an d th e re maining challenge s o f thos e wh o clim b hig h o n on e ladde r whil e remaining o n th e lowe r rung s o f the othe r ladders , an d i t "permit s u s t o regard all Jewish groups , seeking sincerely t o elevat e the level of spiritual life, a s fallin g withi n th e patter n o f on e commo n endeavor." 14 Thus , conceiving o f Jewish la w a s three set s o f standard s enable s u s t o under stand an d appreciat e wha t w e an d other s hav e don e i n strivin g fo r th e divine goal s o f moralit y an d piety , thereb y engenderin g feeling s o f pluralism an d cooperatio n withi n th e Jewis h communit y whil e stil l depicting what w e al l have yet t o d o i n seekin g th e ideal . T R A D I T I O N AN D C H A N G E

Legal expression s o f piety ar e th e bod y tha t enable s th e sou l o f piety — and derivatively , o f ethics—t o becom e par t o f ou r lives . Without suc h concrete manifestation s o f ethic s an d piety , ou r claim s o f commitmen t to th e latte r woul d b e empty : Religious seein g . . . i s not onl y perception, bu t dedicatio n an d action as well. Thus , th e origina l insigh t o f Judaism wa s never simpl y Knowledg e of the On e God , bu t a consecration t o th e servic e o f the On e God . . . .

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Halachah i s fo r u s th e wa y i n whic h God s wor d i s progressivel y bein g shaped into ways of life. 15 Therefore suc h lega l form s mus t b e preserved . Sinc e the y ar e easie r to gras p tha n th e abstrac t goal s o f morality an d piety , though , law s ten d to b e conservativ e i n nature , evidencin g littl e roo m fo r changin g th e specific wa y i n whic h the y embod y th e mora l an d piou s element s a t their core . Therefore , whil e Agu s i s careful t o sa y that lega l form s mus t be maintaine d s o tha t revelatio n i n bot h it s mora l an d religiou s aspect s can ente r ou r live s meaningfully , h e als o make s i t clea r that , i n hi s opinion, law s are "identifie d a s instruments" an d mus t alway s be subjec t to evaluatio n accordin g t o th e objectiv e goal s the y ar e designe d t o advance. Pu t succinctly , moralit y an d piet y trum p law s wheneve r th e latter ge t i n th e wa y o f the forme r o r ceas e t o furthe r them : The reveale d characte r o f Jewish legislatio n refer s t o th e genera l subcon scious spiritual drive which underlies the whole body of Halachah, not t o the detail s o f the Law . The vita l fluid o f the Torah-tre e derive s fro m th e numinous soi l of the Divine, but th e actua l contour s o f the branches an d the leaves are the product of a variety of climatic and accidental causes. 16 At th e sam e time , "i t i s necessar y t o bewar e o f th e kin d o f change s that destro y th e spel l o f th e Law. " Eve n i f a give n la w beg s t o b e changed becaus e i t violate s ou r sens e o f moralit y o r piety , Agu s says , rabbis mus t tak e car e no t t o chang e a specifi c la w i n a wa y whic h undermines respec t fo r th e la w a s a whole . "Th e ne w mus t b e s o delicately grafte d upo n th e ol d tha t th e healt h o f th e tre e a s a whol e will no t b e affected." 17 This, o f course , complicate s matters . Howeve r difficul t i t ma y b e t o recognize whe n a given la w sufficientl y offend s ou r sens e o f morality o r piety t o requir e change , i t i s even harde r t o balanc e suc h consideration s against th e nee d t o preserv e th e integrit y o f th e corpu s o f th e law . Judging th e la w b y th e objectiv e standard s o f morality an d piet y entice s one t o chang e th e law , o r a t leas t t o b e read y t o d o so . Concer n fo r preserving th e integrit y o f th e law , i n contrast , prompt s on e t o b e wary abou t an y change . I n Agus ' terms , moralit y an d piety , whic h ar e "objective" i n tha t the y ar e shared by everyone , com e int o conflic t wit h the "subjective " way s individual s an d group s hav e traditionall y ex pressed the m i n practice .

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But tha t i s precisely Agus ' point : a Conservative positio n mus t find a way t o balanc e bot h o f thes e impulses , jus t a s i t balance s reaso n an d revelation. I n contras t t o th e Refor m position , whic h focuse s o n reaso n and chang e a t th e expens e o f revelatio n an d continuity , an d i n contras t to th e Orthodo x position , whic h doe s th e reverse , th e Conservativ e position affirm s bot h element s o f thes e tw o pair s equally : reaso n and revelation, traditio n and change. Thi s subject s th e Conservativ e Jew t o the tensio n inheren t i n doin g so ; th e simplicity , clarity , an d confidenc e of those who embrac e on e o r th e othe r o f the extreme s ar e not availabl e to hi m o r her . Fo r Agus , though , th e pric e i s wort h th e gain , fo r th e Conservative positio n i s th e onl y on e tha t preserve s bot h trut h an d Jewish authenticity : The lif e o f th e spiri t i s a ceaseles s movemen t betwee n th e tw o pole s o f objectivity an d subjectivity . H e wh o woul d kee p hi s sou l turne d t o th e rhythm o f truth mus t foreve r b e o n th e move . H e canno t sto p a t eithe r pole and embrac e the whole trut h i n his bosom; back and forth, h e mus t move between th e subjective an d objective poles of the spirit, if he is not to petrify i n static, sterile self-admiration. Fo r reason an d faith impl y an d fructify eac h other. . . . Coming now to the problems o f Judaism proper, we maintain tha t ou r employment o f a two-fold evaluatio n in the assaying of laws and ceremo nies i s tru e t o th e inwar d natur e o f piety. O n th e on e hand , w e accept the Halachah subjectively; o n the other hand, we subject specific halachi c precepts t o criticis m by means o f the objectiv e standard s o f piety an d th e good lif e tha t deriv e fro m th e yetzer top [good inclination ] o f moder n thought an d civilization . Bot h approache s ar e integra l t o th e lif e o f th e spirit; w e canno t affor d t o giv e up eithe r on e without forfeitin g th e sou l of our faith. 18 LEGISLATION A S A M E T H O D O F CONSERVATIVE JEWIS H LA W

Agus, though , doe s no t hav e the usua l notion s i n min d whe n h e affirm s the necessit y t o preserv e Jewish law . O n th e on e hand , h e think s tha t much mor e mus t b e don e tha n "busines s a s usual " t o engende r obser vance o f th e law ; h e envisions , i n fact , a vigorous campaig n t o mak e i t a priority fo r th e Jewish masses . O n th e othe r hand , though , h e think s that th e proces s o f applyin g Jewis h la w i n ou r da y als o canno t b e "business a s usual"; i t mus t instea d b e don e usin g much mor e aggressiv e

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legal techniques . Wha t mark s bot h o f thes e contrar y moves—th e on e toward tradition , th e othe r towar d change—i s balanc e an d vigor , tw o characteristics tha t pervad e Agus ' thought . First, o n th e sid e o f tradition , Agu s assert s tha t Conservativ e Judais m must no t b e characterize d exclusivel y b y th e way s i n whic h i t ha s broken awa y fro m Orthodoxy . Tha t woul d b e t o cas t i t i n a solel y negative light , definin g i t accordin g t o wha t i t doe s not do. Instead , th e Conservative movemen t mus t devot e itsel f with enthusias m an d energ y to stimulatin g knowledge , observance , an d piet y amon g it s adherents , so tha t i t i s characterize d b y wha t Conservativ e Jew s do. Toward tha t end, th e movemen t "mus t undertak e a campaig n fo r th e stimulatio n o f a minimu m o f religiou s observance s amon g ou r people , stressin g i n particular thos e precept s whic h contribut e decisivel y an d directl y t o th e cultivation o f th e spiri t o f piety , suc h a s th e acceptanc e o f regula r weekly worshi p an d stud y periods." 19 Agus clearl y woul d hav e like d mor e tha n " a minimu m o f religiou s observances," bu t h e wa s enoug h o f a n educato r t o discer n th e differ ence betwee n th e idea l an d th e possibl e an d t o recogniz e th e nee d t o begin wit h somethin g tha t coul d clearl y b e accomplished . Other s o f his colleagues apparentl y agree d wit h hi s assessmen t o f th e educationa l realities an d wit h thi s aspec t o f hi s approac h t o Jewish law , fo r hi s ide a of a campaign t o engende r observanc e wa s soon t o b e embedde d i n th e "Responsum o n th e Sabbath, " approve d b y th e La w Committee , tha t he coauthore d wit h tw o othe r rabbis . Whethe r o r no t on e agree s wit h his strategy, i t clearl y indicates tha t Agus wanted t o shif t th e momentu m within th e Conservativ e movemen t fro m wha t i t denie d t o wha t i t affirmed, an d hi s campaig n t o engende r observanc e amon g th e man y Jews affiliate d wit h th e Conservativ e movemen t wa s one aspec t o f Agus' understanding o f a Jewishly seriou s movement . While dedication t o observance must be one mark of the Conservativ e movement, anothe r must be its readiness to modify th e content o f Jewish law in orde r t o achiev e its moral an d religiou s goals . Agus maintains tha t the Conservative movement's Law Committee, as constituted a t the time, is "insufficient " t o th e tas k a t hand . I f the Conservativ e movemen t see s itself authorized onl y t o interpre t an d appl y traditiona l law , i t wil l neve r get beyond th e claim s o f the Orthodo x t o be th e onl y authenti c for m o f Judaism, fo r tha t is precisely what the y do . Even if Conservative respons a generally prefe r th e lenien t optio n withi n th e traditiona l materials , th e movement wil l not be distinctive in character and, worse, will always fee l

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itself undermined b y th e learnin g an d zea l o f the Orthodox . Moreover , such a n approac h i s based o n a n exaggeratio n o f the degre e o f freedo m embedded i n traditiona l Jewish law , an d i f the Conservativ e movemen t does nothin g else , i t shoul d not , a s a movement dedicate d t o historica l Judaism, misrepresen t wha t th e historical sources say. The wa y ou t o f this problem, accordin g to Agus , is for th e Conserva tive movemen t t o hav e th e courag e an d creativit y t o ac t o n it s ow n principles. Wha t Jewish histor y doe s revea l i s tha t variou s Jewish com munities ove r tim e wen t beyon d th e interpretiv e metho d an d legislate d laws (takkanot). Sometimes thes e represente d change s i n wha t ha d bee n traditional practice , an d sometime s the y wer e simpl y positiv e la w t o address communit y need s no t covere d i n th e receive d law . I n lik e manner, Agu s asserts , "w e nee d a law makin g body , no t a law interpre ,, o n

ting committee . Why hav e th e Orthodo x rejecte d suc h a n approach ? I n larg e part , Agus avers , becaus e the y hav e a n exaggerate d sens e o f th e deferenc e that mus t b e pai d t o earlie r sources . The y are , indeed , stymie d b y th e authority the y attribut e t o previou s generations , who , b y tha t ver y fact , are fo r th e Orthodo x greate r i n wisdo m an d knowledg e tha n an y contemporary perso n o r grou p coul d be . Suc h a n approach , though , i s not necessitate d b y th e source s themselves , whic h deman d tha t w e hav e respect fo r previou s generation s bu t tha t judge s i n eac h generatio n decide matter s "accordin g t o wha t thei r ow n eye s see. " Therefore , th e Orthodox methodolog y represent s a choice a s t o ho w t o rea d Jewis h sources, an d i t i s an arbitrar y on e a t that , fo r i t flie s i n th e fac e o f som e of those very sources . Furthermore , th e automati c Orthodo x preferenc e for th e earlies t decision s is "a mechanica l principl e o f selection" o f what should coun t i n determinin g th e law , rathe r tha n on e base d o n th e merits o f an y particula r case . A s such , i t doe s no t hol d muc h promis e for wisdo m i n applyin g Judaism t o moder n circumstances : If we follo w th e principl e tha t th e rabbi s o f our ow n day s are incompe tents and that the rabbis of the past were all-knowing, we undermine th e very basi s fo r developmen t an d growt h i n religion , eve n whil e w e presume t o spea k i n th e nam e o f religiou s progress . Obviously , th e pas t cannot o f its ow n momentu m effectivel y progres s i n th e contemporar y world. Again , i f we den y Divin e sanctio n t o th e "Rishonim " [rabbi s o f the tent h t o th e sixteent h centuries ] an d gran t i t t o th e master s o f th e Talmud [complete d ca . 50 0 C.E.] , o r i f we den y i t t o th e Amorai m an d

