Alexander Kennedy Isbister: A Respectable Critic of the Honourable Company 9780773573529

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A Respectable Critic of the Honourable Company

Carleton Library Series No. 14 3

ALEXANDER KENNEDY

A Respectable Critic of the Honourable Company

BARRY COOPER

Carleton University Press Ottawa, Canada 1988

© Carleton University Press Inc. 1988 IS B N 0-88629-064-3 paperback 0-88629-086-4 casebound P rin te d a n d b o u n d in C anada C a rle to n L ibrary Series #143

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data C o o p e r, B arry, 1943A le x a n d e r K ennedy Isbister ( T h e C arleto n library ; 143) B ib lio g rap h y: p. IS B N 0-88629-086-4 (bound) IS B N 0-88629-064-3 (pbk.). 1. Isbister, A lexander Kennedy, 1822-1883. 2. H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany—Biography. 3. Metis— B io g rap h y . 4. Educators—G reat Britain—B iography. I. T itle . II. Series. F C 3 2 13.1.182C66 1988 F 1 0 6 0 .8 .C 6 6 1988

971.2'01'0924

C 88-090397-X

D is trib u te d by: O x fo rd University Press C anada, 70 W ynford Drive, D on Mills, O ntario, C anada M3C 1J9 (416) 441-2941 C o v e r d e sig n : C hris Jackson A c k n o w le d g e m e n ts C a r le to n U n iv ersity Press g rate fu lly acknow ledges th e s u p p o r t e x te n d e d to its publishing program m e by th e C anada Council an d th e O n ta r io A rts Council. T h is b o o k has been published with the help o f a g ra n t from th e Social S cien ce F ed eratio n o f C anada, using fund s provided by th e Social S ciences a n d H um anities Research Council o f C anada.

M eghan an d B rendan

T H E CARLETON LIBRARY SERIES A series o f original works, new collections, an d re p rin ts o f source m a te ria l relatin g to C anada, issued u n d e r the supervision o f the E d ito ria l B o ard, C arleton Library Series, C arleton U niversity Press In c ., O ttaw a, C anada.

GENERAL EDITOR M ich ael G narow ski

ASSOCIATE GENERAL EDITOR P e te r E m berley

EDITO RIAL BOARD B ru c e C ox (A nthropology) P e te r E m berley (Political Science) D a v id G a rd n e r (Science) K e ith J o h n s o n (History) D a v id K n ig h t (Geography) M ich ael M acNeil (Law) T .K . R ym es (Economics) D aiv a Stasiulis (Sociology)

Table of Contents Preface .......................................................................................

,x

L ist o f A bbreviations .............................................................................

X1U

In tro d u c tio n

............................................................................................

xv

Part Is Strategy and C o n tex t...........................................................

1

1. Rupert's Land Origins. Early life an d Family. A pprentice P o stm aster. Arctic A dventure. Isbister’s R esignation.............. 2. Knowledge o f Company Lands. Early Ambitions. G eographical K now ledge o f the Arctic Coast. Ethnological Knowledge o f th e In h ab itan ts o f R u p ert’s Land. Geological Knowledge. .. 3 . Knowledge Moralized. M id-Century P hilanthrophy. T h e S trateg y o f M oralization.................................................................. 4 . Settlement and Free Trade. T h e O regon Q uestion. Isbister a n d th e O reg o n Q uestion. Events at Red River. T roops. R esults. F u rth e r Events at Red River...........................................

3

27 49

71

Part IIs Strategy Mobilized ............................................................. 105 5 . Memorial and Petition. Charges. Mr. Beaver. First R esponse. H e rm a n M erivale. Official Action. F u rth e r Exchanges. E nd G a m e ..................................................................................................... 6 . Vancouver’s Island. T h e First Proposal. Jam es E dw ard F itzg erald . F u rth er Discussions. Public Controversy. R esp o n se an d Results...................................................................... 7. The Charter Challenged. T h e C onfirm ation Q uestion. E ig h teenth-C en tury Challenges. T h e 1849 C hallenge........... 8. Public Controversies. A dam T hom . T h e N ew spaper C am p aig n . Penal Colony. Franklin.............................................. 9 . Canadian Intervention. Labouchere an d the Select C om m ittee. Testim ony. A fterm ath.............................................. 10. The Last R o u n d ............................... ..................................................

A p pendix I ........................................................................................

1®^

143 175 203 239

275 287

A p pendix II ...................................................................................... 295 B ib lio g r a p h y ...................................................................................... 303

vii

Preface M an y tim es in the course o f researching and w riting this book I have b e e n ask ed how I came to be interested in A lexander K ennedy Isbiste r. B ecause my m ain scholarly interest has been in political philoso­ p h y , th e q uestion is a fair one. T h e an sw er is twofold. Some tim e ago I finished a sh o rt study o f M ich el F oucault, one o f whose most interesting books is concerned w ith prisons. T h e great theorist o f prisons, at least am ong political p h ilo s o p h e rs , was Jerem y B entham . His panopticon becam e, fo r F o u c a u lt, a symbol o f contem porary society, which he d u b b ed “carc e ra l,” th a t exten d s from actual prisons to the several “helping” p ro ­ fessio n s. T h e alternative to B entham ’s panoptic technology was tra n s p o rta tio n . In studying the alternative I cam e u p o n Isbister’s plan to tra n s fo rm R u p ert’s Land into a penal colony. It seem ed a prom ising id e a a n d I w ished to find o u t som ething m ore about th e a u th o r o f the p ro p o s a l. O n e c a n n o t find o u t very m uch about Isbister w ithout learn in g he w as a n o p p o n e n t o f the H udson’s Bay C om pany. T his led m e to C o m p a n y history, to archives scattered across the W est, to th e Public R e c o rd O ffice at Kew an d to the National Archives in O ttaw a. I h ad w ritte n so m eth in g on C anadian political thought, chiefly on th e con­ t r a s t betw een th e myths o f the Loyalist heartland o f O ntario an d those o f th e W est. I soon enough saw the im portance o f Isbister an d th e p e c u lia r institution o f Com pany rule for the genesis o f th e self­ in te rp re ta tio n o f W estern political order. It is impossible to say too o f te n th a t th e history o f th at part o f C anada know n today as th e W est p re c e d e s th e history o f Canadian interest in the W est by several h u n d r e d years. T hose years, despite the great waves o f im m igrants, h a v e m a d e a difference th at is still felt in the sh arp conflicts o f interest a n d o f self-in terp retation that characterize contem porary C anadian fe d e ra lism . T o give a simple exam ple: even tho u g h I was raised m any m iles to th e west o f F ort Garry, I recall taking p a rt in m ore th a n o n e R e d R iver P ageant in elem entary school. Isb iste r isr rem em bered today chiefly by students at the University o f M an ito b a. At th a t institution his nam e is attached to th e m ost p re s­ tig io u s scholarship available. T h e re is considerable co rresp o n d en ce in th e P ublic Archives o f C anada between Isbister an d L ord D ufferin as w ell as betw een him and Canadian politicians re g ard in g th e term s o f h is b eq u est. From as early as 1867 Isbister had endow ed a fu n d a d m in is te re d by th e Anglican Bishop o f R u p ert’s L and fo r young sch o lars. H e stipulated th at funds were to be dispersed w ithout consid­ e ra tio n s o f sex o r race being taken into account. In 1961 th e Isbister ix

X

PREFACE

b u ild in g was opened. It currently houses G eography, Sociology an d N e a r E astern an d Ju d aic Studies. T h e architecture is technical and u tilita ria n , a plain com bination o f yellow rough lim estone, polished lim e sto n e dressing, and exposed concrete. T h e re is also an Isbister S tre e t, betw een Portage and Saskatchewan avenues in the w estern s u b u rb s o f W innipeg. Occasionally there are stories in local news­ p a p e rs ab o u t th e d o n o r o f the Isbister scholarships. All o f which in d ic a te s th a t in W innipeg, at least, Isbister is not forgotten. N o r is h e fo rg o tten by historians o f R u p ert’s Land. O n e o f th e g reat s u rp ris e s I h a d in doing the preparatory work on Isbister was to d isc o v e r how m utually supportive R upert’s Land historians are. T his is s o m e th in g o f a contrast to political philosophy w here we take equal, if n o t g re a te r, pleasure in critical analysis. In particular, I have benefited fr o m listen in g to the words an d observing the exam ple o f Ire n e Spry. M rs. S p ry re a d som e early drafts and gave me a g reat deal o f sound ad v ice. She is a stern re ad er and I am confident she will find m uch to criticize in th e finished product. If there is any re a d e r I have tried not to d isa p p o in t, it is her. Sylvia Van Kirk, who w rote the en try in the Dictionary o f Canadian Biography on Isbister, and a splendid study o f the fu r - tr a d e society, has also encouraged me. I should ad d as well th a t I h a v e b e n e fited from conversations with Abe Rotstein whose interests also e x te n d to H egel. A Hegelian history o f the C om pany is yet to be w ritte n . J e n n ife r S.H. Brown and Alan Cooke read an earlier d ra ft, as d id tw o anonym ous others, and I have tried to in co rp o rate th eir su g g estio n s f ° r im provem ent. As will be evident soon en o u g h , this is n o t a s ta n d a rd biography. W hat it aims to be is indicated in the In tro d u c tio n . N o p ro p e r biography o f Isbister can be written. H e sent his library a n d his p erso n al papers to the University o f M anitoba w here m ost o f th e boo k s a n d all o f the papers were incinerated in 1898 in a fire in the M c In ty re block. Isbister operated in several contexts; th e o n e o f in te re s t in this study is his opposition to th e H u dson’s Bay C om pany. M u c h o f th e evidence is public since the controversies w ere public. O t h e r evidence is indirect, taken from correspondence an d m inutes p re s e rv e d chiefly in the records o f the Colonial Office an d o f the H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany. T h e Com pany archives w ere especially in te r­ e s tin g fo r revealing the tacit dim ensions o f interest and family. A so cio g ra m o f th e several Com pany networks would be a w onderful th in g to contem plate. G en erally , I have used quotations to illustrate a point, b u t also to p ro v id e a sense o f the perceptions o f th e authors. T h a t Douglas c o n s id e re d th e area aro u n d Victoria barren an d sterile, th a t kidney s to n e was a constant worry at Peel River, o r th at one tra d e r th o u g h t a n o th e r th re e steps rem oved from a fool seem ed item s w orthy o f

P REFACE

Xi

reco llectio n . Such pieces o f inform ation are significant not in th em ­ selves b u t as constitutive o f a com plex o f m eaning. M eaning is con­ v ey e d by stories as m uch as by close argum ent (favoured by analytic p h ilo so p h e rs). By providing a political history as well as a textual an alysis o f Isbister’s response to events, I would like to indicate th e sig n ifican ce o f Isbister’s strategy o f opposition. W hat counts fo r this stu d y , th e n , is n o t how Isbister’s words stack u p against th e discourses o f h isto rian s a century and m ore later, though they may find som e­ th in g u sefu l in this study. All p ro fesso rs are pensioners now. D ependency does n o t usually in s p ire sen tim en ts o f gratitude. Mostly it inspires resentm ent. If, n ev e rth eless, I feel genuinely grateful to the SSHRCC fo r a m inor (a n d , I stress, m inor) research g ran t and to my extrem ely hospitable u n iv ersity fo r th e financial su p p o rt th at enabled m e to visit th e several a rc h iv a l sites m entioned above, the presence o f th at sentim ent should b e a ttrib u te d less to my personal virtue than to the archaic n a tu re o f a c a d e m ic en terp rise. We may be d ep en d en t pensioners, we may su ffe r th e m o ralizin g sadism o f adm inistrative philanthropists (one g ro u p o f w h o se predecessors are discussed in the third ch ap ter o f this study), b u t ty ra n n y is no stranger to thought. We may yet fo r a while be g ra te fu l th a t th e p resent one is so soft. J u d i Powell an d M artha Lee deserve a special word o f thanks. P a tie n t as a team o f Percherons, they sat in harness before V IP 7400s a n d la b o u re d to extract a corrected text from Multics. P eter Em berley d id a sp len d id jo b o f pushing the m anuscript th ro u g h th e press. T o th e m a n d to th e m any librarians and archivists who did th e ir duty I, at least, am g ratefu l. R eaders will o f course feel free to praise them for th e results. B arry C ooper Calgary Decem ber, 1986 Ju n e , 1988

List o f Abbreviations HBCA PA S PAC PAM G -A I RGSA RHL AO BL PRO HBRS DCB

H u d so n ’s Bay Com pany Archives Public Archives o f Saskatchewan Public Archives o f C anada Public Archives o f M anitoba G lenbow -A lberta Institute Royal G eographical Society Archives R hodes H ouse Library (Oxford) A rchives o f O ntario B ritish Library Public Record Office H u d so n ’s Bay Record Society Publications D ictionary o f Canadian B iography

Introduction T h e f u r tra d e , w rote Sylvia Van Kirk, “generated a distinctive regional w ay o f life.” 1 T his early expression o f W estern regionalism was a re fle c tio n o f distinctive m odes and patterns o f work, tran sp o rt, food, c lo th in g a n d especially o f m arriage “according to the custom o f th e c o u n try .” T h e result o f the union o f E uropean trad e rs an d In d ian w o m e n , d esp ite local variations an d “sub-cultures” connected to th e d is tin c t practices o f the fur-trading concerns, is w hat is m ean t by th e te rm , fu r-tra d e society. F u r-tra d e society expressed a pre-political form o f w hat now we call W e s te rn reg io n al identity. Regionalism has been, an d continues to be, th e m o st im p o rta n t dom estic influence on C anadian political life. A w ay o f life, even if distinctive, is not necessarily aw are o f itself as d istin c tiv e o r as regional. M oreover, th e exigencies o f federalism have, fr o m th e start, fragm ented the political expression o f regionalism o u ts id e o f th e large provinces o f the old colony o f C anada. T h e po litical ex pression o f W estern regionalism is split am ong th e several p ro v in c e s ; o th e r expressions are non- o r pre-political.2 T h e selfu n d e r s ta n d in g o f fu r-trad e society was also pre-political. It was n o t u n til late in its process o f disintegration that one can speak pro p erly o f th e political consciousness o f Red River. In d e e d , so long as it rem ained unchallenged, fu r-trad e society did n o t u n d e rs ta n d itself as particular. O n the contrary, it was u n d ersto o d in te rm s o f necessity, utility and then in term s o f social status. N one o f th e s e term s, n o r the realities to which they refer, are, from th e p e rsp e c tiv e o f political philosophy, properly term ed political. Yet th e social a n d econom ic changes th at were im posed u p o n th e Indians an d th a t w ere, considered in isolation, non-political, carried with them co n se q u en ce s th at subsequently becam e political when law ra th e r th an c o m m e rc e an d custom regulated social order. Pre-political form s h ad po litical results. C o n s id e r, fo r exam ple, the consequences fo r fam ily stru c tu re . In d ia n w om en, initially indispensable to th e trad e, w ere gradually d isc ip lin e d by th e exigencies o f regular com m erce o r w ere replaced by H a lf-b re e d w om en who had been m ore exposed to th e com m ercial v irtu e s, nam ely, industry, cleanliness and decency. In o rd e r to give th e ir c h ild re n th e advantages o f civilization, som e fu r-trad e fathers s e n t th e m — mostly th eir sons—out to C anada o r to E u ro p e fo r educa­ tio n . O n e o f th e reasons Selkirk’s experim ent was su p p o rted by th e o ffic e rs o f th e H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany was th at it would allow them to se ttle th e ir families in a E uropean and civilized style b u t in a locale n o t re m o te fro m th eir hom es. T h e C om pany and, to use a co n tem porary xv

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n in e te e n th -c e n tu ry term , its patriarchial rule, was th e effective agency o f th is chan g e. T h e fur-trade society, however, was not sim ply the re s u lt o f th e un ion o f male fu r traders and Indian wom en. It contained as w ell a cu ltu ral com ponent o r dim ension. Accordingly o n e m ay s p e a k o f th e challenge to Indian cultures posed by th e cu ltu re o f th e tra d e rs , w hich, if n o t E uropean, was derived from E urope. T his sam e E u r o p e a n cu ltu re subsequently challenged the fu r-tra d e society. U s in g th e language o f the day, civilization was replacing barbarism o r sav ag ery . In this process the integrity o f th e fu r-trad e society was effectiv ely eclipsed. T h e second assault by E uropean culture o r “civilization” co n fro n ted b o th th e In d ian s an d the result o f the initial confrontation, th e furtr a d e society. A gain the C om pany was the m ajor agency for change. O n th e o n e h an d , by enabling native sons to acquire civilization a n d the a p p r o p r ia te virtues, the C om pany was, as it were, step -fath er to a g e n e ra tio n o f m en belonging to two worlds whose first loyalty was f o r m e d in R u p e rt’s Land. T h e ir fathers had been m en o f two w orlds as w ell, b u t th e ir fath ers’ first loyalties had been form ed on th e o th e r side o f th e A tlantic. O ne way o f u n derstanding the u n rest an d turbulence (to u se tw o term s favoured by contem porary observers) th at began a t m id -c e n tu ry is by way o f generations. Fathers and sons co n fro n ted o n e a n o th e r w ith distinct pasts and distinct visions o f th e fu tu re . In th is co n frontation the fathers, symbolized and institutionalized as th e C o m p an y , em erged victorious. In p art at least this was because th e ir sons h a d becom e civilized b u t had not been allowed to becom e re sp o n sib le. T h e conflict, in o th er words, was not simply in terg en eratio n a l b u t also civilizational. T his gave the representatives o f civiliza­ tio n a n ad v an tag e because their sons aspired to civilization as well. By m id -c e n tu ry , how ever, civilization was n o t u n d ersto o d to result fro m u n iv e rsa list achievem ents o f education, industry, cleanliness an d a h ig h m o ra l to n e, especially in sexual m atters, but was also considered to b e in h erited . T h e universalism o f m erit, effort, talent an d , in g e n e ra l, o f com petitive advancem ent th at (despite a p p a re n t restric­ tio n s o n th e rise o f m any French to high positions) h ad characterized th e N o rth -W est C om pany, h ad atrophied a generation a fte r the u n io n w ith th e H u d so n ’s Bay Com pany. Particularist consideration o f e th ­ nicity, n o d o u b t a response to com plex changes in B ritain, cam e to play a p a r t in d eterm in in g the prospects o f H alf-breed m en. In co n tem p o ­ ra ry lan g u ag e, th e blood o f the H alf-breeds was defective. In this re s p e c t, th e attitu d e o f G eorge Simpson was extrem ely im p o rtan t an d p e r h a p s decisive. T h e p ro g ress o f civilization through Sunday schooling, the use o f F re n c h o r English, an d especially thro u g h th e en fo rcem en t o f C hris­ tia n cerem o n ies o f m arriage enhanced the disciplinary n atu re o f th e

IN TR O D U C TIO N

XV11

C o m p a n y regim e. So far as the wom en were concerned, discipline in c re a se d th e ir dependency. By considering custom ary m arriage as s in , th e m issionaries su p p o rted the increasingly institutionalized ra cism o f th e C om pany. T h e E uropean m en w ere correspondingly re lie v e d fro m th eir custom ary obligations w hen the w om en were d e g r a d e d ; d eg red ation, in tu rn , becam e the continuing source o f im m o rality an d barbarism . Promiscuity was th erefo re held to be a p a rtic u la ris t b u t fem ale m anifestation o f defective blood. D espite th e m a n y local instances o f opposition, for fu r-trad e society as a whole, th e m o ra liz in g sadism o f the C hristian missions was allied with th e com ­ m erc ial objectives o f the Com pany. T h e w anton fem ale bodies o f the I n d ia n a n d H alf-breed women were to be disciplined as strongly as th o s e “u n stead y ” bodies o f the m en. C are for th eir savage o r quasi­ s a v a g e so u ls was, as is a rg u e d in C h a p te r T h re e , even m o re a m b ig u o u s. T h e w om en, in fact, were subjected to m uch g re ater discipline than th e m e n because they were essential to the existence o f th e fu r-trad e society. C om pany officers, fathers, would attem p t to en su re th eir H a lf-b re e d d au g h ters were properly civilized, acculturated an d disci­ p lin e d , a n d thereby able to gain respectability at Red River o r in C a n a d a . W h e re fathers were able to do so, it was because o f th e fo r tu n e s th ey h ad gained from the trade, though m any re tire d in very m o d e s t circum stances. Sons were increasingly prevented from follow­ in g th e c a re e r paths o f th eir fathers. T hey could becom e servants b u t v ery few could becom e officers. W ell-educated sons could becom e, in e ffe c t non-com m issioned officers, a new status created especially for th e m . D espite the ra re exception, they could not, no m atter how am b itio u s a n d industrious, realistically expect to becom e a C h ief T r a d e r o r C h ief Factor. Accordingly, they had lim ited prospects an d c o u ld n ev e r attain the heights their fathers had scaled. T h e a d v e n t o f increasing num bers o f E uropean wom en at R ed River a r o u n d m id -century enhanced the particularist barriers o f race. (T h e o ff s p r in g o f Selkirk’s settlers did not qualify as ladies in th e eyes o f C o m p a n y officers and seldom provided custom ary wives o r wives sa n c tifie d by clerical officials.) O ne o f the reasons E uropean w om en e n h a n c e d racism at Red River was because they w ere useless to th e fu r tr a d e . A t best they could civilize young savages th ro u g h education. M o re o v er, th e ir husbands, whose views were increasingly conditioned by m etro p o lita n standards, wished wives to be delicate flowers ra th e r th a n physically vigorous helpers. T h e most comic exam ple o f th e new a ttitu d e s was played o u t in the 1850 slander trial, Foss v. Pelly, which is d iscu ssed in a d iffe ren t context below. Pelly accused Foss o f adultery w ith M rs. B allenden, a H alf-breed. T h e gossip an d th en th e taking o f sid es was p ro m p te d alm ost exclusively by considerations o f race, with

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th e h ig h C om pany and ecclesiastical authorities all on the side o f (w hite) w om ens’ virtue. Even so, the H alf-breed wom en were econom ­ ically a n d socially pow erful enough at Red River to w ithstand m uch o f th e racism o f th e C om pany and especially o f the B ritish brides o f C o m p a n y m en. T h e arriv al o f the advance guard o f C anadians in the 1860s p ro m ­ ised a n e n d to th e fu r-trad e society even at Red River. T h ese noisy a n n e x a tio n ists gloried in the belief that they were agents o f a h ig h er civilization. A fter 1870, C anadian im m igrants had as th eir goal the f o u n d in g o f a m odern, British, progressive society in which no room e x is te d e ith e r fo r the Indian o r for the stable old o rd e r o f the fu r-tra d e society. T h e d ifference between com m ercial and political co n fro n ta­ tio n is indicated at least in p art by the difference in attitu d e with re s p e c t to m arriage. T h e first traders found it com m ercially ad van­ ta g e o u s to wed In d ian women as well as personally fulfilling; th e last a g e n ts o f political rule, m em bers o f the N orth-W est M ounted Police, b e c a m e objects o f reproach if they m arried Indian wom en, w hatever p e rs o n a l fulfillm ent they may have anticipated o r attained. T h e d isintegration and eventual eclipse o f the fu r-trad e society p ro v id e th e dom estic context within which Isbister opposed th e C om ­ p a n y . In th e symbolic conflict o f fathers an d sons, he was one o f the so n s w hose advancem ent was blocked by the civilization o f the fathers. U n lik e so m any o f his friends, he was able to attain g reat success in B rita in . By th e standards o f London, he was by far the m ost successful so n o f R u p e rt’s L and.3 It is entirely possible that he could have lived a q u ie t life, a m inor b u t entirely respectable V ictorian gentlem an, invis­ ible e x c e p t to genealogists. Certainly his British career would n o t have g a in e d h im th e attention o f historians. *

“A b io g ra p h y ,” Sigm und F reud wrote, is justified u n d e r two condi­ tio n s: “first if th e subject has a share in im p o rtan t an d generally in te re s tin g events; second, as a psychological study.”4 T his is n o t a psychological study. Even if the craft o f psychobiography was ap p eal­ in g , th e re is insufficient evidence to m ake m uch o f Isbister’s in n e r life. W h a t evidence does exist is not very prom ising. Isbister was in m any re sp e c ts a t th e extrem e end o f a continuum that saw an o th er, equally fa m o u s H alf-breed, Jim m y Jock Bird, at th e other. Isbister was a L o n d o n g en tlem an w here Bird was a Piegan chief. Isbister was a b a c h e lo r w ho lived with his m other and sisters, Jim m y Jock was said to h a v e a w om an an d children with every tribe between R ed River an d th e R ockies. Isbister was serious, Jim m y Jock a trickster. Even w here t h e ir actions w ere similar, the m eaning was opposite: Isbister opposed

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xix

th e C o m p an y on principle, Jim m y Jock opposed whites indifferently w h e th e r th ey served the H udson’s Bay C om pany, the A m erican F u r C o m p a n y o r, indeed, H e r Majesty the Q ueen. B ey o n d such superficial rem arks about his character th e re is little to b e in fe r re d from his career. It is tru e that he could not advance in the ra n k s o f th e C om pany an d that he was unable to attain a teaching post in a B ritish university. He was, however, a very successful school te a c h e r, ad m in istrato r and author. Even the significance o f his dom es­ tic state is unclear: I have come upon one allusion to a w om an in his life, b u t it is n o t clear w hether she died o r rejected him. His surviving p riv a te co rresp o n d en ce is filled with public affairs. T o em ploy a p re co n ce iv e d interpretative strategy that explained his L on d o n suc­ cess a n d his opposition to the Com pany in light o f his m otives is to a d o p t w ith o u t reason the perspective o f a valet fo r whom th e re are no g r e a t m en . U nlike the practitioner o f valet-psychology, we a re un co n ­ c e rn e d w ith th e socks and underw ear o f his life. All m en need socks a n d u n d e rw e a r. N o t th e story o f what m oved him, but the significance o f Isbister’s ac tio n is th e focus o f this study. Leon Edel observed th a t few “o rd i­ n a r y ” lives a re w ritten: “O ne supposes that readers d o not w ant to read a b o u t th e o rd in ary but the extraordinary.”5 It is not self-evident th at Is b is te r’s life was extraordinary though he did have a share in events th a t w ere in teresting and, for W estern C anada, im portant. At th e very le a st this account o f his life in opposition to a great com m ercial o rg a n iz a tio n indicates in detail how political action is w edded to d isc o u rse , how stories, truths, half-truths, an d u n tru th s are m obilized a n d set in to m otion, how the effects o f those mobilizations e n g e n d e r o th e r actions in response and o th er stories to account for them .

Notes 1. Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870, (Winnipeg, Waison and Dwyer, 1980), 2. 2. For details of this argument see Barry Cooper, “The West as a Political Minority,” in Neil Nevitte and Alan Kornberg, eds., Minorities in Canada, (Toronto, Mosaic, 1985), 203-20; and Cooper, “Western Political Con­ sciousness,” in Stephen Brooks, ed., Political Thought in Canada, (Toronto, Irwin, 1984), 213-38. 3. For details of Isbister’s British career, see Barry Cooper, “Alexander Kennedy Isbister: A Respectable Victorian,” Canadian Ethnic Studies, xvii (1985), 44-63. 4. Freud, Letters, ed., Ernest L. Freud, (London, Hogarth, 1970), 391. 5. Edel, Writing Lives: Principia Biographia, (New York, Norton, 1984), 14.

PART ONE STRATEGY AND CONTEXT

C H A PTER ONE

Rupert’s Land Origins

M any [Company officers] bid a final farewell to the inhospitable regions where the best years o f their lives have been spent, with the purpose o f returning to their early homes to pass the decline o f life; but one after another they drift back again. The change is too abrupt. They have outlived theirformer friends; their ways o f life are radically different; in short, the great busy world moves all too fast fo r their quiet and placid lives. —Isbister, 1879

Early Life and FamUy A le x a n d e r K ennedy Isbister was born in the late spring o f 1822 at C u m b e rla n d H ouse, R u p ert’s Land, now east-central Saskatchewan. H e was th e eldest son o f T hom as Isbister, C lerk and later P ostm aster in th e H u d s o n ’s Bay Com pany, and o f Mary K ennedy.1T h e year 1822 m a rk e d an im p o rtan t transition in the history o f the fu r trade. T h e lo n g a n d d ifficult struggle between the H udson’s Bay C om pany an d th e N o rth -W est C om pany had finally en ded in D ecem ber o f th e p re v io u s year. Consolidation o f the new organization u n d e r th e h an d o f G e o rg e Sim pson was about to commence. B o th o f A lex an der’s parents had been connected with th e fu r trade. T h o m a s h a d been born in the O rkney Islands aro u n d 1790. By th e e n d o f th e eig h teen th century, O rcadians supplied over th re e q u arte rs o f th e low er a n d salaried servants o f the C om pany, tho u g h English­ m e n “co n tin u ed to retain a virtual m onopoly on positions as a p p re n ­ tices, w riters, an d officers.”2 T h e prim e quality o f a m an such as T h o m a s , a n d m uch valued by the Com pany, was “an unrivalled in b red cap acity fo r e n d u rin g hardship, which sprang from the low stan d ard o f living to w hich he was born.”3 T hom as em igrated to R u p e rt’s L and in 1812 w ith th e status o f labourer. S ir J o h n R ichardson, who accom panied Franklin in 1820, left an a c c o u n t o f his duties. His general occupation in w inter was to search o u t th e In d ia n s a n d collect th e ir fu rs. “ His p re s e n t jo u r n e y ,” R ic h a rd so n w rote, “will appear adventurous to persons accustom ed to 3

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th e c e rtain ty o f travelling on a well-known road. H e is going in search o f a b a n d o f Indians, o f whom no inform ation had been received since last O c to b e r [three m onths earlier], and his only guide for finding th e m was th e ir prom ise to h u n t in a certain q u a rte r.” Isbister expected to e n c o u n te r them in a week o r so and took food along only fo r th a t p e r io d o f tim e. O ften traders in search o f Indians would go h u n g ry a n d occasionally they would starve. “Mr. Isbester [s*V] had been placed in th is d istressing situation only a few weeks ago, an d passed fo u r days w ith o u t e ith e r him self o r his dogs tasting food. At length, w hen h e h ad d e te r m in e d on killing one o f the dogs to satisfy his h u n g er, he happily m e t w ith a beaten track, which led him to som e Indian lodges, w here h e o b ta in e d a supply o f food.”4 In sum m er when his superiors left on to u rs o f inspection o r were required to attend m eetings o f the C ouncil o f th e N o rth e rn D epartm ent, T hom as was usually left in charge o f th e p o st to w hich he was assigned. F o llo w in g th e union o f th e two fu r-trad in g concerns in 1821, T h o m a s inescapably cam e u n d e r the notice o f G eorge Sim pson. A fter 1822 Sim pson consistently described him as correct an d active, b u t d e fic ie n t in education, a tolerable tra d e r who, with th e ra n k o f clerk, a tta in e d “th e height o f his am bition.” H e was “steady, fit fo r th e charge o f a sm all post an d a good second at a larger one. C annot expect p ro m o tio n , is sufficiently paid [1824].”5 D uring the 1820s an d 30s T h o m a s an d his family were m oved to several posts, all within the d istric ts b o rd e rin g lakes W innipeg, M anitoba and W innipegosis.6 In 1832 S im pson sum m arized his career as “a com m on lab o u rer w ho a c q u ire d a Know ledge o f the C ree Language and becam e a very active & u se fu l m an .” H e reiterated his capacity to m anage a small post an d his satisfaction with fifty pounds a year.7 Despite th eir peregrinations a b o u t L ake W innipeg, the family spent twelve o f th e ir fifteen years to g e th e r at C um berland. T his establishm ent, the first inland post o f th e H u d s o n ’s Bay Com pany, had been built by Sam uel H e arn e in 1774. T h e site, on an island between th e O ld C h an n el o f th e S ask atch ew an an d the south shore o f C um berland Lake h ad been sh re w d ly chosen, being a crossroads o f th ree canoe routes.8 T h e s u r r o u n d in g land is, however, low and swampy, a fine b re ed in g h a b ita t fo r ducks, geese and mosquitoes. It was th e h ead q u arters o f the C um berland District, the residence o f th e o ffic e r in charge, and a base for supplies, m eetings an d tra n s­ sh ip m e n ts. “T h e list o f visitors to C um berland was a veritable roll call o f th e f u r tra d e .”9 T o the west and south lay the prairies, which m eant b u ffa lo a n d pem m ican; barley an d potatoes were raised as early as 1825, a n d th e su rro u n d in g forest supplied sufficient wood to build a few Y o rk boats each year fo r service out from Norway H ouse, dow n­ s tre a m o n Lake W innipeg. It was self-sufficient in gam e, even in

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w in te r a n d , by com parison with posts fa rth er inland, was com fort­ a b le .10 J o h n M cLean rem arked that in 1833 the crops an d livestock “g av e th e place m ore the appearance o f a farm in th e civilized w orld th a n a tra d in g post in the far N orth-W est.”" D uring the early 1830s, C u m b e rla n d H ouse was apparently understaffed but continued to sh o w g o o d re tu rn s .12 B etw een 1823 an d 1829 T hom as was listed as a C lerk b u t in 1829 he w as given th e new title o f Postm aster, a position th at in th e eyes o f the C o m p a n y d id n o t require the incum bent to be o r to becom e a com m is­ sio n e d o fficer o r a gentlem an.13 It was not, therefore, a prom otion. O rig in ally th e g rad e o r class was called “O utpost M aster” an d was lite rally m ean t. As a form er incum bent observed, “T his position had n o th in g to d o with the post office, but simply established my status as b e in g c o m p e te n t and capable to take charge o f a post anyw here in the serv ic e.” 14 “P o stm asters,” according to Com pany m inutes, “are a Class which ra n k s in th e Service between In terp reters and Clerks. T hey a re g e n e r­ ally p e rs o n s w ho while filling the office o f C om m on L ab o u rers b ro u g h t them selves into particular notice by th eir steadiness, honesty a n d a tte n tio n a n d were in d u e time raised from the ‘ranks’ an d placed in c h a rg e o f small Posts at Sal[ar]ys from 35 to 45 pounds p. A nm .” 15 M an y years later A lexander, by then a veteran o f many disputes with th e C o m p an y , w rote that a postm aster was a m an “who, for good b e h a v io u r o r valuable services, has been put on a footing with the g e n tle m e n o f th e service, in the same m an n er th at a private soldier in th e a rm y is som etim es raised to the rank o f a com m issioned-officer. A t w h a te v e r station a postm aster may happen to be placed, he is generally th e m o st u seful an d active m an there. He is often placed in charge o f o n e o f th e m any small stations or outposts th ro u g h o u t the country.” 16 T h e d escrip tio n was an accurate account o f his fa th e r’s ra n k and c a re e r. A fte r 1829, if one did not become Postm aster, a Clerk m ight have th e o p p o rtu n ity o f becom ing a com m issioned officer, a T ra d e r o r F a c to r, b o th o f which positions involved greater responsibilities an d m u c h g re a te r o p portunities and income. T hom as Isbister rem ained a s e rv a n t a n d was unlikely ever to have gained a com m ission.17 H e was, in s h o rt, an O rkneym an who had enough am bition to leave hom e to se e k his fo rtu n e s in the wilds o f N orth Am erica, b u t o n e whose p ro s p e c ts w ere limited. From the point o f view o f the C om pany, he w as, n o d o u b t, th e sort o f servant they wished to attract. W h e th e r he w as satisfied with the station to which it pleased G eorge Sim pson to call h im th e re is no way o f knowing. His career illustrated as well one o f the d iffe re n c e s betw een the agricultural frontier in th e U nited States an d th e f u r fro n tie r in British N orth America. In the republic, the fro n tie r

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e x p e rie n c e ten d ed to level inherited social differences; in the C om ­ p a n y territo rie s, gentlem en officers were far enough away from the fro n tie rs o f agriculture and settlem ent to escape any dem ocratic o r s p o n ta n e o u s political influences. T h e single and im p o rtan t exception w as th e R ed River Settlem ent. “T h o m a s Isbister, clerk, and Mary Kennedy, were m arried at N o r­ w ay H o u se on th e 12th day o f August, 1821, by Jo h n W est, C haplain. N ich o las G arry, Geo Simpson, Witnesses.” 18 Mary K ennedy was th e d a u g h te r o f A lexander Kennedy, who had been com m issioned as C h ie f F acto r in th e Colum bia District several years before an d in 1821 h e ld th e co m m and o f C um berland House. K ennedy, a scion o f an a n c ie n t fam ily, th e Kennedys o f Karmucks, hereditary constables o f A b e rd e e n , cam e from St. M argaret’s H ope, O rkney. S om etim e a r o u n d 1804 h e h ad m arried a C ree wom an, M argaret A ggathas, “a c c o rd in g to th e custom o f the country.” T h e re seem s to be no e v id e n c e th a t this union was ever sanctified by clergy, which ap p ears n o t to hav e b o th ere d K ennedy a whit, though his wife su ffered th e in d ig n ity o f baptism in 1829 as “Mary the R eputed wife o f A lexander K e n n e d y .” 19 As an im portant officer o f th e C om pany, A lexander K e n n e d y was naturally well connected with th e o th er g reat m en o f the d ay . U n lik e m any C om pany m en, Kennedy was a good p ro v id er fo r his w ife. In 1829, he wrote from Moose Factory before leaving on fu r lo u g h to B ritain, to urge his wife: “Do not want fo r anything th a t I c a n a ffo rd to supply you with, either for yourself, your m o th er o r th e little o n es, an d be assured that as long as I live I shall never forsake you n o r fo rg e t you—an d if I die I shall not forget you.”20 Such an attitu d e, a p p a re n tly , was rapidly being eclipsed by new er, m ore callous ones th a t co n sid ered In d ian an d m ixed-blood wom en to be m ore suitable f o r th e ro le o f concubine than o f wife. In th is respect, G eorge Sim pson, regency buck o f the n o rth woods, d id m u c h to set the tone. In 1822, afte r bearing him a d a u g h te r at Y o rk Factory, Betsey Sinclair was “tu rn ed off,” eventually m arrying R o b e rt Miles, Clerk. By 1829 M argaret T aylor had bo rn e him two c h ild re n a n d h e r relationship with Simpson was approxim ately th a t o f a “c o u n try wife.” A year later she too had been tu rn e d o ff to A m able H o g u e , a stonem ason at Red River. Sim pson also a rran g e d in 1830 fo r M ary K eith, m o th er o f G eorge Stewart Sim pson, to m arry T h o m as T a y lo r, S im pson’s personal servant and b ro th e r to M argaret. T h ese a rra n g e m e n ts w ere undertaken so th at Simpson m ight m arry his co u sin , F rances.21 In the spring o f 1831 Colin R obertson arrived at R e d R iv er w ith his m ixed-blood wife, T h eresa Chalifoux, an d Sim pson re m a rk e d : “R obertson bro u g h t his bit o f Brown with him to T h e S e ttle m e n t this S pring in hopes that she would pick u p a few English m a n n e r s b efo re visiting the civilized world; but it would not d o — I told

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h im distinctly th at the thing was impossible which m ortified him ex c eed in g ly .”22 T h e C hurch, like the Com pany, righteously enforced th e n ew n o rm s.23 It is a m ark o f the changing social m ores o f th e day th a t K e n n ed y ’s sim ple loyalty to his wife should distinguish him fo r his d e c e n c y a n d independence. T h e K ennedys were m uch w ealthier than the Isbisters. In 1832 A le x a n d e r K ennedy expressed the hope that T hom as Isbister would b e c o m e his n eig h b our at Red River, “w here he [Thom as] may be h a p p ie r a n d b etter o ff than he can be in the service [of th e C om ­ p a n y ].”24 T h o m as Isbister and his family did not m ove to R ed River; a few m o n th s a fte r issuing the invitation, A lexander K ennedy d ied from p n e u m o n ia contracted in London when, following an evening dining o u t, h e was deposited asleep and d ru n k , in the rain on his own d o o rs te p by his cab-driver. K e n n e d y ’s d eath occasioned melancholy reflections by his friend, D o n a ld Ross. In a letter to J.P. P ruden at Fort C arleton, Ross con­ c lu d e d : “T h u s it is my friend, that we wear ourselves o u t to th e last th r e a d o f existence in this wilderness, accum ulating as we vainly s u p p o s e , a com petency to re n d er the evening o f o u r days com fortable in th e en jo y m en t o f civilized society.” A few days later he provided A le x a n d e r C hristie at York Factory with his reflections on th e transi­ to ry n a tu re o f th e world and o f hum an affairs. T h e hardships o f “this h e a th e n w ilderness” induced not only a m elancholy piety re g ard in g “th o s e th in g s th at are necessary for o u r eternal w elfare” b u t provided R oss w ith a n o th e r insight as well. T h e sudden death in civilization o f th is ro b u s t fu r tra d e r was not an isolated event: Very few Indian T raders enjoy a long lease of this world, after leaving this country. T hat calm and happy evening of life enjoyed after the trials and troubles o f business are banished from the mind, and which is the portion o f so many brought up in the civilized world, need seldom or ever be looked for by those who pass more than a quarter of a Century in this desolate wilderness.25 R oss d id n o t discuss fu rth e r the reasons for w hat he saw as th e high m o rta lity o f recently retired servants. His tone was a g re at co n trast to th e late a n d som ew hat nostalgic rem ark by Isbister th at serves as an e p ig ra p h fo r this chapter. K e n n e d y ’s d eath had m aterial consequences fo r his grandson. A lex­ a n d e r K en n ed y Isbister had been sent to school at St. M argaret’s H ope by K e n n ed y in 1829, at age seven, along with his younger b ro th er, R o d erick . A t school, which had been endow ed by th e C om pany fo r the e d u c a tio n o f the sons o f officers, the two boys did well, A lex an d er in p a rtic u la r show ing an aptitude for arithm etic.26 W ith th e d ea th o f K e n n e d y a n d th e unwillingness, o r m ore likely th e inability, o f T h o m a s Isbister to pay for his sons’ education overseas, A lexander

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h a d n o altern ative b u t to re tu rn to the “desolate h eath en w ilderness.”27 In 1834 h e enrolled in Jo n es’ School, which later becam e R ed River A c ad em y a n d St. J o h n ’s College.28 A n ev en g re a te r m isfortune struck a few years later. In 1836 T h o m a s d ied a gruesom e death: Early one summer he [Thomas] came up to Norway House on business, and was waiting for the sloop, which the Company used to have at that time on Lake Winnipeg, to arrive. Mrs. Isbister had gone to Red River to bring the children home from school, and they were coming by the sloop. Early one morning before anybody was up, Mr. Isbister was supposed to see if the sloop were coming. As he went through the gate toward the landing place, a bull, which was one of the cattle belonging to Norway House, gored him, and was found standing over his dead body. My father [Donald Ross] ordered the men to shoot the bull and take the carcass over to an island and burn it on a great pile of wood. That dreadful death of p oor Mr. Isbister caused much horror and grief. The men made an immense pile of wood and the fire burnt up not only the carcass of the bull, but everything else on the little island, which has been known ever since as Bull’s Island.29 A t th e tim e, Isbister was 14; his family continued to su p p o rt him fo r tw o m o re years o f education at Red River. By th en , according to th e c o n v e n tio n s o f th e day, he was a m an. S u p p o rt was m ade possible from th e e sta te o f T h o m as and from the bequest o f A lexander K ennedy to M ary Isbister. T h e com bined legacy was aro u n d a thousand p o u n d s.30

A pprentice Postmaster A t a g e 16, Isbister en tered the service o f the H u dson’s Bay C om pany. H e was a p p o in ted A pprentice Postm aster an d sent first to N orw ay H o u s e in tim e fo r onw ard posting with the Athabasca B rigade fo r the 1838 o u tfit, th a t is, from 1 Ju n e 1838 to 31 May 1839.31 In late F e b ru a ry , 1838, G overnor Sim pson had d eterm in ed th at Isbister w o u ld b e posted n o rth to F ort Simpson on the M ackenzie.32 O n 3 Ju ly 1838 h e arriv ed a t Norway H ouse and two weeks later left fo r C u m b er­ la n d H o u se, arriving 2 August. By 15 Septem ber, th e brigade h ad c ro s se d M ethye Portage and had gained F ort Chipew yan on Lake A th ab a sca; by th e 26th they were at F ort R esoludon on G reat Slave L ak e . T w o days later they left fo r the Mackenzie, an d fo r the n ex t two y e a rs Isb ister tra d e d from Fort Sim pson.33 Is b is te r’s a p p o in tm en t as A pprentice Postm aster reflected th e c h a n g in g m oral econom y o f fur-trade society, as h ad th e change in his f a th e r ’s ra n k from C lerk to Postmaster. T h e early distinctions betw een s e rv a n t a n d gentlem an had by T hom as Isbister’s day tu rn e d into a n e a rly in su rm o u n tab le barrier. “T hose who en ter th e Service in this C lass [P ostm aster],” w rote Simpson, “have no prospect o f fu rth e r

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a d v a n c e m e n t, n o r is it intended that they shall be rem oved from this C lass ex c ep t in very particular cases o f good conduct coupled with V a lu a b le Services.”34 W hen A lexander en tered the Service, class o r s ta tu s division h ad been reinforced by considerations o f birthplace an d b lo o d . As early as 1822, shortly after his app o in tm en t as G overnor, S im p so n ’s views an d expectations o f perform ance w ere influenced by th e s e tw o criteria. “Even the half B reeds o f the C ountry who have been e d u c a te d in C anada are blackguards o f the very worst description, th e y n o t only pick u p the vices o f the W hites u pon which they im prove b u t re ta in th ose o f the Indian.”33 Such views held by the m ost im p o r­ ta n t overseas C om pany official did not p o rten d a successful ca ree r fo r Is b is te r in th e fu r trade. T e n years later, the success o f a m ixed-blood was noted with su r­ p ris e w h ereas failure was expected as the norm . T h e B ishop o f M o n tre a l was m oved to record his reflections on these high them es in v erse. See on the margin of the ruddy stream (So named) where meads in boundless level spread, Men o f mix’d race—(who thence of good would dream?) T he stock once sprung from many a lawless bed.*1 M ix ed -b lo o d p ro d u cts o f the lawless bed w ere characteristically d e s c rib e d as unsteady an d turbulent, and, as Brown observed, th e use o f th e se u ncom plim entary stereotypical designations “certainly con­ tr ib u te d to th e economic and social m arginality o f native-born com ­ p a n y so n s.”37 By the m id-forties, and the start o f trouble a t R ed River, th e y w ere a source o f considerable anxiety. O w ing to th eir u n re ­ liability, even th e best o f them could only becom e “sergeants an d c o rp o ra ls .”38 O n th e o th e r h and, successful C om pany personnel w ere expected to e m e r g e fro m th e ranks o f fur-trade families “at hom e” or, if b o rn in th e n ew w orld, from families o f unm ixed E uropean ancestry. In 1846, f o r ex a m p le , Sim pson recom m ended th e son o f D onald Ross be h ired a t th e ra n k o f A pprentice Clerk: “T h e young m an, who has no In d ian b lo o d in h im (M r an d Mrs Ross being both Scotch) was fo r several years a t M r. M cC allum ’s boarding school at R ed River, a n d fo r th e two past y e a rs has b een in Scodand finishing his education. H e is a good classical scholar, writes a good hand an d u n d erstands figures.”39 A p a rt fr o m ancestry , this description o f R obert Ross, who u n fo rtu n ately died th e follow ing sum m er, could equally have been m ade o f A lexander K e n n e d y Isbister. T h e r e is n o readily agreed-upon collective term to identify m ixedb lo o d s su ch as Isbister. T his was one o f the lasting consequences o f th e u s e o f b irth p lace and blood by senior officers such as Sim pson to

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s tr u c tu r e th e expectations o f perform ance o f recruits to th e service o f th e C o m p an y . T h e term “Metis,” for exam ple, has served both as a m e a n s o f com m unity self-identification o r self-interpretation an d as a c a te g o ry o f analysis by contem porary historians an d social scientists. F o r th e o ffsp rin g o f non-French and Indians several term s have been u s e d , n o n e o f which has gained general currency o r acceptance. Is b is te r m ost often described him self as a native o f R u p ert’s L and, a t e r m w idely used in Com pany records,40 when his birthplace seem ed to b e w o rth m entioning; sometimes he num bered him self am ong the H a lf-b re e d p opulation o f the territory. T h e term Half-caste was also u s e d o n occasion, b u t alm ost exclusively by residents o f B ritain (or by C o m p a n y officers such as Simpson) and was derived from B ritish e x p e rie n c e in Asia.41 A lthough term inology is im p o rtan t for th e self­ d e fin itio n o f com m unities, o u r present concern is with the reality o f d isc rim in a tio n according to criteria o f blood and birthplace because Is b is te r ex p erien ced such discrim ination an d because it influenced his a c tio n . L ate r we will have occasion to use term s such as L ouchoux, K u tc h in a n d Esquim aux. Like the term H alf-breed, they w ere th en c u r r e n t. Isb iste r’s rank, A pprentice Postm aster, had been specially estab­ lish e d fo r m en “o f R upertsland origin”; incum bents w ere paid fifteen p o u n d s fo r th e first year o f service, rising to forty pou n d s at th e e n d o f fiv e y ears. It has been argued that the rank was created to help natives o f R u p e rt’s L and e n te r Com pany service by allowing them to bypass th e lo n g q u e u e in L ondon and the need fo r a London p atro n .42 Even if th a t in te rp re ta tio n were correct, m atters did not work o u t th at way. “T h is g ro u p ,” D onald G unn wrote, “are generally h alf breeds, are c o n s id e re d in ferio r, and few rise to high office.” In contrast, th e ran k o f G e n tlem a n A pprentice Clerk “is confined to persons b o rn an d e d u c a te d outside o f R upertsland. T hey are paid 20, 30, 40, 50 an d 60 p o u n d s fo r each year and are intended to be the great m en o f the C o m p a n y .”43 A fifty percent salary differential was an effective m ea­ s u r e o f distinction. T h e com bination o f preference extended to those well connected a n d B ritish w ith bias against native and m ixed-bloods created opposi­ tio n n o t only fro m discontented young m en whose prospects w ere d im in is h e d by th e policy,44 but also from C om pany officers whose a d m ira tio n fo r Sim pson was firm ly restrained. D onald Ross, fo r in sta n c e , h a d two argum ents to offer. In 1842, he w rote to Sim pson re g a r d in g “a spiral o f discontent, in some instances am o u n tin g to a c tu a l in su b o rd in atio n ,” created as a consequence o f “th e introduction o f so m an y o f th e natives o f the C ountry into the service, particularly fr o m th e S ettlem ent.” These m en m ade fine voyageurs, he said, b u t “th e ir disposition is too resdess to re n d e r them steady o r industrious

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s e rv a n ts ab o u t th e Establishments.” T h e ir restive ch aracter gave rise “to fa u lt-fin d in g by their masters which in its tu rn produces discontent a m o n g th e servants.” T h e causal sequence could scarcely be m ore c le a r: m o st native-born young m en were not suited to steady w ork at th e posts. T h e result could only be regretted by Ross and, he ho p ed , by S im p so n . Ross was bothered not simply by the existence o f p referen ce a n d bias, w hich was probably unavoidable, but by th e specific institu­ tio n aliz atio n o f it, which was not. In particular, Ross believed som e­ th in g h a d to be d o n e about the rank Isbister held, A p p re n tic e P o stm a ste r. “S o m e years ago,” he wrote to Simpson, “a new class, styled ‘A p p re n ­ tice P o stm aster’ was introduced into the service, an d from w hat has a lre a d y tran sp ire d , the sooner in my opinion it is abolished th e b etter.” I f th e y o u n g m en could not be received as A pprentice Clerks, they “w o u ld d o b e tte r to seek their livelihood in som e o th e r ways, fo r with th e ir p re s e n t stan d ing they are not only discontented them selves but p re a c h d isco n ten t to others.” Ross insisted he was m oved to speak fra n k ly o u t o f a concern for the interests o f young natives o f R u p e rt’s L a n d as m u ch as o u t o f a concern for the service.45 M ost native m ixedb lo o d s, h e believed, should not be given positions in th e service b e c a u se th ey w ere usually tem perm entally unsuited to them . T hose w h o w e re suited to the service o f the C om pany should not be discrim i­ n a te d against. A few years later he again brought u p the question o f A pprentice P o stm a ste rs, b u t em phasized the second argum ent: it was grossly u n f a ir to th e (adm ittedly few) natives, w hether they be m ixed-blood o r n o t, w ho w ere capable o f discharging the duties o f th e rank. T h e wage d iffe re n c e s betw een E uropeans an d native servants, h e said, has c a u s e d g re a t evil, “and to say the least o f it [it is an] improper m ode o f d e a lin g w ith m en who have to perform the very sam e duties to g eth er a n d w ho consequently by all rule o f right reason o u g h t to have p recisely th e sam e rem uneration, n o r can I fo r one m om ent doubt, th a t th ey will have it too.”46 T o a n old N o r’W ester such as C harles McKenzie it seem ed ab su rd a n d u n ju s t to educate native sons at school in Red River: “I d o n o t see th e u se o f so m uch G reek and Latin for these postm asters,” since n e ith e r lan g u ag e was helpful and all th eir useful training took place on th e jo b .47 Likewise C hief Factor Jam es A nderson loosed a “fa r cry to L a c h in e ,” w here Sim pson lived, from the distant M ackenzie to object to th e tw o pay scales. “T h e usual practice,” he w rote, “has been for Y o u n g G entm . natives o f this country, particularly if they h ad the m is fo rtu n e to be educated on the Banks o f Red River instead o f th e T h a m e s , to g et 20 pounds p er an. fo r 5 years as a p p re n tic e ] P[ost] M [aster] th o ’ doing the duty o f a p p re n tic e ] C lerks.”48 Sim pson’s

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policy o f discrim ination on the basis o f blood an d birthplace was not, th e re fo re , universally approved by C om pany Officers. A n d e rs o n was equally outspoken concerning w hat he took to be p re fe re n c e o r “interest” extended to relatives an d favourites o f high C o m p a n y officers, especially o f Simpson. “I f In terest is to be th e Main C h a n n e l o f P rom otion—let it be proclaim ed abroad—an d let n o t y o u n g m en waste th eir best days in the Vain an d delusive hope—th a t ack n o w led g ed M erit, Long Service an d abilities are to be rew ard ed by p ro m o tio n in d u e tim e.” T h e re followed exam ples o f unjust p ro m o ­ tio n , w hich A nderson declared “most gross.” Jo sep h G ladm an, in p a rtic u la r h ad been treated badly: H e was succeeded in the Charge of New Brunswick by Peter McKenzie— who is (entre nous) but three Removes from a Fool—and who could no m ore take charge of a district than he could fly—Still Peter was promoted in ’44 as soon as he could be—he owed this to being a Governors Protege— but poor Joe [Gladman] has some 16th part of Indian blood in his Veins and for that unpardonable defect—he is deprived of the Fruits of his Labours.”15’ S o m e years later in his own discussion o f the organization o f th e C o m p a n y , Isbister m ade essentially the sam e point: In the time of the North-West Company, when promotion to a part­ nership was within the reach of almost every well-conducted young man in the service, the clerks were generally persons of good family and education. Under the present system, where in the absence of competi­ tion, the chief stimulus to individual exertion and the opportunity for distinction it afforded has been withdrawn, and where the promotions have become in consequence monopolized among the connections of a few influential families, few persons of this class are found disposed to en ter the service, or to remain long in it when they have done so.5H S ave fo r th e u n p ardonable defect th at he shared with Jo sep h G lad­ m a n , Isbister was o f good family and education. H e had travelled ac ro ss th e A tlantic and th ro u g h o u t th e C om pany’s territory; h e h ad lived fo r years at a central post in the fur-trade netw ork an d knew its o p e ra tio n s well. Yet he was offered a position th at prom ised n o th in g b u t fru stra tio n s fo r his am bitions and qualifications. A m ajor reason w hy h e was ill-disposed to rem ain long in the Service was the lim itation to a d v a n c e m e n t an d to opportunities for distinction th at th e policy b a se d o n blood an d birthplace im posed on him. As Jam es A nderson re m a rk e d a few years later after Isbister resigned, “it certainly was a sh a b b y o ffe r to a clever fellow like him .”51 Even so, it would have been a p a rtic u la rly diffident sixteen-year-old who would n o t relish ad ven­ t u r e o n th e lower Mackenzie in 1838. In the event Isbister fo u n d p le n ty o f it.

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A rctic Adventure W e m en tio n e d earlier th at Isbister had been posted fo r two years to F o rt S im pson, at the junction o f the Liard an d the Mackenzie. In the la te s p rin g o f 1840 he was sent even fu rth e r n o rth , arriving at F ort G o o d H o p e early in Ju n e , departing soon afte r fo r Peel R iver w here, w ith his su p e rio r Jo h n Bell he helped establish Peel River Post, later n a m e d F o rt M cPherson, which was fo r m any years th e C om pany’s m o s t n o rth e r n establishm ent.52 T h e building o f Peel River Post was th e r e s u lt o f a com plex, long-range fro n tie r strategy p lo tted fro m L o n d o n . F ro m the early 1820s, both th e A dm iralty an d th e C om pany h a d an in tere st in exploring the territory west o f th e M ackenzie d r a in a g e basin. M cLeod, M acpherson and Back began th e task in the 1820s, ex p lo rin g west along the Peace; Bell, H utchison, Sm ith an d M cL eo d m oved u p the Liard a few years later, M cLeod gaining the u p p e r reach es o f the Stikine, which em ptied into th e Pacific, in 1834.53 T h e strateg ic p u rp o se o f McLeod’s explorations, Sim pson explained, w as th a t they would help establish a com m unications link betw een the N a ss a n d th e in terio r “and would be the com m encem ent o f District w h ic h in d u e tim e would deprive the Russian F u r Cop., o u r rivals in t r a d e o n th e N o rth W est Coast, o f a valuable branch o f th e ir business. I n S im p so n ’s view they had no right to com plain since th e g re ater p a rt o f th e ir L an d Skins are draw n from British T errito ry in th a t q u a r­ te r .”34 Follow ing M cLeod’s success, in 1838 R obert Cam pbell retraced h is ro u te to th e Stikine for a dram atic en co u n ter with a pow erful T lin g it chief, Shakes, and an indignant officer o f th e Russian A m eri­ c a n F u r C om pany.55 A fter Cam pbell and his party h a d e n d u re d a m ise ra b le a n d hungry w inter on Dease Lake, th e signing o f th e “C o n tra c t o f 1839” between the Russian A m erican F u r C om pany an d th e H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany ended the necessity fo r an aggressive f r o n tie r policy on the Stikine. By the term s o f th e contract, th e H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany gained control o f th e tra d e o f th e northw est c o a s t in ex ch an g e fo r an annual re n t o f 2000 beaver skins. D u rin g th e 1840s the Com pany expanded its operations fa rth e r n o r th , a belated response to the explorations o f F ranklin’s second land e x p e d itio n an d the poorly supported investigations o f P eter W arren D e ase d u rin g th e late 1820s. Franklin had inform ed th e C om pany o f a n a b u n d a n c e o f furs, from which C om pany officials in fe rre d th a t th e P eel R iver a rea was the source o f the furs th at eventually w ere tra d e d f a r th e r u p th e Mackenzie at Fort Good H ope. U ntil th e m id-30s, h o w e v er, th e C om pany was so short o f trad e goods in th e lower M ack en zie th a t they were in debt to the Indians. Accordingly, th e re w as n o p o in t in opening an o th er post in the area.56

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In 1837 a new factor entered the equation. T h a t year Dease a n d T h o m a s Sim pson descended the Mackenzie, tu rn e d west tow ards P o in t B arrow , an d discovered the m outh o f a river they nam ed in h o n o u r o f A ndrew Colvile (spelled Colville on m o dern maps). T h e fact th a t th e Colville was well within Russian territory was not perceived by S im p so n a n d th e C om pany as an obstacle to expansion; m ore serious, h o w e v er, was th e fact (and th eir ignorance o f th at fact) th at it tu rn e d s h a rp ly west a h u n d re d miles upstream . Because th e Peel e n tered th e M ack en zie fro m the southwest, it was expected th at its headw aters w o u ld rise in land th at also form ed the w atershed o f the Colville. T h a t is, th e C o m p an y th o u g h t that the Colville tu rn ed east afte r leaving th e coast. In th e su m m er o f 1839Jo h n Bell was o rd e red n o rth from F ort G ood H o p e to ex p lo re “Peels River from its m outh [and] en d eav o u r if tim e a n d circum stances will adm it to trace th at stream to its source.” T h e c h ie f p u rp o s e was to select the site o f a post and d eterm in e w h eth er th e r e w ere sufficient resources to su p p o rt it. H aving d o n e so “y o u r u tm o s t en d e a v o u r m ust be directed towards ascert[ain]ing w h eth er a p ra cticab le com m unication exists between th e Peel an d th e Colvile R iv ers.”57 T h e overall strategy was aim ed both at reducing transaction costs by elim inating Indian m iddlem en and at obtaining security o f su p p ly . T h e In dians, whose interests in this respect w ere opposed to th o s e o f th e C om pany, knew this and were reluctant to u n d e rm in e th e ir ow n econom ic position. Even experienced C om pany officers su c h as Bell a n d Cam pbell seem ed unaw are o f the ex ten t an d com ­ p lex ity o f In d ian trad in g networks and in terp re ted th e ir refusals to g u id e b ey o n d th eir own territory as sim ple treachery o r cowardice. In fa c t it was little m ore than a com bination o f econom ic self-interest an d a d e fe n siv e response to disruptions in the aboriginal way o f life th a t fo llo w ed fro m contact with Europeans.58 B ell left on 25 Ju n e , and reached the confluence with th e Peel on 28 J u n e . T h irty miles upstream Bell encountered a rapids w here In d ian s h a d c o n stru c te d a com plex weir and fish trap. A pproxim ately a h u n ­ d r e d m iles fu rth e r on, the party abandoned th eir Y ork boats, which th e y h a d h ad to tow against the rapid and shallow snow -fed stream , a n d h a lf th e m en took to a canoe, pushing on an additional forty o r fifty m iles, past two rivers nam ed by Bell fo r G overnor Sim pson an d C h ie f F acto r M cPherson. Ju st above M cPherson’s River, th e canoe was likew ise ab an d o n ed , and the g roup continued until reaching w hat se e m e d to be th e headw aters o f the Peel, a series o f “m inute stream lets in to w hich it had now ram ified.” T h e re tu rn trip to the M ackenzie was e ffe c te d m u ch m ore rapidly. T h e re Bell piet and tra d e d with som e local L o u ch o u x (or Kutchins) who inform ed him o f a river th a t led to a p o rta g e across the m ountains. H e then began to carry o u t w hat he

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th o u g h t was th e second p art o f his instructions, the search fo r a p ra cticab le com m unication with the Colville. In fact, he ascended not th e Colville, w hich lay several h u n d re d miles to the northw est, b u t the R a t, w hich jo in e d the Peel from the west below site o f the post. J u s t above its ju n ctio n with the Peel, the Rat m ean d ered fo r a course o f th irty miles. So level is the bed which it has found for itself between the mountain ridges, that it is often difficult in the middle of summer, to say whether it flows from the Peel to the Rat or from the Rat to the Peel river; an evident p ro o f that its current is entirely regulated by the relative heights of the two streams which it connects.59 I t w as, Isb ister said, a “hydrological paradox.”60 In the su m m er o f 1839 th e w aters flowed west to east, from the R at to the Peel. It was th e r e f o r e “w ith no small astonishm ent that the crew, afte r m ou n tin g th e stre a m fo r some time, suddenly found them selves in w hat they d e e m e d a co n tin u ad o n o f it, sweeping down at a rapid rate tow ards the s e a .”61 F earfu l o f encountering Inuit, Bell followed w hat Isbister called th e D ease B ran ch fo r only twenty miles before heading back u p stream a n d in to th e m ain course o f the Rat, which they continued to ascend to w a rd s th e west. U n lik e th e swifdy m oving Peel, the Rat m oved sluggishly th ro u g h th e sw am py lake-strew n flatland o f the delta. T h e party continued th e a s c e n t to th e m eadows o f what is now called M cDougall Pass a n d tr a d e d w ith In d ian s whom Isbister called T ra n sm o n ta n e L ouchoux a n d id en tified with th e M ountain Indians o f Franklin s Narrative. By e a rly A u g u st Bell was back at Good H ope with an optim istic re p o rt on th e p ro sp e cts fo r trad e.62 Bell had cam ped in a swampy m eadow on th e g r e a t divide, app arently w ithout realizing he h ad found “th e key to the fin a l link in th e N orthw est Passage.”63 O v e r th e w in ter Sim pson agreed to send an o utfit n o rth fo r th e next s u m m e r a n d in early Ju n e , 1840 Bell left Good H ope with Isbister, tw elv e lab o u re rs from the O rkneys and C anada, an d fo u r In d ian fa m ilies to serve as provisioned.64 Isbister was equ ip p ed to survey the a r e a as well as trade. A t Fort Sim pson he had obtained from P eter W a r r e n D ease, Bell’s father-in-law, an d from T hom as Sim pson th e n ec essary eq u ip m en t—a spirit level, two compasses, an d a sextant. F ro m Bell, fo r twenty-five pounds, he later obtained an excellent w a tc h .65 O n 6 J u n e 1840 they had reached a point w here the Peel jo in e d th e M ack en zie a n d h ad encountered a party o f L ouchoux, with w hom they tr a d e d . T h e persistent conflict between the L ouchoux an d th e Inuit, w h ic h th e C om pany believed had been certified by years o f m utual m assac res,66 m ean t th at the Indians also served as protectors “in th e e v e n t o f a collision with the Esquim aux, whose uniform hostility to th e

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w h ites re n d e re d a m eeting with them anything b u t desirable.” In c o n tra s t to th e ir “treacherous neighbours the Esquim aux,” Isbister w ro te , th e L ouchoux were “simple and kind h ea rted .” M oreover, they w e re en th u siastic about receiving the C om pany m en, “an d testified to th e ir jo y by singing an d dancing incessantly the whole tim e we w ere on s h o re .”67 T h e party tu rn ed west and began the ascent o f the Peel to th e site B ell h a d selected the w inter before. H ad Fort M cPherson been b u ilt f u r th e r so u th on the R at (but closer to th e “trea ch ero u s E s q u im a u x ”) th e probable supply route to the Yukon would have been m u c h easier. F rom the Rat it is a slow ascent via the m o d ern Bell River to S u m m it Lake an d McDougall Pass. T h e ro u te used, by sledge u p the P eel, was nearly as difficult as the notorious Liard-Pelly route. In th e e v e n t, Isb ister’s published re p o rt o f 1845 was not followed u p by a su rv e y u n til 1872. T h e y arriv ed at the Peel River site on 8 J u n e 1840. Bell was not e n tire ly h ap p y with the choice he had m ade. In th e su m m er th e site w as sufficiently elevated above the level o f the river, b u t Bell e n te r­ ta in e d “som e fears o f the waters rising in the spring. T h a t is p erh ap s th e o n ly objection which can be urged against it as a site fo r a F ort b u t t h a t objection from th e uniform ly Low 8c swampy C ountry th ro u g h w h ich this R iver flows is unfortunately impossible to be obviated.”68 At o n c e th ey began construcdon o f the pallisades an d buildings o f th e estab lish m en t; by 20 A ugust they had constructed log houses suffi­ c ie n t to p ro v id e shelter for themselves and th eir trad e goods. F or ten w eek s th e goods had been left on the river bank; “constantly exposed to th e eye, they could not but be a strong tem ptation to the In d ian s w h o h a d g a th e re d aro u n d us” but “m uch to their credit not a single a rtic le was ever m issed.”69 In late August, Isbister left Peel R iver fo r F o rt G o o d H ope, bearing the furs they had traded, an d re tu rn in g d o w n s tre a m with supplies fo r winter. H e used the occasion as an o p p o rtu n ity to test his instrum ents and com pare the results o f his s u rv e y o f th e low er Mackenzie with those obtained by F ranklin. His p o c k e t sex tan t proved inadequate for m easuring distances, th o u g h to le ra b le e n o u g h in com puting latitude and m easuring altitude. H e th e r e f o r e assum ed Franklin’s longtitude for Fort G ood H o p e was c o r re c t a n d used Bell’s watch to deduce the longtitude o f Peel River P ost. By th e tim e o f Isbister’s re tu rn from F ort Good H ope, w inter was fa s t a p p ro a c h in g . “As soon as the Ice had taken,” he w rote, the men were dispersed in different directions to establish fisheries. We had failed in our expectations of laying up any great stock of provisions d u rin g the summer, and now that the hunting season was nearly over we began to be apprehensive of not being able to last the Winter in our present situation.-The stock we had on hand was evidently insufficient to

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keep us till the Spring. The Lakes to which the men had been sent had proved extremely unproductive. The Indians had all left us to provide for themselves, and from the reports we heard occasionally of their move­ m ents their situation was far worse than our own. Station after station was tried, nets, lines, dredges and all the other Expedients we could think of were resorted to but without success. From the time of my arrival from Good Hope till the middle of December, I was constantly on snow-shoes, visiting different stations along the river, and searching for Lakes in its vicinity—but though there were swamps and pools innumerable, few lakes of any size were met with, and when we did fall upon any, all the genera, species and varieties of its finny inhabitants soon disappeared before our exterminating efforts. In th e search for w inter provisions Isbister also carried o u t his s u rv e y o f P eel R iver a n d th e co u n try to th e ea stw ard o f it. U n fo rtu n a te ly , having to carry all my provisions, blankets, &c., on my back, by which means long voyages were utterly impracticable, and finding from the time consumed in this mode of exploration, and from the great impediment which the uneven and broken-up surface of the river presented to our progress, that it would be impossible for me to complete the survey on this plan, I was obliged to adopt another.70 Is b is te r established an outpost two-days travel away from Peel River P o st, a t F o lster’s Lake. From this lake, w here apparently h e could alw ays fin d sufficient provisions o f fish and gam e, he w ould m ake ex c u rsio n s to th e Mackenzie River to take sightings o f the pole star an d to o b ta in estim ates o f latitude. H e also checked distances by walking ac ro ss co u n try from d ifferen t directions and in this way obtained w hat h e h o p e d was a tolerably accurate m easurem ent. M eanw hile, foodstocks were ru n n in g very low. Starvation th re a t­ e n e d . S o m eth in g h ad to be done.71 Isbister set o u t with several Indians u p o n a len g th y trek across the R ichardson R ange in search o f food. A f te r considerable hardship they secured sufficient provisions to su sta in th e post until spring and retraced their steps. Early in A pril he w as se n t u p riv e r to F ort Good H ope. T h e account o f his adventures w as o m itte d from the published re p o rt,72 which concluded with an a c c o u n t o f th e “N atural History” o f the region. H e re he described th e g ra sse s, tree s an d lichens he encountered as well as th e fauna, the m o o se a n d caribou, the wolf, m ountain goat an d sheep, grizzly b ear a n d th e m u sk ox th a t were ru m o u red to live west o f th e Rat. T h e g eo lo g y o f th e valleys an d o f the n o rth ern en d o f the Rockies w ere d e s c rib e d in g re at detail by m eans o f the cu rren t technical vocabulary. A t a g e 19, Isbister was evidently a com petent natu ral historian. H e e n d e d his published account by rem arking th at h e h ad om itted a n y d e ta ile d description o f the local Indians, b u t th at he w ould, in th e n e a r fu tu re provide one. “Being myself a native o f th e country, an d

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fa m ilia r w ith th e languages and customs o f m ost o f the In d ian tribes, o n th e E[ast] side o f th e m ountains at least, I am not w ithout hopes th at I shall b e able to ad d som ewhat to the slender stock o f facts which see m s to be possessed by many o f the w riters on th e subject o f the a b o rig in a l po p ulation o f A m erica.”73 We will exam ine Isbister’s co n tri­ b u tio n to ethnological knowledge in the following chapter. It is p e r­ h a p s n o t o u t o f place to rem ark that the vividness o f Isbister’s style, w h ich su rely was a credit to the Latin an d G reek he learn ed at R ed R iv er, was m atched by his physical powers o f endurance.

Isbister’s Resignation T h e first y ear’s trad e at Peel River Post was a great success; forty-five 8 5 -p o u n d “pieces,” containing over 1,400 beaver, “those valuable b u t p e rs e c u te d anim als,” and a thousand m arten were shipped so u th .74 S im p so n th o u g h t this rich booty but an earnest fo r the u n ta p p e d b u t as y e t im ag in ed w ealth o f the elusive Colville.75 C onditions fo r living at P eel R iver, how ever, were terrible. I n th e first place, th ere was the w eather. As early as 1840 Bell c o m p la in e d to Sim pson: “I candidly confess that I am heartily tired o f m y d re a ry station an d would like very m uch to leave it fo r a m ore g e n ia l clim ate.”76 Years later Jam es A nderson com plained w hat a hole o f m isery it was. T h e su rro u n d in g area was an unhealthy swam p, “the w a te r also is bad, Gravel [i.e., kidney stones] is a very com m on com ­ p la in t, syphilis also prevails am ong the Indians. No crops can be raised h e r e , n o r a re any catde kept.” T h e fishery was tolerable an d u n gulate g a m e p le n tifu l b u t safe in the thick u n d e rb ru sh . T h e C om pany o ffic e rs, h e said, “com plain that this is worse th an Siberian exile.” W h a t m a d e exile even m ore intolerable was the fact th at m any o f those p o s te d fa rth e r so u th were m ore quickly prom oted th o u g h they “have n e v e r k now n w hat hardship is.” T h e final indignity is th at th e m en o f th e lo w er M ackenzie “have not the opportunity o f form ing m atri­ m o n ia l connections, and are in short exiles in the strict sense o f the w o rd .”77 C ertainly Bell felt that his dm e in the Mackenzie h ad cost him d e a r in term s o f prom otion.78 A nderson recom m ended a three-year r o ta tio n into th a t m ost rem ote and forbidding o f th e districts o f th e C o m p a n y . As it hap p en ed , Bell was seriously afflicted with kidney s to n es, m ost likely induced by the alkaline water; from 1842 o n he m a d e a n an n u a l plea fo r a leave o f absence to have his condition t r e a te d in B ritain o r C anada. In 1846-47 he was g ra n te d fu rlo u g h an d r e tu r n e d w ith Sir J o h n R ichardson to search fo r F ranklin, eventually r e tir in g fro m th e C om pany in I860.79 T h e tim e o f Isbister’s residence at Peel River, as was a p p a re n t from h is a c c o u n t o f th e expedition in search o f food, was lean. In D ecem ber,

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B ell w ro te to Sim pson th at he was sending some m en to G ood H ope b e c a u se o f th e absence o f gam e and the failure o f th e fishery.80 T h e fo llo w in g su m m er he gave the same report; indeed, by consensus, the w in te r o f 1840-41 was “one o f the most severe felt for m any years p a s t.”81 P rivation and hardship in the lower M ackenzie was both c o m m o n a n d w idespread. In 1841, for exam ple, Jo h n Lee Lewes w ro te H arg rav e, “All the Gents’ in charge o f the several Posts, o n e and all sin g in g th e sam e song, scarcity o f food.”82 At Good H ope a n d Peel R iv e r th e inhabitants were reduced to eating beaver skins; C hief T r a d e r A lex an d er Fisher, in charge o f Good H ope, left for F ort N o rm a n in search o f em ergency provisions. O n his re tu r n he d e s c rib e d a grisly scene: 52 Indians, men, women & children had perished by famine and the surviving living on the dead carcasses of their Relations all within 200 yards o f the Fort during my absence, my man and his family living on Moose Skins, Pack Cords, Bear Skins, Leather Sled Trappings etc. These poor Indians seldom could get sleep, they both men and women kept axe in hand for self preservation & if any found knapping instantly was knocked on the head and as soon devoured by their nearest relatives.83 T h a t sam e w inter the drivers o f the mail packet were am bushed b e tw e e n F o rt Good H ope and Peel River Post, b u tch ered a n d con­ s u m e d . Sim pson rem arked o f their demise, with a certain equanim ity, t h a t cannibalism was not unknow n am ong civilized m en w hen faced w ith co n d itio n s o f extrem e privation.84 Privation, starvation a n d can­ n ib alism w ere topics th at Isbister recalled in his later discussions o f life in th e C o m p an y territories. W h e n all th e foregoing factors are taken into consideration, Isbis­ t e r ’s decision to quit the Service was hardly unreasonable. H e was g iv en a ra n k in ferio r to his qualifications an d doubtless to his self­ este e m . H e was posted to one o f the m ost unhealthy, d an g e ro u s an d re m o te places on earth with little logistical su p p o rt o r spiritual e n c o u r­ a g e m e n t. T h e prospect o f hungry winters freezing in th e d a rk with p a in fu l kidneys and sum m ers filled with th e to rm en t o f m osquitoes w ith little in th e way o f m aterial rew ard would not be especially a p p e tiz in g to any man. In N ov em b er, 1840 J o h n Lee Lewes w rote to Sim pson inform ing h im o f th e difficulties involved in getting servants to renew th e ir co n tra c ts .85 Isbister was one o f the people he h ad in m ind. In J u n e , 1841 S im pson w rote from Red River to Lewes at F ort Sim pson: “Y o u n g Isbister has been expressing to some o f his friends his in ten ­ tio n o f q u ittin g the Service; have the goodness to advise him from m e n o t to c a rry th a t silly intention into effect, b u t if he does so, h e will have m u c h cause to re g ret it.”86 Lewes replied on 28 July, “M ister Isbister g o es o u t, w hich m ade me still less in num ber, than m ight have been

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a n tic ip a te d by Council. T h e cause o f this young G entlem an’s leaving th e service, h e does not feel the station he holds therein agreeable to h im . 87 In his ow n m ind at least, Lewes did his best to p ersu ad e Isbister to re m a in with th e Com pany. “I have m ade it a point,” he said, “to sh ew th e g reatest kindness and attention both to him [McKenzie] an d Is b is te r in th e vain hope (as it proved) th at by so doing I should be able to con v in ce th em o f the erroneous Ideas they had form ed o f the serv ic e.” In re tu rn , however, Isbister and McKenzie attem p ted (with­ o u t success) to “contam inate” the m ind o f P eter P am brun, like them a m ix ed -b lo o d fro m Red River.88 W hether Lewes show ed the greatest k in d n e ss m ay at least be doubted. D onald Ross w rote to H argrave in A p ril, 1842: T h e parfagraph]: in the Dispatch ‘anent’ young Isbister and McKenzie is exactly what I expected to see, but however thoughtlessly these lads might have acted, in the matter I blame Mr Lewes more than they, because he m ight, and ought to have conveyed their intimation in a manner less calculated to give offence than that of blazing it through a public letter all the way from McKenzie River to [HBC headquarters in] Fenchurch Street.89 D o n a ld Ross, it will be recalled, w arned o f a spiral o f discontent r e g a r d i n g th e positio n o f A p p re n tic e P o stm aster; Isb iste r a n d M cK enzie ap p aren tly proved him right. A nd yet, Isbister could hardly av o id lo o k in g back on his tim e in the C om pany w ithout a certain fo n d n e s s. H e was a young m an with talent, am bition an d o p p o rtu n ity ; his tim e in th e Mackenzie had been difficult, but difficulty is a chal­ le n g e to y o u n g m en o f spirit. H e may have been disappointed, b u t it see m s unlikely he was bitter. As he wrote in 1856, afte r eight years o f c o n tro v e rsy with th e Com pany: T h o u g h to some it might appear that the life of the fur-hunter, entailing a residence of years among savages in remote and dreary wilds, must of necessity be one of great unpleasantness, we are yet assured, that of the persons who have been engaged in it, few or none are known who did not afterw ards look back with fond remembrance and regret on the scenes through which they had passed. . . . A man in such circumstances is familiarized with events and things which are continually sharpening his wits, and adding something to his previous experience. He becomes ready at any day to go out into the woods on long journeys of discovery, d epending for subsistence by the way on what he may chance to shoot. . . . Being always liable to danger, he is always as well as possible prepared for it, and escapes out of the most intricate of perplexities by means which often seem miraculous.90 T h e sen tim en t behind such rem arks is not resentm ent b u t g re at vitality. W h en Isbister left the Com pany, the organization, n o t th e y o u n g m an , sustained a loss.