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Tannaim [th e rabbis of the first through th e fifth centuries C.E.] , reserving it fo r th e prophet s [wh o live d betwee n th e nint h an d th e fifth centurie s B.C.E.], w e shoul d b e operatin g with a mechanical principl e o f selection, for whic h ther e i s no basi s i n ou r philosoph y o f Judaism. . . . Fro m ou r viewpoint, then , th e present i s more determinativ e tha n th e past, and th e immediate pas t more authoritativ e tha n th e remot e past. 21 Agus proposes , then , tha t th e Conservativ e movemen t mak e exten sive us e o f th e metho d o f legislatio n (takkanah). H e i s carefu l t o poin t out tha t thi s is a perfectly traditiona l wa y o f doing Jewish law , evidence d in Jewish histor y fro m a t leas t a s earl y a s th e first centur y C.E . (indeed , arguably fro m th e tim e o f Ezra i n th e fifth centur y B.C.E. ) an d continu ing throughou t th e Middl e Age s an d th e moder n perio d t o contempo rary times . Th e corpu s o f legislatio n include s measure s tha t embodie d far-reaching sociologica l change , as , fo r example , i n th e takkanot o f Rabbenu Gersho m (ca . ioo o C.E.) , whic h decree d monogam y an d th e need fo r a woman's consen t t o a divorce. Thu s Agu s think s tha t ther e i s ample precedent fo r usin g legislation a s a legal method i n ou r ow n time . Moreover, tha t metho d i s definitel y neede d now , for , a s Agu s ask s rhetorically, "i s no t ou r tim e an d circumstance s s o strikingl y ne w a s t o justify th e creatio n o f ne w precedents?" 22 A s w e shal l see , h e ha s i n mind no t onl y th e need s o f contemporar y Jewis h societ y t o mak e changes i n th e la w bu t also—an d perhaps , primarily—it s nee d fo r legislation t o reenforc e practice s tha t Jewish la w alread y mandates . In additio n t o thes e historica l arguments , Agu s support s th e us e o f legislation o n lega l an d philosophica l grounds . Legally , a s he point s out , legislation wa s justified o n th e basi s o f Deuteronom y 17:11 : "Yo u shal l act i n accordanc e wit h th e instruction s the y [th e judges o f your genera tion] giv e yo u an d th e rulin g the y han d dow n t o you ; yo u mus t no t deviate fro m th e verdic t the y announc e t o yo u eithe r t o th e righ t o r t o the left. " Th e "yo u mus t no t deviate " (lo tasur) claus e i n th e vers e Agu s calls "the magn a cart a o f rabbinic legislation," an d it is indeed th e sourc e of authority tha t th e rabbi s o f the Talmu d an d thereafte r use d t o stretc h the law considerably i n al l directions. 23 If , o n th e on e hand , th e Conser vative movemen t i s no t goin g t o restric t itsel f t o th e lega l metho d o f interpretation, an d if , o n th e othe r hand , i t i s no t goin g t o abando n Jewish la w altogether , then , accordin g t o Agus , i t mus t embrac e th e method o f legislatio n "o r els e disappea r fro m th e scene , a s a move ment." 24

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Philosophically, say s Agus , "thi s principl e [o f takkanah] i s full y i n accord wit h ou r dynami c conceptio n o f revelation." 25 H e elaborate s o n his ow n concep t o f revelation a t length i n anothe r essa y included i n hi s 1954 boo k Guideposts in Modern Judaism an d i n a subsequen t boo k (published i n 1983 ) a s well, 26 bu t i n referrin g t o "ou r dynami c concep tion o f revelation " here , h e undoubtedl y ha s i n min d an y o f th e con cepts o f revelatio n withi n th e Conservativ e movement , man y o f whic h were state d explicitl y onl y afte r Agu s mad e hi s proposal . Eve n so , Agu s clearly realize d b y 194 9 that , b y definitio n o f "Conservativ e Judaism, " all Conservative concept s o f revelation woul d hav e t o tak e int o accoun t the historica l developmen t o f th e Tora h an d woul d understan d revela tion a s continuing i n ou r da y through th e wor k o f contemporary rabbi s and thinkers. 27 Tha t tene t o f continuou s revelation , Agu s maintains , also argues for contemporar y rabbi s to us e the legal vehicle o f legislation as the y discer n th e wil l o f Go d i n ne w ways , o f whic h onl y som e can b e reasonabl y derive d fro m interpretin g previou s element s o f th e tradition. P U T T I N G T H E M E T H O D O F LEGISLATIO N I N T O P R A C T I C E

Legislation, then , i s one mod e o f applyin g Jewish la w tha t th e Conser vative movemen t mus t embrace . I n th e past , Jewis h legislatio n ha s enjoyed tw o sanctions , "on e derivin g fro m th e mos t sensitiv e con science an d th e mos t creativ e scholarshi p o f th e age , th e othe r derivin g from th e democrati c principl e o f 'th e consen t o f th e governed. ' " Accordingly, Agu s propose s th e establishmen t o f tw o bodies : a "Jewis h Academy," simila r t o th e Frenc h Academ y o f Napoleon' s time , con sisting o f selecte d rabbis , scholars , an d laypeople ; an d periodic , join t special session s o f th e Unite d Synagogu e an d th e Rabbinica l Assembly , empowered t o accep t o r rejec t takkanot proposed b y th e academy . Agus deliberatel y call s th e firs t bod y "th e Jewish Academy " an d not "the Sanhedrin " s o a s t o rul e ou t fro m th e beginnin g an y pretension s to th e authorit y tha t th e ancien t Sanhedri n ha d (a t least, apparently ) o n its own : Agus ' academ y woul d instea d ac t lik e "th e uppe r house " o f a legislature, whos e action s woul d stil l nee d th e confirmatio n o f "th e lower house, " tha t is , th e specia l joint assemblie s h e describes . Unlik e the Britis h Parliament , however , th e academ y woul d tak e th e primar y role i n studyin g issues and initiatin g suggestion s fo r legislation . A s such ,

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it shoul d consis t o f the greates t me n i n ou r movement , thos e wh o hav e achieved distinctio n i n th e field s o f scholarship , rabbini c leadership , Jewish educatio n an d socia l welfare . Lik e th e [French ] Academy , too , appointments shoul d b e mad e fo r lif e o r fo r lon g terms—suc h appoint ments constitutin g th e highest mark s of recognition i n ou r movement. 28 The academ y would , i n Agus ' proposal , discus s no t onl y matter s o f Jewish la w bu t als o "principle s an d dogma s o f faith , th e lates t develop ments i n variou s field s o f study bearin g upo n th e philosoph y o f religio n and way s an d mean s o f dealing with specifi c problems." 29 I t thus , i n hi s vision, woul d functio n no t onl y i n th e rol e o f th e curren t Committe e on Jewis h La w an d Standard s bu t als o i n plac e o f th e Commissio n on th e Philosoph y o f Conservativ e Judaism , whic h produce d th e first movement statemen t o f Conservative ideology , an d perhaps als o in plac e of som e o f th e othe r curren t committee s o r commission s dealin g wit h specific problem s withi n th e movemen t (fo r example , th e Conservativ e Movement Council , whic h exist s nationally , i n th e Pacifi c Southwes t region, an d perhap s i n som e othe r regions , consistin g o f th e president s or thei r representative s o f al l th e arm s o f th e movement , an d whic h is use d fo r join t plannin g purposes) . Whil e Agus ' proposa l ma y b e institutionally to o cumbersome , demandin g muc h to o muc h o f any on e group o f people , i t ha s th e theoretica l advantag e o f makin g i t clea r a t the outse t tha t withi n Conservativ e Judaism , law , ideology , an d socia l policy ar e t o b e see n no t a s disparate, independen t entitie s bu t rathe r a s part o f an integrate d whole , eac h affectin g th e other . Thi s certainl y ha s been a distinctiv e mar k o f muc h o f wha t th e Conservativ e movemen t has done i n practic e i n th e decade s sinc e Agus mad e hi s proposal . Two points shoul d be mad e abou t th e membershi p o f this body. First , in speakin g o f "th e greates t men in ou r movement, " Agu s wa s probabl y simply usin g th e languag e o f 1948 , whe n thi s wa s written , t o refe r t o people o f either gender . Femal e rabbi s di d no t exis t withi n th e Conser vative movemen t unti l 1985 , an d s o h e coul d no t hav e know n o f tha t possibility, bu t h e certainl y kne w o f othe r wome n leader s withi n th e movement, an d h e generall y wa s supportiv e o f expandin g women' s rights. Second, i t i s interestin g tha t Agu s woul d includ e a s member s o f th e academy no t onl y scholar s an d rabbi s bu t als o "laymen." 30 I n practice , the Committe e o n Jewish La w an d Standard s di d no t begi n t o includ e

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lay representatives unti l 1990 , an d the n onl y a s nonvoting member s an d only a s the resul t o f political pressure brought b y the Unite d Synagogue . Agus woul d hav e include d la y leaders i n hi s proposal fort y year s earlier , presumably a s voting members . Whil e h e doe s no t justify tha t sugges tion specifically , h e presumabl y though t tha t th e primar y grou p t o b e responsible fo r shapin g th e beliefs , practices , an d policie s o f th e move ment shoul d include a t least some representative s o f the masse s in whos e name suc h pronouncement s wer e bein g formulated . Th e Commissio n on th e Philosophy o f the Conservativ e Movemen t als o had lay represen tatives—this tim e a s ful l members—bu t ther e again , the y wer e adde d only afte r th e rabbi s an d scholar s ha d ha d tim e t o begi n th e wor k o n their own . A s a member o f both committees , I can attes t tha t Agu s wa s right lon g ago , fo r th e la y members' contribution s t o th e discussion s o f both group s hav e been bot h insightfu l an d valuable . Agus consider s an d answer s severa l possibl e objection s t o th e estab lishment o f suc h a n academy . I n respons e t o th e worr y tha t usin g legislation a s a lega l too l wil l lea d t o antinomianism , especiall y i n th e context o f th e larg e ga p betwee n rabbini c an d la y pattern s o f Jewis h observance withi n th e Conservativ e movement , Agu s point s ou t tha t the initia l takkanot need no t b e negative ; tha t indeed , "ther e i s no nee d for 'takkanot ' t o sanctio n non-observance , bu t ther e i s grea t nee d fo r 'takkanot' t o rais e th e leve l o f observance. " Accordingly , th e academy' s "first tas k shal l b e t o lea d an d guid e ou r movemen t i n a nationwid e 'tshuvah' [return ] effort , calculate d t o reestablis h a minimu m o f obser vance amon g th e member s o f ou r congregation s . . . s o tha t member ship i n a synagogue shal l not b e purely a financial transaction. " I t is onl y after thi s ha s bee n achieve d tha t legislatio n woul d b e considere d t o correct certai n abuse s i n Jewis h life , suc h a s th e refusa l o f a ma n t o grant a wri t o f divorc e ( a get ) whe n ther e i s n o goo d reaso n fo r hi s unwillingness.31 Furthermore, a s Agu s point s out , th e principl e o f "catholi c Israel, " embedded i n th e Conservativ e movemen t b y Solomo n Schechter , would guar d agains t an y change s considere d to o radica l b y th e Conser vative community . Agus ' proposal , i n fact , give s tha t communit y a clear voice i n th e proces s o f determinin g Jewish law , a voic e laypeopl e lac k when th e la w is established exclusivel y throug h rabbini c interpretation . Another possibl e objectio n t o suc h legislatio n i s th e dissensio n i t might caus e amon g th e movement s an d withi n th e Conservativ e move ment itself . Agus dismisse s th e first a s a serious concer n o n bot h practi -

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cal an d theoretica l grounds . Practically , "uniformit y o f observanc e among Jewish peopl e toda y i s out o f the question, " an d t o wai t fo r suc h agreement "woul d b e tantamoun t i n practic e t o th e utte r bankruptc y o f our religiou s leadership. " Theoretically , ther e i s n o reaso n t o expec t such uniformity , fo r th e way s in whic h th e Reform , th e Orthodox , an d the indifferen t understan d Jewis h la w bespea k conviction s radicall y a t odds wit h eac h othe r an d wit h tha t o f Conservative Judaism. 32 The possibilit y o f conflic t within , an d eve n defectio n from , th e Conservative movemen t Agu s take s muc h mor e seriously . Th e academ y he proposes, he says , should no t dar e tr y "t o mak e u p with on e fel l blo w for a century o f arrested progress. " Cautio n an d carefu l deliberatio n wil l be needed . However , h e i s convince d tha t th e Conservativ e movemen t must adop t th e wa y o f legislation i f it i s t o liv e ou t it s ideologica l root s and i f i t i s t o d o wha t mus t b e don e i n ou r tim e t o mak e Judais m a dynamic, livin g religion , rathe r tha n a "desperat e holdin g action " o r merely a "way-station" t o assimilation : The questio n raise d b y thi s objection , therefore , i s a ver y fundamenta l one—to wit , i s ther e roo m o n th e America n scen e fo r a Conservativ e movement, a s distinguished fro m a Conservative way-station ? T o phras e the questio n i s to answer it. There i s not onl y room, bu t cryin g need, fo r a Conservativ e movement . I f ther e wer e n o suc h steadil y emergin g movement, i t would hav e had to be created . Fo r our time call s for a bold constructive approach , whic h neithe r Refor m no r Orthodox y ca n give—the forme r thrivin g o n th e growin g deca y o f tradition, th e latte r reduced t o a desperate holdin g action. 33 In sum , then , th e academy' s purpos e woul d b e t o functio n i n both capacities tha t Agu s demand s o f a living Jewish lega l system : seriousnes s of purpos e o n th e par t o f bot h th e institution s an d th e individua l members o f th e Conservativ e movement , a s manifeste d b y a t leas t a minimum o f observance o f Jewish law , and , simultaneously , readines s t o enact legislatio n t o mak e th e substanc e o f Jewish la w gro w i n appro priate way s to mee t th e need s o f contemporary times . AGUS' O W N R E S P O N S A

Agus wrote severa l respons a fo r th e Conservativ e movement' s Commit tee o n Jewish La w an d Standard s tha t illustrat e hi s principles i n concret e