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I s b is te r s p e n t th e n e x t year at R ed R iver, a p u p il-te a c h e r a t M cC allu m ’s School, successor to Jo n es’ School w here h e h ad studied b e fo re . H e left in Septem ber, 1842 aboard the HBCS Prince Rupert, fo r B rita in . L etitia H argrave, who ju d g e d so m any o f those passing th r o u g h h e r dom ain, rem arked: “T h e re are 2 1/2-breeds going hom e, a b o y to school an d a grown youth to study fo r th e C hurch. I suppose th e y a re n o t very genteel as they have not been b ro u g h t to m e.”91 His o fficial ties with the Com pany were thus severed u n d e r am biguous c ircu m stan ces; had C om pany policy been d ifferent, he m ight have b e c o m e a highly useful officer. Instead, he becam e one o f its m ost tro u b le s o m e opponents.

Notes 1. According to his obituary notice in The Educational Times, (1 July 1883), 189, he was born on 18 April 1822; Sylvia M. Van Kirk, DCB, XI (1881-90), said he was born in June, 1822. The earliest record I have found indicated that Isbister was baptized 25 August 1828 by Rev. D. Jones, PAC, MG.25/G62/499. 2. Jo h n Nicks, “Orkneymen in the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1780-1821,” in Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions: Papers o f the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, (Toronto, University of T oronto Press, 1980), 102; see also J.M. Gibbon, “The Orkneymen in Canada,” Royal Society of Canada, Transactions, Series III, XLIV (1950), Section Two, 47-59. 3. Richard Glover, “Introduction,” to HBRS, XIV, lxxxvii; see also, HBRS, XV, lxxxvi-vii. 4. Richardson’s account was included in Franklin, Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of The Polar Sea in the Years 1819,20,21, and 22, (Edmonton, Hurtig, [1828] 1969), 98-9. 5. HBCA, A.34/1, 22. 6. A part from Cumberland, Thomas was sent to Fort Pelly, Nelson River, Swan River, Norway House, English River and Island Lake. For details see HBRS, III and Isaac Cowie, ed., “Minutes of the Council of the Northern Departm ent of Rupert’s Land,” Collections of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, IV (1913), 644-865. Additional information is available in the HBCA personnel files and PAS Clipping File on the HBC. These were also the years, one must assume, that Alexander travelled to other parts of the Company’s territory; he later claimed familiarity with the natives and the geography of the Columbia, so it is possible that, as a boy, he visited his grandfather who was stationed there, but I have found no evidence. 7. HBRS, XXX, 234. 8. Eric W. Morse, Fur Trade Canoe Routes of Canada I Then and Now, (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1971), 2nd ed., 42; The nearest contempo­ rary account of the post is found in Franklin’s Narrative, 59-93, and in Robert Hood, Narrative of the Proceedings of an Expedition of Discovery in North America, edited by C. Stuart Houston as To the Arctic by Canoe, 1819-1821, (Montreal, McGill-Queens’ University Press, 1974), ch. 3-5. Hood was a midshipman assigned to Franklin’s party. See also Captain George Back, R.N., Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the

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9. 10. 11. 12.

13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

18.

19.

20. 21. 22. 23.

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Great Fish River, and along the Shores of the Arctic Ocean in the Years 1833, 1834, and 1835, (Edmonton, Hurtig, [1836] 1970), 65. Early accounts identify the lake as Sturgeon Lake and the island as Pine Island. The m odern Pine Island is northwest of Cumberland House. Bruce Peel, “Cumberland House,” Saskatchewan History, 3 (1950), 69. Anon., “Memo Regarding Cumberland House,” PABC, Add. MSS, 345/2/62. Notes of 25 Years Service in the Hudson’s Bay Territories, (Toronto, Champlain Society, [1849] 1932), 134. PABC, Ross Papers, Add. MSS 635, Alexander Ross to Thomas Isbister, 20 March 1833; Alexander Ross to John Lee Lewes, 1 December 1833; Donald Ross to James Hargrave, 21 July 1835, in G.P. deT. Glazebrook, ed., The Hargrave Correspondence, 1821-1843, (Toronto, The Champlain Society, 1938), 200-02; E. H. Oliver, ed., The Canadian North-West: Its Early Development and Legislative Records, (Ottawa, Government Printing Bureau, 1915), 716. HBCA, A.36/8; B.329/g/3-8. N.M.W.J. Mackenzie, The Men of the HBC, (Fort William, Times-Journal Press, 1921), 77. HBRS, III, 236 fn. 1; PABC, A/B/40/M22K, Journals and Correspon­ dence o f John McLeod, Sr., 1812-1844, C.T., HBC, Thomas Isbister to McLeod, 24 June 1827. Isbister, “T he Fur Trade and the Hudson’s Bay Company,” Chambers Repository of Instructive and Amusing Tracts (London and Edinburgh, W.R. Chambers, 1854), No. 65, 20-21. For a contemporary description of the ranks in the Company during the early 1840s see Robert Michael Ballantyne, Hudson’s Bay: Or Everyday Life in the Wilds of North America, (London, Thomas Nelson, 1879), 56-7; see also Philip Goldring, Papers on the Labour System of the HBC 1821-1900, (Ottawa, Parks Canada, Manuscript Report 362, 1979). PABC, Add. MSS, 345/3/137, “Marriages Solemnized in the Hon. H ud­ son’s Bay Compy. Territories, 1820”; see also Nicholas Garry, “Diary,” Royal Society of Canada, Transactions, Series II, (1906), 146, 170; and PAC, MG.25/G62/49. St. Jo h n ’s Cathedral, Winnipeg, “Red River Register of Baptisms, Mar­ riages, Burials.” An account of the position of Indian and mixed-blood women in fur-trade society during this period is found in Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870, (Winnipeg, Watson and Dwyer, 1980), Ch. 9, esp. 207-8, and Jennifer S.H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur-Trade Company Families in Indian Country, (Van­ couver, UBC Press, 1980), 138-41. PAM, MG.1/D1/17; PAC, MG.19/D7/1/62. For details, see Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties, 161-3, 187-8, and Jen n ifer S.H. Brown, Strangers in Blood, 124-35. HBCA, B.135/c/2, Simpson to J.G. McTavish, 15 August 1831; see also HBRS, XXX, 169 fn. 2. Sylvia Van Kirk, “Fur Trade Social History: Some Recent Trends,” in J u d d and Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions, 171; Frits Pannekoek, “T h e Anglican Church and the Disintegration of Red River Society, 1818-1870,” in Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook, eds., The West and the Nation: Essays in Honour ofW.L. Morton, (Toronto, McClelland and Stew­ art, 1976), 72-90.

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24. PAM, MG. 1/D 1/22, Kennedy to sons Alexander and Philip, 1 February, 1832. 25. PABC, Add. MSS, 635, Ross Papers, Ross to Pruden, 21 December 1832; Ross to Christie, 24 December 1832; Ross to Robert Miles, 29 December 1832. 26. PAM, MG.1/D1/22, Kennedy to sons Alexander and Philip, 1 February 1832; Isaac Cowie, The Company of Adventurers, (Toronto, William Biggs, 1913), 63. 27. PAM, MG.2/A6/95; RRS. CMLD/95; William Smith [executor of the will o f Alexander Kennedy] to George Simpson, 23 February 1935. 28. A.B. Baird, “The History of the University of Manitoba,” in R.C. Lodge, ed., Manitoba Essays, (Toronto, Macmillan, 1937), 12-3; Amber Lavina Glenn, “A History of the University of Manitoba, Feb. 20,1877 to Feb. 28, 1927,” M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1927, Ch. 1. 29. W .J. Healy, Women of Red River: Being a Book Writtenfrom the Recollections of Women Surviving from the Red River Era (Winnipeg, Women’s Canadian Club, 1923), 177. According to Company records, Thomas died on 8 September 1836, not in early summer (HBCA, A.44/2/103). 30. HBCA, A.36/8; A.44/2/62; A.44/2/103. 31. HBCA, D.4/23, Simpson to Christie, 20 February 1838; PABC, Add. MSS, 635, Ross Papers, Simpson to Donald Ross, 28 February 1838. 32. HBCA, D.4/24/5, Simpson to Murdoch McPherson, 28 February, 1838. 33. HBCA, B.154/a/31, Norway House Journal; B.49/a/50, Cumberland House Journal; B.39/a/35, Fort Chipewyan Journal; B.181/a/14, Fort Resolution Journal; A.30/17, List of Servants. 34. HBRS, XXX, 232; occasionally the term “class” was used as a synonym for race or ethnic group. See HBRS, XVI, 331. 35. Simpson quoted in Frederick Merk, Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson’s Journal, 1824-5, (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1968), 181; see also John Rae’s remarks, HBRS, XVI, 169, 175, and John S. Galbraith’s summary comment: "Simpson knew his Indians as settlers in South Africa thought they knew their Africans,” Galbraith, The Little Emperor: Governor Simpson of the HBC, (Toronto, Macmillan, 1976), 63. 36. George G. Mountain, “The Rose in the Wilderness,” in Songs of the Wilderness: Being a Collection of Poems, Written in Some Different Parts of the Territory of the Hudson’s Bay Company, And in the Wilds of Canada, on the Route to that Territory in the Spring and Summer o f1844, (London, Francis and John Rivington, 1846), 17-18. 37. Jennifer S.H. Brown, Strangers in Blood, 207. 38. HBCA, D.5/17, Pelly to Simpson, 3 April 1846; 16 April 1846. 39. PABC, Add. MSS, 635, Ross Papers, Simpson to Pelly, 26 November 1846. 40. Carol M. Judd, “ ‘Mixt Bands of Many Nations:’ 1821-70,” in Judd and Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions, 138; Donald Ross Jr., brother of Robert, was listed as “native.” HBCA, A.31/9. 41. For details, see Jennifer S.H. Brown, “Linguistic Solitudes and Changing Social Categories,” in Judd and Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions, 147-59. 42. Goldring, Papers on the Labour System of the HBC, (Ottawa, Parks Canada, Manuscript Report 412, 1980), 54. 43. PAM, MG.9/A73/2, Donald Gunn to James Ross, 3 September 1857. 44. An outstanding example was found in the filibuster of “General” James Dickson who, in 1836, recruited as officers in his Indian Liberation Army

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45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

50.

51. 52. 53.

54. 55.

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o f the North mixed-blood natives such as John McLoughlin Jr., son of C hief Factor McLoughlin, Charles McBean, son of C.F. John McBean, and Alexander R. McLeod, son of C.F. McLeod. For details of this bizarre scheme, which was taken as a threat by the Company analogous to the uprising of Nat Turner, see Grace Lee Nute, ed., “The Diary of Martin McLeod,” Minnesota History Bulletin, IV (1921-22), 350-439; Nute, “James Dickson: A Filibuster in Minnesota in 1836,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 10 (1923-24), 127-40; Nute, “Notes and Documents Relating to Jam es Dickson’s Expedition,” Ibid., 173-81; Nute, “John McLoughlin Jr., and the Dickson Filibuster,” Minnesota History, XVII (1934), 444-47; M. Elizabeth Arthur, “General Dickson and the Indian Liberating Army in the North,” Ontario History, 62 (1970), 151-62; HBRS, VI, xxvii-xxix. PABC, Add. MSS 635, Ross Papers, Donald Ross to Simpson, 15 August 1842. PABC, Add. MSS 635, Ross Papers, Ross to Simpson, 27 August 1849. Louis F.R. Masson, Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest: Recits de Voyages, Lettres, et Rapports inidits relatifs au Nord-Ouest canadien, (New York, Antiquarian Press, [1st ed., 1889-90] 1960), I, 319. PAC, MG. 19/A29/1, Anderson to Eden Colvile, 29 November 1852; see also PABC, A/C/20/Sm 2, Anderson to Colvile, 22 November 1851. PABC, A/B/40/An32, James Anderson to A.C. Anderson, 24 December 1846; he made the same complaint to David Anderson, Bishop of Rupert’s Land a few years later, PABC, A/C/20/Sm4, Anderson to Bishop, 2 July 1856; see also Simpson’s estimate of Gladman in his “Character Book,” HBRS, XXX, 209. “T h e Fur Trade and the Hudson’s Bay Company,” Chambers Repository of Instructive and Amusing Tracts, (London and Edinburgh, 1854), No. 65,21; Isbister’s insight is confirmed by current market-oriented theories of discrimination, which hold that monopolies are more prone to discrimina­ tion the more that the absence of competition allows them to indulge in their biases. At the same time, it is clear that “a few influential families” were important in the NWC as well. PABC, A/B/40/An 32, Anderson Papers, James to Alexander Anderson, 2 April 1849. HBCA, B.80/a/17, Fort Good Hope Journal; HBCA, B.200/b/13, John Lee Lewes to Simpson, 23 July 1840. Lewes was a close friend of Alex­ ander Kennedy. For details, see Theodore J. Karamanski, Fur Trade and Exploration: Opening the Far Northwest, 1821-1852, (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1983); Alan Cooke and Clive Holland, “Chronological List of Expeditions and Histor­ ical Events in Northern Canada: V, 1790-1821,” Polar Record, 16 (1971), 893-920; and “Chronological List. . .VI, 1821-1845,” ibid., 16 (1972), 41-61. HBCA, D.4/18, Simpson to Edward Smith, 1 June 1831. Because of the Tlingit’s position as middlemen between the Russians and the interior tribes, the Hudson’s Bay Company was not a welcome intru­ sion; Campbell’s position was precarious, as he well knew. He did not, however, give an account of the extent of the Tlingit trading network and so remained slightly puzzled by the extent of their hostility. See Robert Campbell, Two Journals of Robert Campbell, Chief Factor, Hudson's Bay Company, 1808-1853, John W. Todd, ed., (Seattle, Shorey, 1958), 41-3; and Glazebrook, ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 271.

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56. HBRS, III, 179; PABC, Add. MSS, 635, Ross Papers, Simpson to Donald Ross, 27 November 1847. 57. HBCA, D.4/23, Simpson to Murdoch McPherson, 31 May 1838; a slightly garbled account of Bell’s exploration is in Ethyl Stewart, “Early Days at Fort McPherson,” The Beaver, 285 (Winter, 1954-55), 39-41. 58. See Karamanski, Fur Trade and Exploration, ch. 6-8; Kenneth Coates, “Furs Along the Yukon: Hudson’s Bay Company-Native Trade in the Yukon River Basin, 1830-1893,” B.C. Studies, 55 (1982), 50-78; A rthur J. Ray, “Periodic Shortages, Native Welfare, and the Hudson’s Bay Company,” in Shepard Krech III, ed., The Subarctic Fur Trade: Native Social and Economic Adaptations, (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1984) 1-20; seealsoj. Colin Yerbury, “Protohistorical Canadian Athapaskan Populations: An Ethnohistorical Reconstruction,” Arctic Anthropology, 17:2(1980), 17-33, and references. A m ore thorough treatment is found in Yerbury, The Subarctic Indians and the Fur Trade: 1680-1860, (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1986). 59. Isbister, “Some Account of Peel River, North America,” The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 15 (1845), Part II, 338. The unedited man­ uscript copy, identified here as “Journal Mss.,” is preserved in the RGSA. An edited version is found in Appendix I. Isbister’s account of Bell’s trip was based on conversations with Bell in 1840 and on his own observations d uring the winter of 1840-41. See also Bell to Hargrave in Glazebrook, ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 309-10. 60. “Journal Mss.,” 9. In the printed version, the reversing river was described by Dr. Norton Shaw, Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, as “one o f those anomalous features in hydrology for which the science has not yet any specific name.” “Some Account of Peel River,” 338 fn. 61. “Some account of Peel River,” 338. 62. HBCA, B.200/b/12, Bell to Murdoch McPherson, 11 August 1839. 63. Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Northwest to Fortune: The Search of Western Man for a Commercially Practical Route to the East, (New York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1958) 175. 64. See S hepard Krech, “The Eastern Kutchin and the Fur T rade, 1800-1860,” Ethnohistory, 23 (1976), 213-35. 65. “Journal Mss.,” 4. See also PAC, MG.25/G62/34. 66. HBCA, D.5/5, Bell to Simpson, 10 December 1840; HBRS, XVI, 140 67. “Journal Mss.,” 3; “Some Account of Peel River,” 335-36; it is true that Inuit and Louchoux had mutually uncomplimentary names for one another (the conventional Chipewyan for Inuit is otel’ena, “enemy from the lowlands,” which is phonetically close to “excrement;” the conven­ tional Inuit term for Chipewyan is itaqiliit, “louse eggs”) but actual hos­ tilities were comparatively rare, even during “the first half of the nineteenth century, when competition over access to Hudson’s Bay Com­ pany goods was added to other factors (e.g., sorcery, revenge) that generated traditional interethnic animosities.” Shepard Krech III, “Inter­ ethnic Relations in the Lower Mackenzie R e g io n Arctic Anthropology, 16:2 (1979), 102-22; see also James G.E. Smith, Ernest S. Burch, “Chipewyan and Inuit in the Central Canadian Subarctic, 1613-1977,” Arctic Anthropol­ ogy, 16:2 (1979), 76-101. 68. HBCA, B.157/a/l, Peel River Post Journal, 1840; in the spring of 1842 the Peel River flooded, forcing Bell and his men to evacuate the post and camp on a hill nearby, HBCA, B.157/a/2, Peel River Post Journal, 1842. T h e post was moved in 1849. “For all practical purposes Fort McPherson

26

69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79.

80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88.

89. 90. 91.

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is situated on an island and is accessible during the ice-free months only by boat, float-equipped aircraft, and helicopter.” Government of Canada, Advisory Commission on the Development of Government in the North­ west Territories, Settlements of the Northwest Territories, (Ottawa, 1966), vol. ii. “Journal Mss.,” 11. “Some Account of Peel River,” 339. T h e following account is taken from the “Journal Mss.” Bell left a terse and colourless account in the Peel River Post Journal, HBCA, B.157/a/l. See Appendix I. “Some Account of Peel River,” 345. Glazebrook, ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 309, 359-60. HBRS, XXIX, 37-8. HBCA, D.5/5, Bell to Simpson, 10 December, 1840; see also Glazebrook, ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 232, 253, and Simpson’s “Character Book,” HBRS, XXX, 202. PABC, A/C/20/Sm 4.7, Anderson, Report on Mackenzie River District, 19 May 1858; see also PABC, A/C/20/Sm 3, Anderson to Simpson, 24 Novem­ ber 1853. HBCA, D.5/5, Bell to Simpson, 10 December 1840. HBCA, D.5/7, Bell to Simpson, 11 September 1842; D.5/8, Bell to Simp­ son, 5 September 1843; D.5/12, Bell to Simpson, 3 September 1844; see also W. Stewart Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North West Company, (Toronto, Champlain Society, 1934), 427-8. HBCA, D.5/5, Bell to Simpson, 10 December 1840. Glazebrook ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 359; HBCA, B.200/b/13, Fort Simpson Journal, 1841. Glazebrook, ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 378; see also HBCA, D.5/7, Lewes to Simpson, 20 March 1842. Glazebrook, ed., Hargrave Correspondence, 402; see also HBCA, B. 157/a/2, Peel River Post Journal, 1842. HBCA, D.4/28, Simpson to Lewes, 5 June 1843. HBCA, D.5/5, 20 November 1840. HBCA, B.200/b/14/27, Simpson to Lewes, 28 June 1841. HBCA, B.200/b/14/5. HBCA, D.5/7, Lewes to Simpson, 20 March 1842. Later in life Pambrun came to share many of Isbister’s complaints regarding the discriminatory practices of the Company; see PABC, A/B/40/Er62.3, Ermatinger Papers, Peter C. Pambrun to Edward Ermatinger, 22 July 1858. Glazebrook, ed., H a rg ra ve Correspondence, 395. “T h e Fur-Hunters of the Far West,” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal, vol. 5, No. 125 (24 May 1856), 338. M argaret Arnett MacLeod, ed., The Letters of Letitia Hargrave, (Toronto, Champlain Society, 1947), 127; see also, HBCA, C. 1/935, Log of the HBCS Prince Rupert, 13 September 1842.

C H A PTER TW O

Knowledge of the Company Lands

W hile we know something o f the Grand Lama o f Thibet, and o f the politics o f the Chinese Empire, he may truly be regarded as something o f a phenomenon am ong men who can profess as much o f the Hudson's Bay Company. —Isbister, 1855

Is b is te r is best known to Canadian historians as a persistent o p p o n e n t o f th e H u d s o n ’s Bay Com pany. Very little attention, how ever, has b e e n d ev o ted to the constituent elem ents o f his strategy o f opposition. By u sin g th e term , “strategy o f opposition,” I do not wish to im ply Is b is te r possessed a conscious long-term design so m uch as to indicate th a t h e was led by motives, about which we are both ig n o ran t an d n o t p a rtic u la rly concerned, from one situation, condition, o r circum stance to a n o th e r in an intelligible way. T h e first elem ent o f this strategy was k n o w led g e . Isbister helped make a body o f know ledge public an d av ailab le fo r use. His early writing was deployed like a m ilitary fo rm a­ tio n ag ain st th e existing silence regarding R u p ert’s L and an d against th e C o m p an y , which tried to ensure the continuation o f th at silence. In itially Isbister simply wished to publish what he knew, to advance the c a u se o f science and perhaps his own career. L ater he saw th a t even m a k in g facts public had a political m eaning. T h e C o m p an y also had a strategy, that the knowledge th a t Isbister s o u g h t to m ake public should rem ain private. T h e observation o f a c o n te m p o ra ry historian about Com pany strategy in th e m id-eigh­ te e n th ce n tu ry was equally valid fo r the nineteenth: “O n e o f the C o m p a n y ’s m ain defences against potential rivals was secrecy, an obsessive g u a rd in g o f the knowledge and expertise accum ulated by its s e rv a n ts o v er th e years o f living, trading an d navigating in th e subA rc tic co n d itio n s o f the Bay region.”1 From tim e to tim e even m em ­ b e rs o f th e C om pany thought the price o f secrecy was too high. In 1845 D o n ald Ross circulated his reflections on th e m atter o f ex ten d in g th e tra d e o f th e Mackenzie: We have often had occasion to regret our want of all correct Geographical Knowledge of the Countries Westward of the Mackenzie River as there is every reason to believe that our present ideas in regard to the Geograph27

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ical position of Lakes, Rivers, Forts and Chains of Mountains in that Country are very vague and erroneous, nor is it to be doubted that this uncertainty has always been and still continues to be a severe obstacle in the way o f exploring and settling an extensive range of Country appar­ ently well stocked with valuable fur-bearing animals. A cco rd in g ly , Ross felt it was necessary “to fill u p the wide blanks o n the fa ce o f th e m aps em bracing these regions, and also to correct th e n u m e ro u s e rro rs in the parts already traced out.”2 C om pany strategy d id n o t necessarily m ean that the officers o f the C om pany engaged in a m e lo d ra m a tic conspiracy o f silence, only th at they h ad no com pelling re a s o n to m ake, o r interest in making, public their know ledge o f the te rr ito r y a n d its inhabitants. K n ow ledge, especially scientific knowledge, which in principle aims a t accu racy , is never socially o r politically neutral. It is always useful a n d so is always bound together with power; know ledge can facilitate o r o b s tru c t th e m aintenance o f power, o f course. B ut it also d ep e n d s u p o n , fo r exam ple, archives and m eans o f com m unication, th a t is, u p o n in stitu tio ns th a t are linked to explicitly political organizations. I n th is c h a p te r we will consider Isbister’s m aking public an d articu ­ la te a know ledge o f R upert’s Land that for the m ost p a rt h ad been c o n fin e d w ithin the H udson’s Bay Com pany. Both th e actions o f th e C o m p a n y in keeping this knowledge private and Isbister’s m aking it p u b lic h a d political consequences. A c co u n ts o f R u p ert’s Land had, o f course, been published. T h e n a rra tiv e s o f M ackenzie, Franklin and Back were in p rin t; the earlier d is p u te s th a t th e Com pany had fought left records in the public d o m a in . A t th e sam e time, however, these docum ents an d the facts o f e a rlie r controversies had largely been forgotten. In any case, the d is p u te s th a t Isbister took part in were concerned with co n tem porary issues. W h en h e m entioned earlier debates it was only to em phasize the rig h tn e s s o f his cu rre n t struggle. H is im p o rtan ce for the history o f the C om pany an d o f C anada lies in th e c o n trib u tio n he m ade in creating R u p ert’s L and as a topic fo r p u b lic d eb a te ; he helped p u t it on the political agenda. O nce know l­ e d g e is public, it can be p u t to use, deployed, arrayed an d throw n into a c tio n ; o n ce th e agenda is set, debate about its contents can begin. W h a t is to co u nt as contents is no m ore self-evident th an w hat is to c o u n t as know ledge. N either Isbister n o r the C om pany, fo r exam ple, c o n s id e re d th e self-knowledge o f the Indians to be know ledge. O n e re a s o n th e ir know ledge could not count was because o f th e ir lack o f o rg a n iz a tio n o r o f pow er that was intelligible to E uropean know ledge. T h is is why, as was indicated in the last chapter, experienced m en such as C am p b ell, M cLeod and Simpson rem ained ignorant o f the e x ten ­ sive n ativ e tra d in g networks. It would seem that, to th e C om pany,

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sav ag es co u ld not be businessm en. T o the Indians, the C om pany was a n o rg a n iz atio n with whom they could deal and (to use E u ro p ean co n c ep ts) o n e o f the ways to get as good a deal as possible was to use w h a t know ledge and pow er they had o f real o r fictional enem ies so as to se c u re th e ir status as m iddlem en. T o the C om pany, native p a r­ ticu larities, a n d the business opportunities they created fo r specific trib e s, w ere invisible, subm erged in the m ore general status created by th e la rg e r dichotom y o f native/European. In this ch a p te r we will consider Isbister’s initial attem p t to account f o r th e natives in their specificity and particularity. In th e following c h a p te r we consider the second elem ent in his strategy, th e m oralizing o f kn o w led g e. W ith this initial m oralization and with his subsequent e f fo rts o n b eh a lf o f the natives, the elem ent o f universality, not p a rtic u la rity , is m ore prom inent. T h e reason for this change is th at he in creasin g ly saw the inhabitants o f the C om pany territories as su ffe r­ in g a co m m o n fate at the hands o f a single agent.

Early Ambitions C o n tra ry to th e expectations o f his Red River teacher M r. M cCallum a n d o f M rs. H argrave, Isbister did not study fo r the C hurch. F rom 1842 to 1844 h e attended King’s College, University o f A b erd een ;3 in 1844-45 h e rem oved to the Scottish capital an d atten d e d the U niver­ sity o f E d in b u rg h .4 D uring his tim e at A berdeen he may have been s u p p o rte d fro m his g ra n d fath er’s estate; at E dinburgh he was sup­ p o r te d by his uncle, C aptain William Kennedy, who h ad en tru ste d G o v e rn o r Sim pson with the adm inistration o f a small legacy, an d a n o th e r uncle, J o h n Kennedy, a surgeon in the service o f th e C om ­ p a n y at F o rt Sim pson on the Nass.5 In A berdeen, he b o ard ed at the sa m e h o u se as the son o f C hief Factor D onald Ross, R obert, whose f a th e r d escrib ed him as a “scapegrace” u n d e r Isbister’s w atchful eye.6 I n m ed ical school at E dinburgh he developed a friendship with Alex R o w an d , th e son o f C hief Factor Jo h n Rowand, who had accom panied S im p s o n o n his ro u n d -th e -w o rld trip in 1841, a n d o f L isette H u m p h ra v ille , his native and “custom ary” wife. T h ro u g h letters to fam ily a n d frien ds an d visits from m en such as R obert C am pbell, Is b is te r k e p t in touch with the affairs o f the C om pany in R u p e rts L a n d .7 In ad d itio n, Isbister contributed regularly to Chambers's Edin­ burgh Journal. His first publication, in 1844, was an account o f the e x p e d itio n o f the Russian explorer, B aron W rangel, to th e P olar Sea. I t co n sisted chiefly o f sum m aries larded with b rie f quotations from W ra n g e l o f his colourful accounts o f th e difficulties o f travel in rem ote N o rth -e a s te rn Siberia an d Kolyma, o f m odest festivals enjoyed by E u ro p e a n s a t Easter, o f encounters with Chuckchees an d th e ir sha­

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m a n s, a n d o f adventures out on the dangerously ro ttin g sp rin g ice o f th e A rctic O cean.8 T his occasional journalism was sufficient to see him th r o u g h his university career. Later it provided him with a forum from w h ich h e could criticize the Company. In F eb ru a ry , 1845, while at E dinburgh, Isbister op en ed co rresp o n ­ d e n c e w ith Dr. N orton Shaw, Secretary o f the Royal G eographical S ociety o f L ondon. “I was a few years ago em ployed by th e H u d so n ’s B ay C o y ,” h e w rote, “in a trading expedition on the N orth-W est coast o f A m eric a d u rin g the course o f which I had an o p p o rtu n ity o f passing th r o u g h a p o rtio n o f that C ontinent hitherto unknow n to g eogra­ p h e r s .” In particular, Isbister drew Shaw’s attention to certain inac­ cu ra c ie s in accounts o f the course o f the n o rth ern extrem ity o f the R ocky M ountains. W here the m ountains were visible from th e Mack­ en z ie R iver, they w ere “pretty accurately” described. In th e lower M ackenzie, however, the m ountains are over the horizon an d d o not re a p p e a r u n til th e traveller reaches the delta, “a n d m ore travellers th a n o n e have filled u p the gap o r a portion o f it as suited th eir taste, fro m th e vague inform ation o f the Indians o r from th e ir own notions o f th e probable direction o f the chain.” In fact, th ere is a considerable d iv e rg e n c e in th e straight course o f the m ountains, which are “in te r­ se c te d by a riv er o f considerable size upw ards o f 200 miles long, the m o u th o f w hich C apn. Franklin m istaking fo r one o f th e m ouths o f the M ack en zie at first, observed on his first voyage and nam ed it a fte r Sir R o b e rt P eel.” Isbister then explained the circum stances o f his being in th e a re a , th e survey he m ade o f it, and his en co u n ter with the “T ra n sm o n ta n e L o u cheux” who inform ed him o f a larger river fu rth e r west th a t, “fro m th e accounts o f the natives I conjectured it to be the Colville d isc o v e re d by Messrs Dease and Sim pson.”9 H e then o ffered to supply D r. S haw w ith th e d ata he and Bell had collected, “an d if you consider th e m as o f sufficient interest I shall be happy to forw ard the ch a rt o f th e c o u n try to you.” 10 S h aw show ed an interest in Isbister’s proposal an d on 10 A pril, Is b is te r again w rote to the Royal Geographical Society enclosing a “s h o rt m em o ir” an d ch art (since lost) o f Peel’s River. T h e chart, he said , co m p rised “fo u r degrees o f latitude and nearly twelve o f longti­ tu d e o f u n ex p lo re d country and a portion o f the lower p a rt o f th e M cK en zie.” T h e im portance o f his work was two-fold. F ranklin’s Second Narrative o f his explorations contained no m ap o f the M ack­ e n z ie n o r, h e said, was any available from an o th er source. “T h e only c h a r t to w hich I have had access is that o f Sir Alex M cKenzie, from w h ich m in e d iffers exceedingly.” Isbister’s work, th erefo re, would c o r re c t th e m ap o f Mackenzie. H e ended his letter with deferen ce to S h aw ’s au th o rity : “I f you consider the contribution w orthy o f notice, I sh all s e n d you a n o th e r o f a different p art o f the country, as soon as I

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h a v e m o re tim e.” " Shaw then re ferred the m anuscript to Sir G eorge B ack , a m an experienced in the difficulties o f Arctic travel a n d car­ to g ra p h y . Back had accom panied Franklin on his Arctic voyage n o rth o f S p itsb e rg en in 1818 an d was included, chiefly for his draw ing ab ilities, on th e overland voyages o f 1819 and 1824. H e declared th at Is b is te r’s account described the area “with as m uch fidelity as can be e x p e c te d fro m th e very trying n atu re o f the Service in which h e was e n g a g e d ,” a n d recom m ended publication.12 Isb iste r b eg an his account with a conventional re feren ce to th e d e s ire s o f th e m em bers o f the Royal G eographical Society to extend th e ir know ledge o f unexplored an d unknow n regions. T h e lower M ack en zie Valley was, in 1845, a p a rt o f the globe least know n to m e m b e rs o f th a t Society. Isbister reviewed the existing accounts o f th e a r e a by H e a rn e , Mackenzie and Franklin. T h ese explorations, begun in o r d e r to solve “the great problem o f the N orth W est Passage,” have s h o w n th e sp irit an d enterprise o f British m en to all the w orld. “B ut w h ile a d v e n tu rin g spirits have crow ded on this d arin g path— while at th e e x p e n se o f h u m an life as portion after portion has been a d d e d to o u r m ap s, till we have now almost an unbroken an d continuing C oast lin e — th e task o f exploring the interior—o f filling in w hat we have ta k e n so m u ch pains to limn in outline has been strangely neglected. 13 T h is less spectacular b u t nevertheless useful and necessary w ork o f fillin g in w ould be Isbister’s contribution to th e progress o f geographic k n o w led g e. As was clear from his writing, Isbister did not claim to have d o n e all th e w ork himself. H e rep o rted and synthesized th e observa­ tio n s o f o th e rs as well as m ade public his own first-hand experience. A le x a n d e r M ackenzie in particular, he wrote, “tho u g h rem arkably c o rre c t in his general details, could not, from his previous habits, be e x p e c te d to possess the scientific knowledge o f his successor.” 14 His o w n w o rk was a refinem ent o f Franklin's, as Franklin had im proved on th e accuracy o f Mackenzie. I t was tru e th a t m uch o f the country had “been long since settled by th e serv an ts o f the H u dson’s Bay Com pany ; but, so fa r as I am aw are, its g e o g ra p h y has been very little attended to.” H ad Isbister’s duties as a t r a d e r b een less dem anding, “and had the sanction o f th e H u d so n ’s B ay C o m p an y been extended to the undertaking, I should have been e n a b le d to devote m ore tim e to those botanical a n d geological re s e a rc h e s w hich confer so m uch value upo n the narratives o f my p re d e c e sso rs in Arctic discovery.” 15 W e have already noted the circum stances o f Isbister’s presence in th e lo w er M ackenzie and sum m arized the contents o f th e “Jo u rn a l M a n u s c rip t.” It is n o t unknow n, even today, with scientific an d aca­ d e m ic publications, for the date o f issue to bear a rem ote relationship to th e actu al d ate o f publication. In Isbister’s case, publication was o f

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so m e im p o rtan ce since it m ight help him secure a position. In D ecem ­ b e r, 1845, Isbister’s article had still not appeared, an d he again w rote to th e S ecretary, Dr. Shaw. “I have,” he explained, “lately becom e a c a n d id a te fo r a scientific appointm ent in connection with one o f the S co tch C olleges.” T h e appointm ent being in the gift o f th e C row n, Is b is te r su b m itted several testimonials from his professors in Scotland to th e a p p ro p ria te cabinet officer, Sir Jam es G raham e. In the course o f c o rre s p o n d e n c e with Sir Jam es, he m entioned th e article h e h ad s u b m itte d to th e Royal Geographical Society along with the expected d a te o f publication. B ut it had not yet appeared. “W ould you,” he a s k e d , “be kind en ough in your capacity as secretary to certify, in any fo r m you m ight consider useful in my present application, th at I have la id b e fo re th e Society an account o f th e Expedition to which I have a llu d e d ? ” 16 D r. Shaw’s reply, if he m ade one, has n o t survived. A t th e sam e tim e Isbister wrote Sir Jo h n H enry Pelly, G overnor o f th e H u d s o n ’s Bay Com pany, asking for his support. “W ithout pow er­ fu l in te re st to back the testimonials with which I have been fu rn ish ed by th e d iffe re n t professors u n d e r whom I have studied, any applica­ tio n fro m m yself to Sir Jam es G raham e would m eet I fe ar b u t with little a tte n tio n .” 17 Archibald Barclay, the C om pany Secretary provided h im w ith a letter o f certification that he “was th ree years in the service o f th e H u d s o n ’s Bay Com pany, d u rin g which tim e h e acted in the ca p acity o f clerk an d accountant discharging the duties o f his office w ith th e u tm o st integrity and with great ability.”18 In th e event, Isbister did not get the position. T h e following sp rin g h e w ro te again to Sir H enry Pelly, this time with a d iffe ren t request: I take the liberty to enquire whether the medical appointments to the HB ships be as yet filled. If not may I respectfully request you would be kind enough to give me an appointment as surgeon to one o f them (the Moose ship would be preferred) for the ensuing season. I have not as yet been able to take out my Diploma, but having studied Medicine for the last three years, during part o f which I have acted as visiting and dispensing assistant at the Royal Dispensary o f Edinburgh and having besides testi­ monials o f fitness for the situation from several teachers under whom I have studied and which I shall be happy to lay before you, I trust any difficulties that may arise on this score may be obviated.19

B arclay rep lied th e next day that the post had been filled. T h re e m o n th s la te r Isbister wrote again, regarding the office o f the Secretary to th e L o n d o n Hospital. He explained his intention o f applying fo r th e p o s t a n d req u ested Pelly’s support. O n his own behalf, he indicated a g a in th a t h e h ad several glowing testimonials from his teachers in S c o tla n d a n d th at he had been well trained in m edicine an d law, th a t h e h a d b een an efficient clerk and accountant an d had published scien tific a n d literary articles.

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As an additional reason why Pelly should su p p o rt him Isbister m e n tio n e d th a t he was currently exam ining the O regon question, a m a tte r o f som e im portance to the Com pany. H e had uncovered “som e facts, w hich have escaped the notice o f form er writers, an d which will p ro v e beyond dispute, that the Am ericans were not th e first as has been all a lo n g ad m itte d to e n te r the Columbia river, I think I shall be able to p u t th e subject in a new light.”20 Isbister never offered his indisputable p r o o f to th e public. A bout the only evidence th at he m ight have in tro d u c e d w ould have confirm ed a story th at David T h o m p so n a n d p e r h a p s D u n can McGillivray crossed the Rockies in 1801 a n d laid claim to th e lands drained by the Columbia. I f th e two N o r’W esters did so, th e ir act would have antedated the claims o f Lewis an d C larke. F inally, h e m entioned that both his fath er and g ra n d fa th e r served th e C o m p a n y long and well and that his m other an d h e r large family w ere e n tire ly d e p e n d e n t on him for support. Again, however, Isbister h ad th e m isfo rtu n e to be inform ed that the post had been filled, an d he c o n tin u e d to su p p o rt him self in E dinburgh on th e proceeds o f his o ccasio n al w ritings.21 At the very least, his correspondence with th e C o m p a n y a n d with the Royal Geographical Society reveal th a t Isbister was a y o u n g m an with great ambition. Despite his disappointm ent with th e C o m p an y an d the condition o f his relations at Red River, it is clear th a t h e was not, in 1846, the inveterate o p p o n en t he later becam e.

G eographical Knowledge o f the Arctic Coast O n 5 M ay 1847, a second p ap er by Isbister was received at th e Royal G e o g ra p h ic a l Society dealing with “certain unexplored tracts o f Arctic A m e ric a .” T h e inform ation was not publicly available th o u g h it “has lo n g b ee n c u rre n t am ong the servants o f the H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany a n d o th e rs resid ent in the country” and was com pletely trustw orthy. T h is in fo rm atio n was not scientifically accurate, b u t considering th e sca n ty know ledge o f the country, even reliable b u t “unscientific” in fo rm a tio n would prove useful.22 T h e p ap er was to be a sum m ary o f th e sta te o f co n tem porary knowledge o f the Arctic coastline. “Strictly s p e a k in g ,” h e said, “the only portions o f the vast regions know n u n d e r th e n a m e o f th e H u dson’s Bay Com pany T erritories which can be said to b e accurately surveyed and delim ited upon o u r m aps is th a t tra ­ v e rs e d by th e d iffe ren t land expeditions to the Polar Sea,” th a t is, the ro u te s fro m M ontreal via the G reat Lakes, to the Mackenzie, an d th e r o u te fro m R ed River to H udson’s Bay. Isb iste r th e n em barked on a narrative survey o f continental ex p lo ra­ tio n in th e fa r n o rth . H e began by m entioning the F rench coureurs de bois w hose m aps, despite the near illiteracy o f those who drew them , “a r e fo u n d to correspond in a surprising degree with th e positions

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w h ich have since been ascertained by astronom ical observations.” D ue re c o g n itio n was accorded P eter Fiddler and David T h o m p so n , but, Is b is te r a d d e d , m uch o f the detail o f their m aps was in fact based u p o n n a tiv e re p o rts, an d was not necessarily accurate. Finally, th e land e x p e d itio n s th a t m ade their way towards the Arctic littoral w ere m o re c o n c e rn e d w ith “th e delineation o f the sea coast [so they] did little fo r th e g eo g ra p h y o f the interior. T h e present p ap e r is an attem p t to fill u p th e b lan k which has thus been created.” T h a t is, Isbister continued h is e ffo rts a t “filling in” that he began in the 1845 paper. H e d iv id ed th e n o rth ern interior into th ree regions, th e first ex te n d ­ in g fro m th e C hurchill River to the G reat Fish River, (the m o d ern B ack R iver), the second from th ere to the C opperm ine River, an d the th ir d fro m th e C opperm ine to Point Barrow. T h e first division was “as y e t b u t very im perfectly known, and wholly undescribed.” His in fo r­ m a tio n was based upo n a m ap draw n by In u it from H udson Bay an d u p o n “som e careful inquiries m ade by Mr. [Thom as] Sim pson, m yself a n d o th e rs , am ong the Chipewyans and o th er tribes who inhabit this p a r t o f th e co untry.” According to these sources, ten large stream s e n t e r H u d so n Bay between C hurchill River and C hesterfield Inlet. Is b is te r su p p lied a m ap, which has not survived, an d ad d ed th a t th e e s tu a rie s p ro v ided th e only harbours along the shallow an d inhospita­ b le coast. T h e r e followed a description o f the rivers received by C hesterfield In le t. B ack’s G reat Fish River, he said, was “unquestionably th e finest riv e r in this p a rt o f the country.” T hom as Simpson had m eant to m ake it his ro u te to th e sea, and drew a m ap o f its course based on native re p o rts . Isbister com pared Back’s knowledge with know ledge he him ­ s e lf h a d acq u ired in a similar way. “W ere this fine stream pro p erly e x p lo ite d ,” he said, it m ight at some fu tu re time, prove th e m ost elig ib le ch a n n el o f com m unication between the n o rth e rn districts an d th e H u d s o n ’s Bay.” W ager Bay and the coast no rth w ard w ere c u r­ re n tly b ein g explored by the Rae expedition and Isbister conjectured th a t th e so u th e n d o f Boothia Penninsula was pierced by a strait. T h e second division, from G reat Fish River to th e C opperm ine, c o n ta in e d b u t two rivers o f significance, one u n n am ed at 68 degrees N o r th by 104 degrees 15 m inutes West, th e m odern Ellice River, an d th e o th e r, B ack’s River itself. T h e third region lay betw een th e C op­ p e r m in e a n d th e Mackenzie. H ere was situated “E squim aux L ake,” a “la rg e sh e e t o f brackish water, as yet unexplored, which is said to re ceiv e several rivers. O ne o f these, rising n ea r Fort G ood H ope, is the fa v o u rite ro u te o f the Loucheux Indians in their hostile excursions a g a in s t th e Esquim eaux with whom they are in a state o f continual w a r.” B e y o n d th e M ackenzie w ere the Peel an d R at rivers, already

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d e sc rib e d , a n d th en nothing o f im portance until the Colville: This fine stream is unquestionably next to the McKenzie the largest river which empties its waters into the Arctic Sea. It is two miles wide at its mouth and forms an estuary of 50 miles in breadth. It freshens the sea for many miles, and its alluvial deposits have rendered the water o f the bay into which it falls so shallow, that it was not till after a run o f 25 hours, during which they had repeatedly to stand well out to sea, that the boats of the [Dease and Simpson] expedition could effect a landing.

Is b is te r th e n provided a speculative account o f its inland course, a to le ra b ly accu rate description not o f th e Colville but o f th e Pelly an d P o rc u p in e , which jo in ed to form the Yukon at the site o f th e H u d so n ’s B ay C o m p an y post, Fort Yukon, a h u n d re d miles inside Russian te rrito ry . H e ad d ed in conclusion th at he reg retted being unable to d iscu ss “som e interesting explorations am ong the Rocky M ountains a lo n g a n d within the Russian boundary by Mr. C am pbell,” p erh ap s e x p e c tin g th a t Cam pbell would shortly publish his own account. It was difficult, he said, to provide a general account o f th e area, b u t h e w o u ld m ake an attem pt. H ere he described the course o f the Rocky M o u n ta in s, th e topography o f the B arren G rounds in th e fa r n o rth ­ e a st, a n d th e land west o f the B arrens, which gradually assum es “a b o ld e r a n d m o re rom antic character. Primitive rocks becom e m ore a b u n d a n t, till we arrive at G reat B ear Lake, the n o rth e rn an d eastern s h o re s o f which are entirely com posed o f them .” T h ese “prim itive ra c k s ” grad u ally d isappear until “on the west side o f the m ountains, we c o m e to a co u n try scarcely if at all superior to th e B arren G ro u n d s in th e E ast.” Isbister’s paper, which was delivered orally on 10 May 1847, w as in te n d e d fo r publication. Dr. Shaw re ferred it to M r. E.O. Sm ith f o r a reco m m en dation regarding publication. T h e decision not to p r i n t was tak en on 13 December; it was then deposited in the archives o f th e Royal G eographical Society.

Ethnological Knowledge of the Inhabitants of Rupert’s Land I n 1847 a n d 1849 Isbister delivered two reports to the B ritish Associa­ tio n fo r th e A dvancem ent o f Science.23 T h e second was simply a n o tice; th e first was a short survey o f the geographical dispersal, la n g u a g e a n d ch ief characteristics o f eight tribes o f the C hipew yan In d ia n s , o f th e N ehanni tribe o f the Koloochian Indians, an d o f th e L o u c h o u x Indians. No doubt these reports could be located in the h isto ry o f sub-arctic ethnology but we will consider them as strategic d o c u m e n ts ; th a t is, we are concerned not with how accurate Isbister’s a c c o u n t m ig h t be in term s o f the ethnological know ledge o f th e 1840s o r in term s o f contem porary ethnological knowledge. W hat m ight be c o n s id e re d th e tru th o f his account is secondary to th e use to which the d isc o u rse could be put.

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Isb iste r began with the Chipewyans p roper, “the germ o f th e race,” w h o se dialect “is harsh and gutteral, difficult o f enunciation, an d u n p le a s a n t to th e ea r.” It is an “exceedingly m eagre an d im perfect” la n g u a g e b a rre n not only o f abstract term s, which was to be expected, “b u t sin gularly deficient in the m eans o f expressing th e com m onest o b jects o f n atu re ; thus, th ere is but one w ord for a kettle, a stove, a s p a d e , a spoon, an d a tin dish —because these articles are all m anufac­ t u r e d fro m iro n .” As a result, the structure o f the language was c o m p le x an d speakers had to resort to extensive an d cum bersom e circ u m lo c u tio n s in o rd e r to indicate notions th a t could n o t be e x p re s s e d directly. “T his circum stance renders it very difficult o f acq u isitio n by E uropeans, who never becom e m asters o f the to n g u e.” T h e B eav er Indians were discussed in term s o f th eir geographical d is p e rs io n an d the “softer and somewhat m ore copious” language they sp o k e as a resu lt o f having had extensive contact with th e Crees. T h e n e x t tw o tribes, indistinguishable except by dialect, w ere th e D ahoD in n ies a n d th e Strong-Bows. Both were m ountain tribes “and, like m o st m o u n tain eers, a bold and hardy race, an d o f a som ew hat warlike t u r n .” T h e fifth tribe were the H are o r Slave tribe. A fter describing th e ir te rrito ry , Isbister rem arked on their outstanding feature. “T h ey are in th e m o st intim ate connection with the H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany o f all th e C hipew yan tribes, and they show the effects o f th at connection. T h e i r co n d ition is the most w retched, an d deplorable th at can be im a g in e d . C annibalism , almost justified by the extrem e necessity o f th e case, exists to a frightful extent.” H e ad ded that they did not relish th e p ractice b u t were horrified by it; so m uch so, in fact, th at m any p r e f e r r e d suicide. “Instances have been know n o f p aren ts destroying th e ir ow n families an d afterw ards themselves in o rd e r to avoid this fa ta l altern ativ e .” T hey were poorly clothed in rabbit skin, “tagged to g e th e r a fte r th e ru d est fashion with the ends o f sinew” from which th e y d e riv e d th e nam e H are Indians. T hey dwell in n eith er tents n o r lo d g e s b u t y ear-ro u n d lived in the open air. As a consequence o f th eir c o n d itio n “they are a puny and stunted race, an d are rapidly decreas­ in g in n u m b ers, an d m ust soon disappear altogether. Yet it is from this w re tc h e d trib e th at th e H udson’s Bay C om pany draw nearly all the p ro fits o f th e ir tra d e in this q u arte r.” In co n tra st, th e sixth tribe, the Dog-Ribs, were virtually in d e p e n d e n t o f E u ro p e a n s an d a great contrast with th eir neighbours. T h ey w ere w ell clo th ed in caribou “and have all the elem ents o f com fort an d I n d ia n p ro sp e rity within their reach. T hey are a healthy, vigorous, b u t n o t very active race, o f a mild and peaceful disposition, b u t very low on th e m e n ta l scale, an d apparently o f very inferior capacity.”.M oreover, th e y w e re able to m aintain a stable population.

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T h e Yellow-Knives o r C opper Indians, like the Dog-Ribs, lived in d e p e n d e n t o f E uropeans. “In point o f intelligence they seem h o w e v e r to be considerably th e ir su p e rio rs .” Last a m o n g th e C h ip ew y an s w ere the C arriers o f New Caledonia, “the lowest an d m ost d e g r a d e d o f all the Chipewyan family.” Physically they w ere sim ilar to th e w re tch ed H are Indians “while in point o f m oral and intellectual cap acity they are described as m uch their inferiors. T h ey a re sunk e v e n below th e In dian level in sensuality and filth, an d eaten u p by d isease . T h e ir principal food is salmon, o f which they d ry large q u a n titie s fo r th eir w inter’s consum ption.” Isbister en ded this survey b y re m a rk in g th a t perhaps the “Sarsees” were also C hipew yan in light o f th e fact they spoke a similar language. T h e N e h an n i tribe o f the Koloochian Indians, like the D aho-D innies a n d S trong-B ow s, lived in the m ountains. Not surprisingly, th erefo re, “th e y a re a brave an d warlike race; the scourge and te rro r o f the c o u n try ro u n d .” T h e ir bellicosity, however, had a curious circum ­ s ta n c e a tte n d in g it, which Isbister had learned from his frien d R obert C am p b ell: T his turbulent and ungovernable horde were under the direction o f a woman , who ruled them too with a rod o f iron, and was obeyed with a readiness and unanimity truly marvelous. She was certainly a remarkable character, and possessed no ordinary share o f intelligence. From the fairness o f her complexion and hair, and the general cast o f her features, she was believed to have some European blood.

Physically, th e N ehanni were light com plexioned, with “fine eyes an d te e th , a n d m any o f them strong beards and m oustaches.” T h ey w ere n o t tall, b u t they were active and bold. Like the C arriers, with w hom th e y w ere a g re at contrast in o th er respects, they w ere salm on-eaters. A n d th ey w ere slave-holders. Finally, Isbister described the Louchoux, whom he h ad com e to k n o w a t Peel R iver d u rin g the w inter o f 1840-41. T h e im portance o f th e L o u ch eu x , o r Q uarrellers, lay in th eir m ediating position betw een th e E sq u im eau x , the Chipewyans, an d the Kolooches. T h e ir language w as “closely allied to the Esquim eaux,” and except n ear th e m o u th o f th e M cK enzie, th e Loucheux were on good term s with them . Most, he said , w ere flu en t in “Esquim eaux.” “I f the facility with which an in d iv id u a l o f o n e tribe acquires th e language o f an o th er be considered as a n ev id en ce o f affinity, th ere would seem to be also a close relation­ s h ip b etw een th e Loucheux and Chipewyan.” T hey were large an d a th le tic , u n lik e th eir neighbours. T heir countenances are handsome and pleasing, and capable o f great expression. They perforate the septum o f the nose, in which they insert two Cowrie shells joined together and tipped with a coloured bead at each end; or when these cannot be had, pieces o f polished bone between four

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and five inches in length. This ornament, on which they greatly pride themselves is worn by both sexes, and is only assumed at a certain age. Probably from a habit o f continually eyeing and admiring this oddlooking appendage, they all have a slight obliquity of vision, which imparts a peculiar and somewhat stern appearance to their countenance. It is from this circumstance that they derive the name o f Loucheux or Squinters.-1

M an y o f Isbister’s rem arks simply conveyed inform ation th at has su b seq u e n tly com e to light in Com pany post jo u rn als, letters o f C om ­ p a n y servants, an d in journals o f m en such as R obert C am pbell. Is b is te r him self gave no sources. Nevertheless, he seem ed to have e m p lo y e d certain implicit principles o f interpretation, ra th e r like H e ro d o tu s . T h e first o f these was the notion th at dialect, o r m ore g e n e ra lly , language, was a key to ethnic affinity as well as d iffe ren tia­ tio n : th e L o uchoux and Chipewyan, and the L ouchoux a n d In u it w ere re la te d in a general way, whereas the two tribes o f C hipewyans, th e D a h o -D in n ies an d the Strong-Bows, were distinguished only accord­ in g to dialect. Second, a m ountainous environm ent h ad the effect o f in d u c in g bellicosity. Diet had no effect in this respect, inasm uch as b o th th e C arriers an d the N ehanni lived on salm on.25 T h e th ird a n d m ost im portant interpretative principle dealt directly w ith th e im pact o f Europeans. W here th ere had been no contact, as w ith th e Dog-Ribs and the Yellow-Knives, th ere existed a healthy, p ro s p e ro u s , n atu ral developm ent. Even though the Yellow-Knives w e re m o re intelligent than the Dog-Ribs, th ere was little to choose b e tw e e n th em in point o f health and prosperity. Isbister’s p o in t was th a t th e obvious advantages o r health and prosperity cam e fro m in d e p e n d e n c e o f Europeans and not from intelligence. W hen, nev­ e rth e le s s , co ntact took place, th e m ore intelligent o f these com ­ p arativ ely isolated tribes proved to be valuable to E u ro p ean explorers. T h e im plication h ere was th at when direct contact betw een In d ian s a n d E u ro p e a n s was m ade on the Indians’ term s, the E uropeans b en e­ fite d a n d th e Indians were not harm ed. W hen direct contact was m ade o n th e E u ro p e a n s’ term s, as with the Slaves, the E uropeans exploited th e In d ia n s, an d th e results were disastrous, even to th e point o f tribal e x tin c tio n . Intelligence was useful not in securing health a n d p ro s­ p e rity (since only avoiding Europeans could do that, an act th at d id n o t r e q u ir e m any brains) b u t in avoiding disaster at th e h a n d s o f E u ro p e a n s . T h e r e w ere two exam ples o f m ediated o r indirect contact. In the first, th e B eaver Indians dealt, as it were, linguistically with th e E u ro ­ p e a n s via th e C ree who were in extensive contact with them . As a result o f th e ir in d irect contact, the Beaver im proved their language over the s ta n d a r d C hipew yan dialect. T h e N ehanni benefited by being led by

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a n in tellig e n t wom an who was believed to be p a rt E uropean. H e re the im p lica tio n seem ed to be that an indirect influence was not ju s t b en eficial b u t lead to rem arkable and unexpected results such as fe m a le lead e rsh ip o r an im proved language. T h e Inuit, apparently, w e re u n ifo rm ly treacherous; in this respect, Isbister was clearly on the sid e o f th e ir enem ies, at least o f those enem ies who inhabited th e land n e a r th e m o u th o f the Mackenzie.

G eological Knowledge In 1855 Isbister published a similar p ap e r on the geology an d n atu ral h is to ry o f R u p e rt’s Land and the Arctic.26 Despite the vastness and re m o te n e s s o f th e area, he said, o u r near total ignorance w ould m ake “e v e n th e m ost cursory classification o f its form ations” useful to g eo lo g ists, “th e m ore especially as it is not probable that th e atten tio n o f p ractical geologists will soon be directed to this distant an d alm ost inaccessible field o f investigation.” Isbister listed the published works h e c o n su lted a n d recounted his own special qualification: he had re s id e d th e re fo r m any years and had “traversed from one extrem ity to th e o th e r, — from the borders o f the U nited States to th e Arctic O c e a n in o n e direction, and from the frontiers o f Russian A m erica to H u d s o n ’s Bay in the o th er.” In confirm ing his own observations o f la n d fo rm s , Isbister relied chiefly on the publications o f J.W . Salter, w h o h a d accom panied Captain Penny to Baffin Bay in search o f Sir J o h n F ran k lin in 1847 and 1849, and on those o f Sir Jo h n R ichardson, w h o h a d b o th accom panied Franklin on his voyage o f 1824-7, an d s e a rc h e d fo r him in 1849. T h e strateg ic im portance o f ethnological accounts is obvious: h u m a n ita ria n m otives o r simple curiosity can quickly be m obilized fo r po litical p u rp o ses. It is less obvious why geological discourse should h a v e a strateg ic significance. Accordingly, we p resen t a b rie f descrip­ tio n o f th e co n tem porary context. M u ch o f Isbister’s geological theory was taken from his teacher at E d in b u rg h , Professor R obert Jam eson. Jam eson was him self a pupil o f A .G . W e rn e r, a leading geological authority o f an earlier generation. P rio r to Isb ister’s arrival, Edinburgh had been a centre o f geological re s e a rc h a n d controversy. Several issues disturbed the tranquility o f in telle ctu al convention d u rin g the m iddle years o f the century, none m o re controversial th an the new science o f geology. In d e ed , one c o n te m p o ra ry historian has claimed th at B ritain was “sw ept by a geo log ical m an ia.”27 C o n s id e r th e significance o f fossils. By the en d o f the seventeenth c e n tu ry , naturalists had agreed that fossils fo u n d in stratified rocks w e re actu al rem ains o f previously living anim als, which m eant th at

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th e y h a d once lived in the sea and that the rocks in which they w ere f o u n d h a d once likewise been aquatic. T his led to a basic question: how d id aq u a tic strata tu rn into dry land? T h e re were two general answ ers e v id e n t to th e geology o f Isbister’s day: (1) the sea d ried u p o r receded, a n d (2) th e land was raised. T h e first explanation was associated with W e rn e r, th e second with Jam es H utton. T h e W ernerians w ere g e n e r­ ally called N eptunists because they believed in the aqueous origin o f n e a rly all rocks. C ertainly th ere w ere difficulties with W e rn e r’s a c c o u n t: w hat caused the rock to precipitate? how could the p rim o r­ d ial sea co n tain so m uch dissolved material? w here did the w ater go? T h e W e rn eria n s tended to overlook these problem s an d point to the u n iv ersality o f th e m aster’s classification.28 T h e followers o f H u tto n w e re called Plutonists because they were o f the opinion th at igneous ro c k s w ere o f a subterranean origin; by this account, th e instability o f su c h rocks caused the land to rise. T h e Plutonists w ere jo in e d by m e m b e rs o f an older school, the Vulcanists, who believed, m ore specifically, th a t basalt was a lava.29 T h e origin and n a tu re o f basalt had b e e n hotly d eb ated fo r the last half o f the eighteenth century an d well in to th e n in eteen th . B u t fa r m o re was involved than the narrow b u t eventually decisive q u e s tio n o f the aqueous o r igneous nature o f basalt. T h e two accounts re lie d o n distinct agents, but m ore im portant, they assum ed d iffe re n t o r d e r s o f tim e. W ern er’s views were com patible with a Mosaic tim e scale, w h ereas H u tto n , in his fam ous phrase, could see “no vestige o f a b e g in n in g , a n d no prospect o f an en d .” H u tto n ’s view proved to be h ig h ly u n settlin g because it im plied not an o rd e r o f dm e an d a real b e g in n in g b u t som ething like a gloomy infinite regress into even m ore p rim itiv e d arkness, “a n eth er world o f awesome precipices, o f b o tto m ­ less sw am ps, o f terrible scaly reptiles floun dering a ro u n d in stygian g lo o m .”30 T h e sym bolism o f fire and water was equally grave, especially d u r i n g th e anxious years following the French R evolution: if E u ro p e h a d in fact been innundated with torrents o f lava, could anything re ally b e solid? was so-called terraJirma no m ore secure th an the th ro n e o f th e F ren c h king so recently overturned? O n the o th e r han d , if rocks w e re o f aq u eo u s origin, the steady series from granite an d lim estone to p e a t was fundam entally solid, sound, g ran d and o rd e red . A nd vol­ c a n o e s , w hich W e rn er had never witnessed first-h an d , could be d e c la re d aberrations, like the French Revolution. A t th e U niversity o f E dinburgh Isbister’s teacher, Jam eson, was a co n v in ce d W ernerian. He was instrum ental in th e w ithdraw al o f the N a tu ra l H istory Society from the Royal Society o f E dinburgh, leaving th e la tte r in th e hands o f the H uttonians.31 For students the dispute m u s t h av e been very exciting, not least o f all because o f the ancilliary

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th eo lo g ical a n d political connotations. An intellectual event o f sim ilar sig n ifican ce fo r the tw entieth century m ight be the disputes betw een F re u d ia n s a n d Ju n g ian s concerning the structure an d developm ent o f th e psyche. In Isbister’s day, a generation later, geological controversy w as still exciting. Isb ister h ad used W ernerian o r N eptunist language in the geo­ g ra p h ic a l survey discussed earlier—the term “prim itive rocks,” for e x a m p le , was central to W erner’s classification. Even so, Isbister’s use o f W e rn e r’s language is not com pelling evidence for his N eptunism sin ce W e rn e r’s K u n e Klassifikation was widely used, even by his o p p o ­ n e n ts .32 By m id-century, however, this term inology was ra th e r oldfa s h io n e d . In th e re p o rt we are presently considering, Isbister re m a in e d less faithful to the system o f W erner an d Jam eson an d relied as well u p o n th e “Silurian” classification o f Sir R oderick M urchison, a n d m o re particularly, as Isbister said, on the fossil record “by which a lo n e [the] relative ages [of rocks] an d their tru e characters can be d e te r m in e d .”33 In addition, Isbister’s belief th a t rocks h ad been u p lifte d , ra th e r than simply precipitated as W erner had declared, was n o t in co m p atib le with H u tto n ’s general arg u m en t concerning m olten ro c k s, in te rn a l terrestrial heat, and the general concept o f a dynam ic e a r th .34 In sp ite o f th e ir differences, these m en, and others cited by Isbister, a g r e e d to th e existence o f a single geological horizon from th e C anadaU .S. b o rd e r a ro u n d the G reat Lakes to the high Arctic an d from the B ay to th e Rockies. Only recently, Isbister went on, h ad th e vastness o f th e sed im en tary deposits and the unusual degree to which they had b e e n ex e m p te d from “those igneous disturbances which have com pli­ c a te d th e geological structure o f m any o th er countries o f fa r less e x te n t in o th e r parts o f the world” been appreciated. Isbister ad o p ted a m o d ifie d N ep tu n ist view so far as the land east o f the Rockies was c o n c e rn e d . T h e sedim entary deposits were fundam ental: igneous activity a m o u n te d to a com plication o f an otherw ise sym m etric and .u n b ro k en condition. Isb iste r began his m ore detailed description o f the H u d so n ’s Bay te rrito rie s w ith an account o f the general com position o f th e C anadian S h ie ld , a “low belt o f crystalline rocks” th at followed th e general c o n to u rs o f th e Bay. T h e correspondence betw een th e two m acro­ fo rm s , w h en in terp re ted according to the N eptunist m odel, led him to in f e r th a t th e Shield was “the probable axis o f elevation o f th e g re at m o v e m e n t by which the H udson’s Bay T erritories, as well as L ab rad o r a n d th e lan d s an d islands along the west coast o f B affin’s Bay, w ere f irs t u p h e a v e d from th e prim eval ocean u n d e r which they once re p o s e d .” T h e Rockies, in his view, form ed a new an d additional “axis o f elev atio n . . .upheaving in a similar m an n er th e w idespread strata

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w h ich rep o se on its flanks.” H e did not propose any m echanism , th e rm a l o r otherw ise, to account for the “upheaving.” D e ta ile d know ledge o f the region, especially o f the Rockies an d L a b ra d o r, was scanty. Isbister referred to the Lewis an d C larke e x p e­ d itio n , to som e U.S. geological work, an d to his own unpublished su m m a ry o f th e oral knowledge o f the servants o f th e H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y , which he had tu rn ed over to Sir Jo h n R ichardson. T h e r e m a in d e r o f his account described what was rep resen ted on th e m ap th a t acco m p anied the British version o f his rep o rt. H e drew the politically o r theologically p ro p e r conclusion. Such a vast extension o f cry sta llin e rocks th at failed to form into m ountains (as H u tto n m ight h a v e ex p ected) “is a rem arkable exam ple o f the tranquil o p eratio n o f a n u p h e a v in g force exerted over an im m ense area, yet with a lim ited a n d re g u la r intensity, and a constancy o f direction.” Constancy, tra n ­ q u ility a n d regularity, these were the im portant things; the scale o f th e ir o p e ra tio n s served to induce w onder b u t also confidence in o u r k n o w led g e , n o t fear o f the unknown. A seco n d general feature o f the H udson’s Bay T errito ry , th e low­ la n d s a r o u n d th e Bay, w ere described an d d ated acco rd in g to M u rc h is o n ’s Silurian system. Again he drew attention to “th e e n o r­ m o u s ra n g e o f 30 degrees o f latitude, over which, as far as o u r p re sen t in fo rm a tio n reaches, the Silurian form ation extends u n in terru p te d ly w ith o u t any im p o rtan t variation, so far as is known, eith er in its m in eralo g ical constitution o r its stratification.” T h e re followed a m ine ralo g ical an d fossil analysis o f the “Silurian basin o f Lake W innipeg” a n d a m o re d etailed description o f the Devonian, Silurian, lim estone a n d lig n ite form ations o f the Mackenzie Valley. T h e coal deposits an d th e ta r-sa n d s o r “bitum inous shale” were also noted: “T h e occurrence o f coal in any form in these high latitudes is a question o f m uch in te re s t.” In d e ed , he said, the distribution o f coal from the Arctic to V a n c o u v e r Islan d was sufficient “to raise a w orld o f co n jectu re re s p e c tin g th e condition o f the earth when these ancient fossils w ere liv in g p lan ts.” T h e usefulness o f the coal and bitum inous shale w ould n o t b e lost on practical m en in a practical age. Isb iste r d id not go deeply into that “world o f conjecture” b u t relied o n R ic h a rd so n ’s opinion, which was respectably conservative: the u n d e rly in g form ations aro u n d the Bay “are wholly palaeozoic, an d th a t th e c u rre n ts o r waves o f translation, if such th ere were, m ust have h a d a n easterly direction in these latitudes, an d gained stren g th as they ro lle d to w ard s th e A tlantic,” sweeping the new er rocks into th e A tlan­ tic. T o co n tem p o rary geological discourse, probably th e m ost signifi­ c a n t om ission in Isbister’s account thus far is any m ention o f the im p o rta n c e o f glaciation. In fact, the theories o f Louis Agassiz an d the im p lica tio n o f w idespread glaciation in the geologically recen t past,

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w h ich h e a rg u e d fo r the first tim e in Etudes sur les glaciers (1840), took a g o o d q u arte r-c en tu ry to gain acceptance. M oreover, M urchison, w h o se S ilu rian theory Isbister accepted, was an extrem e o p p o n e n t o f A gassiz. H e p re fe rre d to believe in a neo-diluvianist, super-tsunam i e x p la n a tio n fo r river valleys, eccentric rocks, m oraines, h an g in g val­ leys, etc., a n d in aqueous “waves o f translation,” o r p erh ap s icebergs, b u t in any event, n o t glaciers, as the agent o f tran sp o rt.35 I n Isb ister’s view, the land com prising the H u d so n ’s Bay territories w as “to o flat fo r th e im m ense erratic form ation extending over every p a r t o f it to be explained by reference to the m otion o f glaciers.” H e p r e f e r r e d to th in k the erratic form ations were th e result “o f icebergs a n d flo atin g masses o f ice, still so com m on along these coasts.” H e s p e c u la te d briefly u pon the existence o f “vast freshw ater seas” in the p ra irie s , p o in tin g to the raised beaches far above the surface o f Lake S u p e rio r as evidence for what is now known as prehistoric Lake A gassiz. B u t he d id not offer an account o f how the “subsistence” o f th e la n d necessary for flooding m ight have com e about. T u r n in g to th e territories west o f the Rocky M ountains, Isbister was fo rc e d by th e evidence to abandon his N eptunist allegiance: the p re s e n c e o f volcanoes and the abundance o f igneous rocks was obvious to a n y o n e w ho h ad visited the area. T h e fossil reco rd however, he said, w as u n c e rta in beyond the again obvious statem en t th a t “org an ic re m a in s o f th e Pleistocene o r D rift Period ap p e ar to be m uch m ore n u m e ro u s on th e west than on the east side o f the Rocky M ountains.” T h e existence o f m am m oth bones and tusks in Siberia a n d Alaska a n d th e absence o f such rem ains east o f the Rockies led Isbister to c o n c lu d e th at, how ever the circum stances are accounted for, the la n d fo rm s “on th e eastern and western sides o f th e Rocky M ountains h a v e b ee n elevated at d ifferen t periods and u n d e r d iffe ren t geological c o n d itio n s .” Isb ister's earliest writings prim arily served th e cause o f science, not p o litics, know ledge, not power. Yet, the accum ulation o f know ledge a n d th e exercise o f pow er are but two elem ents o f a single process. C o n s id e re d in this light, the “detached” pursuit o f science served to estab lish Isbister’s credentials as an authority on the land an d people r u le d by th e H u d so n ’s Bay Company. As a contem porary geologist o b se rv e d , Isbister’s p ap er “becam e a m uch-quoted reference d u rin g th e seco n d h a lf o f the nineteenth century.”36 B ut no one is in fact d e ta c h e d , a n d no one is neutral. Agassiz and M urchison, N eptunists a n d V ulcanists, all were on the side o f knowledge, which with the e fflu x o f tim e transform ed their hot disputations into provincial w ra n g les, small waves in a paddling pool.

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Is b is te r’s scientific writings were not written sine ira et studio. H e clearly s o u g h t to aro use o u r indignation at the disproportion betw een the p ro fits tak en by the H udson’s Bay Com pany from th e area along the M ack en zie betw een Forts Nelson and Good H ope an d th e w retched­ ness o f th e H a re— or, to give them their m ore touching an d m isleading n a m e , th e Slave Indians who lived there. We have seen as well th at he h e ld d e fin ite views on the consequences o f direct contact betw een E u ro p e a n s a n d Indians. Let us p u t these m oral o r ethical points aside a n d c o n sid e r only the strategic significance o f these writings. E ach o f th e texts we have exam ined sought to produce know ledge as a n o b ject th a t then could be used for political, econom ic, m oral, e d u c a tio n a l, scientific, etc., purposes. B efore the know ledge was p ro ­ d u c e d th e re was nothing and so no possibility o f strategic m anipula­ tio n . T h e account o f the Peel and Rat rivers p roduced geographical k n o w led g e , th e deploym ent o f knowledge over “the unknow n.” T h a t is, o v e r w hat was unknow n to geographers. Now, geographers con­ s titu te a body o f m en, suitably qualified an d housed in an elegant in s titu tio n in a large and powerful city thousands o f miles from the a c tu a l te rrito ry about which th e knowledge exists as th e ir possession. I n th is sense, th e inhabitants o f the territory, the w retched Slaves, for in sta n c e , h a d no knowledge o f the land they lived on an d off. Isbister’s firs t resp o n sib le public act, then, the draw ing o f a m ap an d th e giving o f a discursive account o f w hat it represented, inserted him into th e Im p e r ia l pow er/know ledge system. T his is especially tru e o f th e p u b ­ lish e d version because it minimized the im portance o f Isbister’s ad ven­ t u r e o f crossing th e m ountains in search o f food. T h e second text, which rem ained unpublished, was an attem p t to tra n s f o rm a private, orally transm itted tru th into an account th a t was, in p rin c ip le , universally available. In this context, an oral account is not (yet) know ledge. It cannot be said to be an exam ple o f geographical t r u t h , how ever faithfully the stories o f the Indians an d In u it reflect t h e ir ex p erien ce, however accurate the “m aps” o f th e French-C anad ia n a n d H alf-breed voyageurs may have been, how ever useful the lo re o f th e servants o f the H udson’s Bay C om pany proved itself to be. T h e s e accounts constituted a kind o f quasi-know ledge, know ledge k n o w n n o t to th e m em bers o f the public institution charged with a c u sto d ia l o r p ro p rietary relationship to such knowledge in th e Im p e ­ ria l society, o r its specialized representative, the Royal G eographical S ociety. T h e se oral accounts, this quasi-knowledge, was known only to a few in h ab itants o f the area and to a handful o f servants o f the C o m p a n y . It d id not count as knowledge because it h ad th e w rong fo rm . O r ra th e r, its contents had no existence as know ledge a p a rt fro m th e co rrect form , an d th at was determ ined by those m em bers o f th e scientific com m unity organized as the Royal G eographical Society.

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Follow ing th e discussion o f the land came Isbister’s discussion o f the h u m a n s w ho lived on it. For the m ost p art his language was dispassio­ n a te a n d scientific, though not w ithout an implicit, an d occasionally ex p licit, m o ral fervor. T his does not imply th at Isbister was insincere in his co n c ern fo r the Indians, no m ore than he was insincere in his c o n c e rn fo r a tru e account o f the course o f the Rat River, b u t only th a t it is m o re accu rate to adm it that all tru th is interested. In te re s ts w ere served by Isbister’s publishing a tru e account o f th e c o u rs e o f th e R at River in the official jo u rn al o f th e Royal G eo g rap h ­ ical Society: it m ight have helped Isbister gain a position th a t lay in the g ift o f th e C row n. B ut a m ore diffuse interest was also served, th e im p e rs o n a l interest o f “science.” Science, in Isbister’s day as well as in th e p re se n t, established the conditions o f what is to count as tru th ; in th e la n g u a g e we used earlier, it established th e agenda. T h u s, as we saw , n e ith e r th e awareness o f the land an d th e course o f rivers e x p e rie n c e d by the servants o f the Com pany, an d still less th e aw are­ n ess o f th e Ind ian s an d Inuit, could count as tru th ; the aw areness o f th o s e m en becam e knowledge only when duly published by way o f the c o rre c t scientific institution. T h en it would constitute not, perhaps, t r u t h , b u t a contribution to tru th , a “filling in,” to use Isbister’s own w o rd s. In this fashion we slide gently and com fortably into th e m oral­ izin g disco u rse th at expresses a faith in progress. T h e rew ards fo r p a rtic ip a tin g in a progressive enterprise are m ore subtle b u t m ore satisfy in g th a n th e im m ediate advantage to be gained by publishing in o r d e r to g et a jo b . T h e re is a satisfaction to be gained from know ing th e tr u th th a t is distinct from the gratification gained from know ing t h a t it is o n ese lf th at has m ade th at contribution. A sense o f im p er­ so n ality o r personal m odesty is the great attraction o f a belief in p ro g re s s , n o t least o f all because the contributor to progress is, to the e x te n t o f his contribution, absolved from responsibility. Is b is te r’s geological w ritings illustrate th e theoretical p o in t ju s t m a d e . G eology h ad an enorm ous intrinsic appeal. M oreover, it “se e m e d to be advancing fastest and farthest tow ards th e bedrock o f u ltim a te , incontestable tru th .”37 Even m ore than geography a n d eth ­ n o lo g y , geology was a knowledge th a t truly established th e real a g e n d a , th e ag en d a o f the most fundam ental reality, know ledge o f th e e a r th . It was practiced by enthusiastic m en in newly fo rm ed institu­ tio n s, re a d y to ex tend recognition to o th er com petent practitioners fo r th e ir achievem ents. T h e re were exciting controversies an d intellectual e n e m ie s to deal with; th ere were external enem ies as well, an d they c o u ld be usefully described in term s o f ignorance an d superstition. As la te as 1859 an d 1860 parliam entary debates an d discussion w ithin the R o y al G eographical Society considered the question o f w h eth er the H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany had deliberately kept the world ig n o ran t o f

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R u p e r t’s L an d .38 Isbister’s participation in the great questions o f th e d a y , n o less th a n his medical training o r his train in g in law an d e d u c a tio n , fired his intellectual am bitions and directed his will tow ard th e service an d m astery o f what was to count as tru th . In the following c h a p te r we consider how this tru th was given a m oral au ra an d was d ire c te d against th e H udson’s Bay Com pany.

Notes 1. Glyndwr Williams, “The Hudson’s Bay Company and its Critics in the Eighteenth Century,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, Vol. 20, (1970), 151. 2. PABC, Add. Mss., 635, Ross Papers, 141; Ross, “McKenzie’s River, Exten­ sion o f Trade,” 1 May 1845. 3. Peter John Anderson, ed., Roll of Alumni in Arts of the University and K ing’s College o f Aberdeen, (Aberdeen, Printed for the University, 1900), 163. 4. Anon., A Catalogue of the Graduates in the Faculties of Arts, Divinity, and Law, o f the University of Edinburgh, (Edinburgh, Neill, 1858), 231. 5. HBCA, D.5/12, Isbister to Simpson, 20 November 1844; see also HBCA, A. 10/19, Barclay to Isbister, 23 April 1845; A.5/15, Barclay to Isbister, 23 April 1845; A. 11/95/34, Duncan Finlayson to Archibald Barclay, 22 June 1844. 6. PABC, Add. Mss., 635m, Ross Papers, 31/25. 7. PABC, A/B/30/C15/63, Campbell, “Reminiscences”; technically, Rupert’s Land comprised the land o f the Hudson Bay watershed (according to the reading o f the Royal Charter favoured by the Company); the land o f the Pacific watershed was often called Oregon or British Oregon, the Colum­ bia District or sometimes New Caledonia; the land o f the Arctic watershed was usually called the North-West and included the Peace, Great Slave Lake, Athabaska and Mackenzie districts o f the fur trade. The whole was usually referred to by Isbister as the Company territories or the Territory under Company sway. Unless there is reason to distinguish the several components, we may refer to the whole as Rupert’s Land. 8. “Wrangel’s Expedition to the Polar Sea,” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal, 29 (20 July 1844), 43-45; 30 (27 July 1844), 59-61. 9. In fact it would have been the upper reaches of the Porcupine, which flows into the Yukon. 10. G-AI, Archive, A.I/77, Isbister to Shaw, 10 February 1845. 11. RGSA, General Correspondence, Isbister to Shaw, 10 April 1845. 12. RGSA, General Correspondence, Back to Shaw, 17 June 1845. 13. “Journal Mss.,” 1. 14. Isbister, “Some Account o f Peel River, North A m erica Journal of the Royal Geographic Society, 15 (1845), 333. 15. “Some Account o f Peel River,” 334. 16. RGSA, General Correspondence, Isbister to Shaw, 22 December 1845. 17. HBCA, A. 10/20, Isbister to Pelly, 14 July 1845. 18. HBCA, A.5/15, Barclay to Isbister, 24 July 1845. 19. HBCA, A. 10/21, Isbister to Pelly, 10 March 1846. 20. HBCA, A .10/21, Isbister to Pelly, 9 June 1846. 21. For an account o f his career in Britain, see Barry Cooper, “Alexander Kennedy Isbister: A Respectable Victorian,” Canadian Ethnic Studies, XVII, (1985), 44-63.