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form. Undoubtedl y th e mos t famou s o f the m i s th e "Responsu m o n the Sabbath, " whic h h e coauthore d wit h Rabbi s Morri s Adle r an d Theodore Friedman . I t secure d th e suppor t o f a majorit y o f th e La w Committee i n 1950 , an d i t ha s been th e subjec t o f much debat e withi n the Conservativ e movemen t eve r since . One immediatel y see s Agus ' theor y a t wor k i n th e responsum s cal l for a program fo r th e revitalizatio n o f th e Sabbath . Th e campaig n doe s not deman d tota l observanc e bu t rathe r ha s "a s it s immediat e goa l th e acceptance o n th e part o f the peopl e of . . . basic indispensable element s of Sabbath, " whic h th e responsu m articulate s i n detail . Th e emphasi s is o n creatin g Agus ' "minima l standards. " Thes e includ e element s o f traditional Jewish Sabbat h observance , suc h a s preparation fo r th e Sab bath an d th e traditiona l Friday-nigh t hom e rituals . The responsu m doe s not deman d al l thing s require d b y Jewish law , however , an d eve n thos e it include s ar e state d wit h roo m fo r individua l adjustments . So , fo r example, attendanc e a t public worshi p shoul d happe n "a t leas t onc e o n the Sabbath" ; "on e shoul d refrai n fro m al l suc h activitie s tha t ar e no t made absolutel y necessar y b y th e unavoidabl e pressur e o f lif e an d tha t are no t i n keepin g wit h th e Sabbat h spirit , suc h a s shopping, househol d work, sewing , strenuou s physica l exercise , etc." ; and "th e typ e o f recre ation engage d i n o n th e Sabbat h shoul d b e suc h a s i s calculate d t o enhance on e s spiritual personalit y i n it s intellectual, social , an d estheti c aspects." Th e ton e i s clearl y on e o f encouragemen t rathe r tha n on e o f obligation, an d th e conten t i s explicitl y directe d a t achievin g th e Sab bath s spiritual goal s rathe r tha n askin g fo r a blind obedienc e o f the la w as law. The mos t controversia l part s o f th e responsum , however , concerne d riding t o th e synagogu e an d th e us e o f electricity . Th e author s urge d people no t t o us e a moto r vehicl e o n th e Sabbat h a s a n ai d t o bot h one's ow n repos e an d t o keepin g th e famil y together , bu t the y als o sai d that "wher e a famil y reside s beyon d reasonabl e walkin g distanc e fro m the synagogue , th e us e o f a motor vehicl e fo r th e purpos e o f synagogu e attendance shal l i n n o wis e b e construe d a s a violatio n o f th e Sabbat h but, o n th e contrary , suc h attendanc e shal l be deeme d a n expressio n o f loyalty t o ou r faith. " Th e author s asser t tha t becaus e mos t Jew s n o longer kno w ho w t o pra y a t hom e o r t o stud y Tora h o n thei r own , "were i t no t fo r synagogu e attendanc e o n th e Sabbath , ther e woul d b e no praye r fo r mos t o f ou r people, " an d n o Tora h stud y either . Further more, "i n th e spiri t o f a livin g an d developin g Halacha h responsiv e t o

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Jewish Law as Standards the changin g need s o f ou r people , w e declar e i t t o b e permitte d t o us e electric light s o n th e Sabbat h fo r th e purpos e o f enhancin g th e enjoy ment o f th e Sabbath , o r reducin g persona l discomfor t o r o f helpin g i n the performanc e o f a mitzvah." 34 The responsu m itsel f announce s thre e principle s "implie d i n thi s program," principle s i n whic h Agus ' philosoph y i s clearly evident . First , despite th e "cynica l skepticism " tha t som e ma y hav e abou t suc h a program o f reconsecration , ther e hav e bee n man y suc h effort s i n th e past, s o that wha t w e lear n fro m histor y i s that "th e Jewish religio n doe s not favo r th e emotiona l excesse s of the Christia n 'revivalist ' movements , but i t foster s th e principl e o f voluntary acceptanc e o f a pattern o f life. " At th e sam e time , th e author s say , rabbi s mus t b e realisti c i n thei r demands o f thei r community , for , a s th e classica l rabbi s said , "t o over reach i s t o cour t failure " (tafasta m'rubah lo tafasta), "it i s better t o buil d a fence o f ten handbreadth s tha t i s likely t o stan d tha n on e o f a hundre d handbreadths tha t i s liabl e t o fall " (tov assarah t'fahim v'omed mimeah t'fahim v'nofel), an d "i t i s bette r no t t o sa y a thin g whic h wil l no t b e heeded" (mutav shelo lomar davar sheaino nishma). All o f thes e feature s o f this principle ar e vintage Agus : creating a positive program fo r rededica tion; rootin g one' s approac h i n wha t Judais m ha s bee n historically ; basing th e authorit y o f Jewish law , a t leas t i n part , o n th e voluntar y acceptance o f th e people ; an d creatin g minima l standard s tha t hav e a reasonable chanc e o f bein g accepted , rathe r tha n adoptin g a n "all-or nothing" attitude . Second, th e communit y powe r t o enac t ordinance s i s "virtuall y un limited, provide d it s ordinance s ar e mad e wit h consen t o f th e residen t scholars an d provide d furthe r tha t the y b e inspire d b y th e purpos e o f 'strengthening th e faith, ' " an d suc h enactment s shoul d b e mad e jointl y "through thei r spiritua l leader s an d la y representatives. " Thi s i s clearl y Agus' progra m fo r usin g th e lega l vehicl e o f legislatio n (takkanot) t o accomplish desire d ends . Her e th e author s appl y i t t o ridin g t o th e synagogue o n th e Sabbat h an d th e us e o f electri c lights , bot h o f whic h they justif y i n thi s responsu m no t onl y o n narrow , lega l ground s bu t also o n principle d ground s o f enhancin g th e jo y o f th e Sabbat h (oneg shabbat) and , primarily , o f enablin g Jews wh o woul d otherwis e b e un able t o observ e th e Sabbat h t o d o so . Third, "Th e powe r o f communitie s t o mak e specia l enactment s i n behalf of the faith , throug h thei r spiritua l leaders an d lay representatives , is i n tur n a corollar y o f th e principl e o f developmen t i n Jewish Law. "

2l6 Elliot N. Dorff

This developmen t ha s historicall y include d creatin g ne w practice s an d repudiating ol d ones . A s th e author s demonstrat e throug h referenc e t o a numbe r o f talmudi c an d medieva l sources , th e authorit y fo r tha t development i s based, a t leas t i n part , o n th e necessit y fo r th e commu nity t o accep t th e la w voluntaril y i n orde r fo r i t t o b e valid ; God s command i s no t enough . A s w e hav e seen , thes e principle s ar e deepl y rooted i n Agus ' vie w o f Jewish law. 35 These decision s wer e not , however , grounde d onl y i n consideration s of morality, aesthetics , o r piety; the y als o follow o n a n extensiv e analysi s of the specifi c lega l issue s involve d i n ridin g an d usin g electricity . Thu s the theor y use d b y th e thre e author s wa s no t t o replac e lega l reasonin g but rathe r t o weave it into a broader consideratio n o f how t o accomplis h the goal s o f the la w i n a contemporary setting . Sinc e mos t Conservativ e congregants drov e an d use d electricit y i n an y case , though , skeptic s commonly interprete d th e responsu m a s simply a way o f giving retroac tive sanctio n t o th e laity' s practic e an d prospectiv e sanctio n t o thos e rabbis wh o wante d t o d o thes e thing s a s well , rathe r tha n a s par t o f a concerted effor t t o revitaliz e Sabbat h observanc e base d o n a seriou s reading o f Jewish sources . Agus himsel f complaine d bitterl y abou t th e fat e o f th e responsu m within th e movemen t whe n i t was again discusse d by the La w Commit tee eleve n year s late r (1961) . An y rabb i b y himself , h e point s out , an d even th e rabbi s togethe r a s a grou p coul d no t possibl y launc h th e revitalization effor t o n thei r own ; fro m th e ver y beginnin g i t wa s t o b e a movementwide effort : Our centra l agencies [b y which he apparently means the lay organizations of th e Conservativ e movement ] ignore d thi s effor t altogether , wit h th e result tha t th e Sabbat h Revitalizatio n effor t remaine d merel y a n intra Rabbinical Assembl y project . . . . I t woul d hav e bee n fa r bette r fo r th e movement i f th e Sabbat h Responsu m ha d bee n directl y endorse d b y the Rabbinica l Assembl y [an d no t merel y b y th e majorit y o f th e La w Committee] an d freel y accepte d b y th e Unite d Synagogu e an d it s affili ates. W e shoul d the n hav e ha d trul y autonomou s legislation , bearin g potent ethical-spiritua l influence . Agus notes tha t som e rabbi s objecte d t o th e self-declare d statu s o f th e responsum a s a takkanah, preferrin g tha t th e Conservativ e movemen t restrict itsel f to th e mor e commo n metho d o f interpretation. H e thank s

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the leadershi p o f th e Rabbinica l Assembl y fo r preventin g a vote , in tended t o nullif y th e responsu m s classification a s a takkanah, from bein g taken o n th e floo r o f th e Rabbinica l Assembl y Convention , an d h e argues that , i n ou r time , legislatio n i s in fac t th e preferred way o f achiev ing unite d action , becaus e i t prevents th e anarch y inheren t i n individua l opinions: Actually, th e sol e differenc e betwee n a takkanah and a n interpretatio n i s that th e forme r i s a communal enactment an d th e latte r i s a privat e opinion. I t i s clea r tha t a consciou s polic y o f limitles s commentary , allowing free interpretatio n b y individual rabbis , borders o n anarchy . O n the othe r hand , a communal enactmen t i s likely t o restrai n arbitrar y an d extremist policie s an d t o fram e ne w enactment s i n th e spiri t o f th e tradition a s a whole an d of previous precedents. There i s still plenty o f room fo r individua l rabbi s t o mak e legal decision s based o n thei r authorit y a s the loca l rabb i (mara d }atra, literally, "teache r of the place") , Agus maintains, but tha t i s properly restricte d t o whethe r this o r tha t bottl e o f win e i s kosher , no t whether , a s a community , w e are goin g t o declar e a principl e tha t govern s suc h decision s invali d i n our day . Tha t is , he draw s th e lin e "betwee n general rule s an d individual applications," holdin g tha t i n th e former , th e wa y o f legislatio n i s th e only on e tha t prevent s anarchy . Agus says, however, tha t th e Committe e o n Jewish Law and Standard s should ge t involve d i n settin g policy for individua l application s o f th e law, especiall y whe n th e issue s a t han d occu r o n a regular an d frequen t basis. So , fo r example , i t i s proper tha t th e Committe e discus s whethe r this Sabbat h responsu m permit s drivin g t o a synagogue othe r tha n one' s own t o atten d a ba r o r ba t mitzva h (whic h Agu s think s i s perfectl y proper) o r t o visi t th e sic k (whic h Agu s think s shoul d b e don e onl y i n an emergency) . Give n this , on e wonder s whethe r Agu s has , i n effect , vacated th e statu s of the communa l rabb i to make decisions ; he certainl y has limited i t considerably . Agus argue s agains t thos e wh o objec t t o th e responsu m o n th e grounds tha t i t widene d th e rif t betwee n th e Conservativ e an d th e Orthodox. I f ecumenis m withi n Judais m i s th e issue , h e point s out , then relationship s with th e Reform movemen t shoul d occup y th e atten tion o f Conservativ e leadershi p a t leas t a s much a s ties wit h th e Ortho dox. Moreover ,

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unity i s neither desirabl e nor attainabl e by way of squeezing all of Jewish life bac k int o "th e fou r ell s of Halachah," a s it too k for m i n th e Shulhan Arukh; no r i t i s eithe r desirabl e o r attainabl e b y wa y o f fostering a ran k anarchy o f individual interpretation s behin d a facade o f official loyalt y t o the Halachah; nor is it either desirable or attainable by way of negotiations between "spiritua l statesme n o n th e summit " o n a quid pro quo basis. . . . To me , th e onl y kin d o f religiou s unit y whic h i s salutar y i s th e on e that derive s from th e recognitio n o f the distinctio n betwee n th e ethical spiritual cor e o f fait h an d th e ritualistic-historica l expression s o f it . Hence, it is only in the growth o f the liberal spirit tha t we can eventuall y attain th e goa l of creative unity. 36 When Agu s addresse d th e proble m o f "the chaine d woman " (agunah) in anothe r responsum , hi s belie f i n th e preferabilit y o f usin g legislatio n as a legal technique prompte d hi m t o objec t t o th e proposa l pu t forwar d by Rabbi Davi d Aronso n tha t th e rabbini c court , base d o n th e talmudi c principle tha t th e rabbi s hav e th e righ t t o annu l marriages , shoul d issu e a writ o f divorce i f the husban d refuse s t o gran t on e fo r reason s tha t th e court find s insufficien t o r if the husban d i s absent. Agu s claim s that suc h an approac h require s rabbi s to issu e a writ tha t say s the opposit e o f what is i n fac t th e cas e (namely , tha t th e husban d voluntaril y divorce s hi s wife, whe n h e doe s not) , an d i t misunderstand s th e talmudi c principl e in th e firs t plac e t o b e a condition o f marriag e instea d o f what i t reall y is, namely , a n assertio n o f th e rabbini c prerogativ e t o gover n marriag e law an d t o institut e ne w procedure s whe n necessary . "O n thi s view , w e have th e righ t t o analyz e th e proble m o f divorc e an d th e 'agunah ' i n basic terms. " Agu s doe s precisel y tha t i n suggestin g a numbe r o f mea sures t o dea l wit h th e variou s kind s o f "chaine d women, " includin g some suggestion s openl y base d o n th e desir e t o equaliz e th e statu s o f men an d wome n i n marita l law . I n sayin g thes e thing s Agu s wa s ob jecting t o a bol d proposal , o n th e par t o f anothe r libera l Conservativ e rabbi, o n th e ground s tha t ther e ar e clea r limit s t o ou r abilit y t o interpret precedent s responsibl y i n orde r t o achiev e th e result s w e nee d and wan t t o achieve , an d tha t legislatio n i s a muc h mor e hones t an d desirable metho d fo r doin g so. 37 Finally, i t i s interesting t o not e tha t Agu s maintaine d hi s principles t o the very en d o f his life. I n hi s responsum title d "Th e Mitzva h o f Keruv " (1982), dealin g wit h ho w th e Conservativ e movemen t shoul d balanc e its objection s t o intermarriag e wit h it s desir e t o attrac t th e non-Jewis h