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22. RGSA, General Correspondence, Isbister to Shaw, 5 May 1847. 23. “Transactions o f the Sections,” in Report of the Seventeenth Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, (London, John Murray, 1848), 119-22; “Transactions o f the Sections,” in Report of the Nineteenth M eeting of the British Associationfor the Advancement of Science, (London, John Murray, 1850), 85. 24. T h e usual derivation o f the name is from their habit o f being constantly watchful for enemies, presumably Inuit. The name “Quarreller” referred to earlier presumably was derived from this oratorical contest discussed in Chapter One. 25. Fur traders in the Columbia believed that salmon-eating Indians were especially degraded; game-chasers in the interior were more aristocratic, especially when seated upon horses. See, for example, Charles Wilkes, U.S.N., Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, During the Years 1838, 1 8 3 9 ,1 8 4 0 ,1 8 4 1 ,1 8 4 2 , (London, Whittaker, 1845), IV, 311 ff; see also Isbister’s discussion in the following chapter. 26. “On the Geology o f the Hudson’s Bay Territories, and of portions o f the Arctic and Northwestern Regions o f America,” Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, XI, (1855), 497-520; the identical article was published in The American Journal of Science and Arts, Second Series, XXI, No. 21 (May, 1856), 313-38. Quotations are made without page references. 27. Gordon L. Davies, The Earth in Decay: A History of British Geomorphology, 1578-1878, (London, Macdonald, 1968), 200. 28. For details see: W.R. Albury, D.R. Oldroyd, “From Renaissance Mineral Studies to Historical Geology, in the Light of Michel Foucault’s The Order o f Things," The British Journal for the History of Science, 10 (1977), 187-215; V.A. Eyles, “Abraham Gottlob Werner (1749-1817) and his Position in the History o f Mineralogical and Geological Sciences,” History of Science, 3 (1964), 102-115; Alexander M. Ospovat, “Reflections on A.G. Werner’s ‘Kurzeklassifikation,’ in Cecil J. Schneer, ed., Toward a History of Geology, (Cambridge, M.I.T. Press, 1969), 242-56; Ospovat, “The Importance o f Regional Geology in the Geological Theories o f Abraham Gottlob Werner: A Contrary Opinion,” Annals of Science, 37 (1980), 433-40; Leroy E. Page, “Diluvialism and Its Critics in Great Britain in the Early Nine­ teenth Century,” in Schneer, ed., op. cit., 257-71. 29. There were subtle and recondite distinctions between Vulcanists and Plutonists that need not trouble us here. For details, see the articles by Patsy A. Gerstner, “James Hutton’s Theory o f the Earth and His Theory o f Matter,” Isis, 59 (1968), 26-31, and “The Reaction to James Hutton’s Use o f Heat as a Geological Agent,” British Journal for the History of Science, 5 (1971), 353-62. 30. David Ellison Allen, The Naturalist in Britain: A Social History, (London, Allen Lane, 1976), 55. 31. M.J.S. Rudwick, “The Foundation o f the Geological Society o f London,” British Journal for the History of Science, 1 (1963), 325-55; J.M. Sweet, “The W ernerian Natural History Society in Edinburgh,” Freiburger Forschungsheft, 223 (1967), 205-30; J.B. Morell, “Science and Scottish Univer­ sity Reform: Edinburgh in 1826,” British Journalfor the History o f Science, 6 (1972), 51; Roy Porter, The Making of Geology: Earth Science In Britain, 1660-1815, (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1977), 145-6. 32. See Alexander M. Ospovat, “The Place o f the Kureze [sic] Klassifikation in the Work o f A.G. Werner,” Isis, 58 (1967), 90-95. 33. Isbister had contributed a short piece, “Sir Roderick Murchison in Rus­ sia,” to Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, N.S., 5:118 (4 April 1846), 214-17.

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34. See R.H. Dott, “James Hutton and the Concept o f a Dynamic Earth,” in Schneer, ed., op. cit. 35. For details, see Davies, The Earth in Decay, 287 ff. 36. W.O. Kupsch, “The History of Canadian Geology,” Geoscience Canada, IV: 3 (Sept., 1977), 148. 37. Allen, The Naturalist in Britain, 72. 38. Hansard, 3rd Series, civ, (29 July 1859), 673; Royal Geographical Society, Proceedings IV (1860), 232-34.

CHAPTER THREE

Knowledge Moralized

A n d H e hath made o f one blood all nations o f man f o r to dwell on a ll the fa ce o f the earth. — Acts 17:26

D u rin g th e late 1840s and up to the Parliam entary Enquiry o f 1857, A le x a n d e r K ennedy Isbister was a corresponding m em ber o f the A b o rig in e s’ Protection Society (APS). B eginning in 1856, he was a m e m b e r o f th e executive o f that body, a position he m aintained into th e late 1860s. His influence on the direction o f the Society’s concerns w as g re a te st d u rin g the late 1850s. D uring 1856-7, fo r exam ple, th e r e p o r t to th e an n ual m eeting o f the society indicated th at th e largest s h a r e o f th e Executive Com m ittee’s attention since the last re p o rt had b e e n “th e history and condition o f the Indian tribes o f B ritish N o rth A m e ric a subject to the rule o f the H udson’s Bay C om pany. 1T h e sam e th in g was conveyed in the report for the following year; th ro u g h o u t th e 1850s th e Society would issue statem ents on th e m iserable condi­ tio n o f th e natives o f R upert’s Land. Isbister both h elped com pose th e s e re p o rts an d ensured that the Com pany rem ained high on the a g e n d a o f th e APS. In his capacity as a m em ber o f the Executive C om m ittee, Isbister was a r e g u la r m em b er o f the Society’s delegations to the C olonial Office w h e n th e Secretary o f the Society would deliver a m em orial to th e C o lo n ia l Secretary. Occasionally they would discuss th e condition o f n ativ es in th e overseas em pire and publish an account o f th e conversa­ tio n w ith th e Colonial Secretary. Isbister w rote m any o f these a d d re s s e s an d colloquia. H e regularly contributed m oney, signed p etitio n s, a n d from tim e to time undertook audits o f th e Society. H e w as, in sh o rt, an active and im portant su p p o rter o f th e organization. O n th e o th e r side, the Aborigines’ Protection Society was an institution m a d e to o rd e r fo r Isbister’s strategy o f opposition. It provided him w ith b o th m oral su p p o rt and a political institution congenial to his in te re sts. In o rd e r to understand his persistence, if not his effective­ n ess, we m u st consider the inspiration and the direction o f re fo rm th e Society espoused. T h e story o f Isbister’s relationship to th e C om pany 49

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a f te r 1846 was conditioned by the moral atm osphere created by the A b o rig in e s’ Protection Society.

M id-Century Philanthropy T h e im p act o f th e work o f the Aborigines’ Protection Society has scarcely b een acknow ledged, even in A ustralia w here they w ere very activ e.2 T h e y have been shown at least equal neglect by C anadian h isto ria n s. T h e re may well be good reasons for this. T o begin with, the im p o rta n c e an d im pact o f philanthropically inclined g ro u p s o f lobby­ ists is d ifficu lt to m easure u n d e r the best o f circum stances. As B rian H a rris o n observed, “no notion o f any one-to-one relation betw een re fo rm in g effo rt an d reform ing legislation can. . .survive a close anal­ ysis o f n in eteenth-century reform m ovem ents.”3 R aym ond C ooke a r g u e d th a t they were largely ineffective in changing colonial policy. “ D e sp ite co n stan t assurances o f the Colonial O ffice’s goodwill, it se e m e d to th e A borigines’ Protection Society th at the well-being o f the n a tiv e was n o t perceptibly enhanced.”4 T h e re is considerable evidence f r o m C olonial O ffice records to suggest th e so undness o f this in te rp re ta tio n . T h e sim ple an d obvious reason for their political ineffectiveness was t h a t th ey w ere opposed by m ore powerful and m ore widely su p p o rted p ro p o sa ls. T h is did not, o f course, dim inish the fervour o r sense o f rig h te o u sn e ss o f m em bers o f the Society. O ne o f the causes they m ost p e rsiste n tly an d least effectively opposed was the d em an d fo r selfg o v e rn m e n t th at em erged at m id-century from the settlem ent colonies o f A u stra lia, New Zealand, South Africa and British N o rth Am erica. T h e g a in in g o f colonial self-governm ent, o r in C anadian term s, re sp o n sib le governm ent, was understood as a victory fo r liberalism . B u t liberalism , as generations o f political com m entators have arg u ed , is less a c o h e re n t body o f doctrine than a flexible ideology, a tissue o f a m b ig u itie s th at lends itself to interpretations as distinct as the conflict­ in g in te re sts th at call upon liberal argum ents for justification. A t least sin ce th e tim e o f Locke, political disputes am ong English-speakers h av e b ee n co n d ucted in a liberal idiom. In the English-speaking world, critics o f liberalism have had to voice their detractions in a liberal v o ca b u la ry in o rd e r to be understood. A n ex am p le fam iliar to Canadians will illustrate this point. L ord D u r h a m ’s Report has been greeted historically with two contradictory ju d g e m e n ts . O n the one hand, he has been praised for his advocacy o f p ro s p e rity an d responsible governm ent as the great purposes o f politi­ cal ju stic e ; progressive liberals here ju d g e him a good liberal. O n th e o th e r h a n d , he has been denounced as a racist who sought to destroy F re n c h C an ad a th ro u g h assimilation. H ere progressive liberals ju d g e

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h im illiberal. For D urham , as Jan e t Ajzenstat has persuasively arg u ed , t h e r e was no contradiction.5 In o rd e r to obtain prosperity an d th e o th e r g o o d things o f life prom ised by liberalism, it was necessary, in D u r h a m ’s view, to abandon obsolete com m unitarian identities. P ar­ tic u la rity o f com m unity, he argued, m ust be dissolved in liberal universalism a n d liberal hom ogeneity. O r rather, since the world had becom e lib era l, its inhabitants could cause themselves only g rief by refusing to w a k e u p to th e fact. T his is why D urham denounced the “nationalists” o f th e 1830s. In his view, they were already assimilated into th e liberal w o rld , b u t deliberately caused trouble by rekindling old anim osities b a se d o n pre-liberal nationalist particularities—his fam ous “conflict o f ra c e s ”— in o rd e r to gain the su p p o rt o f a traditional an d non-liberal c o m m u n ity o f which they were not, properly speaking, a p art. T h e n atio n alists used the words o f the old pre-liberal an d genuine national­ ism to p u rs u e th eir own liberal objectives, nam ely pow er an d p ro s­ p e rity . D u rh a m exposed their deceptions. F o r D u rh a m an d fo r the m ilitant liberals o f th e early n in eteen th c e n tu ry , th e issue was clear and distinct: justice im plied universalism , in ju stice m e a n t ad h erin g to old, particularist com m unity loyalties. S u c h loyalties w ere evidence o f intolerance. F or m ost co n tem porary lib erals, th e opposite is true. T olerance, which is usually considered a lib e ra l v irtu e, is vouchsafed by defending the real o r im agined “rig h ts” o f ev er-ram ify in g particularist groups. Injustice is currently seen in th e a tte m p t to “im pose” universal standards on culturally distinct co m m u n itie s. Between D urham ’s day and ours, liberal teachings with re s p e c t to th e relationship between the com m unity an d th e state have b e e n re v ersed . D u rh am ’s vision o f justice did not em brace bilingualism o r m ulticu ltu ralism , n o r the preservation o f m inority cultures an d g r o u p idiosyncracies within a larger state. For him a ju st go v ern m en t w as o n e th a t enabled am bitious citizens to grow p ro sp ero u s an d p r o m in e n t w ithout at the same tim e prom oting antagonism betw een co m m u n itie s o r classes. T h e n early universal obloquy that has been accorded th e nam e o f D u rh a m in F rench C anada suggests the limit o f his vision o f liberal ju stice, even in “civilized” countries. T h e am bivalence o f progressive lib e ra lism re g a rd in g Indians, who w ere universally re g a rd e d as unciv ilized , was m uch deeper. For exam ple, contem porary critics o f th e im plication o f D urham ’s universalism, nam ely the assim ilation o f F re n c h C an ad a, m ight be surprised to learn who th eir early allies were. T h e first advocates o f cultural pluralism , the first to use th e term “ m o saic” in a political o r social context, were also believers in a strict h ie ra rc h y o f com m unities. C.P. Lucas, who edited the definitive ed i­ tio n o f D u rh a m ’s Report in 1912, was a firm believer in th e validity o f th e im ag e o f a mosaic, the most lustrous stone o f which was British. Its

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d iffic u lt p u rp o se, b u t one for which the British genius was superbly q u a lifie d , e ith e r by nature o r by the curious unfolding o f events, was g o v e rn a n c e an d rule. D urham favoured assim ilation because he o p p o s e d th e particularist hierarchy o f pluralism an d mosaic; his late V icto ria n successors rejected assimilation because they believed the B ritish h a d received the higher calling o f stew ardship, which entailed b o th th e ru le an d the protection o f the weak an d inferior. T h e essence o f m osaic is o rd e r an d hierarchy; socially speaking, it is “vertical” by necessity. A mosaic that is not o rdered and hierarchic is a mess a n d a ju m b le . T h a t is, it is not a mosaic. T his conflict (or dialectic) o f p a r tic u la r a n d universal is often overlooked by contem poraries who w ish to p reserv e both com m unity particularity and egalitarian u n iv er­ sality. D u rh a m an d the liberals o f the last century knew a choice h ad to be m ade. W e a re seeking here neither to praise n o r to blam e D urham a n d his su ccesso rs b u t to bring to light the tension between universal an d p a rtic u la r. T h is antinom y, which has existed in m any m odes since a n tiq u ity , does not adm it o f a definitive resolution. It is subject to p ru d e n tia l com prom ise and statesm anship, to practical trade-offs, not e le g a n t theoretical solutions. Some accounts o f this antinom y are m ore a d e q u a te th an others and, to the extent that m en are guided in th eir a c tio n by those accounts, some actions are m ore likely to lead to stable co m p ro m ises than are others. D urham ’s account de-em phasized the re a lity o f th e com m unity o f French C anada with the consequence not th a t it d isap p ea red but that D urham was ju d g e d an enem y. D u rh a m ’s su ccessors em phasized the im portance o f com m unity with the im age o f a m osaic, with the consequence that com m unitarian hierarchy o v e rc a m e th e previous em phasis on liberal universalism . W ithin th e sp ac e o f a g en eration, and with respect to this question, th e d o m in an t voice o f liberalism reversed itself.6 A historical reversal may be taken as ev id e n c e n o t so m uch o f the theoretical incoherence o f a doctrine, w h ich is n o t so im p o rtan t in any event, as o f a failure to achieve a stable c o m p ro m ise . W ith their em phasis on an elevated an d abstract m oralism , th e A borigines’ Protection Society contributed to this instability. H isto rian s have noted the inconsistency o r abstractness o f th e posi­ tio n s ta k e n by th e Society. O n the one hand, any policy th at d id n o t give su fficien t consideration to the interests o f natives could n o t be s u p p o rte d . H e re the Society respected the m eaning o f native com ­ m u n ity . A t th e sam e time, it m eant opposing colonial self-governm ent, w h ich was also th e expression o f com m unity. As one historian said, “w hile h u m an itarian s are not properly to be re g ard ed as illiberal, the A b o rig in e s’ Protection Society was, nevertheless, increasingly o u t ofs te p w ith th e m ost im portant developm ents in the history o f the B ritish e m p ire a t m id-century.”7 O n their own un d erstan d in g how ever, m em -

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b e rs o f th e Society were genuine liberals. “In L ord D urham an d his a b le secretary , C harles Buller,” wrote its official historian, th e Society “h a d g o o d frien d s.” Its leader at m id-century, F.W. Chesson, “was, to th e last, an a rd e n t liberal.”8 It was not clear how liberal universalism w as co m p atib le with the m aintenance o f distinct aboriginal societies t h a t , in d e e d , re q u ire d p ro tec tio n . B ut, to re p e a t, in te lle c tu a l c o h e re n c e does not always m atter in political life. T h e APS, accord­ ing ly , sh o u ld be understood as an interest g ro u p as m uch as a p u r­ v e y o r o f an ethical teaching that, putatively at least, aim ed at consistency. T h o m a s Fowell B uxton established the A borigines’ P rotection S ociety in 1837, th ough the presiding genius o f th e organization was T h o m a s H o d g k in , M.D., a Q uaker and spiritual h eir to th e g reat a b o litio n ist, William W ilberforce. M id-century p h ilan th ro p y an d h u m a n is m h ad been built upon the success o f the abolitionists. Slavery h a d b e e n en d e d in the British colonies, and the struggle against th e slav e tra d e h ad largely been won. T h e Aborigines’ Protection Society w as p a r t o f w hat later historians identified as a historical p attern , t r e n d , o r m ovem ent. Roughly speaking it was a change away from c h a rity , w ith an em phasis on pity and o th er vivid an d direct em otional re s p o n se s to the sight o f spectacular suffering, and tow ards p h i­ la n th ro p y based not on em otion but on reflection, study, an d the stra te g ic o r deliberate application o f art and science to im prove things. T h e grossness o f the Regency period had been leavened by a small n u m b e r o f people who organized their own spirituality in o rd e r to ac h ie v e social change, which they called reform . “T h ese m ovem ents s p ra n g o u t o f a new doctrine o f responsibility tow ards th e u n d e r­ p riv ile g e d , a d o ctrine which received its chief im pulse from th e evan­ gelical em p h asis on the value o f the hum an soul, and hence, o f th e in d iv id u a l. T h e first expression was in the abolition o f th e slave trade. T h e n th e im plications o f the doctrine o f responsibility w idened.”9 In E n g la n d , th e p o o r were being sent to schools, m ovem ents existed to p ro m o te changes in the crim inal law and changes in econom ic condi­ tio n s, fo r th e em ancipation o f Rom an Catholics, th e extension o f th e fra n c h is e , an d the protection o f animals. “By 1850,” according to G e o rg e M ellor, “hum anitarianism was diffused over a large field at h o m e ; th e g en eration o f ‘Saints’ had almost died out, an d m uch o f th e e n e rg y o f ecclesiastical circles had been diverted by the O x fo rd Move­ m e n t fro m evangelicalism to sacerdotalism .” ,H In place o f th e earlier d o m e stic evangelicalism, a m ore secularized social an d intellectual m o v e m e n t, d irected at external politics, cap tu red th e energies o f p e o p le w ho in an earlier day m ight have cam paigned fo r prison re fo rm o r M ethodism . “A fter em ancipation had been achieved, the sc o p e o f th e h u m anitarian m ovem ent in im perial affairs is conven­

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ien tly su m m arized by the title assum ed by a g roup o f self-appointed ‘co lo n ial tru ste e s’— the A borigines’ Protection Society.” 11 In d e e d , a c c o rd in g to th eir constitution, the Society was “to be governed in all its m e a s u re s by th e fact, that the com plete Civilization an d th e real H a p p in e s s o f Man can never be secured by any thing o th e r th an th e d iffu s io n o f C hristian principles.” 12 T h e diffusion o f C hristian princi­ p les, how ever, was not easily distinguished from the grow th o f p h i­ la n th ro p y an d the progress o f one kind o f liberalism. T h e passionate defence o f fine sentim ents an d noble ideas is neatly c o u n te r e d by th e debunking o f high-sounding m oralism. B ut w hat is o fte n fo rg o tten in such exercises is that the two m odes o f discourse sim p ly feed o ff one another. Eric Williams, for exam ple, has a rg u ed th a t slavery was uneconom ic, and that the abolitionists were simply p u rs u in g so u n d policies o f economic liberalism. T h e conclusion this in te rp re ta tio n leads us towards is that W ilberforce was less to be p ra is e d fo r his hum anitarian views and for his elevated vision o f m an th a n fo r a keen an d instinctive appreciation o f m arginal utility.13 B ut e v e n if we take Williams’ interpretation as valid, th ere is no reason why e c o n o m ic self-interest and liberalism are incom patible with w hat g en ­ erally we take to be philanthrophy o r hum anitarianism . C ertainly th e p ra c titio n e rs saw no conflict. A m ore m oderate, o r less suspicious, in te rp re ta tiv e ap p ro ach suggested that the early charities w ere driven by m ix ed motives, fear o f rising discontent, on the one hand, a n d the d e s ire fo r w hat was term ed im provem ent, on the o th er. “O f the two, th e seco n d probably was the stronger, for private benevolence p e r­ sisted lo n g a fte r the fear o f revolution was rem oved, an d continued to fin d its scope w hen many o f the services form erly u n d erta k en by c h a rity h a d becom e the care o f the state.”14 B ut here too, the initial as s u m p tio n was th e existence o f conflict between the forces o f social a n d econom ic change and what Marx called th eir “spiritual aro m a,” in th is instance, hum anitarianism . T o say the least, the assum ption is q u estio n ab le. T h e m en o f th e A borigines’ Protection Society had enem ies aplenty, b u t th e ir conflicts w ere not so m uch with the p roponents o f im perial­ ism o r econom ic expansion, at least not in the settlem ent colonies. I t is p ro b a b ly m o re accurate to em phasize the com patibility o f econom ic e n tre p re n e u rs h ip an d philanthropical hum anism . B oth h o n o u re d p e a c e a n d productivity over war and glory; both took risks o f an ec o n o m ic m o re than o f a political o r military n a tu re .15 C onsidered in th is lig h t, th e philanthropists and missionaries m ight be seen as the id eo logical advancem en o f com m erce, economic expansion, im perial­ ism o r settlem ent. S u p erstitio n , ignorance, war, poverty and brutality would first be id e n tifie d a n d m ade articulate as problem s crying fo r solution, as

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a b u se s in n eed o f redress. T h en com m erce would be m obilized, with o r w ith o u t th e assistance o f arm ed officials, to en d the abuse o r solve th e p ro b lem . Perhaps, once barbarism had been eradicated, civilized society w ould flourish. It could either be im ported from E u ro p e o r it c o u ld be created by transform ing the natives. T h at, o r som ething like it, was th e historical vision o f innum erable m id-century liberal re fo rm e r s w ho allowed their thoughts to range beyond th e shores o f E n g la n d . T h e advantage o f com bining hum anism an d econom ic e x p a n s io n was obvious enough to those who m anaged th e synthesis. T h e re fo rm e r was inspired with the knowledge th at straightforw ard p rin c ip le s o f right and wrong were involved an d that th e problem s c o u ld be h an d led successfully by ordinary citizens if they h ad th e rig h t a ttitu d e s a n d applied themselves. T h e attitudes o f the re fo rm ers an d p h ila n th ro p is ts was sim ilar to, if not identical with, th at o f “th e th ru s t­ in g e n tre p re n e u rs h ip which was then producing such w onders in co m m e rc e an d industry.” 1,5Only the objects o f th eir attention differed. U n lik e com m erce and industry, however, it was not necessary fo r th e p h ilan th ro p ic en tre p ren e u r actually to do anything. T h e re w ere n o p ro fits o r losses to be m ade, and no businesses to fail o r grow p ro s p e ro u s . So long as the organization rem ained viable, failure in in flu e n c in g policy was as good as success, and p erhaps better, because it in s p ire d red o u b led efforts to change the way o f the world. “R ather th a n o u tlin in g legislation, the Aborigines’ Protection Society declared its in te n tio n o f publicizing the sorry state o f m uch o f th e indigenous p o p u la tio n o f the Em pire in o rd e r to stir the British public who, with sy m p a th y aro u sed , would dem and the alleviation o f th eir plight.” 17 I f th e B ritish public did not alleviate the plight o f the aborigines, if th eir in d ig n a tio n was not kindled, if the philanthropists never proposed a sin g le piece o f legislation, nothing would be lost because th e struggle w as en d less. “N ever widely p opular, th e A borigines’ P rotection Society, d esp ite setbacks and disappointm ents even in its earliest years, c o n tin u e d to seek to touch the English conscience as th e evangelical voice h a d d o n e on behalf o f the slaves in the days o f W ilberforce.” 18 S e e k in g to touch the conscience o f the public w ithout ever having to su cc eed , th e politics o f hum anitarian philanthropy w ere b o u n d to be en d less. O w in g to a lack o f inform ation, it is not possible to trace in detail Is b is te r’s c a re e r in the Society n o r in all instances his specific co n trib u ­ tio n s to th e ir publications. It is perhaps enough to know th a t he fo u n d its m e m b e rsh ip congenial and that he influenced the direction o f th eir c o n c e rn . O f necessity, they depend on the ways o f the w orld rem aining ex actly as they are in o rd e r for there to continue in existence a p seu d o ­ o b ject u p o n which they may attem pt to practice the infinite task o f re fo rm . T h is does not m ean that Isbister and the o th er m em bers o f th e

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S ociety w ere insincere; we have no way o f knowing that, an d it hardly m a tte rs anyhow . It does m ean that, like th eir successors dow n to th e p re s e n t day, they w ere unserious precisely to the d eg ree they w ere e d ify in g . M ore to the point, their words an d opinions m oved m en to a c tio n ; th e ir ideas had consequences. This is why we proposed viewing th e m as an interest g roup with an am biguous relationship to the a b o rig in e s whose interests they claimed to represent. T h e am biguity is e x p re s s e d in a difficult dialectic: on the one hand, th e aborigines h ad to re m a in in need o f protection else th ere would be no need fo r th e Society; o n th e o th er, the Society was dedicated to im proving the a b o rig in e s, which m eant that one day they would no longer need p ro te c tio n . We consider this question in m ore detail at th e en d o f this c h a p te r.

T h e Strategy o f Moralization In its A nnual Report fo r 1844, which surveyed the position o f aborig­ in e s in th e several quarters o f the world, the C om m ittee o f th e A b o rig in e s’ Protection Society m ade the following observation: T h e scattered tribes who derive a precarious and scanty subsistence from hunting and fishing over the prairies and wilds which occupy the exten­ sive region between the Canadian Frontiers, the Northern Ocean, and the shores o f the Pacific, though for the greater part, nominally British subjects, are essentially under the influence and control o f the Hudson’s Bay Company. O f the vast depository of information on Indian affairs o f which the Company is possessed, little or nothing has transpired; and your Committee has received no information regarding the steps which it was the avowed intention o f the Governor to take, for the benefit o f the Indians, when he started for the Company’s territories.19

T h r e e y ears later th e sam e com plaint was m ade. “T h e re is, perh ap s, n o p o rtio n o f th e globe respecting which it is m ore difficult to obtain a u th e n tic in fo rm ation than the H udson’s Bay C om pany territo ries.”20 T h e a d d itio n o f A lexander K ennedy Isbister to th e ir n u m b ers p ro v id e d th e A borigines’ Protection Society with a source o f in fo rm a­ tio n in d e p e n d e n t o f the Com pany. In addition to his own stock o f k n o w le d g e an d th e published an d unpublished papers h e h ad w ritten, Is b is te r p ro d u c ed fo r the Society an ethnographic survey o f th e In d ia n s o f V ancouver Island and the adjacent coast as well as a m ap “c o lo u re d ethnologically,” which showed the tribal divisions “to g e th e r w ith th e localities o f the m ost im portant tribes o f which they [the lin g u istic ‘fam ilies’ o f aborigines] consist.”21 T h e accuracy o f Isbister’s facts and the reliability o f his sources are n o d o u b t questionable. And, in fact, m ore was desired th an in fo rm a­ tio n a b o u t th e condition o f the native populations o f the H u d so n ’s Bay

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te rrito rie s . T h ese people constituted, fo r the Society, a “fresh subject o f sy m p ath y .”22 O nce the facts were but known, sym pathy fo r th e in h a b ita n ts o f th e H udson’s Bay C om pany territories would inevitably follow . T h e Society was not, however, simply opposed to th e C om ­ p a n y . A p ersisten t them e in the m em orials addressed by the Society to a succession o f Colonial Secretaries was the way they avoided any o p p o s itio n to th e Com pany based on low m aterial grounds; always th e y raised high m oral questions. In 1859, fo r exam ple, they con­ c lu d e d an ad d ress to the Colonial Secretary o f the day, th e D uke o f N ew castle, by expressing their “earnest hope” th at British policy “may b e b ased u p o n th e principles o f Christian m orality an d ju stic e” an d t h a t his te n u re at the Colonial Office “may be re n d e re d illustrious by th e m ain ten an c e o f peace, and the increase o f prosperity am o n g o u r a b o rig in a l fellow-subjects, by their progress in civilization, education, a n d C h ristian ity , an d by the still fu rth e r extension am ong them o f the b lessings o f B ritish freedom .”23 N ot only did th eir hopes include a g r e a t d eal, b u t the things for which they hoped—the m aintenance o f n a tiv e tribes as well as the blessings o f British freedom —w ere not selfe v id e n tly com patible. L ikew ise, earlier m em orials had stressed the “well know n” fact th at th e A bo rig in ies’ Protection Society was “influenced by a sense o f justice a n d h u m a n ity ” in espousing “the cause o f the oppressed an d d e g rad ed I n d ia n tribes dw elling in that im mense portion o f o u r N orth-A m eric a n possessions,” th at lay u n d e r Com pany control.24 O n the occasion o f p u b licatio n o f one o f these m emorials as a pam phlet, th e C om m ittee a d d e d an in tro d u ctory note that “emphatically assert[ed]” th a t it had “n o in te re ste d m otive” to induce it to take a course th at seem ed o p p o s e d to th e H u d son’s Bay Com pany. O n the contrary, th e Society p ro c e e d e d “with the growing conviction that it was obeying th e call o f d u ty .”25 Such obedience may not have been perfect freedom , b u t it was a g lo rio u s th in g nonetheless: “T o assist the oppressed, an d to g u ard th e rig h ts o f th e weak,” not only accorded with th eir elevated asp ira­ tio n s, “it is peculiarly congenial to the genuine character an d spirit o f E n g lish m e n , w hen not fatally opposed by motives o f self-interest, an d it is e n jo in e d an d sustained by the precepts and spirit o f o u r holy re lig io n .” U n fortunately, the m inister responsible for adm inistering th e colonies was both very busy and “certain to be pressed u p o n his a tte n tio n by parties at once interested and influential, th at the claims o f th e weak an d despised aborigines m ight easily and naturally be o v e rlo o k e d o r set aside for some m ore convenient season.”20 It was fo r ex a ctly this reason that the Aborigines’ Protection Society answ ered th e call o f d u ty and conscience. But they could not hope to persu ad e e ith e r th e Colonial Secretary o r British public opinion, they said, u n le s s they h ad accum ulated a great deal o f evidence.

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T h e y d id not, therefore, see themselves as an eccentric g ro u p in te re ste d in quixotic causes and doing good. O n the contrary; in th eir o w n view o f things, it was precisely the weight o f the evidence th at c o m m a n d e d th e sym pathy o f all reasonable m en, which is to say, o f all m e n w hose sense o f Christian duty was not fatally opposed by narrow m o tiv es o f self-interest. Colonization, said Dr. H odgkin, “seem ed to h a v e th e invariable effect o f destroying those who preceded the se ttle rs in th e occupation o f the soil, by m eans which C hristianity could n o t ju s tify .”27 T h e re were ways o f destroying barbarism o th e r than d e s tro y in g barbarians; the destruction o f aborigines was not, he felt, a n ec essary consequence o f colonization. Indeed, the Society believed “th a t colonization is desirable, and we hope to see the day w hen the w h o le o f th e vast regions o f H udson’s Bay will be op en ed u p to the e n te r p ris e o f th e Anglo-Saxon race.” At the same tim e, however, they s o u g h t to p rev en t a repetition o f “those terrible acts o f cruelty an d in ju stic e w hich have been so frequently p e rp e tra te d u p o n o u r unciv ilized fellow-men by lawless backwoodsmen an d unscrupulous m a ra u d e rs .”28 How to achieve this objective was the g reat question. In C h a p te r T e n we will consider the concrete circum stances to which the Society re fe rre d an d the solution Isbister proposed. W h a t was clear to the Society was that the operations o f th e H u d ­ s o n ’s Bay C om pany ensured the worst o f both worlds: exterm ination w ith o u t colonization and w ithout civilization. Indeed, according to the p h ila n th ro p ists, the C om pany perpetuated both the raw barbarism o f th e In d ia n s an d induced it in the traders themselves. It was “very o b v io u s,” they said, that the C om pany’s m onopoly an d “the ch aracter a n d hab its o f persons in its employ, are altogether unfavourable to any th in g like th a t progressive conquest o f the forest, an d settlem ent an d civilization o f the country, which have been going forw ard, in so re m a rk a b le a m an n er, to the south o f the British an d A m erican b o u n d a r y .”29 T h e last rem ark at least contained a sentim ent with w h ich D u rh a m would not have disagreed. B ut it raised the spectre o f “law less backw oodsm en and unscrupulous m arau d ers,” which was also, in th e eyes o f the Society, characteristic o f Am ericans. T h e p h ilan th ro p ists charged that the Com pany caused the d estru c­ tio n o f th e In d ian population. Smallpox and liquor played th eir p a rt in re d u c in g th e num bers o f Indians, all parties agreed. Sm allpox could b e dism issed as an u n fo rtu n ate act o f n atu re o r o f God o r an u n h ap p y c o n se q u e n c e o f the m arch o f civilization, but in any event, not the resp o n sib ility o f the Com pany. T h e use o f liquor as a trad e item, which h a d so m etim es been justified according to the necessities o f com peti­ tio n , was, th e C om pany said, an abuse that had largely been en ded. A n d if n o t yet extinguished, it soon would be. T h a t is, sm allpox an d liq u o r w ere n o t seen to be perm anent factors intrinsic to the C om ­

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p a n y ’s o p eratio n s. According to the A borigines’ Protection Society, h o w e v er, th e very existence o f the fu r trade led to starvation, cannibal­ ism a n d d e a th fo r large num bers o f Indians. T h e causal sequence they p o s tu la te d was straightforw ard: when the gam e population declines, th e natives w ho d ep e n d upon it starve. T h e cause o f the decline, they sa id , was n o t the operation o f natural cycles but “the daily o peration a n d ten d en c y o f the C om pany’s system” that leads to “the destruction o f th e g am e which necessarily form s th e sole su p p o rt o f a h u n tin g p o p u la tio n .”30 T h a t is, so long as Indians m aintained a subsistence ec o n o m y based u pon hunting, the relationship o f hum ans to available fo o d was relatively stable. W hatever shortages existed w ere a conse­ q u e n c e o f biological fluctuations. T his did not m ean th at starvation w as im possible b u t th at it was not induced by external d em ands o r p re s s u re s by E uropeans for pelts. O nce Indians becam e engaged in h u n tin g a n d trap p in g o f fur-bearing anim als for export, with profits as a re su lt o f dem ands originating with the traders, not th e trap p ers, n o n e o f th e m echanism s o f pre-contact o r proto-contact balance could o p e r a te , a n d th e result was disaster: It m ust be obvious, that as the demands o f such a system increase, the difficulty o f m eeting them becomes proportionately great. T h e m ore the furs are required, the greater must be the difficulty in finding and killing th e animals: more fatiguing and longer-continued hunting expeditions are required: and as the population itself decreases, and the hunters b ecom e fewer, the labour o f procuring the furs becomes more onerous on th e survivors. T he result is inevitable. The children and old persons perish or suffer, and settlement and progressive improvement become im possible.31

T h e e n d p ro d u c t was cannibalism, and the Society published testi­ m o n y fro m R u p e rt’s Land o f natives who had been b ro u g h t to it by p o v e rty a n d starvation induced by the C om pany’s endless d em an d fo r p e ltry . In som e instances, it was held that the C om pany h ad been d ire c tly in a position to prevent it, and so bore responsibility fo r the o u tr a g e .32 Likewise Indian skills were destroyed when m an u factu red artic le s w ere intro duced and, since they were given to th e natives on c re d it, th e In d ian s grew ever m ore d ep en d en t on th e C om pany. I t also m u st be obvious, though the Aborigines’ Protection Society sa id n o th in g ab o u t it, that, whatever the effects u pon th e Indians o f th e d isru p tio n s b ro u g h t about by the Com pany, it was clearly no m ore in th e in terests o f the Com pany to kill o ff the In d ian h u n ters th an it w as to e x term in a te the fur-bearing animals they h u n ted . W hat did t u r n o u t to be impossible, at least for many years to com e, was th e co­ ex isten c e o f “settlem ent and progressive im provem ent” n o t only with th e f u r tra d e , b u t with Indian life. So fa r as d ep en d en ce was concerned, it seems th at th e fu r trad e rs

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w e re also d e p e n d e n t upon the Indians. T o the C om pany, the Indians w e re u sefu l an d necessary to the prosecution o f the trad e, people with w h o m o n e could e n te r into commercial relations “o f a m utually b enefi­ cial econom ic symbiosis, in which neither gained from th e hostility o f th e o th e r .”33 J o h n McLean, by no m eans an ad m ire r o f the C om pany, w ro te u p o n his retirem ent to England: “T h e history o f com m ercial ru le is well know n to the world; the object o f th at rule, w herever estab lish ed , o r by whom soever exercised, is gain. In o u r intercourse w ith th e natives o f Am erica no o th er object is discernible, no o th e r o b je c t is th o u g h t of, no o th er object is allowed.”34 Accordingly, rela­ tio n s betw een th e C om pany and the Indians w ere guided alm ost exclusively by considerations o f utility. Utility is n o t a particularly ele v a te d g ro u n d u pon which to conduct interpersonal relations, an d c o m m e rc e is n o t the highest calling o f hum an life. B oth may easily lead m e n in to th e p aths o f mediocrity, but they are unlikely by them selves to lead m en to exterm inate one another. T o th e extent th a t the C o m p a n y considered the Indians not within th e context o f th e ir u se fu ln e ss in th e trade, to the extent that they considered the Indians “by th em selv es,” they most likely saw them as m ere hum an beings w ith o u t a fu tu re o f purpose o r a past o f accom plishm ent. T h e r e can be no question that com m erce changed In d ian cultures. I n F ish e r’s w ords, “clearly the fu r trad e bro u g h t change to In d ian society, a n d yet it was change th at the Indians directed a n d th e re fo re t h e i r c u l t u r e re m a in e d in ta c t. . .c u ltu r e s w e re a l t e r e d , n o t d e s tro y e d .”35 Sim ilarly A rth u r Ray concluded his study w ith th e o b serv atio n : For nearly 200 years the fur trade had dominated the econom ic life o f the W est. O ver time the character o f this trade changed, as did the roles which th e Indians played in it. Yet, even though their roles changed, they were central characters in the system and without them the trade could not have been successfully prosecuted. But, in spite o f the fact that necessity fo r cooperation prevented any deliberate attempts to destroy the Indians an d their cultures by hostile actions, their traditional life ways were transform ed nonetheless.36

D e sp ite th e w idespread practice o f gift-giving, both Indians an d E u ro ­ p e a n s w ere m oved to a considerable extent by a desire fo r gain. N e ith e r was particularly interested in im proving o r destroying the o th e r e x c ep t as such an alteration m ight increase th e econom ic or, on th e sid e o f th e Indians, the technological, benefits to them selves. S heer e c o n o m ic self-interest is sufficient to account fo r the difficulties C am p­ bell fa ced in th e Y ukon ju s t as it can account fo r P eter Skene O g d e n ’s a d v e n tu re s in th e Snake country. T h e philanthropists viewed things r a th e r d ifferen tly . H aving no m aterial interests in th e area, they w ere fr e e to co n cern them selves wholly with m atters o f im provem ent an d

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co n flict. T h e y d id not see im provem ent as destruction b u t as progress, as th e d iffu sio n o f C hristian principles and o f o th e r activities th o u g h t to b e universally desirable. T h e co n tem p o rary knowledge o f the condition o f the Indians an d th e causes o f th eir condition does not lend itself to an easy factual s u m m a ry . M cL ean was o f th e view th a t th e native p o p u la tio n d e c re a s e d enorm ously, b u t he did not attribute th eir decline to the tre a tm e n t affo rd ed them by the C om pany.37 In 1833 D onald Ross p ro p o s e d ab a n d o n in g M erry’s H ouse, M anito Lake an d W indy Lake, “a n d m y reasons are th at Windy Lake and M erry’s H ouse are situated in a p erfectly Starving C ountry w here the Natives die yearly o f sheer w a n t, a n d fro m the poverty o f the Posts o u r people are not able to assist th e m .”38 D uring the winters o f 1850-51 and 1851-52, starvation e x iste d in th e area aro u n d O xford House and B ereus River. ’9 Starva­ tio n was, m oreover, well known in the far north before th e arrival o f th e C o m p an y .40 In none o f these instances, however, is it clear th at the C o m p a n y a d d e d to the hardship o f the Indians and In u it; often in d e e d th ey cam e to th eir aid and prevented starvation. T h e question a b o u t th e universally baleful im pact o f E uropeans u p o n natives is o b v iously a d iffe re n t question and one not asked by Isbister. In d e ed he is u n lik ely to have agreed with the views o f contem porary m oralizing in telle ctu als w ho w orship at the shrine o f T h ird W orld virtues. For Is b is te r th e intentions o f the APS were elevated but those o f th e C o m p a n y w ere base; questions o f a subterranean dialectic o f con­ se q u e n c e s n ev er arose. T h e r e w ere, w hatever the facts associated with the im pact o f th e C o m p a n y o n th e native cultures, inevitable difficulties with th e p h i­ la n th ro p is ts ’ arg u m ent. O ne o f the charges levied against th e C om ­ p a n y , fo r exam ple, invoked the standard o f E uropean legal norm s. D e sp ite th e fact that law depended for its effectiveness on th e exis­ te n c e o f a state, the Aborigines’ Protection Society claim ed th at the C o m p a n y u n d erto o k to dom inate the Indians by m eans o f a policy o f law lessness a n d treachery. Letters from the Saulteaux C hief, Peguis, a n d fro m his son, Eske-Pake-Koose, were published giving details o f h o w th ey h a d been cheated.41 T h e main objection to C om pany rule u n d e r this h ead was th at it entailed “the inevitable consequences o f th e a b se n c e o f a legal organization, com bined with the artificial e n c o u r­ a g e m e n t given to a m ode o f life incom patible with th e progress o f civilization a n d the cultivation o f the social arts. U n d e r circum stances d if f e r e n t fro m those attending Com pany rule, the inhabitants o f R u p e r t’s L an d m ight stand in a position akin to th at o f th e Siberians w ith re sp ect to Russia. T h a t is, the Society was m aking a highly u n c o m p lim e n ta ry com parison between the two regim es an d suggested t h a t th e Russians had attained a standard th at the British would do

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w ell to em ulate. Despite certain well known and u n fo rtu n a te sideeffe c ts o f th e Russian adm inistrative system, at least the territo ry was c o n tro lle d by a recognizable governm ent. “T h e G overnm ent sends o u t a n d e n fo rc e s its laws; appoints, directs, sustains, o r recalls an d re p la c e s, its officers; the distant provinces transm it to the central a d m in istra tio n , the reports o f the transactions which take place in th e m , a n d o f the circum stances which claim the attention o f the Im p e ria l G o v ernm ent.”42 Slave labour in the m ines was evidence o f R u ssian despotic law and order, but even despotism was to be p re ­ f e r r e d o v er irre g u la r Com pany rule. Besides, reports were tran sm it­ te d to th e G overnm ent, which was m ore than could be said o f the C o m p a n y . T h e superiority o f the Russian system was th ere fo re ad m in ­ istrativ e ra th e r than economic or political. T h e b u rd e n o f the condem nation by the A borigines’ Protection Society o f th e H u d so n ’s Bay Com pany, however, was m oral. T h e m o tto o f th e Society, ab uno sanguine, expressed th eir universal asp ira­ tio n s.43 T h e ir lack o f concern for m aterial things, for the particularity o f b o d ies an d things associated with bodies was enhanced by th e ir g r e a t co n cern fo r souls and for things associated with souls, such as k n o w le d g e . T h e C om pany, in co n tra st, was c o n c e rn e d n ea rly exclusively with bodies and things associated with bodies. T h e con­ c e rn s o f th e philanthropists gave them their sense o f m oral rectitude. A focal co n cern with souls allowed missionaries, for exam ple, to u p h o ld th e equal hum anity o f the Indians, since th at is w hat e n su red th e ir capacity fo r salvation, but also to describe them as m iserable sp ec im e n s req u irin g rescue from heathen darkness.44 Even m ore than th e C o m p an y , whose shared commercial interests with the Indians le a v e n e d any o verriding tendency towards hierachy, th e prem ises an d th e a ttitu d e s o f the philanthropists established firm an d unbridgeable d ivisions. B elief in the inferiority o f aborigines was tu rn e d into knowl­ e d g e by th e clear evidence that the British were missionaries, not the In d ia n s . B ecause they were inferior, the Indians needed protection, ev e n th o u g h th at protection was justified on the basis o f apparently u n iv e rsa l sentim ents. And universalism, o f course, tends to dissolve th e p articu larities that ap p ear as protector an d protected, civilized and b a rb a ria n , progressive and backward. T h e great solvent is history: ev e n tu a lly the backw ard would become forw ard, an d so on. B ut until th e n , a n d especially since they lacked any com m on interests, the d iv isio n s a p p e a re d to be perm anent, quasi-divine decrees. R ighteous c a re s gave th e A borigines’ Protection Society its m oral dom inion. T h e C o m p a n y h ad sh ared interest with the Indians and a d eg ree o f m utual (th o u g h n o t equal) dependence. T h e m utual relations o f C om pany a n d In d ia n h u n te r were not m ade rigid by righteousness but ra th e r w e re m o d e ra te d by the lubricants o f com m erce.

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In th e eyes o f the Society, however, the C om pany was m oved by “im p o litic d esires” and in consequence “has long betrayed th e tru st c o n fid e d to it, an d retard ed the progress o f civilization an d religion.”45 T h a t is, bey o n d inducing misery, cannibalism an d death, th e fu r trad e w as anti-progressive, a secular fault o f enorm ous pro p o rtio n in m idV ic to ria n society. T h e issue o f progressive developm ent away from barbarism an d sav ag ery was a subtle but am biguous ideological doctrine. It was n ev e rth eless, th e m oral bedrock, one o f the first principles, o f the Society: T h e Aborigines’ Protection Society was constituted to counteract the invasion o f the rights o f the aborigines in person and property, and to obtain redress for the grievous wrongs which, with little exception, they everyw here had to endure; but it must not be supposed that the Society has ever desired impunity for them in the atrocities which from retaliation o r dishonesty they may have been induced to commit, or that it has the sm allest wish to check the progress o f civilization.

T h e sym bol, “progress in civilization,” w hatever it may re fe r to in re ality , was clearly fundam ental and unproblem atic. T h e m easure by w h ich p ro g ress in civilization could be a p p reh en d e d was th e d eg ree to w h ich a p eo p le had abandoned the nom adic life o f h u n tin g an d g a th e r in g in exchange for agriculture. T h e Society, it assured th e C o lo n ial Secretary, “seeks not to keep savages in a state o f barbarism , o r to w ithhold th eir lands from profitable cultivation.”41’ It was not c le a r w h e th e r eith er the savages o r the colonists desired to engage in p ro fita b le cultivation and lead a civilized and sedentary way o f life. L e ft alo n e, it was not clear w hether they ever would.47 I n th e m inds o f m em bers o f the Society, however, th e re was no d o u b t th a t th e Indians o f R upert’s Land could, an d soon en o u g h w o u ld , en g ag e in agriculture and reap the benefits th at ap p e a re d so o b v io u s to m em bers o f the Society. Only the C om pany an d the^fur tr a d e h e ld th em back from civilization. T h e re was no question o f “the cap acity o f th e R ed M an for the habits o f civilized life.” T h e evidence w as obvious in the work o f missionaries at Red River. “We fin d th e re a co n sid e ra b le com m unity, o f p u re Indian blood, subsisting by agricul­ tu r e , a n d , in p o in t o f intelligence, not inferior to th e whites o f th e sam e r a n k o f life by whom they are su rro u n d e d .” Fam ine h ad b een b a n ­ is h e d ; th e pop u lation was increasing, drunkenness was on th e decline; “a n d th e in feren ce from the whole is irresistible, th a t th e extension o f s e ttle m e n t a n d a free G overnm ent in these territories is fa r m ore fa v o u ra b le to th e m oral an d intellectual advancem ent o f th e aboriginal ra c e , th a n th e irresponsible and destructive regim e o f th e fu r trad e . 48 T h e im plications were, therefore, obvious: h e r Majesty’s G overnm ent o u g h t to quickly establish an Indian D epartm ent in th e C om pany s

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te rrito rie s “possessing the powers necessary to m ake an ad eq u ate p ro v isio n fo r th e settlem ent and civilization o f th e In d ian s.” Such g o v e rn m e n t action “would be calculated so to elevate a n d enlighten th is in te re stin g people, that instead o f being swept away by the advanc­ in g tid e o f colonization they would be qualified to occupy th eir p ro p e r p o sitio n as citizens an d rulers o f th eir own country.”49 T h e contrast o f th is p ro p o sa l with the practice o f the H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany could h a rd ly h av e been greater. T h e Com pany established its d ep a rtm en ts o n a basis th a t reflected the disposition o f the population o f fu rb e a rin g anim als, th e prim itive o r natural technology o f th e canoe ro u te s , a n d the availability o f food; the Society sought to establish a d e p a r tm e n t centred upon hum an beings, the m ore advanced technol­ o g y o f a g ric u ltu re an d the artifice o f politics. Yet th e Society an d th e C o m p a n y w ere connected by an internal bond as well as by a sh ared , th o u g h lim ited, perspective. In th e dialectic o f civilization and savagery, both the H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y a n d the Aborigines’ Protection Society w ere constituent e le m e n ts o f civilization. Like L ord D urham ’s liberal vision with respect to F re n c h C anada, civilization entailed, at least in principle, a hom oge­ n e o u s im age o f th e world. In the language o f the A borigines’ P rotec­ tio n Society, it entailed a world inform ed by the diffusion o f C hristian p rin cip les. U n d e r this aspect, barbarians an d savages w ere heathen. T o th e In d ian s an d Inuit, however, civilization was not a universal d e s id e ra tu m b u t a particular configuration o f E uropean power. Set­ tle rs d e m a n d in g colonial self-governm ent in accordance with the p rin c ip le s o f British liberalism were nothing m ore th an an aspect o f th e sam e advancem ent o f power. W hether the colonists o r th e p h i­ la n th ro p is ts w ere successful in their enterprise was not im p o rtan t with re s p e c t to th e ir com m on intentions: the spread o f “civilization.” In this re s p e c t, th e H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany was, to th e A borigines’ Protection S ociety, a re m n a n t from an earlier, less “civilized” age. Progress (or the d iffu s io n o f C hristian principles) had re n d ere d it obsolete. T h e con­ flict betw een the Com pany and the Society was a conflict betw een two fo rm s o f progressivist ideological interpretations. T h e philanthropists saw them selves as being the m ore progressive. T h e p ro b lem , how ever, was m ore th an a parochial ideological d e b a te betw een progressives o r between representatives o f “civiliza­ t io n .” T h e Society, at least, also had to deal w ith th e resolutely u n p ro g re s s iv e a n d uncivilized Indians in a way com patible with th e ir g r a n d ideas. H e re th e conflicting goals o f the A borigines’ P rotection S ociety a re m o re ap p a re n t than those o f the C om pany. T h e C om pany w as essentially a com m ercial operation, bound to the In d ian s by utility; to th e e x te n t th a t utilitarian considerations were civilizing an d p ro ­ g ressiv e, how ever those term s m ight be u nderstood, th en to th at

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e x te n t it was an agent o f civilization and progress. B ut until the re o rg a n iz a tio n s o f the 1860s and 70s, the Com pany did n o t strive to be a civilizing ag e n t w hereas the Society did. A t th e sam e time, however, the Aborigines’ Protection Society was b u r d e n e d w ith th e objective o f protecting a savage, barbarian and a b o rig in a l population from those sam e forces o f civilization, at least f o r th e tim e being. D uring the period o f protection they w ould be d e s tro y e d as savages o r barbarians and tu rn ed into civilized practi­ tio n e rs o f d iffu sed C hristian principles. Wild h u n ters would be tran s­ fo r m e d in to civilized agriculturalists u n d e r the guiding h ands o f the m issio n aries. In o rd e r for this to occur, the philanthropists d ep e n d ed o n th e absence o f Christian principles in the w orld; otherw ise th e re w o u ld be n o p o in t to th eir activities. Missionary activities a m o u n t to a p ra ctical criticism o f the ways o f the world; by acting to change the w ays o f th e w orld, all reform ers, including (or especially) those who act fr o m h ig h m oral principles, are complicitous in those ways. T h e dialectic o f reform had already worked itself o u t in reality by th e tra n sfo rm a tio n o f abolitionism into o th er form s o f philanthropy. W h e n th e re w ere no fu rth e r aborigines in need o f protection, the A b o rig in e s’ Protection Society would likewise transform itself into a n o th e r organization keen on doing “good works” by speaking o f the g r e a t w ro n g s o f the world.50 T h e life o f reform can go on forever th o u g h specific reform ations come to an end. T h e p ro sp e ct o f endless reform is not very interesting. T h is is why, as a ty p e o f character, reform ers are boring. O r ra th e r, because r e fo rm e r s rely on the ways o f the world rem aining exactly as they are in o r d e r fo r th em to have a pseudo-object against which to h u rl th e ir critica l w ords, th o u gh not necessarily ever to do anything, re fo rm ers t e n d to w ard s abstraction and sentim entality. T his was also expressed in th e m o tto o f the Society. It was o f course tru e th at all m en are, m ythically speaking, “from one blood.” B ut societies are n o t ju s t co llectio n s o f h u m an beings. T h e particularity o f collective life gives it distin ctiv en ess, an d th at is an essential constituent o f social existence. T o d e n y p articularity by an exclusive em phasis on a universal “origin,” w h ic h is w h at th e m otto, ab uno sanguine, expressed, would be sim ply to d e n y , o r ra th e r, to distort, reality. U n d e r these circum stances no one n e e d tak e su ch an argum ent seriously. T his is why, as we shall see, so m u c h o f th e high-sounding m oralism o f the A borigines’ Protection S ociety was q u ite properly ignored by the G overnm ent an d th e C om ­ p a n y , ev en w hen the G overnm ent was not especially friendly tow ards t h e C o m p an y .

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In C h a p te r O n e we discussed Isbister’s origins. He was born to th e furtr a d e society, knowledgeable in its operations, and u n d e r d iffe re n t circ u m sta n ces m ight have looked forw ard to an illustrious an d p ro s­ p e r o u s c a re e r in the business. Owing to the m oral clim ate o f th e day, w h ich co n sid ered mixed-blood natives o f R u p ert’s Land fit only fo r lim ite d tasks an d responsibilities and provided them with lim ited fin an c ial prospects an d satisfactions, Isbister chose to pu rsu e an a lter­ n a tiv e life in Britain. He was ambitious and talented en ough to be su ccessful, unlike so many others placed in a sim ilar position. H is first efforts at a new career naturally drew upo n th e specialized k n o w led g e he had acquired earlier in life. He was able to su p p o rt h im s e lf well en ough writing articles, chiefly for Messers. C ham bers, b u t h e d esired a m ore regular career eith er as a doctor with the C o m p a n y o r in an educational institution. Soon en ough he becam e a sch o o lm aster an d eventually an im portant m em ber o f the College o f P re c e p to rs an d a lawyer.31 In pursuit o f his career as an ed u cato r he to o k p a r t in scientific conferences, published several scientific p apers a n d a tte m p te d to publish others. W hether he intended it o r not, his sch o larly interests were bound to come u n d e r the unfavourable scru­ tin y o f th e C om pany. T h e less that was said o f R u p ert’s Land, th e b e tte r fo r them . T h e r e is no inform ation about what drew Isbister to th e A borigines’ P ro te c tio n Society. Perhaps it was his religious convictions; p erh ap s he le a rn e d o f th e Society while he was in E dinburgh. In any event, he so o n le a rn e d th at they held views com patible with his own. T h e d isco v ery th a t liberalism, philanthropy, and the scientific knowledges o f g eo logy an d ethnology could all be m utually reinforcing m ust have b e e n intellectually satisfying. T h e m oralizing or re-m oralizing o f w hat Is b is te r h a d experienced firsthand and had then tran sfo rm ed into upto -d a te scientific prose also helped explain why the C om pany had tr e a te d him as they had done. T h ere is no evidence o f conscious re s e n tm e n t on Isbister’s part, and no need to search fo r any. W hatever his p e rso n a l attitu d e, he found that his interests an d the interests o f his fam ily a n d friends, o f “his own” back at Red River, w ere opposed to th e in tere sts o f the Com pany. Certainly some o f those interests w ere m a te ria l o r econom ic; some, however, were political, an d som e w ere m o ra l. W ith th e Aborigines’ Protection Society, Isbister fo u n d an in s titu tio n capable o f giving public voice to at least those interests. In th e follow ing chapters we consider several issues w here the interests o f Is b is te r a n d th e C om pany conflicted, and how Isbister used the m oral­ ized know ledge he had acquired.

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Notes 1. Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Meeting of The Aborigines Protection Society, (May, 1857), 3. 2. William E. Unrau, “An International Perspective on American Indian Policy: T h e South Australia Protector and the Aborigines’ Protection Society,” Pacific Historical Review, 45 (1976), 521. 3. Brian Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom: Stability and Change in Modern Britain, (O xford, Oxford University Press, 1982), 441. 4. R aym ond M. Cooke, “Two Faces o f Philanthropy: T h e Aborigines’ Pro­ tection Society and the New Zealand Company,” The Journal of Religious History, 5 (1968), 35. 5. “Liberalism and Nationality,” Canadian Journal of Political Science, 14 (1981), 587-609; “Liberalism and Assimilation: Lord Durham Recon­ sid ered ,” in Stephen Brooks, ed., Political Thought in Canada, (Toronto, Irwin, 1984), 239-57. 6. Contem porary liberals, to complete the contrast, are distinct from both Durham and the late Victorian supporters o f the hierarchical mosaic; they appear to advocate both Durham’s universalism and pluralism, and to believe that the two can be reconciled, perhaps with the aid o f human rights commissions. 7. Raym ond M. Cooke, “British Evangelicals and the Issue o f Colonial SelfG overnm ent,” Pacific Historical Review, 34 (1965), 139. 8. H .R . Fox Bourne, The Aborigines’ Protection Society: Chapters in its History, (L ondon, King, 1899), 15, 26. 9. Ernest Marshall Howse, Saints in Politics: The ‘Clapham Sect' and the Growth of Freedom, (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1953), 7. 10. G eorge R. Mellor, British Imperial Trusteeship: 1783-1850, (London, Faber and Faber, 1951), 27. 1 1. M ellor, British Imperial Trusteeship, 13. 12. A borigin es’ Protection Society, Constitution and Regulations, (London, G ilpin, 1857.), 7. 13. Eric Williams, Slavery and Capitalism, (Chapel Hill, University o f North C arolina Press, 1944). 14. E.C.P. Lascelles. “Charity,” in G.M. Young, ed., Early Victorian England: 1830-1865, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1934), 319. 15. H arrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 229. 16. H arrison, Peaceable Kingdom, 392. 17. C ooke, “T w o Faces o f Philanthropy,” 33. 18. C ooke, “Tw o Faces o f Philanthropy,” 36. 19. A borigines’ Protection Society, Seventh Annual Report, (London, Gilpin, 1844), 10. 2 0 . “Indians o f British North America, and the Red River Colonists,” The Colonial Intelligencer or, Aborigines’ Friend, 1:2 (April, 1847), 23. This jour­ n al, th e official publication o f the A borigines’ Protection Society, appeared under several different titles. From 1840 to 1847 it was called th e Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines’ Friend, from 1847 to 1850, the Colonial Intelligencer or, Aborigines’Friend, and from 1856 on, the Aborigines’ Friend, and Colonial Intelligencer. I have been unable to locate copies o f the journal for the years 1851 to 1855 either in the British Library, London, th e Bodleian Library, Oxford or at Rhodes House, Oxford, where the archives o f the Society are housed. References are made in the notes to the contem porary title.

68

P A R T / : ST R A T E G Y AND CO NTEXT

21. A b origin es’ Protection Society, “Memorial to Mr. Labouchere,” The Aborigines' Friend, and Colonial Intelligencer, 7 (July-October, 1857), 272; see also Isbister, “Aborigines o f Vancouver’s Island,” The Colonial Intelligencer or, Aborigines' Friend, I, 3-4, (July-August, 1849), 75-79. 22. APS, “British North America,” The Colonial Intelligencer or, Aborigines’ Friend, I, 1 (March, 1847), 16. 2 3. APS, “Address to the Duke o f Newcastle," The Colonial Intelligencer, and Aborigines’ Friend, II, New Series, (July-December, 1859), 61. 24. APS, “Public Opinion on the Hudson’s Bay Question,” The Aborigines’ Friend, and Colonial Intelligencer, 4 (October-December, 1856), 171. 25. British and Foreign Aborigines’ Protection Society, Canada West and the H udson s Bay Company: A political and humane question of vital importance to the honour of Great Britain, to the prosperity of Canada, and to the existence of the native tribes being an address to the Right Honourable Henry Labouchere, Her Majesty s Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, (London, William T w eed ie, 1856), iii. 26. APS, “Deputation to Lord Stanley,” Aborigines' Friend, and The Colonial Intelligencer, 9 (February-September, 1858), 417. 27. APS, “Interview with Mr. Caldwell,” Aborigines' Friend, and Colonial Intel­ ligencer, New Series, VII, (1863-1864), 448. 2 8. APS, “T h e Red River Indians,” Aborigines' Friend, and Colonial Intelligencer, 6 (April-June 1857), 230-31. 29. A PS, “Indians o f British North America and the Red River Colonists,” The Colonial Intelligencer Or, Aborigines’ Friend, I, 2 (April, 1847), 23. 30. APS, “Memorial to Mr. Labouchere,” Aborigines’ Friend, and Colonial Intel­ ligencer, 7 (July-October, 1857), 273. 31. “M emorial to Mr. Labouchere.” 32. APS, “T h e Red River,” The Colonial Intelligencer Or, Aborigines’ Friend, 23 (M arch, 1850), 393-96; see also Isbister, *‘T he Fur Trade and the H ud­ so n ’s Bay Company,” Chambers Repository of Instructive and Amusing Tracts, (L ondon and Edinburgh, W. & R. Chambers, 1854), 25-7. 33. Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian-European Relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890, (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1977), 47. 34. Notes o f a Twenty-Five Years' Service in the Hudson’s Bay Territories [1849], W.S. Wallace, ed., (Toronto, The Champlain Society, 1932), 328. 35. Fisher, Contact and Conflict, 47; see also Charles A. Bishop, “T h e First Century: Adaptive Changes among the Western James Bay Cree between th e Early Seventeenth Century and Early Eighteenth C enturies,” in Shepard Krech III, ed., The Subarctic Fur Trade, 21 -54, and Toby Morantz, “Econom ic and Social Accommodations o f the James Bay Inlanders to the Fur T rade,” in Krech, op. cit., 55-80. 36. A rthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Roles as Hunters, Trappers, and Middlemen in the Lands southwest of Hudson’s Bay, 1660-1870, (Toronto, U niversity o f Toronto Press, 1974), 228. 3 7. M cLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Year's Seivice, 326. 38. PABC, Add. Mss, 635, Ross Papers, Ross to Simpson, 4 Jan. 1833; cf. Mary Black-Rogers, “Varieties o f ‘Starving’: Semantics and Survival in the Subarctic Fur Trade, 1750-1850,” Ethnohistory, 33 (1986), 353-83. 39. PABC, Add. Mss 635, Ross Papers, L.A. Robertson to Donald Ross, letters from 14 May 1850 to 25 June 1851; Robert Cummings to Ross, 30 D ecem ber 1850.

KNOWLEDGE M O R A LIZE D

69

4 0 . S ee Charles A. Bishop, “T he First Century: Adaptive Changes am ong the W estern Jam es Bay Cree between the Early Seventeeth and Early Eigh­ teenth Centuries,” and Toby Morantz, “Economic and Social Accom­ m odations o f the James Bay Inlanders to the Fur Trade,” in Shepard Krech III, ed., The Subarctic Fur Trade: Native Social and Economic Adapta­ tions, (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1984), 21-79. 4 1 . APS, “T h e Red River,” op. cit., 391-93; “The Red River Indians,” The Aborigines' Friend, and Colonial Intelligencer, 6 (April-June, 1857), 224-26; “C orrespondence from Red River [to A.K. Isbister],” Ibid., New Series, II (July-Decem ber, 1859), 91. 4 2 . APS, “Indians o f British North America and the Red River Colonists,” The Colonial Intelligencer or, Aborigines’ Friend, I, 2 (April, 1847), 18-9. 4 3 . A s is indicated in the epigraph to this chapter, the motto was derived from Acts. It was a Latin translation o f the King James version, not a quotation from the Vulgate. T he second part o f this verse, understandably enough, was om itted. It was, in short, a pedantic bit o f Victorian ornamentation, rather like this note. 4 4 . S ee Fritz Pannekoek, “Protestant Agricultural Zions for the Western In dian ,”Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, 14 (1972), 55-66; Frank A. Peake, “Fur Traders and Missionaries: Some Reflections on the A ttitudes o f the Hudson’s Bay Company Towards Missionary Work A m on g the Indians,” Western Catuidian Journal of Anthropology, 3 (1972), 72-93. 4 5 . APS, Canada West and the Hudson’s Bay Company, op. cit., iii. 4 6 . “D eputation to Lord Stanley,” 418. 4 7 . A lexis d e Tocqueville, Democracy in America, J.P. Mayer, ed., George Lawrence, tr., (Garden City, Doubleday, 1969), 331, fn. 18. 4 8 . APS, “Memorial to Mr. Labouchere,” 275-76. 4 9 . APS, “T h e Red-River Indians,” 231. 5 0 . In the event, the Aborigines’ Protection Society became part o f the AntiSlavery Society for the Protection o f Human Rights. 5 1 . For details see Barry Cooper, “Alexander Kennedy Isbister in England,” Canadian Ethnic Studies, 17(1985), 44-63.

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- ■• -o:! • •/••2 ^6 I he Huds° n s Bay Ten itory "Edinburgh Review, 109 (Jan. 1859),

38. 39. 40. 41.

HBCA, A.7/2, Simpson to Shepherd, Confidential, 2 August 1856. HBCA, A.7/2, Ellice to Labouchere, 30 September 1856. PAC, MG.24/A2, 32, Labouchere to Ellice, 5 October 1856. HBCA, A.7/2, Shepherd to Simpson, Private and Confidential, 21 November 1856. 42. PRO, C0.42/605, Labouchere to Head, 4 December 1856. 43. Great Britain, Parliament, House o f Commons, Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company; Together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, Ordered by the House

44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61.

o f Commons to be Printed, 1 July and 11 August 1857, iii. Additional references to this Blue Book are given in the text, in the following section, by page. John S. Galbraith, The Hudson's Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1957), 341. HBCA, E. 18/7. HBCA, D.4/52, Simpson to Rowand, 30 April 1857; D.5/43, Rowand to Simpson, 1 May 1857. PRO, CO.6/23/179. RHL, Br. Emp., s. 18/c/138,224. Later testimony by the Rev. G.O. Corbett (pp. 149-50) reiterated the charge that the Company prevented information from reaching the outside by inspecting the mail. London, Colburn, 1847, 2 vols. PAM, MG14/c/15, Selkirk to Bryce, 20January 1882; Galbraith doubted this, The Little Emperor: Governor Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company, (Toronto, Macmillan, 1976), 201-4. See HBRS, XXIX, 184-96. See John S. Galbraith, “George N. Sanders, ‘Influence Man’ for the Hudson’s Bay Company,” Oregon Historical Quarterly, 53 (1952), 159-76. AO, MU 1472/34/37C/5(l), Draper to Head, 27 March 1857. HBCA, D.5/43, Rose to Simpson, 9 February 1857. Great Britain, Parliament, House of Commons, Return to an Address of the Honourable The House of Commons, 29 May 1857. RHL, Mss. Br. Emp., s.l8/c/138, 230. RHL, Mss. Br. Emp., s. 18/c/138, 231. PRO, Co. 6/23/179-86. PRO, CO. 6/23/190-94. RHL, Mss. Br. Emp., s. 18/c/138,232, Isbister to Chesson, 1 August 1857.

CANAD IAN IN T E R V E N T IO N

273

62. Stanley, The Birth of Western Canada, (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, [1936] 1961), 22. 63. Canadian News, 28 October 1857, 581. 64. Donalcl Creighton, Joint A. Macdonald: The Young Politician (Toronto, Macmillan, 1952), 246. 65. For details see Owram, Promise of Eden, ch. 3. Sir Roderick Murchison, whose “Silurian” system o f classification of geological strata Isbister used in his early geographical articles, gave Palliser a copy of Isbister’s geologi­ cal map o f Rupert’s Land. It is likely that Palliser discussed the geogra­ phy o f the area with Isbister because they had a mutual friend in Fitzgerald, who had worked with Isbister on the Vancouver Island campaign and because Dr. Hodgkin, Secretary of the Aborigines Protec­ tion Society, was also on the executive of the Royal Geographical Society. There is, however, no evidence. See Irene M. Spry, “Introduction,” The Papers of the Palliser Expedition, 1857-1860, (Toronto, The Champlain Society, 1968), xx, liv. 66. PAC, MG.24/A2/32, 10870. 67. IIBCA, A. 12/8, Johnson to Simpson, 22 August 1857. 68. HBCA, A .12/8, Simpson to Smith, 31 August 1857. 69. HBCA, A. 12/8, Simpson to Colvile, 8 August 1857. 70. HBCA, A.7/2, Shepherd to Simpson, 21 August 1857. 71. HBCA, D.4/84a, Simpson to Shepherd, 12 September 1857; fear of losing also stayed the hand o f Canada and served as a source o f endless vexation to Isbister and the interests he represented. 72. The Financial Reform Association [of Liverpool], The Hudson's Bay Monopoly, (London, P.S. King, 1858) 31-2. 73. PRO, CO.42/606, Labouchere to Shepherd, 20 January 1858. 74. IIBCA, A.8/8, Shepherd to Labouchere, 21 January 1858. 75. Hansard, cli, Third Series, (20 July 1858), col. 1820. 76. John A. Macdonald, quoted in the Toronto Leader, 30 April 1859. 77. Galbraith, The Hudson's Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 352. 78. The Aborigines Friend and Colonial Intelligencer, 5 (January-March, 1857)

210 . 79. Globe, 5 March 1857. 80. Aborigines' Friend and Colonial Intelligencer, 6 (April-June, 1857) 231. 81. “T h e Hudson Bay Question,” Aborigines' Friend and Colonial Intelligencer, 7 (July-October, 1857) 265-6. In August Isbister sought and received permission from the Colonial Office to bring the subject of Canadian annexation officially before the notice of the Canadian Executive Coun­ cil. He did so as having been “commissioned” by the inhabitants o f Red River. PRO, CO.6/23/196-200. 82. Aborigines’ Friend, 276. 83. RHL, Mss. Br. Emp., c.l8/c/138, 231. 84. “T h e Hudson’s Bay Question,” The Aborigines’ Friend and Colonial Intel­ ligencer, 8 (November-January, 1858), 310-11. 85. PRO, CO.6/28; see also Morning Star, 30 July 1858. 86. PRO, CO.6/28. 87. “T he Hudson’s Bay Question,” The Aborigines’ Friend and Colonial Intel­ ligencer, 9 (February-September, 1858), 403-4. 88. “T h e Hudson Bay Question,” The Aborigines’ Friend and Colonial Intel­ ligencer, N.S. 2 (January-June, 1859), 17-18. 89. Galbraith, “The Hudson’s Bay Company Under Fire, 1847-62,” Cana­

274

P A R T / / : STR A T E G Y MOBILIZED

dian Historical Revieio, 30 (1949), 334; his judgements in The Hudson's Bay Company as an Imperial Factor (pp. 349-54) were slightly more moderate.

90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100.

101. 102.

PRO, C 0.6/30, Minute, 7 January 1859. PRO, C 0.6/30 Minute, 18 January 1859. PRO, C 0.6/30, Minute, 11 February 1859. PRO, C 0.6/30, 10 May 1859. PRO, CO.6/31, Isbister to Newcastle, 30 November 1859; Fortescue to Isbister, 17 December 1859; Isbister to Newcastle, 31 December 1859. T he text is found in Appendix II. PRO, CO.6/31, Merivale Minute, 16 February 1860. PRO, CO.6/31, Kennedy to Newcastle, 2 December 1859. See the Globe, 26 January 1860. HBCA, A.8/9, Fortescue to Berens, 9 May 1860. HBCA, A.9/8, Berens to Newcastle, 30 May 1860. PRO, CO.6/33, Isbister to Newcastle, 4 September 1861; HBCA, A. 13/12, Barclay to Newcastle, August, 1861; Isbister “Discovery o f Gold in the Valley o f the Saskatchewan,” Journal of the Society o f Arts, 9 (4 October 1861), 759. Elaine A. Mitchell, “Edward Watkin and the Buying-Out o f the Hudson’s Bay Company,” Canadian Historical Revieiv, 34 (1953) 219-44. Journal of the Society of Arts, 9 (I March 1861), 230-46.

CH A PTER TEN

The Last Round

I have had, in my life time, a sufficient amount of controversy with the Hudsons Bay Company to satisfy any one man. —Isbister, 1861

On 11 May 1863 the International Financial Society was organized, with the active participation of several important London banks, to invest in financial, commercial and industrial prospects in Britain and overseas. Within two weeks the Society had underwritten shares on the Egyptian Commercial and Trading Company and by 15 June had concluded an agreement to purchase the stock of the Hudson’s Bay Company at three times its nominal price. Since the majority of the stock in the old Company was held by the Governor and Committee, no extensive consultations were needed.1 Under the terms of the existing Deed Poll, the Wintering Partners received a share of the profits but were not ex officio stockholders.2 Accordingly, they need not have been consulted. Moreover, it was clear to the men in London that their interests and those of the Wintering Partners were not identical. T he London owners were interested in a return on their capital; the Wintering Partners in maintaining their livelihood in the fur trade. From the time of Ellice’s audacious remark to Labouchere, that the Company would quit the land in exchange for “a million of money,” concern had been voiced that “the interests of the Chief Factors and Traders must be considered by the Hudson’s Bay Company in any measure for the breaking up of the Company, as well as those of the Capitalist.”* As late as a year before the Company was sold, Berens wrote Newcastle that the Company was willing to part with its ter­ ritorial rights not, indeed, for a million of money, but “upon terms that would secure fair compensation to the Proprietors as well as to the Officers and Employees of the Company.”4 If those assurances meant anything, they meant that the Wintering Partners would benefit from the sale of the Company. But there was no provision in the Deed Poll to cover that contingency. Discussions between the Company and the Colonial Office inspired anxieties in the Wintering Partners that were increased when rumours 275

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o f the prospects of the sale of the Company reached North America. The Company s reply, that “there is not the least probability” that the Charter would be surrendered, was not reassuring—and for the very good reason that it was a lie." One of the stated objectives of the new Company was colonization; one of the reasons the International Financial Society was able to attract investors was because it promised lucrative speculative returns on future land sales; one of the first acts o f the new Company was to increase the money value of its stock on the basis o f its land holdings, the real value of which depended almost entirely on settlement.7 When the Americans paid the Company com­ pensation for extinguishing its “possessory rights” in Oregon and w'hen the headquarters in Fenchurch Street was sold, the Wintering Pai tners had to fight for a share of the proceeds. They had, in other words, ample cause for concern. In 1863 Donald Smith was in London to negotiate with the reorganized Company on behalf of the Wintering Partners. One of the first persons he met to discuss matters with was Isbister.8 For their part, many of the new shareholders were simply financial speculators with no concern for the fur trade or for any of the obligations that the old Governor and Committee had felt either by convention or under the Deed Poll. As late as 1871 a Mr. Broderick commented upon the prior discussion of an important meeting of the Company: I want to know when the deed-poll was first communi­ cated to this company. I am a large holder of shares, and I never heard o f the deed-poll.”5' When the return on investment was nowhere as high as had been promised, the result was a series of very stormy meetings. Galbraith has summarized the unedifying years after re­ organization: “The shareholders denounced the directors for their failure to carry out the promises of the prospectus; the directors repeated the same accusations as the old governor and committee that the British and Canadian governments wanted to steal their land; the British and Canadian governments exhorted each other to bring about a settlement; and the press denounced the Company as a barrier to progress..... The story of the negotiations between Canada and Britain has often been told. What is not, perhaps, sufficiently emphasized is that neither the Company nor the inhabitants of Red River were consulted. As early as 1857 Bear Ellice had informed Labouchere that the Company knew better “than to accept the position of Shuttle Cock between the Colonial Office and the Executive Council of Canada.”" Ten years later, the new Company and, even more, the colonists, had become a Shuttle Cock. The agreement of 186o, negotiated by four prominent “fathers of Confederation,” Brown, Macdonald, Galt and Cartier, made it clear that the option of establishing a Crown colony had been

THE LAST ROUND

277

clo sed : th e C om pany could sell its rights only to C anada. M oreover, th e se n io r g o v ernm ent would serve only as a (som ew hat sluggish) c h a n n e l o f com m unication. In the execution o f the final gavotte, both G la d sto n e an d his Colonial Secretary, Granville, sought to reduce B ritish overseas obligations and supported C anada. T hey considered th e m o n etary settlem ent, 300,000 pounds, to be generous, and th ieate n e d th e C om pany with legal action if they refused it. T h e C om pany a c c e p te d w ithout grace on 20 March 1869.12 P rio r to th e ag reem ent to transfer C om pany lands to C anada, the p o sitio n o f th e W intering Partners was com paratively strong. W hat­ e v e r fu tu re profits the C om pany hoped to gain d e p e n d e d on a d e m a n d fo r land. But no such dem and existed, which m eant eith er th a t th e C om pany m ust wait upon events o r un d ertak e the lisky b u sin ess o f colonization. If they decided upon the first course, w hat­ e v e r p ro fits the Com pany would gain d u rin g the period p rio r to s e ttle m e n t would d ep en d upon the fu r trade. A nd as Isbister pointed o u t a f te r th e transfer, it would be a simple m atter for the W intering P a rtn e rs to conduct their own tra d e .13 If the C om pany decided to co lo n ize by them selves, they would be equally d e p e n d e n t on the W in te rin g P artn ers to m aintain order. C anadian action altered their p o sitio n fo r th e worse. A t th e M arch, 1869 m eeting o f the C om pany, one o f the sh are­ h o ld e rs raised th e question w hether “the factors” were entitled to the u su a l fo rty p e r cent proportion as they had been entitled to forty p e r c e n t o f th e profits o f the fu r trade. T h e C om pany solicitor replied: “T h e y have no interest whatsoever in the land, and any increase in the v a lu e o f th e land is a m atter in which they have no concern w hatever. T h e y can in no case be entitled to any share o f the 300,000 p o u n d s.” '4 T h e q u estio n was raised several times over the next few m onths. A t th e N ovem ber m eeting a fu rth e r com plication was raised by W .H . S tew art. “ I may m ention, as this seems to excite som e d eg ree o f la u g h te r in the m eeting, that th ere is already a difficulty about the m a tte r fo r, if the accounts, which we saw in the new spaper are c o rre c t— nam ely, that the inhabitants o f the Red River Settlem ent are a lre a d y in insurrection simply because they are not satisfied writh the C a n a d ia n G overnm ent being their governors.”Ir*T h e causes an d sig­ n ific a n c e o f th e rebellion o r insurrection o f 1869-70 have been d e b a te d extensively by Canadian historians and political scientists. At th e very least it showed, in the words o f W.L. M orton, th at “th ere w as. . .little active sen tim en t fo r u n io n w ith C a n a d a .” "’ Even G la d sto n e app aren tly regretted not having consulted public opinion at th e S ettle m e n t.17 In M arch, 1868, Isbister, as part o f the deputation o f th e A borigines’ P ro tectio n Society, inform ed Granville that the Im perial G overnm ent

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h a d a g re a te r role than that o f facilitator o f com m unications between th e C o m p an y an d Canada. They were the only authority in a legal p o sitio n to d efen d the rights and interests o f the colonists. H e then a tte m p te d “to im press on the noble lord the im portance o f m aking so m e d efin ite arran g em en t at the outset, instead o f leaving the ques­ tio n to c ro p u p h ereafter, when it m ight prove a source o f disputes, a n d p ro b ab ly o f Indian wars.” 18 C h esso n a rg u ed th at the cause o f the rebellion was twofold: First, th a t th e ir co u n try had been transferred to C anada w ithout th eir being c o n su lte d , an d second that C anada had attem pted to establish a g o v e rn m e n t th at “could not com m and the confidence o f the people.” Isb iste r ag reed , pointing out that Riel had “the sym pathy, if not the a c tu a l co-operation, o f nine-tenths o f the whole population, both n ativ e a n d E u ro p ean ,” and accounted for the resistance in straig h tfo r­ w a rd political term s. T h e settlers at Red River considered the p re te n ­ tio n s o f C an ad a would result in “degrading them into the position, as th e y ex p ress it, o f a ‘colony o f a colony’” and were determ in ed to assert th e rig h t exercised by “Prince Edw ard’s Island, N ew foundland and B ritish C olum bia. . .of entering the ‘C onfederation,’ not w hen C anada ch o o ses, b u t w'hen they choose themselves, and on th eir ow'n term s.” As fo r th e bargain between the C om pany and C anada, th eir answ er was first, th a t the Com pany sold what was not theirs to sell an d th at th e ir rig h t as British subjects to be taxed only by th eir own re p resen ta­ tives is a m a tte r which cannot be m ade the subject o f a bargain an d sale by an y g o v ern m en t o r governm ents whatsoever.” 151 T w o things m ade the insurrection serious. First, the settlem ent w o u ld be virtually inaccessible for several m onths, at least fo r an a r m e d ex p ed itionary force. A nd second, if one were precipitously d is p a tc h e d th e “undisguised sym pathy” o f the U nited States would be s u p p le m e n te d w'ith m aterial aid. “T h e question arises, w'hat is to be d o n e ? ” N o action at all would tu rn the colony over to the U nited States. S h o u ld th e C anadian mission u n d er Smith fail to com e to term s with th e in su rg en ts, the whole m atter would revert to the Colonial Office. “ L o rd G ranville should therefore be prep ared , w ithout a day’s delay, to s e n d , if need be, a representative o f the Q ueen to Red River’r to a d m in is te r the colony directly and w ithout reference to th e C om pany o r to C an ad a an d “with the aid o f a local council chosen from the settlers. T h ey w'ould then be able to decide w hether o r wrhen to jo in th e C o n fed e ratio n o f British N orth America.-" Isbister m ade the sam e p o in ts in a private letter to Chesson, em phasizing even m ore strongly “th e p re se n t alm ost universal exasperation against C anada.” T h e an a lo g y with the o th e r colonies w'as likewise m aintained. T h e people o f P rin c e E d w a rd ’s Island, N ew foundland o r British Colum bia would h av e reacted th e sam e way “if an attem pt had been m ade to force a