219 Jewish Law as Standards

spouse t o conver t t o Judaism, h e advocate s communa l actio n t o asser t the firmnes s require d t o resis t intermarriage , fo r i n a democrati c coun try peopl e wil l no t accep t th e authorit y o f a n individua l rabb i bu t wil l understand an d respec t communa l standards : So long a s the spiri t o f anarchy i s kept withi n bounds , lega l adjustments , even i f far-reaching i n character , ma y be enacted , withou t damagin g th e structure o f authority withi n th e movement . We liv e i n a democrati c age , wher e th e suprem e authorit y o f a mara d'atra [local rabbi ] i s likely t o b e disregarded , i f no t resented , whil e th e collective authorit y o f a nationa l o r world-wid e bod y o f representativ e rabbis, scholar s an d layme n i s generall y acceptable . A people , s o reli giously matur e tha t i t coul d glor y i n Rabb i Joshu a s triumph ove r th e mystical bat kol [voic e fro m heaven ] wit h th e slogan , lo bashamayim hi ["The la w i s no t i n heaven"] , ca n certainl y b e truste d i n ou r da y t o understand tha t law s can be divine , whe n the y ar e man-made. But , the y are no t likel y t o tolerat e th e arbitrar y tyrann y o f th e residen t rabb i o r scholar, actin g on hi s own judgment. 38 AFTERWORD

Rabbi Jacob Agus , arguabl y mor e tha n an y othe r Conservativ e rabb i o f his generation , clearl y an d thoroughl y articulate d a philosoph y o f la w appropriate fo r th e Conservativ e movement , roote d i n bot h reaso n an d revelation, reflectin g th e developin g histor y o f Jewish la w an d it s inher ent values , an d embracin g bot h traditio n an d modernit y i n a consciou s and seriou s way . On e canno t hel p bu t admir e th e honest y an d eruditio n of hi s approach , a s wel l a s it s concer n fo r preservin g traditio n whil e making i t vita l fo r contemporar y Jews . Wit h th e exceptio n o f hi s "Responsum o n th e Sabbath, " however , hi s responsa wer e no t endorse d by the majorit y o f the La w Committee , an d hi s proposal t o us e th e lega l technique o f legislation ha s no t bee n widel y adopte d b y th e Conserva tive movement . If anything , th e movemen t ha s shie d awa y fro m takin g such steps , preferrin g instea d t o justif y it s action s a s muc h a s possibl e within th e mor e commonl y use d lega l techniqu e o f interpretation . In ou r ow n time , though , som e o f Agus ' proposal s hav e effectivel y been adopted , althoug h withou t citin g him a s their ideologica l progeni tor. Th e decisio n t o ordai n women , a majo r poin t o f conflic t withi n the movement , wa s no t handle d b y th e Committe e o n Jewish La w an d

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Elliot N. Dorff Standards alon e bu t rathe r entruste d t o a movementwid e commission , which too k testimon y fro m Conservativ e Jew s i n a numbe r o f cities . That commissio n ultimatel y reporte d t o th e Rabbinica l Assembl y Con vention, whic h directe d it s Membershi p Committe e t o accep t applica tions regardles s o f gende r onc e th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y o f America ordaine d it s first woma n rabbi ; an d th e facult y o f the seminar y had t o vot e t o d o s o before th e action s o f eithe r th e commissio n o r th e Rabbinical Assembl y too k effect . Bu t clearly , Agus ' proposa l tha t suc h significant action s b e take n b y th e movemen t a s a whole foun d expres sion i n thi s rathe r convolute d process . I t als o was eviden t i n th e proces s by whic h th e Conservativ e movemen t frame d it s firs t ideologica l plat form, Emet Ve-Emunah: Statement of Principles of Conservative Judaism, fo r that wa s written b y the Commissio n o n th e Philosoph y o f Conservativ e Judaism, wit h representative s fro m al l arm s o f th e movement . Thi s wa s actually close r t o Agus ' model , fo r th e commissio n di d no t hav e t o gai n the approva l o f any th e movemen t s arms fo r it s document . An d finally , although I propose d i n a responsu m fo r th e Committe e o f Jewish La w and Standard s tha t ther e b e a movementwide commissio n t o stud y area s of huma n sexuality—including , bu t no t restricte d to , th e issue s raise d by homosexuality—wit h it s recommendation s reporte d t o al l o f th e arms o f the movement , onl y th e Rabbinica l Assembl y chos e t o tak e u p the idea , an d s o i t create d a Commissio n o n Huma n Sexualit y wit h a mandate t o stud y suc h issue s an d t o repor t it s finding s t o th e La w Committee. 39 None o f these i s quite wha t Agu s wanted , bu t the y al l have element s of his proposals. He , however , lai d th e ideologica l groundwor k fo r suc h an approac h muc h mor e clearl y tha n an y o f th e initiator s o f thes e actions, an d h e di d i t thirt y year s befor e the y did ! W e ma y ye t se e th e Conservative movemen t develo p muc h mor e aggressivel y i n way s h e foresaw lon g ago . NOTES i. Mordeca i Waxman collected and translated some of the relevant essays by Zacharias Frankel , Abraha m Kohut , Mosh e Davis , Solomo n Schechter , Loui s Ginzberg, Mordeca i Kaplan , an d Rober t Gordi s i n hi s boo k Tradition and Change: The Development of the Conservative Movement (Ne w York, 1958) . Boaz Cohen's essa y o n th e shapin g o f Judaism, "Toward s a Philosoph y o f Jewish Law," first publishe d i n 1949 , has been reprinte d i n his book Law and Tradition

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Jewish Law as Standards in Judaism (Ne w York, 1959) , 1-38 . Some o f the earl y material o n the conserva tive approac h t o Jewish la w (includin g on e o f Agus' essays ) i s reprinted alon g with som e late r essay s i n Seymou r Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism and Jewish Law (Ne w York, 1977) . In Februar y 1980 , Georg e Nudel l wrot e a n unpublishe d clas s pape r title d "The Clearin g House : A Histor y o f th e Committe e o n Jewis h La w an d Standards." It describes th e vicissitudes o f the committe e t o that point, togethe r with th e argument s tha t produce d thos e fluctuations. Th e pape r i s availabl e through th e Rabbinica l Assembl y Office , 308 0 Broadway , Ne w York , N Y 10027.

2. Jaco b Agus , Guideposts in Modern Judaism (Ne w York , 1954) , 279 . Agu s does no t us e th e Passove r liturg y t o illustrat e thi s point , a s I d o i n th e nex t several lines, but I think i t is in keeping wit h hi s meaning. 3. Ibid. , 301 , 302 . 4. Ibid. , 280. 5. Ibid . 6. I n a late r passag e (301) , Agu s indicate s wh y reaso n canno t b e use d exclusively t o accoun t fo r any area o f life : The pol e o f reaso n o r objectivit y mus t b e constantl y replenishe d wit h subjective insights , i f it is to kee p fro m degeneratin g int o a hollow mocker y of itself. First , i t must assimilat e th e subjective feelin g o f trust i n reason itself . Second, i t mus t operat e wit h th e subjectiv e intuitiv e valuation s o f th e sanctity o f th e huma n person , th e validit y o f th e goa l o f th e Goo d o r th e validity o f the mora l la w and the perception o f beauty an d harmony . Third , it renew s itsel f and ascends t o a higher leve l onl y thr u [sic] periodic intuitiv e insights, tha t is , periodic reversion s t o th e pole o f subjectivity . In religion , fo r Agus , revelatio n provide s th e pol e o f subjectivity, an d henc e with regar d t o religio n h e argue s specificall y fo r th e nee d o f revelation. A s this passage indicates , though , Agu s maintain s tha t reaso n woul d nee d som e suc h element o f subjectivit y i n othe r area s o f huma n experienc e a s well , fo r th e reasons h e mentions . 7. Ibid. , 281 . All citation s i n th e nex t fe w paragraphs , i n whic h I explai n Agus' argument s fo r why reason i s not a sufficient groun d fo r Jewish law , com e from Guideposts, 281-82. 8. Ibid. , 282 , 285, 288-89. 9. Ibid. , 323-35 ; reprinted i n Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism, 30-31 . 10. Ibid. , 329 ; in Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism, 35 . 11. Ibid. , 322 ; in Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism, 29 . 12. Ibid. , 332-33 ; in Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism, 37 . 13. Ibid. , 333-35 , 340-41 ; i n Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism, 38-39 , 42-43 .

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Elliot N. Dorff Agus develop s hi s point-fiel d analysi s o f th e meanin g an d existenc e o f Go d i n chapters 4 and 5 of Guideposts. 14. Ibid. , 341-42 ; i n Siegel , ed. , Conservative Judaism, 44-45 . 15. Ibid. , 295,297 . 16. Ibid. , 298 ; se e 29 2 fo r hi s statemen t o n th e nee d t o preserv e th e la w a s an instrumen t o f attaining moralit y an d piety . 17. Ibid. , 299 . 18. Ibid. , 300 , 303 . Agu s applie s thi s analysi s t o ever y aspec t o f life , a s th e passage quote d i n n . 6 , above , indicates . Th e objectivit y represente d b y reaso n is necessar y for , an d mus t b e balance d by , th e subjectivit y prope r t o th e particular are a o f life i n question . 19. Ibid. , 304 . 20. Ibid. , 309 . 21. Ibid. , 311-12 . I have embellishe d Agus ' argumen t here , emphasizin g th e choice involve d i n th e Orthodo x interpretatio n o f Jewish source s an d addin g the citatio n fro m B . Bava Batra 131 a tha t a judge mus t decid e accordin g t o what hi s ow n eye s see , bu t I thin k thi s lin e o f argumentatio n i s ver y muc h i n keeping wit h bot h th e lette r an d th e spiri t o f th e argument s Agu s himsel f makes. 22. Ibid. , 316 . 23. See , fo r example , Ellio t N . Dorf f an d Arthu r Rosett , A Living Tree: The Roots and Growth of Jewish Law (Albany , N.Y. , 1988) , 402-20 . 24. Agus , Guideposts, 317 . 25. Ibid. , 312 . 26. Agus , Guideposts, par t 2 , sec . 2; see als o Jacob B . Agus, The Jewish Quest: Essays on Basic Concepts of Jewish Theology (New York , 1983) , 43-86 . 27. Fo r a survey o f th e varyin g doctrine s o f revelatio n withi n Conservativ e Judaism, Agus ' included , se e Elliot N . Dorff , Conservative Judaism: Our Ancestors to Our Descendants (Ne w York , 1977) , 110—57. 28. Agus , Guideposts, 313 . 29. Ibid . 30. Ibid . 31. Ibid. , 313-15 . 32. Ibid. , 316 . 33. Ibid. , 317-18 . 34. Morri s Adler , Jacob Agus , an d Theodor e Friedman , " A Responsu m o n the Sabbath, " i n Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly (Ne w York , 1950) , 122 23, 130 ; reprinte d i n Waxman , ed. , Tradition and Change, 361-62 , 368 ; and , i n part, i n Dorff , Conservative Judaism, 168-69 . 35. Ibid. , i n Proceedings, 124-28 ; i n Waxman , Tradition and Change, 362-66 ; in Dorff , Conservative Judaism, 169-71 . 36. Th e abov e description o f Agus' 196 1 reevaluation o f the Sabbat h respon -

223 Jewish Law as Standards sum come s fro m hi s pape r "Reevaluatio n o f th e Responsu m o n th e Sabbath, " which i s store d i n th e Rabbinica l Assembl y Archive s a s a n unofficia l pape r submitted t o th e committee—tha t is , a paper o n whic h th e committe e di d no t take a vote. I than k Rabb i Gai l Labovitz , administrativ e assistan t o f th e C o m mittee o n Jewish La w an d Standard s i n 1991—1992 , fo r makin g thi s responsu m and th e on e cite d i n th e nex t not e availabl e t o me . 37. Jaco b Agus , " R e Agunah, " a n undate d an d unofficia l responsu m i n th e Rabbinical Assembl y Archives . 38. Jaco b B . Agus , "Th e Mitzva h o f Keruv, " i n Proceedings of the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards of the Conservative Movement, ig8o-ig8$ (Ne w York , 1988), 147 . 39. M y responsum , title d "Jewis h Norm s fo r Sexua l Behavior, " wa s vali dated b y eigh t member s o f th e Committe e o n Jewish La w an d Standard s a t it s meeting o n Marc h 25 , 1992 . The Rabbinica l Assembly , meetin g i n conventio n in Ma y 1992 , passe d a resolutio n directin g it s officer s t o establis h suc h a commission, whic h woul d repor t it s finding s t o th e La w Committe e withi n two years . Bot h m y responsu m an d th e assembl y resolutio n wil l b e published : the forme r i n th e collectio n o f La w Committe e respons a fo r 1990—199 5 an d the latte r i n th e Rabbinical Assembly Proceedings for 1992 ; in th e meantime , the y are bot h availabl e fro m th e Rabbinica l Assembl y Office , 308 0 Broadway , Ne w York, N Y 10027 . The Commisssio n produce d tw o documents . On e i s a repor t t o th e La w Committee indicatin g the issues in human sexualit y that have yet to be analyze d halakhically b y th e Committe e an d recommendin g tha t th e Committe e reex amine th e entir e issu e o f homosexuality . Th e othe r i s a n educationa l bookle t to b e use d b y teenager s an d adult s t o lear n th e impor t o f th e Jewish traditio n for matter s o f sexuality , namely , Ellio t N . Dorff , "This Is My Beloved, This Is My Friend ,}: A Rabbinic Letter on Human Intimacy (Ne w York : Rabbinica l Assembly, 1996) . The chancello r o f the Jewish Theologica l Seminar y an d th e presiden t o f th e United Synagogu e bot h refuse d t o ge t involve d i n th e Commission , o n th e grounds tha t thi s wa s a matte r solel y withi n th e provinc e o f th e rabbis . Agu s would forcefull y disagree !