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G o v e rn o r a n d a lot o f greedy and rapacious office-seekers u p ° n th e m .”21 O nly the m ost fervent d efen d er o f the “garrison m entality” o f th e o ld colony o f C anada (and certainly no co n tem p o iaiy W esternei) w o u ld fin d fault with Isbister’s analysis. C an ad ia n s were not the sole lot o f greedy and rapacious p red ato rs ag a in st w hom m em bers o f the colony needed protection by th e Im p e­ rial G o v ern m en t. T h e re were also the stockholders who, naturally e n o u g h , w ere not p re p are d to share the 300,000 pounds any m ore w idely th a n necessary. With C anadian designs on the territo ry they h a d even less reason to be generous to the W intering Partners. D uring th e M arch, 1869 m eeting the shareholders were inform ed th at the “ fa c to rs” h ad no claim. In Novem ber the G overnor, L ord N orthcote, e x p la in e d th a t they were entitled to a share o f the A m erican settlem ent b ec au se it was com pensation for im proved land paid for o u t o f profits fro m th e fu r tra d e but that the “wild land” held by C h arter was entirely d iffe re n t. By June, 1870, the Com pany had received in d ep en d e n t legal advice th at the W intering P artners had no share in the C anadian m o n ey . L ate in Ju n e , Isbister wrote them disputing this advice.22 H e w ro te N orthcote as a shareholder o f the C om pany exercising his u n d o u b te d rig h t to advise the directors. His advice was to reserve forty p e r ce n t o f th e aw ard, 120,000 pounds, to m eet the claims o f the W in te rin g P artn ers eith er in a court o f law o r by negotiation. Isbister was o f th e view th at they would be undertaking to litigate and th at such ac tio n w ould precipitate sales o f Com pany stock and d epreciate its valu e. M atters w ould be m ade worse if the aw ard were to be paid out. H o w ev er, “th e present distracted condition o f the country” provided a s u ffic ie n t reason to hold over a portion o f the indem nity. T h a t is, Isb iste r p ro p o sed that the Com pany not pay the shareholders the full a m o u n t o f th e indem nity put u p in C anada, and cite as the reason foi n o n -p a y m e n t th e Red River rebellion against C anada. T h is would, p re su m a b ly , serve as a gesture o f good faith tow aids the W inteiing P a rtn e rs ; it could be excused to the shareholders on the g ro u n d s o f p ru d e n c e . In c lu d e d in this letter was a “S tatem ent o f the Claims to C om pensa­ tio n ,” d ra w n u p by A.K. Isbister, M.A., L.L.B., o f the M iddle T em ple, B arrister-at-L aw . His argum ent proceeded in five steps. First, the W in te rin g P artn ers do not have to show they are ow ners but only th at th e ir statu s “will be assum ed to partake o f the character o f th e general re la tio n s o f the parties between whom the com m on interest subsists.” T h e r e was no question, in o th er words, that the W intering P artn eis w e re in teg ral to th e operation o f the fu r trade. Second, while it is tru e th e sto ck h o ld ers alone gained legal title to R upert s Land, the land g ra n te d was waste land. T h e land sold, in contrast, was im proved. In d e e d , th e C om pany gained com pensation for its “possessory rights”

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in O re g o n on the basis o f ju st such an argum ent. T hose im provem ents w e re d efray e d from the revenues o f the fu r trad e so that, th ird , th e o b lig atio n s u n d e r the Deed Poll are, strictly speaking, irrelevent. F o u rth , how ever, the expenses incurred in the im provem ents, from e x p lo ra tio n an d surveying to sm oothing portage paths, are so difficult to assess th a t “a C o u rt o f Equity would probably be inclined to cut its way th ro u g h such a tangled web o f mixed interests, by considering the w h o le case as com ing within the spirit if not the strict letter o f th e Deed P o ll.” A ccordingly, while land was not included as an item o f interest, it was n o t excluded either. And if trade in tallow, hides an d gold was p e rm itte d , th o u g h not m entioned, so, it is likely, would land be in c lu d e d as one o f the “o th er articles” m entioned in th e D eed Poll. F ifth , “th e arg u m en t, is obviously the same for ten acres as fo r ten m illio n s.” T h e W intering Partners, therefore, can claim a share o f the co m p en sa tio n . A n ad d itio n al reason for reaching that conclusion was “the peculiar a n d in tim ate connexion between the land an d the tra d e .” T h e land w as, in fact, th e foundation o f the trade. Selling the land an d o p en in g th e tra d e to all m en w ithout the consent of, o r consultation with th e in d iv id u a ls “whose incomes are wholly derived from th at trad e, is an a c t o f h ig h -h an d e d injustice fo r which a J u ry will undoubtedly affo rd su b sta n tia l red ress.” Isbister’s opinion was subm itted to th e scrutiny o f th e A tto rn e y G eneral and to Mr. G eorge Jessel, “probably th e best E q u ity law yer now at C hancery B ar” for th eir opinions. T h ey both a g r e e d th a t th e re had been “a breach o f contract on th e p a rt o f th e C o m p a n y ” a n d th a t the W intering P artners may bring action in su p ­ p o r t o f th e ir claims. In a covering letter to the W intering Partners included in the su b m issio n to N orthcote, Isbister provided the details for draw ing up h is s ta te m e n t an d for obtaining the learned opinions o f the em in en t ju rists. H e u n d erto o k the action, he said, w ithout authority o r consent o f th e W in tering P artners and solely in right o f his standing as a s h a re h o ld e r. As justification he stated that he had m any “relations, frie n d s , a n d old schoolfellows in the service, from whom no d if­ fe re n c e s o f political opinion have ever separated me, and. . .1 cannot s ta n d by in this great crisis o f their fortunes.” He explained in ordinary la n g u a g e to the W intering Partners the significance o f his enclosed legal statem en t an d the o th er legal opinions, which he also sent to N o rth c o te , an d d rafted a statem ent o f notice that, he said, would legally a n d unam biguously give a C hief Factor o r T ra d e r “the option o f re tirin g from the service and sueing for dam ages at once, or re m a in in g in it w ithout prejudice to his claim for com pensation w hen a n ew D eed-Poll is o ffered for his acceptance.” W ithout giving such n o tice as Isbister indicated, the opportunity for securing favourable

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te rm s in any new organization “is lost forever.” Isb ister th en explained that his relations with the G overnor an d o th e r d irec to rs had been cordial and even amicable. In this respect, Is b is te r’s ex perience was akin to that o f his old friend from th e Y ukon, C h ie f F actor R obert Campbell. Campbell rep o rted a similarly cordial m e e tin g with the G overnor and Com m ittee, but unlike Isbister he re c o rd e d his views o f the shareholders as well: “We were perfectly d is g u s te d with th e greed and selfishness they evinced in th e ir sp eech es, an d a g reat many were present at the m eeting.”-3 Isbister’s re a l o p p o n e n ts in seeking what he considered a ju st settlem ent w ere th e sp ecu lato rs not the gentlem en directors. In th e 28 J u n e 1871 m eeting Isbister repeated his arg u m en ts to the s h a re h o ld e rs . C onsiderable u p ro a r followed his anno u n cem en t o f the possibility o f legal proceedings by the W intering P artners against the C o m p a n y fo r breach o f contract.24 N orthcote intervened again, fol­ lo w in g th e heated discussion o f Isbister’s rem arks, and indicated that, in fact discussions had taken place between the C om m ittee an d D onald S m ith . O n b eh alf o f the W intering Partners, Smith accepted as com ­ p e n sa tio n th e sum o f 75,000 pounds plus a share o f the A m erican a w a rd . T h e C om m ittee refused and offered an additional sum o f 3 1 .0 0 0 p o u n d s. N othing was said o f the A m erican aw ard. T h e total, 106.000 p o u n d s, was not too far from Isbister’s earlier proposal. Som e o f th e stockholders objected strongly and, afte r m uch acerbic discus­ sio n c o n tin u in g on the following day, N orthcote proposed a two-week a d jo u rn m e n t with notice being sent to all shareholders o f the question to be d ec id e d at the next meeting. T h e 13 Ju ly m eeting was also spent in an extensive debate b u t it was e v e n tu a lly b ro u g h t to a close with a vote to pay th e W intering P artners 107.000 po u n d s. T h e old Deed Poll was closed and the W intering P a rtn e rs w ho continued in Com pany service did so aw are o f the m u ltip le aim s o f the Company. In this last fray, Isbister played a key ro le. His speech at the J u n e m eeting brought the whole m atter before th e sh areh o ld ers. W hat is not clear is how far it had been o rch estrated in c o n c e rt with N orthcote and Smith. T h e circum stances suggest that collusion was certainly possible. S m ith a n d Isbister were in contact with one an o th er in London an d b o th w ere on the side o f the C hief Factors and T rad ers. N orthcote an d Isb iste r w ere ag reed on the desirability o f an equitable solution. It is n o t to o m uch to im agine that, after so m uch experience in dealing with th e C olonial Office and the Com pany, Isbister developed such a stra te g y with N orthcote for the Ju n e meetings. It was to be Isbister’s last controversy with the C om pany. O n 14 July, h e w ro te C hesson reflecting on the great satisfaction he felt in having w o rk e d with him. “We have done som ething for the Indians, the

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s e ttle rs a n d the factors, and som ething against the H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y .”-'’ At last virtue and interest had been served, for which it is d iffic u lt to ask m ore in politics. *

Isb iste r is im p o rtan t to the history o f the West, as distinct from the h isto ry o f C anadian involvement in the West, because o f his opposition to th e C om pany. Sometimes it is forgotten that, afte r the am algam a­ tio n o f th e fu r-trad e concerns in 1821, C anada show'ed no interest in R u p e r t’s L and for at least a generation. D uring that time, despite the b est e ffo rts o f the Com pany, som ething like a political self-aw'areness was b ein g form ed. It was form ed in opposition to the C om pany, on the basis o f fairly general loyalty to British constitutional form s o f govern­ m e n t, a n d quite independently o f Canada. W hen Red River looked to w a rd s C an ad a it w'as in o rd e r to find political allies an d not because th e in h ab itan ts o f Red River sought to become C anadians. For th eir p a r t, C an ad ian s—th at is, inhabitants o f the old colony o f C anada— seem n ev e r to have understood this. Some attention to the actions o f Isb iste r a n d the writings he offered as interpretations o f those actions m ig h t h elp throw o ff any lingering m isapprehensions on the p art o f th o se w ho have inherited the land and the myths o f old C anada. Isb iste r’s im portance, therefore, is not limited to antiquarian desires to ro u n d o u t “o u r” picture of the fu r trade. O ccasionally the term “garrison m entality” has been used to describe th e c u ltu ra l sensibility o f the old province o f C anada. It was first in tro d u c e d in a context o f literary criticism but is useful in political scien ce as well, because it so fully describes w hat has been term ed the political cu ltu re o f old C anada.2" In the history o f the W est (it seems to m e) ev id en ce o f the garrison mentality can be found but rarely.27 Isb iste r knew' nothing o f the garrison. As one born to the fu r-trad e society, h e retained an interest in the affairs o f R u p ert’s Land. As a L o n d o n g entlem an he viewed Americans with a condescension com ­ m o n to V ictorians o f his station. As a d e fen d er o f what he considered th e in tere sts o f the people o f R upert’s Land he would take allies w here h e fo u n d them . C anadians were less threatening to those interests than th e C o m p an y o r the U nited States because they were subordinate to th e Im p e ria l Parliam ent. A part from that, C anada had little to recom ­ m e n d it. F ro m th e late 1840s, Isbister was a L ondoner p u rsu in g his own c a re e r as ed u cator, author, philanthropist an d lawyer. H e w'as draw n in to th e m orass o f British bureaucratic politics and into controversy w ith th e C om pany because he was asked by his friends at R ed River to a c t o n th e ir behalf. H e gained nothing materially, but then, the

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satisfactio n o f controversy would have been sufficient to m aintain his in te re st. Isb ister’s story has a m anifold significance. It illustrates the problem o f re la tin g m orality (and moralism) to politics by show ing (as if it n e e d e d to be shown again!) that m oral argum ents unfortified with in te re sts are, like covenants w ithout the sword, but words. B ut his story also indicates th at interests that are not elevated by m orality are a p ro v o c atio n to m en o f spirit. He learned how large and im p o rtan t o rg a n iz atio n s such as the Colonial Office, the H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany a n d th e G o v ern m ent o f C anada dealt with one another; he learned th a t th e m ost th at opponents o f such organizations can often achieve is to m a k e th e m en w ho s ta f f th e m fe el if n o t s h a m e th e n em b a rra ssm e n t. Isb iste r’s story also makes visible the growth o f political conscious­ ness in a fro n tie r com m unity w ithout a traditional o r in h erited u n d e r­ s ta n d in g o f the republican virtues o f self-governm ent and self-defence so co n sp icu o u s in the U nited States. No claim can be m ade th at his p a rtic u la r views, regarding a penal colony, for exam ple, w ere widely s h a r e d a t R ed River. T h e bloody events o f the second decade o f th e n in e te e n th century were never repeated on such a scale afte r the am alg a m a tio n . N either the m ode o f governm ent by the com m ercial o rg a n iz a tio n n o r the m ode o f opposition to it, namely agitation against th e m o nopoly, were violent. T his led to protracted negotiation an d b a rg a in in g . T h e advantages all lay with the C om pany; bargaining is n o t a crucible for the form ation o f the political virtues o f self-reliance a n d self-governm ent, however m uch it may be prized in established co n stitu tio n a l regimes. T h e r e w ere only two ways to deal with an unacceptable regim e. T h e first, a rm e d rebellion, was not undertaken until 1870 an d then only in re s p o n se to arm ed invasion. T h e o th er m ode was to have recourse to th e co n stitu tio n and to law. This was, in fact, the m ode Isbister chose to p u rs u e . T h a t he was unsuccessful indicates again the lim ited effective­ ness o f w ords w ithout the weight o f interest, including arm ed interest to m ak e th em effective. T h e persistent reluctance o f H e r Majesty’s G o v e rn m e n t, o f the H udson’s Bay Com pany and o f the G overnm ent o f C a n a d a to b ring the Royal C h arter before the only body com petent to ju d g e its validity, namely the Judicial C om m ittee o f the Privy C o u n cil, illustrates the slight value accorded to arg u m en t by pow er in th e face o f pow er. Political com prom ise, like economic bargaining, usually reflects the rela tiv e balance o f contending powers. Since judicial decisions are, in p rin c ip le , o r according to legal fictions, found and not bargained for, th e y a re likely to ap p e ar arbitrary. At any rate political m en have, until very recently in o u r history, thought politics too im p o rtan t to han d

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o v e r to ju d g e s. In Isbister’s day political m en considered com prom ises sen sib le an d ju d g e d political activity according to criteria o f re sp o n ­ sibility a n d interest as much as according to criteria o f m oral abstrac­ tio n o r th e law. It is for this reason that Isbister’s attem pts to have the C h a r te r p u t to th e test were bound to fail. By the tim e the o th e r m ode was trie d , by Riel and the m en o f 1870, it was probably too late. To th e e n d o f his days Isbister m aintained great respect for the g e n tle m e n ad v en tu rers trading into H udson’s Bay. Only once in his m an y letters to C om pany officials is there any note o f im patience, an d th a t was in 1852 when he thought the C om pany was going to deny his m o th e r a n d sisters passage on the regular Com pany vessel sailing from Y o rk F actory.-8 His norm al attitude, even towards G eorge Sim pson, was o n e o f ex u b eran t antagonism not petty vituperation. His opposi­ tio n to th e C om pany was a public controversy that had no basis in p riv a te revenge o r resentm ent even while it no doubt expressed his o w n views on the virtues of trade, transportation o f convicts an d the ru le o f law. In any event, it seems clear that he sh ro u d ed m any o f his o p in io n s in the elevating rhetoric o f moral uplift. H is attitu d e tow ard Canada, like those who came afte r him , was am b iv alen t. In 1879 he wrote to his uncle, William K ennedy, co n g rat­ u la tin g him on his success in land speculation and on his ap p o in tm en t by th e C an ad ian G overnm ent as a stipendary m agistrate at $22 a m o n th . K ennedy gained his place as a result o f his services in the cause o f C an ad ia n expansion; in the letter to which Isbister w'as replying, K e n n e d y h a d been grousing about the greedy, rapacious C anadians w h o co n tro lled things from far away and w ithout concern for local m a tte rs. “T h a t you may have been inundated by speculating m e r­ c h a n ts, b ad g ers an d land-jobm en may be tru e en o u g h ”, Isbister said, “b u t th ese m en are not your masters as the old traders were; an d you a r e ju s t as free to speculate as they are, and have had by your own sh o w in g a fa ir share o f success.”29 This exchange contained a g re at d e a l o f strategic and prophetic m eaning. Kennedy had becom e a C a n a d ia n p en sioner and a successful speculator yet he wras o ffen d ed by th e C an ad ians wiio both gave him opportunities an d increased his d e p e n d e n c y . Isbister replied that the C anadians were not m asters “as th e o ld tra d e rs wre re .” Did he m ean that the C anadians were m asters in a d iffe re n t m ode than the old traders had been o r that they w ere not m a ste rs a t all? I f in a different m ode, the inhabitants o f Red River were still serv an ts to others who rem ained rem ote; if not m asters at all, he n e g le c te d to observe that they had become subjects not o f a distant m o n a rc h , which they had ahvays been, but o f H er Majesty’s C anadian ad v iso rs. In eith er case, it seemed that n either man could see th at the re m o te possibilities o f 1870 prom ised citizenship before prosperity a n d pensions.

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Notes 1. H B C A , A . 1/75, M in u tes o f C o m m ittee M eeting, 15 J u n e 1863. 2. T h e te r m , “W in te rin g P a rtn e rs” was u sed by th e N o r’W esters a n d h a d n o leg al sta tu s ; it was, h o w ev er, co m m o n ly em p lo y e d as a g e n e ric c a te g o ry to id e n tif y th e C h ie f F actors a n d T r a d e r s o f th e H u d s o n ’s B ay C o m p a n y u p to th e tim e o f th e new D eed Poll. 3. H B C A , A .7/2, Ellice to L ab o u c h e re , 30 S e p te m b e r 1856. 4 . H B C A , A .8/10, B e ren s to N ew castle, 19 May 1862. 5. H B C A , A. 10/53, B a rn sto n e ta i , to G o v e rn o r a n d C o m m ittee , 28 J a n u a r y 1863. 6 . C a n a d a , Sessional Papers, Session I, N o.7, (1867-8) 19, 8. 7. D u a n e C . T w ay , “T h e W in te rin g P a rtn e rs ancl th e H u d s o n ’s Bay C o m ­ p a n y , 1863 to 1871,” Canadian Historical Revieio, 33 (1952), 50-1; see also T w a y , “T h e W in te rin g P a rtn e rs a n d th e H u d s o n ’s B ay C o m p a n y , 1 8 6 7 -1 8 7 9 ,” Canadian Historical Review, 41 (1 96 0) 2 1 5 -2 2 3 ; G .F .G . S ta n le y , “T h e F u r T r a d e Party," The Beaver, 284 (S e p te m b er, 1953) 35-9; 2 8 5 (D e c e m b e r, 1953), 21-25. 8. B eck les W illson, The Life of Lord Strathcona and Mount Royal, (B o sto n a n d N ew Y o rk , H o u g h to n M ifflin, 1915), I, 196. 9. Report o f Proceedings at a Meeting ofthe Hudson's Bay Company, 28 J u n e 1871, ( L o n d o n , C a u sto n , 1871), 28-9. 10. J o h n S. G a lb ra ith , The Hudson’s Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, (B e rk e le y a n d Los A ngeles, U niversity o f C a lifo rn ia Press, 1957), 390. 1 1. P A B C , A d d . Mss. 310, C o rre s p o n d e n c e o f H e n ry L a b o u c h e re , Ellice to L a b o u c h e re , 9 D e cem b er 1857. 12. H B C A , A . 1/80, M in u tes o f th e C o m m ittee, 20 M arch 1969. 13. R eport of Proceedings at a Meeting o f the Hudson’s Bay Company, 2 8 June, 1871, 29. 14. Reports of Proceedings at a Meeting o f the Hudson's Bay Company, Wednesday 2 4 M arch, 1869, (L o n d o n , C au sto n , 1869) 59-60. 15. Report o f 2 3 Noi'ember 1869, 10. 16. M o r to n , “ In tro d u c tio n ,” to Alexander Begg's Red R iver Journal, (T o ro n to , C h a m p la in Society, 1956), 12. 17. P a u l K n a p lu n d , e d ., “G lad sto n e on th e R ed R iver R ebellion, 1870," The M ississippi Valley Historical Review, 21 (1934), 76-7. 18. Is b is te r q u o te d in The Red River Insurrection: Three Letters [by Chesson and Isbister] and a Narrative o f Events, (L o n d o n , A PS, 1870) 4; su b s e q u e n t q u o ta tio n s a re m a d e w ith o u t re fe re n c e fro m th is p a m p h le t. 19. S ee T h o m a s F lan a g a n , “ Political T h e o ry o f th e R ed R iver R esistance: T h e D e c la ra tio n o f D ecem b er 8, 1869, ’ Canadian Journal of Political Science, X I (1 9 7 8 ), 153-64. 2 0 . Is b is te r h a d in d ica ted this sam e p lan to M r. R .N . Fow ler, M .P., in J u n e o f 1869; se e The Times, 1 J u n e 1869. 2 1 . R H L , Mss. B r. E m p ., S.18/c/138, Isb ister to C h esso n , 13 January 1870. 2 2 . H B C A , A. 10/80, 866, Isb ister to N o rth c o te , 2 0 J u n e 1870; it was d iscu ssed n e x t d a y at th e re g u la r m e e tin g o f th e G o v e rn o r a n d C o m m itte e , a n d r e f e r r e d back to th e C o m p an y solicitor. H B C A , A .4/43, A g e n d a B ook, 21 J u n e 1870. A p rin te d v ersio n , fro m w hich all q u o ta tio n s h av e b e e n tak e n is in G -A I, M .5908/1227. 2 3 . Q u o te d in W illson, Life of Lord Strathcona, I, 423. 2 4 . Proceedings, 29-32.

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2 5 . R H L , Mss. B r. E m p ., s. 18 /c /138. Isb ister to C h esso n , 14 J u ly 1871. 2 6 . N o r th r o p F ry e, The Bush Garden, (T o ro n to , A nansi, 1971), i-iii, 22 5 -6 . 2 7 . F o r d e ta ils , see th e articles re fe rre d to e a rlie r: B a rry C o o p e r, “T h e W est: A P olitical M in o rity " in Neil N e v itte a n d A lan K orn b erg , ed s., Minorities in C anada, (T o ro n to , Mosaic, 1985), 203-20 a n d C o o p e r, “W este rn Political C o n s c io u s n e s s ,” in S te p h e n B rooks, e d ., Political Thought in C anada, ( T o r o n to , Irw in , 1984), 213-38. 2 8 . H B C A , A. 10/21, Isbister to Pelly, 7 J a n u a r y 1852. 2 9 . P A M , M G .2/C 1, K en n ed y P ap ers, Isb ister to K en n ed y , 1 A p ril 1879.

Appendix I Excerpt from Isbister’s J o u rn a l M a n u scrip t

Received at Royal Geographical Society 14 April 1845 F in d in g th a t o u r stock o f provisions was insufficient to m aintain even h a lf o f o u r p resen t com plem ent th roughout the winter, we w ere u n d e r th e necessity o f sending four o f o u r people to the next fort. T h e re m a in d e r, it being hopeless at this advanced period to expect any fish b e f o re sp rin g , were called in and set to e n tra p rabbits, wolves, w o lverines, foxes, m artens, and any o th er edible anim al with the flesh o f w hich we could in case o f the worst eke out o u r scanty stock o f d ried p ro v isio n s till the spring, when we confidently expected th at the re in ­ d e e r [caribou] would m ake their appearance. O u r lo n g w inter night (in the Arctic Region the expression is no m e ta p h o r) h ad now fairly com m enced and a dreary one we fo u n d it to b e. W e h a d a few books, but o u r small stock o f candles to read them by, d is a p p e a rin g with a rapidity which no theory o f com bustion could a c c o u n t for, they were rendered almost useless. T o re n d e r o u r hyber­ n a tio n still m o re cheerless, o u r fo u r Indian hunters, with th eir fam ­ ilies, u n ab le to su p p o rt themselves in the woods, crow ded in upon us w ith th e consolatory determ ination, to die, as they expected it, with the w hites. T h a n k s to Mr. Bell’s excellent m anagem ent and a plentiful s u p p ly o f fresh carrion we kept starvation from the d o o i; but the a p p re h e n s io n o f it was not so easily staved off. T h e cold d u rin g the m o n th o f Ja n u a ry and February was so intense the thei m om etei ra n g in g betw een -40 and -67—that it required no ordinary stim ulus to in d u c e us to v en tu re beyond the shelter o f the Fort. T h e discovery o f num erous tracks o f m oose-deer in o u r n eig h b o u r­ h o o d , to w ard s the end o f February, was sufficient motive to m any of us to b ra v e th e terro rs o f King Frost, but o u r attem pts on these wary a n im als w ere uniform ly unsuccessful. As the “storm y M arch” cam e on (a m o n th th a t here, like elsewhere, amply earns its epithet) o u r hopes b e g a n to b rig h ten . We heard that a num erous band o f the “distant L o u c h o u x ” w ere encam ped on the u p p e r p art o f the Rat river, on the W [est] side o f th e m ountains, with a plentiful supply o f the com forts of life, o f which we had hitherto enjoyed so scanty a share. With the c o m p o u n d m otive o f tracing the Rat river, which as yet had been but p artia lly surveyed, crossing the m ountain-chain, and obtaining som e p ro v isio n s, I resolved to go in quest o f them . 287

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Five of o u r own people and seven Indians (our fo u r h u n ters an d th r e e L ouchoux, who had given us the inform ation) volunteered to jo in m e. H aving equipped ourselves with am m unition an d som e to b acco fo r the Indians we expected to m eet, and 15 lbs. o f pem m ican (th e u sual allowance for one day to one-third o f o u r num ber), we set o u t lo n g b efore daw n, and soon reaching the [Richardson] m ountains w hich w ere about 10 miles distant from the river, encam ped the first clay u n d e r a small clum p o f trees in one o f the valleys o f the first range. T h e n e x t day b ro u g h t us fairly to the bleak herbless region which su cc eed s to th e thin zone o f vegetation which clothes th e bottom o f the ra n g e . It h a d been snowing all day, and the wind which h ad been rising sin ce m o rn in g drove it full in o u r faces. As long as we could proceed u n d e r th e sh elter o f the higher peaks, the inconvenience was a to ler­ a b le o n e , b u t as we ascended o u r progress becam e p ain fu l an d la b o rio u s in th e extrem e. T h e snow on the h igher regions from c o n s ta n t ex p o su re to all the winds o f heaven, had becom e so in d u ra te d as to r e n d e r walking on it with snowshoes exceedingly painful fo r th e fe et, w hich in a sh o rt time became covered with blisters. T h e surface to o , was fro m th e sam e cause furrow ed and broken u p into an ir r e g u la r wave-like outline, sim ilar to w hat an agitated sea m ight be s u p p o s e d to assum e if suddenly congealed. O u r snow-shoes not being s tro n g e n o u g h to bridge these irregularities, we w ere forced to pick o u r way carefully an d plant them in the hollows, otherw ise they would h a v e b e e n shivered at every step. W henever we cam e to any steep acclivities, steps had to be cut with the axe before we could proceed a n d th e in te rru p tio n to th e exertion o f walking thus experienced told h eav ily u p o n o u r fram es, which were fast losing both th e ir w arm th an d th e ir sensations. A little b efore sunset we reached the sum m it o f the m iddle an d h ig h e st ran g e. We were now exposed to the full fury o f the storm , fro m w hich we had hitherto been partly sheltered, but which now sw ep t w ith fearful violence over the dreary, shelterless waste, an d e x h a u s te d as we were with hunger, cold, and the fatigue o f a h ard d a y s m a rc h , we had no alternative but to push on, w hatever the con­ seq u e n ces m ight be, till we came to wood. O u r inclination was to keep o u r faces to th e wind, and all that dreadful night, th ro u g h storm and d r if t a n d darkness, we m arched on, w ithout pause o r rest. T h e m o rn ­ in g fo u n d us still struggling with the implacable tem pest, but such had b e e n th e u n ited effect o f the cold, and the want o f sleep, th at we were alm o st unconscious of, and certainly altogether in d ifferen t to o u r situ a tio n . W e saw by each o th e r’s blanched and rigid expressionless co u n te­ n a n c e s, th a t we w ere all severely frost-bitten an d from th a t o u r han d s a n d fe e t w ere likewise affected. We resorted to the usual m eans o f

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r e s to r in g th e circulation, namely rubbing th e sm itten parts with snow, b u t fin d in g th a t no sooner h ad we succeeded in re -in tro d u cin g w a rm th in o n e place, than we were again frozen in an o th er, we w ere o b lig e d to desist from o u r attem pts and trust for safety to th e stren g th o f o u r constitutions. B ut perhaps the most alarm ing, certainly th e m ost a n n o y in g , fe atu re in o u r situation was the unquenchable drow siness w ith w hich we w ere oppressed—hunger, cold, fatigue all th e m is­ e rie s o f o u r m ost m iserable condition had vanished before th e m aster d e s ire to sleep. We could have given worlds fo r the indulgence o f a sin g le h o u r, an d b u t for o u r better reflections would have lain dow n a n d p e rish e d in the snow. Some o f the Indians were actually dozing in th e ir snow shoes. F or this there was but one rem edy sm art an d v ig o ro u s walking, an d to it we applied ourselves with red o u b led e n e rg y . T o a d d to o u r distress, one o f o u r party (an Indian) was observed to b e m issing, having strayed from the line d u rin g the night. T o trace h im o u t in the storm was utterly hopeless. Conceiving th at he had g iv en way to th e inclination to sleep with which we were all affected, we c o m m e n c e d firing guns and em ployed all the m eans we could think o f to ascertain w h eth er o r not he was in the neighbourhood. No answ er b e in g re tu rn e d to o u r signals, we were u n d e r the m elancholy necessity o f a b a n d o n in g him to his fate, having first m ade num erous m arks on th e snow’, with the hope that they would attract his attention if he h a p p e n e d to pass n ear the spot, repeating the signal an d m arks at in terv a ls as we proceeded. A b o u t n o o n we found ourselves at the entrance o f a shelving valley, w h ich led us to a d eep gorge, evidently the bed o f some m ountain coule. W e clam b e red down its precipitous sides, resolving to follow its course, in th e h o p e th a t it would lead us to wood, w here we m ight encam p; and we h a d no so o n er reached the bottom , than we found ourselves in an a g re e a b le calm , while the tem perature had, to oui sensations, lisen m o re th a n 20 degrees. T h e walls o f the defile were from 400 to 500 fe e t h ig h , an d com posed chiefly o f a reddish com pact lim estone, with p a rtin g s of d a rk carbonaceous m atter, which at a distance gave it the a p p e a ra n c e o f the slaty structure, reposing upon prim itive rocks. W h e n we fell u pon it it was pursuing a S.S.W. course, but it soon c h a n g e d to th e West. W olves, M ountain Goats, and Rein-deer were occasionally observed o n th e h ig h ledges above us, b u t beyond the reach o f o u r guns; a n d w h a t was still m o re acceptable to us, thin clum ps o f wood began to o p e n o n th e view. T ow ards evening we fell u p o n a snow shoe track, w h ich , th e In d ian s with their quick tact observing th a t a sleigh h ad p a sse d o v e r a n d obliterated portions o f the traces, a t once decided it to b e th a t o f an In d ian h u n ter, leading as they supposed from th e

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d ire c tio n it took u p the sides o f the defile, which had now becom e low a n d s h e lv in g , to so m e “ c a c h e ” o r d e p o s it o f m e a t in th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d . A b o u t an h o u r’s walk fu rth e r brought us to a fine hum m ock o f p in es, w h e re we encam ped; and, as soon as th e fire was kindled, and o u r fro zen limbs thaw ed, we lay down to sleep with feelings which few’ o f us can forget. T h e Indians who had been enjoying a sort o f walking d o z e ev e r since they entered the ravine were so confident on th eir p ro g n o sis relative to the “cache” that they determ ined to forego th e p le a su re s o f sleep, and go in search o f it. A b o u t o n e o ’clock at night I was agreeably surprised by one o f th e In d ia n s w aking me to partake o f a fine rein-deer tongue, “roasted to a t u r n .” D irectly opposite to me on the o th er side o f th e cam p fire co m fo rta b ly m unching the bone o f a d eer shoulder which he had ju s t d e m o lish e d , sat o u r lost com panion. T h e poor fellow’s rig h t foot was d re a d fu lly frozen, the dorsum being completely excoriated an d the d istal p h alan g es o f the toes eroded to th& bone. It a p p e are d th at he h a d lag g ed b ehind to adjust one o f his moccasins, th ro u g h a re n t o f w h ich th e m oose-deer hair, which the Indians use in place o f socks, h a d b een escaping, and through this delay, and the pain he ex p e ri­ e n c e d in walking, he had never been able to m ake u p his lost g ro u n d , b u t h a d fallen m ore an d m ore behind. O u r own case was little b etter— o u r faces in particular had suffered so m uch, that when we rose in,the m o rn in g , to resum e o u r journey, we could scarcely recognize each o th e r. A b rig h t, serene day had succeeded to an eve o f “elem ental w ar” a n d , a f te r coating o u r faces with grease as a defence against th e raw a ir, we sta rte d alert an d fresh from o u r night’s repose. A fte r a day o f p le a s a n t travelling, enlivened by an anim ated chase a fte r th e re in ­ d e e r , w hich w ere often m et with in large bands, we encam ped n e a r a b e n d o f th e Rat river, in lat. 66 degrees 50 m inutes, an d long. 138 d e g r e e s W ., in a low level country about 20 miles beyond th e m o u n ta in s .1 N e x t day, a h ard m arch o f fifteen hours in a S.W. direction, b ro u g h t u s to an In d ian cam p above the Portage, w here we were received with u n b o u n d e d hospitality. I was myself welcomed with all the pom p an d circ u m sta n c e befitting the chief o f the whites, the m en crow ding r o u n d m e a n d overpow ering me with a h u n d re d d iffe ren t questions a n d p etitio n s all proceeding at once from a h u n d re d d iffe ren t individ­ u als— th e w om en pressing forw ard with th eir children re are d aloft at a rm s len g th to catch a glimpse o f the distinguished stran g er, an d all th is ta k e n am id a hubub o f hum an voices o f all degrees o f intonation, all v iein g fo r the m astery in loudness. Am id the scream ing o f the w o m en a n d children and a ru n n in g chorus set u p by all th e dogs in the

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c a m p , I was conducted to the ch ief s tent, where I had to listen all night to in te rm in a b le speeches from all the m em bers o f the tribe in the o rd e r o f th e ir consequence, each in his tu rn endeavouring to im piess m e w ith th e sense o f his im portance by enum erating, his wives an d c h ild re n on his fingers, the num ber o f d eer he had slaughtered d u i ing th e w in ter, a n d a variety o f other acts o f prowess—all with the view to o b ta in an additional inch to the present o f tobacco, which it was the o b ject o f each speaker, to show he deserved m ore than his neighbour. O n e individual in particular, evidently the T hersites o f the C am p, but w h o like S ten to r c o u ld c ry o u t in a voice as g re a t as fifty o th e r m e n 2

p ro v e d so intolerably prolix, that by general consent he was voted a n u isa n c e a n d expelled, but like his prototype, he was not so easily silen ced , b u t addressed us with equal anim ation from the outside: a n d b a w le d , still a m an o f u n m e a s u re d speech*

A n d all n ig h t long, in no wise discouraged by the want o f an audience, a n d p re tty su re o f a hearing, m ight the wretch be h eard high above all th e h etero g en eo u s din o f the cam p, holding forth on the subject o f his g riev an ces. A fter listening to what I considered a very fair p ro p o rtio n o f sp eech es, an d distributing my favours o f tobacco as im partially as I c o u ld , I succeeded after no small exertion, in getting th e ten t som e­ w h a t clea red an d then inform ed the chief o f the object o f my visit. T h e fin e o ld fellow expressed great indignation at the neglect we had e x p e rie n c e d at the hands o f the Peel Indians, and professed his w illingness to accom pany us, with a band o f his young m en, to the Fort, w ith som e provisions, o f which he told me he had a large cache at the fo o t o f th e m ountains, and th ith er we proceeded in a body the next d ay . It b ein g necessary to wait a few days here till such o f the party as w e re o u t h u n tin g should re tu rn , I spent the interval in tracing the c o u rs e o f th e m ountains to the southw ard an d exam ining th e ir geological stru ctu re. O n my re tu rn I found the party ready to start. T h e ch ief, with thirty o f his band and as m any wom en, each loaded w ith a b o u t 100 lb. o f provisions on, were to accom pany us to the Fort. A fte r seein g them fairly on their way u n d er the direction o f o u r own p e o p le , I left them to pursue their route at leisure, and, selecting two o f th e m ost active o f the Louchoux, I proceeded upw ards along th e m o u n ta in s , in o rd e r to satisfy m yself fully o f the continuity o f the c h a in , a n d crossing them near one o f the points to which I h ad carried m y su rvey from the o th er side, I followed the river down to the Fort, w h e re I arriv ed in tim e to receive o u r friends whom we had left b e h in d .

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T h e provisions which they brought nearly filled o u r little store, an d set o u r ap p reh en sio n o f starvation at rest for the rem ain d er o f the seaso n . As soon as the prelim inaries of trading the m eat, an d p re sen t­ in g each with the accustom ed “bonus” o f tobacco had been gone th ro u g h , we had o f course the usual displays o f oration from the d if f e r e n t leading m en o f the tribe, and certainly some o f the specim ens o n e h e a rd evinced a tact in approaching a delicate point, a skill in e v a d in g a disagreeable question, and a thorough proficiency in th e a rt o f m ystification an d finesse, which would not have disgraced a special p le a d e r. T h e old chief, a fine specimen o f sylvan nobility, with his tall c o m m a n d in g figure and full rich barytone, evidently possessed no o rd in a r y pow ers o f persuasion. T o his oratorical powers indeed he o w e d n o t only his rank, but in all probability his life. H e was not h im s e lf a Louchoux but the only survivor o f the tribe o f the “Fierce E yes,” as they are called which, in one o f the exterm inating wars, which so fre q u e n tly arise am ong these barbarian hordes, had been com ­ p letely cu t off, with the exception o f himself, by the very tribe over w h o m by a strange fortune, not without parallel in the history o f m ore civilized nations, he now held absolute sway. T h e passion for indulging in long harangues, on every trivial occa­ sio n , is n o t confined to these people, but is a well known characteristic o f all th e A m erican aboriginal races, and indeed o f all ru d e nations fro m H o m e r’s G reeks downwards, but I certainly never m et with a p e o p le w ho carry the passion to such an extent as the Louchoux. C o m m o n sober conversation is a thing unknow n am ong them . I f two frie n d s m eet afte r a few days absence and feel at all “i’ the vein” they fill t h e ir p ip es an d seating themselves at a distance o f about 10 yard from ea ch o th e r, they continue to p u ff away for some time. O ne then co m m en c es his recital, in a low scarcely audible tone, rising in a m e a s u re d clim ax, the gradations o f which are regulated by the fertility o f th e subject in hand, he gradually elevates his voice, th ro u g h all the n o te s o f th e gam ut to a perfect screech, and when it is fairly lost in in a rtic u la te gasps and begins to foam at the m outh, it is a point o f h o n o r not to recommence the process at whatever stage o f th e relation he m ay hav e arrived, what rem ains to be told being reserved fo r a fu tu re a tte m p t. T h e resum ption o f his pipe is the signal fo r the o th e r to co m m en c e, who then goes through the sam e edifying process—an d th u s th ey go on, the one listening with the stolid com posure o f a m a rb le statu e, an d the oth er gesticulating like a m adm an, till they have ta lk e d them selves hoarse. A stranger to their custom s is very ap t in su c h cases to in terfere to prevent bloodshed, which he very naturally e x p e c ts will follow on such ra th e r ex trao rd in ary specim ens o f a frie n d ly “tete-a-tete.”