II JACOB B . AGU S AS PULPI T RABB I Mark Loeb

HAD H E BEE N B O R N thirt y year s later tha n h e was , it i s quite likel y that Jaco b Agu s woul d neve r hav e becom e a pulpi t rabb i a t all . Hi s scholarly proclivitie s woul d probabl y hav e le d hi m t o becom e a profes sor o f Judaic studies , a n optio n no t readil y availabl e i n th e 1930s , whe n he bega n hi s career . Notwithstandin g th e fac t tha t h e ha d a genuin e interest i n workin g wit h peopl e i n norma l societa l configuration s (a s opposed t o exclusivel y inhabitin g th e worl d o f academia) , i t seem s fai r to sa y h e woul d probabl y hav e foun d th e scholarl y lif e har d t o resist . However, realit y won out , an d th e pulpit rabbinat e becam e hi s principa l vocational arena . EARLY RABBINAT E

After bein g ordaine d a t Yeshiv a University' s Rabb i Yitzcha k Elchana n Theological Seminary , th e preeminen t trainin g groun d fo r Orthodo x rabbis in th e country , h e bega n hi s rabbinate—with th e encouragemen t of Rabbi Bernar d Revel , th e Presiden t o f Yeshiva University , wh o ha d high hope s tha t Agu s woul d becom e a n articulat e voic e fo r moder n Othodoxy—by servin g a congregatio n i n Norfolk , Virginia . Afte r a brief sta y there , h e enrolle d a t Harvar d Universit y t o ear n hi s doctorat e in th e histor y an d philosoph y o f religion , studyin g wit h th e grea t scholar Harr y Austry n Wolfson . Hi s studie s focused o n Jewish medieva l philosophy, especiall y tha t o f Maimonides , which , combine d wit h a n 224

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appreciation o f th e historica l an d contextua l evolutio n o f religiou s thought, apparentl y wrough t a significan t chang e i n hi s understandin g of Jewish historica l development . On e majo r consequenc e wa s a liberalization o f hi s attitude s towar d Jewish la w an d practic e an d a tendenc y toward a more philosophica l piety . While a t Harvard , Agu s continue d t o b e a pulpi t rabbi , simultane ously servin g a congregatio n i n Cambridge , Massachusetts , an d com pleting hi s studies . I n 1940 , a t th e suggestio n o f Rabb i Bernar d Revel , Agus move d t o Chicag o t o serv e ye t anothe r Orthodo x congregation . It wa s ther e h e me t a ma n h e woul d late r describ e a s "th e mos t luminous spiritua l personality " h e ha d eve r encountered , Rabb i Solo mon Goldman . Hi s friendshi p wit h Solomo n Goldma n woul d prov e t o be o f far-reaching consequence . In thos e days , Solomo n Goldma n wa s on e o f th e leadin g spokesme n for th e the n rapidl y growin g Conservativ e movement . H e wa s als o a figure wit h a nationa l reputatio n i n th e organize d Jewis h community , having serve d a s president o f th e Zionis t Organizatio n o f America an d as co-chairma n o f th e Unite d Jewish Appeal . Himsel f a produc t o f th e Yeshiva Universit y world , h e becam e a majo r influenc e o n th e youn g Jacob Agu s an d thu s helpe d impe l hi m t o conside r movin g int o th e world o f Conservative Judaism, somethin g othe r defector s fro m Ortho doxy wer e doin g a t a n increasin g rate . Nonetheless , afte r hi s brie f sojourn i n Chicag o Rabb i Agu s accepted a call to yet anothe r Orthodo x community, thi s on e i n Dayton , Ohio , wher e h e serve d fo r th e nex t seven years as the rabb i o f Beth Abraha m Unite d Synagogue , whic h ha d been create d ou t o f three smalle r congregations . However , i t was durin g this perio d tha t Agu s move d towar d forma l identificatio n wit h th e Conservative movement , whic h wa s the n i n a dynami c stag e o f devel opment. Thi s mov e t o th e "left " (religiously ) wa s als o influence d b y a growing collegia l familiarit y wit h a numbe r o f th e majo r figure s i n th e Conservative world , includin g Mordeca i M . Kaplan , wit h who m h e had corresponde d i n th e 1930 s an d o n whos e wor k he , a s a buddin g scholar, ha d writte n bot h appreciativel y an d criticall y i n Jewish journals of the day . In th e 1940s , Agus ' affiliatio n wit h th e Rabbinica l Assembly , th e international associatio n o f Conservativ e rabbis , formalize d hi s brea k with Orthodoxy . I t was a personal choic e tha t ha d th e ai r of inevitabilit y about it , give n hi s intellectual predilections . Hi s affiliation seem s to hav e provided hi m wit h som e genuin e gratificatio n eve n i n th e fac e o f

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criticism fro m former Orthodo x allie s an d th e consternatio n o f som e members o f his extended family . (Hi s brother Irvin g Agus, for example , served o n th e facult y o f Yeshiva Universit y fo r man y year s an d probabl y did no t shar e Jacobs perspective . Ye t anothe r brother , Dr . Chai m Agus , a highl y respecte d physicia n i n th e Orthodo x community , wa s full y accepting o f hi s brother s choice. ) Agus ' encyclopedi c gras p o f Jewish sources cause d Rabbinica l Assembl y leader s t o plac e hi m o n th e presti gious Committe e o n Jewish Law , wher e h e rapidl y achieve d substantia l status an d influence . A s a result, withi n a relatively fe w year s hi s statur e grew i n Conservativ e circle s a s h e earne d a n increasingl y importan t reputation a s a halachically progressiv e voic e i n th e movement . H e wa s elected t o a n officershi p i n th e Rabbinica l Assembly , thoug h th e La w Committee remaine d hi s favorite venue . In 1948 , alon g wit h Rabbi s Morri s Adle r an d Theodor e Friedman , Agus coauthore d a groundbreakin g responsu m tha t permitte d th e us e of th e automobil e t o driv e t o th e synagogu e o n th e Sabbath . I n late r years h e extende d hi s liberal instinct s b y supportin g th e abolitio n o f th e requirement o f Hatafat Dam fo r previousl y circumcise d mal e converts , even agains t suc h opinion s a s tha t o f Sau l Lieberman , th e renowne d Talmudist an d recto r o f th e Jewish Theologica l Seminary . Thi s liberal ism als o wa s reflecte d i n late r years , afte r Agu s becam e a rabb i i n a Conservative synagogue , when hi s synagogue s service was characterize d by th e excisio n o f verse s regardin g th e restoratio n o f th e sacrificia l system o f the Temple ; th e us e o f the Triennia l Cycl e o f the Tora h lon g before i t wa s widesprea d i n th e Conservativ e movement ; th e abolitio n of the designatio n o f Kohen an d Levi , an d an y attendan t privilege s tha t those designation s implied ; an d th e grantin g o f aliyo t t o wome n lon g before mos t congregation s di d so. CONSERVATIVE JUDAIS M A T LAS T

In 1946 , Agu s joine d th e Rabbinica l Assembl y o f th e Conservativ e movement, an d Beth Abraha m Unite d becam e a member o f the Unite d Synagogue federation . I n 195 0 h e move d t o a recently organize d Con servative synagogu e i n Baltimore , Bet h E l Congregation , whic h a t tha t time wa s looking fo r it s first rabbi. Beth E l was the first congregatio n i n Baltimore t o b e founde d a s a Conservativ e congregatio n an d ha d bee n organized b y an impressiv e grou p o f lay leaders, man y o f whom wer e o f substantial intellectua l inclination . A s a sig n o f thei r thoughtfu l style ,

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they ha d chose n t o utiliz e th e services , o n a rotating , interi m basis , o f some o f th e leadin g luminarie s o f th e Conservativ e rabbinat e o f tha t day, includin g Israe l Kazis , Solomo n Grayzel , and , b y chance , Solomo n Goldman, frien d t o a layman wh o ha d himsel f though t o f studyin g fo r the rabbinate . Solomo n Goldma n though t Jaco b Agu s woul d b e a n ideal matc h fo r th e ne w Conservativ e congregation , give n it s scholarl y and somewha t libera l inclinations . (I n fact , a s a n expressio n o f tha t philosophical direction , th e masthea d o f th e Bet h E l bulleti n bor e fo r some year s th e superscriptio n "Conservativ e Judais m i s th e expressio n in ou r tim e an d o n th e America n scen e o f th e eternall y vital , libera l current withi n Jewish tradition." ) Thus i t wa s that , afte r a carefu l deliberativ e process , th e leader s o f Beth E l Congregatio n electe d Jacob Agu s t o b e thei r firs t rabbi , despit e some moderat e disagreemen t o n th e Searc h Committe e a s t o whethe r he wa s reall y equippe d t o serv e thei r needs . Th e lac k o f unanimit y reflected a n understandabl e concer n tha t Agu s migh t b e to o traditional ; after all , h e wa s Orthodo x b y upbringin g an d trainin g an d ha d no t studied a t th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y (a s ha d Rabb i Israe l Gold man, the n rabb i o f Chizu k Amun o Congregation , Bet h El' s "sister " congregation). Also , som e though t hi m to o inwar d an d reserved , lack ing th e instinc t fo r gregariousness . Notwithstandin g thi s ambivalence , he wa s electe d rabb i an d receive d wit h soli d respec t an d friendship . Thus bega n a relationshi p tha t laste d fo r thirt y year s o f hi s servic e a s rabbi o f the congregatio n an d si x years as rabbi emeritus , unti l hi s deat h in 1986 . Thinking o f what Bet h El s leader s might hav e done, on e i s impressed by their instinct, fo r i n Jacob Agus they ha d selecte d a man o f distinctio n rather tha n charm , a perso n o f eruditio n rathe r tha n glibness , an d a rabbi o f reserve d dignit y rathe r tha n on e obsesse d wit h a nee d fo r th e public spotlight—a n obsessio n tha t woul d presumabl y redoun d t o th e prestige o f the congregation . A s it evolved , th e synagogue' s relationshi p with it s rabb i (and , b y extension , i n late r year s wit h it s cantor , educa tional directors , an d executiv e directors ) wa s characterize d b y mutua l appreciation an d respect , leadin g t o a prou d heritag e o f stability . Fou r decades later , man y a t Bet h E l believ e th e qualit y o f thi s heritag e i s a function o f th e relationshi p forge d betwee n th e firs t rabb i an d th e first generation o f the Bet h E l laity. Rabbi Agu s enjoye d a significan t measur e o f persona l autonom y i n terms o f th e programmati c directio n i n whic h h e wante d t o tak e Bet h

228 Mark Loeb

El. Eve n whe n ther e wa s disagreement—an d occasionall y ther e was — the congregatio n alway s showe d respec t fo r hi s learnin g an d hi s sincer ity. Ye t i t i s fai r t o sa y tha t hi s genera l instinc t wa s highl y congruen t with th e instinct s o f the congregation . THE E D U C A T I O N O F ADUL T JEWIS H L E A R N E R S

If anything wa s fundamental t o Agus ' pulpi t rabbinate , i t wa s a concer n for adul t education . Fe w rabbi s hav e immerse d themselve s s o deepl y into program s directe d towar d th e intellectua l growt h o f th e adul t lait y of thei r synagogue . I n on e are a h e becam e th e longtim e guid e t o th e membership o n matter s o f faith an d tempora l interest , namely , throug h his weekly bulleti n column s i n th e congregation' s newsletter , The Voice. In hi s firs t column , h e se t fort h hi s task : " I propos e t o discus s ever y phase o f Jewish though t an d life , i n particular , th e philosoph y o f Con servative Judais m an d th e ideolog y implie d i n th e slowl y unfoldin g program o f ou r Congregation . . . . I n th e cours e o f time thes e column s will ad d u p t o a fully-rounde d analysi s o f moder n Jewis h lif e an d thought." 1 Jacob Agu s als o becam e th e spiritua l advise r t o th e Men s Clu b o f Beth El , whic h establishe d a weekly Sunday-mornin g serie s o f worshi p services, eac h followe d b y breakfas t an d a publi c forum . Eac h wee k more tha n tw o hundre d me n woul d gathe r fo r th e fellowshi p o f praye r and study . Mor e ofte n tha n not , th e lecture r wa s th e rabb i o f th e congregation. Notwithstandin g th e modes t Judaic backgroun d o f som e in hi s audience , th e rabb i consistentl y addresse d himsel f t o thoughtfu l topics. Fo r example , i n th e i961-196 2 progra m yea r h e spok e o n "Th e Dead Se a Scroll s an d th e Messiah, " "Synagogu e an d Church—Whe n Did The y Separate? " "Controversie s betwee n Hasidi m an d Hellenists, " "Between Israelitis m an d Canaanitism, " "Gamliel , Sau l o f Tarsu s an d Saint Paul," "Arnol d Toynbe e s Philosophy o f History," an d othe r topic s of similar ilk . Clearly , Jacob Agu s di d no t "tal k down " t o hi s congrega tion. Yet Agu s als o spok e o n matter s o f contemporar y interes t i n th e political worl d an d offere d stimulatin g review s o f newly writte n books . At th e en d o f eac h lecture , ther e wa s a perio d o f ope n dialogu e wit h the speaker . Question s cam e fro m th e floor , som e challengin g an d illuminating. Thos e wh o share d i n thos e forum s stil l recall them a s basic to thei r sens e o f Jewish commitment , inasmuc h a s Jacob Agus ' unspo -

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ken messag e was that Judaism wa s a faith o f intellectual dept h tha t coul d provide a meaningful intellectua l challeng e t o th e kin d o f educated Jews who wer e the n comin g t o th e for e i n America n Jewish life . A secon d dimensio n o f Agus' involvemen t i n adul t educatio n wa s hi s annual participatio n i n th e Jewis h Laymen' s Institute , conducte d fo r nearly fort y year s a t Cam p Wohel o ove r a lon g Shabba t weekend . A t Camp Wohelo , cosponsore d b y Bet h E l an d Baltimore' s othe r tw o Conservative congregations , Rabb i Agu s becam e th e intellectua l cente r of the enterprise , whil e hi s colleague , Rabb i Israe l Goldma n o f Chizu k Amuno Congregation , wa s the dynami c organizationa l forc e behin d th e encampment. Suc h luminarie s a s Mordeca i Kaplan , Abraha m Joshu a Heschel, Rober t Gordis , Abraha m Halkin , Harr y Orlinsky , an d H . L . Ginsberg, alon g wit h man y others , serve d a s visitin g facult y a t Cam p Wohelo, providin g a n opportunit y fo r intimat e communio n wit h majo r scholars. Rabbi Agu s als o taugh t fo r thirty-fiv e year s a t Baltimore' s Inter Congregational Institut e fo r Adul t Jewis h Studies . Fo r year s hi s wa s the larges t class , a s h e elucidate d th e pathway s o f Jewis h philosophy , ecumenical relations , Ne w Testamen t studies , midrash , an d s o forth t o a group o f four o r fiv e hundre d laypersons . Thi s wa s luxury "casting " fo r those wh o ha d neve r bee n privilege d t o lear n fro m a world-class Jewish scholar. INTERFAITH RELATIONSHIP S

Beyond hi s commitmen t t o adul t Jewish educatio n a s the centra l thrus t of hi s rabbinate , Agu s als o place d grea t emphasi s o n developin g an d improving relationship s wit h th e non-Jewis h community , especiall y it s clergy. Fo r year s h e serve d a s a co-chai r o f variou s clerg y roundtables , some o f whic h me t i n th e home s o f rabbi s an d ministers . H e wa s especially adep t a t suc h undertaking s becaus e o f his extraordinar y gras p of Christia n Scripture s an d patristi c literature . I n late r year s h e woul d be engage d t o teac h Ne w Testamen t a t th e Ecumenica l Institut e o f St . Mary's Seminar y i n Baltimore , throug h whic h h e wa s abl e t o establis h a relationship wit h Lawrenc e Cardina l Sheeha n tha t wa s o f significan t importance, give n Cardina l Sheehan s rol e a t Vatica n I I an d hi s chair manship o f th e committe e tha t drafte d th e statemen t o n th e Church' s relationship t o Judaism an d t o th e Jewish people . Rabbi Agus ' articulate d instinc t fo r th e universa l dimensio n o f reli -

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gion (versu s th e particularisti c strai n tha t s o ofte n dominate s inter communal dialogu e o n th e sociopolitica l level ) foun d receptiv e ear s an d hearts ove r severa l decades . Th e impuls e tha t le d a Polish-bor n rabb i from Orthodox y t o Conservatis m ma y als o explai n i n par t hi s interes t in ecumenism . T o him , a n evolvin g sens e o f th e valu e o f religiou s pluralism seeme d t o hav e th e potentia l t o lea d t o a reduction o f interre ligious conflic t and , eve n more , t o th e deepenin g o f al l faith traditions . Thus h e wrot e i n The Voice i n 1961 , "Ou r sacre d traditio n a s a whol e has muc h t o sa y concernin g a world-wid e fellowshi p o f believer s i n God. Th e Jewish wa y o f advancing thi s goa l i s distinctly relevan t . . . I t consists o f a concept o f unit y o f spiritua l intentio n couple d wit h diver sity o f ritua l an d dogmati c practic e tha t ca n b e o f th e greates t signifi cance fo r th e futur e o f humankind." 2 However, i t i s clear tha t Agus ' appreciatio n fo r th e potentia l valu e o f the ecumenica l movemen t unabashedl y reflecte d a concer n fo r th e safety o f Jews. I n late r year s especially , h e expresse d grea t concer n tha t the "machismo-like " swagge r tha t som e Jews affecte d i n th e aftermat h of the Israel i victory i n th e Si x Day War might lea d t o a dangerous for m of historica l amnesia . H e wa s genuinel y concerne d tha t Jew s migh t forget th e all-too-modes t number s o f th e Jewish peopl e an d th e clea r minority status implied b y those numbers , a s well a s the urgen t nee d fo r Jews t o engende r positiv e feeling s o n th e par t o f gentiles. But a t th e hear t o f Agus' philosoph y o f ecumenis m wa s a passionat e concern fo r Jewis h universalism . H e deepl y fel t th e danger s o f Jewish parochialism, whic h ma y als o explai n hi s leavin g th e Orthodo x world , which seeme d to o constricte d fo r him . H e believe d tha t Judaism i n it s classical period s o f intellectual growt h ha d bee n typifie d b y a confiden t responsiveness t o th e philosophica l challenge s o f th e day , a respon siveness that ha d strengthene d i t immeasurably an d furthe r develope d it s inner vitalit y a s a faith . T o him , th e ecumenica l movemen t provide d just suc h a n opportunit y fo r responsivenes s an d growt h (an d also , inci dentally, implie d a substantia l publi c benefit , th e reductio n o f anti Semitism). Thi s genera l attitud e i s reflected i n hi s volume Jewish Identity in an Age of Ideolgies, wherei n h e describe d Jewis h response s t o th e various philosophica l challenge s i n th e moder n period , response s tha t led Judaism t o a deeper intellectua l maturit y o f its own . In late r years , Agu s pursue d thi s universalis t instinc t b y participatin g in a "trialogue " o f Jews, Christians , an d Muslims , whic h als o reflecte d his concer n fo r peac e i n th e Middl e Eas t an d hi s belie f tha t Isla m ha d

23i

Agus as Pulpit Rabbi

not ye t bee n draw n int o a "reformation " stag e i n it s religiou s develop ment, withou t whic h tru e dialogu e coul d no t b e achieved . Hi s activitie s in thes e area s earne d hi m nationa l recognition , particularl y fo r hi s distinguished writing s i n th e Journal of Ecumenical Studies and hi s partici pation i n man y nationa l dialogue s organize d b y th e America n Jewis h Committee an d it s directo r o f Inter-Religiou s Affairs , th e lat e Rabb i Marc Tanenbaum , a good frien d an d a Baltimorean b y upbringing . TEACHING Like som e pulpi t rabbi s o f his generation, Jacob Agus ' scholarl y interest s impelled hi m t o engag e i n universit y teachin g whe n opportunitie s arose. A t on e tim e h e taugh t a t th e Reconstructionis t Rabbinica l Col lege an d a t Templ e Universit y i n Philadelphia ; a t othe r time s h e taugh t at th e Baltimor e Hebre w College . I n 196 5 h e spen t fou r month s teach ing a t th e Seminari o Rabbinic o i n Bueno s Aires . Hi s academi c talent s also enabled hi m t o serv e for man y years as an edito r o f the Encyclopaedia Britannka whil e stil l in th e pulpit . AS RABBI O F TH E CONGREGATIO N Agus' rabbini c caree r a t Bet h E l naturall y require d hi m t o b e a pastor , something t o whic h h e committe d himsel f faithfully, eve n visitin g non members wh o ha d bee n hi s student s a t th e variou s place s wher e h e ha d lectured. H e woul d visi t th e sic k i n hospitals , comfor t th e bereave d i n houses o f mourning , an d provid e counse l t o congregant s whe n calle d upon. I t becam e hi s predilectio n i n al l suc h circumstances , especiall y houses o f mourning , t o giv e divrei Torah, whic h mor e ofte n focuse d o n philosophical topic s tha n o n persona l connectio n wit h th e deceased . Agus addressed himsel f to "shu l business" in th e morning s an d usuall y focused o n hi s writing i n th e afternoons . Whil e h e wa s no t a n adminis trative leader b y nature , h e nonetheles s participate d i n man y dimension s of th e synagogu e s "practical " life . Fo r example , whe n th e curren t synagogue wa s constructed i n i960 , largely throug h th e effort s o f several talented an d dedicate d la y leaders, i t wa s Rabbi Agu s who provide d th e architectural an d artisti c inspiratio n fo r th e building , arguabl y on e o f the mos t beautifu l synagogue s i n th e country . Hi s conceptualizatio n o f the sanctuar y focuse d o n Jewis h learning : a mixtur e o f large , stained glass "Bibl e windows" ; "Mishna h windows, " whic h depicte d th e

232 Mark Loeb

themes o f the Sedari m o f the Mishnah; an d "Talmu d apertures, " which , together wit h th e othe r windows , signifie d th e triadi c unit y o f Jewish knowledge. During th e year s o f Agus ' leadership , Bet h El , whic h ha d originall y been envisione d b y it s founder s a s a small , "famil y congregation " o f two o r thre e hundre d families , bega n t o grow . Man y factor s accoun t fo r this, o f course, but on e principa l facto r ha d t o b e th e rabbinat e o f Jacob Agus. B y th e tim e o f hi s retirement , Bet h E l ha d grow n t o wel l ove r a thousand families . Hi s luste r a s a teache r an d a s a schola r an d hi s graciousness a s a ma n al l gaine d approbatio n fo r th e synagogue . Ye t i t was clear , eve n i n th e earl y year s a t Bet h El , tha t man y member s wer e concerned abou t th e rapi d growt h o f thei r congregation . I n answe r t o this concer n Rabb i Agu s wrote : Our goa l is a great synagogue , bi g only a s the need s o f greatness dictate . It i s the progra m an d th e qualit y o f service an d th e evolvin g patter n o f synagogue lif e i n th e community , tha t determin e th e siz e an d natur e o f our buildin g program . Econom y an d dignit y g o han d i n hand . Whe n a congregation serve s a larg e numbe r o f families , i t ca n transmi t th e heritage o f Judaism wit h th e effectivenes s an d th e impressivenes s tha t modern Jew s require . An d only a synagogu e o f statur e ca n fulfil l it s historic rol e in the American environment. 3 Ironically enough , despit e th e nee d t o spea k frequentl y t o man y hundreds o f peopl e fro m hi s pulpit—somethin g tha t h e di d wit h con fidence an d a modicu m o f charisma—Rabb i Agu s of f th e pulpi t wa s actually quit e diffiden t and , a t times, eve n shy . He wa s not o f the schoo l that luxuriate s i n "smal l talk " o r intimat e therapeuti c consultation . T o sit alon e wit h Jaco b Agu s usuall y mean t discussio n abou t matter s o f current politica l importanc e o r o f historica l relevance . Ye t hi s reserve d personality overla y a passionate se t o f commitments an d spiritua l values . For example , hi s sens e o f universalis m onc e impelle d hi m t o engag e i n an atypicall y intens e protes t t o th e chaplai n o f Baltimore's Jewish hospi tal whe n h e allowe d a sign t o b e poste d wit h th e rabbini c dictu m "H e who save s on e Jewish lif e [m y emphasis ] ha s save d a n entir e world. " Rabbi Agu s informed th e chaplai n tha t th e sig n had t o go , first, becaus e it was a n insul t t o gentiles , an d second , becaus e ther e wa s a n alternativ e reading i n a talmudic manuscrip t tha t omitte d th e offendin g word . Th e sign cam e down .