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As soon as th e Indians had gone, being necessarily confined to the h o u s e fo r som e time until my scars had healed, I em ployed m yself in fin ish in g th e ch art o f the Rat River. For the interstitial data I was here, as b e fo re , in th e case o f the Peel, indebted to the notes o f Mr. Bell. D e a se ’s b ran ch , which, from want o f tim e I was unable to follow to the sea, flows, according to the inform ation o f the Indians, th ro u g h a low level co u n try , well wooded w'ith spruce firs, and freq u en ted by moose a n d re in -d eer, and I have little doubt it is the sam e with a river o b se rv e d by Messrs. Dease and Simpson, to flow- into the m ost westerly c h a n n e l o f the Mackenzie, a little before it joins the sea. O n th e 10th o f April we received letters from Fort Good Hope', with o r d e r s fo r m e to proceed to that place, to await the arrival o f Mr. L ew es, w ho had succeeded Mr. M cPherson in the charge o f the D istrict. A ccordingly, on the 15th o f April I left Peel’s river, along with f o u r m en an d , crossing the country with the view o f falling u pon some p a r t o f [Arctic] Red River, I traced it for about 20 miles to its ju n ctio n w ith th e M ackenzie. It is about a q u arte r o f a mile wide w here I saw' it, a n d rises, according to the Indians, in the m ountains, an d flows th r o u g h a district sim ilar to that which borders the Peel. C o m m e n cin g o u r m arch upw ard along the McKenzie, we arrived at F o rt G ood H o p e after a pleasant voyage o f nine days, an d here te rm in a te d my labours for the season.

Notes 1. T h is is a n in a c c u ra te fix. Isb ister was a b o u t 100 m iles N E o f w h e re h e t h o u g h t h e was. 2 . Ilia d , V , 7 8 6 ; Isb ister q u o te d th e G reek . 3 . Ilia d , II , 2 12; Isb ister q u o te d th e G reek .

APPENDIX II A.K. Isbister S U G G E S T IO N S FOR T H E FU TU RE G O V ERN M EN T O F T H E RED RIV ER TER R ITO R Y , BNA, (PRO, C 0.106/31) In th e p re se n t condition o f the country, with a limited population and a few reso u rces from which a revenue can be derived, the G overnm ent o f th e p ro p o se d Colony at Red River, ought to be o f the sim plest and c h e a p e s t fo rm , consistent with the due adm inistration o f the Laws. H ith e rto th e G overnm ent o f the Red River S ettlem ent has been c o n d u c te d by a G overnm ent and Council nom inated by th e H u d so n ’s B ay C o m p an y . T h e Council which perform s all the ord in ary functions o f a local legislature is com posed o f about twenty o f th e oldest an d m o st respectable residents in the Colony (chiefly retired Servants o f th e H u d s o n ’s Bay Com pany) including Bishops and som e o f the le a d in g clergy both o f the Protestant and Rom an Catholic d en o m in a­ tio n s a n d o f late years representatives o f the chief sections o f the p o p u la tio n , both o f the W hite and o f the Mixed race have likewise fo u n d th e ir way into it. A R ecorder and a few local Justices o f the Peace assisted by J u rie s as in England have hitherto sufficed fo r all necessary p u rp o s e s o f adm inistering justice. T o this th e form o f G overnm ent similar in all essential respects to th e L eg islatu re o f m any o f o u r sm aller colonies, the inhabitants o f th e R e d R iver S ettlem ent have now become habituated an d are on th e w h o le well inclined and as it adm its o f an indefinite expansion, it is fully a d e q u a te to the adm inistration o f any extension o f territo ry w h ich m ay be assigned to the new Colony. T h e only change it would be d e sira b le to in tro d u ce at present, is to m ake the Council, in a m ajority o f it, elective, leaving a certain proportion, not less than one th ird , to b e n o m in a te d by th e Crown and reserving to the G overnor th e pow er o f n eg a tin g , assenting to, o r suspending for the assent o f the C row n, th e m easu res passed by the Council. W ith this change, the Crown appointing m erely a G overnm ent a n d a J u d g e w ho w ould be assisted as at present by local M agistrates, the f u tu r e G o v ern m en t o f the new Colony m ight safely be left to the in h a b ita n ts them selves. As the Colony advances, it may be desirable to estab lish two Legislative C ham bers on the m odel o f o u r larg e r Colo­ n ies in w hich case, the nom inees o f the Crown would form th e nucleus o f a Legislative Council o r U pper House an d those selected by the in h a b ita n ts an Assembly o r House o f Representatives; but at p resen t a n d p ro b ab ly fo r som e years to come, a single body (which is fo u n d to

295

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w o rk successfully in many o f o u r sm aller Colonies) would p erfo rm in a satisfacto ry m an n er all the functions really required in the p re sen t sta te o f pro g ress o f the Country. T h e Ju risd ictio n o f the Red River Settlem ent is at p resen t held to th e a r e a in clu d ed within a radius o f fifty miles ro u n d F ort G arry. T h e lim its o f th e new Province m ust necessarily extend fa r beyond this. T h e ex p ira tio n o f th e License o f Exclusive T ra d e o f 1858 throw s the valley o f th e McKenzie and o th er districts form erly held u n d e r th a t L icen se by th e H u d so n ’s Bay Com pany on the hands o f th e Secretary f o r th e C olonies an d th ere appears to be no alternative (since som e fo rm o f ad m inistration m ust be desired fo r these districts) b u t to e x te n d th e jurisdiction o f the Red River Colony over the w hole te rr ito r y now u nprovided for, with the exception o f those parts west o f th e R ocky M ountains, which it may be advisable to attach to B ritish C o lu m b ia. T h e G overnm ent o f so extensive a T errito ry ap p ears a t first s ig h t a fo rm id ab le undertaking, but when reduced to th e principles on w h ich th e question really depends it will be seen th at the task is fo rm id a b le only in appearance. T h e first step tow ards the objects in view, is to draw the line over th o s e p a rts o f the country which require a regular o r settled G overn­ m e n t a n d those which do not. U nder the head o f those which d o not m ay a t o n ce be placed, all those portions o f the country which are in h a b ite d by Indians only, in their natural o r uncivilized state, who are living b eyond the range o f European intercourse altogether, o r in d istricts so rem oved that the traders o f the H u dson’s Bay C om pany ca n a lo n e be expected to penetrate am ong them . With them , a re g u la r G o v e rn m e n t o f any kind is obviously out o f the question. T hey m ust be le ft as they are now an d always have been, to be governed in accor­ d a n c e w ith th eir own usages and in th eir own way, subject to a few sim p le a rran g e m e n ts for their supervision and protection, to be p res­ en tly ex p lain ed. T h e s e observations apply, speaking generally, to the whole country n o r th o f th e valley o f the Saskatchewan River, the entire population o f w hich is certainly not m ore than 20,000, that is, scarcely one inhabitant to ev ery 50 square miles. T h e tribes inhabiting the region are, as th e p re s e n t w riter who has travelled and lived am ong them can testify, o f th e m o st harm less an d peaceable characters and the least likely, p e r­ h a p s, o f all th e Indians o f the H udson’s Bay T errito ry , to give trouble w ith th e G overnm ent. T h e q u estion is thus narrow ed to the com paratively small area south o f th e line o f the Saskatchewan and here the direct action o f the C e n tra l ad m inistration at the Red River will, practically, be lim ited to bona fid e settlements, when com m unities are found sufficiently advanced in civilization to adm it o f a settled governm ent being established

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a m o n g th em . T h e only settlem ent at present in this condition is the R e d R iver Colony itself. Several missionary settlem ents advancing to th is co n d itio n are rising in various parts o f the country, which may be tu r n e d to good account, in holding the rem oter districts, not u n d e r a c tu a l occupation or colonization, u n d er control. T hese settlem ents in d ic a te d on th e accom panying m a p 1by the symbol (Mg) spread, it will b e o b serv ed , like a netw ork over the greater portion o f the H u d so n ’s B ay T e rrito rie s. T hey present the sam e general type—a few Indian fam ilies d raw n ro u n d the Mission form ing the nucleus, ro u n d which a few half-castes an d occasionally a few retired Servants o f the H u d so n ’s B ay C o m p a n y g rad u ally collect— th e w hole fo rm in g a lan d o f p a tria rc h a l com m unity with the missionary at its head. T h e intervals b etw e en th em will take perhaps centuries to colonize an d it is reason­ ab le to ex p ect that, if in the meanwhile, w ithout a G overnm ent, d is p u te s re q u irin g adjudication on the spot will arise in the intervening d istricts fro m com petition in the fur-trade, and unless strin g en t m ea­ s u re s be taken to prevent it, that spiritous liquors will be introduced, ev e n m o re extensively than at present as an article o f traffic w'ith th e In d ia n s . T o prev en t disorder arising in districts rem ote from th e seat o f G o v e rn m en t, it would be necessary to appoint local m agistrates, in v ested with such powers as the case may require, fo r the preservation o f o r d e r a n d fo r the trial o f the ordinary class o f offences which are likely to arise within their jurisdiction. Such pow er as the Act 1st an d 2 n d G e o rg e IV contem plates conferring on “Justices o f th e Peace” in th e In d ia n territo ry , would satisfy the requirem ents o f th e case. For th e o ffice o f “Justice o f the Peace”—an office often held by clergym en in E n g la n d — no persons in the H udson’s Bay T errito ry are so well q u a lifie d as th e Missionaries themselves. T hey are, it is scarcely neces­ sary to say, m en o f education and character—wholly unconnected with tra d in g — exercising necessarily great influence over the Indians an d h a v in g th e d eepest interest in their preservation and im provem ent, a d d e d to w hich they are the only persons in the country in a position to p e r fo rm th e duties o f the office gratuitously. W ith th e ir assistance, a G overnm ent and a local legislature at the R ed R iver, aid ed by the small force now stationed at th at settlem ent, w o u ld ex p e rien ce no difference in preserving o rd e r an d tranquility th ro u g h o u t any ex tent o f territory which m ight be assigned to th eir ad m in istra tio n . Some such form o f G overnm ent, th e m aterials o f w h ich a re th u s ready to o u r hand, and which will entail no expense in th e C olonial Office beyond the paym ent in the first instance o f the salaries o f a G overnor and a Judge, is accordingly respectfully recom ­ m e n d e d as th e sim plest and most inexpensive th at can u n d e r p resen t circu m stan ces be devised, and probably on the w'hole the best suited to th e real conditions and wants o f the country.

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As re g a rd s th e fur-trade, certain rules and regulations (the details o f w h ich m u st be left to the local Governm ent) would be indispensable as a ch eck u p o n the T rad ers who m ight engage in it, and fo r the p re v e n tio n o f the supply o f spiritous liquors to the Indians. As a g e n e ra l rule, no person should be perm itted to engage in tra d e w ith o u t a licence sim ilar to those issued u n d er similar circum stances by th e G o v ern m en ts o f C anada and the U nited States and which ex p e ri­ e n c e h as show n can be successfully applied to the repression o f any d is o rd e r which m ight be ap p rehended from throw ing open the traffic w ith In d ia n s to com petition. A startling illustration o f the groundless­ n ess o f such apprehensions is furnished by the statistics o f th e H u d ­ s o n ’s Bay C om pany’s own trade. It a p p e a rs from T h e R eport o f the Select C om m ittee o f 1857 (page 365) th a t th e total num ber o f trading establishm ents o r “Forts” belong­ in g to th e C om pany in all parts o f the territory is 137, which are thus d is trib u te d In “R u p e rt’s L and” [T he C hartered T erritory] In th e Licensed T erritory In th e unsettled parts o f C an ad a an d Labrador T otal

66 30 41

137

It is a rem arkable circum stance, which seems entirely to have e sc a p e d th e attention o f the Select Com m ittee, that, over th e 41 tra d in g establishm ents last m entioned, the H udson’s Bay C om pany en jo y s no rights o f exclusive trade whatsoever. T h e whole country in w hich they are situated is and always has been open to th e com petition o f rival tra d e rs— these establishm ents on the G ulf o f St. L aurent, are k n o w n as th e “ Kings Posts.” Yet the trading th ere is as regularly an d p ea cefu lly conducted as in any part o f the C om pany’s own territory. T h e L egislatures o f C anada and N ew foundland, to whose jurisdiction th e s e estim ates belong, have never experienced any difficulty in p re ­ s e rv in g o rd e r an d tranquility am ong the Indians and th e re is no th in g in th e circum stances o f the New Province to justify the app reh en sio n o f a d iffe re n t result there.

Boundaries and Population T h e limits which this New Colony should em brace are indicated on the ac co m p an y in g m ap. T h e boundary laid down between it an d British C o lo n ies is based on the principle o f attaching to the one colony o r the o th e r, those districts which are geographically related to each o th er,

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i.e., th e m ost readily accessible from their respective seats o f govern­ m e n t, by m eans o f rivers o r other natural com m unications. T h u s the e n tir e valley o f the McKenzie being accessible by m eans o f a contin­ u o u s w ater com m unication from Red River but not so from V an­ c o u v e r’s Islan d , m ust be attached to the form er and not the latter and h e n c e th e new Colony will necessarily com prise an area about th ree tim es th a t o f British Columbia. Assum ing its position and ex ten t to be su ch as is h e re rep resented, the following num bers (allowing for the in flu x o f a few em igrants from C anada and the U nited States d u rin g th e p re s e n t year) will probably represent the extrem e limits o f the p o p u la tio n inhabiting it W hites M ixed race descendants o f W hite and Indian Indians Total

500 10,000 50,000 65,000 [.v/V]

T h e tw o c h ie f centres o f this population are the valleys o f the Red R iv er a n d o f the U pper Saskatchewan form ing two well defined g ro u p s probably nearly equal in num bers but widely d iffe rin g in c h a ra c te r an d separated by a district four o r five h u n d re d miles in e x te n t, a n d com paratively sparsely peopled. In the form er, g roups are co m p rise d o f th e Whites, then descendants o f the m ixed race, and a b o u t 15,000 Indians m ore or less civilized, attached to the Red River C o lo n y a n d the outlying settlem ents and Missions connected with it. T h e Saskatchew an g ro u p comprises the num erous Prairie T ribes, d e p e n d e n t fo r subsistence on the Buffalo, whose im m igration west­ w a rd , b efo re the advance o f settlem ent on the Red River an d the M issouri, these tribes follow and are thus being gradually collected b etw e en th e u p p e r waters o f the Saskatchewan and the Rocky M oun­ ta in s bey o n d which the buffalo cannot pass. H olding com paratively little in terc o u rse with Europeans and separated by an interval which fro m th e n a tu re o f the case is constantly extending from the settle­ m e n ts on an d aro u n d the Red River, these tribes, who it may be re m e m b e re d possess scarcely a tincture o f civilization, m ust continue fo r m an y years as they now are, but nominally subject to any ju risd ic ­ tio n w hich may be estim ated in the New’ Colony, and for th e purposes o f th e p re sen t inquiry, may, like the tribes o f the McKenzie and o th e r re m o te n o rth e rn districts be left out o f consideration. T h e re would re m a in a fte r these deductions a population o f about 25,000, m ore o r less civilized an d susceptible o f a regular governm ent. A large p ro p o r­ tio n o f th em how ever (fully a half) living at rem ote Missionary Stations w o u ld be too distant from the Red River Colony to be conveniently

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in c lu d e d w ithin its municipal system. A simple form o f G overnm ent, by m ean s o f local magistrates, which would am ply provide fo r th eir p ro te c tio n , would require to be devised for them — leaving fo r the C o lo n y p ro p e r (including u n d er this designation the various outlying settle m e n ts sufficiently near to send R epresentatives to the local legis­ la tu re ) a po p ulation which m aking the largest allowances for the influx o f new settlers d u rin g the present year cannot be estim ated at m ore th a n 13,000 an d which may be thus distributed W hite Mixed Race Indian (civilized)

500 10,000 2,500 T otal 13,000

T he w hite population consists partly o f descendants o f the Scotch E m ig ra n ts taken out by Lord Selkirk 40 years ago, who, in term arry in g alm o st exclusively am ong themselves, constitute still a distinct com ­ m u n ity — a n d partly o f retired Servants o f the H u d so n ’s Bay C om ­ p a n y , w ho are nearly without exception m arried to natives o f the c o u n try . O f w hat class the fu tu re im m igrants into the C ountry will co n sist can o f course be only a m atter o f conjecture; but looking at the in d u c e m e n ts th e country in its present state holds out fo r settlem ent— th e difficulty o f access to it—and the want o f good roads connecting it w ith th e g re at centres o f commercial activity in C anada an d the U nited S ta tes— it is not probable that bona fide agricultural settlers will in the first y ears o f the Colony at least, be attracted to it in any great num bers. The class o f persons to whom it will in the first instance probably prove m o st attractive, will be petty m erchants, and traders desirous o f p a r­ ticip a tin g in the fu r trade and in the trade in tallow, hides etc. from the w ild cattle o f th e prairies—the only comm odities which can at p resen t b e a r th e cost o f transport to a m arket. Most o f these persons will be y o u n g u n m a rrie d m en, who like the employes o f the H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y , will form alliances with the m ixed race an d thus swell th e a lre a d y n u m ero u s class, whom every consideration ap pears to point o u t, as d estin ed to become the dom inating race in this p art o f Am erica. T he single fact that, with the exception o f the small Scotch com m unity a t R ed R iver an d a few missionaries’ wives, every m arried wom an an d m o th e r o f a family above the grade o f an Indian th ro u g h o u t th e whole e x te n t o f th e H u d so n ’s Bay T erritories, is o f m ixed race, and is with h e r c h ild re n the inheritor o f all the wealth o f the country— th e fo r­ tu n e s m ad e in the fur-trade, and the valuable property accum ulated in th e R ed River Colony—m ust o f itself invest this class with a high d e g r e e o f interest an d im portance. Add to this that they are not only

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ra p id ly increasing am ong themselves, but from the necessary condi­ tio n o f th e ir existence, are fast absorbing all o th er races into th eir own body. In ch a ra c te r the half-castes as they are term ed vary very widely a c c o rd in g to th eir paternity. T h e descendants o f the English an d S cotch lab o u rers in the employ o f the H u d so n s Bay C om pany, are g en e ra lly steady, provident agriculturalists, o f the P io testan t Faith, s o u n d ly a n d usefully educated at the Missionary Schools; while the c h ild re n o f th e Rom an Catholic C anadian voyagers, am ong whom e d u c a tio n has m ade as yet very little progress, exhibit m uch o f th e volatility a n d restlessness and the distaste to agriculture an d p u rsu it o f stead y in d u stry characteristic o f the two races from which they have s p ru n g . . T h e descen d an ts o f the C om pany’s officers, form a class distinct fro m th e foregoing and are m ore num erous an d im p o rtan t than e ith e r. M any o f these have succeeded to the offices held by th eir fa th e rs a n d have, in the course o f the C om pany’s history, filled all the g ra d e s in th e ir service from that o f G overnor dow nw ards. In h e ritin g o fte n co nsiderable property and generally well educated (m any o f th e m in universities in G reat Britain, C anada and the U nited States) th e y now m onopolize m ost o f the intellectual positions in the C o u n ­ try — su p p ly in g from th eir n u m b er the S h eriff o f the R ed R iver C o lo n y , th e medical officers, the surveyors, the postm aster, the en tire s ta f f o f th e teachers in schools and a fair proportion o f th e Clergy o f th e C h ristia n M issionaries and o th er societies. Many o f them fill high o ffices in th e service o f the H udson’s Bay C om pany and they are fairly re p re s e n te d in the constitution o f the M unicipal Council o f the Red R iv er S ettlem ent. It is d o ubtless in great m easure attributable to their original poverty th a t th e descen d an ts o f Lord Selkirk’s em igrants have not advanced in a n y c o rre sp o n d in g degree. A lthough from their habits o f steady in d u s try , a m ost valuable class o f settlers, they are u n d o u b ted ly in fe r io r to th e m ixed race in energy and enterprise. A few have ad d ed th e business o f petty shop-keepers to their farm s b u t with these ex c e p tio n s they continue like their fathers, cultivators o f the soil.

Trade and Revenue A p a rt fro m th e fur-trade, the com m erce carried on from th e Red R iv er C olony, with C anada and the U nited States, is, at present, in sig n ifican t, consisting mainly o f a few articles o f Indian furnished w o rk , som e buffalo robes and tongues and occasionally a few dom estic c a ttle e x p o rte d to the neighbouring state o f M innesota. T h e value o f th e fu rs, annually draw n from the territory, included within th e limits

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in d ic a te d on the m ap, is however, considerable and may be estim ated as p ro b a b ly n o t m uch u n d e r 100,000 pounds p e r an n u m .2 T h e b o u n d ­ arie s o f th e Colony are so draw n, as to intercept the fo u r g re at c h a n n e ls (See Map) through which this valuable traffic is conducted a n d w hich is sufficient o f itself, by the imposition o f a m oderate duty o n im p o rts to defray the working expenses o f the G overnm ent. As o th e r sources o f revenue may also be m entioned the tax on Licenses to fu r -tra d e rs , th e proceeds o f the sales o f land, and the royalties on fish erie s, m ines and timber. T h e e n tire trad e o f the H udson’s Bay territories, may be com ­ m a n d e d fro m those points on the shores o f Lake W innipeg (m arked X th u s o n th e Map) w here the 4 main lines o f traffic already noticed co n v e rg e ; an d fo r the purpose o f taxing and controlling this tra d e n o th in g m o re is required than the Establishm ent o f a small custom h o u s e o r rev enue station, which would serve, at these points, the d o u b le p u rp o se o f collecting a revenue and o f preventing the in tro ­ d u c tio n o f spiritous liquor am ong the Indians. T h e adaptation o f these p o in ts, w hich have been justly called “the keys o f the C o u n try ” to th e p u rp o s e s h e re contem plated has been pointed out by m ore th an one w itness b efo re th e Select Com m ittee o f the H ouse o f Commons/*

Notes 1. T h e m a p is n o t in c lu d e d in th e C olonial O ffice d o c u m e n t [B.C.]. 2 . T h is in c lu d e s th e f u r tra d e o f th e H u d so n ’s Bay C o m p a n y a n d o th e r p e lt tra d e rs . 3 . V id e Report, 124, 275.

BIBLIOGRAPHY T h e c h ie f source o f inform ation on the West p rio r to its becom ing p a rt o f th e D om inion is the H udson’s Bay C om pany Archives housed in the sa m e b u ild in g in W innipeg with the Public Archives o f M anitoba. T h e P u b lic A rchives o f C anada has m uch o f the sam e m aterial on m icro­ film . T h e Ross Papers in the Public Archives o f British C olum bia are also u sefu l, as are the Colonial Office records for the period housed in th e P ublic R ecord Office, Kew. T h e Archives o f the A borigines’ P ro te c tio n Society are at Rhodes House, O xford, an d those o f the C o lle g e o f P receptors, o f which Isbister served fo r m any years as D ean, a r e p re se rv e d at T haydon Bois, Epping. T h e British Library contains all o f Isb ister’s published school books and the Royal G eographical S ociety co n tains th e original submissions m ade by Isbister to th a t body. C h a m b e rs ’ Encyclopedia o f Edinburgh have retained Isbister’s contri­ b u tio n s to th e ir publications, but the records are in g reat disarray. D e ta ile d referen ces to m anuscript sources are given in the notes.

Government Documents G o v e rn m e n t o f C anada. Advisory Commission on the D evelopm ent o f G o v e rn m en t in the Northwest T erritories. Settlements o f the North­ west Territories. Vol. II. Ottawa: Q ueen’s P rinter, 1966. G re a t B ritain. H ouse o f Commons. Hansard. G re a t B ritain. H ouse o f Lords. Hansard. G re a t B ritain. Parliam ent. H ouse o f Com m ons. H u d so n ’s Bay C om ­ p an y . R etu rn to an Address o f the H onourable T h e H ouse o f C o m m o n s, dated 26 May 1842; — for, “A Copy o f th e existing C h a rte r o r G ran t by the Crown to the H u d so n ’s Bay C om pany; to g e th e r with Copies o r Extracts o f the C orrespondence which to o k place a t the last Renewal o f the C h arter betw een th e G overn­ m e n t a n d th e C om pany, o r o f Individuals on b eh alf o f th e C om ­ p an y ; also, th e Dates o f and fo rm er C harters o r G rants to th a t C o m p an y .” Colonial Office, Downing Street, 25 July 1842. G.W. H o p e . O rd e re d by T h e H ouse o f Com m ons, to be P rinted, 8 A u g u st 1842. G re a t B ritain. Parliam ent. H ouse o f Com m ons. Sessional Papers, X X X V , (1849). pp. 509-627. G r e a t B ritain. Parliam ent. House o f Com m ons. P apers relatin g to th e legality o f th e Powers in respect to T errito ry , T ra d e , T axation, a n d G o v ern m en t claim ed or exercised by the H u d so n ’s Bay C om ­ p an y , on th e C ontinent o f N orth America, u n d e r th e C h a rte r o f C h arles th e Second, o r in V irtue o f any o th e r R ight o r Title. 303

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O rd e re d , by the H ouse o f Com m ons, to be P rinted, 12 Ju ly 1850. G re a t B ritain. Parliam ent. H ouse o f Com m ons. H u d so n ’s Bay C om ­ p an y . R etu rn to an A ddress o f the H onourable T h e H ouse o f C o m m o n s, d ated 29 May 1857; — for,. A “Copy o f th e L etter a d d re sse d to Mr. C hief Justice D raper to H er M ajesty’s Secretary o f S tate fo r th e Colonies, bearing d ate the 6th day o f May 1857; to g e th e r with a Copy o f the M em orandum th erein re fe rre d to, relativ e to th e H udson’s Bay C om pany,” Colonial Office, D ow n­ in g S treet, 15 J u n e 1857. G re a t B ritain. Parliam ent. H ouse o f Com mons. R eport from the Select C o m m ittee on the H udson’s Bay Com pany; to g eth er with th e P ro ceed in gs o f the Committee, M inutes o f Evidence, A ppendix a n d In d e x . O rd e red , by the House o f Com m ons, to be P rinted, 31 J u ly a n d 11 A ugust 1857. G re a t B ritain. Parliam ent. H ouse o f Com mons. R eport on th e Disci­ p lin e o f th e Convict Prisons, for 1856 and 1857, an d O peration o f th e Acts 16 and 17 Viet. c. 99. (1853), an d 20 an d 21 Viet. c. 3. (1857). By Colonel Jebb, C.B., Surveyor-G eneral o f Prisons.

Prim ary Sources, Printed 1 . Hudson's Bay Record Society Publications R ich , E.E. Ed., L ord Tw eedsm uir, Forew ord and C hester M artin, In tro . Journal o f Occurrences in the Athabasca Department by George Simpson, 1820 and 1821, and Report. T o ro n to : T h e C ham plain Society, 1938. H udson’s Bay Record Society, I. R ich , E.E. Ed. an d Intro., and R.H. Fleming Ass’t. Ed. Colin Robertson's Correspondence Book, September 1817 to September 1822. T o ro n to : T h e C ham plain Society, 1939. H udson’s Bay R ecord Society, II. R ich, E.E. G eneral Ed., R.H. Flem ing Ed. and H.A. Innis, In tro . M inutes o f Council Northern Department o f Ruperts Land, 1821-1831. T o ro n to : T h e C ham plain Society, 1940. H u d so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, III. R ich , E.E. Ed. an d W.K. Lamb, Intro. The Letters o f John McLoughlin From Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee, First Series 1825-38. T o ro n to : T h e Cham plain Society, 1941. H u d so n ’s Bay R eco rd Society, IV. R ich , E.E. Ed. an d Sir J . Clapham , Intro. Minutes o f the Hudson's Bay Company, 1671-1674. T oronto: T h e C ham plain Society, 1942. H u d s o n ’s Bay Record Society, V. R ich, E.E. Ed. an d W.K. Lamb, Intro. The Letters o f John McLoughlin From, Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee, Second Series 1839-1844. T oro n to : T h e C ham plain Society, 1943. H u d so n ’s B ay R ecord Society, VI.

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R ich , E.E. Ed. and W.K. Lamb, Intro. The Letters ofJohn McLoughlin From Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee, Third Series 1844-1846. T oronto: T h e C ham plain Society, 1944. H u d so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, V II. R ich , E.E. Ed. and W.S. Wallace, Intro. Part o f Dispatch from George Simpson Esqr. Governor o f Ruperts Land to the Governor and Committee o f the Hudson’s Bay Company, London. T o ro n to : T h e C ham plain Society, 1947. H udson’s Bay Record Society, X. R ich , E.E. Ed. an d Intro, and A.M. Johnson Ass’t. Ed. James Isham's Observations on Hudson’s Bay, 1743. T oronto: T h e C ham plain Society, 1949. H udson’s Bay R ecord Society, X II. R ich , E.E. E d., A.M. Johnson Ass’t. Ed. and B.B. B arker, In tro . Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals 1824-25 and 1825-26. L o n d o n : H u d so n ’s Bay Record Society, 1950. H u d so n ’s Bay Rec­ o rd Society, X III. R ich , E.E. E d., A.M. Johnson Ass’t. Ed. and R. Glover In tro . Cumber­ land House Journals and Inland Journal, 1775-82 First Series: 1775-79. L ondon: H udson’s Bay R ecord Society, 1951. H u d so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, XIV. R ich , E.E. Ed. an d A.M. Johnson Ass’t. Ed. an d R. Glover, In tro . Cumberland House Journals and Inland Journals, 1775-82 Second Series: 1779-82. London: H udson’s Bay Record Society, 1952. H u d s o n ’s Bay R ecord Society, XV. R ich , E.E. Ed., A.M. Johnson Ass’t. Ed. and J.M . W ordie a n d R.J. C yriax, In tro . John Rae's Correspondence With the Hudson's Bay Company on Arctic Exploration, 1844-1855. London: H u d so n ’s Bay R eco rd Society, 1953. H udson’s Bay R ecord Society, XVI. R ich , E.E. Ed., A.M. Johnson, Ass’t. Ed. and R.M. P atterson, In tro . A Journal o f a Voyage from Rocky Mountain Portage in Peace River to the Sources o f Finlays Beach and North West Ward in Summer 1824. By S. Black. L ondon: H udson’s Bay R ecord Society, 1955. H u d so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, X V III. R ich , E.E. E d., A.M. Johnson, Ass’t. Ed. an d W.L. M orton, In tro . London Correspondence Inward from Eden Colville, 1849-52. L ondon: H u d s o n ’s Bay R ecord Society, 1956. H u d so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, XIX. R ich , E.E. Ed., A.M. Johnson, Ass’t. Ed. an d K.G. Davies, In tro . Hudson's Bay Copy Books o f Letters Commissions Instructions Outward, 1688-1696. L ondon: H udson’s Bay Record Society, 1957. H u d ­ so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, XX. R ich , E.E., with Forew ord by Sir W. Churchill. The History o f the H udson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, Volume One 1 6 7 0 -1 7 6 3 . L o n d o n : H u d so n ’s Bay Record Society, 1958. H u d so n ’s Bay R e­ c o rd Society, XXI.

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R ich, E.E. The History o f the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1670-1870, Volume Two 1763-1870. London: H udson’s Bay Record Society, 1959. H u d s o n ’s Bay Record Society, XXII. D avies, K.G. Ed., A.M. Johnson Ass’t. Ed. and D.D. Jo h an se n , In tro . Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journal, 1826-1827. L ondon: H u d s o n ’s Bay R ecord Society, 1961. H u d so n ’s Bay R ecord Society, X X III. W illiam s, G lyndw r Ed. and J.S. Galbraith, Intro. London Correspondence Inw ard from Sir George Simpson 1841-42. London: H u d so n ’s Bay R eco rd Society, 1973. H udson’s Bay R ecord Society, X X V III. W illiam s, G lyndw r, Ed. and Intro. Hudson's Bay Miscellany 1670-1870. W in n ip eg : H u d so n ’s Bay Record Society, 1975. H u d so n ’s Bay R eco rd Society, XXX. 2. Alexander Kennedy Isbister “W ra n g e ll’s E xpedition to the Polar Sea.” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal. 29 (20 Ju ly 1844). pp. 43-5. “W ra n g e ll’s Expedition to the Polar Sea.” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal. 30 (27 Ju ly 1844). pp. 59-61. “A c c o u n t o f Peel River, N orth Am erica.” The Journal o f the Royal Geographical Society o f London. 15 (1845). P art II, pp. 332-45. “W h a t to d o with T ran sp o rted Crim inals.” Chambers's Edinburgh Jour­ nal. 89 (13 Sept. 1845). pp. 170-72. “S ir R o d erick M urchison in Russia.” Chambers's Edinburgh Journal. 118 (4 A p ril 1846). pp. 213-16. “E x p lo ratio n s in the Rocky M ountains.” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal. 149 (7 Nov. 1846). pp. 295-98. “E x p lo ra tio n s in the Rocky M ountains.” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal. 153 (5 Dec. 1846). pp. 365-67. “ F ra n k lin .” Athenaeum. 1051 (18 Dec. 1847). pp. 1302-3. A fe w words on the Hudson’s Bay Company, with a statement o f grievances o f the native and half-caste Indians, addressed to the British Government through their delegate now in London. L ondon: C. Gilpin, *1847. “O n th e C hippew yan Indians.” Transactions o f The Sections in Report o f the 17th Meeting o f the British Association fo r the Advancement o f Science. London: Jo h n M urray, 1848. pp. 119-121. “T h e H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany.” Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal. 248 (30 S ep t. 1848). pp. 242-45. “O n th e N e h an n i T rib e o f a Koloochian Class o f A m erican In d ian s.” Transactions o f The Sections in Report o f the 17th Meeting o f the British Association fo r the Advancement o f Science. L ondon: J o h n M urray, 1848. p. 121. “O n th e L oucheux Indians.” Transactions o f The Sections in Report o f the

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17th Meeting o f the British Association for the Advancement o f Science. L o n d o n : J o h n M urray, 1848. pp. 121-22. A proposal fo r a new penal settlement, in connexion with the colonization o f the uninhabited districts o f British North America. L ondon: T . S aunders, 1850. Elements o f Bookkeeping by Single and Double Entry. L ondon: Gleig’s School Series, 1850. “T h e N o rth -W est Passage.” Chambers's Edinburgh Journal. 516 (19 Nov. 1853). p p . 363-5. “T h e F u r T ra d e and the H udson’s Bay C om pany.” Chambers's Reposi­ tory o f Instructive and Amusing Tracts. L ondon and E dinburgh: W .& R. C ham bers, 1854. No. 65. pp. 7-27. “R u ssian Possessions in Am erica.” The Times. 10 Aug. 1854. p. 11, c. 3. Forms o f a set o f Books by single and double entry, adapted to the Elements o f Bookkeeping. L ondon: Gleig’s School Series, 1854. “T h e System o f Public Instruction in C anada.” The Educational Times. 7 (Ju n e 1855). pp. 123-5. “T h e F ran k lin Searches.” The Educational Times. 7 (Jan. 1855). pp. 3-6. “ E d u c a tio n an d the H udson’s Bay C om pany.” The Educational Times. 7 (July 1855). pp. 147-8. “ D iscoveries o f the N orth West Passage.” The Educational Times. 7 (Oct. 1855). p p. 218-9. “T h e F u r-H u n te rs o f the Far West.” Chambers’s Journal. 125 (24 May 1856). p p. 338-42. “O n th e Geology o f the N orthw estern Regions o f A m erica.” The American Journal o f Science and Arts. 21 (May 1856). pp. 313-38. “ H u d s o n ’s Bay as a Penal Settlem ent.” The Times. 29 Dec. 1856. p. 9. “T h e L ast o f th e Arctic Voyages.” Chambers’s Journal 118 (5 A pril 1856). p p . 229-33. L e tte r to The Times. 29 Dec. 1856. p. 9, c. 3. “ P ublic A dm inistration in C anada.” The Educational Times. 12 (Feb. 1859). p p . 31-2. “ E d u c a tio n in Lower C anada.” The Educational Times. 13 (May 1860). p p . 106-8. “O n th e T ea ch in g o f Euclid.” The Educational Times. 14 (A pril 1861). p p . 3-6. “T h e H u d s o n ’s Bay T errito ries, T h e ir T ra d e , P roductions an d R esources; with Suggestions for the Establishm ent an d E conom ­ ical A dm inistration o f a Crown Colony on th e R ed River an d S askatchew an.” Journal of the Society o f Arts. 9 (1 M arch 1861). p p . 230-46. “ D iscovery o f Gold in the Valley o f the Saskatchewan.” Journal o f the Society o f Arts. 9 (4 Oct. 1861). p. 759. The School Euclid: Comprising of the first four books, chiefly from the text o f

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Dr. Sirtison, with a new arrangement o f the figures and demonstrations, designed as a help to beginners and candidates preparing fo r examina­ tions. L ondon: Longm an, G reen, Longm ans, R oberts and G reen, 1862. Convict labour and colonisation, with suggestionsfor the establishment o f a new Penal settlement in the Hudson's Bay Territories. London: n. p., 1863. Elements o f book-keeping by single and double entry. London: Longm ans, G re e n an d Co., 1863. “ H u d s o n ’s Bay C om pany.” Chambers’s Encyclopaedia. W. C ham bers, Ed. 1863. pp. 447-49. “C o n v ict L ab o u r an d Colonisation with Suggestions fo r th e Establish­ m e n t o f a new Penal Settlem ent in the H u d so n ’s Bay T e rrito rie s.” Jo u rn a l o f the Society of Arts. 11 (23 Jan . 1863). pp. 159-71. C .J u lii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico. Libri I-V. London: L ong­ m an , G reen, Longm ans, Roberts and G reen, 1863. First Steps to Euclid: comprising the propositions o f Book I in a form adapted fo r being written out, with a recapitulation o f the steps o f the demonstra­ tions appended to each, designed as a help to beginners and candidates preparing fo r examinations. London: Longm an, G reen, Longm ans, R o b erts an d G reen, 1863. The First Book o f Caesar’s Gallic War. With a Vocabulary. London: L ong­ m an , G reen, Longm ans, Roberts and G reen, 1865. The College and School Examiner in Euclid. Containing the enunciations o f the propositions, questions on the definitions, etc. L ondon: Longm an, G re e n , Longm ans, Roberts and G reen, 1865. The elements o f English grammar and analysis. Simplified fo r beginners. 2 volum es in 1. London: Longm an, G reen, Longm ans, R oberts an d G re e n , 1865-68. C .J u lii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico. Libri 1-7. From the text o f S ch n eid er. London: Longm an, G reen, Longm ans, R oberts an d G re e n , 1866. The First three books o f Xenophon’s Anabasis. London: L ongm an’s, G reen, & C o., 1866. The College Euclid comprising the first six and the parts o f the eleventh and twelfth books read at the universities; chiefly from the text o f Dr. Simson. W ith a new arrangement o f the figures and demonstrations; the enuncia­ tions o f the propositions separately: questions on the definitions; arithmeti­ cal and algebraical demonstrations o f books II and V; and a selection o f geometrical problems for solution. London: Longm an, G reen, Long­ m an s, R oberts and G reen, 1865. Outlines o f the English Language. London: Longm an, G reen, Longm ans, R o b erts an d G reen, 1865. The Elements o f the English Grammar and Analysis Simplified fo r beginners. L o n d o n : L ongm an, G reen, Longm ans, 1865.

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