233 Agus as Pulpit Rabbi

He als o could ge t deepl y disturbe d abou t th e politica l situatio n i n th e Middle East . A s other s hav e noted , Agu s wa s a t bes t a lukewar m Zionist, believin g tha t Zionis m wa s a flawed philosoph y becaus e i t reflected th e nineteent h century' s perverte d obsessio n wit h nationalism , a forc e tha t ha d bee n infecte d wit h racis m i n mos t countries , whic h might wel l prov e contagiou s t o Jews . H e wa s disturbe d b y th e Israel i governments indifferenc e t o Palestinian s an d spok e ou t o n th e matte r frequently, ofte n t o peopl e i n th e mos t ordinar y pastora l settings . THEMES O F AGUS ' R A B B I N A T E : P R E A C H I N G I N TH E P U L P I T

Week afte r week , Rabb i Agu s mounte d hi s pulpit t o address th e critica l issues o f the da y a s seen throug h th e pris m o f Jewish religiou s thinking . His universalis m le d som e t o see hi m a s rathe r odd , wit h regar d t o th e security issue s tha t hav e surrounde d th e Stat e o f Israe l fo r severa l de cades. Fo r example , h e onc e opine d i n a sermo n ho w wonderfu l i t would b e i f Jerusalem coul d becom e a n internationalize d city—dis tinctly no t a centris t view . Whe n Gold a Mei r refuse d t o acknowledg e the Palestin e Liberatio n Organizatio n (PLO ) a s vali d negotiator s fo r Palestinian Arabs , Jaco b Agu s declare d tha t Israel s problem s woul d never b e resolve d unti l i t accepte d th e fac t tha t dialogu e wit h th e PL O was a necessity. He als o spoke agains t th e facil e phrasemakin g o f the organize d Jewish community o n man y issues , includin g Sovie t Jewry . H e calle d fo r a lesser focu s o n rescu e tha n federation s wante d an d a greate r on e o n influencing Sovie t societ y s o tha t th e man y Jew s wh o woul d remai n could b e sustaine d i n thei r Jewishness, a stanc e tha t make s a grea t dea l of sense today . Agus spok e ou t agains t th e gli b sloganeerin g abou t Jewish "identity, " seeing i t a s a meaningles s substitutio n fo r authenti c Jewis h faith . H e deplored th e "W e Ar e O n e " mentality , whic h h e sa w a s bot h histori cally absur d an d probabl y stiflin g o f tru e Jewis h creativity . H e als o denounced th e tendenc y t o se e th e Holocaus t a s a mysterium, a s a n event tha t stoo d uniquel y beyon d th e tenet s o f traditiona l historica l explanation, an d h e openl y challenge d th e thinkin g o f suc h writer s a s Emil Fackenhei m an d Eli e Wiesel . He als o decrie d th e Jewish organizationa l worl d s self-righteous ten dency t o reduc e Jewish—Christia n relation s t o a foru m i n whic h Jew s

234 Mark Loeb

could blam e Christian s fo r anti-Semitis m whil e assumin g tha t the y ha d nothing t o lear n fro m Christians . Whil e Agu s di d frequentl y spea k about th e persistenc e o f anti-Semitism, h e als o spoke o f the transforma tion o f Christian attitude s tha t ecumenis m wa s making possible . Jacob Agu s inveighe d agains t th e tendenc y towar d "romantic " reli gious philosophie s an d mad e quit e clea r hi s distast e fo r thos e aspect s o f the Zionis t messag e tha t substitute d nationalisti c fervo r fo r religiou s faith. I n hi s sermon s h e spok e abou t th e importanc e o f Diaspora Jewry and attacked , bot h orall y an d i n a revie w i n Judaism magazine , Hille l Halkins Letters to an American Jewish Friend, an anti-Diaspor a Zionis t polemic tha t Agu s found offensive . As a classi c Maimonidean , Agu s preache d a fait h i n Go d base d o n intellectual piet y an d th e reconciliatio n o f philosoph y an d religion . I n many sermon s h e preache d agains t th e mentalit y o f religiou s primitiv ism an d superstitio n see n i n Hasidi c sect s an d childishl y imitated , eve n by man y supposedl y sophisticate d people . I n thi s spirit , h e als o frequently attacke d sermonicall y th e mindles s searc h fo r emotiona l grati fication tha t le d t o a n unsophisticate d yearnin g fo r religiou s mysticism . ISSUES O F R E L I G I O U S P R A C T I C E

Like man y a pulpi t rabb i wh o wa s i n th e "fron t line " o f Jewish life , Jacob Agu s coul d b e bot h intellectuall y consisten t an d inconoclastic . A s a halachi c libera l wh o endorse d egalitarianism , h e suggeste d earl y o n that wome n wea r a tallit, particuarl y fo r aliyot, yet i n th e initia l debate s in th e Rabbinica l Assembl y o n th e ordinatio n o f women, hi s oppositio n helped t o kil l th e proposal , whic h h e fel t wa s inadequatel y though t through an d no t consisten t wit h th e Conservativ e halachi c proces s a s he understood it . Hi s persona l preferenc e impelle d hi m t o wal k t o th e synagogue o n th e Sabbat h a s long a s he coul d (later , t o be driven, when walking became difficul t du e t o illness) , even thoug h h e ha d coauthore d the responsu m permittin g driving . Hi s halachi c liberalis m als o impelle d him t o introduc e ba t mitzva h a t Beth El , th e first Conservativ e congre gation i n Baltimor e t o establis h i t o n a peer leve l with ba r mitzvah . In al l cases , whethe r a t Bet h E l o r i n nationa l halachi c debates , his profoun d textua l groundin g mad e hi m unassailable , eve n i n mor e traditional quarters . Whethe r h e wa s iconoclasti c o r not , n o on e wa s prepared t o clai m tha t h e wa s ignorant o f the sources .

235 Agus as Pulpit Rabbi

I N T E L L E C T U A L CHALLENGE S

Jacob Agus ' essentia l thrus t wa s t o spea k o n a high intellectua l leve l an d to welcom e dialogu e wit h othe r faith s an d ideologie s tha t challenge d Judaism. Hi s volum e Jewish Identity in an Age of Ideologies reflect s thi s proclivity fo r intellectua l "jousting/ ' I n th e 1950s , fo r example , h e engaged i n a scholarl y debat e wit h th e Britis h historia n Arnol d Toynbee, whos e critiqu e o f Judaism a s a "fossil " religio n ha d enrage d Jews al l ove r th e world . H e corresponde d wit h Toynbee , debate d him , and visite d wit h him , an d a special friendshi p developed . Jacob Agus , as a Je w capabl e o f self-criticism , i n mute d acknowledgmen t o f on e o f Toynbee s points eve n argue d i n a n April issu e o f The Voice: We hav e lef t ourselve s ope n t o th e charg e o f 'fossilization, ' becaus e w e have faile d t o cultivat e th e fiel d o f Jewish though t i n accordanc e wit h the hig h standard s o f the academi c world . . . . Of exponent s o f moder n Jewish philosoph y an d thought , w e hav e non e o r almos t non e i n th e high sphere s o f th e universit y world . Wh y the n shoul d th e societ y o f scholars no t fee l tha t w e ar e simply sailin g on th e accumulate d momen tum o f the past? 4 Toynbee late r reconsidere d his positio n an d attribute d hi s change d ideas t o Jaco b Agus . A s par t o f th e dialogue , Rabb i Agu s invite d Toynbee t o lectur e a t Beth El . Som e o f the congregant s wer e outraged , seeing Toynbe e a s nothin g mor e tha n a sophisticate d anti-Semite . Ye t their respec t fo r thei r rabb i remaine d intact . However , whe n th e loca l chapter o f the Zionis t Organizatio n o f America threatened , i n a pueril e gesture, t o picke t Bet h El , Agus change d th e venu e o f Toynbee s talk t o his ow n home , fo r a more selec t audience . ESTEEM

Jacob Agus ' pulpi t rabbinat e embrace d hig h persona l scholarship , th e writing o f eigh t seriou s books , universit y teaching , adul t educatio n programming fo r congregants , a dedicate d pastorate , th e offerin g o f literally thousand s o f sermon s an d divrei Torah, communal involvemen t in interfait h dialogue , rabbini c servic e o n th e Rabbinica l Assembl y La w Committee, an d th e attainmen t o f a n internationa l reputatio n tha t brought grea t respec t t o hi s congregation . However , ye t anothe r crite -

236 Mark Loeb rion fo r judgin g a pulpi t rabb i i s hi s persona l qualit y a s a Jewis h model. T o hi s congregant s Jacob Agu s wa s considerabl y mor e tha n a n intellectual. H e wa s also a spiritual standard-bearer , howeve r obscur e hi s message ma y hav e bee n t o some . A t on e Men s Clu b forum , whe n on e of his own book s was being reviewed , a genuinely respectfu l congregan t who ha d faithfull y bough t ever y boo k Rabb i Agu s ha d writte n aske d i f this boo k a t leas t ha d a fe w picture s i n it ! Ye t afte r th e review , i n a telling comment , Rabb i Agu s insiste d that , howeve r valuabl e book s might be , Judaism wa s t o b e foun d no t i n book s bu t i n th e heart s o f living, committe d Jews . Tha t wa s why , h e said , h e wa s glad , afte r all , that he ha d become a pulpit rabbi—s o tha t h e coul d influenc e everyda y Jews t o deepe n thei r understandin g an d thei r lov e o f their heritage . When hi s career in th e activ e rabbinat e wa s complete d b y retirement , Agus continue d t o participat e i n project s o f interest , especiall y i n th e field o f interfaith dialogue . I n late r years h e struggle d agains t illness , bu t he remaine d productiv e nearl y u p t o th e end . Wit h hi s deat h th e er a o f the founder s o f Bet h El , th e first tru e generatio n o f Conservativ e Jew s in Baltimore , cam e t o a n end , substantiall y define d b y th e contributio n he ha d made i n allianc e with thos e me n whos e discriminatin g judgment caused the m t o selec t a n unusua l rabb i fo r a fledgling congregation . All rabbis , especiall y thos e i n th e pulpit , ar e product s bot h o f thei r time an d o f their inne r nature . Yet Jacob Agu s was able t o transcen d th e conventional border s an d categorie s o f th e America n rabbinate . Hi s iconoclasm wa s bor n o f intelligence , an d hi s programmati c focu s a s a teacher o f Judaism t o Jewish adult s reflecte d a n understandin g o f wha t American Jew s ough t t o know . Unlik e man y othe r rabbis , h e offere d what wa s needed rathe r tha n wha t wa s wanted. A s a rabbi i n th e pulpit , many woul d argu e tha t h e wa s sui generis. However on e see s him , i t i s fairly clea r tha t h e ha d fe w peer s an d probabl y n o rea l successors . NOTES i. Jaco b Agus, The Voice i , i (Augus t 18 , 1950), 1-2 . 2. Ibid . 9, 1 1 (January 16 , 1959), 1. 3. Ibid . 6, 20 (January 27, 1956), 1. 4. Ibid . 5 , 27 (April 22, 1955), 1.

BIBLIOGRAPHY O F TH E WORK S OF JACOB B . AGU S

BOOKS Modern Philosophies of Judaism:A Study of Recent Jewish Philosophies of Religion. New York : Behrman's Jewish Boo k House , 1941 . Message of Judaism. Dayton , Ohio : Bet h Abraha m Unite d Synagogu e Center , 1945. Banner of Jerusalem: The Life, Times, and Thought of Abraham Isaac Kuk. Ne w York: Bloc h Publishin g Co. , 1946 . Reissue d unde r th e titl e High Priest of Rebirth: The Life, Times, and Thought of Abraham Isaac Kuk. Ne w York : Bloch Publishin g Co. , 1972 . Guideposts in Modern Judaism. Ne w York : Bloc h Publishin g Co. , 1954 . The Goldenson Lecture: The Prophet in Modern Hebrew Literature. Cincinnati : Hebrew Unio n Colleg e Press , 1957 . The Evolution of Jewish Thought: From Biblical Times to the Opening of the Modern Era. New York : Abelard-Schuman, 1959 . Published i n Frenc h an d Spanis h translations. Reissue d b y Ne w York' s Arno Pres s i n 1973 . The Meaning of Jewish History. 2 vols. Ne w York : Abelard-Schuman , 1963 . The Vision and the Way; An Interpretation of Jewish Ethics. New York : Frederic k Ungar, 1966 . Dialogue and Tradition: The Challenges of Contemporary Judeo-Christian Thought. New York : Abelard-Schuman , 1971 . Jewish Identity in an Age of Ideologies. Ne w York : Frederic k Ungar , 1978 . The Jewish Quest: Essays on Basic Concepts of JewishTheology. New York : Ktav , 1983. 237

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239 Bibliography "Rebuttal o f Presentatio n o f Rabb i Lapidu s an d th e Statement s o f Rabbi s Silver an d Soloveitchik. " Conservative Judaism n , i (fal l 1956) : 53-58 . "Synthesis i n Curren t Philosophie s o f Jewis h History. " Judaism 6 , 1 (winte r 1957): 56-69 . "Polarity i n Jewish History." Judaism 6: 2 (sprin g 1957) : 160-70 . "The Meanin g o f the Mitzvot : A n Analysi s o f Heinemann's Ta-amei Ha-mitzvot Besiphrut YisraeW Conservative Judaism 11 , 4 (summe r 1957) : 24-34 . "Standards an d th e Ideal. " Reconstructionist 24, 4 (Apri l 1958) : 18-23 . "The Natur e an d Tas k o f Liberal Judaism." Judaism 7 , 4 (fal l 1958) : 291-301 . "Claude Montefior e an d Libera l Judaism. " Conservative Judaism 13 , 2 (winte r 1959): 1-21 .

"Tradition an d Change. " Conservative Judaism 13, 2 (winte r 1959) : 46-54 . "Toward a Philosophy o f Hope." Judaism 9 , 2 (sprin g i960) : 99-111 . "An Analysi s o f Milto n Steinberg s Anatomy of Faith, ed . Arthu r Cohen. " Conservative Judaism 14 , 4 (summe r i960) : 1—4 . "Towards a Philosophy o f Hope." Judaism 9 , 4 (fal l i960) : 351-65 . "Survival: Fait h an d Cultur e versus Blood an d Politics. " Menorah Journal 48, 1- 2 (autumn-winter i960) : 1-8 . "Toward a Conservative Philosoph y o f Jewish Education. " Synagogue School 19, 3 (March-Apri l 1961) : 5-15 . "Toynbees Epistl e t o th e Jews." Commentary 3 , 3 2 (Septembe r 1961) : 239-42 . "Freedom an d th e Judeo-Christian Tradition. " Jewish Heritage (summer 1962) :

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"Jewish Philosoph y an d Worl d Tensions. " Midstream 8 , 3 (Septembe r 1962) : 67-82. "Mass Crime an d th e Judeo-Christian Tradition. " Minnesota Review 3 , 2 (winte r 1963): 205-19 . "Chances fo r America n Survival : Th e Stayin g Powe r o f Religion. " Jewish Heritage 6, 3 (winte r 1963/1964) : 21-24 . "Hacia un a filosofi a Judia. " Majshavot 3 , 1 (March 1964) : 5-14 . "Filosofias nacionalista s d e l a histori a Judia. " Majshavot 3 , 2 (Jul y 1964) :5— 23.

"God an d th e Catastrophe. " Conservative Judaism 18 , 4 (summe r 1964) : 13—21 . "It's th e Mytholog y o f th e Jewis h an d Christia n Tradition s Tha t Hinder s Fruitful Communicatio n betwee n th e Two. " National Jewish Monthly 7 9 (September 1964) : 20-24; 7 9 (Octobe r 1964) : 14-18 . "A Jewish Vie w o f the Proble m o f War Preventio n Today. " Torch (winte r 1965) : 10-13. 'Case fo r Dialogue. " National Jewish Monthly 81, 1 (Septembe r 1966) : 26—32. ; 'A favo r de l Dialogo. " Maj'shavot 6, 3 (Novembe r 1967) : 57-67 . ; 'Myth, Faith , an d Realit y i n Jewish Life. " I n Ma x Kreutzberger , ed. , Studies of the Leo Baeck Institute (New York , 1967) , 179-264 .

240 Bibliography "Religious Ethic s i n th e Contemporar y Scene. " The Future of Ethics and Moral Theology. Chicago : Argu s Communication s Co. , 1968 . "Context an d Challenge : A Respons e t o Rylaarsdam. " Bulletin 48 , 2 (sprin g 1968): 35-44 . "Israel an d th e Jewis h Christia n Dialogue. " Journal of Ecumenical Studies 6 , 1 (winter 1969) : 18-36 . "Jerusalem i n America. " I n Elwy n A . Smith , ed. , The Religion of the Republic. Philadelphia: Fortres s Press , 1971 , 94—115. "Revelation a s Quest : A Contributio n t o Ecumenica l Thought. " Journal of Ecumenical Studies 9, 3 (summe r 1972) : 521-43. "Jewish Self-Definition—Classicis m an d Romanticism : Ou r Basi c Alterna tive." Central Conference of American Rabbis 1 9 (autum n 1972) : 3-15 . "The Homecomin g o f th e Talmud. " United Synagogue Review Quarterly 26 (spring 1973) : 4-5. "Judaism an d th e Ne w Testament. " Journal of Ecumenical Studies 13,4 (fal l 1976) : 596-613. "Perspectives fo r th e Stud y o f th e Boo k o f Acts. " I n Arthu r Chiel , ed. , Perspectives on Jews and Judaism. Ne w York : Th e Rabbinica l Assembly , 1978, 7-17 . "The Dialogue—Exceptionalis m a s Metamyth." Central Conference of American Rabbis 21 (autum n 1979) : 3-15 . "Continuing Creativit y i n Maimonides ' Philosophy. " I n A . Kats h an d L . Nemoy, eds. , Essays on the Occasion of the Seventieth Anniversary of the Dropsie University, lgog-igyg. Philadelphia : Dropsi e College , 1979 , 11—31 . "Neo-Maimonism." I n Conservative Thought Today. Ne w York : Th e Rabbinica l Assembly, 1980) , 9-20 . "Six Jewish Thoughts. " Journal of Ecumenical Studies 17 , 1 (winte r 1980) : 110 11.

"A Theologica l Foundatio n fo r th e Halakhah. " Judaism 29 , 1 (winte r 1980) : 57-63. "The 'Yes ' an d th e ' N o ' o f Revelation. " I n L . E . Frizzel , ed. , God and His Temple. South Orange , N.J. : Departmen t o f Judeo-Christian Studies , Se ton Hal l University , 1980 , 215-30 . "God i n Kaplan s Philosophy " Judaism 30 , 1 (winter 1981) : 30-35 . "The Religio n o f Ethica l Nationhood. " Conservative Judaism 34 , 4 (March April 1981) : 28-33 . "The Covenan t Concept—Particularistic , Pluralistic , o r Futuristic? " Journal of Ecumenical Studies 18 , 2 (sprin g 1981) : 217-30 . Foreword t o Pincha s Lapid e an d Jurge n Moltmann , Jewish Monotheism and Christian Trinitarian Doctrine. Translated b y Leonar d Swidler . Philadelphia : Fortress Press , 1981 , 17-24 . "The Futur e o f Jewish Messianism. " I n Michae l D . Ryan, ed. , Human Responses

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242 Bibliography "History an d Zeitgeist : Dinur , Be n Zion , B'Mifneh Hadoroth." Midstream i , i (August 1955) : 100-103 . Patterson, Charle s H. , The Philosophy of the Old Testament. Jewish Social Studies 17, 4 (Octobe r 1955) : 330-31 . Epstein, Isidore , The Faith of Judaism. Jewish Quarterly Review 46 , 3 (Januar y 1956): 278-89 . Lebowitz, J., Torah U-mitzvot Bizman Ha-zeh. Conservative Judaism 10 , 4 (sum mer 1956) : 47-50 . "Is Toynbe e a n Anti-Semite ? Samuel , Maurice , The Professor and the Fossil." National Jewish Monthly (Novembe r 1956) : 32-35. Waxman, Mordecai , ed. , Tradition and Change. Conservative Judaism 13, 2 (winte r 1959): 47-54 Blau, Josep h L. , Phili p Friedman , Arthu r Hertzberg , an d Isaa c Mendelsohn , eds., Essays on Jewish Life and Thought. Jewish Social Studies 22 , 3 (Jul y i960): 186-91 . Gargan, Edwar d T. , Intent of Toynbees History. Conservative Judaism 1 7 (fall winter 1962-1963) : 48-60 . "Reconsiderations. Study of History, v. 12 . Conservative Judaism 1 7 (fall-winte r 1962-1963): 48-60 . "Between Tw o Traditions : Gordis , Robert , The Root and the Branch." Midstream 10, 1 (March 1964) : 109-11 . Glatzer, Nahu m N. , ed. , Faith and Knowledge: The Jew in the Medieval World. Jewish Social Studies 27, 2 (Apri l 1965) : 122 . Jacobs, Louis , Principles of the Jewish Faith. Religious Education 60, 3 (May-Jun e 1965): 248-50 . Kohn, Hans , Living in a World Revolution, My Encounters with History. Jewish Social Studies 27, 3 (Jul y 1965) : 207-8. Efros, Israe l I. , Ancient Jewish Philosophy. Jewish Social Studies 27 , 4 (Octobe r 1965): 250-51 . Gordis, Robert , Judaism in a Changing World. Congress Bi-Weekly 34 , 6 (Marc h 20, 1966) : 15-16 . Heschel, Abraha m Joshua, The Insecurities of Freedom. Jewish Social Studies 29, 2 (April 1967) : 120-22 . Bea, Augustin , Cardinal , The Church and the Jewish People. Jewish Social Studies 29, 2 (Apri l 1967) : 120-22 . Neusner, Jacob , A Life of Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai an d A History of the Jews in Babylonia. Judaism 17 , 1 (winter 1968) : 108-13 . MacDonald, Dunca n Black , The Hebrew Philosophical Genius. Jewish Social Studies 30, 3 (July 1968) : 182-83 . Gilbert, Arthur , Vatican Council and the Jews. Congress Bi-Weekly 36 , 2 (Januar y 1969): 19-21 .

243 Bibliography Kohler, Kaufmann , Jewish Theology Systematically and Historically Considered. Jewish Social Studies 31,4 (Octobe r 1969) : 349-52 . Rosenzweig, Franz , The Star of Redemption, trans . William H . Hallo . Reconstructionist 38, 2 (Marc h 1972) : 24-29 . "Bringing Clarit y int o th e Mystical : Scholem , Gershom , The Messianic Idea in Judaism and Other Essays on Jewish Spirituality." Judaism 21 , 3 (summe r 1972): 376-83 . "A Revie w Essay : The Encyclopedia Judaica." Conservative Judaism 26 , 4 (summe r 1972): 46-57 . Schweitzer, Frederic k M. , A History of the Jews since the First Century A.D. Jewish Social Studies 34, 3 (Jul y 1972) : 267-70 . "A Revie w Essay : Finkelstein , Louis , Pharisaism in the Making. 11 Conservative Judaism 28 , 3 (sprin g 1974) : 60-65. "Types o f Redemption : Contributio n t o th e Them e o f th e Stud y Conferenc e Held a t Jerusalem, 14-1 9 July, 1968." Jewish Quarterly Review 65 , 1 (Jul y 1974): 52-53 . Scholem, Gershom , Kabbalah. Jewish Quarterly Review 66 , 4 (Apri l 1976) : 242 44. Buber, Martin , Briefwechsel aus sieben Jahrzenten. Jewish Quarterly Review 67 , 1 (July 1976) : 59-62 . "Charting th e Ma p o f Jewis h Theology : Jacobs , Louis , A Jewish Theology!' Jewish Quarterly Review 67' , 2-3 (Octobe r 1976-Januar y 1977) : 168-71 . "Schaeder s Martin Buber: Schaeder , Grete , The Hebrew Humanism of Martin Buber!' Jewish Quarterly Review 67 , 4 (Apri l 1977) : 237-41 . Halkin, Hillel , Letters to an American Jewish Friend. Judaism 27 , 1 (winter 1978) : 120-26. " Kaufmann's Religion in Four Dimensions: Kaufmann , Walter , Religions in Four Dimensions—Existential, Aesthetic, Historical, Comparative!' Jewish Quarterly Review 69 , 1 (July 1978) : 55-57 . Weinstein, Joshua, Buber and Humanistic Education. Jewish Quarterly Review 69 , 4 (April 1979) : 245-47 . Gordis, Robert , Understanding Conservative Judaism; Marti n Bernhard , ed. , Movements and Issues in American Judaism; Jerry V . Diller, ed. , Ancient Roots and Modern Meanings; Norman B . Mirsky, Unorthodox Judaism 29 , 2 (sprin g 1980): 248-55 . Kaplan, Mordeca i M. , The Religion of Ethical Nationhood. Conservative Judaism 34, 4 (March-Apri l 1981) : 28-33 . "Diamond's Philosophy and Religion: Diamond, Malcol m L. , Contemporary Philosophy and Religious Thought!' Jewish Quarterly Review 72 , 1 (Jul y 1981) : 53-56. Alexander Altman n Festschrift : S . Stei n an d R . Loewe , eds. , Studies in Jewish

244 Bibliography Religious and Intellectual History. Jewish Quarterly Review 72 , 2 (Octobe r 1981): 132-39 Thoma, Clemens , A Christian Theology of Judaism. Jewish Quarterly Review 72 , 4 (April 1982) : 312-16 . Goodman, Len n Evan , Monotheism. Judaism 32 , 3 (summe r 1983) : 367-68 . Siegele-Wenschkewitz, Leonore , Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft vor der Judenfrage. Journal of Ecumenical Studies 20, 4 (fal l 1983) : 696-97 . Mendelssohn, Moses , Jerusalem. Jewish Quarterly Review 75 , 2 (Octobe r 1984) : 192-94. A. R . C . Leaney , The Jewish and Christian Worlds. Journal of Ecumenical Studies 23, 2 (sprin g 1986) : 318. L E T T E R S AN D REPLIE S T O L E T T E R S "The Rabbinica l Assembl y an d Jewish Law. " Ope n lette r t o th e editors . Reconstructionist 19 , 6 (Ma y 1953) : 26-28. Response t o lette r fro m Bernar d Heller . Conservative Judaism 15 , 3 (sprin g 1961): 40-41 . Letter t o th e editor . Conservative Judaism 15 , 3 (sprin g 1961) : 42-44 . Response t o lette r fro m Werne r Steinberg . Conservative Judaism 27 , 3 (sprin g 1973): 84-85 . "The Jackson Amendment. " Present Tense 2, 1 (autumn 1974) : 2. "Old Testament. " Respons e t o I . Franc k o n Spinoza' s onslaugh t o n Judaism . Reconstructionist 44 (fal l 1979) : 27. SYMPOSIA "The Jewis h Vie w o f Ma n an d th e Ne w Democrati c Order. " Proceedings of Seventh Annual Convention of the Rabbinical Council of America (June—Jul y 1942): 20-29 . "The Meanin g o f Galut i n Americ a Today. " Midstream 9, 1 (March 1963) : 5-9 . "The Ques t fo r Jewis h Values : Question s fo r Thinkin g Jews. " Jewish Heritage. (spring 1965) : 21-34; (summe r 1965) : 28-43 . "The Stat e o f Jewish Belief. " Commentary 42, 2 (Augus t 1966) : 73-76 . "The Holocaust : Summatio n o f th e Colloquium. " Pape r delivere d a t Dropsi e University, Philadelphia , 1973 , 50-52 . "The Congregationa l Rabb i an d the Conservativ e Movement : Te n Questions. " Conservative Judaism 29 , 2 (winte r 1975) : 9-10 .